Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency 3030174972, 9783030174972

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Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency EDITED BY JALE TOSUN DANIELA PAUKNEROVÁ BERNHARD KITTEL

Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency

Jale Tosun · Daniela Pauknerová · Bernhard Kittel Editors

Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency

Editors Jale Tosun Institut für Politische Wissenschaft Universität Heidelberg Heidelberg, Germany

Daniela Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business Prague, Czech Republic

Bernhard Kittel Institut für Wirtschaftssoziologie Universität Wien Vienna, Austria

ISBN 978-3-030-17497-2 ISBN 978-3-030-17498-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover image: © Getty/Yasuhide Fumoto This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

This volume is the result of an interdisciplinary collaboration of political scientists, economists, psychologists and sociologists. It came about through the joint work carried out in the context of the EU-funded collaborative research project “Cultural Pathways to Economic SelfSufficiency and Entrepreneurship: Family Values and Youth Unemployment in Europe” (CUPESSE; Grant Agreement ID: 613257), which ran from 2014–2018. The project investigated the causes of and policy responses to youth unemployment in Europe. Both research interests of the project necessitated reflection on the role of the family in decisions taken by young people that determine their educational and career paths. In the CUPESSE project, we asked which factors determined the young people’s educational attainment levels. And we formulated additional questions related to the role of family and processes of intergenerational transmission, which lie at the heart of this book. When reflecting on the premise of family policies, it makes a lot of sense to strive for an improved understanding of family-related processes and their outcomes. Through mutual learning between the disciplines, the collaborative research project changed our perception of policy responses to youth unemployment or economic self-sufficiency, which is the concept we are interested in here. We are now aware that policy measures concentrating on employability represent only one of several policies that affect the economic self-sufficiency of young people. Family policy is a policy domain that is usually considered rather “soft”, but it has tremendous v

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PREFACE

effects on the aspirations and attainment of young people regarding education and work. Based on this research, we can explain why policy measures targeting families are so important and what aspects they should address in order to empower young people economically, which, in turn, would contribute to fewer social inequalities and greater social cohesion. The CUPESSE project benefitted from the valuable input of numerous colleagues and practitioners who provided us with constructive criticism throughout the project. In particular, we are grateful to Radha Jagannathan and Michael Camasso, who triggered the project by highlighting the importance of family for the economic self-sufficiency of young people, and Jan van Deth for his encouragement and guidance. With regard to this particular book, we thank our colleagues and students at the various universities for discussing various parts of the manuscript with us as well as two anonymous reviewers for excellent comments and suggestions. Amelia Derkatsch, who was our acquisition editor with Palgrave, facilitated this project and gave us guidance on its further development. When editing this book, we received excellent support from Laurence Crumbie, Christin Heinz-Fischer, and Annika Püschner. However, our special thanks go to the families who agreed to be interviewed by us. We are grateful for their trust in us and their generosity in making themselves available for the interview sessions. Heidelberg, Germany Prague, Czech Republic Vienna, Austria July 2020

Jale Tosun Daniela Pauknerová Bernhard Kittel

Contents

1

Intergenerational Transmission of Economic Self-Sufficiency: An Introduction Jale Tosun, Daniela Pauknerová, and Bernhard Kittel

1

2

Theoretical Framework Jale Tosun, Bernhard Kittel, and Daniela Pauknerová

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Methodological Framework Julia Rita Warmuth, Julia Weiss, Daniela Pauknerová, Jan Hanzlík, Jale Tosun, and Bernhard Kittel

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Ambitions and Traditions: Intergenerational Transmission of Work Attitudes in Austria Julia Rita Warmuth, Stefanie Stadlober, Eva Wimmer, and Bernhard Kittel

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Limits of Welfare. How the Family Remains Pivotal for Work Attitudes in the “Youth Enabling” Welfare State of Denmark Christoph Arndt and Carsten Jensen

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CONTENTS

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Between Adaption and Rejection: Intergenerational Transmission of Resources and Work Values in Germany Robert Strohmeyer and Julia Weiss

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Dependently Independent: Intergenerational Transmission of Values, Attitudes, and Resources in Switzerland Carolin Rapp and Kerstin Nebel Cash and Class: Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Capital and the Consequences for Social Mobility in the UK Emily Rainsford and Anna Wambach By the Sweat of Your Parents’ Brow: Self-Sufficiency of Young Adults and Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Resources in Hungary Dániel Kovarek and Róbert Sata

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Intergenerational Transmission of Resources and Values in Times of Crisis: Shifts in Young Adults’ Employment and Education in Greece Asimina Christoforou, Evmorfia Makantasi, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, and Panos Tsakloglou

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Differences Across Generations and Stability of Values in the Turbulence of Social Change in Turkey Nebi Sümer, Haluk Mert Bal, and Zeynep Cemalcılar

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Family History Matters: The Road to Self-Sufficiency in Italy Maurizio Caserta, Livio Ferrante, Simona Monteleone, Francesco Reito, and Salvatore Spagano

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CONTENTS

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Intergenerational Transmission of Family Work Values and Economic Self-Sufficiency of Young Individuals in Spain José L. Arco-Tirado, Mihaela Vancea, Francisco D. Fernández-Martín, and Irene Herranz Looking Beyond the Family Nest: Self-Sufficiency of Young Adults and Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Resources in Czech Republic Daniela Pauknerová, Zuzana Chytková, and Jan Hanzlík Intergenerational Transmission of Economic Self-Sufficiency: Insights from the Comparative Analysis Jale Tosun, Daniela Pauknerová, and Bernhard Kittel

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Appendix

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Index

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Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Jale Tosun is Professor of Political Science at the Institute of Political Science at Heidelberg University. She coordinated the project ‘Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship’ (CUPESSE), which ran from 2014 to 2018 and was funded by the EU’s Seventh Framework Programme (grant agreement number: 613257). Her research interests comprise comparative public policy, international political economy, public administration, and European integration. Daniela Pauknerová is an associate professor and a Head of the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. Her research interests include social, work and organisational psychology, leadership, diversity management and cross-cultural psychology. Bernhard Kittel is Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Vienna. His current research interests cover labour market behaviour, justice attitudes and behaviour, and the integration of refugees in the labour market. His research has been published in sociological, political science and economics journals.

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EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

Contributors José L. Arco-Tirado Developmental and Educational Department, University of Granada, Granada, Spain

Psychology

Christoph Arndt Department Politics and International Relations, University of Reading, Reading, UK Haluk Mert Bal Directorate of Institutional Research and Assessment, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey Maurizio Caserta University of Catania, Catania, Italy Zeynep Cemalcılar College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey Asimina Christoforou International and European Economic Studies, Athens University of Economics and Business, Athens, Greece Zuzana Chytková Department of Marketing, Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic Francisco D. Fernández-Martín Developmental and Educational Psychology Department, University of Granada, Granada, Spain Livio Ferrante University of Catania, Catania, Italy Jan Hanzlík Department of Arts Management, Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic Irene Herranz Developmental and Educational Psychology Department, University of Granada, Granada, Spain Carsten Jensen Political Science, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark Bernhard Kittel Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria Dániel Kovarek Central European University, Budapest, Hungary Evmorfia Makantasi diaNEOsis, Marousi, Greece Simona Monteleone University of Catania, Catania, Italy Kerstin Nebel Institute of Political Science, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland

EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS

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Daniela Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic Kyriakos Pierrakakis diaNEOsis, Marousi, Greece Emily Rainsford Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK Carolin Rapp Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark Francesco Reito University of Catania, Catania, Italy Róbert Sata Central European University, Budapest, Hungary Salvatore Spagano University of Catania, Catania, Italy Stefanie Stadlober Austrian Sociological Society, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria Robert Strohmeyer Institute for SME Research and Entrepreneurship, University of Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany Nebi Sümer Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Sabancı University, Istanbul, Turkey Jale Tosun Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany Panos Tsakloglou International and European Economic Studies, Athens University of Economics and Business, Athens, Greece Mihaela Vancea Political and Social Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain Anna Wambach Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK Julia Rita Warmuth Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria Julia Weiss Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany Eva Wimmer Sigmund Freud University Vienna, Vienna, Austria

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1

Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.3 Fig. 1.4 Fig. 2.1 Fig. 3.1

Share of respondents (18–35 years) who indicated that they are overqualified for their employment, 2016 (Remarks: Own elaboration; the horizontal line indicates the mean of all countries) Degree of income dependence, 2016 (Remarks: Own elaboration) Financial satisfaction Perceived economic self-sufficiency of young people and their parents Stylised theoretical framework (Remarks: own elaboration) Coding process (Source Own elaboration)

6 11 12 14 45 71

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 3.1 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table

3.2 3.3 A.1 A.2 A.3 A.4a A.4b

Table A.5 Table A.6 Table A.7 Table A.8a Table A.8b Table A.9 Table A.10 Table A.11 Table A.12

Linear regression models for PESS Sampling strategy for the recruitment of the young adults Overview of the interviews realised by country Examples from the codebook Interview guide Example for a timeline Example for an Interview-Inventory Overview of interviewees Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Overview of interviewees Overview of interviewees Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Overview of interviewees Distribution of participants across categories Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents

13 65 66 69 397 401 402 403 404 408 409 410 412 413 414 416 418 420

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LIST OF TABLES

Table A.13a Table A.13b Table A.14a Table A.14b

Young adults’ socio-demographic characteristics Distribution of sociodemographic characteristics across family participants Overview of interviewees Overview of results: Czech Republic

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CHAPTER 1

Intergenerational Transmission of Economic Self-Sufficiency: An Introduction Jale Tosun, Daniela Pauknerová, and Bernhard Kittel

1.1

Introduction

The period of emerging adulthood, from the late teens through to the late twenties, corresponds to a ‘period of rapid change’ (Crosnoe and Johnson 2011: 440). It is marked by the attainment of various milestones, which eventually indicate a completed transition to adulthood (Arnett 2014; Cepa and Furstenberg 2020). Moving out of the family home (Becker et al. 2010), leaving school and entering the world of work (Filandri and Nazio 2020; Malo and Moreno Mínguez 2018; Noelke et al. 2012), and settling down with a partner and starting a family

J. Tosun (B) Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] D. Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] B. Kittel Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_1

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(Pailhé and Régnier-Loilier 2017) have traditionally all been considered important steps in this process. All these decisions focus to a significant degree on the goal of becoming independent (Butterbaugh et al. 2020). However, these markers have become more difficult to achieve for young people (Arnett 2014; Furstenberg 2013), and the steps from youth to adulthood have become reversible (Mitchell 2017). To illustrate this point, in the United Kingdom, for example, young people’s working careers became increasingly precarious between the 1990s and the start of the 2000s, above all for men with low educational qualifications, as indicated by the increase in zero-hour contracts or fixedterm contracts (Farina et al. 2019). Precarious employment reduces the economic autonomy of young people and increases their financial vulnerability. As such, we observe a greater reliance, and for longer periods of time, by young people on their parents today, where the parents provide the ‘scaffolding’ for making the transition to adulthood (Swartz et al. 2011). The economic recession that began after the ‘great crisis’ of 2008 (Tosun et al. 2014) increased the risk of unemployment and social exclusion for young Europeans, especially in the South (Giugni and Lahusen 2016; Lahusen et al. 2013; Lahusen and Giugni 2016; O’Reilly et al. 2015). This forced, for example, Spanish youth to change their lifestyle and to return to their parents’ homes, to move from urban to rural areas, or even to move abroad (Aguilar-Palacio et al. 2015: 428). But the effects of experiencing unemployment go beyond this and influence workers’ future employment (Schmillen and Umkehrer 2017; Unt and Täht 2020) and health (Vancea et al. 2019; Vancea and Utzet 2017; Voßemer, Gebel, Nizalova, et al. 2018; Voßemer, Gebel, Täht, et al. 2018). Thus, we can witness that difficult economic conditions have regalvanised the family and the corresponding intergenerational interactions and exchanges therein (Ronald and Lennartz 2018: 147). However, a wide-ranging body of prior research has also shown that the family is essential to the transition to adulthood, regardless of whether the economy is in good or bad shape. Socialisation processes that occur within the family during adolescence, such as communication about work, are positively associated with financial independence in early adulthood (Lee and Mortimer 2009). Therefore, while this volume is situated against the backdrop of the recent episode of youth unemployment in Europe, it aims to attain a more general goal, namely to offer a nuanced understanding

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of how different types of socialisation processes that occur within families affect the youth’s attainment of economic self-sufficiency. How does socialisation regarding work and education occur within the family? Does family matter in terms of the wish to maintain the parents’ social status, in terms of resources, or both? How does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? How does the country context, such as welfare state arrangements, moderate the transmission process? These are the research questions we address in this volume, which presents original empirical material collected by conducting semi-structured biographical interviews with representatives of three generations of the same families in eleven European countries. In light of our analytical interest, we compare families that display different descriptive characteristics within as well as across countries concerning the congruence and divergence of narratives and views. By ‘family’ we mean young people, their parents and their grandparents. Most studies interested in intergenerational transmission adopt a twogeneration approach. However, research has shown that two-generation models do not capture the full scope of intergenerational transmission when it comes to explaining children’s outcomes, and therefore more recent approaches have called for adopting a three-generation approach (Deindl and Tieben 2017; Garcia et al. 2019; Mare 2011; Møllegaard and Jæger 2015). Similar to two-generation models, with three-generation models different mechanisms are at play that explain how family influences the labour market outcomes of young people. As this volume will show, there are many ways in which both parents and grandparents can affect the attitudes, values and actions of young people related to the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The remainder of this chapter unfolds as follows. First, we define our main outcome variable, economic self-sufficiency, and then provide insights from a comparative survey that forms the departure point of the present analysis, which explores the transmission processes in more depth. The final part of this introduction summarises the main findings on the intergenerational transmission of economic self-sufficiency and concludes.

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1.2

The Concept of Economic Self-Sufficiency

The research presented in this volume is based on data collection efforts carried out in the context of the collaborative research project ‘Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship’ (CUPESSE), which ran from 2014 to 2018 and was funded by the European Commission. It was designed in reaction to the drastic levels of youth unemployment in 2012 and 2013, which induced the European Union (EU) and its member states to respond to the crisis by adopting various policy measures. The flagship initiative was the Youth Guarantee, to which all EU member states committed themselves in 2013. The Youth Guarantee stipulated that everyone aged 25 years or younger receives a good quality offer of employment, continued education, apprenticeship or traineeship within four months of becoming unemployed or leaving formal education (Bussi and Graziano 2019; Tosun 2017; Tosun, Hörisch, et al. 2019; Tosun et al. 2017; Trein and Tosun 2019). The project combined data at the country and individual levels to explore the characteristics of economic self-sufficiency and its determinants. With regard to the latter, the project paid particular attention to the role of families and intergenerational transmission for economic selfsufficiency (Tosun, Arco-Tirado, et al. 2019). As one of the main project outputs, the volume edited by Kraaykamp et al. (2019), for example, demonstrated a striking degree of parent–child similarity regarding work values, which varies across regions (Kittel et al. 2019), but can eventually be explained by the intergenerational transmission of work values (Cemalcilar et al. 2018, 2019; Lukeš et al. 2019) and a moderating effect of parenting styles (Sümer et al. 2019). The objective of this volume is to offer an in-depth analysis of three generations of family members and of the way in which family dynamics affect the economic self-sufficiency of young people. In other words, the contributions to this volume strive to provide an improved understanding of the mechanisms underlying the observed similarities in families in terms of economic self-sufficiency. What is economic self-sufficiency? Since the early 1990s, an increasingly common goal of anti-poverty policies in industrialised countries around the world has been to increase economic self-sufficiency. Despite the diffusion of this term and arguably the underlying concept, there exists no universally accepted definition of economic self-sufficiency

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(Hetling et al. 2016). Consequently, research that seeks to investigate economic self-sufficiency must begin with a definition of the concept. From a policy perspective, most policies that mention economic selfsufficiency at least implicitly make this concept equal to its opposite of receiving welfare assistance, which is one of the reasons why the notion has attracted some criticism by both scholars and practitioners. In this regard, economic self-sufficiency as a policy goal was criticised for placing the responsibility for poverty on those affected by it, thereby moving it away from government and the policies it adopts (Breitkreuz and Williamson 2012). Furthermore, the notion of economic self-sufficiency as independence from welfare assistance conveys an overtly simplistic view of the design of anti-poverty policies and their implementation (Gates et al. 2017; Hong 2013). These critical reflections are certainly valid when referring to economic self-sufficiency in the political context. In the scientific context, however, the main challenge with this concept concerns its (in)adequate measurement. It is clear that economic self-sufficiency involves more than just bringing people who previously received welfare assistance into employment (Gowdy and Pearlmutter 1993). According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), economic selfsufficiency is not only about having a job, but about the individuals’ ability to earn a decent living (Adema 2006). In other words, economic self-sufficiency is about individuals not needing to rely on financial support from the welfare system, though it does include other forms of financial dependence, such as from the family (Warmuth et al. 2015). This suggests that the critical component of the concept is financial independence (Gowdy and Pearlmutter 1993; Hetling et al. 2016; Lee and Mortimer 2009). It is important to note that financial independence is linked to socioeconomic status, but it is not identical since ‘many young people (and adults) with seemingly good jobs and adequate earnings are plagued by overwhelming debt and financial insecurity’ (Lee and Mortimer 2009: 46). Seen from this perspective, economic self-sufficiency becomes a particularly apt concept since it is not only unemployment that plagues young people and their transition to adulthood, but also their underemployment (Scarpetta et al. 2012). In fact, it should be noted that the participation of young people in the labour market in many European countries is marked by a precarious status, and often they cannot use their skills as much as they want in their employment. The latter is illustrated

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in Fig. 1.1, which reports the share of young people indicating that their current employment does not match with their skills. The share of respondents indicating that they are overqualified for their jobs is particularly high in Greece, followed by Spain and Austria, and the United Kingdom. There is a clear connection between the process of attaining financial independence and the transition to adulthood. The completion of education and training has a positive impact on financial independence, which provides young people with the means to move out of the parental home, get married and start a family. If young people have difficulties in becoming financially independent, they are less likely to move from their parental home and to consider marriage and parenthood (Baranowska et al. 2015). Conversely, they are at greater risk to become dependent on welfare, informal work or social networks (Hetling et al. 2016). And the longer individuals are dependent on others, the higher are the chances of these individuals experiencing long-term unemployment and suffering

Fig. 1.1 Share of respondents (18–35 years) who indicated that they are overqualified for their employment, 2016 (Remarks: Own elaboration; the horizontal line indicates the mean of all countries)

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from low qualifications (Schels 2013). Unsurprisingly, young people themselves consider financial independence a central issue during the transition to adulthood (Lee and Mortimer 2009: 45). Our conceptualisation of economic self-sufficiency builds on the previous discussions that emphasise the importance of financial independence, but it also acknowledges that economic self-sufficiency is a multidimensional and dynamic concept. We understand economic selfsufficiency as a process of personal empowerment (Hetling et al. 2016) characterised by the individuals reaching a point where they are able to provide for themselves and afford a reasonable standard of living, meaning they can (1) pay their bills by themselves, (2) afford decent housing, (3) afford extras like trips or hobbies and (4) put some money aside (Tosun et al. 2019). One way to reach economic self-sufficiency is employment (Hong 2013), but it is not a sufficient condition for it. The four dimensions correspond with the concept of economic selfsufficiency as put forth by Gowdy and Pearlmutter (1993), which comprises autonomy and self-determination, financial security and responsibility, family and self well-being, and basic assets for living in the community. The ability to afford extras and to save money aligns with the concept of autonomy and self-determination. The ability to pay bills without relying on anyone else corresponds to what Gowdy and Pearlmutter (1993) refer to as financial security and responsibility and to the concept of financial well-being as put forward by Butterbaugh et al. (2020). The ability to afford decent housing denotes having the basic assets for living in a community. Our conceptualisation deviates from that of Gowdy and Pearlmutter (1993) in that we do not capture the dimension related to family and self well-being. The reason for our deviation is that financial independence, decent housing and the ability to put money aside directly influence self well-being and the well-being of all other family members. Moreover, we excluded this dimension since this study concentrates on young people and, given their young age, only a few of them have responsibilities for looking after the family. In sum, this book conceptualises economic self-sufficiency not only as independence from welfare assistance (with or without employment), as it also pays attention to the process of becoming financially independent and satisfied, and how this process affects the individuals’ self-perceptions.

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1.3

Insights from a Country-Comparative, Two-Generation Survey

The CUPESSE project collected data for individuals in eleven countries: Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey and the United Kingdom (Tosun et al. 2019).1 The core activity of the project was the development of a survey instrument designed to study the attitudes of young adults and their parents to work and education, the relationship between parents and their children, and their socio-economic situation. The survey also comprised additional theoretical constructs related to the personality of the young respondents such as grit as a measurement for perseverance (Arco-Tirado, Fernández-Martín, et al. 2018; Arco-Tirado, Bojica, et al. 2019; Duckworth and Quinn 2009). The countries covered in the project also correspond to those included in this volume. The country selection reflects important dimensions of cultural and economic differences and the arrangements of various welfare states. In cultural terms, the countries vary regarding the individualism– collectivism divide (Hofstede 2001). People with collectivist values stress relatedness with the family community and prioritise ingroup needs and interests, whereas people with individualist values view themselves as separate from the family community and primarily pursue personal needs and interests (Phalet and Schönpflug 2001: 490–491). For example, Turkey is a country with a population that is predominantly collectivistic (Cemalcilar et al. 2019; Sümer et al. 2019), whereas an individualistic culture is dominant in the countries of Western Europe (Hofstede et al. 2010). From an economic viewpoint, the countries demonstrate considerable variation with regard to the degree to which they have been affected by youth unemployment (Marques and Hörisch 2020; O’Reilly et al. 2015; Tosun 2017; Tosun, Hörisch, et al. 2019). Youth in Southern Europe have traditionally had difficulties in entering the labour market (Simões et al. 2017), whereas in other countries, such as Hungary, youth unemployment was caused by the financial and economic crisis (Ose and Osis 2016); then there are countries in which it was not even an issue during the crisis, such as Austria (Tamesberger 2015). The relationship between 1 The CUPESSE dataset, including full documentation of the data, can be obtained from the GESIS data archive: https://search.gesis.org/research_data/ZA7475. For additional details, see also Rainsford (2020) and Shore and Tosun (2019).

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youth unemployment at the country level and how the affected individuals perceive it is complex; as is the relationship between unemployment and attitudes on other issues such as trust in political institutions, which is mediated by a number of factors such as the youth’s socio-economic status (Giugni and Lorenzini 2017). Another difference concerns the welfare state arrangements in these countries. The concept of ‘defamilialization’ (Esping-Andersen 2011) captures the securing of economic independence of children and women from the family unit (Ajzenstadt and Gal 2010; Cemalcilar et al. 2019). Building on this concept, Chevalier (2016) distinguishes between ‘familised’ citizenship and ‘individualised’ citizenship. In the former scenario, the young are essentially considered children, implying that their social rights are dependent upon the status of their family. The individualised citizenship implies basically the reverse. The second dimension of the model refers to whether the economic citizenship dimension is ‘encompassing’ (where policies are aimed at spreading skills widely in society via high-quality, free education) or ‘selective’ (placing emphasis on high-achievers). Applying this scheme to the selected countries, for example, Denmark and the United Kingdom have individualised social citizenship, but in the latter the economic citizenship is selective while in the first it is encompassing. The social citizenship is familiarised and economically selective, for example, in Spain, but economically encompassing, for example, in Germany. In order to be able to connect young people to their parents, we asked the survey respondents whom they considered to be their mother- or father-figure. The response options included the biological parents, the spouse/partner of a given parent, the grandparents, and other persons. Depending on how the young respondents answered this question, they were asked, for example, to provide information about their mother’s and/or father’s highest level of education or employment status. For other questions, we surveyed the parents directly by using the contact information provided by the young respondents. The youth questionnaire was conducted online in Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, face-to-face using Computer Assisted Personal Interviewing in Hungary, and face-to-face using paper and pencil in Turkey. For the parental surveys, most of the interviews were conducted using mixed modes, including online (Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom), Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (Austria,

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Czech Republic, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain), Computer Assisted Personal Interviewing (Hungary), and paper and pencil (Switzerland, Turkey). In spite of the different survey modes, the sampling frames were consistent. For the youth questionnaire, survey companies were asked to provide a probability sample of individuals between 18 and 35 years old who were representative of employment status (e.g. employed; selfemployed; unemployed; in education/training), NUTS 2 region,2 age group, education and migration background/minority group membership. For the parent questionnaire, the strategy consisted of recruiting all parents for whom the youth provided contact information. Per country, the minimum number of complete questionnaires was set to 1000 young adults and 500 parents. The first dimension of economic self-sufficiency is income independence, which we conceptualised as the extent to which the respondents can provide for themselves through paid work or self-employment, or other means (Tosun, Arco-Tirado, et al. 2019). This indicator is measured with a battery of items, where respondents were asked to select all the sources of their income. From this information, we could classify the respondents as being fully or partially dependent on their family or the state, or whether she or he is completely independent. Figure 1.2 gives an overview of the percentage of respondents who indicated to be partially or fully dependent or completely independent concerning their income. Figure 1.2 shows that the share of young people with independent income is highest in the United Kingdom, followed by Hungary, Germany and Switzerland. The highest shares of respondents indicating complete dependence on their family and/or the welfare state are found in Italy, Spain and Turkey. Interestingly, of the Austrian and Danish respondents an unexpectedly large share of respondents indicated that they partly depend on their family and/or welfare, which suggests that it is worthwhile to adopt a fine-grained measurement when assessing the economic self-sufficiency of young people. Making a step from objective indicators towards perceptions, financial satisfaction is an evaluation of the income situation. It is evident that such measurements are sensitive to a number of unobservable benchmarks; for 2 NUTS stands for Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics and is a three-level geocode standard for referencing the administrative divisions of countries for statistical purposes developed by the EU.

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Fig. 1.2 Degree of income dependence, 2016 (Remarks: Own elaboration)

instance, what respondents would consider to be a satisfactory situation for themselves. Still, when compared to more objective criteria discussed here, it provides interesting insights into how young people’s expectations concerning their financial situation are met in their current conditions. The CUPESSE questionnaire included a question that asked directly about the self-placement of respondents with respect to their financial situation on a four-point Likert scale. Figure 1.3 presents the percentage share of responses to this question, broken down for the individual countries. We can infer from the data that the greatest share of respondents indicating that they are very satisfied with their financial situation is based in Switzerland, followed by Denmark and then Germany and Turkey. The greatest share of respondents who indicated to be very dissatisfied with their financial situation is to be found in Greece, followed by Spain and Turkey. The observation that only a small portion of Greek respondents indicated that they were satisfied with their financial situation is plausible considering that the survey was fielded in 2016 when the country was still in the middle of an economic recession.

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Fig. 1.3 Financial satisfaction

The third dimension of economic self-sufficiency as operationalised in the CUPESSE project refers to Perceived Economic Self-Sufficiency (PESS). The questionnaire captured PESS by asking respondents to what extent, over the six months prior the interview, they had been able to (1) pay their bills by themselves, (2) afford decent housing, (3) afford extras like trips or hobbies and (4) put some money aside. These four indicators assess two important aspects of economic self-sufficiency: the respondents’ ability to afford basic living standards (items 1 and 2) and to afford extras (items 3 and 4). The four indicators represent a reduced set of items originally suggested by Gowdy and Pearlmutter (1993). Both the youth and their parents were asked these items for measuring PESS, thereby enabling us to study the statistical association between the answers of the youth and the answers of their parents. Table 1.1 reports the findings of linear regression models for each country, presented separately for the correlation between youth and their mothers and youth and their fathers. The largest coefficients are observed between Italian youth and

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Table 1.1 Linear regression models for PESS

Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth Youth

AT CZ DK DE HU IT ES CH TK UK

Mothers Beta coeff.

S.E.

Fathers Beta coeff.

S.E.

Mothers/fathers N

0.218 0.126 0.300 0.249 0.525 0.546 0.292 0.243 0.435 0.364

0.070*** 0.050** 0.088*** 0.059*** 0.044*** 0.055*** 0.047*** 0.105*** 0.046*** 0.098***

0.218 0.152 0.283 0.276 0.528 0.472 0.160 0.399 0.348 0.331

0.070*** 0.087* 0.091*** 0.079*** 0.056*** 0.066*** 0.070** 0.158*** 0.085*** 0.059***

284/284 502/198 209/191 347/167 376/253 285/233 732/404 183/83 409/117 136/358

Remarks: Standardised beta-coefficients are reported. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.

their mothers and Hungarian youth and their fathers. The smallest coefficients are observed for the Czech youth and their parents, which indicates that there the relationship in the PESS values is weaker than it is in the other countries. When plotting the country means for the PESS of youth and the PESS of their parents, the comparatively weaker relationship between the two variables is illustrated for the Czech respondents. The corresponding Fig. 1.4 does not only include the regression line, but also the mean values for the youth’s PESS and that of their parents. By adding these lines to the figure, we can identify four country clusters. The largest cluster of countries refers to those where both young people and their parents have PESS values above the mean; they include Austria, Denmark, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. The second country cluster is composed of Hungary, Greece and Turkey: in these countries, both the young adults and their parents had PESS scores below the mean. The third cluster comprises Italy and Spain, where the PESS scores of the youth are a bit lower than the scores of their parents. Finally, we have the Czech youth, who are clearly above the mean, whereas the PESS scores of their parents are below the mean. Within each cluster there is variation between countries that are close to the linear prediction and countries that are rather distant from the regression line. In the first group, Switzerland is a case that deserves enhanced attention, whereas in the second group it is Hungary, and in the third

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Fig. 1.4 Perceived economic self-sufficiency of young people and their parents

group, Italy is better predicted by the linear model than Spain. The mean values for Czech respondents are clearly a way off from the regression line. These findings from the CUPESSE survey serve as the starting point for gaining an improved understanding and attaining a more nuanced measurement of economic self-sufficiency .

1.4

Overview of the Contributions

In Chapter 2, Jale Tosun, Bernhard Kittel, and Daniela Pauknerová detail the theoretical framework of the analysis, which consists of five elements that are subsequently examined in each country chapter. First, the intergenerational transmission of attitudes and values, which are expected to lead to actions that facilitate the progression towards economic selfsufficiency are predominantly regarded as an outcome of socialisation (Bandura 1986; Bugental and Grusec 2007). Second, the relative risk aversion theory (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997) explains what level of

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investment parents make in the education of their children with a view to avoid downward social mobility. Third, the theory of cultural and social reproduction (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) concentrates on resources and how they contribute to the reproduction of social class across generations. The fourth element, parenting style, captures how parents and children interact (Baumrind 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983). The last aspect, context, concerns welfare state arrangements as well as other country-level factors that the chapter authors deem relevant. In Chapter 3, Julia-Rita Warmuth, Julia Weiß , Daniela Pauknerová, Jan Hanzlík, Jale Tosun, and Bernhard Kittel elaborate on the methodological approach used for recruiting the families for the semi-structured biographical interviews, the way in which the interviews were carried out, and how the interview data were processed in order to provide insights that are relevant given our research interests. The interviews form the basis of the insights to be presented in Chapters 4–14 that contain the country-specific analyses. All chapters follow the same structure, describing the economic self-sufficiency of the young people, putting that into the family context and examining the processes of intergenerational transmission. The authors give precedence to specific aspects of their respective countries if these appeared relevant to explaining how family affects young people’s attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The part on the country studies begins with the first country cluster identified above. Chapter 4 by Julia-Rita Warmuth, Stefanie Stadlober, Eva Wimmer and Bernhard Kittel concentrates on the importance of ‘ambitions and traditions’. The authors emphasise that, throughout the interviews carried out in Austria, parents alluded to the importance of educational achievements, indicating a strong degree of transmission of educational and work-related ambitions across generations. The Austrian author team also reveals a strong dependence of young adults’ educational and professional decisions on the parents’ professions and employment. In Chapter 5, Christoph Arndt and Carsten Jensen discuss the limits of the Danish welfare system for the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. While Denmark is widely regarded as a system that enables young people to participate in the labour market and attain economic self-sufficiency regardless of their family background, the interview evidence shows that the family remains pivotal for forming attitudes and values that are conducive to economic self-sufficiency. The interviews conducted by Robert Strohmeyer and Julia Weiss concentrate on the child–parent and grandparent–child relationships in

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Germany. In Chapter 6, the authors show that children view parents as their models and are likely to imitate their behaviour. The effectiveness of intergenerational transmission is moderated by the parenting style as well as the resource endowment of the parents. Concerning the latter, the parents’ social networks proved to be a decisive factor in determining their children’s successful transition to adulthood. In Chapter 7, Carolin Rapp and Kerstin Nebel underline the pivotal role families play in the Swiss welfare state, which is reflected in the strong relationship and very similar values and attitudes between the three generations interviewed. What is perhaps an even more intriguing finding is that Swiss youth tends to be economically dependent on their parents, though they themselves consider themselves to be economically independent. Emily Rainsford and Anna Wambach emphasise the importance of social mobility for economic self-sufficiency in the United Kingdom. In Chapter 8, the authors explore the mechanisms and processes within the family and show that the parental generation intervenes to help their children to a greater extent than the grandparental generation did. This chapter is unique in the sense that it identifies four groups of young people (voluntary dependents; gradual progressors; ambitious; entrepreneurs) in order to illustrate distinct patterns with regards to parenting style, mechanisms of transmission and the content of transmission between these four groups. The next group of country studies consists of Hungary, Greece and Turkey. In Chapter 9, Dániel Kovarek and Róbert Sata present the insights obtained from the interviews carried out in Hungary. Taking into account the specific context of the country as one that has experienced economic, political and societal transformation processes, the authors underline the occurrence of upward social mobility and show that parents are important for providing their children with the right incentives for attaining economic self-sufficiency. Overall, a significant share of young Hungarians are proactive and seek to participate in the labour market, as indicated by their quest for jobs, internships and the intrinsic demand for becoming independent from their parents. Asimina Christoforou, Evmorfia Makantasi, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, and Panos Tsakloglou analyse the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, values and resources through the lens of the economic and financial crisis that hit Greece from 2008 onwards. In Chapter 10, the authors demonstrate that the family context matters for young adults’ education and

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employment trajectories, but they also allude to the possibility that young Greeks are exploring new opportunities for employment due to the crisis. In Chapter 11, Nebi Sümer, Zeynep Cemalcılar, and Haluk Mert Bal draw attention to the rapid socio-economic changes and the massive internal migration from rural to urban areas that has taken place in Turkey over the last five decades. The interviews reveal the existence of strong family bonds. Interestingly, all three generations interviewed indicated that they value education. Members of all generations regard educational aspirations and a secure job as a fundamental path to economic self-sufficiency. The next two chapters deal with countries that have been heavily affected by youth unemployment, namely Italy and Spain. In Chapter 12, Maurizio Caserta, Livio Ferrante, Simona Monteleone, Francesco Reito, and Salvatore Spagano concentrate on young people and their families in Sicily as one of the Italian regions affected most by youth unemployment. The interviews demonstrate how the weakness of the Italian welfare regime renders families very important actors in influencing education and career choices. While families are willing to perform that role and to engage in the transmission of attitudes, values, and resources, flaws in the institutional settings limit their positive influence and delay or inhibit the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. In Chapter 13, José Leal Arco-Tirado, Francisco Fernández-Martín, Irene Herranz, and Mihaela Vancea show that, similar to Italy, families are the main socialisation agents in Spain. Similarly to Greece, the interviews conducted with Spanish families point to a discontinuity in work-related attitudes and values between the second and the third generations, which may also be a reaction to the crisis and its differentiated effects on generations. Most interviewed Spanish families expressed their disappointment that, for the first time in history, the prospect of economic self-sufficiency for younger generations is worse than it was for the generations of their parents and grandparents. In Chapter 14, Daniela Pauknerová, Zuzana Chytková, and Jan Hanzlík examine the role of intergenerational transmission for economic self-sufficiency in the Czech Republic. The authors stress the existence of differences in attitudes, values and resources between those who were employed, self-employed or worked in a family business, and those who experienced long-term periods of unemployment. By adopting this

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perspective, this chapter succeeds in drawing attention to the analytical relevance of the current economic activities of young people for understanding the effects of intergenerational transmission. The concluding Chapter 15 by Jale Tosun, Daniela Pauknerová, and Bernhard Kittel summarises the main findings and structures them in order to seize the analytical value of having carried out countrycomparative research.

1.5

Main Insights

The most important and robust finding reported by all countries studies is that intergenerational transmission is an important explanation for the economic self-sufficiency of young people. As Chapter 15 will discuss in detail, intergenerational transmission comprises both family practices that are supportive and non-supportive to the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. While the exact nature of these practices varies across countries and families, some general patterns exist. For example, both an authoritative and a permissive parenting style (see Chapter 2) can help young people in becoming economically self-sufficient. Another relevant factor is that parents support educational decisions that align with the needs of the labour market. Parental aspirations concerning the education and career of their children can both enhance or lower their prospect of economic self-sufficiency, depending on whether these are realistic given the labour market conditions. Parents that motivate their children to attend university may be right in doing so in countries where academic jobs are abundant, whereas in countries with an excessive number of academics, such aspirations can reduce labour market prospects. Another finding worth noting in this context is that relying on the family context can impose constraints on young people’s attitudes and actions towards becoming economically self-sufficient. Rather, children should be encouraged to widen their perspective and to seek inspiration outside the family, too. While most case studies reveal that the child–parent relationship is the dominant one for explaining young adults’ economic self-sufficiency, the inclusion of the grandparents’ generation yielded additional insights. In Spain, for example, the interviews demonstrated close interlinkages between the three generations of family members, which was also reflected in the transmission processes and outcomes. Yet all country

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chapters succeed in illustrating the direct and indirect effects of grandparents in intergenerational transmission. In this context, the country chapter on Hungary and Turkey are particularly worth noting since they emphasise the differences across the three generations, which result from the fundamental sociocultural and socio-economic formation processes that these countries experienced. Another noteworthy point is that our findings support the close relationship between welfare regimes and how socialisation processes within families affect education and career choices of the young adults. This is a plausible finding considering that welfare assistance can provide an incentive as well as a disincentive to young people to strive for economic self-sufficiency. How welfare assistance exactly affects young people’s attitudes and actions depends on numerous additional factors at the individual level. In this regard, somewhat surprisingly, we could show that, overall, the impact of families is much greater than one would have expected given the formal characteristics of some welfare states. The country study on Denmark is the most notable example of this. A final point worth mentioning is that the interviews revealed insights in how unemployment affects the personal, family and social life of young people, and also how families cope with a situation in which (grand)children are unemployed or work under precarious conditions. The chapter on Spanish families gives particularly valuable insights concerning the frustration of parents and grandparents that young people fail to attain economic self-sufficiency despite the efforts they took. These insights do not only facilitate a better understanding of family-related processes, but can also be used to estimate how such experiences affect the political engagement of the representatives of the different generations.

1.6

Conclusion

This volume examines a concept that has gained prominence and acclaim but has also been criticised both in the literature and in real-life politics: economic self-sufficiency. Our interest in this concept is strictly analytical. From an empirical perspective, we follow the operationalisation of this concept by Tosun et al. (2019), which built on previous attempts, such as the influential study by Gowdy and Pearlmutter (1993), but realised that a more nuanced assessment is needed; hence, we considered semistructured biographical interviews an apt methodological approach. From a theoretical perspective, we are interested in how family dynamics affect

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the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. To this end, we draw from different literatures and disciplines, including economics, political science, psychology, sociology, social policy and youth studies. The conceptualisation, measurement and explanation of economic self-sufficiency are all demanding research ventures. Most notably, the socio-economic status of young people is a critical factor for the functioning of democracies and societies. Empirical studies have shown that precarious employment and unemployment explain youth support for right-wing populist parties in Europe (Zagórski et al. 2019). Other studies posit that it is not so much young adults’ current economic status, but rather their anxiety concerning a prospective socio-economic decline that affects their political preferences (Mitrea et al. 2020)—which provides an even stronger justification for improving our understanding of the causes of the youth failing to become economically self-sufficient. We consider this volume to contribute to this literature that cuts across disciplines and strives to unveil the factors underlying the socio-economic status of young adults and how family and processes within them affect it.

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Schels, B. (2013). Persistence or Transition: Young Adults and Social Benefits in Germany. Journal of Youth Studies, 16(7), 881–900. https://doi.org/10. 1080/13676261.2013.763915. Schmillen, A., & Umkehrer, M. (2017). The Scars of Youth: Effects of EarlyCareer Unemployment on Future Unemployment Experience. International Labour Review, 156(3–4), 465–494. https://doi.org/10.1111/ilr.12079. Shore, J., & Tosun, J. (2019). A Two-Generation Study in Germany: Insights Into Survey Data Collection. London, UK: Sage. Simões, F., Meneses, A., Luís, R., & Drumonde, R. (2017). NEETs in a Rural Region of Southern Europe: Perceived Self-Efficacy, Perceived Barriers, Educational Expectations, and Vocational Expectations. Journal of Youth Studies, 20(9), 1109–1126. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2017.131 1403. Sümer, N., Pauknerová, D., Vancea, M., & Manuo˘glu, E. (2019). Intergenerational Transmission of Work Values in Czech Republic, Spain, and Turkey: Parent–Child Similarity and the Moderating Role of Parenting Behaviors. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 86–105. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219830953. Swartz, T. T., Kim, M., Uno, M., Mortimer, J., & O’Brien, K. B. (2011). Safety Nets and Scaffolds: Parental Support in the Transition to Adulthood. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 73(2), 414–429. https://doi.org/10.1111/j. 1741-3737.2010.00815.x. Tamesberger, D. (2015). A Multifactorial Explanation of Youth Unemployment and the Special Case of Austria. International Social Security Review, 68(1), 23–45. https://doi.org/10.1111/issr.12058. Tosun, J. (2017). Promoting Youth Employment Through Multi-Organizational Governance. Public Money & Management, 37 (1), 39–46. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/09540962.2016.1249230. Tosun, J., Arco-Tirado, J. L., Caserta, M., Cemalcilar, Z., Freitag, M., Hörisch, F., Jensen, C., Kittel, B., Littvay, L., Lukeš, M., Maloney, W. A., Mühlböck, M., Rainsford, E., Rapp, C., Schuck, B., Shore, J., Steiber, N., Sümer, N., Tsakloglou, P., Vancea, M., & Vegetti, F. (2019). Perceived Economic Self-Sufficiency: A Country- and Generation-Comparative Approach. European Political Science, 18(3), 510–531. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304018-0186-3. Tosun, J., Hörisch, F., & Marques, P. (2019). Youth Employment in Europe: Coordination as a Crucial Dimension. International Journal of Social Welfare, 28(4), 350–357. https://doi.org/10.1111/ijsw.12403. Tosun, J., Unt, M., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Youth-Oriented Active Labour Market Policies: Explaining Policy Effort in the Nordic and the Baltic States. Social Policy & Administration, 51(4), 598–616. https://doi.org/10.1111/ spol.12315.

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Tosun, J., Wetzel, A., & Zapryanova, G. (2014). The EU in Crisis: Advancing the Debate. Journal of European Integration, 36(3), 195–211. https://doi. org/10.1080/07036337.2014.886401. Trein, P., & Tosun, J. (2019). Varieties of Public–Private Policy Coordination: How the Political Economy Affects Multi-Actor Implementation. Public Policy and Administration, 0(0), 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1177/095207671988 9099. Unt, M., & Täht, K. (2020). Does Early Career Unemployment at the Peak of a Recession Leave Economic Scars? Evidence from Estonia. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 688(1), 246–257. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0002716220911890. Vancea, M., Shore, J., & Utzet, M. (2019). Role of Employment-Related Inequalities in Young Adults’ Life Satisfaction: A Comparative Study in Five European Welfare State Regimes. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 47 (3), 357–365. https://doi.org/10.1177/1403494818823934. Vancea, M., & Utzet, M. (2017). How Unemployment and Precarious Employment Affect the Health of Young People: A Scoping Study on Social Determinants. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 45(1), 73–84. https:// doi.org/10.1177/1403494816679555. Voßemer, J., Gebel, M., Nizalova, O., & Nikolaieva, O. (2018). The Effect of an Early-Career Involuntary Job Loss on Later Life Health in Europe. Advances in Life Course Research, 35, 69–76. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.alcr. 2018.01.001. Voßemer, J., Gebel, M., Täht, K., Unt, M., Högberg, B., & Strandh, M. (2018). The Effects of Unemployment and Insecure Jobs on Well-Being and Health: The Moderating Role of Labor Market Policies. Social Indicators Research, 138(3), 1229–1257. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-017-1697-y. Warmuth, J. R., Kittel, B., Steiber, N., & Mühlböck, M. (2015). Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship: An Overview of Theoretical Perspectives on Micromechanisms (CUPESSE Working Paper 1). Heidelberg and Mannheim. Available at https://cupesse.eu/fileadmin/cup esse/downloads/working-papers/CUPESSE_Working-Paper_1.pdf. Zagórski, P., Rama, J., & Cordero, G. (2019). Young and Temporary: Youth Employment Insecurity and Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Europe. Government and Opposition, 0(0), 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1017/ gov.2019.28.

Jale Tosun is Professor of Political Science at the Institute of Political Science at Heidelberg University. She coordinated the project ‘Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship’ (CUPESSE), which ran from 2014 to 2018 and was funded by the EU’s Seventh Framework Programme

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(grant agreement number: 613257). Her research interests comprise comparative public policy, international political economy, public administration, and European integration. Daniela Pauknerová is an associate professor and a Head of the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. Her research interests include social, work and organisational psychology, leadership, diversity management and cross-cultural psychology. Bernhard Kittel is Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Vienna. His current research interests cover labour market behaviour, justice attitudes and behaviour, and the integration of refugees in the labour market. His research has been published in sociological, political science and economics journals.

CHAPTER 2

Theoretical Framework Jale Tosun, Bernhard Kittel, and Daniela Pauknerová

2.1

Introduction

In this chapter, we outline the theoretical framework that guides the case studies presented in the Chapters 4–14. The empirical phenomenon, in which all contributions in this volume are collectively interested, is economic self-sufficiency as introduced in Chapter 1. We hypothesise that economic self-sufficiency is determined by young people’s attitudes, values and actions, which serve as the outcome variables in the theoretical framework to be developed here. We are interested in intergenerational transmission from parents and grandparents to children (Barni et al. 2012; Deindl and Tieben 2017; Garcia et al. 2019; Mare 2011; Møllegaard and Jæger 2015). A possible

J. Tosun (B) Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] B. Kittel Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] D. Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_2

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outcome of these processes is a similarity in attitudes, values, actions and outcomes of young people and their (grand)parents (Barni et al. 2012). Many mechanisms exist via which members of three generations of a family can display similarities. For example, ‘parents may genetically pass on abilities, endowments, or preferences to their children that pre-dispose them to choose similar actions as they themselves chose’ (Lochner 2016: 1). Genetic aspects lie outside the purview of this volume. Instead, we capture ‘vertical’ (parent–child; grandparents–grandchildren) transmission processes (Mayer et al. 2012; Trommsdorff 2009). Research on intergenerational transmission is both prolific and diverse. An important literature strand has investigated the intergenerational transmission of educational attainment (Lochner 2016). Numerous studies have shown that more educated parents have better-educated children, and have elaborated on the mechanisms underlying the observed parent–child similarity (e.g. Pronzato 2012). A fringe literature has also investigated the intergenerational transmission of inequality (e.g. Raitano 2015). Likewise, the intergenerational transmission of welfare receipt has also attracted considerable scholarly attention (e.g. Moisio et al. 2015). Another body of research has investigated the intergenerational transmission of career decisions (e.g. Garcia et al. 2019), professions (e.g. Aina and Nicoletti 2018) and self-employment (e.g. Ferrando-Latorre et al. 2019). The studies either place emphasis on the mechanisms underlying intergenerational transmission (e.g. Albert and Ferring 2012) or the degree of similarity within families (e.g. Hadjar et al. 2012). In this volume, we adopt the first perspective and concentrate on social mechanisms within families and how their effects are conditioned by other factors such as different welfare regimes (Raitano 2015). The remainder of this chapter unfolds as follows. First, we introduce the research questions that tie together the individual contributions to this volume. Then we elaborate on the three outcome variables of interest and how they are related to each other: attitudes, values and actions. Subsequently, we turn to the theoretical perspectives that provide the main basis of the empirical studies carried out in the country chapters. We also define the concept of parenting style and explore its impact on intergenerational transmission. In the last step, we discuss country-specific contexts that may have a moderating effect on transmission processes and offer some concluding remarks.

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2.2 Theoretical Motivation for the Research Questions The starting point of the theoretical framework is the family change theory as put forth by Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı (2009). The original model—as its name indicates—is interested in the changes of and in families (Mayer et al. 2012: 64). While we are less interested in the dynamic perspective that the model intends to capture, we rely on it as it offers a multilevel model that aligns with our basic reasoning on how processes of intergenerational transmission work. We conceive of intergenerational transmission as a socialisation process (Keller et al. 2006). More precisely, this volume examines socialisation processes that take place within the family system, which can correspond to direct socialisation (e.g. through active education and communication) or indirect socialisation through daily routines (e.g. modelling desired behaviour), and through the opportunities families provide to their children (Bandura 1986; Bugental and Grusec 2007; Kraaykamp et al. 2019: 14). In the family change theory, socialisation represents the third level. However, families are embedded in different types of contexts, which Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı (2009) differentiates into the overall cultural orientation and living conditions (level 1) and the family structure (level 2). The cultural context is closely associated with predominant orientations in countries (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede et al. 2010). Important dimensions of living conditions are the family’s living space, which can be urban or rural, and their socio-economic status. Together, the cultural context and the living conditions affect the family structure, which can be of the nuclear or extended type, for example (Mayer et al. 2012: 64). From the family change model, we infer the importance of socialisation within the family, the cultural context, living conditions and the family structure. However, in order to understand when the effects of socialisation are more pronounced and when less, we additionally take into account the conditioning effect of parenting styles (e.g. Roest et al. 2012), which can be differentiated along two dimensions: first, the extent to which parents control their children’s behaviour; and second, how sensitive they are to their children’s emotional needs (Baumrind 1967, 1980). Lastly, our theoretical model goes beyond socialisation theory, in that it deems the perceived risk of downward social mobility (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997) and the intergenerational transfer of resources

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(Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) as additional mechanisms underlying intergenerational transmission (see, e.g., van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007). While our main analytical interest concerns the intergenerational transmission process per se, there is also another reason why it is worth studying three generations of a family. As the family change model posits, parent–child relationships do not necessarily stay the same across generations. Moreover, family members of different generations may be affected by different cultural contexts (through rural–urban migration or emigration over generations; see e.g. Chapter 11) or living conditions (through social mobility; see e.g. Chapter 13) as well as by different family structures (modern families tend to be smaller than traditional ones; see e.g. Chapter 6). Therefore, the study of multiple generations has the additional advantage that we observe a more nuanced picture of dynamics within families and their effects on the attitudes, values and actions of the young people. These broad theoretical lines form the basis of the research questions that guide the country studies in which we examine the role of family in the attainment of economic self-sufficiency: • How does socialisation regarding work and education occur within the family? • Does family matter in terms of the wish to maintain the parents’ social status, in terms of resources, or both? • How does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? • How does the country context, such as welfare state arrangements, moderate the transmission process?

2.3

Attitudes, Values and Actions: The Outcome Variables

This volume examines three outcome variables: attitudes, values and actions. In this section, we discuss each of these concepts in turn and establish how they are related to each other. Following Fishbein and Ajzen (1975: 6), ‘attitudes can be described as a learned predisposition to respond in a consistently favorable or unfavorable manner with respect to a given object’. A more comprehensive

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definition is offered by Schwartz (2012: 16), who contends that attitudes are ‘evaluations of objects as good or bad, desirable or undesirable’. In this way they are concrete expressions of the desirable and therefore stand in contrast to values, which are more general and abstract. Consequently, attitudes ‘evaluate people, behaviors, events, or any object, whether specific (ice cream) or abstract (progress)’, and ‘vary on a positive/negative scale’ (Schwartz 2012: 16). Depending on the academic discipline, attitudes are sometimes considered equal to preferences, which also refer to the predisposition of an individual towards an object or action. Attitudes can be learned through social processes, or they are constructed by individuals (Stern et al. 1995: 1615). A person’s attitude relates to a specific theme or situation and reflects a personal opinion (Rokeach 1973). An apt example refers to attitudes towards work and welfare. Some people might think that mothers should not work, or at least not before their children go to school, whereas others would think the exact opposite (Edlund and Öun 2016). Likewise, some people consider welfare assistance too generous and support cuts to it, whereas others disagree and state that welfare assistance is not high enough and should become more generous (Schuck and Shore 2019). These examples indicate that attitudes refer to something specific, and because of that they can change as the specific situation changes (Stern et al. 1995: 1615). Empirical research has shown that people will change their attitudes to unemployment benefits and become more supportive of them in reaction to changes in their individual material circumstances through job loss (Naumann et al. 2016). Attitudes can also change when it is not the individual circumstances that change, but when changes at the country level occur, for example. Individuals can withdraw their support for welfare policies and redistribution when faced with immigration. Naumann and Stoetzer (2018) observed this change in attitudes for individuals with high-income levels and for those who face low labour market competition. Further, there are differences between young people who experienced unemployment and economic recession and those who have not (Rainsford et al. 2019), indicating that differences exist across age cohorts. For attitudes to develop, values are important, as they form their more stable and enduring fundament (Stern et al. 1995: 1615). Values are also more abstract than attitudes and focus on ideals (Hitlin and Piliavin 2004). The significance of values lies in their function for motivating an

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individual’s behaviour as well as their function as a benchmark for evaluating one’s own and others’ behaviour (Mayer et al. 2012: 66; Schwartz 2006, 2012). Values are considered the main outcome of socialisation processes. During childhood, the family provides the primary socialisation context (Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı 2009; Mayer et al. 2012; Trommsdorff 2009). Parents convey their values and beliefs to their children directly through active education, indirectly through routines, as they serve as behavioural role models, and through the opportunities they provide to their children (Kraaykamp et al. 2019). Children growing up in a society also acquire the cultural norms and values of their surroundings (Bugental and Grusec 2007; Georgas et al. 2006; Schönpflug 2009). With regard to this volume’s overarching interest in economic selfsufficiency, the so-called work values are particularly relevant (Gallie 2019). These comprise the centrality of work or the work ethic, which is about the importance individuals attach to work. Intrinsic work values relate to intangible rewards related to the process of work, such as an interesting job, autonomy or personal growth, whereas extrinsic values include status recognition, high and stable income, and opportunities for career advancements (Cemalcilar, Secinti, et al. 2018; Kraaykamp et al. 2019). Traditionalism represents a complementary type of work values, and refers to whether women should join the labour force (Cemalcilar, Jensen, et al. 2019; Kraaykamp et al. 2019). Empirical studies on these variables have revealed a high degree of parent-child similarity which can be attributed to intergenerational transmission (Kittel et al. 2019; Lukeš et al. 2019; Sümer et al. 2019). While work values are considered particularly important, this does not preclude that other values are also important for explaining the young people’s striving for and attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The case studies will reveal that additional values, such as tradition values on the family (Rokeach 1973; Schwartz 2012) are also important for explaining economic self-sufficiency. In this volume, actions refer to any activity that aims to contribute to the economic self-sufficiency of the third-generation members of a family. Thus, they include education and career decisions as well as concrete labour market activities, such as applying for jobs or founding a business. Actions can be facilitated by opportunity structures that have been established by policy measures. In this context, considerable political and scientific attention has been directed to active labour market policies, which pursue a fourfold aim: first, to enhance incentives to seek employment; second, to improve the employability of jobseekers by providing

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them with additional skills; third, to improve assistance in finding employment; and fourth, to improve employment opportunities (Bonoli 2013; Tosun and Hörisch 2019; Tosun, Hörisch, et al. 2019). Despite the fact that active labour market policies, including those tailored to the youth, have been implemented all across European countries (Tosun et al. 2017; Tosun, Treib, et al. 2019; Trein and Tosun 2019), they have also been criticised. In this regard, Bonoli and Liechti (2018), for example, have shown that active labour market policies do not always reach their target groups, but are also subjected to ‘Matthew effects’ and a biased access to offered programmes—a finding they obtain for some programmes in conservative welfare states, but not in the Nordic countries. The relation between attitudes and values on the one hand and action on the other has attracted considerable attention in various disciplines. Values are thought to motivate and inform action, but not as immediate causes—meaning that actions and decisions cannot be deduced from values (van Deth and Scarbrough 1998). Instead, the relation between values and actions is much more complex. The theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen 1985), based on the theory of reasoned behaviour put forth by Fishbein and Ajzen (1975), is a very influential model that establishes a relationship between values, actions and attitudes. It posits that attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control are interdependent factors that influence the individuals’ intention to act, which then results in actual action. From this, it follows that attitudes are a necessary precondition for intentions and, subsequently, actions. While the theory of planned behaviour perceives the relationship between attitudes and actions to be unidirectional, bidirectional conceptualisations exist in the literature, too. For Davidson (1995), for instance, a dynamic process links attitudes and actions and this relationship is moderated by the respective strength of the attitudes. The initial attitude is hypothesised to result in a given action, and this action, in turn, generates feedback on the attitudes. Strong attitudes should be more likely to lead to attitude-consistent actions and to be more resistant to change in the face of feedback following the action. The three outcome variables—attitudes, values and actions—are complementary to each other, and some theoretical perspectives have argued and demonstrated that they are interrelated. The interviewers who conducted the family interviews were instructed to pay close attention to the outcome variables and their relationships (see Chapter 3). The goal was to provide information and insights concerning the outcome variables

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as well as to provide the explanatory variables that are complementary to what we already know from the survey data and the analysis of them.

2.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

As suggested above, there has been growing scholarly interest in the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, values and intentions. This literature that brings together economists, psychologists and sociologists has primarily focused on the outcomes of intergenerational transmission in the sense of similarities across generations of family members, such as similarity in work values (Cemalcilar, Secinti, et al. 2018; Cemalcilar, Jensen, et al. 2019; Kittel et al. 2019; Kraaykamp et al. 2019; Sümer et al. 2019). Put differently, the vast majority of studies interprets intergenerational transmission as successful if parent–child similarity can be observed in terms of the respective outcome variables (Barni et al. 2012: 46). However, intergenerational transmission is a complex process that involves various mechanisms, which may produce intergenerational similarities as well as differences (Ranieri and Barni 2012: 1). For example, we could observe differences between generations, despite ‘successful’ intergenerational transmission, due to the maturation process of parents and children; the values of parents and their children can be rather different at one point in time, but become less pronounced or even disappear as the children age (Barni et al. 2012: 47). The (mostly psychological) literature on intergenerational transmission in the narrow sense provides an excellent basis for theorising on the influence of the sociocultural embeddedness of families (e.g. Albert and Trommsdorff 2014) and of parenting styles (e.g. Roest et al. 2012). However, it tells us less about how family matters for economic selfsufficiency. In order to illuminate this particular aspect, we need to identify mechanisms associated with intra-familial processes that have an impact on economic self-sufficiency. The most obvious mechanism is socialisation, which occurs through ‘conscious or unconscious and actively or passively learning by imitation’ (Roest et al. 2012: 29). Intergenerational transmission as a socialisation process has been discussed widely in the literature, especially concerning the transmission of attitudes and values (Cemalcilar, Secinti, et al. 2018; Knafo and Schwartz 2012; Kraaykamp et al. 2019; Ranieri and Barni 2012; Roest et al. 2012; Schönpflug and Bilz 2009). While attitudes

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and values, together with actions, are the outcome variables we are interested in, our overarching goal is to connect these outcome variables to economic self-sufficiency. Therefore, we need to integrate mechanisms that are more directly related to that empirical phenomenon. The (mostly sociological) literature on educational inequalities offers two mechanisms that we will discuss in turn, and which are complementary to each other (van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007): cultural and social reproduction (Bourdieu 1984; Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) and relative risk aversion (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997; Goldthorpe 1996). Drawing on research on educational inequalities is useful for at least two reasons. First, educational decisions and outcomes are directly related to economic self-sufficiency (see Chapter 1). Second, similar to the phenomenon of educational inequalities, the intergenerational processes influencing economic self-sufficiency are related to the socio-economic status of the individual generations, in the sense of continuity or either upward or downward social mobility (Schuck 2019), and to the corresponding actions both parents and their children take. As discussed above, actions are determined by attitudes that are shown to change in response to changes in context (e.g. immigration) or one’s personal circumstances (e.g. unemployment). However, the socio-economic status is not only relevant in terms of social mobility, it entails that parents have different resources (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997; Goldthorpe 1996) or forms of capital (Bourdieu 1984; Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) at their disposal that they can transfer directly to their children; this is then expected to foster the continuity of the socioeconomic status. 2.4.1

Relative Risk Aversion Theory

Parents can directly affect the economic self-sufficiency of their children in different ways; one of these relates to investment in their education. In this context, Breen and Goldthorpe’s (1997) relative risk aversion theory posits that the parents’ investment in education and the children’s demand for education are a function of the utility that individuals gain from education. The first behavioural assumption of this model is that children take their parents’ social position as a reference for their own aspirations. The second assumption is that individuals make choices related to education which seek to avoid downward social mobility. Put differently, children aspire to reach at least the same socio-economic status or social class as that of their parents. When children reach at least the

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same socio-economic status as their parents, they gain a utility bonus (Holm and Jæger 2008: 200). Third, individuals are forward-looking and establish a connection between investment in education and the avoidance of downward mobility. Consequently, all participants in the educational systems have a similar goal of avoiding downward mobility (Goldthorpe 1996). However, this does not mean that having the same goal results in the same levels of parental investment in education. To the contrary, we can expect children from families with a higher socio-economic status to stay longer in the educational system than their lower class counterparts (van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007: 392). This results from the observation that individuals with different socio-economic backgrounds have different thresholds whereby the costs of continuing education outweigh its utility (Holm and Jæger 2008: 200). In this context, it is important to bear in mind that further education might have rising marginal costs. Thus, children who have reached the socio-economic status of their parents, and thereby gained a utility bonus, have fewer incentives to invest in further education. Therefore, it is not the parents’ resources per se that determine the educational outcomes of children, but the perceived utility of making use of these resources. The relative risk aversion theory predominantly explains why some societal groups have little incentive to pursue higher education and why education inequalities persist despite public policies that seek to equalise the families’ resources within society. Several studies tested the empirical implications of the models and, while they could show the theoretically expected impact on educational choices, they could not fully explain differences in class (Kroneberg and Kalter 2012: 78). Therefore, there have been some theoretical revisions and expansions. One of them concerns the modelling of uncertainty regarding the future social class (Holm and Jæger 2008). Considering the centrality of the assumption that individuals are forward-looking, the model could be modified to explain upward social mobility. If individuals are faced with uncertainty (e.g. due to developments such as globalisation; Blossfeld et al. 2011), they may also be more willing to make greater investments in education to avoid the threat of downward social mobility—an act which may itself also lead to upward social mobility. Thus, while Breen and Goldthorpe (1997) developed this model to explain persistent differences in social class, the theorised causal mechanisms underlying it have the potential to seize its analytical power for predicting different outcome variables.

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Cultural and Social Reproduction Theory

The analytical interest of cultural and social reproduction theory is similar to that of the relative risk aversion model discussed in the previous section: it seeks to explain persisting social inequalities in educational attainment in Western societies despite the adoption of public policies that aim to equalise access to education. While the relative risk aversion theory emphasises the differences in the utility of investment in education, the cultural and social reproduction theory stresses the role of the families’ resources and their unequal distribution in society. This theory was put forth by Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), therefore representing the conventional perspective on educational inequality. This theory builds on Bourdieu’s (1984) differentiation between three types of power resources, which are transferred from one generation to the next: social, cultural and economical capital. Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) consider cultural capital to be the most important form of capital that children inherit from their parents. While Bourdieu (1979) recognises different types of cultural capital, this theory refers to familiarity with the dominant culture in society, which is also prevalent in educational institutions. Since children of middle-class families are more familiar with the dominant culture, their educational performance is better compared to children of less advantaged families (van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007: 393). Empirical research has shown that cultural capital is indeed transferred from parents to children. However, the findings depend on the type of cultural capital. In this regard, Kraaykamp and van Eijck (2010) show that children’s schooling levels are affected by parental education and, to a lesser extent, parental cultural behaviour, which indicates that it is worth seizing different types of cultural capital for analytical purposes. Compared to cultural capital, the other two capitals, economic and social capital, feature less prominently in the cultural and social reproduction theory, but they matter as they provide additional resources that determine educational attainments. Economic capital—wages or other form of monetary assets (Bourdieu 1984: 114–115)—has both a direct (e.g. through the payment of tuition fees) or indirect (e.g. through the financial subsidisation of children) effect on education decisions. Social capital, much like the extent and quality of social networks—in the sense of Bourdieu (1979)—has been shown to be important to educational attainment (e.g. Braziene 2020). Yet it should be noted that the

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majority of empirical studies of the effects of social capital has adopted a different theoretical perspective than the one advanced by Bourdieu and Passeron (1977). Many studies have, for example, adopted the theoretical approach advocated by Coleman (1994), who stressed that social capital accumulated both within and outside families influences educational attainment. And, drawing on differentiation between ‘bonding’ and ‘bridging’ capital as put forth by Putnam (2001), research has also shown that intra-family connections (bonding capital) and the social connections of parents with others (bridging capital) have an impact on the educational attainment of children. Relating these concepts back to Bourdieu’s work, it is the families’ or parents’ social connections with people from outside the family that function as a resource. In this context (Jæger and Holm 2007: 722), for example, allude to the role of the parents’ social connections in helping their children to find apprenticeship positions. Since all three forms of capital as defined by Bourdieu (1979) have been shown to matter for educational attainment as a resource transmitted from one generation to another, the case studies presented in Chapters 4– 14 will equally pay attention to the full set.

2.5

Parenting Styles

Various literatures recognise parents as important socialisation agents who influence their children’s attitudes, values and actions. However, the effect of socialisation within the family depends on the so-called ‘transmission belts’ that facilitate or impede intergenerational transmission processes (Schönpflug and Bilz 2009). Of the various transmission belts discussed in the literature, we concentrate on parenting styles as identified by Baumrind (1967, 1980) and as expanded on by Maccoby and Martin (1983). These comprise: • authoritarian, • authoritative, • and permissive (subdivided in indulgent and neglectful). An authoritative parenting style is one in which parents set clear standards for their children, monitoring their development and helping them to be autonomous. In this way, they are demanding and set firm rules.

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Unlike other parenting styles, parents explain and justify their expectations and are open to feedback. Authoritative parents regard their parental rights and obligations as complementary to the duties and rights of their children (Baumrind 1980). They promote their children’s sense of self-direction, responsibility and self-control. Authoritative parents are seen as the most effective parents, because they generate a relationship which enables children to accept their parents’ values as their own while maintaining their curiosity, originality and spontaneity (Grusec and Goodnow 1994). This parenting style also has a positive influence on the competence of adolescents (Baumrind 1991). Research indicates that the higher the socio-economic status of parents, the more likely they are to act in an authoritative way that is supportive of the development of autonomy, thus fostering close and communicative parent–child relations (Greenberger et al. 1994). While working-class parents tend to value obedience and conformity, middle-class parents are more likely to value curiosity, happiness, self-control and self-direction. In turn, parents who value self-direction are more likely to provide their children with values and habits that improve their chances of success in later life, including intrinsic motivation, internalisation and adjustment (Soenens and Beyers 2012). Authoritative parenting is furthermore associated with parental responsiveness, which has been found to lead to more successful value transmission. In this context, Rohan and Zanna (1996), for instance, argue that the child’s perception of parental responsiveness is positively linked to parental trustworthiness, fairness and lack of hypocrisy. This increases the likelihood that children take on similar values as their parents. The more positive opinions children have of their parents, the more likely they are to use their parents as models and the less likely they are to rebel. Authoritarian parents, by contrast, build a controlling environment (Soenens and Vansteenkiste 2010) and expect their children to live up to rigid standards that are not open to discussion. Their parenting is more likely to be characterised by power assertion, physical punishment and discouraging behaviour (Luster et al. 1989). Children adhere to their parents’ wishes to avoid punishment and not because they are motivated to adopt parental standards (Soenens and Vansteenkiste 2010). Power assertion can be seen as detrimental to the motivation of young children to comply with their parents’ wishes (Grusec and Goodnow 1994). In general, a psychological controlling and autonomy-suppressing parent is related to ill-being and maladaptive outcomes (Soenens and Beyers 2012).

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The third parenting style is permissive parenting, which can be divided into two types: indulgence and neglect (Lamborn et al. 1991). Both show low levels of involvement in their child’s development and are lax in control, yet the reasons for their lenient parenting style are very different. Whereas indulgence is based on ideals of trust and democracy, neglect reflects a disengagement from parental responsibilities. Moreover, whereas indulgent parents are highly responsive, neglectful parents show low levels of responsiveness. The two types of permissive parenting have been shown to have very different consequences for child development and outcomes in later life. Adolescents from neglectful families fare worst compared to other parenting styles; they tend to be more passive in terms of their achievement strategies and show high levels of failure expectations (Aunola et al. 2000). In addition to the previous styles, parents can also be overprotective. Adopting an external locus of control is related to an overprotective parenting style (Spokas and Heimberg 2009). DeHart et al. (2006) showed that children who reported that their parents were overprotective also reported lower implicit self-esteem. Young adults who reported that their parents were more nurturing also tended to report higher implicit self-esteem compared to those whose parents were less nurturing. An overprotective parenting style thus can hinder a child’s development toward economic self-sufficiency. In sum, parenting styles that create emotionally positive interactions between children and parents increase the openness of family members to learning from each other. Parenting styles that create emotionally negative interactions are likely to distance children from their parents and to have an adverse effect on intergenerational transmission processes (Albert and Ferring 2012: 4). However, it should be noted that parenting styles can also be subject to changes due to exogenous factors, such as self-perceived job insecurity (Lübke 2018).

2.6

Contextual Factors

Families and their members are embedded in various contexts, which also need to be taken into consideration. Since this volume is interested in a comparative assessment of the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, values and actions that are directed towards the attainment of economic self-sufficiency, it concentrates on different types of country-specific contexts.

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In this regard, the most important context is provided by welfare regimes, of which four distinct models exist in Europe: Nordic, AngloSaxon, Mediterranean and the Continental (Castles and Ferrera 1996; Esping-Andersen 1990; Gal 2010). In the words of Esping-Andersen (1990), welfare regimes vary according to two main dimensions. The first is decommodification, which denotes the extent to which workers’ incomes are made independent of the earnings of the labour market. The second dimension is stratification, which denotes the extent to which the welfare regime serves to maintain the existing class society by awarding higher benefits to people who previously earned higher incomes, in the case of joblessness, sickness or retirement. An extensive body of research has shown that welfare regimes influence attitudes towards work and welfare (Roosma et al. 2014; Svallfors 2012). A related literature strand has reported that changes in welfare regimes by means of welfare reforms also have an impact on attitudes and values (e.g. van Oorschot et al. 2017). Raitano (2015) goes one step further and argues that the welfare regime in place in a country influences the intergenerational transmission of inequalities. His argument concentrates less on the characteristics or a reform of the welfare state, but rather on differences in education systems and characteristics of the labour market. Consequently, he contends that in countries with a heterogeneous education system (e.g. the United Kingdom), children from middle-class families benefit from the (economic) resources provided to them by their parents. Conversely, in some countries, because of characteristics of the labour market, social networks play an essential role in finding employment—which would mean that a family’s social capital becomes a critical factor for the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The empirical testing of the theoretical model revealed that there is little ‘transmission of inequality’ in the Nordic welfare states, followed by the Continental ones, but a considerable degree in the Anglo-Saxon and Southern welfare states. More generally, we can contend that the characteristics of the education system and the labour market represent an opportunity structure that young people must consider if they are seeking to attain economic self-sufficiency. In this context, for example, Verwiebe et al. (2019) highlight the importance of the dual vocational education and training system in Austria as an important contextual factor that affects the strategies of migrants for finding employment. However, changes in existing country-level institutions can also have an impact. Economic recession,

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for instance, and changes in self-perceived job insecurity (Lübke and Erlinghagen 2014) are likely to affect how young people seek to become self-sufficient. The country context is also important from the perspective of (crosscultural) psychology, since the existence of prevalent cultural norms (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede et al. 2010) should have an impact on intergenerational relationships (Trommsdorff 2009), parenting styles (Darling and Steinberg 1993), and the attitudes and values themselves (Barni et al. 2012; Sümer et al. 2019). In fact, Barni et al. (2012) point out that the similarity observed between children and their parents is not necessarily the outcome of successful intergenerational transmission, but can also be the result of a ‘stereotype effect’ and therefore be the outcome of children adopting the dominant mainstream position in a society. In other words, parent–child similarity might also arise through socialisation in the same cultural context. Cross-cultural comparison in the European context requires also considering differences between individualistic and collectivistic cultures (Bugental and Grusec 2007; Hofstede 2001) in value orientations, the importance and organisation of families as well as outcomes of different parenting styles in different cultures. This explains why the literature in cross-cultural psychology is particularly interested in how intergenerational transmission takes place in families where the grandparents and/or parents immigrated to a different county, as this means the children are exposed to a different cultural context (e.g. Hadjar et al. 2012; Phalet and Schönpflug 2001). Therefore, the comparative perspective of this volume provides a valuable opportunity for assessing the potential impact of varying cultural contexts on the outcome variables.

2.7

Stylised Model

Figure 2.1 presents the theoretical framework as developed in the above sections. It comprises the generation of grandparents, parents and (grand)children. Depending on the housing situation, the quality of family relations and the involvement of grandparents in child care, the impact of grandparents on their grandchildren’s attitudes, values and actions can be direct or mediated through the effect they had on their own children (Barni et al. 2012; Møllegaard and Jæger 2015). We presume that the main mechanism through which families shape young people’s attitudes, values and actions is socialisation, as indicated

2

GRANDPARENTS

Resources: Reproduction

1st group of outcome variables • Attitudes

Social Class: Risk Aversion

Social Class: Risk Aversion

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CHILDREN

PARENTS

Resources: Reproduction

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

• Values

2nd outcome variable Economic self-sufficiency

• Actions Socialisation

Parenting styles Contextual factors

Fig. 2.1 Stylised theoretical framework (Remarks: own elaboration)

by the grey box (Grusec and Hastings 2015; Schönpflug 2001, 2009). This mechanism is complemented by the intergenerational transmission of resources, as postulated by the theory of cultural and social reproduction (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977), and the utility bonus children gain when they succeed in reaching the same social class as their parents (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997). These three mechanisms are expected to influence young people’s attitudes, values and actions that are conducive to economic self-sufficiency, which represents the first group of outcomes. The second outcome is the attainment of economic self-sufficiency, which we expect to be also affected by various country-specific, contextual factors. The contextual factors should also have an impact on parenting styles as well as on three mechanisms of intergenerational transmission. The three mechanisms should also be conditioned by parenting styles (e.g. Sümer et al. 2019).

2.8

Conclusion

Numerous studies from different disciplines and literatures have shown that parents influence their children’s attitudes, values and actions. The extensive size of the literature and the wealth of theoretical constructs

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discussed and tested therein make it necessary to focus on one or a few theoretical perspectives, since otherwise it becomes too difficult to connect the theoretical framework to the empirical analysis. This holds particularly true for the methodological approach we chose here, which draws on in-depth interviews with families composed of multiple generations. Consequently, we concentrate on three mechanisms that we hypothesise to underlie intergenerational transmission and to explain how families influence the children’s attitudes, values and actions, which in turn influence the development of economic self-sufficiency. Socialisation within families is the main mechanism through which intergenerational transmission occurs. This theoretical framework introduces two additional mechanisms of parental influence as put forth by the theory of cultural and social reproduction (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977) and the theory of relative risk aversion(Breen and Goldthorpe 1997). We also identified parenting styles (Baumrind 1967, 1980, 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983) and country-specific contexts, such as the predominant culture (e.g. Barni et al. 2012) or the existing welfare state arrangements (e.g. Baranowska et al. 2015), as important moderating variables. The theoretical framework has the advantage that it facilitates a focused and two-dimensional comparative analysis of intergenerational transmission processes and their outcomes. The two dimensions of comparison include a comparison of families across countries and within countries, which we consider a robust basis for providing insights into how families matter for young people’s attainment of economic self-sufficiency. At the same time, the framework is flexible enough to accommodate specific observations for individual families or countries. It also permits the inclusion, at least to some degree, of additional variables that may turn out to be important for explaining the phenomena of interest.

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Schönpflug, U. (2009). Cultural Transmission: Psychological, Developmental, Social, and Methodological Aspects. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Schönpflug, U., & Bilz, L. (2009). The Transmission Process: Mechanisms and Contexts. In Cultural Transmission: Psychological, Developmental, Social, and Methodological Aspects (pp. 212–239). New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press. Schuck, B. (2019). Intergenerational Mobility of Young Europeans: A Comparative Analysis of Social and Political Consequences. Heidelberg University Library. Schuck, B., & Shore, J. (2019). How Intergenerational Mobility Shapes Attitudes toward Work and Welfare. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 139–154. https://doi.org/10.1177/000271621 8822457. Schwartz, S. (2006). A Theory of Cultural Value Orientations: Explication and Applications. Comparative Sociology, 5(2–3), 137–182. https://doi.org/10. 1163/156913306778667357. Schwartz, S. H. (2012). An Overview of the Schwartz Theory of Basic Values. Online Readings in Psychology and Culture, 2(1), 1–20. https://doi.org/10. 9707/2307-0919.1116. Soenens, B., & Beyers, W. (2012). The Cross-Cultural Significance of Control and Autonomy in Parent–Adolescent Relationships. Journal of Adolescence, 35(2), 243–248. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.adolescence.2012.02.007. Soenens, B., & Vansteenkiste, M. (2010). A Theoretical Upgrade of the Concept of Parental Psychological Control: Proposing New Insights on the Basis of Self-Determination Theory. Developmental Review, 30(1), 74–99. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.dr.2009.11.001. Spokas, M., & Heimberg, R. G. (2009). Overprotective Parenting, Social Anxiety, and External Locus of Control: Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Relationships. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 33(6), 543–551. https://doi. org/10.1007/s10608-008-9227-5. Stern, P. C., Kalof, L., Dietz, T., & Guagnano, G. A. (1995). Values, Beliefs, and Proenvironmental Action: Attitude Formation Toward Emergent Attitude Objects. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 25(18), 1611–1636. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1995.tb02636.x. Sümer, N., Pauknerová, D., Vancea, M., & Manuo˘glu, E. (2019). Intergenerational Transmission of Work Values in Czech Republic, Spain, and Turkey: Parent–Child Similarity and the Moderating Role of Parenting Behaviors. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 86–105. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219830953. Svallfors, S. (2012). Contested Welfare States: Welfare Attitudes in Europe and Beyond. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.

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Tosun, J., & Hörisch, F. (2019). Steering the Behaviour of Young People: The EU’s Policy Approach to Promote Employment. In H. Straßheim & S. Beck (Eds.), Handbook of Behavioural Change and Public Policy (pp. 257–271). Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. Tosun, J., Hörisch, F., & Marques, P. (2019a). Youth Employment in Europe: Coordination as a Crucial Dimension. International Journal of Social Welfare, 28(4), 350–357. https://doi.org/10.1111/ijsw.12403. Tosun, J., Treib, O., & de Francesco, F. (2019b). The Impact of the European Youth Guarantee on Active Labour Market Policies: A Convergence Analysis. International Journal of Social Welfare, 28(4), 358–368. https://doi.org/10. 1111/ijsw.12375. Tosun, J., Unt, M., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Youth-Oriented Active Labour Market Policies: Explaining Policy Effort in the Nordic and the Baltic States. Social Policy & Administration, 51(4), 598–616. https://doi.org/10.1111/ spol.12315. Trein, P., & Tosun, J. (2019). Varieties of Public–Private Policy Coordination: How the Political Economy Affects Multi-Actor Implementation. Public Policy and Administration, 095207671988909. https://doi.org/10.1177/095207 6719889099. Trommsdorff, G. (2009). Intergenerational Relations and Cultural Transmission. In Cultural Transmission: Psychological, Developmental, Social, and Methodological Aspects (pp. 126–160). New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press. van de Werfhorst, H. G., & Hofstede, S. (2007). Cultural capital or relative risk aversion? Two mechanisms for educational inequality compared. The British Journal of Sociology, 58(3), 391–415. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446. 2007.00157.x. van Deth, J. W., & Scarbrough, E. (1998). The Impact of Values. Oxford: Oxford University Press. van Oorschot, W., Roosma, F., Meuleman, B., & Reeskens, T. (Eds.). (2017). The Social Legitimacy of Targeted Welfare: Attitudes to Welfare Deservingness. Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. Verwiebe, R., et al. (2019). Finding Your Way into Employment Against All Odds? Successful Job Search of Refugees in Austria. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 45(9), 1401–1418. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X. 2018.1552826.

Jale Tosun is Professor of Political Science at the Institute of Political Science at Heidelberg University. She coordinated the project ‘Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship’ (CUPESSE), which ran from 2014 to 2018 and was funded by the EU’s Seventh Framework Programme

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(grant agreement number: 613257). Her research interests comprise comparative public policy, international political economy, public administration, and European integration. Bernhard Kittel is Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Vienna. His current research interests cover labour market behaviour, justice attitudes and behaviour, and the integration of refugees in the labour market. His research has been published in sociological, political science and economics journals. Daniela Pauknerová is an associate professor and a Head of the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. Her research interests include social, work and organisational psychology, leadership, diversity management and cross-cultural psychology.

CHAPTER 3

Methodological Framework Julia Rita Warmuth, Julia Weiss, Daniela Pauknerová, Jan Hanzlík, Jale Tosun, and Bernhard Kittel

3.1

Introduction

In this volume we pursue the goal of tracing empirically the causal mechanisms identified in this chapter, which we hypothesise to lead to

J. R. Warmuth (B) · B. Kittel Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] B. Kittel e-mail: [email protected] J. Weiss Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] D. Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] J. Hanzlík Department of Arts Management, Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_3

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specific attitudes, values, and actions that are conducive to the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The empirical investigation comprises two dimensions: the first one concerns the comparison of families living in the same country but possessing different characteristics, whereas the second relates to the comparison of intergenerational transmission processes across different countries. The second perspective is particularly useful for assessing the role and importance of varying country contexts, though the first perspective also varies to some degree in respect of the family context and therefore offers additional insights into the importance of context. Our analytical goal should be viewed as particularly ambitious, considering that our analysis comprises three generations of family members and their relationships. Indeed, the identification and recruitment of families for the purpose of this study has been a demanding endeavour. In some countries, access to the representatives of the individual generations was unproblematic because of short distances or the cultural habit of family members not moving far away. The analysis of the rich data generated from the family interviews was a challenging yet intellectually stimulating exercise. Indeed, the family interviews provided valuable insights into the relationships between the generations, their expectations and aspirations both for themselves and the other generations, and the way in which family members belonging to different generations perceive the outcomes of education and career. The subsequent Chapters 4–14, will present the findings of the interviews and the theoretically relevant insights. In this chapter, we explain our methodological approach to recruiting the families for the semi-structured biographical interviews, the way in which we carried out the interviews, and how the interview data were processed in order to provide insights that are relevant to our analytical interests.

J. Tosun Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected]

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3.2 Linking the Theoretical Interest with the Methodological Approach Chapters 1 and 2 raised several questions that guide the analyses in this volume: How does socialisation regarding work and education occur within the family? Does family matter in terms of the wish to maintain the parents’ social status, in terms of resources, or both? How does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? How does the country context, such as welfare state arrangements, moderate the transmission process? The objective of this volume is to complement survey-based studies of transmission processes (Tosun et al. 2019) by capturing the subtle details of how family dynamics matter for motivating or enabling young people to take decisions that increase their economic self-sufficiency. Moreover, this approach allows us to bring the subjective experience of respondents to the fore who, as actors in their own lives, form ideas and opinions about their lives and the factors determining their choices. With regard to the first question, socialisation processes within families are so diverse that it is worth adopting a more open approach than a standardised measurement of socialisation that characterises survey research (Kraaykamp et al. 2019). The qualitative approach is better able to capture the social mechanisms at work in this process. These include issues which socialisation theory considers important for the transmission of culture-specific attitudes and values, such as the role of early childhood experiences, parenting quality, and social learning via role-modelling (Schönpflug 2001; Phalet and Schönpflug 2001). The advantage of an interview-based approach becomes even more obvious upon examination of the second question. Lennartz and Helbrecht (2018), for instance, investigate how the housing transitions of young adults in Germany are shaped by intergenerational intra-family support. The authors are interested in the exchange relation between the generations concerning resources that eventually determine the youth’s housing outcomes. By conducting biographical interviews with three generations, the authors provide nuanced insights into how the intergenerational transmission of resources matters. We also utilise the advantages of biographical interviewing in order to explore the third guiding question, which concerns parenting styles. Following the theories of parenting styles proposed by Baumrind (1980, 1991) and Maccoby and Martin (1983), we distinguish between three

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styles, namely the authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive parenting styles, which we described in more detail in the conceptual framework (see Chapter 2). Additionally, the subjective perception of the parenting styles provides another piece of information that enables us to gain a better understanding of how and under what conditions they matter (Buschgens et al. 2010). Family life is always heavily influenced by its cultural and countryspecific context. The ways in which families and individuals are supported by state policy mechanisms differ vastly in the countries studied. Undoubtedly, the particular welfare state arrangements have a significant impact on the transition from youth to adulthood, though so does the way in which family members perceive and utilise these arrangements. Interviews can provide us with more subtle perspectives, reveal possible biases that people may have towards welfare arrangements and their uses, and inform us about individual experience in welfare regimes.

3.3

Research Design

The process of conducting qualitative empirical research raises various questions concerning the most adequate approach. We discuss these aspects to give a comprehensive and transparent overview of the decisions taken on the following questions: (1) Which interview type is appropriate for the research interest at hand? (2) Who belongs to the population we are interested in and which sampling procedure is appropriate? (3) How were the interviews conducted? (4) Which analytical methods were applied to analyse the data? 3.3.1

Interview Type

We adopted an interviewing method that enabled us to target a specific, socially relevant problem, namely the intergenerational transmission of values, traits, and resources. We collected data in the form of biography-oriented, problem-centred interviews (Witzel 2000; Witzel and Reiter 2012). Problem-centred interviews (PCIs) represent a “discursive-dialogic method of reconstructing knowledge about relevant problems” (Witzel and Reiter 2012: 4). This type of semi-structured interview is a compromise between a guided and an unstructured interview technique (Hopf 2004; Scheibelhofer 2008) and thereby enables the researcher to combine inductive and deductive elements.

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PCIs offer two advantages that are relevant to our object of investigation. The first solves the issue of partiality and prior knowledge, which we cannot assume researchers approaching this topic will have, as PCIs incorporate previous knowledge into the deductive elements of the interview and orient the inductive elements towards the object of investigation (Witzel and Reiter 2012). Thus, by employing this method, we disclosed and explicated our prior knowledge and used it to facilitate the learning process and to increase our chances of acquiring novel knowledge regarding intergenerational transmission processes. Second, in the sense of the principle of appropriateness (Flick 2018), our focus was on the object both in the research process and in the actual interview. In terms of the research process, for example, this guides the sampling process (see Sect. 3.2) in which the previous knowledge is purposefully used to define comparison groups. Furthermore, considering that the sample of our interviews was reasonably heterogeneous, problem-centred interviews provide a particularly suitable instrument, as this approach corresponds well to the different communication capacities of the interviewees (Reiter 2003). The actual interview situation (see Sect. 3.3) and the goal of consolidating iterative knowledge implies that the interviews are conducted in the form of a (semi-structured) dialogue (Brinkmann 2015). This technique allows the interviewer to ask follow-up questions, thereby stimulating narrative responses from the interviewee. In the case of our study, where the analysis of interpretative patterns with regard to societal and biographical issues is at the centre of interest, this form of interview is particularly suitable. 3.3.1.1 Interview Guide Our research addresses a specific social phenomenon, which we approach through a theoretical lens. Hence, we use a conceptual model to guide the research process. In this respect an interview guide builds the bridge between the researcher’s interests and the field, and supports the interviewer in asking questions that are relevant to the specific topics of interest as well as in guiding the interviewee towards these topics (Kvale and Brinkmann 2014; Lewis-Beck et al. 2004). By providing a framework within which the interview develops, the interview guide has two central functions. On the one hand, it ensures that the interview focuses on the problem; on the other, it guarantees the consistency and comparability of the individual interviews (Witzel and Reiter 2012).

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A central challenge to this research is that the interviews had to be carried out in different countries and cultures. In light of this multicultural setting, we developed an interview guide with a higher level of structuring than would normally be done in a more homogeneous field setting (see full interview guide in Table A.1 in the Appendix). Although interview guides serve more as a reminder than as a fixed collection of pre-formulated questions, we perceived a higher level of structuring as a prerequisite for ensuring international comparability. Still, with the exception of the transition sequences, which we standardised in order to provide every interviewee with the same information, the interviewers were free to reformulate the questions in the course of the interview and to change their order to enhance the narrative form of the interview. The interview guide consists of three main thematic modules. • Module 1: Educational background and previous work experience • Module 2: Family background • Module 3: Work values and value transmission In addition to the questions, interviewers were asked to ensure that the interviewees gave sufficiently in-depth answers to a set of specific, predefined topics. This collection of thematic aspects was meant to make it easier for the interviewers to cover all topics adequately. Whereas the first question of each thematic module was an open question, the follow-up questions could have a probing, specifying, or direct character. In module 1 the interviewees were asked to give a description of their educational background and previous work experience. This selfpresentation also served as a general icebreaker for the rest of the interview. Next, the interviewees were encouraged to describe their current employment status in more detail. At this point, the interview guidelines distinguish between the different labour market statuses of the young respondents in such a way that the interviewers were asked to adapt the subsequent questions to the reported labour market status. For example, self-employed individuals were asked to tell more about their decision to become self-employed and their self-employment as such, whereas young people in education were asked what kind of job they were going to look for after their graduation from college and/or after they had finished their vocational training.

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Afterwards, the interviewer shifted the focus onto the interviewee’s family background and processes within the family (module 2). This module comprises of two thematic focuses. In the beginning we were interested in the parents’ work and their financial situation. In the following we wanted to get an impression of life in the interviewee’s family. Major aspects of interest were family activities, the relationship between the family members, parenting, and the work history of the parents, going back to the young adult’s early teenage years. In addition to looking back in time, we were also interested in the current relationship between the parents and their children. The above-mentioned themes and questions primarily reveal episodic knowledge. In this retrospective regard especially, we had to be aware of two levels of the story—the narrated and the real life of the interviewee (Rosenthal and Fisher-Rosenthal). Interviewers were therefore requested to ask the same questions in all three generations in order to compare perceptions of all selected family members and triangulate their views if possible. Module 3 aims to generate semantic knowledge on work values in general and value transmission in particular. The interviewees were asked to give their assessment of which values are important in the labour market and which in their desired job. Furthermore, interviewer and interviewee discussed the perceived intergenerational transmission of relevant values and traits. 3.3.2

Sampling

The study was designed as a comparative qualitative study. According to Witzel and Reiter (2012), problem-centred interviews are best combined with selective or purposive sampling on the basis of foreknowledge and certain criteria. We sampled ten families per country according to a theory-based categorisation. Since this study focuses on the intergenerational transmission of values and resources and in how far this transmission influences the school-to-work transition of young people, young people and their labour market status represent the leading criteria of the sampling procedure. More specifically, we sampled the youngest generation and selected the parent whom the youth indicated as being more important in the upbringing process. Similarly, we chose an interviewee from the grandparents’ generation. We concentrated on young people aged between 18 and 35. Although many statistical agencies use 25 as a cut-off point to refer to young adults,

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adopting this approach would have led to truncated variance along our key outcome variables that are related to economic self-sufficiency, as many people in their twenties are yet to reach financial independence (Shore and Tosun 2019). Generally, the transition to adulthood has become a prolonged period, so that the definition of young adults used here comprises all young people up to 35 years of age (Arnett 2014). It has to be taken into consideration that the labour market status of self-employment is very uncommon among adults in their twenties. The sampling scheme applied three selection criteria. The two central dimensions were the labour market status and gender, as variation can be expected on the basis of these characteristics. With regard to gender, previous studies have shown, for example, that for young men work plays a more central role in their lives than for young women (Cemalcilar et al. 2019). Further differences can be expected, as previous studies have shown, that the importance of intrinsic and extrinsic work values varies according to the labour market status of the young adults (Lukeš et al. 2019). The combination of these two dimensions allows us to investigate gender-specific patterns for employed, unemployed, and self-employed young adults as well as for students and those employed in family business (Almeida and Simões 2020). In addition to labour market status and gender, as theorised in Chapter 2, we selected young people on the criterion of the place where they were brought up. In order to capture possible differences between the urban and the rural context, the sampling guidelines included the prerequisite that five of the interviewed families should live in a rural area and five in an urban area (irrespective of the current residence of the young adults), whereby no further restriction was applied on the distribution according to the two main criteria. Table 3.1 provides an overview of the sampling guidelines. Besides these general guidelines, no further requirements were imposed on the country teams. In this respect, the country teams were free to choose how to implement the recruitment process practically. Each country chapter presents detailed information on how contact to the respective families was established. The country teams chose a variety of approaches. In most countries, interview partners were found through the contacts of the members of the research team. In Austria, for example, most contacts were made through the students who were involved in the research project, as the interviews were conducted in the context of a master’s-level course in sociology. Other paths were taken in the

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Table 3.1 Sampling strategy for the recruitment of the young adults Labour market status

Gender (m/f)

Employed Self-employed Employed in the family business In education Unemployment

1/1 1/1 1/1 1/1 1/1

Urban vs. Rural 50:50 of all interviews conducted in one country

Remarks: Own elaboration

United Kingdom, where they recruited via social media postings on local community groups or through contact with local employment support charities. However, it also became apparent that some target groups are very difficult to reach. In Germany, for example, it was difficult to recruit unemployed young adults and their families. Thus, the German team used its connection to a social worker to get in contact with young unemployed people and their families. In this manner, it was possible to gain the trust of the families. In contrast to the general procedure, which did not provide financial incentives, these unemployed young people from German families received financial compensation. Table 3.2 gives an overview of the interviews realised in the eleven countries under study. It reports the number of families interviews as well as the number of individual interviews since at times not interviews with three generations of family members did not materialise. The highest number of interviews could be realised in Austria (N = 42) and the lowest in Hungary (N = 27). 3.3.3

Conducting the Interviews

As we are interested in the different perspectives within one family, it was important to interview the family members separately. We assured the interviewees that no information would be given to other family members to ensure that they spoke freely and did not hold back any relevant information that was not meant to be heard by others within the family. Similarly, we asked the interviewees not to talk with each other about the content of the interviews before every interview in this family had been finalised. To the extent possible, the interviews in one family

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Table 3.2 Overview of the interviews realised by country Country

Number of families

Number of interviews

Austria

17

42

Czech Republic

10

30

Denmark Germany

10 10

32 30

Greece Hungary Italy

10 9 10

30 27 34

Spain Switzerland

10 10

30 29

Turkey United Kingdom

10 11

30 30

117

344

Total number

Remarks Nine interviews with two generations One interview with two generations Four interviews with two generations One family missing Six interviews with two generations One interview with two generations Three families with two generations

Remarks: Own elaboration

were conducted within a short time span. Most of the interviews were conducted face to face, a small number via phone. Before the interviews, the respondents received basic information about the background, purpose, and nature of the interview. In this context, the interviewers were instructed not to provide information relevant to the research process, such as the research question, in order not to alter the response behaviour of the interviewees. Furthermore, the interviewers emphasised that participation is voluntary and that anonymity is granted at all stages of the research process. To this end, the collected data as well as the results were saved under pseudonyms in order to prevent their allocation to specific persons. Respondents were asked if they agree to the interview being recorded and they had the chance to ask any questions they might have regarding the process. In order to be binding for both parties, a letter of agreement was signed. At the beginning of the interview, the communication patterns of this interview form were presented to make sure that the interviewee was aware that extensive narratives were allowed and of interest and that the interviewer would ask some guiding questions. The interviewer

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made it clear to the interviewee that the interview would not follow the conventional question-answer pattern known from questionnaire-based research. The initial phase of the interview started with an icebreaking question, asking respondents to summarise their educational background and work experience. This was followed by an interactive and dialogical reconstruction of the topic. Through follow-up questions, probing, and complementary questions, the interviewers guided the interview, without drawing hard thematic boundaries. In order to record comparative background information about the interviewee, all respondents were asked to fill in a short questionnaire on sociodemographic characteristics. In the interest of not influencing the actual interview process, this short questionnaire was handed out at the end of the interview. The role of interviewers is quite challenging with regard to qualitative inquiry. On the one hand, the interviewer within semi-structured biographical interviews has to be well informed on the research problem at hand; on the other, the interviewer is supposed to assume a reflexive stance in relation to the research situation. To ensure the interviews were of high quality, all interviewers chosen were either experienced with this interview method or received an interview training beforehand. This training included a theoretical and methodical introduction as well as practical training. In addition, the handling of difficult situations was discussed with the interviewers. Experienced staff, who had already conducted semi-structured biographical interviews in different contexts, led this training. Furthermore, and in terms of post-processing, we asked the interviewers to produce an interview protocol for each interview. Each protocol contains the date of the interview, length, gender of the interviewee, and their status within the family (youth/parent/grandparent), as well as notes on problems or particularities of the interview process. 3.3.4

Data Analysis

All interviews were transcribed in the original language. We refrained from preparing translations to avoid any loss of information. Thus, every country team analysed their own data. This procedure is reflected in the country-specific chapters in this volume. Such a decentralised process poses the challenge of ensuring the quality and consistency of the analyses conducted. In the following, we present the analytical approach, which represents a middle ground between standardisation and analytical openness.

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We rely on qualitative content analysis as it is well suited to comparative analysis. Two central aspects, namely the coding process and the subsequent data analysis, will be presented in more detail in the following sections. 3.3.4.1 Coding We combined deductive and inductive approaches to coding in order to label and organise the data obtained from the interviews (Schreier 2012). With regard to further cross-country comparison, it was necessary to reduce the vast complexity of the spoken words and to make the data more accessible. Thus, we combined two strategies throughout the research process: a concept-driven approach based on theory and the existing literature, and a data-driven approach, in which categories were introduced and added as they emerged from the data (Schreier 2012). More specifically, the coding procedure comprises three steps and differentiates between manifest and latent content: (1) In a first step, we constructed general deductive codes (main categories). These conceptdriven codes operationalise a set of predefined concepts. This deductive approach facilitates access to the data as it guides the interpreters to interview sections that contain information relevant to the theoretically relevant constructs. (2) In a second step, we applied open coding to identify more specific subcategories in text passages to which a main category could be assigned. In this context, we differentiate between two levels of codes. 3.3.4.2 Codes on Level 1 A first round of open coding was carried out in Austria and the Czech Republic. Building on the codes developed in these two countries, a coding frame was developed which served as the analytical starting point for every project team. These subcategories mainly capture the manifest content, like everyday practices, hobbies, vivid memories, and so on, and are referred to as first level codes. The elaborated codebook of the basic codes on level one provided the definition of the respective categories, an explicit (anchor) example, and details on how the category differs from others (Mayring 2002). Examples are given in Table 3.3. Since the codebook only contained information derived from interviews carried out in two countries, it could not be ex ante assumed that it was exhaustive. Thus, the country teams were instructed to expand the coding frame if their data contained new pieces of relevant information.

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Table 3.3 Examples from the codebook Main category: economic capital Description: Economic capital refers to resources that are directly converted into money, such as property (Bourdieu 1986). Any time a respondent mentions something that points to his/her or the family’s financial situation it qualifies for the construct. It can be related to the number of jobs they have to work, the receival of social welfare benefits, availability of credit, ownership (or not) of property, housing situation, etc. Example: “So I can’t stand for 10 minutes, I can’t sit for a long time, and stuff like that. So I would work, like in a reception or something, anywhere else, I would do it gladly, but right now I know I can’t, so it’s worse financially as well, because we live on 10 000CZK (350EUR) and we pay for everything from this, so I asked for social benefits, which to my astonishment took until March since 3 rd November to be paid” (mother, unemployed female, rural) Main category: social capital Description: All instances when respondents rely on their social networks (mostly family). This can be related to work (e.g. family helping to find a job), but also to other issues that can be, but are not necessarily, related to work (e.g. childcare) Subcode: Contacts to get job. Description: all instances when respondents rely on their social networks (mostly family) in the work context (e.g. family helping to find a job) Example: “Well, when I was looking for a job, it was more of an accident, because my uncle helped me. He worked in the bank, so he gave my information to the HR and they were looking for someone for this position, so it was more by chance; I didn’t really go after this ” (mother, employed female, urban) Main category: parenting style Description: Parenting style refers to the manner in which parents raise their children. This can refer to the parents’ level of expectations, performance demands, attentiveness to rules, as well as the methods parents use to enforce their expectations. These styles can range from authoritarian to an “anything-goes” attitude Subcode: Praising parents: any time a respondent mentions situations in which he or she got praised by her/his parents or had the feeling that the parents were proud of her/him Example: “I was the first one in the family who went to university. My mum was at a college at the time, not university, and she finished about a year before me [laughing], but I managed to finish the undergrad in 2,5 years, so… and I think they [the family] appreciate that a lot, that I care about school, that I do it. And then they appreciate that I work, that I try to advance somehow, that I didn’t end up becoming a cashier at a supermarket, but I try to have a goal ” (employed young female, urban) Remarks: Own elaboration

Still, in the course of deeper analysis, it became obvious that the subcodes which were generated from the Austrian and the Czech data covered the data from the other countries in an appropriate manner. Thus, no further iteration was implemented. The following questions guided the coding process on Level 1:

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• What does the person tell us? • When/How long/Where—context of the situation? • Who is involved? Who interacts and how? Hence, the codes on Level 1 consist of main categories and related subcategories and constitute a hierarchical coding frame. Codes on Level 2 In contrast to the coding process on Level 1, which followed the logic of thematic coding, the coding on Level 2 demanded a creative process. The aim was to unfold latent contents. This level targets intergenerational connections and interactions. These codes had to be developed by taking all three interviews within one family into consideration. This then enabled us to identify narrative consistencies and discrepancies which reveal interactions within the family, the parenting style, as well as descriptions of the other family members. The following questions were developed to identify relationships on the second level: • To what purpose does the person talk about a topic? • What is left out? What might be taken for granted? • How does the person speak about the things he/she wants to tell? Which things are told with what emphasis? Integrating the Coding Steps Figure 3.1 shows how the coding process utilised the interview statements in order to assess both manifest and latent constructs, thereby combining inductive and deductive approaches. The schematic representation of the coding process also makes it clear whether each of the two poles concerning the interpretation of the interview statements is either a routine process or one that requires more creative thinking. The final part of the figure adds the interview partners who represent different generations of the same family. Since the family members were asked the same questions, the interviewers had to check the individual statements against those of the other family members in order to determine their consistency across generations. The figure underlines the stringency of the coding approach chosen.

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Individual level: Everyday practices: hobbies, activities, Memories that are present

Intergenerational – between individuals Interactions, Perceptions Omissions, Comparison between Generations

Creative process

Subsuming routine

Connections/interactions

Thematic Analysis

1. Generation

2. Generation Consistency/Discrepancy

Latent content

Manifest content

Inductive and deductive coding

3. Generation Consistency/Discrepancy

Fig. 3.1 Coding process (Source Own elaboration)

3.3.4.3 Analysis The subsequent interpretation of the interview statements was based on two axes. Considering the codes on Level 1, we took a longitudinal perspective, so that life events and the major markers in the transition to adulthood could be identified. Of particular interest were education and career decisions as well as discontinuities within the life course. The codes on Level 2 generated new insights into the relationship between generations and allow us to trace similarities and differences (within-family analysis). To guarantee that the analytical process was transparent and consistent across all families and countries, we developed output-oriented guidelines. The structuring of the analytical process ensured that the country chapters had a similar thematic focus and, as an entire analytical corpus, enabled a comparative perspective. The country teams were advised to produce a set of documents: a biographical timeline for the young adults, an inventory, and a short interpretative summary. Throughout the coding process as well as in the course of the development of subsequent analytical documents,

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the interpreters were advised to write memos. Although memoing is commonly associated with grounded theory, all qualitative approaches can be enhanced by the use of memos. Memoing is the process through which the qualitative researcher engages with her or his research in greater depth. Memo-writing enables one to ask questions, to record different interpretive approaches and perspectives, and to consider how pieces of information are tied together. Thus, memos can inspire the interpretative process by capturing initial thoughts and ‘sense-making’ (Miles et al. 2013). The biographical timeline served as a concise collection and ordering of the life events of the young adults. The goal was to provide a chronological representation of key life events and to identify potential discontinuities. In this context, memos are used to record special characteristics of the biographical process (see Table A.2 in the Appendix). The interview inventory was the main analytical document. It is a systematic representation of the relevant data and contains various elements in columns: the line-number indicates where the original source can be found; the column topic indicates what this paragraph is about. In the following columns, the respective Level 1 code and, if available, the Level 2 code are entered. The last column of the inventory includes the memos (see Table A.3 in the Appendix). These memos comprise ideas of interpretation that cover aspects on the individual and on the family level equally (interactions, different viewpoints, interpretations of those things that happen in “between”). A short interpretative summary summarised the main characteristics of family dynamics as an analytical unit, combining aspects on the individual level of the young adult and aspects on the level of intergenerational dynamics (family level). The individual chapters have in common the theoretical constructs as introduced in this chapter and the methodology for data generation and analysis presented here. However, the chapters are not countryspecific replicas of each other. The readers will notice that they all have a unique character in terms of content and organisation despite the unifying parameters. Some chapters invest more in offering a detailed empirical description (e.g. Chapter 9), whereas others are heavy on analysis and interpretation (e.g. Chapter 4). Depending on the disciplinary composition of the author teams and the specific features of the country concerned, some chapters stress psychological constructs (e.g. Chapter 11), whereas others draw attention to sociological constructs

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(e.g. Chapter 6), and then other chapters discuss in detail the moderating role of the welfare state (e.g. Chapter 5) or the characteristics of the labour market for youth (e.g. Chapter 13). There are also country studies, for example those on Greece and Turkey, that elaborate on factors that are not part of the theoretical framework such as gender. We encouraged the authors to tell their respective country’s stories with an authoritative voice, and the diversity that resulted from this invitation has produced a complementary body of research.

3.4

Conclusion

To capture all theoretically relevant aspects of intergenerational transmission processes and how these affect attitudes, values, and actions, we developed a systematic approach to collecting, analysing, and interpreting the data gathered from interviews. In line with the overall character of the CUPESSE project (Tosun et al. 2019), the methodological framework has drawn from approaches originating from different disciplines, with psychology and sociology acting as the dominant ones. We used as a general strategy a biographical approach to interviews, since this encouraged the development of a narrative character of the dialogue between interviewers and interviewees. In the structured interview data we focused on the themes that were identified in the existing literature as the most important mechanisms of building economic self-sufficiency through family involvement. The form of biographyoriented, problem-centred interviews allowed us to combine deductive and inductive approaches to analysing data and thus to accomplish the cross-countries comparison. The approach revealed various nuances of how family determinants underlie trajectories to economic self-sufficiency. Looking at the process from economic, sociological, and psychological perspectives provided us with the tools for deconstructing the complex picture into various aspects and forms. This placed us in a better position for explaining how the social mechanisms of the transitions to adulthood and self-sufficiency are determined.

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Lewis-Beck, M., Bryman, A., Futing Liao, T. (2004). Interview Guide. In M. Lewis-Beck, A. Bryman, & T. Futing Liao (Eds.), The SAGE Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Lukeš, M., Feldmann, M., & Vegetti, F. (2019). Work Values and the Value of Work: Different Implications for Young Adults’ Self-Employment in Europe. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 156–171. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219828976. Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the Context of the Family: Parent–Child Interaction. In E. M. Hetherington & P. H. Mussen (Eds.), Socialization, Personality, and Social Development (4th ed.). New York: Wiley (Handbook of Child Psychology, Paul H. Mussen, Ed., Vol. 4, pp. 1– 101). Mayring, P. (2002). Einführung in die qualitative Sozialforschung. Weinheim: Beltz. Miles, M., Huberman, M., & Saldana, J. (2013). Qualitative Data Analysis: A Methods Sourcebook. London: Sage. Phalet, K., & Schönpflug, U. (2001). Intergenerational Transmission of Collectivism and Achievement Values in Two Acculturation Contexts. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32(2), 186–201. https://doi.org/10.1177/002 2022101032002006. Reiter, H. (2003). Past, Present, Future. YOUNG, 11(3), 253–279. https:// doi.org/10.1177/11033088030113004. Scheibelhofer, E. (2008). Combining Narration-Based Interviews with Topical Interviews: Methodological Reflections on Research Practices. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 11(5), 403–416. Schönpflug, U. (2001). Intergenerational Transmission of Values. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32(2), 174–185. https://doi.org/10.1177/002 2022101032002005. Schreier, M. (2012). Qualitative Content Analysis in Practice. Los Angeles: Sage. Shore, J., & Tosun, J. (2019). A Two-Generation Study in Germany: Insights into Survey Data Collection. London: Sage. Tosun, J., Arco-Tirado, J. L., Caserta, M., Cemalcilar, Z., Freitag, M., Hörisch, F., et al. (2019). Correction to: Perceived Economic Self-Sufficiency: A Country- and Generation-Comparative Approach. European Political Science, 18(3), 532–534. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-018-0193-4. Witzel, A. (2000). The Problem-Centered Interview [26 paragraphs]. Forum Qualitative Social Research, 1(1), Art. 22, 1–9. https://doi.org/10.17169/ fqs-1.1.1132. Witzel, A., & Reiter, H. (2012). The Problem-Centred Interview. London: Sage.

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Julia Rita Warmuth holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Vienna. Her research interests cover youth research, transmission processes and the determinants of status anxiety. In her research, she actively applies qualitative and quantitative methods. Julia Weiss is a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at Heidelberg University, Germany. Her research areas are youth labour markets, the intergenerational transmission of values and resources, political participation, and research methods. Daniela Pauknerová is an associate professor and a Head of the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. Her research interests include social, work and organisational psychology, leadership, diversity management and cross-cultural psychology. Jan Hanzlík is an assistant professor and a Deputy Head of the Department of Arts Management, and a researcher at the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. His research interests include labour market, cultural and creative industries, and the sociology of the Arts and culture. Jale Tosun is Professor of Political Science at the Institute of Political Science at Heidelberg University. She coordinated the project “Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship” (CUPESSE), which ran from 2014 to 2018 and was funded by the EU’s Seventh Framework Programme (grant agreement number: 613257). Her research interests comprise comparative public policy, international political economy, public administration, and European integration. Bernhard Kittel is Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Vienna. His current research interests cover labour market behaviour, justice attitudes and behaviour, and the integration of refugees in the labour market. His research has been published in sociological, political science, and economics journals.

CHAPTER 4

Ambitions and Traditions: Intergenerational Transmission of Work Attitudes in Austria Julia Rita Warmuth, Stefanie Stadlober, Eva Wimmer, and Bernhard Kittel

4.1

Introduction

In order to develop a better understanding of intergenerational dynamics within families, we address several questions: How does socialisation within the family work? Which role do investments and resources play? In

J. R. Warmuth · B. Kittel (B) Faculty of Business, Economics and Statistics, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] J. R. Warmuth e-mail: [email protected] S. Stadlober Austrian Sociological Society, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] E. Wimmer Sigmund Freud University Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_4

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how far does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? And what impact has the country context such as welfare state arrangements? Although the socialisation process through which children and young adults adopt values, attitudes and habits is complex, parents can be regarded as the main agents of socialisation (Maccoby 1992). Despite its importance, however, the family is not an isolated institution, but is embedded in societal, political and economic contexts. Thus, the way parents transmit values and attitudes to their children and influence their propensity to gain economic self-sufficiency is influenced by the welfare regime and the institutional framework in a country. For this study, family members representing three generations were interviewed. The epochs addressed in these interviews are characterised by social and economic circumstances that shaped the lives of the different family members quite differently. The grandparents were born shortly before or during World War II. This post-war generation was engaged in the reconstruction of Austrian society and was confronted with rather limited resources in a fragile institutional environment. Given limited educational possibilities, few of the grandparents reached an education level higher than primary school. The historical background significantly shaped the role that work played in the lives of the grandparents’ generation. They primarily struggled to build lasting values for the following generations. Particularly in the rural population, work was not perceived as a separate part of life based on paid employment, but rather as life in itself. For several decades after the end of World War II, Austria’s economy recorded sustained economic growth. Particularly in the soaring 1950s, the rebuilding process engendered an unprecedented economic expansion, such that the labour market almost completely absorbed the labour supply. The parents we interviewed are now mainly in their 50s. This generation seized the opportunities that their parents and society offered to them and headed towards higher educational achievements and a better balance between work and life. Like other European countries, Austria developed rapidly into a modern society predominantly characterised by the secondary and, increasingly, the tertiary sector. Human capital has become a central asset in knowledge-driven economies based on rapid technological change (European Commission 2003). The educational expansion is observable in the constantly rising education levels in Austria. Rising education, however, is mainly driven by a level effect. As the

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economy demands continuously better qualified workers, social stratification remains largely unaltered. In fact, educational and social mobility in Austria is still one of the lowest in Europe (Altzinger et al. 2013; OECD 2016). In addition, apart from training and education, gender differences are profound in Austria. In 2018, the gender wage gap was 19.6%, which is significantly higher than the EU-28 average of 15.7% (Eurostat 2020). In Austria, the family is the central unit of many welfare institutions and the welfare regime is classified as conservative. Austria’s conservative policy approach takes a familiarised perspective on social citizenship (Chevalier 2016): Youth is conceived of as a part of childhood and, adhering to the principle of subsidiarity, parents are expected to support their children as long as they are in education. The social security system is predominantly based on the male breadwinner model. Access to welfare benefits such as unemployment and health insurance depends on income from work and is not directly targeted towards young people. Also the Austrian family policy is based on the male breadwinner model. Compared to other European countries, gender-related income inequalities were neglected for a long time (Hemerijck et al. 2000; Mairhuber 1999). Thus, Austria’s family policy is still characterised as a ‘general family support policy’ (Oláh et al. 2014). The changing patterns of family structures challenge this conservative approach. In concert with developments all over Europe, Austria’s families have become more heterogeneous: the childrearing age is rising (Sobotka 2015) and the divorce rate is relatively high, causing alternative family concepts such as lone parenthood, cohabitation and patchwork families to increase in relevance (Pailhé et al. 2014). Austria’s fertility rate of 1.47 children per woman on average (IBRD 2020) ranks at the bottom third, together with Germany, Spain and Greece, resulting in a decreasing average household size. The phase during which parents support their children increased in recent decades due to extended education periods and the general trend that children stay at their parents’ home longer (Walther 2006). These developments have induced policy shifts that have increased possibilities for more gender equality in the labour market. With respect to female labour market participation, the implementation of individual taxation in 1972 was an important step. Individual taxation increases the incentives for female employment as it lowers the marginal tax rate for secondary earners. Nowadays, women in Austria tend to work longer hours on average than women in Germany, which still holds on to joint taxation (Dearing et al. 2007; Bach et al. 2011).

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Recent adjustments in family policy aim at decoupling parental leave regulations from the traditional male breadwinner model by expanding the range of options available to parents (Sobotka 2015). The central pillars of these adjustments are a shift in the female role model from mothering to working and the provision of incentives for fathers to take on care responsibilities (Leitner 2010). Still, these elements of the dual-earner model have not yet generated the desired outcome. Genderspecific income differences leave parents little choice about their division of labour. Additionally, the extension of paid parental leave, aimed at enabling family-based child care, is accompanied by a belated development of institutional child care for children below the age of three (Obinger and Tálos 2006: 159; Leitner 2010; Bundeskanzleramt 2020). Public expenditure on family benefits mainly consists of cash transfers rather than the provision of services, thus reinforcing traditional family models. Most couples make use of the extended period of parental leave, but the number of fathers who engage in child care is still rather low, despite legislative changes in 2017 promoting parental leave of fathers. Only 19% of fathers make use of paternal leave provisions, and in 2018 only 3.93% of all parental leave days were attributed to fathers (Reidl and Schiffbänker 2013; BMFJ 2017; Statistik Austria 2020a; Der Standard 2018). The share of all children under three in a childcare facility rose from 4.6 in 1995 to 26.5% in 2018 (Statistik Austria 2020b: 22). Although the distribution of labour in the family has become more equal, child rearing and child care are still predominantly female tasks. As a consequence, Austria has fewer proper double-income households than many other European countries (Dörfler and Wernhart 2016). The restricted compatibility of family and work in Austrian families explains the high prevalence of women in atypical employment contracts. In 2019, As of today, 47.7% of women in employment work part-time, whereas only 10.7% of men have a part-time job (Statistik Austria 2020c). Compared to other European countries, the situation in the Austrian labour market is relatively favourable, although the last decades were marked by gradual deterioration. In order to fight these developments, active labour market policy (ALMP) has gained importance (Hofer and Weber 2007). The current public expenditure for ALMP exceeds 0.7% of GDP (OECD 2020). Austria has been one of the European countries least affected by the 2007 economic crisis (Sobotka 2015). Austria’s low youth unemployment figures—8.5% compared to the European average of 14.3% in 2019—is partly attributed to the dual

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vocational training system (Wirtschaftskammer Österreich 2020). The Austrian education system is known for its dual apprenticeship system, similar to the German and Swiss systems (Trampusch and Eichenberger 2012). An important element of the Austrian labour market that is connected to the dual vocational training system is its strong reliance on formal degrees, qualifications and certificates that are a precondition for employment in many professions (Ebner and Nikolai 2010; Vogtenhuber 2014). A relatively high fraction of young people are in apprenticeship training and vocational schools; currently about 40% of all young Austrians enter an apprenticeship upon completion of compulsory education (BMWFW 2015; OECD 2016; BMB 2014). Compulsory schooling ended at the age of 15 until a reform that became effective in 2017 raised that age to 18 years. At the age of 14, usually after eight years of schooling, adolescents have various options for continuing their education. This ranges from vocational training in the dual system to Gymnasium (grammar school), the latter of which is concluded with the Matura (final examination) and prepares children for university studies. The need to make such significant choices so early in life is sometimes regarded as problematic, as the family context gains high leverage on young peoples’ educational trajectories and their pathway to self-sufficiency. The average age of mothers at their first birth is about 29 years, which is close to the European average. Since 1946 the marriage rate has decreased by 29% (2018: 46,468 in total), while the divorce rate has increased by 22% (2018: 16,304 in total). In 2018 the probability of divorce was 41%. Parents live together with their children in only 26.5% of households, while 6.6% are single-parent households. In contrast, 61.1% of all private households are composed of single and childless couples (Kaindl and Schipfer 2017: 28ff; Statistik Austria 2020d, e).

4.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

All in all, we conducted 42 interviews with family members of 17 different families (Tables A4a and 4b). In eight families, we interviewed three family members (young adults, parent and grandparent) and in the others we were able to speak to the young adult and a parent. The interviews were partly conducted by members of the research team, partly by Master’s students in the field of sociology who took part in a course

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offered by two team members on the topic of this volume. In addition to instruction on the theoretical approach and design of the project, the students obtained an intensive interviewer training. Most families were recruited through the social contacts of students and department members. Interviews were conducted face to face, apart from four interviews with parents and four interviews with grandparents that were conducted by telephone due to long distances. Six of the 17 young adults grew up and were actually living in rural areas at the time of the interview. The other eleven lived in cities: ten in the capital Vienna and one in another city. Three young adults had moved to Vienna for university studies, whereas their parents still lived in rural areas. Ten of the interviewed families can be classified as well- to very well-functioning. In one family, all three generations lived together in one household. Of the six single-parent families in the sample, five were due to divorce and one was due to the father dying in an accident. One young adult was adopted in early childhood. We interviewed eleven female and six male young adults, 12 mothers and five fathers, as well as six grandmothers and two grandfathers. The age average was 24 (from 18 to 32) for the young adults, 53 (from 45 to 66) for their parents, 79 (from 74 to 90) for their grandparents. At the time of the interview, seven young adults were still in education at university, apart from one young man, who still attended the final year of Handelsakademie (Commercial High School). Two young adults ran their own businesses and two were working in family businesses. Four were employed and two unemployed, whereby both unemployed young adults were preparing for an examination to start further education. Given that unemployed young adults as well as young adults who finished apprenticeships were much less accessible, the data are biased towards middle-class families. 12 out of 16 parents were employed and three worked in family businesses, whereby two of them already passed on their businesses to their sons. One father was retired and one mother was unemployed. All of our interviewed grandparents were retired. Apart from one singleparent household, which immigrated from Iran, all of the families were autochthonous.

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Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

All interviewed families described their economic situation as good or very good. Four had below-average family income and three can be considered wealthy. The others belong more or less to the middle class. The majority of the interviewed young adults reported that they did not experience financial difficulties in their childhood. The majority of the interviewed young adults are still in education and most of them receive financial support from their parents, in some cases also from their grandparents. Apart from that, the Austrian public welfare system provides child benefits until the age of 26 if the child is still in education, and there is a scholarship system for students. Nevertheless, many students in this study work, mostly part-time, to earn extra money. Four out of the seven young adults who are still in education have also minor regular employment to pay for their education. It seems that they strive to be selfsufficient to a certain extent. Finally, three students reported that they are in employment during the summer breaks. One of the central traits parents pass on to their children is perseverance. This trait enables people to stay with a task that might not be likable at a particular moment or seem exhausting and annoying, but will in the end pay off, such as a job or an education. Children are encouraged by their parents to finish school, to finish the studies they started and to stay with a job. In this vein, Anna’s mother reported: If she decided to participate in an extracurricular course, I insisted that she will finish this particular course, yes, not like others who quit due to dissatisfaction. I told her, I paid for it, you chose it and you have to finish it. (in education, urban, female—mother)

However, perseverance in activities may also have a downside. In-depth analysis of the interviews reveals that the parents’ insistence on finishing what you started, no matter what, puts pressure on the children to continue an education that they do not like or keep on pursuing a career that might not be the best for them. The young adults have internalised perseverance, which means an implicit influence of the parents’ traits on the children’s decisions. In the following examples, this pathway of transmission is observable over the generations.

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[…] I think on the one hand it was pushing through, not losing sight of your goal. Because that’s what [my parents] always told me. Yes, you can do it, that’s how you do it. (in education, rural, female) […] what I expect, actually, like I said, when [my daughters] choose a path, they should stick with it or when she starts vocational training she should at least finish it. (in education, rural, female—father) Well, they were not the best [students] and not the worst, they were average. But none of them had to repeat a year. They all finished school. But I always said, you don’t need to be the best but don’t repeat a year. Repeating a year, I wouldn’t have wanted that. (in education, rural, female—grandmother)

In six of the interviewed families there is a clear agreement between parents and children on pursuing what they have chosen, which puts them under pressure to finish what they started. While such perseverance is certainly an important aspect of work attitude in the grandparents’ generation, in the world of twenty-first-century Austria the young adults’ perseverance can actually generate inflexibility and a narrowing of alternative options when the chosen path presents obstacles. Another aspect of human capital is the ability to define and pursue career plans. Young adults who did not develop precise job plans were more concerned about their educational or occupational career. This ambivalence appears to be related to the occupational ambitions and the work images that the young adults observe in their parents. Parents who frequently changed their workplaces and work in different sectors, hence who do not follow a unique and consistent occupational pathway, convey less goal-driven motivations and this may result in insecurities and ambivalences in their children’s career plans. How can I tell, what I wanted… I liked going to school very much, only when I was a kid I wanted to become a teacher. That was my dream sort of (laughs). But it just didn’t happen, let’s put it that way. (in education, rural, female) I wanted to become a teacher, yes, (laughs) until I was in eighth grade I wanted to become a teacher. I was completely sure of that […] Because of the holidays (laughs). (in education, rural, female—mother)

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No, I didn’t have any [early career plans]. Because even then I thought, well I’m going to do something anyway. The most important thing is that it’s fun for me. And I don’t have any special interests. Actually I did have many interests but I rather knew what I didn’t want (laughs) but not what I wanted. Nothing in particular, as a child. (in education, rural, female)

In contrast to families in which young adults follow a more elaborated career plan, the parents described their own decision-making process as a distinct path. Even if they did not succeed in fulfilling their greatest occupational desire, they still focus on a convertible, sustainable education and act in a forward-looking way. One mother worked in three different occupational fields, following conscious decisions towards her interests or ambitions. Her first education was as a draper, and then she worked as an office assistant in a textile factory for one year. Afterwards she changed into the social sector. I wanted to work with people and I decided to try this out, I worked as unskilled worker in a retirement home in [name of the city] for one year. Afterwards I completed a training and I worked in this field for a long time. Later I settled into family life and then I switched again and started to work in a wholefood shop and I also completed a training as a nutritionist. (in education, urban, female—mother)

Her daughter’s previous educational as well as occupational pathway is also changeable, but in the same way connected to considered career plans. On the one hand, after she had started school, her mother sent her to a Montessori school in order to avoid putting too much pressure on her learning. On the other hand, she made her own decision to change to Gymnasium in order to achieve the Matura. As I completed upper secondary school, I started looking for a job beyond summer and in autumn I started to work, just the first job. After one year I became aware that, after all, I wanted to study and I began to study, but I stayed in my job, first marginally employed, then for ten hours, twenty hours, half-time and this is the situation nowadays. Currently I am studying and also working at the same time. (in education, urban, female)

In this family, the wish to be flexible is connected to ambitions and interests. The daughter reported that her mother’s courage to change

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her occupations often has strengthened her attitude towards work, to be flexible while keeping in control of her own life. … that you have the courage to try something out. And, also, as she [her mother] and I just look for something new, but I don’t run a risk that I seek something [a new position] without a job. I will only change my job if I have a new position and I will not jack it all in, but rather consider my finances. (in education, urban, female)

Goal-oriented parents also acted proactively in their own careers. They described their efforts to keep up to date in their occupational field, and they attended further education and training to be flexible within their occupation. In these families, it seems advancements at work are a means of gaining professional and personal recognition. In general, they showed sustained interest in their daily work. These commitments towards selfdefined occupational goals are also observable in the educational as well as occupational pathways of their children. My employer has offered various opportunities [for further education], partly compulsory, but that was all right for me. In the meantime, this [further education] has become more expensive for the employers. So, in my old days (laughs) I have started to further training on my own, for example via the professional association. (in employment, urban, female— mother) Currently I’m taking a course in sign language. I don’t do this all the time, but started just this semester. Once a week, you could call that a hobby. […] I’m interested in this because I think there are only a few social workers who can speak sign language and this is certainly a field that needs improvement. So, of course I’m taking the course because I might use it someday. But predominantly it’s for myself at the moment. (in employment, urban, female)

In general, the work values mentioned by both parents and their children were independence, financial security, satisfaction with the job, selfconfidence, authenticity, diligence and perseverance. Often, the parents expressed the hope that they had transmitted to their children the view that the most significant aim is a rewarding and fulfilling occupation.

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Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Young adults are obviously influenced by the social environment in which they grew up. Parents and siblings are crucial in making occupational choices. A major value that children take over from their parents is their orientation towards educational targets and career plans (Gecas and Seff 1990: 943). Parents’ educational and career attainments serve as yardsticks for their own ambitions (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997; Breen et al. 2009). The social capital of family members fosters educational and occupational pathways for young adults (Coleman 1988). Values within a family are strengthened by the younger generation’s involvement in existing social networks. In most interviewed families, parents emphasised the importance of supporting their children to be successful at school. Whenever problems occur in a specific subject, the parents or older siblings engage in helping the child to catch up, ask others for assistance or invest in private tutoring. The educational success of their offspring is a core aim of the parents and they are willing to invest many resources and much effort into this aim. Respondents with highly educated parents or older siblings in the same school thus have a huge advantage in handling school-related problems and in getting help. They both obviously helped me a lot in math and accounting. If it wasn’t for my mother or for her friends as well, whom I know, who is a manager and who helped me to catch up two years within half a year I would have had to repeat the school year. If I hadn’t had this support, then, yes then it would have taken me longer to graduate or maybe I wouldn’t have finished at all, I don’t know. (unemployed, urban, male)

All interviewed parents claim that they offer their children comprehensive support in their educational pathways. In this regard, we did not find much difference between parents of self-sufficient and dependent young adults. Education is considered essential in all families, whereby the acquisition of formal certificates appears to be more prominent than actual knowledge or understanding as a precondition of a good life. For example, in one family parents spent nearly the whole night helping their child prepare for an exam taking place the following day. In another family, the mother wrote essays for her son before she went to work to finish her son’s homework.

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Social capital in the form of tight family bonds is also a decisive factor in reducing the effort needed to find a job. Especially when young adults look for their first position or an internship to gain first work experiences, the social network or their parents’ employment situation seems to be crucial. Several respondents mentioned that they obtained their first job in the companies where their parents were employed: I started internships during Höhere Technische Lehranstalt [higher technical school from age 14 to 19]. My mother was already divorced then and started to work in a factory, metal processing. She operated a machine and fitted parts of light bulbs. She asked in her firm if they had internships and there was a quick positive response. (self-employed, rural, male) […] during summer I worked at my mother’s workplace as a housecleaner, I acted as her holiday replacement. (employed, urban, female)

Later on, these young adults may develop their own social network, which often includes contacts from previous occupations. This job search strategy was also used by previous generations. The social network of one family member can be used by younger family members, exemplified in the situation described above where the young adult got in contact with a future employer via her parents’ social network. Apart from their parents’ social contacts, respondents also mentioned older siblings as facilitators in finding a job or an apprenticeship. Moreover, those respondents who mentioned having a close circle of friends or being members of associations and social organisations had a wider range of possibilities to enter the labour market. A wide social network that predominantly involves family members, but also people beyond the family, constitutes a valuable resource in the life of young adults. The benefits range from emotional backing and talks about their well-being in general to more practical issues such as educational options or specific aid in finding first jobs or internships. Young adults are generally aware of the benefits of their embeddedness in social networks, in particular their parents’ contacts. This support engenders educational and occupational success. The nature of the young adults’ social networks change over time. Family members and parents’ friends assume new roles as brokers and resource agents. As Burt (2001: 34) suggested, the success of young

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adults depends on their parents’ and other adults’ ability to provide information that leads to further resources. Parents arrange connections to more remote areas of the network, which helps the younger generation to gain a foothold in adult society (Kim and Schneider 2005: 1182). New connections facilitate self-sufficiency through the extension of options. Cultural capital appears in families in various guises and is robust over the generations. For example, a family’s educational values and standards will be reflected in the views expressed by all generations. I always wanted to work in this field. My parents didn’t agree, but a close friend of the family helped me a lot. He worked at the chamber of commerce that offered the education, and I went there and in this way it took on a life of its own. But my family didn’t have anything to do with it. They were mad at me because I dropped out of Gymnasium (laughs). (self-employed, urban, female—grandmother) Well, my family’s reaction towards my career plan to become an actor was very negative, as well as my plan to become a journalist. Above all they were happy that I didn’t follow my educational pathway as an actor […]. (self-employed, urban, female—father) Especially at the beginning of university it wasn’t easy for me, because as I decided to choose my subject in Drama, Film and Media Science […], my family told me that I was allowed to change my subject only once, and I could remember that my grand aunt made me aware that my decision was a shame for the whole family, because everybody in my mother’s family became an academic in very honoured professions, like Economics, Law or Medicine […]. (self-employed, urban, female)

These quotations reveal, on the one hand, that parents’ expectations are an important element of educational achievement, but, on the other hand, that goal orientation as well as self-efficacy in educational pathways are transmitted within the family. Although young adults’ decisions in these families seemed to be independent from family influences, most of the transmission processes within the family occurs at a more latent level that requires closer observation. The transmission of educational and occupational values is explicated in the topics prevailing in family conversations. The significance and positive image of work in everyday life, narratives about work and early

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involvement in family work contribute to the willingness of children and young adults to accumulate cultural capital. Parents who communicate a passionate and determinate attitude towards work in general and their own career in particular foster a similar attitude in their children. My mother talked rather a lot about [her job]. Yes, my mother quite a lot, my father rarely. Sometimes, if he was stressed, then he complained, but in general he didn’t speak a lot [about his job]. […] Further I got the impression that my mother really liked her job, and yes, that’s why she talked constantly about it […]. (in education, urban, male) Inevitably yes [we spoke a lot about work], because my mother made a lot of friends at her workplace, in this way I always learned a lot about it. Also, I went to her workplace after school and did my homework there if she had to work longer than usual. In other words, I somehow got used to her workplace and thus we spoke a lot about it, yes. (in education, urban, female)

Thus, the communication of positive attitudes towards work and the constant presence of work in daily life makes children perceive these attitudes as applicable to themselves. The interviews show that parents who express commitment towards their work and talk at home about the benefits of their jobs are more likely to pass on these values to their children. Well, for my parents this [work] is the centre of life. And, as my parents were at home all the time and work was at home in my childhood, work and leisure belonged together. Not like when the parents leave home for eight hours a day to work, then you won’t know so much about their work. But in our family it was part of our lives. Yes. (family business, rural, female)

While conversations are important pathways, knowledge about professional activities also plays a role in the transmission and successful adoption of cultural values. In addition, joint activities and leisure time spent together as a family are crucial for the occupational development of the younger generation. In these activities, young adults have the opportunity to explore their occupational interests. Especially during middle childhood, human

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capital, like exploring skills as well as career planning skills, are strengthened by joint activities (Byrant et al. 2006: 161; Schmitt-Rodermund and Vondracek 1999). However, it is not the amount of time spent together or the mere number of activities that fosters self-sufficiency and perseverance. Rather, young adults with high aspirations, and who are likely to reach independence in the near future or are already independent, have experienced high-quality activities with their parents and profited from their experiences. The activities that fostered self-sufficiency shared two characteristics: on the one hand, they showed young adults a variety of options for their own lives, for example through holidays to foreign countries or participation in work-related activities; on the other hand, they engaged young adults in structured and goal-oriented activities. Examples of activities mentioned in the interviews include organised sports, hiking and housework or work at the family farm (chopping wood, repairing a car). In the following quotation, the son sees his family’s activities in the wine-growing estate as their common interest. Food and wine are essential in their family life and in these activities the family combines their work values with their leisure activities: Well, the hobby of the whole family is dining out. We still do this regularly. We go out to wine and dine, just because we enjoy it. Well, we’re all certainly hedonists. (family business, rural, male) His mother has a similar view on this, for her activities with friends are often based on their interest in wine and culinary experiences: […] anyway it’s always a lot about wine because we have lots of friends, who are not winery owners themselves but they’re very interested in wine. So we visit Heurigen together, or wine festivals or tastings that are taking place somewhere. (family business, rural, male—mother)

The grandfather, who founded the family-owned winery, had similar notions concerning the organisation of his holidays: So vacations were not much fun for me. As soon as I was there, in the end, it had been interesting, of course. We went to Spain or Sicily, there was viticulture. This I found interesting, how wine was produced there. […] Once my wife visited the Loire Castles but there was no wine. If

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there’s no wine, I’m not going with her (laughs). (family business, rural, male—grandfather)

These examples show that young adults’ perceptions of what is important in life resonate with their parents’ and grandparents’ views. In the family described above, these activities take place within the context of the all-encompassing presence of work (Stamm 2013). In other families, these activities may be certain kinds of competitive sports or goal-oriented hobbies (e.g. ballet). Leisure activities play an important role in transmitting values within families and thus in the development of self-sufficiency in young adults. Relatedly, the most common work values that are transmitted from parents to their children are intrinsic. It seems to be most relevant to be in a satisfying job position, to love your daily work activities and to be independent, at least to a certain extent. As suggested by the ‘hierarchy of needs’ model (Maslow 1954), intrinsic work motivation increases if both income and job security are guaranteed. Further, the desire for self-fulfilment at the workplace depends on the financial situation (Gallie 2007: 280). As mentioned above, the interviewed families belong mainly to the middle class and thus are not confronted with strong financial constraints. Accordingly, respondents are in a position to emphasise intrinsic motivations. We observe the emphasis on intrinsic work values both in young adults, who describe their preferred future work conditions, and in their parents, who emphasise pleasure in their work as well as their expectations of their children’s careers. Following their own interests and achieving selffulfilment at work are highly valued in the interviewed families. Nearly all of the parents are satisfied with their occupations and assess their education and career path as successful. This transmitted positive work image influences their children’s attitudes towards work. Well, with my parents I always had the feeling that work is just work. It might be demanding sometimes and strenuous and exhausting and annoying but there is always the aspect of joy. There may be challenges, but in general there is a positive picture. I always had and still have the feeling that my parents have jobs that they predominantly like. And so I didn’t have negative attitudes towards work. (employed, urban, female)

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The ambition to achieve self-fulfilment at work is conveyed to the younger generation, who, in turn, emphasise their desire to be in a position that involves pleasure and self-fulfilment. I really liked to work, what I liked the best was to go everywhere at the fields outside, also the household, but the field was the field. (employed, rural, male—grandmother) Yes, working on the field is what I like the most, or feeding the animals in the stable or in general being in the stable. I mean actually I like – not everything – but I really like the agricultural daily works. […]. (employed, rural, male—father) The meaning of work morale is to follow an occupation that I like to do. Where I don’t have negative emotions in the morning and on the way to my workplace. And that you are happy in the morning and look forward to start work. (employed, rural, male)

It is remarkable that young adults emphasise their pleasure at work. This insistence on the positive aspects of one’s daily work and work environment generates the impression that it is to some extent socially undesirable to complain about your work. This is in line with the individualisation thesis, which posits that in modern society the responsibility for one’s own career and fortune lies with the individual, which exerts pressure on young adults to represent their career as successful and fulfilling. In the interviews, we cannot find any differences between the various employment situations of young adults regarding this issue. Whether the young adults are self-employed, in dependent employment, or run a family business, all emphasise their occupational satisfaction. A clear vision of the future and positive work images are considered very important for a successful life in the interviewed families. The ways in which this particular knowledge is acquired vary between families, but they are similar in their structures: one mechanism is the aforementioned communication within the family, where options are discussed, situations evaluated, decisions made and where advice is given. Possible educational trajectories are often part of conversations in the family as well as narratives about parents’ work or children’s talents. With regard to the economic situation intergenerational differences become obvious. Whereas the young adults never experienced financial

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difficulties, neither in their childhood nor during their education, financial troubles did belong to the living reality of the older generations. The older generation reported that due to the economic circumstances of the post-war period and their mostly tight financial situation, they made significant efforts to provide their children with appropriate homes and the possibility to take part in school activities. It was very difficult with three children, who were required to attend school. At this time getting through was very hard. And, both got scholarships, because we had to pay a fee for the Handelsakademie and also due to the learning success of our older daughter, who was just here. And, yes this was a very tough period, it was very tough with three children and the salary from my husband. (in education, rural, female—grandmother)

In some cases, especially for grandmothers, education was restricted because of financial difficulties. In this period, it was unusual for women to be in or strive for education. […] and we were six children at home, the elder one couldn’t attend an apprenticeship, my sister, my brother and I, for the younger one the situation was easier, they all three learned a trade, but we [she and her mentioned above siblings] we had to earn money after primary school, we had to leave home, yes. (in education, rural, female—grandmother)

Additionally, three mothers mentioned that their educational pathways were restricted due to financial problems. In this vein, one mother mentioned: I think I would have liked to study for a while before starting working life if we had had the financial opportunities, but this wasn’t possible. And studying and working at the same time would not have worked out. (in education, rural, female—mother)

Apart from these three women, all interviewed parents were able to follow their educational pathways without financial constraints. The majority of interviewed parents expect their children to strive for a high educational level, which means spending a longer time in education, and they are willing to finance this effort. These efforts are in line with the relative risk aversion theory. It is assumed that the parents’ social position is a central reference for intergenerational social mobility aspirations.

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Accordingly, educational decisions are made with regard to the overarching goal to avoid downward mobility (Van De Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007; Breen and Goldthorpe 1997). The interviewed families are well organised and take these expenses into account in their calculations. In a few families, parents attach conditions to their financial support, such as continuous success and determination. Well, my father said that he didn’t mind what I did afterwards, he would support me anyway. He saved up a certain sum in a trust in order to support me. But I continued to work for the family business after graduating from Gymnasium and I was employed there, meaning that I supported my mother in the kitchen and studied in the breaks. (family business, rural, female) I will have to consider in detail how I’m going to manage when I finally move out and need to finance everything on my own. But I know that my parents will support me anyway. Part will come from me and part from them, we will find an arrangement. With my current job, I cannot finance my living and all the costs. (in education, urban, female)

Another type of financial support is to provide a flat or to let the children stay at their parents’ home. The latter is also related to the fact that most of the interviewed young adults who are in education are younger than 25. Financial support in the families who run businesses in agriculture and tourism cannot be defined as private, because work life and private life overlap to a large extent.

4.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

The parenting style of authoritative parenting has often been linked to high self-efficacy and independence in the children (Baumrind 1980, 1991). Authoritative parenting fosters reflexivity and the ability to make one’s own decisions. It is thus more likely to engender self-sufficient offspring than authoritarian or permissive parenting styles (Grusec and Goodnow 1994: 5). These well-established observations were also present in the interviews. The most common strategies of authoritative parenting include supporting the children’s decisions and allowing them to make their own experiences. Whereas parents made suggestions for educational choices or first jobs, most parents and young adults emphasised the importance of

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making decisions without interference. Authoritative parenting was characterised by the parents’ support for their children’s interests and personal characteristics. Nevertheless, the decision-making processes and the concurrent transmission of values is not as free of influences as it is often perceived by the respondents and their parents themselves. Both young adults and their parents claimed in the interviews that the children were always allowed to make their own decisions, to choose their own paths, to have the hobbies they liked most or to attend the schools they wanted themselves. However, a more in-depth analysis of the interviews suggests a somewhat different interpretation. While parents state that during the childhood and adolescence of their children they were aware that they might influence them by their decisions or their values, the findings reveal that they were quite right in that perception. Subtle but strong, these influences work via examples, via narrations or just by letting the children know what is important to the parents or what they put emphasis on in their daily lives. The following example illustrates the observation that children do not make decisions without being influenced by their parents. In this example, the tradition of becoming a teacher in a family is transmitted from the grandmother to her daughter and finally to her grandson. They all claim to have made their decisions on their own, but the pattern of fulfilling the parents’ implicit expectations shows that these decisions were narrowly circumscribed by expectations. The parents’ and grandparents’ wishes were transmitted via family narratives to the interviewed young adult and his brother who are both studying to become teachers. In the interview, the young man’s strong emphasis on the importance of making his or her own decision without reflection on the influence of the mother’s or grandmother’s wishes, appears like a moment of self-persuasion. […] my brother is in education to become a teacher, too, and my mother is a teacher. My grandmother whom you will be interviewing later, she always wanted to become a teacher but financial means were restricted. So, there was quite a lot of influence. […] They didn’t actually advise us to [become teachers]. These were our own personal decisions, mine and my brother’s. Well, support was there, of course, [my parents] always said they will support us whatever we do. (in education, urban, male)

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His mother recognises the importance of the grandmother’s notion of becoming a teacher. Nevertheless, she stresses that the final decision was her own and that she made these decisions independently. Well, it was in eighth grade when we discussed what I was going to do later on. And then we had the idea, actually it was following my mother, I could become a handicraft teacher and yes, I liked the thought, so I went in this direction. So, my family did play an important role in making my decisions. The final decision, however, I made by myself. And that was most important. (in education, urban, male—mother) At that time there was the question in what direction I would go in my education. Photo lab technician or anything with photography would have been interesting for me. Or working with wood. I might have become a carpenter as well. (in education, urban, male—mother)

Social mobility in families seems to depend on the values parents transmit to their children. The transmission processes in the above examples are implicit rather than explicit. Parents influence their offspring unwittingly by their own educational experiences and define expectations accordingly. In another example gender-specific differences are presented. Whereas leading an independent life is an essential element of parents’ hopes for their children, mothers state this hope in a more explicit manner when they refer to their daughters than to their sons. It seems as if independence is not self-evident for young women and has to be specifically encouraged. It has been implied that of course one has to work to earn one’s living, to be independent. And one should never be dependent on anyone, but be able to take care of oneself. And work should be fun as well, so I should study something or find something that’s fun for me and is interesting, that is satisfying and where you can realise your full potential. (in education, urban, female)

Parents emphasise the self-sufficiency of their daughters, in educational as well as in leisure activities. As mentioned above, parents are mainly proud of their young adults’ educational achievements. However, if we take a closer look at gender-specific differences, daughters appear to obtain praise for different issues than sons. In this regard, we focus on interviews in which mothers represent the parents’ perspective, because fathers

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tended not to explicitly talk about their pride. Mothers mentioned that they are proud of their daughters’ abilities to be self-organised and selfsufficient, stay in a foreign country or in general master the organisation of their daily life. […] this consequence she has, well, yes, no, I admire her for her persistence towards work, her attitude and her well organised arrangements. She knows quite well, how much she has to do every day to reach predefined goals. Well, in general her entire self-organisation is really admirable. And that she is motivating herself to steadily work on her goals, I wouldn’t be able to do this. (in education, rural, female—mother) […] because she did it on her own, yes, well, she had to do it in Italy and I was very proud of her, when she was in Italy. There she had to organise everything on her own, I have to say I admire her, I wouldn’t know if I had pulled this off. […] (in education, urban, female—mother) It was rather very easy with her, because she always was a cheerful child and she was very self-reliant, with respect to her age. And this made me very happy and I supported this strongly. (employed, urban, female—mother)

In contrast, male young adults are praised for educational achievements and strongly goal-driven pathways. The interviews indicate that, regarding males, educational achievements that pave the way for future occupational success are a source of pride, while female young adults are primarily expected to reach self-sufficiency. For example, some of the sons had also spent time abroad, but mothers’ expectations only centred on their sons’ efforts to continue university or succeed at foreign universities. We find that proud mothers highlight particularly their sons’ educational achievements and their social competences. As I mentioned it before, I was proud of him because he superbly graduated from Gymnasium. Afterwards he attended an applied university and also did very well and he took up his Master’s programme in Spain without any problems and he was, well, one of the best students there. (family business, rural, male—mother) That they get on so well with each other. They played a lot together and he was four years older than the other two children and he showed consideration for the younger ones. Therefore, you had to praise him […].

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Regarding school, you didn’t have to praise him, this was taken for granted when it came to him […]. (in education, urban, male—grandmother)

This distinction of praiseworthy achievements suggests that there are gender-specific expectations about the values and attitudes to be developed by young adults. If the young adult is female, self-sufficiency and organisational skills are considered the main conditions of success in life. Finally, whereas values cherished in the interviewed families seem to be very much alike, we also observe an occasionally stronger emphasis in families with non-academic background on diligence, discipline, authority and politeness. In the highly regulated labour market of professional jobs, certificates as objectified cultural capital are a crucial precondition of access to more secure employment and career opportunities. Hence, certificates are used by parents as indicators of their children’s work attitude and their future potential. Educational achievements become the hallmark of their children’s success in life, and the rituals and festivities marking the transition to the higher status are the most visible moment in which children observe their parents’ pride. In addition, parents seem to succeed in also transmitting their support for independence and self-sufficiency by providing role-models and supporting their children’s decisions. In general, parents seem to expect their children to be better off in life than they are themselves. These expectations seem to be more experienced as a pressure by the parent generation, rather than by the young adults, who seem to have internalised their parents’ expectations. In seven families, there is an obvious upward mobility which led the young adults into university without a family background of academics.

4.6

Conclusion

Our analysis reveals a pattern of tight bonds across generations. Since this observation is probably a selection effect, given that broken families are less likely to take part in this study, we observe value transmission under ‘optimal’ conditions. Work ethics, and thus the primary foundations of self-sufficiency, is prominently present in family communication. The overall centrality of work observed in the families played a major role in both the transmission of the values of work centredness and the acquisition of the necessary human capital to act on these values.

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Specifically, the interviews reveal a strong dependence of educational and professional decisions on the parents’ professions and employment. Next to the parenting style, described at the manifest level as supportive and authoritative by almost all respondents, joint leisure activities and conversation topics in the family are formative elements of work values and attitudes. The choice of employment pathways appears to be motivated by the intersection of work and family life. Work values are thus mainly transmitted by work-related activities in everyday family life. Proactive and goal-oriented young adults have typically grown up in families that do not draw a clear divide between work and family life. Pleasure and interest in work, and, to a certain extent, the ambitions that parents show their children, are transmitted to the children. Thus it can be concluded that socialisation is more an implicit rather than explicit process. Parents influence their offspring based on their own educational experiences and their way of living. Thus investments and resources play an important role (Bourdieu 1984). Parents with a higher education engage in private tutoring when it is needed. The social capital of the parents often paves the way for the first internship or proper job. Parental support and social capital in general are valuable resources for young adults in Austria. Most parents claim to have acted according to the authoritative parenting style during most of their children’s childhood. However, besides the freedom they gave, they also seem to have pressured their children by high expectations with respect to educational achievements. In this respect the interviews reveal that the parenting style is a direct channel to transmit values and traits rather than a moderating factor. A specific emphasis is the importance of educational achievements as part of individual success. Especially graduation from secondary school, the Matura, is regarded as a basic precondition for the young adults’ success in life. In almost all of the interviews parents and young adults emphasised the importance of the Matura, while grandparents had lower expectations: simply getting a job, which also included apprenticeships, was the most important step. The parents’ generation displayed ambitions that went beyond the satisfaction of extrinsic motivations. Emphasis on academic knowledge may be a result of recent developments in the Austrian educational landscape, but may also be attributed to a middle-class bias in the sample. The institutional context of the welfare regime seems to be a background factor in the transmission of work attitudes, as it hardly ever

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appears explicitly in the narratives. But given the crucial importance of employment for social welfare entitlements and thus individual selfsufficiency, it looms large over the parents’ ambitions to support their children in finishing education that provides access to the highly regulated and professionally segmented labour market. In particular daughters are encouraged to make sure that they are able to maintain themselves financially in order to guarantee their independence in view of increasingly unstable family structures. In conclusion, values and attitudes towards education and work are transmitted to a large degree within families. Most young adults exhibit the same orientation towards education as their parents and grandparents, even if they themselves are not aware of the similarities. Values are transmitted implicitly and become manifest in the congruence of ambitions across generations.

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Grusec, J. E., & Goodnow, J. J. (1994). Impact of Parental Discipline Methods on the Child’s Internalization of Values: A Reconceptualization of Current Points of View. Developmental Psychology, 30(1), 4–19. Hemerijck, A., Unger, B., & Visser, Jelle. (2000). How Small Countries Negotiate Change: Twenty-Five Years of Policy Adjustment in Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium. Welfare and Work in the Open Economy Vol II. Diverse Responses to Common Challenges (pp. 175–263). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hofer, H., & Weber, A. (2007). Active Labor Market Policy in Austria: Practice and Evaluation Results. Vierteljahrshefte Zur Wirtschaftsforschung, 6(1), 5–44. IBRD. (2020). Fertility Rate, Total (Births Per Woman)—Austria. https://data. worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.TFRT.IN?locations=AT. Last accessed 26 May 2020. Kaindl, M., & Schipfer, R. K. (2017). Familie in Zahlen: Statistische Informationen zu Familien in Österreich. Österreichisches Institut für Familienforschung. Kim, D. H., & Schneider, B. (2005). Social Capital in Action: Alignment of Parental Support in Adolescents Transition to Postsecondary Education. Social Forces, 84(2), 1181–1206. Leitner, S. (2010). Germany Outpaces Austria in Childcare Policy: The Historical Contingencies of “Conservative” Childcare Policy. Journal of European Social Policy, 20(5), 456–467. Maccoby, E. E. (1992). The Role of Parents in the Socialization of Children: An Historical Overview. Developmental Psychology, 28(6), 1006–1017. Mairhuber, I. (1999). Geschlechterpolitik im Sozialstaat Österreich seit Anfang der 80er Jahre. Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 1, 35–47. Maslow, A. (1954). Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper & Row. Obinger, H., & Talos, E. (2006). Sozialstaat Österreich zwischen Kontinuität und Umbau: eine Bilanz der ÖVP/FPÖ/BZÖ-Koalition. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. OECD. (2016). Education at a Glance 2016. OECD. (2020). Public Expenditure and Participant Stocks on LMP. Code: LMPEXP. Last updated 20 May 2020. Oláh, L. S., Richter, R., Kotowska, I. E. (2014). State-of-the-Art Report: The New Roles of Men and Women and Implications for Families and Societies (Families and Societies Working Paper 11). Pailhé, A., et al. (2014). State-of-the-Art Report Changes in the Life Course (Families and Societies Working Paper Series 6). Reidl, S., & Schiffbänker, H. (2013). Karenzväter in Zahlen. Ergebnisse einer Analyse von Daten des Hauptverbands der Sozialversichungsträger. Joanneum Research Policies - Zentrum für Wirtschafts- und Innovationsforschung.

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Julia Rita Warmuth holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Vienna. Her research interests cover youth research, transmission processes and the determinants of status anxiety. In her research, she actively applies qualitative and quantitative methods. Stefanie Stadlober , B.A. M.A., is a member of the social inequality section at the Austrian Sociological Society. She is specialized in qualitative methods and her focus lies on vocational and educational biographies. Eva Wimmer is a research assistant at the Sigmund Freud University Vienna. She finished her Master’s in Sociology in 2012 where she specialised in organisational studies and qualitative methods. She is an expert in qualitative analysis and has worked on a variety of research projects in the fields of social research and psychotherapy. Bernhard Kittel is Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Vienna. His current research interests cover labour market behaviour, justice attitudes and behaviour, and the integration of refugees in the labour market. His research has been published in sociological, political science and economics journals.

CHAPTER 5

Limits of Welfare. How the Family Remains Pivotal for Work Attitudes in the “Youth Enabling” Welfare State of Denmark Christoph Arndt and Carsten Jensen

5.1

Introduction

Since the large-scale expansion of the welfare state in the 1960s, Denmark has become one of the most defamiliarized countries in the world; although, as we will also detail below, this does of course not mean that family background has become irrelevant. In Chevalier’s (2016) terminology, Denmark’s policy approach is so-called enabling youth citizenship, entailing encompassing social programs aimed at the young in combination with deep integration of the young into the labor market (see also Esping-Andersen 1999, 2009; Jensen 2008; Korpi et al. 2013). In general, most maintenance claims against parents stops when the

C. Arndt Department Politics and International Relations, University of Reading, Reading, UK e-mail: [email protected] C. Jensen (B) Political Science, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_5

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young turn 18, the same time as the young is imbued with all other social rights (with a few exceptions if the young lives at home with the parents). The Danish educational system is one-track throughout the primary and lower secondary levels, meaning that children are taught the same curricula from first to ninth grade (typically from their sixth to their fifteenth or sixteenth year). Teachers’ autonomy in specifying the content of classes is relatively high, although the recent decades have witnessed the introduction of a number of national standardized tests and mandatory curricula elements, which have reduced autonomy somewhat (Gustafsson 2012). Children are obliged to follow classes to ninth grade after which they can either exit the educational system or enroll in high school or a vocational training program. 16% of young between 16 and 29 years of age did not have any other training than ninth grade (AE Rådet 2016). High schools are organized into general, business, and technical high schools. A majority of students enroll into the general high school (almen gymnasium), which is preparatory for further tertiary education, where the business and technical schools are both vocational and preparatory. As such, they constitute hybrids between the classic general high schools and vocational training programs. The vocational training system is distinct from most Continental European vocational training systems by its emphasis on school-based training with only a modest element of firm-based training—and then normally in the form of traineeships rather than regular jobs, even though these traineeship frequently lead to the student’s first job. Compared to countries such as Austria and Germany this means that student’s skills are less tied to the needs of individual firms, creating a more flexible labor force (Busemeyer 2009). At the tertiary level, Denmark is characterized by five regular universities and a large number of vocational colleges often aimed at specific job functions such as nursing. Education, including tertiary education, in Denmark is free-of-charge with only minor expenses related to books and other training equipment paid out-of-pocket by the young. Almost 40% of the Danish population aged 25–34 have finished a tertiary education, up 10 percentage points compared to those 55–69 years old (Statistics Denmark 2017). In 2013, public spending on education stood at 4.5% of GDP compared to the EU22 average of 3.3, and public spending on tertiary education was 1.6% of GDP compared to the EU22 average of 1.2% of GDP (OECD 2017). Student aid is the key cash benefit program aimed specifically at the young. Compared to many other continental European countries, student

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aid is typically independent of family income and is not considered a family program. Rather, it is aimed directly at the student individually and intended to allow the student to maintain a living without recourse to the parents. Although in practice, parents often provide additional financial help, it is possible for most to make a living independently of their families. In 2017, the student stipend for young living away from their parents is 806 euro per month. All students may, additionally, loan 414 euro per month and another 206 euro if they themselves have children. The loans are state-backed and come with a relatively low interest rate, making them attractive for students. By 2016, 323,800 students received the student stipend, up from a little more than 200,000 in 2008 (Statistics Denmark 2017). In 2012, just 42.9% of the 15–29 year olds lived with adults, while the OECD average was 72.5%. As a result of the free education and comparably generous student aid, social mobility is relatively high in Denmark. By one estimate, children with parents with a university degree are three times more likely to get a university degree themselves. This would indicate some support for arguments from the relative risk aversion theory where parents shield their offspring against downward mobility or arguments on social reproduction at a first glance. However, this figure should be compared with, for instance, Austria or Germany where the likelihood is five times greater indicating higher social mobility in Denmark (OECD 2016; see also Corak 2013 for alternative measure of social mobility using intergenerational income elasticities). A key feature of the Danish system is the generous childcare and maternity leave, which allows young people, especially women, to combine education and work, on the one hand, with child-rearing, on the other (Esping-Andersen 1999, 2009; Jensen 2008; Korpi et al. 2013; Jensen and van Kersbergen 2017). Parents can already use public nurseries (vuggestuer) shortly after the child is born to re-enter the labor force immediately. Among children 0–2 years old, 65% are enrolled in nurseries, while kindergarten enrollment stands at 95% among those 3–5 years old. Both of these numbers are among the highest in Europe. Public spending on such childcare sums up to 1.4% of GDP, again among the most generous in Europe. Mothers also have the right to 14 weeks of paid maternity leave, which can be extended to up to 52 weeks for both parents afterwards. Taken together, this typically means that a mother returns to her workplace during the first year after the child was born given the rather encompassing childcare facilities (nurseries and kindergartens) for children below school age (OECD 2017).

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Perhaps as a consequence, female employment rates tend to be high among the Danish young. Counting both full and part time, the employment rate for females whose youngest child is 0–2 years old is 75.8%, increasing to a staggering 86.4% for those whose youngest child is 6–14 years old. The OECD average is 53.2 and 73%, respectively. In 68.2% of all families with at least one child aged 0–14 years old both partners work full time. This is the highest full-time employment rate for couples in the world. However, the generous childcare and maternity leave programs also have other, and sometimes less benign, effects (Datta Gupta et al. 2008; Mandel and Shalev 2009). The long maternity leaves—and the fact that paternity leave is much less widespread with only around 5% of all leave time going to males—means that females typically experience substantially more career interruptions than men. Such career interruptions have been documented to adversely affect wages also years down the road, thus creating a wage gap between the sexes. It has been speculated that part of the wage gap occurs because females that make use of their extensive maternity leave rights (especially when they have two or three children as associated leave breaks) simply have less time on the labor market. Another part of the depression presumably occurs because young females are regarded as a less stable workforce than men exactly because they often interrupt their career—and therefore may be deselected for promotion. The extensive use of childcare may also play a role for the wage gap. Childcare is normally available from the morning until the (early) afternoon. Since careermaking often requires working longer hours, this can conflict with picking up the children. This, too, entails that many women choose to forego career advancement. Finally, and probably as a partial result of these factors, Danish women frequently select into working in the public sector where working conditions tend to be comparably good and working hours well-structured—but where pay is also substantially lower than in the private sector. Both the wage and the gender gap between the Danish public and private sectors is, indeed, among the highest in the OECD. The Danish welfare state is, in sum, clearly youth enabling and perhaps especially so for young females that to a far lesser extent than elsewhere need to choose between having a (full time) job and a family. There are downsides to the model, as just explained, not least in terms of a persistent wage gap that have proven hard to eradicate because it stems from the very design of the welfare state, which in and of itself is hugely popular

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and therefore virtually impossible to reform. Still, there is a social underbelly. Although there are comparably few young labor market outsiders in Denmark, the proportion of young 15–29 years old neither in education, training nor employment—the so-called NEETs—was nevertheless still 10.7% in 2014 (OECD 2017). Youth poverty have also been a rising problem, albeit from very low levels, so that around 7% of young 18–29 years old non-students live below the poverty line (AE Rådet 2010). As will become evident below, these marginalized young are not wellrepresented in our sample of Danish families. Here only one family is really exposed to economic hardships and more serious problems with long-term unemployment of the kids with the other nine families doing at least ok. In this respect, our chapter has a clear middle class bias, which needs to be acknowledged beforehand when comparing our Danish case with some of the other country chapters. On the other hand, this naturally also reflects the lived experience of most Danish youth, which, broadly, are empowered with many important social rights, making them economically secure and free of the traditional family hierarchy. As we show below, this is also manifest in the interviews from Denmark. Although families clearly function as a transmission belt of values, attitudes and resources, they are non-hierarchical and economic issues are typically not salient.

5.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

We conducted 32 interviews for ten families in total with five interviewers (see table A5).1 The same interviewer was responsible for all family members in a given family. We used the recruitment criteria described in Chapter 3, where the student assistants used their networks and personal contacts to find respondents matching the criteria. Since Denmark is not a very large country, and the main geographical divide is urban–rural, we recruited five young people from the second largest city Aarhus, which also harbors the largest university, and five young people from medium-sized cities and rural areas in Denmark. The respondents from 1 All the interviewers were student assistants from the Department of Political Science at Aarhus University when the interviews were conducted. Also note that we had the chance to interview four members of respondent number 8’s family, bringing the total number of interviews from 30 to 32. This was particularly fortunate since this respondent comes from the family that are most socio-economically marginalized.

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Frederikshavn and Ravnshøj also cover Udkantsdanmark, a term used for peripheral areas that experience economic and demographic difficulties. Udkantsdanmark literally means “outer edge Denmark” and covers those very rural regions with a low population density, lower average incomes, higher unemployment rates, higher shares of people on cash benefits such as social assistance and the early retirement scheme Førtidspension, higher average age as young people have moved away, and declining numbers of inhabitants. Most of the municipalities from Udkantsdanmark are located on the Western coast of the Jutland peninsula, to the North of the city of Aalborg, the island Lolland-Falster, and the smaller islands in the Baltic Sea (e.g., Læsø or Samsø). All families have Danish names and almost every participant was of Danish origin, but there were also family members with Australian roots in one case. The female student studying social science in Aarhus receives the student stipend and also works in her leisure time. She reported no immediate fiscal problems. The male student is originally from the countryside and is going to start at the Aarhus School of Marine and Technical Engineering. He currently is taking preparation classes and doing some occasional jobs after having stopped a former job as car mechanic. The young unemployed female from Aarhus is on unemployment benefits after having work as sales assistant. She admitted that she sometimes spends too much, but also considers herself as somebody who does not spend money that she does not have. The male unemployed from Frederikshavn, a peripheral town in Northern Jutland, is actively seeking for a job, but did not say anything direct on his primary source of income. He and members of his family, however, said that the family’s budget has always been tight. The male working in the family business (farmer in the countryside on Fyn) does not experience any financial problems. His female pendant working in a Christmas tree farm in Aarhus has no fiscal problems and a stable income from the business and the student grant since she is also studying history of literature. The female in employment has no fiscal problems and was satisfied with her income. As mentioned in the introduction, all but one family appear to be well functioning, by which we mean that none of the families seem malfunctioning or socio-economically marginalized, with only one clearly less resourceful than the others. Although Denmark host fewer of such families compared to most other countries (Jensen and van Kersbergen 2017), the fact that we have no real completely marginalized family at all in the sample probably reflects the sample bias. Most notably, it is probably only

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possible to organize interviews from three generations with families that are relatively functional.

5.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

One common denominator in many families was that the children were proud of their parents. This is because the parents told their offspring to be economic and not to waste money for too many useless things. This occurred in all family situations and indicates that an authoritative parenting style also matters in a universal welfare state context as children adopt values such as responsibility and self-control for their later life and acknowledge this. Two examples from very different family situations show that: My parents have always been very economic, which I also can see in myself since I’m also thinking very economic. And saving. (unemployed, rural, male—brother) Well, I guess it was very ordinary [her childhood]. We were no rich family. So, there was no money left for all kinds of other things. But I’m living a good and healthy life. (employed, rural, female)

One main difference in the attitudes of the young Danes was the personal approach to risk-taking and decision-making. The respondents who grew up with a family business, or have regular employment, have a proactive attitude toward work, life, and leadership: Q : What is the most important things your parents have taught you? A: Well, it is important that everything is only worth doing if you get satisfied with it. And that responsibility is not a bad thing. Neither is it a bad thing to be the one who pushes forward. It can be hard and frustrating to always be the one who pushes forward, but that is not a bad thing. It also means that you get access to all the nice things. (family business, urban, female)

My fear was a dull factory job, a nine to five job. So, it was nice to reach the other side and do something creative, where it is fun to be at work. And I tried to make my hobby into a profession (…). (employed, urban, male)

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Responding to the interviewer’s question whether a nine-to-five job was a no go, the young male said: Yes, eventually I would have seen enough of it as I could see with my father, he is standing in the shop day in and out. When I got older, I could of course see that it is more than that what he is doing. But I should not stand in a shop and under no circumstances work at the municipality. (employed, urban, male) Q : What do you think regarding the decisions on your education, do you think that you made the decisions on your own or have your parents have been involved? A: No, I decided completely on my own. There was no pressure or so—I took the decisions. And I have, so to say, done it differently than many others. I went to Jutland to get away from this place. I haven’t lived at my parents place since I was 16. (family business, urban, female)

This reflects a proactive attitude and also risk-taking attitude since moving from home at 16 and starting an own education has made him mature and responsible. It again illustrates that the parenting style still matters in a country with a very comprehensive role of the state in the educational sector. It also allowed this person be attached to the family by continuing the family business. Moreover, taking responsibilities shows a clear goal orientation for a young adult. A similar parenting style leading was reported by the mother of the young employed female: A: What do you think is the most important thing you passed on her and your other children? Q : To make decisions on your own. I believe that this is the most important thing they got. (employed, rural, female—mother)

The unemployed respondents showed a mixed picture as to whether they are risk-taking or risk-averse and whether they take initiatives and are focused. This might also be related to the length of their unemployment spell since the female young unemployed only recently lost her job and comes from a more ambitious family, while the male unemployed comes from a family that had financial problems for a longer period after the father became unemployed and had health problems. In this family obeying rules and norms was considered important, but own initiative and focus was not always present (Soenens and Vansteenkiste 2010).

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The father of the unemployed female seems to have a more authoritative parenting style: But I believe it is my feeling that she got something out of it. Yes, you should achieve something. (…). And to have a good network. And yes, it is about attitudes, behavior and behaving properly. (unemployed, urban, female—father)

In contrast, the father of the young unemployed male told that it was very important for him that his children should become decent people: They should be decent young people (…). Don’t making trouble or something like this […] They should be decent. Calm and easy, behaving properly. To learn and save something. I think I’ve told them something. (unemployed, rural, male—father)

This is more of an authoritarian style leading to a rather passive approach to life on the children’s side. One illustrative aspect is that the son has not pursued his main goal of becoming a journalist, but got vocational training as shop assistant before he became unemployed: To begin with, this was not my priority. In fact, I wanted to become a journalist, preferably for sports. But at some point I thought, well, I can’t focus so much on this… there are so many different things with the language and the grammar and those things. Things, I didn’t really like those days. So, sales assistant as second priority. (unemployed, rural, male)

His younger brother is also unemployed and has difficulties in focusing and setting realistic goals: What should I say? My largest dream is to produce animated cartoons. As long as I can create, as long as I can create this or that. Just that. It is of no importance to me whether I’m the boss or the subordinate as long as I have a position, where I can create something. (unemployed, rural, male—brother) Well, every time in school when I was supposed to create something, I was always the one responsible for that. And so I always have … even though I don’t regard myself as a leader, so I always took the chance as leader in school. (…). So, I can well see it in myself … maybe I have leadership

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experience, that should be it. If I now create my own cartoon series, one needs to go first. (unemployed, rural, male—brother)

Even though becoming a cartoon producer signals some risk-taking attitude, the lack of self-reflection—as exemplified by regarding school work as leadership experience—and focus means that the two unemployed brothers will have difficulties in getting economically self-sufficient. On balance, the evidence so far suggests that authoritative parenting styles are common in Denmark since children have adopted values such as the development of autonomy from their parents. As in other countries, we also find a certain match between the values and attitudes. Accordingly, the type of informants that were risk-taking and independent often appears to have inherited their values from their families. Especially in case of the entrepreneurs and those who work in the family businesses, do we find values of self-direction and self-enhancement which have been transmitted from parents to children. Particularly the young male self-employed entrepreneur from Aarhus, who runs a startup in the medical industry seems to have similar values as his father, a dentist with a shared private clinic. Both emphasize self-direction, competitiveness, and independence: Q : Well, it turned out in high school that I am more interested in becoming an entrepreneur, but still. I can remember that I in fact was to visit some private hospitals because I wanted… Should it be business or should it be even more, doctor that is. And so I went out and visited some directors from private hospitals to see what type of world these people live(d) in. Q : So there was some form of leitmotif? Q : Well, the leitmotif must have been that it always had something to do with health. (…) I don’t think that I could do something within a completely random branch, so if I had a company that lays pipes into the ground. I don’t think that I could accept this. (self-employed, urban, male)

And turning to the father of the male entrepreneur: Q : Can you remember how he [name removed] was in school? A: Well, he was very, how should I say, competitive [uses the English and not the Danish word in the original; the mother in this family is native Australian, so the family members sometimes use English terms]. Yes, and in school. And he is almost always [competitive] in what he is

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doing. And he is also bright. And he has particularly been good in findings others, who also were bright. He was good in finding friends who could make him better. And hopefully make them better as well— but he was really good at this. Not only in school, but in general. (self-employed, urban, male—father)

We find similar values with regard to independence and self-direction among the young female employed in the family’s business. The benefits are clearly with the responsibility. You get more responsibility than you would get in all kinds of others company at this point in time [refers to her age]. I’ve already gotten 12 years of experience in this field, this also means that I have a value for this company. (family business, urban, female)

With respect to the unemployed young people, we again find a crucial difference since the young female from Aarhus inherited achievementoriented values from her family, while the unemployed male and his family appear much less concerned about achievements in this sense. In the latter case, we can clearly observe a permissive and somewhat neglectful parenting style. The following exchange illustrates first how the young female is proud of her educational achievement and also praises her father: A: I’m really proud of my master’s degree. Q : Why? A: Well, it is because I’m the first in the family, and in this respect it went really well. Not that I thought it [the degree] was so good, but it was just that I came through. […] There were many in my class who should [have a degree]. But afterwards I thought a little more [about it] and it is really nice. (unemployed, urban, female)

She further admires her father, who started as warehouseman and has now a supervising position at Falck (a Danish ambulance and assistance service), for his achievements and success: I really admire my father today, and think about these things if I should get married at some time. I can’t image that I should not be called [family name], this is of course my father’s name. Because that’s what I am [family name’s] daughter – and this is good to be since I’m a little proud of this even though I don’t really know where this comes from. (unemployed, urban, female)

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Her mother also stressed the importance of achievement and hard work: Yes. Yes, I do that in order to challenge [the kids] to some things in between, those young people. But I believe that one ought to this. Once in a while one needs to challenge the young people so that they don’t take everything for granted. (unemployed, urban, female—mother)

In contrast, the father of the unemployed male did not focus much on achievement through a good education and was less confident that he can do something in this respect. Q : If you now want them (the children) to continue reading/studying, is this something you talk about with [older boy’s name]? A: No, it’s not that way, I now well that this is not something he belives in currently. But, oh, jeg push him once in a while to pick up some courses [likely means those offered by job centre] eventually, before he knows what he wants to do. But, there is also something about getting the chances to do that when you are unemployed. (unemployed, rural, male—father)

He further characterizes his older son as calm and passive child. [Older boy’s name] was very quiet and calm. And he was like, how should I say … if… if… one kicked his butt, he apologized. Right? [Father smiles]. (unemployed, rural, male—father)

In sum, we were able to locate substantial transmission of values from one generation to the next. Not least the families with young entrepreneurs and those working in family businesses exhibited values of self-direction and self-enhancement. With regard to the unemployed families, we could see a crucial difference, the family of the young unemployed male does not focus very much on achievement and is clearly pursuing a more passive -or more precisely permissive neglectful approach. In this respect, the family of the young unemployed male sticks out since this is the only family were we really can see limited engagement from the parents’ side when it comes to achievement and self-direction which is reflected in a more passive approach toward life among their two boys. On the other hand, even this family wants their children to upheld virtuous such as order and decent behaviour toward others.

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Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Several sets of resources appear to be of importance for the Danish respondents, including social capital related to family support and wider networks as well as cultural capital. Given the Danish welfare system, it is unsurprising that none of the families reported outright economic hardship; as such, economic support from families does not seem to have been pivotal for the job market situation of the young. Yet, family support in other areas, notably education, may have been more important. Tellingly, a clear example of the lack of such support comes from the family of the unemployed young male: Q : Have you ever done homework together with your children? A: Yes, but only at the beginning of primary school and then I couldn’t keep up anymore. (unemployed, rural, male—father)

The Danish respondents—both the young and their parents and grandparents—also frequently refer to the importance of networks for getting a job, especially the first job. Yet, it is also obvious from the interviews that not all respondents are equally well positioned in this regard which illustrates that social capital does still matter in a universal welfare state. Even though her mother has stressed the importance of networks, the young unemployed female, for instance, observes that she has had very little in terms of network to help her locate a job. It is very much me, on my own. I don’t have a lot of network. I don’t have anyone in my family or anything, who knows anyone. So, it is a little bit myself have to stand on my own two legs and trying to create some contacts. (unemployed, urban, female)

Compare this statement with the following exchange between an interviewer and a young employed female, which reflects the almost casual sentiment about networks among many of the (self-)employed young and their families: Q : How did you get it [the job]? A: It was something I was offered. Q : By who? A: Well, actually by a friend of mine. (employed, rural, female)

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It is worth stressing that the lack of network expressed by the young unemployed woman, in fact, is not shared by her mother who actually got her jobs via her network: Well, I think – when I went over to Vulcan [the first company she worked for], that was my mother’s brother who knew they had a vacant job over there. So I have actually never written a job application. When I went to Falck [the next job] there were someone who knew someone out here in Sejs [the town the family now lives in] and then I applied for that. (unemployed, urban, female—mother)

The different experiences of the mother and her daughter points hints how the relevant social networks may be widely distinct across generations. Certainly, the fact that the mother was able to secure jobs via networks have not helped the daughter. This, in turn, points to the relevance of more abstract resources, not least those related to the concept of cultural capital. None of our respondents report (extensive) engagement in classic Bourdeiusian cultural capital activities such as going to art museums or listening to classic music. Still, while high-culture is off the table in all families, there are clear-cut differences nonetheless. Take these two statements from a young unemployed female and young self-employed female, respectively, as examples: I think we always just watched a lot of movies and mostly just at home. We may also have been going to the cinema from time to time. I don’t recall we ever did any sports or the like together. (unemployed, urban, female) We did a lot of stuff – and many really good family activities. One thing was sports, and you had to attend something. And I also did piano – and badminton and handball, among other things. They were good, especially my mother, to create interesting experiences. So we went out a lot, e.g. to musicals. […] It was emphasized a lot that you had to express yourself creatively. If you wanted to paint, then that’s what you pursued and the entire family got engaged. (self-employed, rural, female)

It is obvious that the latter family not simply emphasized doing “a lot of stuff,” but also that the young and her siblings in general were encouraged to come up with new activities themselves within a range of spheres.

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There is also one interesting case of a network build up at school, which later motivated the young employed male from Aarhus to build up work relations outside Denmark and to consider a job in another country. Q : Do you know others—you studied or worked together with—who went abroad? A: Yes, I have someone, somebody I went to school with in Grenå (small suburb of Aarhus), who got a trainee position in San Francisco at a company producing video games. So I have some contacts around, in nice places. One of them went to Australia because he got a girl friend at the uni, he is from there. Sitting Down Under with gaming (means development of video games). Q : Is this something inspiring you? A: Yes, I think it’s really great. He got an Australian girl friend there, and they took a half year off (means sabbatical), and so he build up a portfolio to apply there. And this is something really great, that he dared, and now we travel a lot, [Name of Respondent’s girlfriend] and me, and that’s a big thing—to see the world through ones work is great. (employed, urban, male)

Taken together, we interpret the material collected as suggestive evidence that both resources and investment matters. The interviewed youth not only varies in terms of the resources available to them—such as existing networks, but their parents clearly also see such resource availability as an investment. In the context of the Danish welfare state, however, it is important to note that direct material investments come with a much smaller premium than in most other countries. With high-quality education assessable free-of-charge and relatively generous student aid and loans, the need for parents to adopt an investment strategy to avoid downward mobility is less pronounced than most other places. Interestingly, none of the interviewees has mentioned the encompassing role of the state in education and child-rearing as reason for their development and socialization directly.

5.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

One obvious transmission mechanism is conversations about work at home. In general, most families did not talk extensively about work, which is probably unsurprising, but there are variations, which once again

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delineates the unemployed from the rest of the respondents. Here are two statements as illustrations: Q: A: Q: A:

Did they [the parents] talk about work at home? I don’t recall that at all. So you didn’t have any impression of their work life as a child? No, I wouldn’t say so. (unemployed, urban, female)

It has always been very free. People [in the family] shared what they had been up to and told about their day. There’s been room for even very unimportant stuff, like my sister recounting what classes she had that day. And then there was room for discussing the world situation. (family business, urban, female)

She also points to the importance of informal knowledge beyond her formal education gained through working in the family business that is useful for her when taking over the business from her parents: In terms of education, I have a high school diploma (almen gymnasium) and I have a bachelor in history and prepare for my master’s degree in history of literature. […] It’s not the company per se that made it, but I’ve been officially employed here since I was 13, and we had always been fully included in things that are going on here. So you can say that I have quite some inofficial education, because I gained an enormous amount of knowledge (means through work in family business). (family business, urban, female)

She also points to the cultural activities that her family pursued during her childhood, which points to the transmission of cultural capital and keeping the family together through activities: We also went sailing me and my little brother, where my father was instructor. And I played handball, where my mother was coach. It was mainly those things, we did, when we were little. Afterwards, we did play a lot of music, but it has also been something we do together. So there have been a lot of out of house actitivies. (family business, urban, female)

Her mother further stresses the family’s cohesion in this regard:

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Well, being a member of this family means also that one as a child had to come up with something. Not that I mean child labour, but you had to contribute something. Because we were supposed to help each other. Moreover, we always went for skiing during holidays, and we sail a lot together. So they (the children) are always with us. And there is a eason for that they’r still around (in the family’s house). They visit us a lot, and this goes on and on. So, yes, we have done everything together. (family business, urban, female—mother)

This indirect form of transmission is arguably the most pervasive form found in the interviews. By contrast, both parents and children agree that the young ones rarely has been expected to undertake specific types of education or enter specific kinds of occupations. A typical example is this: We expected that you [the child] did the best you could. Then we would be satisfied. There has never been any expectation of fantastic grades. If you did what you could, then we can’t expect anything more. (Mother, family business, urban)

An exception is the female self-employed who recounts how the parents had… Huge expectations! They really wanted that I continued studying. They were very proud; I got good grades in school, and none of the boys showed they could get that. And my mother is not very strong academically. I didn’t understand it then, but I do today. She wanted to be a kindergarten teacher, but didn’t have the skills. So that’s what she wanted for me: To study and move on along that road. (self-employed, rural, female)

Paradoxically, this respondent quit school to start her own business. So, while she ended out a success by her own—and this book’s—standard, she clearly disappointed a mother who had wanted her to pursue a (by Danish standard, at least) much more conventional career path. When it comes to economic capital, this family was also able to support her daughter and granddaughter from early on. We did have everything – our house, and… and I’m sitting and can stay in the house, this is simply great. And economically speaking, there we did very well. And we could save up for a rainy day and give our children

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a shilling [use old word skilling for some money]. (self-employed, rural, female—grandmother) Yes, I never… had thought during my childhood that we lacked money. Or that there was something that we could not afford. And there was never the phrase: That we cannot afford. (self-employed, rural, female—mother) Well, we had never… We had never really lacked something – We always had a good income. We did have a good income and [name of mother] has worked all the time, so economically speaking, we always had done what we wanted. (self-employed, rural, female— mother)

More broadly, all families report engaging in activities together, not least leisure activities. This may reflect a bias in the sampling of families: it is only possible to interview three generations of the same family if it is (reasonably) well functioning. Partly, this may also reflect the Danish welfare system where material living conditions tend to be smaller between families and that many of the relevant policies were already in place in the 1970s.

5.6

Conclusion

We can, by way of conclusion, return to the three overarching research questions of the book. The first research questions asked how socialization works within family? Does family matter in terms of investments, in terms of resources, or both? We found that both clearly mattered, but also that there were little explicit concern about downward mobility as the investment perspective expects. This may simply reflect the national context were downward mobility is a smaller problem than most other places. This is also reflected in the way parenting style moderates the transmission process, which is the second research question. Although a generalization, we can interpret the parenting style as a mix between authoritativeand permissive indulgence. All parents were concerned about the well-being and success of the children, but all also believed that the youth’s free choice of education and occupation was a high priority and a value in and of itself. The third research question asked how the country context (welfare state arrangements) moderates the transmission process. The Danish case presented in this chapter is interesting because of the concerted effort

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of the welfare state to enable the youth, an effort that was commenced as far back as the 1960s and which, consequently, plausibly has been affecting several generations of Danes by now. The enabling happens both via the educational system and childcare and leave policies. Education is essentially free-of-charge from first grade and up throughout the Ph.D.level—and the educational system generally facilitates a wide variety of study choice from the ninth grade onwards. Student aid is paid to all students above the age of 17, although most generously for students living away from their parents. In combination, this means that social mobility is fairly high since the young are able to select the education best suited for them given their innate qualities and preferences. Childcare and maternity leave is also very generous and allow especially young women to reconcile worklife with raising a family. Historically, jobs in the public care sector were also among some of the first jobs females entered into in the 1960s and subsequent decades. Female employment rates are, as a result, high by international comparison, although it is worth stressing that the generous female-friend policies actually constitute something of a double-edged sword because they also create extensive career interruptions. Based on the 32 interviews with 10 families, it appears reasonable to conclude that attitudes, values, and resources all to a certain extent are transmitted from one generation to the next within families. Broadly, respondents with a job exhibited attitudes such as a willingness to take risks and self-reflection, whereas at least one of the unemployed, and the associated family, did much less so. In terms of values, it was also possible to discern a greater emphasis on self-direction and achievement among the respondents with jobs (or undertaking a study). Social and cultural capital appeared important for the respondents, and also here there were differences between the respondents. Still, it is worth stressing that all families essentially were well functioning and that the observed differences were rather marginal, with the possible exception of the unemployed family from the rural area. Moreover, it became clear that the role of family regarding the offspring’s ability to be self-sufficient was still existent. Accordingly, defamiliarization through the welfare state has not fully dissolved this aspect of intergenerational transmission of values and parents can still affect the self-sufficiency of their children. One complementary explanation for this may be the Danish welfare system that not only creates relatively low levels of inequality overall, but facilitates a high

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degree of integration of the young into the labor market and society in general from early on.

References AE Rådet. 2010. Fremtidens tabere: Flere unge havner i fattigdom. AE Rådet. AE Rådet. 2016. Hver sjette ung falder gennem uddannelsessystemet. AE Rådet. Busemeyer, Marius R. (2009). Asset Specificity, Institutional Complementarities and the Variety of Skill Regimes in Coordinated Market Economies. SocioEconomic Review, 7 (3), 375–406. Chevalier, Tom. (2016). Varieties of Youth Welfare Citizenship: Towards a TwoDimension Typology. Journal of European Social Policy, 26(1), 3–19. Corak, Miles. (2013). Income Inequality, Equality of Opportunity, and Intergenerational Mobility. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 27 (3), 79–102. Datta Gupta, N., Smith, N., & Verner, M. (2008). The Impact of Nordic Countries’ Family Friendly Policies on Employment, Wages, and Children. Review of Economics of the Household, 6(1), 65–89. Esping-Andersen, Gosta. (1999). Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies. New York, NY and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Esping-Andersen, Gosta. (2009). Incomplete Revolution: Adapting Welfare States to Women’s New Roles. Cambridge: Polity. Gustafsson, L. (2012). What Did You Learn in School Today? How Ideas Mattered for Policy Changes in Danish and Swedish Schools 1990–2011. Aarhus: Politica. Jensen, Carsten. (2008). Worlds of Welfare Services and Transfers. Journal of European Social Policy, 18(2), 151–162. Jensen, Carsten, & van Kersbergen, Kees. (2017). The Politics of Inequality. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Korpi, Walter, Ferrarini, Tommy, & Englund, Stefan. (2013). Women’s Opportunities Under Different Family Policy Constellations: Gender, Class, and Inequality Tradeoffs in Western Countries Re-Examined. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 20(1), 1–40. Mandel, Hadas, & Shalev, Michael. (2009). How Welfare States Shape the Gender Pay Gap: A Theoretical and Comparative Analysis. Social Forces, 87 (4), 1873–1911. OECD. (2016). Education at a Glance 2016. Paris: OECD Publishing. OECD. (2017). OECD Family Database. http://www.oecd.org/els/family/dat abase.htm. Accessed 24 April 2017. Soenens, Barts, & Vansteenkiste, Maarten. (2010). A Theoretical Upgrade of the Concept of Parental Psychological Control: Proposing New Insights on the Basis of Self-Determination Theory. Developmental Review, 30(1), 74–99. Statistics Denmark. (2017). Statbank.http://www.dst.dk/en/Statistik#. Accessed 24 April 2017.

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Christoph Arndt is Lecturer for Comparative Politics at the University of Reading and was formerly Assistant Professor at Aarhus University and gained his Ph.D. in 2011. He is a political scientist specializing in political behavior, voting, political parties, the political sociology of the welfare state as well as comparative public policy analysis. He has published among others in the British Journal of Political Science, the British Journal of Industrial Relations, the European Journal of Political Research, the European Sociological Review, Governance, the Journal of European Social Policy, and Political Research Quarterly. Carsten Jensen is Professor at Aarhus University. He is a political scientist specializing in comparative politics. He has published in American Journal of Political Science, British Journal of Political Science, Comparative Political Studies and European Journal of Political Research. His books have been published by Oxford University Press and Palgrave MacMillan. He has been visiting research fellow at Harvard, Princeton, and Australian National University.

CHAPTER 6

Between Adaption and Rejection: Intergenerational Transmission of Resources and Work Values in Germany Robert Strohmeyer and Julia Weiss

6.1

Introduction

In 2017, of the young adults (aged 15–24) living in the European Union, 4.8% were NEETs (Eurostat 2020a; neither in employment nor in education or training) and 16.9% were unemployed (Eurostat 2020b). In previous years and the wake of the economic and financial crisis, with a peak of 23.7% in 2013 (Eurostat 2020b), youth unemployment had reached enormous levels in many EU countries. For this reason, the issue of combating youth unemployment became the central issue for the EU itself and prompted the emergence of different policies (Tosun 2017;

R. Strohmeyer (B) Institute for SME Research and Entrepreneurship, University of Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany e-mail: [email protected] J. Weiss Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_6

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Tosun et al. 2017). For example, the so-called Youth Guarantee was created, which is supposed to guarantee young adults to “receive a ‘good quality’ offer for a job, an apprenticeship, a traineeship or continued education” within four months (Tosun et al. 2019: 358). However, for a more comprehensive approach to fight youth unemployment or the fact that young adults fail to become economically self-sufficient, it is necessary to look at the origins. The focus here is on the aspects that lead to economic self-sufficiency and the study of various factors, such as socialization or context that influence this process. This chapter deals with this topic by using a case study of Germany. From 2011 to 2018, the German case illustrates the situation of the lowest youth unemployment rate in the EU (Eurostat 2020b). Based on this statistically good situation, one could assume that young adults in Germany are largely economically self-sufficient. However, our sample shows that this is not the case. Here too, some adolescents face problems in reaching economic self-sufficiency. To understand why some young adults do better on the labor market than others, it is of central importance to shed light on their upbringing. Previous research showed that parents could be seen as one of the primary socialization agents (Smetana et al. 2015; Jorgensen et al. 2017; Wang and Benner 2016). For this reason, this study deals with the transmission mechanisms within parent-child dyads and within the core family. In doing so, three research questions will be investigated: • How does socialization regarding work and education occur within the family? • Does family matter in terms of the wish to maintain the parents’ social status, in terms of resources, or both? • How does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? • How does the country context, such as welfare state arrangements, moderate the transmission process? After the presentation of the different transmission mechanisms found in our sample, we conclude that family matters in terms of resources and less in terms of investments. Parents make various resources available to their children and thus support them on their way. The central finding of our study goes beyond this parent-child support and illustrates the great importance of social capital. Social capital captures the

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value of relationships and can be defined as the resources that are potentially available within social ties (Barbosa Neves et al. 2019). Previous studies showed that social ties provide relative advantages in the competition for better jobs (Behtoui 2016). So far, the focus has been on the social networks that young adults experience through their parents (Roth 2018) or schools, while the social capital they generate for themselves through “out-of-school” activities is often seen as irrelevant (Chesters and Smith 2015). In contrast, we show that social capital generated by the young adults themselves is also of central importance. In our sample, young adults from a variety of backgrounds use these own social networks to obtain, for example, an internship or general support. In the case of unemployed young adults, too, it is shown that their social capital is helpful on their way to paid employment. This chapter proceeds as follows: The first step is an overview of the sample and the survey. Afterwards, the analysis is carried out in three steps based on the research questions just mentioned. The final section gives an overview of the results and answers the research questions for the German context.

6.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

The sample for this chapter consists of ten families (see Table A6), and the sample criteria were set for the generation of young adults between 19 and 30 years old. The interviews were conducted with four people who were involved in entrepreneurship and/or business ownership (two of whom had started their own companies and the other two were working for a family business), two who were wage-and-salaried workers, two who were studying at college, and finally, two who were unemployed (living in socially troubled areas). All self-employed and employees in family businesses can afford their livelihood with their work. Consistent with the sampling criteria, the families were recruited through institutions (for example, a social worker or a research institute on self-employment) and personal contacts. Especially in the case of the unemployed young adults, recruitment would not have been possible without the help of a social worker who had known the family for years and whom they trust. Besides, it was necessary to pay the unemployed families an incentive of 30 Euros each. All other families took part in the study without any financial incentive.

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The interviews themselves were carried out by student interns and academic staff from the University of Heidelberg,1 who beforehand received extensive interview training. This interview training included the introduction to the guiding questions and practicing the situation. The behaviors of the interviewers themselves, as well as recommendations for dealing with awkward moments, were discussed. Experienced employees, who had already conducted such interviews in different contexts, led this training. The interviews were then carried out either personally or by telephone. For the subsequent analysis, the audio recordings of these interviews were transcribed. Regionally speaking, the interviewees were recruited in the south of Germany; more precisely, they currently live in Baden-Württemberg and the Rhineland-Palatinate. More than half of the interviewees came from the so-called Metropolregion Rhein-Neckar. This region is dominated by two large universities, Heidelberg and Mannheim, and additionally, many large companies such as the chemical, automotive, and IT industries are based here. In this region, including Mannheim and Heidelberg, the overall unemployment rate in April 2017 was below 5% (Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017a). One interviewed family comes from even further south, from the metropolitan area of Stuttgart, which is the capital of Baden-Württemberg. Our interviewee comes from a rural suburb of Stuttgart, where the overall unemployment rate is low as well, at 4.8% in April 2017 (Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017b). The two unemployed young adults live in a city in the Rhineland-Palatinate that faces a lot of social problems. These are also reflected by a high overall unemployment rate of 8.5% in April 2017 (Bundesagentur für Arbeit 2017c). Finally, one young adult (female and employed in the family business) comes from a rural region in the Rhineland-Palatinate, which is a famous wine-growing area. All other interview partners can be classified as urban. To complement this overview of the family interviews, it is worth taking a look at the family structures in the sample. In six of the ten families, the parents separated during the childhood of the young adults. Only two of the young adults have a family of their own; one of them already has two children, and the other was expecting his first child at the time of the interview. None of the families have immigrant backgrounds, 1 We would like to thank all the interviewers for their commitment: Vivienne Brando, Cristiana di Maio, Julian Ehrhardt, Manuel Feldmann, Max Hermus, Marcel Katzlinger and Jannes Rupf.

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and only the family of the young unemployed female is a family with many children (six siblings in the third generation). The remaining families consist of smaller core families. There was close contact between the members of all families. This characteristic of the sample can be related to the bias that only intact families were willing to participate in such a study. For that reason, it is unlikely to be able to interview families with little contact among themselves in such a context. An exception is our second self-employed female interview partner. An interview with her father had been agreed to in advance, but it turned out to be complicated and could not be realized. This case now shows the perspective of a young adult of a family, in which family relations are not intact. The situation for young adults in Germany, also compared to other European countries, is outstandingly good. With an average unemployment rate of 6.8% among young people under 25 in 2017, Germany is considerably below the EU average of 16.9% (Eurostat 2020b). The high level of education and the stable and continuously growing economy contribute to this favorable situation. In addition to this statistically good situation, the question arises as to what the reality of the young adults looks like. Does a low unemployment rate mean that young adults are economically self-sufficient? The smallest proportion of young adults in our sample is completely economically self-sufficient. Most young adults are financed through mixed forms of support from parents and other institutions. For example, those who are in education are mainly financed through scholarships, side jobs, and the child allowance (Kindergeld), which their parents give to them. I am a student assistant at the ‘name of the institute’ in ‘name of the city’, but it is only 20 hours a month. Then I give swimming lessons to the club. Then I give private swimming lessons. I have various scholarships, and I get children’s allowance. That is how I finance myself. (in education, urban, female)

In some other cases, although children do not receive financial support from their parents, they are supported indirectly; often, children live in their parents’ house, not paying rent and being able to share a good standard of living.

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At the moment, I am just lucky that I live the living standards of my parents. Because of what they have built up, I can still live with. But I think without my parents that would not be so good. (employed, rural, female)

For the two unemployed young adults, the financial situation is difficult, as they live by state support. The young male adult lives exclusively from unemployment benefits (Hartz IV ). In contrast, the young female adult lives on a mixture of state support (child allowance, maintenance allowance, parental allowance, and general state support) because she has two children. Also important is the financial support which some of these offspring receive from their family members; that can be seen as a crucial factor boosting their confidence and allowing them to get by easily. I was always supported financially … so that I always felt secure that I had a back-up. (self-employed, urban, male) I don‘t think that I would be now where I am if I didn‘t have such a mother who has completely sacrificed herself for the sake of her child … financially, mentally, and psychically. She was an unconditional mother. (in education, urban, male) Yes, I received financial support … from my parents. And grandparents. (employed in the family business, urban, male)

In the case of the unemployed, there was no financial support from the family, or it was even the other way around. The father from the unemployed women, who himself is unemployed, currently gets financial support from his other daughter, who is the only one in the family with a job. Q: Then may I ask you how you fund your livelihood? A: I get state support (Hartz 4), and my daughter, who still lives with me, supports me. (unemployed, urban, female—father)

To sum up, a generally good situation in terms of a low youth unemployment rate does not automatically mean that young adults are economically self-sufficient. Our sample shows that the opposite is the case. Most young adults are financially dependent and get supported in very different ways.

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Transmission of Attitudes, Values, and Actions

The central interest of this study is to reveal the transmission process between the generations. How does the transmission process work, and which mechanisms can be pointed out in the context of the families surveyed in Germany? Different aspects play a role here. First of all, the role model function, a concept that was developed by Bandura (1977) within his social learning theory, was seen of the parents. The children observed their parents as models, encoded their behavior, and imitated the observed behavior. And with my dad … my dad is a little bit my role model. In a sense, that … I would like to be somehow like my dad. Because when I see how he is at work, what qualities he has and what he does in everyday life. (employed, rural, female) I would say, what we did is now mirrored in the behavior of our children. My husband and I both enjoyed going to work. We just went to work with pleasure. So in the morning there was no, “Oh no, work…”, but we stood up and wanted to go to work. I think that affected all our children very strongly. (self-employed, urban, male—mother) To go his way, to be an example and a role model, to inspire other people. And finally, the values that are important to me, as I see it today, I mean, you always know it afterwards. You really have to say, if I look at a person in his early 20s, then I see today, what I gave to my children. (family business, urban, male—father)

As can be seen, for some young adults, it was even possible to identify their parents’ function as a role model. Especially in the area of selfemployment, the role model function of the parents, who are themselves self-employed, became apparent. This was reflected both in the decision of the young adults to become self-employed and in the awareness of the advantages and disadvantages of this professional situation, as they experienced it with their parents. So actually, you have to work a lot to get what you want. So the diligence, which is in [my father’s] work, I perceived this, and I also realized that if someone is self-employed and I call my mother “Mommy, please come

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home. I feel bad”, then my mother always came home immediately, or my dad came. That is what I perceived. Yes, but also the extensive tie, which means the financial and economic risk. I recognized this very early. (self-employed, urban, female)

The situation of the unemployed young adults, in the context of role modeling, is different. Their parents lack the basis for transmission. They are themselves unemployed and cannot serve their children as a role model. This creates the credo that the children should do better than themselves. This can be found both as a statement by the parents regarding the young adults in our sample as well as by the young adults regarding their own children. Q: What advice would you give to your children? A: They are supposed to do it all better than me … do not take me as an example … not in any case. When it is about child-rearing, they can take me as an example, but otherwise not. That is what I would tell them. (unemployed, urban, female)

Furthermore, the interviews revealed that work values were deeply connected with the aspiration levels within and across generations (Cemalcilar et al. 2019; Kittel et al. 2019). Firstly, all respondents from higher-income families seemed to be highly ambitious regarding their future careers. Goal setting and the need for achievement were fundamental to them. Having a fulfilling job that one loves and is passionate about were commonly mentioned. Interestingly, none of the interviewed offspring said having high incomes as their primary career motivation, which stands in sharp contrast to the goals of their grandparents, who often mentioned achieving a decent standard of living when they were young as their primary goal besides establishing a family. Actually, I always, besides a good life and a good family, I always wanted my job, the job. And thus reach a living standard which is at least above average. (family business, urban, male—grandfather)

Surprisingly, younger people did not complain about their workload or job-related stress but instead emphasized the fun part of doing exciting things at their jobs as well as learning new things. Hard-working work values were held by all respondents from the financially well-off families, and especially of the self-employed and family business worker. The

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value of hard work was one of the most mentioned values, and it became evident that these attitudes toward work were inherited from family role models. The job has to be fun and satisfying. Otherwise, I wouldn‘t be able to be as productive as I am now. It is true that my job in the family business requires hard work ….and that is kind of an honorable thing to do. (family business, urban, male) Yes, I inherited that work value from my father. My father always worked hard when I was a child… (family business, urban, male)

It also became evident that young self-employed and family business workers are mostly driven by intrinsic work values (Lukeš et al. 2019). None of them mentioned monetary rewards as the driver for starting their own business. In contrast, non-monetary rewards play a major role. Both self-employed women and men could be characterized as having a high need for autonomy and independence and being able to make decisions on their own. They also preferred having non-monotonous jobs and task variety at their jobs. Accordingly, I absolutely want my responsibility to make my own decisions. I do not want to be only an employee all the time, but make decisions and then also take the consequences myself. (family business, urban, male) So what I like about self-employment is that I can organize my time, that I can decide myself, what I work, how I work, how much I work. (employed, urban, male—mother)

Some of our self-employed or business owners said that they are “not made” for a standard “boss-employee” relationship. One self-employed female in our study felt even uncomfortable while working as an employee because she experienced a kind of “negative social climate” and a lot of envy between the employees at her workplace. Other self-employed also named similar aspects: I think I am now not so the team man; I do not believe. I rather think of things that I then somehow work out or edit. (self-employed, urban, male—mother)

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And I have noticed that I depend on the interim jobs; I am not fit to be the boss. Therefore the topic of self-employment was perfectly clear to me and that the only thing left for me is to remain self-employed, to become, to be, so that was ultimately completely clear. (family business, urban, male—father) [A]nd that is precisely in such systems as companies, where one can work with many people, that I often feel so, yes, perhaps not so well, because I have the feeling, there are no good energies. The people are partly surrounded by envy, and I would not like such things in my environment. (self-employed, urban, female) I would like to work with people who, like me, have a vision … and are not complaining about how long their workday was. (self-employed, urban, female)

Respondents from low- and middle- income families often had difficult relationships with their families, a result of the difference in their attitudes and values. In contrast to their counterparts from higher-income families, the prospects of their professional careers were uncertain. Their family members did not always value personal ambitions and high aspirations. This situation often led to distance and alienation between children and their families. Children from low-income families often complained about their lowpaid jobs and lousy work conditions (e.g., concerning job insecurity). Selffulfillment at the job was not mentioned. In contrast, they had a very instrumental view of the purpose of one’s job. Paid work, if one had a job, was considered as a “necessary evil.” Family values, being capable of living a decent family life, and cultivating great relationships with their family members were the top priorities for them. Such family-oriented and traditional values were seen to stand in conflict with career ambitions: Some people do a lot to move up the career ladder, but by doing so, they end up no longer having time for their families. (unemployed, urban, female)

Low school performance and consequently a kind of reluctance toward schooling were prevalent in underprivileged families of our sample. It becomes clear that these attitudes were strongly transmitted from one

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generation to the next. The unwillingness of learning theoretical knowledge (in contrast to practical knowledge) often led these people to quit school or their vocational training. Also, a low frustration tolerance and the incapacity to resolve conflicts at the workplace led to a “job-hopping” mentality. Then I was at home for a couple of weeks, because I did not find an apprenticeship. Then I found one, and it actually worked quite well, only the school was not my thing. The school did not work well and at work… I struggled with the boss. He offended me in front of the customers, and then I gave him a reason to fire me. (unemployed, urban, female) I have a certificate of secondary education (Hauptschulabschluss), and I started an apprenticeship as a baker, but I didn’t finish it. Because of school, the school was never my thing. (unemployed, urban, female— father)

Summing up, the analysis shows that role modeling plays a central role in the transmission process. Here, apparent differences between middleand high-income families and low-income families were found. In families with middle- and high-income, the focus is on work values, both intrinsic and extrinsic, which is linked to the achievement of economic self-sufficiency in the future. In families with low income, on the other hand, the focus is on family values rather than on achieving economic self-sufficiency.

6.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Parents can directly and indirectly influence how their children achieve economic independence. Direct influence can often be achieved by investing in education, while indirect forms cover resources, including transmitting values or social networks. This raises the question of which of these forms is most frequently used. To answer this question, we will first take a look at the role of resources and then compare it to the role of investments. In the sense of social reproduction theory (Bordieu and Passeron 1990 [1970]) different forms of resources can be distinguished. The subdivision is based on Bordieu (1984) and includes cultural, social, and economic capital.

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In this way, cultural capital describes the familiarity with the dominant culture in society, which can be transmitted from parents to their children. Here, one aspect can be family activities, which increase the cultural capital of the individual. The question is, what is conveyed with these activities. Is it pure leisure time or are values transmitted? In the context of our study, we asked the interviewees what their typical family activities were, how they spend their leisure time, and what the typical topics they discussed at home were. Here a special interest was put on differences between the generations as well as between families with different family income levels. Looking at the generations, it became clear that the first generation hardly talked about specific topics with their children at the dining table. In retrospect, some grandparents also regret this. There was not much talk at the table. So, it was discipline. They had to eat decently. That was it. (employed, urban, male—grandmother) At that point in time everything was okay, and we felt so normal. But when I look at this today, we have not discussed too much with the children on big issues. I would do it differently today. (in education, urban, male— grandmother)

In comparison, it was found that many conversations took place between the second and third generations. The typical subjects of conversation at home were school and everyday life issues. Yes, classics, how was it at school? How it was in xy, in the kindergarten or at sports practice. There was none, nothing consistent. It always depends only on what I had to tell. (in education, urban, female) Sports was already a big topic and then much about school because I was just a deadbeat and always got in trouble because of school. And also about cleaning my room—this was also a big topic. (employed, urban, male)

However, in families with family businesses, work played a central role in the conversations. Also, in the afternoon after school, there was also most of the time talking about [work] and we, the children, noticed everything and could get a picture of it in the afternoon. That was as a matter of course. (family business, rural, female)

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So it became more, so now in the direct communication [talking about work] became more and more. Less when I was small—my parents had always talked during eating or something when we were there or just how was the day of the father? How was the job? What’s new? How does it all go? How are you? This has also always been emotionally noticed … so there was already normal open talk about it, and if there was something then one has noticed. (family business, urban, male)

While within this aspect the differences between families with different financial backgrounds were relatively small, they became all the more apparent when looking at the family activities. Many of the families spent a lot of time together in the form of trips or holidays. Yes, I used to play soccer very intensively. On the weekend, there was always a game; my parents were always there, my sister also partly. Summer holidays, winter holidays, skiing… . Yes, natural science museum, or exhibitions for children, so [my parents] have certainly put much value on it. (family business, urban, male)

Families from low-income situations also spent a lot of time together. The financial situation did not allow going on big holidays, but rather short trips to the surroundings took place. Yes, we often went to the park, played badminton and soccer … and also went swimming. (unemployed, urban, male) Ohh, we were often on vacation. Yes … but only with one, I believe with a car or something. Yes, in Holland …. Because my father found the city so great, and there we were often when I was small. Then often with the grandma, and so, … then I was… I alone, with the aunt and so, … from my father’s side. With my uncle and aunt, yes, often on the Rhine, we were camping and things, so we did a lot of things. (unemployed, urban, female)

All in all, it can be seen at this point that the families in our sample are not particularly different in terms of cultural capital, despite different financial possibilities. Another aspect is social capital, which is a resource that is anchored in social relations. For the individual, advantages arise from participation in groups and the deliberate construction of a relationship network (Kriesi 2007). In the context of this network idea, the study focused on which

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role all kinds of people played in their educational and general life and the way they found their jobs. For the generation of young adults, the answers in the sample showed that in addition to their parents and siblings, close relatives (e.g., grandparents, cousins, or godparents) played a significant role in their general life. Almost all young adults reported to have different forms of social capital, which helped them in their educational pathway, to find career aspirations or with the entrance into the labor market. This social capital then existed through the parents, other attachment figures, or was worked out by the young adults themselves. Since I was fourteen, during the holidays I always worked in the old company of my father, where he was the managing director. And when I finished secondary school he asked me if I wanted to do the apprenticeship. (employed, urban, male)

Yes, in any case. So by my sport, I have contact people who support me, then one woman from my team, who is no longer on the team, but I could still contact her, she is going the way I want to go. Friends of my mother are already psychotherapists. Friends of my father are psychotherapists, who all know and like me, so I have got a few contacts. (in education, urban, female)

Q: So resources are there that could help you to go your way? A: Yes. I agree. And it always has been like this. (in education, urban, female)

By comparing the unemployed young adults, it becomes clear how important social capital is. The young unemployed female has no social capital, while the example of the unemployed male demonstrates that social capital can help get one out of unemployment. Through the help of his soccer trainer, he is going to start an apprenticeship as a road builder a couple of months after the interview. Q: How did you get your apprenticeship? A: Through … um … my soccer … my coach, his brother is a foreman there, and he let me do an internship … and somehow I managed to get the apprenticeship. (unemployed, urban, male)

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The role played by sports trainers in three cases is particularly worth mentioning. In some cases, they were designated by the interviewees as the second father figure who supported them at central points in their lives. And then he became a bit like a second father figure. Has always supported me, enabled me to study, because he has called the right contacts for me and wrote me appropriate letters. Um. He would help me financially any time, no matter how much I needed, he would give it to me. (in education, urban, female) … also my soccer coach. From the beginning, I have always been able to play soccer, and always had the same coach, that was a relationship both as a coach and as friends as well as with the family, so in any case. So I could always go to him. (family business, urban, male)

In the generation of the parents, close friends were seen as a support and influence on career choices or the decision to become self-employed. However, the parents of the unemployed young adults, who themselves were unemployed, only received support from the employment office. With a look at the grandparent generation, the most significant change can be seen. In this generation, educational decisions were based on parents’ guidelines, and jobs were often found via the networks and recommendations of relatives. The fact that the generation of young adults does not place these family contacts so much into the foreground is then compensated by the awareness of the need for alternative networks. I have a larger network that helps me when I have a question to answer this. (in education, urban, male) Yes, the importance is also in the exchange with other people, to go openly to the people, to find conversations, to exchange information, network, and now still in such a professional aspect what my father also often explains that many things are transferable. Now from private to professional, or from job to job or position to position. (family business, urban, male)

These impressions are now in accordance with the assumption that social capital is beneficial for finding a job. Since Granovetter (1995), there is a vast literature strand in sociology, which for example argues, that “using

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job contacts or having good contact networks increases wages and/or occupational prestige” (Mouw 2003: 868). In addition, several studies on individual firm behavior in the hiring process showed that applicants “who were referrals from current employees had higher rates of receiving job offers than other applicants” (Mouw 2003: 868). The third point regarding the transmission of resources is economic capital. Here, the focus of the study is to analyze the financial situation of all three generations and how this has changed over the years. For this reason, all interviewees were asked whether they had experienced financial constraints at the time or in the past. The financial situation of the surveyed families turned out to be very different. Four families answered that they neither in the past nor in the present experienced financial problems. With the exception of the unemployed, the rest of the families only experienced financial constraints in the past. Here especially the divorce of the parents (second generation) played a central role. Four of the families experienced significant financial difficulties following the separation of the parents (a total of six parents in the sample got divorced). The children remained with their mothers, and they had considerable difficulties in generating the basic financial needs. This is also consistent with the results of scientific studies of the situation of single-parent families in Germany. They showed that the income poverty risk of single-parent families and their children is very high, and that half of the single-parent households do not receive child support (Unterhalt ) from the other parent, while another 25% are not paid regularly or not at the minimum rate (Lenze and Funcke 2016). Three of the mothers in our sample experienced this, while the fourth one always received the child support payments from the father. In general, all four families were financially burdened by this situation and the children were always aware of this. After the breakup of my parents, it became quite tricky. My mother has had three jobs to keep us above water. And uh my dad did not pay as much alimony. (in education, urban, female)

As the financial situations of the surveyed families varied, so did the young adults’ perception of the financial constraints in their childhood. These differences range from restrictions in the context of luxury items (for example, brand clothing or expensive holiday trips) to the experience that not everything they wanted could be afforded.

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I’ve noticed quite a bit. My mother always tells me this in hindsight. I had noticed and knew these times and did not get something in the supermarket and did not have everything. (in education, urban, male) At the moment the surveyed young adults are satisfied with their standard of living, while the unemployed adults live according to the motto “make the best of it.” So on some days it bothers me quite extremely how my life has gone, but … you can not change it, you can only make the best of it as it is now. (unemployed, urban, female)

In the context of economic capital, we also experienced different responsiveness of the three generations. Sensitive questions about the financial situation were not answerable for all respondents. There were, for example, interview situations in which evasive answers were given, or problems were negated, which were clearly described by their child. All in all, it became clear that the third generation spoke much more without inhibition about financial issues, which became less common with each generation. The grandparents gave, in terms of content, quite short answers in this context. We always were ok. My husband worked a lot, even outside his own business. He was never unemployed. There was always enough. (employed, urban, male—grandmother)

After considering the three forms of possible indirect transmission, the focus in the following is on the possibilities of direct influence by the parents. Here, the attainment of economic self-sufficiency can correspond to the intergenerational persistence of the socio-economic status or to upward social mobility (Schuck and Shore 2019). In the sense of relative risk aversion theory (Breen and Goldthorpe 1997; van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007) children can take their parents’ social position as the reference point for their aspirations and thus educational decisions are made in order to avoid downward mobility. Prior research has shown that upward educational mobility is difficult in Germany in comparison to other OECD countries (Müller and Arum 2004; Stawarz 2015). Our qualitative study supports that observation. Five out of the ten respondents either completed a university degree or

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are in the process of doing so. Four respondents have chosen apprenticeship training after their high school graduation, one did not complete the apprenticeship training, and one did not complete secondary school (Hauptschule). Young people from the upper-middle class often attend special private schools, with the examples being the Anthroposophical Waldorf School or French-speaking private colleges. In this manner, the educational attainment of children resembles that of their parents in many regards. In high-income families, for instance, children’s level of educational attainment resembles that of their parents. Eight of the surveyed young adults graduated with the same schoolleaving certificate as their parents. One of the others dropped out of school, and the other made a higher degree than his parents. Once again, this finding reflects the results of other studies (e.g., OECD 2016). The German Federal Statistical Office showed that 63.4% of parents whose children graduate from high school have high school diplomas themselves (Statistisches Bundesamt 2016). Only 6.9% of the parents of these children themselves have a lower secondary education (ibid.). In contrast, while the children’s and parent’s education was at the same level, upward mobility mostly took place between the parents and the grandparents. The surveyed grandparents had primarily lower schoolleaving certificates. In the narratives of the grandparents, the time when they went to school played a major role in this result. Due to the war, I was born in 1934; I fled, I was in elementary school and more or less managed it, with breaks, until the eighth class. The school did not begin immediately after the war. So we still had a lot of cancellation, just like during the war, because the teachers were in the war. (in education, urban, male—grandmother)

Educational attainment is also a big issue among the poorest and socially disadvantaged young people. A social worker, who helped establish the contact between an interviewee and interviewer, told us that he only knows of one young person who obtained an intermediate high school certificate (Mittlere Schulreife) during his 20 years of experience working with and supervising kids from poor and socially disintegrated families. The situation in the families is also coherent with regard to the labor market situation. Most of the young adults have the same employment status as their parents. Interesting observations can be made with regard to self-employment. It is clear from the context that members of a family

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business are themselves involved in the family business. If one looks at the other young adults who are self-employed, it becomes clear that their parents were or are self-employed. The aspect of coherence of selfemployment is demonstrated in other studies (e.g., Chlosta et al. 2012; Schoon and Duckworth 2012). Concluding on the question of the role of resources and investments, it could be shown that risk aversion did not play a role for the respondents in this sample. None of the third generation respondents actively reported that the parents had a concrete influence on their educational path. The role of resources, however, seems to be much higher. Above all, social capital plays a significant role. For some respondents, social capital acted as a substitute for weaker family ties but regardless of the family’s income level, social networks often played a role when it came to finding a job or taking a career.

6.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Most of the children reported having good relationships with their parents. Growing older, the relationship between children and parents changed from a hierarchical to a friendly one, based on mutual respect, appreciation, help, and reciprocity. The offspring of the divorced parents and/or those living in separate households reported having stronger ties to one of the parents, albeit no clear patterns emerged regarding whether the person they referenced was the mother or father. A different picture emerged in low-income families, where the relationship between the offspring and parents turned out to be rather difficult. For example, some children from low-income families reported not having any contact with one of their biological parents (most often with their fathers but in some cases with their mothers). A 25-year-old unemployed woman living with her stepmother said the following about her biological mother: She doesn’t exist as far as I’m concerned. She is not my mother. My real mother is my stepmother. (unemployed, urban, female)

And a 19-year-old unemployed young man stated that:

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My father left us when I was 3 or 4 years old. He never cared about us or paid any cent to us. We meet once in a year max, but I have no good relationship with him. (unemployed, urban, male)

The interviews revealed the main pattern of parenting style: Most respondents grew up in a climate of individual freedom and support, resembling the authoritative parenting style. They did not experience any real pressure from their parents regarding the latter’s expectations. For example, even the family business successor in our sample did not feel pressure to take on the family business. But, parents seem to have made their children internalize specific norms (for example, related to hard work and commitment to work): Nay … absolutely not. At that age, that was not the case. Neither was that the case when I grew older. My father always told me that he was not going to force me to do something … He did not want to do that … If I want something, then I shall pursue it myself. (family business, urban, male) If I make a decision, he always supports me … [I]f I want to go my own path, he supports me there, too. It was absolutely not the case that they had forced me to do something. (family business, urban, male)

Parents were demanding and set rules, but at the same time they explained their demands and gave freedom in decision making to their children. For example, the first decision left to me was whether I would go from high school to junior high school or whether I would leave school. And they always raised us to independence, that we make our own decisions and consider whether it is more positive for us or rather negative. Yes. We could already decide everything quite freely, except if it was a super essential decision. (employed, urban, male) So the pressure, which I made myself, to complete my education not only well but very well, came from the fact that my father expected it to be really good. And that is what I wanted to do for him. (employed, rural, female) So I always felt like I insinuated to him: “I am behind you. Everything you do, you cannot go wrong here. This is all good, what you do.” I

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don’t know how this has been for him. This was my approach to give him the right to make decisions according to his age. (in education, urban, male—grandmother)

In line with this authoritative parenting, the parents underlined the behavior of their children with external reinforcement. This was done, for example, by praise or reproof. There was also vital support of the parents to their children, which was perceived by them as a form of steady appreciation. What my parents have done very often, sometimes more or less out of nowhere, was to say, ‘We are proud of you, what you do is good, stay the way you are.’ (family business, rural, female) Yes, maybe it’s just that I know: My parents are proud of me, my parents love me. And that is such a permanent state. And only when something has gone wrong, then I know that it is not so. But I always feel that my parents are proud of me, generally of their children. I do not have to do anything huge, so my parents are proud of me, so I am praised by them. (employed, rural, female) So dispraise, that happened every now and then. The issues were the mess, when I didn’t prepare my satchel when my room was untidy. Also, principles such as to come late was always a topic. Lying was actually the biggest issue. And if there was only a childish lie, that was the worst of all for my parents. (in education, urban, male)

However, internal reinforcement has been more difficult for young adults. When asked what they are proud of, they struggled to find an answer or had no answer at all. Q: Of which of your own achievements and decisions are you especially proud of? A: Pride is a great word. Q: Or especially satisfied with the fact that you did it? A: Yes, that I studied law and yes I can actually say that I have done this quite well. I am satisfied with myself. And also that I have done all these extra activities, such as being abroad. Whether you can call that pride, I am not sure, probably not. But I was satisfied with myself, that I have done this. (self-employed, urban, male)

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There are three exceptions to this majority of authoritative parenting. The two unemployed young adults, where the parents pursued an inconsistent parenting style, and the young woman, who is employed in the family business, where the parents practiced a strict, catholic parenting style. Furthermore, there seem to be some disparities between children growing up in urban and rural regions. Children who grew up in rural areas were sometimes exposed to a more rigorous and authoritarian parenting style. Without wanting to draw strong conclusions with limited data (two cases), there are some indications that under these conditions intergenerational transmission of values is not as effective as under conditions of an authoritative or permissive parenting style. Interestingly, but not surprising, most interviewed young adults grew up in a household, where the mother quit work and only cared for children and the family. This leads to the fact that fathers only took on minor roles in the upbringing of their children. Almost all respondents report a more or less serious absence of their father due to work duties. My father was never a role model to me. (in education, urban, male) My father was working at the crime police department, and he was always at work … I didn‘t see him much as a child … only in the evenings. (self-employed, urban, female) At that point in time, my father was very temperamental and was having temper tantrums … having dinners with him was always strenuous. … He also did not want to talk at dinner oftentimes. (self-employed, urban, female)

Finally, the basic transmission process can be described as being between successful or unsuccessful. At least in the case of the two unemployed young people, the transmission process presents itself as problematic. For example, the son and his mother perceived the parenting style differently: No, not really pressure, but I was, somehow, restricted. (unemployed, urban, male)

Q: Did your children have the opportunity to make their own decisions?

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A: Yes, yes, it does not matter if I say to my child: “You do an apprenticeship now, for this and that reason” and the child doesn’t want to do it. (unemployed, urban, male—mother)

Thus the son felt restricted by the parenting style of his mother, while the mother describes her parenting as free and open. In the case of the young unemployed female, the parenting style of the father was also described as not matching the behavior of his daughter. Yes … the … I still don’t know what happened. Because my dad never raised me that way, I never heard such words at home … also not until today, and yes, I don’t know, things like that, my behavior was pretty bad. (unemployed, urban, female)

In this case, the young woman describes her bad behavior toward her teachers when she was a child. Such inconsistencies between the parenting style of the parents and the behavior of the children could not be found to this extent in other families. Overall, it can be seen that mainly the authoritative parenting style was lived and that it also seems to be successful. In those cases, where an inconsistent parenting style was practiced, this leads to problems. The final aspect is the context. The question arises as to what extent the welfare state in Germany, as a defining contextual factor, influences the framework for transmission between parents and children. It is well documented that welfare states differ in the supply of publicly supported measures, such as childcare coverage, maternity entitlement, flexible arrangement of work time, and social tax policies, that influence women’s participation in the labor market (Sainsbury 2008; Tonoyan et al. 2005). Conservative welfare states such as Germany, Austria, and the Netherlands largely support a traditional “male breadwinner model” or the so-called secondary female breadwinner model (Gornick et al. 1997; Korpi 2000). Priority is given to general family support showing, for example, through cash allowances for children, family tax benefits for minor children, or tax benefits for mothers staying at home. Germany is a case in point: In 2010, only 24% of the families with minor children were double-income families, according to a report from the German Federal Ministry for Family (BMFSFJ 2012). In light of the prevalence of conservative social norms toward women promoting allocation of domestic responsibilities

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to the wives and the income-earning role to the husbands (see e.g. Blossfeld and Hakim 1997; European Institute for Gender Equality 2013), women’s involvement in the labor markets in such countries is confined to part-time work implying lower job autonomy or control of work time and place. Not very long ago, there was almost no public provision of childcare for the youngest children in Germany. For example, only 2% of children under three years of age and 60% of children aged between three and six years of age were in publicly funded childcare in West Germany (Engelbrech and Jungkunst 2001). That being said, some of the German family policies have changed since the early 2000s. New policies aimed at reducing the work-family related conflict for mothers (and fathers) and to encourage women’s stronger integration in the labor market. For example, in 2007 an earnings-based parental leave system (Elterngeld) was introduced in Germany. As a result of this, employed or self-employed parents are entitled to take leave until the child reaches the age of three. Furthermore an earnings substitution of 67% of their average monthly income is paid up to 12. If fathers are involved in childcare and parental leave the overall length of benefit payment is extended to 14 months. In addition, the right to childcare was extended to children starting at age one in 2013 (Perfar 2014). Finally, Germany has been experiencing some profound changes in the family structure over the last few decades (Brüderl 2004). First and foremost, the fertility rate decreased substantially over the past century in Germany and remained among the lowest worldwide with an average birthrate in 2017 of 9.5 children per 1000 inhabitants (World Bank 2019). This trend has been accompanied by later childbearing and a decrease in the average household size. Furthermore, there has been a diversification of living arrangements: Whereas institutionalized partnerships in the form of marriage have declined, cohabitation and single parenthood have been increasing (Brüderl 2004); divorce rates have been increasing. In our sample it becomes evident that the core family and close friends are the primary agents with regard to socialization and the intergenerational transmission of values and attitudes. The state is not directly involved in this process. On the other hand, state agencies have an indirect influence on these processes by giving financial support to families and children, and above all, a solid and free-of-charge educational system.

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Also, the German apprenticeship system plays an outstanding role when it comes to integration into the labor market of young adults. In a different vein, the high divorce rates in Germany are also mirrored in our sample. More than half of our respondents coming from divorced families. As usual in conservative welfare states, mothers reduce their involvement in the labor market when it comes to childbearing. As a consequence, the process of socialization and the intergenerational transmission of values is mostly shaped by mothers, not fathers. Thus, mothers become the primary agents of value and resource transmission. Fathers mostly play a minor role in this process.

6.6

Conclusion

The objective of this study was to examine the transmission processes between parents and children in terms of various resources and investments, as well as the implications of such processes for the success and economic self-sufficiency of children. For this purpose, ten families (parents-children constellations) with different job histories and professional success were interviewed. Our analyses revealed various transmission processes and channels between parents and children. First, children viewed their parents as role models, oftentimes imitating the observed behavior. Second, the parenting style turned out to be a decisive factor. Our results indicated that an authoritative parenting style proved to be quite successful in transmitting values and attitudes. Third, social capital is a crucial factor, with parents using their networks to help their children to find a job or get ahead at their jobs. Furthermore, some striking differences in values, attitudes, and types of resources were found among families with offspring who did well in the job market and those who did not succeed. Despite significant variations in families from different social milieus and social strata, it became evident that children’s education alone could not make the jobs no matter its other virtues. Rather, children’s chances of successful integration in the labor market as well as their professional advancement drastically increased if they inherited supportive work values, attitudes, and various resources (e.g., money and social networks) from their parents. Finally, cultural capital did not emerge as the main factor for successful integration into the labor market and economic self-sufficiency. Here the families hardly differed and no transmission processes could be detected. Overall, the results showed that family matters in terms

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of resources and less in terms of investments. This also made clear that family and close friends are the primary agents of socialization and that the state is not directly involved in the socialization process. Instead, the state provides the framework within which the transmission of values and attitudes takes place. The present study now shows both strengths and weaknesses. It was possible to provide a deeper insight into the mechanisms of the transmission of values and attitudes within families in Germany. Especially in combination with the other country analyses in this volume, a unique scientific contribution is presented. At the same time, due to the chosen method, it is neither a representative sample nor can it easily be replicated. In the case of the German sample, there are also no respondents from the very upper class. Irrespective of this, the study offers points of departure for further research. It would be interesting to interrogate other social strata (e.g., the elite) or to look at the linguistic abilities of young adults. In addition, another survey of the young adults of this sample in a few years would be useful in order to be able to draw a comparison with the previous generations at the time where real economic self-sufficiency was possible.

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Jorgensen, B. L., Rappleyea, D. L., Schweichler, J. T., Fang, X., & Moran, M. E. (2017). The Financial Behavior of Emerging Adults: A Family Financial Socialization Approach. Journal of Family and Economic Issues, 38, 57–69. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10834-015-9481-0. Kittel, B., Kalleitner, F., & Tsakloglou, P. (2019). The Transmission of Work Centrality Within the Family in a Cross-Regional Perspective. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 106–124. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219827515. Korpi, W. (2000). Faces of Inequality: Gender, Class, and Patterns of Inequalities in Different Types of Welfare States. Social Politics, 7 (2),127–191. Kriesi, H. (2007). Sozialkapital. Eine Einführung. In A. Franzen & M. Freitag (Hrsg.), Sozialkapital. Grundlagen und Anwendungen (pp. 23–46). Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften. Lenze, A., & Funcke, A. (2016). Alleinerziehende unter Druck. Rechtliche Rahmenbedinungen, finanzielle Lage und Reformbedarf . Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung. Lukeš, M., Feldmann, M., & Vegetti, F. (2019). Work Values and the Value of Work: Different Implications for Young Adults’ Self-Employment in Europe. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 156–171. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219828976. Mouw, T. (2003). Social Capital and Finding a Job: Do Contacts Matter? American Sociological Review, 68, 868–898. Müller, W., & Arum, R. (2004). The Reemergence of Self-Employment: A Comparative Study of Self-Employment Dynamics and Social Inequality. Princeton: Princeton University Press. OECD. (2016). Education at a Glance 2016: OECD Indicators. Paris: OECD Publishing. Perfar. (2014). Family Policies: Germany. http://www.perfar.eu/policy/familychildren/germany. Accessed 22 April 2017. Roth, T. (2018). The Influence of Parents’ Social Capital on Their children’s Transition to Vocational Training in Germany. Social Networks, 55, 74–85. Sainsbury, D. (2008). Gendering the Welfare State. In G. Goertz & A. G. Mazur (Eds.), Politics, Gender and Concepts: Theory and Methodology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schoon, I., & Duckworth, K. (2012). Who Becomes an Entrepreneur? Early Life Experience as Predictors of Entrepreneurship. Developmental Psychology, 48(6), 1719–1726. Schuck, B., & Shore, J. (2019). How Intergenerational Mobility Shapes Attitudes Toward Work and Welfare. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 139–154. https://doi.org/10.1177/000 2716218822457.

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Smetana, J. G., Robinson, J., & Rote, W. M. (2015). Socialization in Adolescence. In J. E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of Socialization: Theory and Research (pp. 60–84). New York: Guilford Press. Statistisches Bundesamt. 2016. Statistisches Jahrbuch. Deutschland und Internationales 2016, Wiesbaden: Statistisches Bundesamt. Stawarz, N. 2015. Soziale Mobilität in Deutschland revisited: Die Entwicklung der Karrieremobilität in den letzten 80 Jahren. KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 67, 269–291. Tonoyan, V., Strohmeyer, R., & Wittmann, W. W. (2005). Gendered and CrossCountry Differences in the Perceived Difficulty of Becoming Self-Employed: The Impact of Individual Resources and Institutional Restrictions. In Frontiers of Entrepreneurship Research (pp. 57–72). Babson Park and, Wellesley, MA, US: Babson College. Tosun, J. (2017). Promoting Youth Employment Through Multi-Organizational Governance. Public Money & Management, 37 (1), 39–46. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/09540962.2016.1249230. Tosun, J., Unt, M., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Youth-Oriented Active Labour Market Policies: Explaining Policy Effort in the Nordic and the Baltic States. Social Policy & Administration, 51, 598–616. https://doi.org/10.1111/spol. 12315. Tosun, J., Treib, O., & De Francesco, F. (2019). The Impact of the European Youth Guarantee on Active Labour Market Policies: A Convergence Analysis. International Journal of Social Welfare, 28(4), 358–368. Van de Werfhorst, H. G., & Hofstede, S. (2007). Cultural Capital or Relative Risk Aversion? Two Mechanisms for Educational Inequality Compared. The British Journal of Sociology, 58(3), 391–415. Wang, Y., & Benner, A. D. (2016). Cultural Socialization Across Contexts: Family-Peer Congruence and Adolescent Well-Being. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 45, 594–611. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-016-0426-1. World Bank. (2019). Birth Rate, Crude (per 1,000 People). https://data.worldb ank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.CBRT.IN?end=2018&start=1960. Accessed 22 May 2020.

Robert Strohmeyer studied sociology, social psychology, and statistics at the University of Mannheim. He finished his Ph.D. in management in 2019 at the University of Mannheim with summa cum laude and is currently a Senior Researcher at the Chair for SME Research and Entrepreneurship. He has (co-) authored several research reports and book chapters and published in refereed journals such as Administrative Science Quarterly, Journal of Business Venturing,

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Entrepreneurship: Theory and Practice, as well as International Journal of Sociology. He has been awarded the 2008 Academy of Management ’s (Entrepreneurship Division) as well as 2014 and 2015 Diana International Research Conference’s Best Paper Awards. Julia Weiss is a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at Heidelberg University, Germany. Her research areas are youth labor markets, the intergenerational transmission of values and resources, political participation and research methods.

CHAPTER 7

Dependently Independent: Intergenerational Transmission of Values, Attitudes, and Resources in Switzerland Carolin Rapp and Kerstin Nebel

7.1

Introduction

In understanding the personal, social, and economic development of young adults, it is important to shed more light on their upbringing and, in particular, the transmission of distinct values, attitudes, and expectations from one generation to the next. The question of how different generations rely on and learn from each other has long been an issue in Swiss politics (Perrig-Chiello et al. 2008; Perrig-Chiello et al. 2012). Values thereby play a central role. Like in many other Western countries,

C. Rapp (B) Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark e-mail: [email protected] K. Nebel Institute of Political Science, University of Bern, Bern, Switzerland e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_7

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Swiss society went through a change from materialist to more postmaterialist values (Hug and Kriesi 2010; Inglehart and Baker 2000). At the same time, however, Hug and Kriesi (2010) assert that differences in value orientations between generations did not change in the past decades. That is, we can still observe generational differences in political ideology, opinions on European integration, and prospects. Concerning these persisting differences, it is of utmost importance to address how and why values are transmitted—or are not transmitted—between different generations. To address the role of family and intergenerational relations in Switzerland, we interviewed ten Swiss families to determine how family life in Switzerland looks like, what values, as well as different forms of capital, are important and how these are transferred from one generation to the other, and whether we observe upward or downward social mobility from one generation to the next. The Swiss case should be most like the German and Austrian case as these three countries form a family of nations (Castles 1993). At the same time, however, Switzerland has a more liberal welfare state than the other two countries, which is expected to result in less generous family policies, for example, concerning child care. These policies decisively influence how families are structured and what kinds of values are most important (Chevalier 2016; Schultheis and Buchmann 2008). In particular, traditional gender roles are still prevalent in Switzerland (Engeli 2014). Family plays a central role in Switzerland. For example, the Swiss social welfare dimension for young adults is first and foremost marked by the principle of subsidiarity, similar to the German system (Castles 1993; Chevalier 2016). In detail, the Swiss civil code contains legal obligations for parents to support their children. According to Article 277, parents have a support obligation until their child is 16. If the child does not have an “appropriate education,” the support obligation is extended until the child turns 25. In this line, many young Swiss live with their parents until they can afford their housing due to the high costs of living. Results from the Swiss CUPESSE survey comprising 1000 respondents revealed that 85% of the 18–25 year olds still live with their parent(s) or other family members (e.g., grandparents). In contrast, the larger part (86%) of the 26–35-year-olds moved out. Nevertheless, this also means that 15% in this age group still live at their parental/family home. In this chapter, we try to find answers to how socialization works in Swiss families, what role the parenting style plays

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in the transmission of values, and in how far the country context, for example, welfare policies, influences the intergenerational transmission process.

7.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

To capture how values, as well as different forms of capital, and decisiontaking are transmitted from one generation to the next, we rely on semi-structured biographical interviews. This method renders the advantage of receiving a fine-grained picture of, for example, universal family values as well as the question of how, or if, these values change between generations. Values can be of an explicit or implicit nature, which means that not all individuals are explicitly aware of their own or family values. The semi-structured biographical interviews helped in thoroughly asking for values as well as attitudes of which the respondents were not truly aware of. We implemented ten semi-structured biographical family interviews in Switzerland. Out of these ten families, nine consisted of three generations (child, parent, and grandparent), and one family included two generations (child and parent); due to health issues, the oldest generation was not able to take part in the interview. An overview of all families is given in Table A7 in the supplementary material. The first three-generation interview was done by one of the CUPESSE team members to gain better insights into how questions should be asked. All other interviews were conducted by students of the Political Science Master, that got a specialized interview training and lecture about the goals and means of the project beforehand (intensive one-day workshop with practical and theoretical elements). The interviews took place between June and December 2016. The recruited families come from different residential and socioeconomic backgrounds, whereby the focus was on the urban and rural areas of Bern (city and canton). The age of the youngest generation ranges between 18 and 27. While we have a slight majority of male respondents among this generation, there is a clear majority of female respondents among the other two generations. The recruitment strategy through regional job centers (RAV—Regionale Arbeitsvermittlungsstelle) was unsuccessful, despite a very good collaboration with the job centers. This could also be because Switzerland has the lowest youth unemployment rate in Europe: the unemployment rate for young adults aged

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15–24 is currently at 3.4%. The unemployment rate for 25–49-year-olds is slightly higher, with 3.6% (State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO 2016). As an incentive for participation, each family member received Fr. 100 (approx. 90 e) in cash together with detailed information on the interviews and the aims of the CUPESSE project. We achieved a good divide between males and females as well as persons from a rural and urban area. The selected families show very similar patterns in their relationships, their values, and educational background. The most substantial differences, however, can be found between the families with an agricultural background and those working in other sectors. For example, in the former families, religion still seems to play a decisive role, whereas other families never mentioned the role of religion in their families. The interviews give an in-depth look at Swiss families the transmissions of values and attitudes. However, they do not cover the potential variety in terms of ethnic background, language region, cantons, economic status, and educational background. In sum, the recruited families represent the average Swiss family. That is, they have a middle-class background and stem from both urban and rural areas. The overall situation of families in Switzerland; thus, differs from other countries in this book as the standard of living is one of the highest in Europe (Schultheis and Buchmann 2008). For this, we expect interesting findings compared to other chapters in this book. By international standards, the situation of the youth and young adults in Switzerland is overwhelmingly good (Jacobs Foundation 2013). A low unemployment rate is met by high standards of education and a continuously growing economy. Nevertheless, young adults tend to be economically dependent on their parents as above-described. As a result of this dependency, we cannot detect any differences in economic self-sufficiency between young adults in education, unemployment, or apprenticeships. They all receive support from their parents and, thus, do not face any economic or financial shortcomings due to their current employment or educational situation (Schultheis and Buchmann 2008). This might also be due to the high standard of living of the average Swiss family. An essential issue of the project is to shed more light on the financial situations of young adults and their families. In this respect, all families were asked if they ever endured a period of economic hardship. Some interviewees reported that their family had some financial difficulties or

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constraints. However, this was primarily mentioned by the first or second generation: The finances, well, they have always been an issue. And already very early – the question always was whether we have a financial future or not. (self-employed, rural, male—father) Honestly, straight after my divorce, that was a difficult time financially. (employed, urban, male—father)

Although there seem to have been some periods of economic hardship in most of the families, the children, i.e., the third generation was never truly aware of this—also because of their parents not wanting them to know about any financial problems: Well, we did mention it somehow, but not as if we were talking about it [financial issues] all of the time. We did not want our finances to take center stage. I never wanted it to be like that. […] My father talked so much about money, but I never wanted it to be an issue. (self-employed, rural, male—mother)

Moreover, young adults were never truly aware of any financial issues, which probably indicates that parents wanted their children not to know: Yes, well, you need money to survive […] We never had in that sense any issues with money, in particular as my dad is very good at looking after the finances. He knows his numbers. (employed, urban, male) I believe they [her parents] always had enough money. […] If they did not fulfil a specific wish of mine, it was more because they simply did not want me to be spoiled rather than that there was not enough money. (in education, urban, female) Well, it probably was not easy at the beginning as we did not have the house and all the other things. I think my dad mentioned this some time. Nevertheless, I think that we never had any troubles with money. (unemployed, rural, female) I never sensed that there were any financial issues. I think we never had to look after our money. (employed, urban, male)

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A reason for that the younger generations were never truly affected by financial shortcomings is that most of the parents saved on their expenditures: I saved on me. I saved many things on myself and hence enabled everything for the children, for example, going to school camps and many other things. (employed, urban, male—grandmother)

Moreover, at the same time, family activities, such as holidays in Switzerland and abroad, were never questioned—even if there might not have been enough money for other things. This might be due to the generally pleasant economic climate in Switzerland, which is also an indication for the high economic standard in Switzerland compared to most other countries: We all (the whole family, remark by interviewers) went on holiday. One week on ski holidays in winter, for sure. And for some years we went to the sea in autumn, or just on holidays, as a family – not necessarily to the sea. (in education, urban, male) Yes, we are fortunate that we could go on holiday - we could do quite a lot of things. Mostly two weeks of skiing. My parents really like nature, that is why we went hiking in summer and skiing in winter. And certainly, we sometimes went to the ocean for a week or so in summer. (family business, rural, male) We did not go on holiday five times a year, but we always went skiing for 14 days. (unemployed, rural, male—grandmother)

Another phenomenon we could observe in most families is that parents seem to have taught their children reasonable ways to manage their finances and belongings. Although they do not talk about financial shortcomings (see above), they talk about ways to deal with money and circumvent financial problems: I believe our parents taught us that you have to save money and that you have to take care of your things. That you do not simply throw away things, but rather repair them. (in education, rural, female)

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Yes! I still tell my children that they should save some money every month and should not touch these savings. (family business, rural, mal—grandmother) Well, I noticed that you always have to look after your money economically. And you should not waste your money in good years, because the bad ones will certainly come. (family business, rural, male—father)

Almost all of the interviewed young adults are still living at home—a phenomenon which reflects the general situation in Switzerland. In this respect, the true economic self-sufficiency of young adults is questionable. Some even state that they could not survive without their parents or that they live a very comfortable life at their parents’ home. Some interviewees even receive monetary and non-monetary support from their parents during their education: We (her parents and she, remark by interviewers) agreed that I save the amount of money I would have to pay if I lived in my own apartment. I have a bank account for this money. (employed, urban, female) Well, my apprentice wage does not suffice for much. That is why my parents support me quite well financially. There are not many things I have to pay by myself. (employed, urban, male) I receive a monthly ‘wage’ from my parents. And some money from babysitting. (in education, rural, female)

In sum, this supports the fact that young adults are not economically self-sufficient, at least until they find a regular job. However, this dependency seems to be socially acceptable as family policies oblige parents to support their children until they are 25 (Häusermann and Zollinger 2014). In more detail, the Swiss social welfare dimension for young adults is first and foremost marked by the principle of subsidiarity, similar to the German system: There are legal obligations for parents to support their children in the Swiss civil code. According to Article 277, parents have a support obligation until their child is 16. If the child does not have an “appropriate education,” the support obligation is extended until the child turns 25. Thus, it is not surprising that in comparison to other European countries, the reliance on parents seems to be quite strong in the Swiss context, whereby this dependency is not considered to be anything

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bad or an indicator of not having succeeded (Jacobs Foundation 2013). From an economic perspective, we can summarize that families do matter decisively: while they provide valuable information about how to handle finances, they are also the primary source of the financial support of young adults.

7.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values, and Actions

Values are deeply rooted individual or collective beliefs that guide an individual’s action and decision-making. Both values and value orientations are, to a large extent, rooted in the socialization of individuals. A person’s upbringing marks his or her dominant values that will guide general attitudes and behavior throughout their lifetime (Demuth 2013; Hug and Kriesi 2010; Melich 1991). Apart from societal and personal developments, the family is one of the most important sources of value development and transmission. Values are, as above-mentioned, rather implicit and, thus, best captured by guided questions. The relationship between young adults, their parents, and grandparents tends to be very close in the interviewed families. Accordingly, they talk a lot with each other and share many common values. Most values can be detected through all three generations. However, we observe a shift in emphasis on specific values from generation to generation. For example, in the first family (Family 01), the prioritization of work values changed from the oldest to the youngest generation. In the first generation (grandparent), diligence, and autonomy are considered to be the most important values for achievement in life. Moreover, a certain degree of decency is emphasized as a general value. Although the second generation (parent) was raised according to these principles and mentions them in the interview, the third generation (young adult) does not refer to either diligence or autonomy in connection with economic success. This could be due to a more post-materialist orientation than older generations (Inglehart and Baker 2000). Only the general value of decency is transmitted. They (both children, remark by interviewers) grew up in an environment that taught them that you have to work if you want to both achieve and earn something in your life. (employed, urban, female—grandfather)

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I would say independence […] that they learn to decide by themselves […]. Politeness and decency. This is a must for them, and they know it. (employed, urban, female—mother) Simply punctuality and being decent. No cursing or swearing. (employed, urban, female)

Nevertheless, the general belief in work as a central part of life and necessary means to fit into society is not questioned by one of the interviewees, regardless of the generation. Within our ten families, the most common values that were mentioned and, thus, transmitted between family members are typical Swiss values (Melich 1991), such as punctuality, decency, and achievement. Almost all families mention decency and honesty as an important factor in life: That you do not lie to each other; that you are always honest with each other. We have always been like that. (in education, rural. female—grandfather) Decency, that is about it. (in education, urban, urban—father) In any case, basic values such as decency. I think that a person must follow the standards of propriety. Without a certain degree of decency, societal life could not function at all. (in education, urban, male) Certainly, you impart many things. In particular, decorum, for example, decency and such things. (in education, urban, female—grandfather) Well, for us, honesty is the most important thing; that we are always honest with each other even if you have done something bad. That we can also tell the bad things and not keep a secret. (in education, urban, female) For my father, it was always important that I am honest in every situation. (employed, urban, male) Well, the most important things…I think decency. […] He certainly got that from us. I believe. That he knows how to treat others. (employed, urban, male—mother)

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Simply, basic social values - that you have a certain friendliness towards people you do not know. And well, that you treat others with respect and, well, that sometimes you have to take a deep breath if someone is not that friendly to you. (employed, urban, male)

Both families stemming from an agricultural background emphasize perseverance and willpower to achieve one’s goals as important values: Well, basically perseverance – if there is rain or snow outside that you still say, ‘I have to do my work, regardless of the weather.’ To have the will to finish and complete things. (family business, rural, male) And if you choose one way, although you can change some things along the way, you cannot change what you have started and go for something new when you are not interested anymore. (family business, rural, male— grandmother) And in particular, this perseverance, which I certainly got from my parents. (family business, rural, male)

Interestingly, only one family explicitly talked about the belief in God and to some extent religion as an essential value—in all other families, religion or believing in God does not seem to play an important role: I think, the belief in God. Not a religion per se, but I always tried to show her: God is here, and he sees, knows, and supports you. You can always turn to God. Even if I am not there anymore, she will always have the support from God. (in education, rural, female—mother) The belief in god is one of the most important things I learned from her as a child. (in education, rural, female)

Although the structure of the values seems to be quite similar in all the families, apart from both agricultural families, it is quite appealing which values were not mentioned by the families. For example, other studies on Swiss families and typical family values revealed that the most important values transmitted in Switzerland are peace, freedom, and tolerance (Schultheis and Buchmann 2008). According to our findings, Swiss families tend to be conservative but non-religious. Issues of openness or intercultural contacts do not seem to play an important role in families.

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This fits into the overall image of Switzerland as a very closed and separatist society (Deutsch 1976; Hoffmann-Nowotny 2001; Melich 1991; Rapp 2014). However, one exception occurred as two respondents explicitly mentioned openness and interaction with diverse persons as the most important values for them and their children. However, these values were not transmitted to the next generation; or at least were not stated by the respondents. That you go through life with a positive attitude. That is what I learned from my father. My father always acted the same with people, regardless of if he talked to a simple man or a doctor. Just be unbiased towards others. (in education, urban, female—grandfather) To get in touch with people, embrace them with open arms, and search for contact […] kind of frankness from the heart, to put it like this. (employed, urban, male—father)

A recent study demonstrated that the perception of gender roles is, by and large, transmitted from one generation to next (Platt and Polavieja 2016). Here, it matters what parents do, i.e., how they divide gender roles, and what they say about gender divisions. Switzerland is known to rely on a typical breadwinner-housewife model, which has been very persistent throughout different generations. An explanation is the very conservative and less comprehensive Swiss family policy. It is a tax-wise advantage if one person does not work as married couples do not have a tax advantage like in other countries, e.g., Germany. Furthermore, only in 1984, a law was abolished that prohibited married women from working without the permission of her husband (Lalive 1968). Given this Swiss tradition, it is not surprising that we find these gender role patterns in our ten families. In the first generation, gender roles were doubtlessly defined as a bread-winner-housewife-model. While the father kept his work, it was the mother who reduced her workload or quit the job after marriage or after giving birth to the first child. [I worked] until we got married and then just a bit longer. But I certainly stopped working when our first child was born and since then never again. (in education, urban, female—grandmother)

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This phenomenon is also clearly visible in the second generation, although one interviewed person questioned this tradition. Unfortunately, the interviews of the youngest generation do not allow elaborating on their attitudes toward this role distribution, as they were all not married or had children yet. One mother explicitly complained about the traditional role divide in her family and society, in general. She suffered emotionally from the expectations society as well as her family had toward her: That I suffered for so many years, when the children still were little, that I could not work as much as I wanted to. And that I, at the same time, was not capable of having my children looked after by someone else. And that I was completely overwhelmed by all the expectations. I was always so jealous of all the other women, who seemed to cope so easily with everything or had both a career and children […]. But I got the lecture at home that it is the woman who looks after the children. I never got over it. I tried [….], and it got at the expense of my sleep and my satisfaction. And I also had a bad conscience that I wanted to work […]. This was a constant conflict […]. I got brainwashed by my parents, that it is the woman who looks after the children. And I always felt so un-emancipated. We [my husband and I] had many rows on this issue because I always had the feeling that he can do whatever he wants, and I am not allowed to do what I want. He always said that he ‘feeds the family’ and I wouldn’t be able to do so because I would earn less. During this time, I felt like we were in the year 1965 and not 2000. (unemployed, rural, female—mother)

This case emphasizes that the first and second generation may not have been as free in their choice of what to do with their lives, as described in the section on parenting styles. Even though the first generation emphasized independence, traditional gender roles limited the potential choice. However, the example also reveals that this mother will do whatever she can that her daughter is genuinely free to choose what to do with her life, regardless of her having children or not. This is supported by the fact that we do not see a particular transmission of gender roles from the second to the third generation.

7.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Throughout the literature, it is known that “observable characteristics such as formal education, choice of industry, occupation, the region of residence, or social networks are correlated across generations” (Mäder

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et al. 2015: 355). The transmission of these different capital forms influences the young adults’ career pathway. In the interviewed families, we could not observe any upward or downward social mobility. In particular, four out of the ten young adults we interviewed were still in education at the time of the interview. The young adult’s educational background mostly resembles that of their parents and grandparents, with a slight tendency toward a higher educational level, for example, attending university. These findings point toward both the reliance on existing resources and the investment in better education. Although young adults were free to take their decisions on their apprenticeship or choice of studies, as presented above, they nevertheless followed their parents’ path or advice—this is most obvious in families working in the agricultural sector. Well, the whole thing with my work…I was very much shaped by my father. Maybe also my grandfather, in particular when I was younger. (family business, rural, male) I had two aunts who were tailors. And I think my mother always wanted to be a needlework teacher. Maybe this influenced me subconsciously. (in education, urban, female) And that almost everyone in my family from my mother’s side is a teacher. She is a music teacher, my grandfather was a teacher, my step-grandmother was a teacher, and my real grandmother is a teacher. Also, my godfather is a teacher. So, it has always been quite clear to me. My decision was not pushed by my family, but it was just obvious what I should do. (employed, urban, male)

Apart from their parents, young adults state that they were also influenced by other people in their close surroundings. However, they also say that this influence was somewhat subconsciously. In the interviews, they reflected their occupational choices and the potential influence on them: I have always been somehow impressed by it [being an attorney]. And a relative of my mother was a notary, and this subconsciously impressed me somehow. I do not know. And one of my law lecturers was a notary and the other one attorney. And somehow both impressed me with their personality and influenced me. (in education, urban, male)

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Somehow, it has always been clear what I will do. And then, through a friend of mine I received the opportunity to test it out [the job/apprenticeship]. (family business, rural, male)

Social capital has different dimensions (Putnam 1993; van Deth 2003). In an economic sense, social relations are known to help in finding a job (Freitag and Kirchner 2011). This also applies to our interviewees. Those who have a job or are in an apprenticeship, underscore the role of social relations in finding their position. Here, parents are important, but also relatives, friends, and neighbors. My father actually organized or at least supported me in finding this apprenticeship place. (in education, urban, male—father) My mother simply helped me in finding my apprenticeship. […] She has an acquaintance where I could start my apprenticeship [as a hairdresser]. (employed, urban, female) I have two jobs right now – and certainly, I got both through contacts. (employed, urban, male—father)

It is also striking that the youngest generation did not report any more severe difficulties in finding an education/apprenticeship or job consistent with their expectations and wishes. Yet, this may mainly be due to the exceptionally low unemployment rate in Switzerland in the last decades compared to other European countries. Throughout the interviews, no one seems to be dissatisfied with her/his job. In particular, the respondents answered that they never thought about the question of whether they are happy with their career choice: This is a good question, I never thought about this before [remark: the question was if he would be interested in another field of work]. I cannot imagine it right now. I like what I am doing. (in education, rural, male— grandfather) Even if I am a bit in default for my age, because I have not started an apprenticeship yet, I would not do it any other way. I just learned so many other things. You know, in terms of interpersonal relations and I gained much experience in general. I think that is very valuable. (unemployed, rural, female)

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(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

The parenting style determines how certain values, attitudes, and behavior are transmitted from parents to their children. Moreover, the parenting style defines how children cope with others, how they define their chances, and exploit their opportunities in the “outside world” (Schultheis and Buchmann 2008: 172). It is known that a caring parenting style can prevent children from health issues and addictive behavior, whereby, in contrast, an indifferent relationship may pronounce this behavior. Prior studies revealed that parenting style is highly correlated with social status; that is, more well-off parents practice a more authoritative parenting style. In contrast, parents from lower-income classes often neglect their parenting style (among others Schultheis and Buchmann 2008). Given the middle-class background of our recruited families, we could expect a more authoritative or participatory parenting style. However, while most interviewees did not refer to any specific kind of parenting, we could detect some patterns in the families, which turned out to be very permissive. This finding applies to both the parental generations, that is, grandparents and parents. Some might even say that there is missing guidance from parents. Throughout all families and generations, parents gave their children the freedom to choose what they want to do with their lives. This freedom also involves financial support. Even though children spend a long time living at home, their parents do not force them to make decisions. With their financial support, they take off the pressure of making quick or rash decisions—thus, they can take their freedom in choosing what to do with their lives. In this regard, independence does not mean financial independence, but rather freedom of choice: I would say independence. That they can stand on their own two feet. That they learn how to make decisions on their own […]. (employed, urban, female—mother) Be as independent as possible - that is about it. (in education, urban, female—grandmother)

Only one mother explicitly reflected on her and her husband’s parenting and how it might have influenced her daughter:

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She was the one of my children, which had a rupture in her biography, something the other three had not. And for many years I thought, that is the consequence of the fact that she got less attention than the others. Simply that, we did not provide equal emotional care, and that is now something she is missing. (unemployed, rural, female—mother)

The interviewed families said that they regularly talked to each other about general issues, education, and employment decisions. Concerning the transmission of educational attainment and parental influence on career decisions, we did not find any important differences between the ten families. Almost unanimously, the youngest generation, as well as the parental generation, reported that they were free in taking their career decisions, and their parents supported them in their decision-making process. However, they all reported that their parents were happy if they took their advice and, in some families, followed similar career paths as them. This notion is particularly obvious in families stemming from a rural background and those working in the agricultural sector. In family number 07 this freedom of choice is described as follows: The teachers kept on advising us that our child has to start studying at the university. However, we kept saying that if our daughter wants to go to university, she could do this at any time. We did not force her decisions. (unemployed, rural, female—grandmother) This is a point, I have to say, in which my parents always supported me. They did not interfere in my choice of career. (unemployed, rural, female— mother) I could always freely decide on what I want to do. (unemployed, rural, female—mother)

Other respondents further emphasize their independence in their decisions on the selection of apprenticeship or job: I had a lot of freedoms, which influenced me a lot. That I could decide independently what I want. These are certainly the most important things transmitted by my parents. That I could develop myself largely independently from my parents. (in education, urban, male)

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While most families emphasize the importance of independence, their children are not economically self-sufficient; meaning that they are highly dependent on their parents. Recent developments in Switzerland further revealed that this very permissive parenting style also has some negative consequences: many young adults complain that they do not have enough guidance from their parents, for example, when deciding what to do with their lives. Parents tend to overly support their children financially, therewith taking off all potential pressure. Yet, some may argue that more pressure and less financial support would help young adults in Switzerland to be more economically self-sufficient. In particular, finding a job is easier than in many other European countries given the almost non-existent unemployment rate. Concerning this, we could observe in the interviews that young adults sought for advice by other persons outside their families or within their extended family. For example, teachers, neighbors, or godparents: When I was little, my father had a bookkeeper for his business, who was like a grandmother for me. She gave me books, taught me how to play the piano, and helped me with the school. (employed, urban, female— grandfather) And then there was a friend of mine, who was older than me. And she was a teacher and kind of was my role model. (family business, rural, male— mother) But, for example, my godfather and my godmother – they are not related to me – but they really had an influence on me when I was a child. (in education, urban, female) Yes, we are a big family […]. But I would not say that they had much influence on me. (unemployed, rural, female) Well, my godfather and his wife were very important to me. I had a very close relationship with them or still have. I went a lot on summer holidays with them when I was little or did some other cool things with them. And, well, in some kind, they were like a substitute for my parents in some way. (employed, urban, male)

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The above evaluation of transmission processes in our ten families revealed that both parents and grandparents play an important role in the formation of young adults’ attitudes, values, and behavior. However, the question is, how exactly are these values transmitted from one generation to the next? In the literature on socialization (among others Boehnke and Welzel 2006; Murray et al. 2012), it is commonly agreed that parents are the most critical agents in socialization processes. These processes include the adoption of distinct values and attitudes during early childhood and adolescence. Yet, the literature has also shown that apart from the direct influence of parents, values are transmitted through indirect mechanisms (Murray et al. 2012). In detail, the context in which parents and children are embedded further has an impact on transmission, whereby contexts are primarily understood as the cultural surrounding and economic situation (Demuth 2013). Concerning the direct mechanism, Murray et al. (2012: 1108) assert that “to the extent that parenting engenders a relational context that promotes children’s autonomy and that facilitates a positive emotional climate, children will be more receptive to the values communicated by their parents.” In our ten interviewed families, we observed that both parents and grandparents followed a rather liberal and permissive parenting style, which is said to endorse low levels of control and good communication between parents and children (Baumrind 1971). Although a permissive parenting style embraces the independence and autonomy of children/young adults, parents still wish that their children adopt their most important values and attitudes (Demuth 2013). Apart from the permissive parenting style, there is also a high dependency between our analyzed parents and children. Almost all young adults in our sample are highly economically dependent on their parents. Thus, the transmission process might work particularly well as young adults do not want to disappoint their parents and, hence, follow their advice and guidance (Murray et al. 2012). The young adults mentioned that they are grateful for all the liberties and support they receive from their parents, making them important role models. Besides, grandparents were also essential role models, in particular in our two families working in the agricultural sector. While parents and grandparents in our ten Swiss families might not explicitly control the transmission of values, they do so being important role models. This applies to the statement by Reichard (1938: 471; taken from Bandura and Walters 1970: 49) that “children do

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not do what adults tell them to do, but rather what they see other adults do” (emphasis in original text). Direct mechanisms of transmission are complimented by indirect mechanisms through the context in which families are situated. In our case, Swiss welfare policies may be the strongest factor driving indirect transmission as they emphasize the role of families in supporting their children and other dependents (Häusermann and Zollinger 2014)— that is, the principle of subsidiarity. Moreover, all interviewed families heavily relied on traditional Swiss values, such as decency, punctuality, and politeness (Melich 1991). In this regard, it could be possible that the mechanism of value transmission is supported by the strong Swiss culture and the general public importance of these values. In a similar vein, the transmission of different forms of capital, in particular cultural and economic capital, is supported by the very stable economic situation in Switzerland. All three generations could benefit from this stability. Nevertheless, we could also see that the transmission of traditional gender roles has decreased. From the first to the second generation, we could observe a robust mechanism, whereas it is less present in the transmission from the second to the third generation. Contextual factors, such as a stronger commitment to post-materialist values, could render an explanation for this.

7.6

Conclusion

The economic and financial conditions are very favorable for young people growing up in Switzerland. In this line, recent surveys and studies focusing on young adults confirm this positive environment. According to the Youth Development Index by the Commonwealth Youth Programme (2016), Switzerland takes position number 7 in a worldwide comparison. This index comprises issues of employment, health, and wellbeing, education as well as civic and political participation. Furthermore, a study by the Jacob’s Foundation (2013) revealed that 79% of the 15–21-year-olds say that money is not an issue for them. However, the same study underscored that while the majority of this age group is satisfied with their financial situation, they are not economically independent. Accordingly, despite the favorable contextual circumstances, the question of young adults’ economic self-sufficiency is of utter importance in Switzerland. This chapter aimed to find answers to three questions: (1) How does socialization work in Swiss families? (2) What role does parenting style

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play in the intergenerational transmission process? (3) Does the Swiss context moderate the transmission? In short, we could reveal that there are remarkable socialization and transmission processes from one generation to the next in the Swiss case. The rather permissive parenting style highly supports this transmission. Even though parents give their children many liberties, the younger generations aim to follow their parents’ lead and make similar choices to them. The Swiss context further plays a decisive role as the liberal welfare state puts the family at center stage and underscores the importance of parental support and influence. In more detail, our ten semi-structured biographical family interviews revealed that values play an essential role in the selection of young adults’ career paths. Values seem to be the main pathway of socialization in Swiss families. Moreover, we could observe distinct patterns of values transmissions, for example, that values such as punctuality, self-determination, or “having a good job” occur in all three generations. Interestingly, the values we observe are also said to be typical Swiss values (Melich 1991): rather traditional and conservative, but non-religious, values. It is undeniable that the family plays a vital role in the formation of young adults as well as their decisions to take a job. We could hardly detect any difference concerning the influence between families from a high or low-level educational background, between males and females, or between families from urban and rural areas. Nevertheless, the issues of self-selection, as well as the overestimation of the transmission belt, must be addressed: our findings rely on families that tend to have a close connection and strong family bond. If not, they probably would not have taken part in the interviews. In this regard, it is not so surprising that we find close connections and transmissions between the interviewed family members. After the evaluation of the interviews, we could not detect any hints at a gender divide in the transmission of values and attitudes—that is, from the second to the third generation. The values also do not differ between gender groups. Yet, there is a slight divide between urban and rural families. Further, it does not seem to matter whether the family member of the youngest generation is still in education or already working. There are very similar patterns across these occupational statuses. Even the only respondent who is unemployed does not seem to differ in her values and attitudes from other respondents of the third generation. This could be an

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artifact of the excellent condition of the Swiss economy and the employment market, as well as the exceptionally high standard of living (Jacobs Foundation 2013). An important issue we could not address in this study was the role of immigration background. Switzerland has the second-highest immigration rate in Europe (after Luxembourg) and is well known for its highly diversified population (Rapp 2015). In our sample, all respondents were Swiss citizens or came from a mainly Swiss household. We would predict that families with a migrant background over different generations are likely to transmit different kinds of values than the “typical” Swiss family presented here. In sum, intergenerational transmission and life in the interviewed families seem to be rather unspectacular—most things go according to plan: educational attainment, apprenticeship or university education, starting a job. Basic, although rather conservative, values are transmitted through all generations, such as punctuality, decency, and honesty. Moreover, the idea of the stay-at-home mother still is very prominent and supported by the very restrictive family policies. The families in our sample are marked by a strong nucleus as children live with their parents for a long time, making them less economically self-sufficient than young adults in other countries. Although we argued in the beginning that families and family life are becoming less important for young adults, we could show that families still are of utter importance in Switzerland. However, financial issues primarily define their importance, as young adults in Switzerland tend to be less economically self-sufficient due to the high costs of living and the non-supportive welfare policies. At the same time, the influence on decision-making, in terms of what to do with the future, seems to be declining due to the rather permissive parenting style. This might ultimately bear severe consequences for the young generation as they show difficulties in deciding what to do with their future. Clear guidance by their parents is often missing. A recent development supports this final assumption: since 2002, the numbers of incapability benefit applicants under the age of 30 continuously increased. In 2015, 19% of all incapability benefit applicants were under 30. According to the Federal Social Insurance Office (2016) psychological factors were most often indicated as the reasons for yound adults incapability. Many complain about missing guidance and that the number of possibilities they are facing (OECD 2014) overwhelms them. With respect to this, clear guidance

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and intervention by parents might help young adults in taking their future decisions in Switzerland.

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Schultheis, F., & Buchmann, M. (Eds.) (2008). Kindheit und Jugend in der Schweiz: Ergebnisse des nationalen Forschungsprogramms, Kindheit, Jugend und Generationenbeziehungen im gesellschaftlichen Wandel. Weinheim: Beltz. Available at http://d-nb.info/988742616/04. Accessed April 2017. State Secretariat for Economic Affairs SECO. (2016). Arbeitsloenquote nach Kantonen. Available at: https://www.amstat.ch/v2/index.jsp?lang=de. van Deth, J. (2003). Measuring Social Capital: Orthodoxies and Continuing Controversies. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 6(1), 79– 92. https://doi.org/10.1080/13645570305057.

Carolin Rapp is an assistant professor (tenure track) at the University of Copenhagen. Her research is embedded in areas of Political Sociology, Political Psychology as well as Comparative Politics. Among others, her research has appeared in the Journal of Politics, the European Political Science Review, Social Science Research, Political Studies, Journal of European Social Policy, Policy Studies Journal as well as the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Kerstin Nebel is study coordinator and advisor at the Institute of Political Science at the University of Bern. She gained her Ph.D. from the University of Konstanz in 2017. Her expertise lies in the areas of morality politics and qualitative empirical methods. She has published several articles, among others in the Journal of European Public Policy and West European Politics.

CHAPTER 8

Cash and Class: Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Capital and the Consequences for Social Mobility in the UK Emily Rainsford and Anna Wambach

8.1

Introduction

In contemporary Britain there are two dominant discourses shaping the economic self-sufficiency of young people. Firstly, the liberal welfarestate regime that leads to a reliance on family for generation of wealth. Secondly, in the context of the economic crisis and austerity, young people are especially at risk of unemployment. The British welfare-state regime has mutated from a system of universal provision to one increasingly predicated on (neo-)liberal tenets (Arts and Gelissen 2002). In contemporary Britain market-based solutions are encouraged by the state through subsidisation of private welfare options and/or the use of means-tested provisions where the neediest receive benefits at a very modest level,

E. Rainsford (B) · A. Wambach Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_8

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and income redistribution is not a priority. As a consequence, many researchers treat the UK as a liberal welfare state. In this context the family becomes a central location for the generation and reproduction of wealth and social class (Gregson and Lowe 1995), and subsequently Britain has among the highest income inequalities in the world according to the OECD (Gini coefficient 0.358 in 2014). The family structure is changing from a traditional structure to a more modern version. Although the most common constellation is still marriage or civil partnership, cohabitation is the fastest growing family type over the past 20 years (ONS 2016a). Divorce rates have declined since 2014, especially among younger generations (ONS 2016b). However, the number of single parent households has increased over the past 20 years (ONS 2016a) and this suggests that separations that are not formal divorces do happen. The average family size is 2.4 people and has remained stable over the past decade, and the most common constellations are two or three person households (ONS 2016a). The 2008 financial crisis had a significant impact on the British economy. For four consecutive years the UK saw a substantial rise in youth unemployment at the same time as the coalition government implemented harsh austerity policies and cutting public service budgets. There have been signs of economic recovery, with GDP growing, leading up to and during 2016 (ONS 2016c). It is uncertain how the economy will recover from the Covid-19 pandemic. However, young people are facing significant challenges in an extremely competitive labour market. The NEET rate is 11.7% compared to the overall unemployment rate at 4.8%. We also see in the Youth Development Index that although the UK overall ranks highly (4th) compared to the rest of the world, they rank much lower with regards to employment and opportunity (31st). The UK education and training system is primarily focused on channelling young people into higher education, in the form of a university degree. The UK is above the EU average regarding tertiary educational attainment at 45.5% for native born and 53.8% for foreign born, compared to just under 40% across the EU (European Union 2016). There is a tradition of vocational routes, and the Conservative government invested money to support employers to take on and train apprentices (Department for Education 2016). However, the quality of the apprenticeships has been criticised by practitioners and academics alike for not providing the formal training and qualifications necessary but having

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a “job first” and employer-led approach (European Union 2016; Fuller and Unwin 2016). Recent research has characterised the UK labour market as resembling an hourglass with plenty of high-quality jobs at the top and low-quality ones at the bottom but a hollowing out of the middle range occupations (Sissons 2011). Consequently, there is more competition for the entry-level positions, most appropriate for young people. For some young people, the key issue may be finding employment that provides a good fit to their qualifications, skills and experience. For others it may be more fundamental—for example, attaining job security and escaping lowquality jobs or the “low-pay, no-pay” poverty trap circle (Shildrick et al. 2012). The school to work transition, and transition into independent adulthood, for adults in the UK is therefore elongated, complex, fragmented and potentially reversible (Roberts 2007; Heinz 2009), and has led to a greater reliance on their parents, especially for financial support (Walther 2006; Swartz and O’Brien 2009). This is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that the number of young adults living with their parents has increased over the past two decades (ONS 2016a). Because of this economic situation we are seeing a decline in upward social mobility and an increase in downward social mobility for contemporary young people compared to previous generations (Bukodi et al. 2015), and thus the economic climate has a potentially significant effect on the achievement of economic self-sufficiency. Bringing these contextual issues together, our chapter will address the key research questions, How does socialisation within family work? Does family matter in terms of investments, in terms of resources, or both? How does parenting style moderate the transmission process? How does the country context (welfare-state arrangements) moderate the transmission process? In our sample we have eleven families from the North East of England, and we have classified them according to two criteria. Firstly, to what extent they are economically self-sufficient and, secondly, whether they have the ambition to become so. The chapter will start with a discussion of this typology, to then move on to a more detailed description of the sample according to these classifications. Our analysis will be informed by the theoretical framework outlined in previous chapters focusing on transmission of values and capital and the mechanisms for it, but contextualised by contemporary conditions in the UK.

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8.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

In this chapter we take a nuanced view of economic self-sufficiency, where we group our young respondents according to two criteria: (1) whether they are economically self-sufficient (have a paid job and do not rely on any financial help) and (2) whether they have the ambition to become economically self-sufficient, or to what extent they display a sense of selfefficacy (Sherer et al. 1982). Self-efficacy has been associated with positive work motivation and involvement (Lim and Loo 2003), and although this goes slightly beyond the overall theme of the book it remains within the scope. Here we apply self-efficacy to the activities and ambition relating to becoming economically self-sufficient, such as developing a plan for applying for jobs and acting on it. We use this two way categorisation for two reasons; firstly in the economic context described above school to work transitions are prolonged and complex. Having a paid job does not necessarily mean you are economically self-sufficient, and not having a job does not mean you are not trying. Secondly, it is important to acknowledge that this age group is still in the transition from school to work where their current occupational situation is not necessarily telling for where they will end up. At this stage young people’s values, attitudes and behaviours are still developing and breaking free from parental influence (Darling and Steinberg 1993). Our attention to both the self-sufficiency status and the ambition to become so thus provides a youth sensitive analysis that focuses on the core idea of transmission of values that shape attitudes and behaviour rather than the (current) outcome of occupational status. We conducted the semi-structured biographical interviews in the North East of England from May 2016 to March 2017. The sample consists of 11 families, of which eight have three generations. Four young people are located in a rural setting and the ages of the young people range between ages 20–28. Three young people are in education, all at university. Seven young people are in some form of employment: two in employment, two self-employed, two in family business and one in education and family business. One participant is currently unemployed. They were recruited through a range of routes; social media postings on local community groups, contact with local employment support charities and personal networks. The young people’s interviews, and most parent and

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grandparent interviews, were conducted face to face either in the interviewee’s home or at Newcastle University, some parent and grandparent interviews were conducted over the phone due to their geographical location. The interviews were conducted by Ph.D. students from Newcastle University, all of whom had previous experience of conducting semistructured biographical interviews and received the training that was developed by the CUPSESSE project. The interviews were recorded and transcribed, with informed consent, and have been anonymised. We see intergenerational differences in the achievement of economic self-sufficiency. The older generations became economically self-sufficient more quickly than the following generations. The grandparents had the least economic support from their family, while the young persons are often still dependent. The parent generation takes a medium position and they were less reliant on their parents than their children are on them. This pattern is fully in line with the societal trends of elongated and transitions into adulthood (Walther 2006), the decline in upward social mobility in the UK (Bukodi et al. 2015), and the changing role of the family in the neo-liberal welfare state. This fundamental intergenerational difference in economic reliance on the family across the generations seems to have affected the overall transmission of capital and values; we see substantially fewer instances of transmission from the grandparent to parent generation than from parent to young person. Economic dependence on the family seems to be a key facilitator to strengthen transmission of other aspects as well. We classified our respondents according to the two dimensions described above and four groups emerge (see Table A8a and A8b). The first group is the Entrepreneurs, the most independent and economically self-sufficient group of participants. They are both self-employed, have moved out from their parents’ house and have reached other important milestones on the transition to adulthood (Arnett 2014). One respondent is married; the other has a young daughter. While they both attended university, they come from less affluent backgrounds so there was less financial support available. They have relied comparatively little on their parents’ support in order to become self-sufficient and showed a high degree of self-efficacy. In comparison with other groups, their families were larger with more siblings. While Chris’ family has been intact throughout his life and remained in the North East of England, being the only boy in the family he was at times excluded from his sisters’ activities. In Victoria’s family there were more disruptions and moves across

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the country. She is living apart from her family, in Newcastle, while her family is based mainly in the south of England. On the opposite side of the matrix the Voluntary Dependents are located, consisting of mostly those still in education. Voluntary Dependents are defined as not economically self-sufficient and not displaying a clear ambition to become so in the near future. Although they do not live with their parents, they are supported by them financially in order to live outside the parental household. Voluntary Dependents accept this financial support without questioning and do not display much intent to reduce the financial burden on their parents by, for example, finding a part-time job. They also do not display much concern with regard to their future economic self-sufficiency. Although career choice is an important issue in their lives, they focus more on intrinsic values, such as creative working or avoiding boredom in their job, rather than extrinsic values such as a high salary. Becoming economically self-sufficient is not the driving force behind their career choices but rather the more abstract notion of a fulfilled life. Voluntary dependents are all from a firmly middle-class background. They reported little family disruptions during their childhood and are the mostgeographically mobile group in the sample. The young persons but also the parents and grandparents have been moving throughout their lives for education and career. The voluntary dependents have either moved to the North East for their education or have left it to attend a university in different parts of the country. The third group, the Gradual Progressors, have achieved some degree of economic self-sufficiency. However, they are still partially reliant on their families, which come from the lower middle class and middle class. Both young persons in employment have previously lived away from the family home, to attend university, but have “boomeranged” back home because their salary is not high enough to live entirely independently. Moving back home after living away for education, or boomeranging, is becoming a more common phenomena in the UK as a result of more unpredictable labour markets (Stone et al. 2014). The two respondents in family business also live at home and rely to a high degree on their parents to keep the businesses afloat. Unlike the Entrepreneurs or Ambitious, Gradual Progressors have not displayed a self-directed ambition to achieve economic self-sufficiency but rather made choices that appeared convenient and did not require much investment in terms of time or effort. Compared to the Voluntary Dependents, the Gradual Progressors are less mobile and still live in the North East although some of their

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family members have moved throughout their lives. In all these families, the grandparents played a greater role in their upbringing than in any other group, taking care of them while parents were at work. Some grandparents even moved to the North East to look after their grandchildren. Despite this good relationship, however, three of the four respondents in this category reported family disruptions. In Lucie’s case the father was often absent due to work commitments, while in Peter’s and John’s family the parents were divorced. The last group, the Ambitious, follows a contrasting pattern. While neither of the participants has yet achieved economic self-sufficiency, they are not only focused on becoming economically self-sufficient but also strategic in their approach, and showing a willingness to be mobile for their career. Both families in this category can be described as middle class, each with three children, with little family disruptions in the immediate family. Nick’s family lives in the South of England, although the children all study at universities in the North East or Scotland. Jack’s family has been living in the North East for generations and although Jack has been intermittently living in Manchester, he is now back in the parental household. Even though they are in very different life situations—one of them currently unemployed, the other finishing his degree and building his own business—they are similar in their self-efficacy. Nick is already building up his CV with placements in Italy and is researching intensely which educational route he needs to take for his ideal career. Jack, even though his path has been less straightforward than Nick’s with an unfinished degree and experience of unemployment, exhibits a similar drive and strategic approach. He is very systematic in his job search and has a clear idea of the steps he needs to take in order to achieve economic self-sufficiency.

8.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

In the following sections we explore what values and resources have been successfully transmitted between the generations in the four groups outlined above. We also aim to understand what family mechanisms, in terms of parenting style or role modelling, have facilitated these transmissions. We use the four ideal types of parenting styles as outlined in the theoretical chapter, but it is important to note that in most cases we saw evidence of a mix of parenting styles and transmission mechanisms although one might be more dominant. The great majority of our

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respondents, especially in the younger generation, reported a good relationship with their parents and grandparents, despite family disruption in some cases. In line with the family taking on provision of services, some grandparents had been very involved in the upbringing of the younger generation. So despite different outcomes and parenting styles we have a sample with comparatively well-functional families- indeed it would have been difficult to recruit three generations if that was not the case. Two aspects in the transmission of attitudes and values emerge from the data as dominant themes. Firstly, there appears to be a transmission of the value ascribed to education, or investment and risk aversion to avoid downward social mobility. Secondly, we can see a transmission of attitudes to work, work values and work centrality. However, while there are some general trends in all families, analysis has also found differences between the categories. While in almost all interviews education was identified as important across the generations, there are some subtle differences in the value of education and importance for success. Education is regarded as particularly important among families of Voluntary Dependents and Ambitious respondents, but they differ in what exactly they value about it. Voluntary Dependents stress the intrinsic value of education and learning, as well as the university experience. In these cases, education is perceived as cultural capital, it is something that distils certain values and is seen as an asset to a person’s character. Although parents were concerned with their children’s academic achievement, academic success was valued because of the opportunities it opens up for a fulfilling rather than lucrative career. There is a strong transmission of this value between generations, and we thus see a reproduction of cultural capital and class in these families, ensuring maintenance of the social status of the parental generation. I think going to university is a good experience in itself and it also gives you opportunities, if you decide the opportunities aren’t, you don’t want them then that’s fine but at least you’ve got them. (in education, urban, female—father) I’d like to graduate. Yeah, that’s like my main priority where I am. And then I don’t know, I want to like sort of just like find a job that like I actually want to do like that would be like worth my time, that/yeah, but I don’t even know where to like start thinking about it. (in education, urban, female)

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In contrast, among Ambitious respondents a utility approach is attached to the value of education. Education is regarded as a means to an end, rather than an end itself, with the aim being maintenance or upward social mobility. Similar to the Voluntary Dependents, the purpose of education appears to be transmitted from the parents. Nick and his mother display a similar attitude regarding his educational choices focusing on its utility rather than its intrinsic value. I went for geography and planning because I was interested in property a little bit, and planning is good for that. (in education/family business, urban, male) No, the children all had to go to university. We were very much/my husband went to university, and … we knew, in this day and age, that they had to go to university, to get a degree, to get a job. So they have all known that. (in education/family business, urban, male—mother)

While education is also seen as important among Gradual Progressors, Entrepreneurs and their families, generally they appear less concerned about it. In the case of Gradual Progressors—particularly when employed in family business—focus lies rather on the effort and perseverance as a personality trait. This trait was also emphasised by the grandparents, who were particularly involved in this group. I used to go through each subject. I’m not boasting. I used to say to them, “I’m not bothered if you…I’d like to see it sort of number five, the top for ability, but I want to see five for effort. That’s what I really want. (in employment, rural, male—grandfather)

We also see transmission of work ethic most clearly among the Gradual Progressors across all generations: the willingness to work hard, putting effort into tasks and not shying away from work were valued as important personality traits. A similar pattern—although not as clear-cut—can be found among the Ambitious. Importantly, among these groups, working hard is linked to work more directly, whereas the Voluntary Dependents were encouraged to work hard with regard to their education. In Jack’s case, his experience of previous unemployment needs to be considered as well. He was left disappointed by the job centre services and

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felt punished for asking for help. He clearly tried to avoid another experience like this, which contributes to his efforts of finding employment soon. I mean if I’m struggling in a couple of months’ time for money, I’ll go and see them [at the job centre] again but I’d rather not because, like I say, the environment, it’s really unpleasant. I feel like by going to see them I’ve done something wrong, which again, it’s really bad […] (unemployed, urban, male)

Among the Entrepreneurs we see the least transmission of work values. Instead we see transmission of values such as kindness. This pattern is particularly clear in the case of Chris. While his sisters and brother all work in social occupations (mainly in social care and social work), following their mother’s and grandmother’s path, Chris has chosen a different career. However, his business in arts prints has similarity with his father’s business in that it is both in the arts sector and they are both selfemployed. Nevertheless, we see a discrepancy between Chris’s parents’ work values and his own work values. I don’t think my dad enjoys being self-employed, he’s really lazy with it and that’s his business. I mean he could just do so much more if he just did this, did this. […] I think I’m the opposite because I’ve got all this paperwork and stuff where I’ll write down my ideas and I’ll keep trying to progress plans. (self-employed, urban, male)

Victoria differs from Chris inasmuch as she has experienced her parents working hard. Her strong work ethic appears to have been transmitted from her parents, and grandparents. Throughout the generations there is also a trend that even greater obstacles to work, such as disability, or family difficulties, do not justify not working. My family have always had this really strong work ethic of ‘you work, regardless’. (self-employed, urban, female—mother) I never insisted that they follow my career path but I let them choose what they wanted to do and I encouraged them but I insisted that they went to the highest possible level that they could attain and I had three children and they all did it. (self-employed, urban, female—grandfather)

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It is interesting, that both Entrepreneurs have a strong work ethic, but only in one case this seems to have been transmitted from the parents and grandparents directly. What they do have in common with regard to transmitted personality traits is a focus on personal independence and a willingness to try new things. Both of these traits may prove useful in the venture of starting your own business.

8.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Drawing on the theoretical framework of this book (Chapter 3), the analysis illustrates some interesting patterns regarding cultural and social reproduction of resources. Following the Bourdieusean differentiation between economic, cultural and social capital the families in our sample illustrate some different patterns. Economic capital is transmitted most obviously through the generations, while transmission of social and cultural capital is less visible. Again, we see some differences between the strength and volume of transmission between groups but also generations. Overall, less economic capital has been transmitted from grandparent generation to parent generation than from parent generation to young persons, possibly because the welfare state had been more generous to them. For example, the parent generation received free higher education, whereas the young respondents in this study had to pay up to £9000 a year. While all parents showed a willingness to support their children financially, the actual transmission of economic capital appeared to be dependent on the families’ means. In the Entrepreneurs’ families money was scarce, and thus there was no capital to transmit. Among Gradual Progressors and the Ambitious, transmission of economic capital did not always take the form of cash transfers. Instead, parents invited their children back into the parental household or helped them by creating a position for them in the family business. In contrast, transmission of economic capital is most direct in the category of Voluntary Dependents. There are many instances where older generations financially supported the young respondents through higher education or training, or helping them buy their own home. My parents […] are backing me at university, financially… I consider myself as an investment to them, so they are funding me. (in education, urban, female)

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Here we see a clear example of the intergenerational transfer of economic capital evident in both the UK, Europe and US more widely, made possible by the availability of resources to the parental generation due to their upward mobility compared to the grandparents (Swartz and O’Brien 2009). Although there is no obligation by the family to support the child as in a familiarised citizenship model (Chevalier 2016), it is clear here is that when the parents can do so they do so in whatever way they can. Consequently, wealth and opportunity is concentrated within families with the resources available to them. Like transmission of economic capital, transmission of cultural capital and investment in education to avoid risk of downward mobility is most clearly expressed in the group of Voluntary Dependants. Above, the value of education was mentioned but also interest in cultural activities is obvious in this group. Young persons in this group were most likely to follow their parents with regard to academic attainment and broader interests, thus maintaining the higher socioeconomic class of the older generations. In other groups, the young persons had a tendency to obtain more cultural capital than their parents did. For example, they achieved higher qualifications than their parents did and thus managed to achieve upward social mobility. Interestingly, in families of Ambitious respondents we could observe most clearly a transmission of social capital. To a greater extent than in the other families we see that the child relies on family connections to find a job or promote their business (Freitag and Kirchner 2011). Jack’s father is using his connections and expertise to help find job opportunities for his son. Nick relies on his extended family’s contacts and experiences to help him gain the skills he has found to be crucial for his career. If I’m able to, because our industry touches on to say green energy at times through the services sector, I’ll certainly try and push him in the direction of going to see someone if I think they’re going to help him. (unemployed, urban, male—father) [M]y aunt wants to get into property as well, commercial property, so she said ‘okay, look, […] if you can start looking into property in Florence, and see if there’s a market out here’. I spoke to a few people I know, who I know live in or have contacts in Italy […]. I was speaking to the head of Knight-Frank in Florence, and Tuscany as well. (in education/family business, urban, male)

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While Nick’s family contacts are based on a wide, international network of useful ties, Jack’s social capital is concentrated in the North East. His family has been living in the region over generations and has accumulated local social capital, while Nick’s network spreads wider, also due to his family’s greater mobility. It remains to be seen which of these networks provides more useful to our respondents. The discussion above established that the transmission of economic capital was common in many families but dependent on their economic resources. However, the families also differ in another regard. While the mechanism—financially supporting their children—is similar in many families, the outcome of this transmission and the impact on economic self-sufficiency differ. Parents of both Voluntary Dependents and Ambitious provided financial support in order to reinforce the importance of education, thus investing in their future. Although none used financial incentives to encourage their children to study harder, they did support favourable behaviour through providing the financial support to reach a degree. Education was valued in the grandparent generation as well, but there was little evidence for this kind of mechanism, possibly because education was free and there was no need. We therefore see a transformation of economic capital from the parental generation into cultural capital in the younger generation. This transformation sets the Voluntary Dependents up for a smoother transition from school to work or adulthood, through sponsoring gap years to promote employability or helping with deposits for a house. As such, we see evidence that although authoritative parenting may promote academic achievement (further developed below), when there is economic capital in the family the link to economic self-sufficiency and self-efficacy is rather weak. I think they were worried about putting too much pressure on you and I did know people who didn’t have the support that I did, who had to work a lot and I think that did put an awful lot of pressure on them. (in education, urban, male)

Ambitious respondents also received financial support from their parents in order to achieve their academic goals, but there is a difference in the expected outcome. Cultural capital (valuing education) and economic capital (financial support) is more directly transformed into economic capital (to help you get a job). As such this group demonstrates even more

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clearly the investment in upward social mobility as outlined in the theoretical framework for this book. It may be the combination of this attitude to education and a strong transmission of the extrinsic work values that has given the Ambitious a stronger drive to become financially independent of their parents. In the families of Gradual Progressors economic capital was transmitted in a different way compared to Voluntary Dependents. These families offered a haven for those young people who struggled to find their space in the labour market by providing them a workplace in a family business or by welcoming them back in their parental household. Young people employed in family business started this career path because they did not succeed finding other employment. For both, the family business provided an opportunity to (re-)integrate in the labour market, while those in employment did not earn enough to become economically independent. As such we see a similar generational transfer of economic capital in these families, but we do not see the same transformation of economic to cultural capital and less of an investment in education as risk aversion. Especially in the family businesses it is a more direct influence on the economic self-sufficiency of the young person; the parent in effect pays the child’s wage. In these three groups we see that the family steps in to provide the bridge between education and labour market, or childhood and adulthood. It is clear that this is in no way due to laziness or lack of work motivation in either generation, as working hard was strongly transmitted as a value between family members. However, the lack of focus on extrinsic work values such as a salary that you can live on seems to have affected the economic self-sufficiency of these young people. It seems like the contemporary economic context of difficulties to enter the labour market, and find sustainable employment is contributing to the need for the family to act as a support system. In line with the general trend in the UK today (Bukodi et al. 2015), we also see a potential for a limited upward social mobility in these families, and a risk for a downward social mobility if the family support is retracted. Among the Entrepreneurs’ families, financial support was scarcer. Nevertheless, the lack of transmission of economic capital still influenced economic self-sufficiency. Independence was not only encouraged by the families of Entrepreneurs, but it was also necessary. In contrast to Swartz and O’Brien’s (2009) suggestion that inequalities in resources at the parental level is reproduced at the child level, here we see that lack of

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money at the parental level has produced the most economically selfsufficient children. The family has not been able to step in to help, and this has driven the young respondents to take care of themselves. It is, however, worth noting that the Entrepreneurs are generally further on in their transition to adulthood than the other respondents, so economic independence might just be part of that process. In a similar vein, the presence of support among the Gradual Progressors is not necessarily hindering progression to economic self-sufficiency, but by taking away the immediate concern for how to sustain themselves at certain critical steps along the way the support is potentially delaying the process. This is not to say that economic self-sufficiency will not become a primary concern or reality later on in their transition to adulthood for the Gradual Progressors, but it is not, and need not be, their primary concern at the point of study. It is not only financial support which facilitates transmission and impacts on economic self-sufficiency but also non-financial support and parenting style, as will be discussed in the following section.

8.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Two interlinked mechanisms have been found to facilitate transmission of particular values and attitudes as well as economic self-sufficiency. On the one hand, parenting style impacts on the transmission process and the young persons’ ambition to become self-sufficient, on the other acknowledgement, praise, emotional support and the lack thereof seem to have had an influence. While permissive parenting was evident in all families, the group in which it was most prominent were the Entrepreneurs. While there was a lot of emotional support, there was little guidance and help with regard to career choices, an experience they share to a degree with Gradual Progressors. This pattern matches the parental expectations for their children and a focus on rather general, positive personality types instead of their children’s achievements. Happiness and friendliness were given priority over economic capital, a trend that is visible across generations. I guess I didn’t get very much guidance as they kind of wanted me to do anything I wanted to… I guess my parents were always… super supportive, super nice. Not very well at guiding….My mam just likes for people to be doing well… I could start talking to my mam about what’s going on and she wouldn’t have a clue. She might get bored… she’s very interested in

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the fact it’s going well… and that’s all she needs to know. (self-employed, urban, male) I suppose you want your children to be kind to each other, and kind and understanding of other people… [education is] not the be all and end all of everything… if young people trip up in the early years of finding their feet, they can find other ways of getting back on. (self-employed, urban, male—mother) Well, getting on with people and understanding that they might have different ideas and different ways to you. Oh yes, that’s what they [her children] were taught. (self-employed, urban, male—grandmother)

Authoritarian parenting was most easily identifiable in the families of the Ambitious, evidenced by little open communication (especially with regard to money; see below). Consequently, they received more guidance and experienced less autonomy in comparison to the Entrepreneurs. Yeah. It was his choice, yeah, where he went and what he did. […] But he had to do a proper subject (laughs). Not media studies (laughs). (in education/family business, rural, male—mother)

Parents of the Gradual Progressors employed in family business also had a tendency to use authoritarian parenting. However, unlike Entrepreneurs and Ambitious the parents still expressed their praise for their children’s achievements. While it was not directly acknowledged, the young people were granted lower levels of autonomy compared to the other Gradual Progressors. Clearer patterns of authoritarian parenting among these Gradual Progressors are also linked to greater involvement of grandparents in these families. Overall grandparents showed a greater tendency to authoritarian parenting, suggesting a generational shift in parenting practices, with the parent generation showing a less clear-cut authoritarian parenting style. In their interaction with grandchildren, the grandparents still rely on this authoritarian style, as the quote below illustrates. I used to look at their [her children’s] books, and I do it with my grandson, the little one now, and he’s funny, he said, ‘granny, it’s rather personal, you looking in my school books’. I said, ‘well, that’s just too bad [grandson’s name], because I’m going to’. ‘It’s personal’, and [I] said, ‘don’t speak to granny like that’; for being nosy, I got in trouble

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for being nosy, from your eleven year old grandson. I said, ‘I’m just wanting to see how you’re getting on at school’. (family business, urban, female—grandmother)

Authoritative parenting was the least common parenting style in the sample, but was evident in families of Voluntary Dependents. The frequent references in interviews with Voluntary Dependents are striking, especially because it can be observed in the grandparent generation as well, who in the other groups tend to favour a more authoritarian style. No. I can only talk for myself but I think that we just looked after the children, looked after their welfare, allowed them to get on and do as much as they can in the way of educating themselves and working hard towards good degrees and that sort of thing. (in education, urban, male— grandfather)

Furthermore, Voluntary Dependants were more likely to report awareness of their parents’ expectations due to this authoritative parenting style. Their behaviour is being monitored, both concerning their academic achievements and “extracurricular activities.” Favourable behaviour is supported accordingly. I remember before my GCSEs1 my dad was just sort of like, “I know you’ve got your own way of working but if you mess this up I’ll be quite annoyed,” because, obviously, he’d spent quite a lot on my education. (in education, rural, male)

While they were more likely to report pressure from their parents, especially with regard to their education, they also showed most awareness of their parents’ pride in their achievements, which sets them apart from Entrepreneurs and Ambitious. The impact of authoritative parenting as opposed to authoritarian or permissive parenting becomes clear in this comparison. The Voluntary Dependants were most likely to experience an authoritative parenting style, which is related to academic achievement (Aunola et al. 2000). On the one hand, the importance of education in this group is transmitted through praise for academic achievement, on the other 1 General Certificate of Secondary Education. Taken by all secondary school pupils over a period of two years at age 14–16.

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also through direct transmission mechanisms, characteristic for authoritative parenting. Parents helped in the application process for example, or showed their approval for choices made by the young persons. Sometimes they stepped in when the child got into trouble. One father described the support as follows: […] we arranged for her to go to university open days and that kind of thing and I went with her on a couple of those. We advised her about which university to apply for and we helped her a bit with her application. I mean she wrote the application but we made some suggestions and we also talked to the school on her behalf about various things. (in education, urban, female—father)

Despite emotional support and praise, behaviour linked to permissive parenting such as a lack of guidance, appear to have contributed to Gradual Progressors’ lack of strategic career planning. While Voluntary Dependents may not be focused on economic self-sufficiency they do display plans for their futures, whereas the Gradual Progressors are more relaxed about their future career. Interestingly, this lack of guidance led to a strong focus on economic self-sufficiency among Entrepreneurs (see below). Gradual Progressors take the steps necessary to slowly transition into economic self-sufficiency but prefer to make safe choices instead of developing greater, more risky ambitions. The main difference seems to be that among Gradual Progressors the interviews have also revealed instances of behaviour associated with authoritarian parenting, such as a restriction of autonomy and a tendency to decide for their children. This appears to have stifled some of their career planning through restricting autonomy. I already kind of made cupcakes and cakes for family, and then she was just like, ‘Well, you’re good at cakes, you’re quite good at cooking, so why don’t you do something with it?’ (family business, urban, female)

In contrast, Entrepreneurs experienced very permissive parenting, with fewer structured activities and a lack of guidance regarding career choices. This lack of guidance and structure seems to have had a strong influence on the (lack of) transmission of work values between generations and the independence of entrepreneurs, who display a much clearer ambition to do well in life, to be economically self-sufficient and progress with

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their businesses compared to their parents. Nevertheless, entrepreneurs were able to entertain themselves and discover interests of their own. The lack of structured, family influenced cultural activity matches the idea of independence and self-determination as opposed to a very strong family influence on career planning, giving them the confidence for starting their own businesses. Permissive parenting allowed them to explore their options independently with regard to their careers. These Entrepreneurs illustrate that a permissive, bordering on neglective parenting style, is compatible with economic self-sufficiency in the offspring. However, this success was also accompanied with some difficulties along the way, such as changes in degree courses. Again, a lack of guidance might have contributed to these difficulties. The lack of family support could have hindered their progression, but they managed on their own as they developed independence and self-efficacy. Thus, lack of family support should not itself be seen as an important key to economic self-sufficiency, but rather an environment more generally that encourages and supports independence seems to be the key element. It needs to be acknowledged, however, that while there was not a great amount of guidance in terms of career planning for the Entrepreneurs, they still received emotional support and responsiveness from their parents, which contributed to a transmission of values, which are less connected to their working lives but rather their personality traits (see above). Even though [father] has always been busy, he’s always had his own thing, he’s always given us the mental support. He’s never always specifically been there, but that’s not always been his fault. He’s tried his very best, and so that’s what I think I appreciate. (self-employed, urban, female)

The Entrepreneurs and Ambitious share one characteristic with regard to family support. While all of the young respondents reported a positive and close relationship with their parents, the interview results give evidence to a lack of acknowledgement, which appears to have served as a mechanism for facilitating the drive for self-sufficiency. One of the entrepreneurs commented on the lack of support and acknowledgement from her parents during her education, and that this acted almost as a driver for her to try and achieve more. This is something that she carried through to her business as an adult, where she is trying to be economically self-sufficient without financial support from her family.

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There wasn’t as much recognition as I expected, and I think maybe that’s why I kept pushing through with education, just to almost make a point… I did want to make a point that yes, I can manage, because there is this perception of, ‘Oh, you’re a single mum. What can you do by yourself?’ So I’ve kind of shown a few people, ‘Hang on, yes, you can just get on and do it.’ (self-employed, urban, female)

The desire to be praised by their parents could be integral in driving their ambitions to become economically self-sufficient. In the case of the Ambitious this may even be heightened due to stronger pressure and a greater awareness of parents’ expectations reported to have been experienced by the young respondents, while Entrepreneurs experienced encouragement of innovation and an acceptance of failure. I think they were always really proud that I did well but I always got frustrated that I would do well and not feel like I was getting a pat on the back all the time which possibly I shouldn’t have needed that but. (unemployed, urban, male)

The models parents and grandparents provide with regard to work ethic and work centrality have a strong influence on the work ethic and centrality of the young generation. This is particularly strong among Gradual Progressors and the Ambitious, where parents (and, for some, grandparents) set an example for their children. Results for Entrepreneurs in this regard are mixed and there is little evidence of this mechanism for Voluntary Dependents. In comparison with other categories, Gradual Progressors had a more direct transmission of work values. They were aware that the parents had to work hard and were involved with their parents’ working lives, having experienced it first-hand more frequently. This was also something their parents had experienced. I’ve always been in the workshop since I was a little kid. My grandma must have hundreds of pictures of me with my filthy oily hands when I’m six or something, covered in oil. You just watch. You help a bit; you get spanners and get that oil can and tighten that up. (family business, rural, male) I probably started work here when I was about nine or 10. I started driving the tractor when I was about 11 and then I was here all the time. One of the worst things that I can remember is that the school is only over there

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and when we had maths, I could see what was going on over here. (family business, rural, male—father)

Through this direct experience, parents appear to have become a positive example to the young persons with regard to work centrality and work ethics, possibly resulting in the Gradual Progressors prioritising economic self-sufficiency and having part-time jobs during their teenage years. For other respondents, especially Voluntary Dependents, work was not part of their childhoods’ everyday experience, they were not encouraged to take on part-time jobs, and their work values differ more strongly from their parents. Role modelling and a consequent awareness of working life also contributed to transmission of work values among the Ambitious respondents. In Jack’s case, he was taken along to his father’s workplace and experienced how his parents managed their work–life balance. I probably talked about what we were doing. I took him into work. I think on a Saturday I’d previously taken him on to construction sites and shown him around it. (unemployed, urban, male—father)

Another pattern, which the two Ambitious—despite their different socioeconomic background—have in common, is the influence of communication patterns on their relationship with money and ultimately their drive for economic self-sufficiency. They both experienced fathers who would not speak about money. While both were told that money had to be worked for and was valuable, and experienced a focus on extrinsic work values, in neither family financial issues were discussed. It is interesting, that this group, which is clearly focused on achieving economic self-sufficiency, has not had much experience of administering money throughout their youth. Nevertheless, the parents have established a link between work and economic self-sufficiency and heightened the value of money through this mystification. One particularly interesting case with regard to role modelling is Chris, who took his father as a negative role model. Despite both being selfemployed, he uses his father as a model of what not to do when running a business. There’s so many aspects of my dad where it’s like I haven’t learnt from my dad. I haven’t learnt a lot of skills from my dad directly by him teaching

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me them. I’ve actually learnt a lot of skills, unfortunately, it’s not very nice but I’ve learnt a lot of skills from my dad by learning what not to do. (self-employed, urban, male)

However, it is not only work values, which can be transmitted through role modelling. We can also observe role modelling as a mechanism for transmission of attitudes towards education. At least one parent of each Voluntary Dependent went through higher education. Some of the parents and grandparents in this category also work or have worked in education. We thus see a strong transmission of the value of education, cultural capital and working hard to achieve successful educational outcomes. Personality traits are influenced by the role models set by parents and grandparents. In some cases a Christian lifestyle defined this model. Despite not being religious himself, Chris acknowledges the influence this model had on him as a person. Jack, furthermore, has been clearly influenced by this philosophy as well. I would not necessarily think of them [transmitted values] as Christian values rather than just good values. (self-employed, urban, male) An example is the other day there was a guy trying to get a pram up some stairs and I remember seeing him and my first thought was, ‘I’ve got to help him.’ It was only when I helped him, walked on, I thought to myself, ‘That’s dad doing that to us. He’s made us think in that way that he needs help, go help him.’ I think that’s something that I admire in my dad, in that sense that he wants to help people. (unemployed, urban, male)

8.6

Conclusion

In this chapter we have explored the mechanisms of transmission of values and capital in the UK. Our respondents differed not only in their current degree of economic self-sufficiency, but also with regard to their ambitions to achieve economic self-sufficiency. In response to the first and second research questions asked in this chapter, we can see some quite distinct patterns of transmission of values and resources between the four groups we identified in our sample, and it seems mainly to be facilitated by different parenting styles. However, the extent and type of resources transmitted also clearly depended on the availability of such resources, cash and class, in the families. In response to the third research question,

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the context and welfare-state arrangements, or lack of support from the state, is what necessitates the increased role of the family to step in to help, and thus the parenting style also becomes more prominent. For our Voluntary Dependents we saw that an authoritative parenting style did indeed lead to educational success. We also see a strong transmission of cultural capital through the emphasis on the intrinsic value of education. These families had the most capital available both in terms of types and quantity, and both transmitted and transformed the capital to the younger generation. We see clear consequences of the liberal and family focused welfare-state regime where the family steps in as support in the complex modern transitions into adulthood. However, this situation of reliance on the parents also fostered a lack of focus on achieving economic self-sufficiency in this group. Since all Voluntary Dependents are still in education, however, we cannot come to a definite conclusion as to whether this pattern will eventually enable the respondents to become economically self-sufficient. For the Gradual Progressors we see a mix of permissive and authoritarian parenting that seems to have stifled the desire to become economically self-sufficient. They appear to be less willing to take risks and display less independent and autonomous career planning. Instead, they opt for safe career moves and still rely on their parents with regard to economic resources. The family act as a haven where the young person can return to when the demands of adulthood become too much. Cultural capital is not particularly present, but we see a clear and direct transmission of work values that has fostered a focus on working hard, but not necessarily always achieving the top outcome. This context may be what has somewhat limited their desire for economic self-sufficiency. Among the Ambitious, it is not necessarily a particular parenting style on its own, which appears to have had the greatest impact on their selfefficacy and ambitions to become economically self-sufficient. Instead, the work values within the family have played an important role. In this group, extrinsic work values were most obvious and both respondents had established a clear link between work and economic self-sufficiency early on in their lives. We also see a greater desire by these respondents to be independent from their family, so therefore they are less accepting of the help that the family provides. Importantly, the family does still provide support by transmitting both social and economic capital, but the respondents have a strong sense of reciprocation illustrating again their desire for economic self-sufficiency. In contrast to the Voluntary Dependents,

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the Ambitious experienced a transformation of cultural capital (valuing education) into economic capital (to help you get a job). In the case of the Entrepreneurs, permissive parenting appears to facilitate economic self-sufficiency. However, we need to consider that these families did not have the possibility of relying on parental economic resources. Self-sufficiency therefore was a necessity as much as an ambition. However, autonomy throughout their lives appears to have contributed to their entrepreneurial spirit and a need for parental acknowledgement pushed them further in their endeavours. It seems like the environment accepting of failure and innovation nurtured an entrepreneurial spirit of self-efficacy as well as willingness to take risks. In conclusion, we see that parenting style seems to both directly and indirectly influence especially the attitude towards economic selfsufficiency among our respondents. In contrast, the link between current economic self-sufficiency and parenting style is weaker, and it seems like the economic resources, or in other words the cash and class, of the family and the ability to support the transition from school to work or into adulthood has had a larger influence.

References Arnett, J. J. (2014). Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens Through the Twenties (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Arts, W., & Gelissen, J. (2002). Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism or More? A State of the Art Report. Journal of European Social Policy, 12(2), 137–158. Aunola, K., Stattin, H., & Nurmi, J.-E. (2000). Parenting Styles and Adolescents’ Achievement Strategies. Journal of Adolescence, 23(2), 205–222. Bukodi, E., Goldthorpe, J. H., Waller, L., & Kuha, J. (2015). The Mobility Problem in Britain: New Findings from the Analysis of Birth Cohort Data. The British Journal of Sociology, 66(1), 93–117. Chevalier, T. (2016). Varieties of Youth Welfare Citizenship: Towards a TwoDimension Typology. Journal of European Social Policy, 26(1), 3–19. Darling, N., & Steinberg, L. (1993). Parenting Style as Context: An Integrative Model. Psychological Bulletin, 113(3), 487. Department for Education. (2016). Press Release: New Apprenticeship Funding to Transform Investment in Skills. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/ new-apprenticeship-funding-to-transform-investment-in-skills. Last Modified October 25, 2016. European Union. (2016). Education and Training Monitor 2016: United Kingdom. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union.

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Freitag, M., & Kirchner, A. (2011). Social Capital and Unemployment: A MacroQuantitative Analysis of the European Regions. Political Studies, 59(2), 389– 410. Fuller, A., & Unwin, L. (2016). The Aims and Objectives of Apprenticeship in Where Next for Apprenticeships. London: Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development. Gregson, N., & Lowe, M. (1995). ‘Home’-Making: On the Spatiality of Daily Social Reproduction in Contemporary Middle-Class Britain. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 20(2), 224. Heinz, W. R. (2009). Youth Transitions in an Age of Uncertainty. In Handbook of Youth and Young Adulthood: New Perspectives and Agendas (pp. 3–13). Oxon: Routledge. Lim, V. K., & Loo, G. L. (2003). Effects of Parental Job Insecurity and Parenting Behaviors on Youth’s Self-Efficacy and Work Attitudes. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 63(1), 86–98. ONS. (2016a). Families and Households in the UK: 2016. https://goo.gl/ p8sezB. Last updated November 4, 2016. ONS. (2016b). Divorces in England and Wales: 2014. https://goo.gl/8ve5L1. Last updated December 5, 2016. ONS. (2016c). Assessment of the UK Post-Referendum Economy: September 2016. https://goo.gl/8i7Iy6. Last updated September 21, 2016. Roberts, K. (2007). Youth Transitions and Generations: A Response to Wyn and Woodman. Journal of Youth Studies, 10(2), 263–269. Sherer, M., Maddux, J. E., Mercandante, B., Prentice-Dunn, S., Jacobs, B., & Rogers, R. W. (1982). The Self-Efficacy Scale: Construction and Validation. Psychological Reports, 51(2), 663–671. Shildrick, T., MacDonald, R., Webster, C., & Garthwaite, K. (2012). Poverty and Insecurity: Life in Low-Pay, No-Pay Britain. Bristol: Policy Press. Sissons, P. (2011). The Hourglass and the Escalator: Labour Market Change and Mobility. London: The Work Foundation. Stone, J., Berrington, A., & Falkingham, J. (2014). Gender, Turning Points, and Boomerangs: Returning Home in Young Adulthood in Great Britain. Demography, 51(1), 257–276. Swartz, T. T., & O’Brien, K. B. (2009). Intergenerational Support During the Transition to Adulthood. Handbook of Youth and Young Adulthood: New Perspectives and Agendas (pp. 217–225). Oxon: Routledge. Walther, A. (2006). Regimes of Youth Transitions: Choice, Flexibility and Security in Young People’s Experiences Across Different European Contexts. Young, 14(2), 120–239.

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Emily Rainsford is a Research Associate at Newcastle University and gained her Ph.D. from Southampton University in 2014. She is a political scientist specialising in youth political participation and activism, transitions to adulthood and labour market and political socialisation. She is also one of the convenors of the PSA Young People’s Politics Specialist Group. Anna Wambach is a qualitative analyst working in the public sector. She holds a Ph.D. in politics from Newcastle University, for which she was awarded the UACES Best Thesis Prize 2019 in recognition of the substantial contribution the thesis has made to contemporary European Studies. She is specialised in qualitative research methods, in particular critical discourse analysis. More recently, she has explored data science approaches to qualitative data.

CHAPTER 9

By the Sweat of Your Parents’ Brow: Self-Sufficiency of Young Adults and Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Resources in Hungary Dániel Kovarek and Róbert Sata

9.1

Introduction

Following decades of Socialism and collective society, Hungary transformed quickly into an atomized and individualized society. Yet, according to surveys, Hungarians became the most family-centered Europeans with regard to their preference of spending leisure time; family being the only thing for which most Hungarians would consider worth sacrificing their life (Körösényi 1997). The constitution and various state policies, as well as general public opinion all emphasize the importance of family—embracing its traditional image with conventional female roles (Pongrácz and Molnár 2011). This male dominated view of society is reinforced by conservative political and religious groups that promote the idea that women “can and should return” to their

D. Kovarek (B) · R. Sata Central European University, Budapest, Hungary e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_9

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traditional roles as mothers and housewives instead of focusing on their paid work and career that were common during the Socialist era (Takács 2013, p. 187). Hungarian women remain highly family oriented and value the role of their job and economic activity mainly as means of protecting the livelihood of the family as a unit (Takács 2013, p. 181), shown by the highest score of agreement among the ESS countries on the question of one’s “family ought to be his or her priority in life.” How does national context and parent–child relationship moderate the transmission of resources and values? Current Hungarian family policies are often dubbed as the “most generous cash support system in the developed world” and the public takes childcare-related public services for granted (Takács 2013, pp. 185–187). As policies of the current government have a clear middle-class bias, with generous tax reliefs and direct transfers—such as family housing support—the question arises whether these change established patterns of (material) resource transmission and investment in education. Interviewing three generations provides a unique opportunity to scrutinize socialization within family and linkages between parenting styles and transmission processes in an ever-changing context. Socialist years were conducive to self-exploitation and secondary employment, whereas scarce leisure or travel opportunities incentivized spending on real estate and land. On the other hand, regime preference for college applicants with a working-class or agrarian background made upward mobility a realistic prospect, encouraging many parents to invest into their offspring’s education. Whereas regime change marked a strong break in terms of entrepreneurial opportunities or access to higher education, our interviews demonstrate a continuity with respect to work- and family-related values.

9.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

Our study relies on a series of interviews conducted with families with three generations: the youth, parents and grandparents (Table A9). In our sample, the youngest respondent just finished high school a few months before the interview, while the oldest interviewees—the grandparents of the sampled young adults—were in their eighties. All interviews were conducted by the same researcher, with relevant social science

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background and extensive training in semi-structured biographical interviewing. Whilst the ratio of urban and rural young adults was even, interviewees from the first group were mostly raised in the countryside, which tallies with the current demographic trends of internal migration. Schönpflug (2001) mentions, inter alia, sibling position of children and marital relationship of parents as important moderators of value transmission. No sampled young adult in Hungary was an only child, and the interviewees’ parents were all either married or divorced. This is far from the general picture of Hungarian society—it is enough to recall that the share of children born and raised in domestic partnerships is on the rise, and more than 40% of infants are nowadays born without their parents being married (KSH 2011, p. 15). The boundaries of self -employment and family-employment are often blurred in reality for young adult interviewees, who received various forms of help from their parents in setting up and running their own businesses. The most self-evident type of assistance comes in the form of parental advice on registering a company, keeping the books or doing taxes. There was a consensus among interviewees that obtaining seed money was a tough first step. A young female, producing organic products in a rural setting, emphasized that she could still apply for state grants at a time when the call for proposals did not require own capital—as opposed to the present-day requirements of the Young Farmers’ Program. Similarly, an urban startup-founder used a taxation and registration-related loophole to evade the requirement of raising a substantial amount of starting capital. Nevertheless, setting up one’s own business meant anything but financial independence or economic self-sufficiency for young entrepreneurs. Most of our interviewed parents actively supported their offspring with various forms of economic capital: beside the benefits of living in the same household, loans and direct (non-refundable) financial transfers were mentioned, but the most common and preferred form of parental support was physical work, whether it was helping children in their own SMEs or taking part in the construction of their houses. We get money from our parents. We agreed that if any printing-related or operative cost came up, we asked money from my parents. Stuff related to registering the company – declaring self-employment, which cost four or five thousand Forints – was [paid by] my friend, B.N. We also had to pay for templates for the websites and for registering the domain, which was paid by B., my [other] friend. (…) We [i.e. the three of us] all asked for money from our parents.” (self-employed, urban, male)

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I woke up at 5 AM on Saturday, I went out [to my daughter’s farm] with my bricklayers at 6 AM, we were there till 3 or 4 PM, sometimes even till 8 PM. (…) In the meantime, I brought the rest of the gang, one had to make these roofs, we welded them in the workshop, we brought it out, set it up, so we really worked a lot there. (…) And how much I invested into it [financially], I don’t even dare to say. (…) These constructions cost enormous money. If I only count wages, they are my men, I paid all of them. Look, everyone tries to help their kid in the way he can. I could help this way, so I helped her this way, end of story. (self-employed, rural, female—father)

Self-sufficiency manifested in two forms in the mindset of young adults: one form was the intrinsic value of being able to economize, i.e., interviewees took pride in the mere fact of putting money aside; and the second form was a “temporary return to the family nest,” offering the prospect of long-term self-sufficiency. For some respondents, being able to save up for leisure expenses was the most important consideration when applying for jobs; others have mentioned it as the accomplishment they were “the most proud of.” An illustrative example for the intrinsic nature of saving is that it does not necessarily has to have a specified purpose or a definite financial target; it might serve as an indicator of the efforts toward self-sufficiency and as a source of personal pride. The second manifestation of motivation for self-sufficiency was the frequent “backup plan” of young adults currently working in the capital to spend the summers in their hometowns. For those who are unskilled workers or lack a degree, wages are not substantially higher in Budapest, while the cost of living (incl. rent prices) are incomparable. For these interviewees, the “temporary return to the family nest,” however, is not a signal of giving up self-sufficiency. Whereas parents do offer room and board free of charge, possessing their old network and social capital also makes it relatively easy for young adults to find short-term (and often unreported) employment for the duration of their stay. The income generated from these short jobs then enables these young adults to spend on leisure activities or even save—and thus create the illusion of self-sufficiency.

9.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

As already highlighted, family-related values have an elevated role in Hungary. Based on our interviews, it is the parents that transmit to their offspring values of the family that include respect for the elderly, holding

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together as family members in hard times, cultivating ties with distant relatives or maintaining a strong bond between siblings. Love of family and caring for family members were the most often mentioned values, mentioned somewhat more often by the (grand)parents’ side and less frequently by young adults, which seems reasonable, given that many of the latter have just started their independent life, cutting the family cord. It is also important to note that females from all generations were more likely to embrace the transmission of such values than males; most clearly visible in those rare cases when both parties of a married couple were interviewed. Honesty, integrity and straightforwardness constitute another popular group of virtues held high by our interviewees. What is more interesting is that interviewees in some families (parents and offspring alike) reported that these values might conflict with the skills and attitudes needed for success and progress in today’s life, but all agreed that one should not compromise integrity for personal gain and benefit. Similarly to family-related virtues, the relationship between these high virtues and the strength of intragenerational bond within families is not unidirectional. We observed that stronger parent–child dyads facilitate value transmission, but failed attempts or indifference from the offspring’s side might alienate the two parties from each other. As discussed later in detail, the (perceived) noncompliance with these norms of the child (or just putting principles highly prioritized by parents on the back burner) can cause a considerable amount of stress for parents or grandparents that can result in broken parent–child relationships. This holds true even if elder generations acknowledge that today’s “reality” might be in conflict with values they intended to transmit to their children. We should note that respondents touched repeatedly on a “dual value system” that seems to be common in Hungary. Accordingly, “outwitting the state,” bypassing and transgressing legal and official rules and regulations (Körösényi 1997) is in fact considered a virtue. Some claim this is due to the Socialist experience or manifestations of state-level corruption, but there is a general tolerance for such wrongdoings. For example, multiple generations of the family of a young female running her own farm reported how they “outwitted the state”: Her grandfather made illegal payments to state officials in exchange for getting an apartment; his son, an entrepreneur, registered his current company in Slovakia and not Hungary to pay less taxes and contributions. The granddaughter— the youngest one interviewed in this family—did not report a similar

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story from her own life, but showed tolerance for similar phenomena when explaining without any moral concern how an acquaintance of her acted only as a grant-eligible surrogate for her parents when applying for a youth entrepreneurship program. Work-related values in most families were clearly present as well, as interviewees mentioned such values even in the absence of explicit questions on this subject. A sense of vocation was more often reported by the eldest generations, and interviewees from this age group reported that they tried to pass work values to their offspring. Accordingly, parents try to transmit the value of a profession, a high-end job as a stand-alone value to be cherished, irrespective of the financial benefit it yields, meaning one should value his/her job even if it is not very rewarding financially. Moreover, emphasis on one’s personal financial prosperity over the value of a specific profession could be considered an unsuccessful transmission of intrinsic work values (Gesthuizen et al. 2019), parents might be disappointed even if their offspring would be financially better by opting for a less valued profession. I always told her that what matters is to enjoy and believe in what you’re doing and be good at it. Of course, if we haven’t communicated these [values], then my daughter would be (…) I don’t know, a banker (laughing), and wouldn’t be unemployed, but instead she would be earning millions. (unemployed, urban, female—mother)

Based on the interviews, work-related values also emphasize the importance of taking part in joint work. It is irrelevant if the work is related to household chores or it is agricultural work in the fields, what matters is that one has a job, even if one lacks reported employment. This is particularly relevant if a young adult is not studying anymore. While the overwhelming majority of parents was willing to buy (or build) a house for their children, and it was likewise self-evident for them to cover potential costs of children’s education, their generosity lasted only as long as their children showed signs of determination to work. In Hungary, a sizeable proportion of college entrants start their studies at an older age compared to the typical age of entry in OECD countries. Reasons behind taking one (or more) year(s) off from education vary, but these might signal the value placed on work experience (OECD 2014, p. 333), as well as work being the sole alternative to education as opposed to leisure or volunteering for many young adults in Hungary.

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In line with this, the imperative guidance of Hungarian parents was clear, the message they were conveying to their children was: “if you’ve finished (or failed to continue) your studies, you should start working.” As such, while education (especially tertiary education) is highly valued by the Hungarian parents and they are ready to invest into their offspring’s university degree, they are not ready to extend support once one is out of the education system: I especially tried [to educate] my son in a way, even during high school, that you should have one or two good things, but not like always having new stuff or the newest phone. He isn’t like that, thank God, he did not adopt what I see in many cases, that youngsters need only the best, and the parents have to obtain these [stuff] at all costs, and support their children even after finishing education, because (s)he happened to be unemployed right now. This is not the case [in our family] (…) I specifically told him [i.e. my son] that there’s saved money for his studies, we have been saving since he was born. And I said, ‘Go, start a degree program with tuition fee’, he’d succeed in it, and he said ‘No, I want to try once more next year the state-funded places, I shouldn’t cost you money’, and then he started working. I was so proud! (employed, urban, male—mother)

In this family, all three generations had trouble getting into higher education. The grandmother did not even try to apply due to family and financial reasons. Her dream of becoming a teacher was eventually realized by one of her daughters, but not without difficulties, as her first application to university was unsuccessful. Before enrolling into a rural college, the daughter spent a year in her hometown, working in the milk industry. So far, her son seems to follow in her footsteps: he failed to get admitted to college but sought employment: started working as a postman and became even more determined to pursue higher education in the near future. What is noteworthy in this family is the seemingly very successful transmission of values along the three generations: there is a high value associated with education but also a strong commitment to get work and the desire to become self-sufficient, i.e., financially independent from parents. Unspoken expectations and values shared by the parents might have influenced the young adults’ decision in each generation. Seeing the parallel between the parents’ and the offspring’s own life, the 18-yearold interviewee had no justification not to seek employment. Moreover, his refusal of self-funded education, financed by family savings, signals

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most strongly the internalization of the family value that one needs to be self-sufficient not to burden the family. Similarly, other families were also keen to share that it was important that children saw good examples of self-sufficiency from their parents. This is even more important when one is unemployed. Work around the house, agricultural labor is conveyed as an alternative source to ensure self-sufficiency and keep one busy—sitting around without anything to do simply not being an option: We grew almost everything around the house and had a large field of onions, too. We always had income and a great deal of expenditure with it, too, but to be honest, even when he [i.e. her husband] did not work as he did not have a job, there was always something to do. They [i.e. her sons] always saw that we are working. ‘Nope, I do not do anything as I’m searching for a job right now’ – that’s [the situation] they did not see, never. (employed, urban, male—mother)

As such, self-sufficiency is transmitted to the offspring, who also consider it an important value for their self-esteem. This often manifests even in the situation when the young adults need the support from their families to move ahead in their life—in such cases the children claim they make efforts to require less from the parents and try to save as much as possible not to burden the family. At the same time, young adults also feel more self-sufficient (even if partially), knowing that they took (part of) the burden to secure the financial resources for their personal plans: I can make ends meet and I can even put aside a very small amount of money every month. This surprises a lot of my relatives, because it’s really not a large sum of money, but I make the most of it, if there’s selfsufficiency, so to say. So next year I want to study, I try to spare money, no matter what happens. (…) They [i.e. my parents] could [support me], but it was my own expectation that I do it alone. Even when I left my summer job and moved [to the capital], when I didn’t even have a job and I didn’t have that much money, for instance, to pay two months of deposit in advance. So my parents helped a lot in moving. Then I was like it’s enough, from now on I’ll provide for my own needs, so it was my own expectation. (employed, urban, male)

One interesting observation of our interviews is that although the young employed adults were not necessarily more self-sufficient than self- and

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family-employed youth, this group showed clearly the most effort and inner motivation for attaining self-sufficiency. This might sound counterintuitive at first and it could be due to the high value attached to a paid job in Hungary, as we noted earlier. In this sense, the first paid job is considered the first step to self-sufficiency, and it is also the moment when the young adult is supposed to start relying less and less on family resources: Now that I worked for a while, I had more money; I got less from home, but still received some (…) most likely I’ll drain my reserves next year. Luckily, I have my own apartment and I’ll probably have a roommate next year (…) When my parents got divorced, Dad started to pay child support to Mum, and when I moved into the dorm, they agreed to give it directly to me as long as I study. And when I started working, I told them it’s enough if they’ll give me less. (in education, urban, male)

Two aspects of this interview are worth underlining: one is that it was the first paid job that induced an intrinsic need to take steps toward self-sufficiency—although the interviewee had multiple traineeships before, these were irrelevant from this perspective. Second, as soon as his apartment was put into habitable condition, he sought the opportunity to monetize his new property. In other words, the employed young adult not only voluntarily renounced some of the parental support, but consciously turned another parent-financed asset (the flat) into a resource contributing to his partial financial independence. Given that his paid internship was already over at the time of the interview, he only had the desire for self-sufficiency. Nonetheless, when assessing his dependence, the interviewee emphasized his decision of swapping the comfort of the family nest for living in a dorm room. Again, the goal is very clear and explicit: securing independence—not (just) financially—from the parents as soon as possible. It’s been five years since I do not live at home, so… it’s not like a parent– child relationship… so I became pretty much independent. When I look at my classmates from high school, [for me,] becoming independent was a process way faster than for them. (in education, urban, male)

By contrast, for self-employed young adults, numerous other considerations were more important than financial independence or self-sufficiency

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when they made up their minds about starting a business venture. Moreover, some of their business-related costs (such as seed money) and personal expenses (accommodation) were also covered by their parents; their situation thus provides examples of a certain “illusion” of selfsufficiency. This was most apparent in the case of a young female running an agricultural enterprise: her parents pre-financed the land purchases by lending her the money and provided her with a tremendous amount of physical and financial support when constructing her detached house. To summarize, our sample suggests that self-employment for young adults was more about self -fulfillment than self -sufficiency. As we have noted, although some of the young would think of themselves as selfsufficient, this could often be only partial or illusionary as they still relied primarily on family resources (both material and immaterial) for setting up their businesses. Opening a business is thus much more related to realizing one’s ideas and potential rather than securing economic selfsufficiency, which on turn could partly be explained by interviewees’ young age and the relatively early stage their business ventures were in at the time of our interviews.

9.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

Nearly all parents interviewed were generous providing to two specific types of needs of their offspring: investing into education and buying and/or constructing a home, both understood as necessary for the start of adult life. The former is more likely to drive parents into overspending, especially if it entails children moving to the capital (or another city) from the countryside. Financial barriers blocking young adults from pursuing a degree were more common for the previous two generations: in the past, in a small-town family, even commuting to the nearest city with a college—and thus not doing the expected chores on the fields or not taking care of family members—would have meant a burden that the family could not afford. In such cases, it was self-evident for the offspring to accept the financial limits of the family and give up education. Based on our sample, investment in education was primarily motivated by three, rather distinct streams of considerations. For parents running a family-owned business, higher education was valuable only as long as it endowed their offspring with practical and related skills; in other words, a degree that literally paid off in the short run, given their expectations concerning their children’s future employment in the family venture. For

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other parents, financing their children’s tertiary education was an indirect way of the realization of their unfulfilled aspirations. Investment in education was thus motivated by a more subtle consideration, which was never admitted explicitly by (grand)parents; nonetheless it emerged as a clear pattern. Many interviewees were barred from higher education due to financial constraints, duties as primary caregivers in their family or physical distance and lack of adequate travel options. This did not stop them from cherishing the idea of obtaining a degree, as such interviewees could easily recall the profession of their choice, had they had the opportunity of going to college. On multiple occasions, such aspirations were realized by their children or grandchildren. For instance, an elderly female interviewee enrolled to grammar school, but was constantly scolded by his father, who often times asked, “what’s the purpose of studying for a girl, she gets married and all the money [invested in education] is gone.” Her daughter, a mid-generation interviewee later recalled: From my Mother’s perspective, it didn’t matter what course or subject, only that I study [at college level]. Because she didn’t pursue higher ed studies, throughout our entire childhood we’ve been listening that her father didn’t let her to study, because she was a girl. (in education, urban, male—mother)

Last, but not least, some parents—as shown below—understood their own upward social mobility as a baseline and expected their children to demonstrate a comparable advancement. It was not (only) the case that these parents wanted to avoid downward mobility; they rather wanted to avoid slowing down upward mobility in younger generations. If we think of where we started and where did we end up, and one takes a look at her own child: »Well, you started from there! Then why can’t you jump higher?« So often times, we expect more from them, or at least to jump [upwards socially] to the same height (…) The distance from the starting point [is what matters]. (self-employed, urban, male—mother)

In theory, strong occupational heritage—i.e., both parents and/or several grandparents sharing the same profession—could have provided a fertile soil for reproduction, as it determined the everyday childhood experience and mindset for some interviewees. For instance, in a family where both parents worked as physicians, their two children grew up

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in the so-called “Clinic Microdistrict,” i.e., a residential complex exclusively inhabited by doctors and their relatives. Consequently, before their high school years, the children interacted solely with adults practicing (or studying) medicine and peers with the same parental background; meaning medicine was the only profession they were aware of. Multiple interviewees also had both or at least one of their parents working as a teacher and it seems that this profession is among the ones with the most directly detectable experiences for the children. Apart from their parents working in the same school that they attended—which was common in smaller municipalities—children also tended to participate in school excursions and class-trips or were even left sitting in the back rows of classrooms in their pre-school years, while their parents held classes. We found that parents in families with strong occupational heritage valued their profession to a great extent, and often tried to familiarize their children with some aspects of their job. Nonetheless, direct experiences and parents’ narratives heard at home mostly discouraged the interviewed offspring from following the footsteps of the previous generations. Lack of financial security and societal appreciation—in Hungary both doctors and teachers are underpaid—rather encouraged them to consider other professions. Sometimes they had one sentence or another on low wages and how this job [i.e. physician] isn’t respected in Hungary. You know, sometimes they said [sentences like] ‘Let’s go abroad’ or ‘Do not become doctors’. They didn’t say it specifically that we shouldn’t study medicine, but they did not regret at all that we hadn’t applied to medical school. (…) We mainly saw that my dad worked a lot (…) he was really tired during the week. And my mom always complained about having a lot of work and little salary, this might have disinclined us, we didn’t really see the meaning of it: lots of work and little respect. (self-employed, urban, male)

This was true for other professions as well, the most often cited reasons for discouragement being irregular working hours, hard physical work, high levels of anxiety and work-related stress or—chiefly in connection with public service jobs—infrastructural shortcomings and the underfunded character of certain sectors. Interestingly, when the occupational heritage meant setting up and running (family- or self-owned) businesses, no negative aspects were underlined or observed by any interviewees.

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Nonetheless, it does not mean that parents with a passion for their profession have not tried to encourage their children to follow in their footsteps. These efforts often started with schooling choices, over which children had a varying degree of control: schooling decisions for some of the young adult interviewees with such background were exclusively made by the parents, while others enjoyed more freedom. A male respondent, a current vice-CEO of a rural family company was made to change schools in his childhood on multiple occasions (“it was pushed by my parents”, as he put it). Moreover, he was made to apply to a Business Administration and Management BSc program instead of Economics, despite already having read upon the latter subjects in his free time, while still in high school. His father strongly objected to pursuing studies in theoretical courses and supported programs that could be beneficial when he joins the family-run company later. Nonetheless, the offspring did not recall himself being forced, but rather persuaded and convinced by his father’s arguments. The certainty of future employment in the family venture was also a strong incentive against taking part in certain educational opportunities—such as exchange or double degree programs—which the young adult’s parents had the means for to cover, but would have delayed him in starting work and climbing up the echelons. Another interviewee testified that she received gentle pressure not from the parents but from the grandparents with regard to the educational choices she had to make: The parents of my father are doctors, I think they would have loved it pretty much if someone would pursue a career as a physician, too, both in the case of Dad and his brother, and in ours as well. […] There were a few subtle directing and guiding [efforts], they bought medical-themed books for us and things like this… (in education, urban, female)

Moreover, some interviewed parents were conscious about giving their children more freedom in deciding their career choices despite their desire for their offspring to continue their profession: We [i.e. my husband and I] somehow tried to remain in the background when career choice has become an issue for them. […] Our younger son was interested in literature, history, human sciences, while the other one was especially keen on STEM subjects. There was the dilemma that we very much would have loved to see them advancing towards a medical career – when they were younger, they had this kind of desire –, and we

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were motivated [to push them into that direction] because we loved our profession very much. But one could see that we would not have a great role in [deciding] where they’d go, as both had a clear vision. And we let them [do accordingly]. (in education, urban, female—grandmother)

The above snapshots of the interviews suggest that instead of occupational heritage per se, the attitudes parents had concerning their own profession were more influential when it comes to how much freedom children enjoyed in making their school or career choice. Having numerous physicians in the family is a good example. Grandparents of the female interviewee still in education have made their son (the father) study Biology in grammar school, whereas parents of the self-employed urban male interviewee being disillusioned by a medical career consequently supported their sons in establishing start-up companies or studying human and social sciences. We have seen repeatedly and the excerpts above also describe an interesting issue to note: how grandparents, who were disappointed that none of their children continued their profession, have tried to compensate by influencing the interests and career ideas of their grandchildren in their early childhood. This resonates well with earlier findings on commitment of interviewees from the eldest generation to indirectly realize their unfulfilled dreams—with respect to career—by investing into their (grand)children’s education. We have also seen examples of reproduction with substantial temporal hiatus; in other words, emergence of strong occupational heritage irrespective of (and years after) offspring’s schooling decisions. For instance, a grandmother who worked as an accountant throughout her entire life, already in retirement, decided to purchase and run the shop which was owned by his father before the Communist takeover. It was the regime change that offered her this opportunity, and the decision could be hardly justified on economic grounds. She solely had intrinsic reasons: her father has died of heart attack following the nationalization of his shop, hence the interviewee recalled that it was her “moral duty to take back the shop.” Running it as a pensioner “entailed more problems than joy” consequently she shut it down after four years. Still, she believes this was something she “owed to her parents,” hence perceives this short self-employed intermezzo an accomplishment rather than a failure. Having a second job (temporarily or permanently) was a common practice present in nearly all families, often with a strong intragenerational

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pattern. Interviewees—whether they belonged to any of the three generations—were determined to secure secondary employment in addition to their full-time jobs, if they wanted to be self-sufficient or to support their children. Hungary—similarly to other post-communist countries (King and Vullnetari 2016)—had a sophisticated system of shadow economy during its Socialist years, with the phenomenon dubbed as second economy. Generally speaking, the second economy is understood as being complementary to the socialist state sector (first economy), comprising basically all enterprise activity (Hann 1990). Private production mostly manifested in the form of supplementary work after regular working hours of the main job (Andorka 1990); chiefly in agriculture, but also in industrial sectors, where otherwise expensive or hardly accessible tools were used for private business purposes. After regime change, Hungarians did not have to conceal their private ventures or self-employment in the agricultural sector from the state any longer; nonetheless, self-exploitative tendencies as part of the struggle for higher living standards did not disappear. The motivation of our interviewees for having a “second job” (agricultural work, giving private lessons to high school students or extra night shifts for overtime benefits) was the desire to afford “extra” expenditures. Our interviewees classified these expenditures as, inter alia, renovation of their home, college education of their children or securing goods otherwise not affordable for the family. It is noteworthy that in terms of supporting one’s children, manual labor from the parents’ side—as opposed to direct financial transfers—is more accepted since it does not conflict with the pride of young adults. This is partly due to the tradition of so-called kaláka, i.e., voluntary cooperative labor free of charge, provided to another household, usually from the kinsfolk (Laky et al. 2004, p. 147), especially in rural areas. This holds true even in those cases when the amount of physical work offered by parents and other relatives clearly exceeds its ad hoc nature or requires extra financial support (hiring extra workers)—such as spending every single workday evening and entire weekends with helping their offspring. This attitude can be found for multiple young adult interviewees seeking self-sufficiency, who refuse direct cash donations and opt for parental labor instead. A: Of course, we tried to help [our son]. (…) How should I say, he is independent in this way, he only accepted covert help. I worked with my son [i.e. in his company] ten or twelve years after retirement. (…) Q : So you helped him with physical work?

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A: With physical work, exactly! (self-employed, rural, female—grandfather)

While adults sacrificing their leisure time to do physical work is a widespread phenomenon for Hungarian society, the deeper the tradition ran in the different generations of the family, the more it was valued and practiced. Willingness and eagerness of children to help with the parents’ work were taken into consideration to a widely varying degree by parents when assigning such tasks. Quotations below are illustrative examples of two extreme cases—participation in (agricultural) work could be an option but also a duty, and the most direct way to transmit to one’s offspring not only the payoff but also the value of work and labor. Sometimes they came with us to the onion fields and helped us a lot. They were brought up to work. … The seed bed was a kilometer long, we could hardly see its end. And then we asked our two daughters, »Shall we sign on for that? If you help us, you’ll get the income from it.« And they said yes. And you had to pick the onions… they did that, too! I sometimes felt sorry for them, these fields of the co-op were quite far from us […] I felt sorry for them, but they learnt how to work. (employed, urban, male—grandmother) It [i.e. doing agricultural work] was a must! Look, we weren’t allowed to hate it, because we were raised in it. Since our childhood we went to spud weeds, to feed the livestock, to harvest by our hands. (self-employed, rural, female—grandfather)

Our interviews also revealed that the relationship between parents’ cultural capital and the way their children grew up is not unidirectional. Access to library, journals, music, film or leisure trips and other activities did not necessarily result in children’s affinity for these and vice versa. The cultural capital inherited and experienced in one’s childhood might make up for less quality time spent together with the parents, an issue for families with demanding professions. For example, in the family with both parents in the oldest generation being physicians, their sons rarely had the chance to participate in joint family activities, given the night shifts and other hospital-related duties their parents had. Nevertheless, since the father consumed regularly high culture (literary journals, an impressive library and classical music), the children also developed an affinity for these, and in fact, one of the sons applied for a literature major

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successfully. Based on the interviews, children raised in such affluent environment, promoting the consumption of high culture—like parents or siblings organizing theatre or art exhibition visits on a regular basis—also mentioned affinity for such activities as something they would expect their own children to acquire as a must. Things like cultural literacy, I think that’s important, at home (…) Knowledge of classics, films, plays, literary literacy. These are, to my mind, very important [things]. (self-employed, urban, male)

In some interviewed families, even if parents were otherwise reluctant to attend high culture events—or lacked the resources to do so—their children could still participate in such extracurricular activities. By joining an orchestra, a folk group or a ballet ensemble, children could eventually bring the parents to concert halls and theaters, regardless of the social status or educational attainment of the family. This phenomenon seems to exist only in case of the third (i.e., youngest) generation: older members of less well-off families either blame the lack of opportunities and infrastructural deficiencies in their respective hometowns or cite commitments in agricultural works or patient care1 as reasons for not participating in similar performing arts groups. Consequently, they did not have the chance to enrich their parents’ cultural taste and capital. Based on our interviews, one incorporated aspect of cultural capital, the knowledge of foreign languages has to be underlined. The eldest generations clearly praised and valued language skills and regretted not having the opportunities to acquire such skills in their youth and often mentioned (the lack of) language learning as the only aspect of their lives they wished they could change. From the stories told by the respondents it is clear that knowledge of languages radically contributed to upward social mobility of the family. In the case of the married couple of physicians, both spouses came from poor and indigent families, but the mere possibility of learning English in high school put the husband on a track that allowed him to participate in a work-related professional exchange 1 Taking care of sick family members is both a blessing and a curse: on the one hand,

female offspring in their youth were denied opportunities to spend time with their peers or to pursue higher level studies on multiple occasions. A retired neuropathic doctor, raised in a remote farm without her father, however, also explained how her obligations to take care of her sick mother served as an inspiration and source of vocation for choosing a medical career.

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abroad later, when already employed. With regard to just three generations, the process culminated in getting from a remote farm-dweller family with half-orphaned adolescent girls as breadwinners to a professor of American Studies within one, and to a student doing an Englishlanguage master’s degree in the field of International Relations within two generations. Learning foreign languages also seems to be a special kind of parental expectation, as virtually no parent had such cultural capital in our sample and could not transmit this kind of cultural capital. This was a big issue; it was a must. To have as many language exams [passed] as possible. (…) Everyone in the family was expected to know German and English (…) when I passed my German language exam, we were very happy, went to eat out in a restaurant, and I don’t know, they organized such huge things for so little [achievements]. So, they were very encouraging in things like this. (self-employed, urban, male)

Nearly all young adult interviewees underlined the importance of social networks with respect to finding employment or applying to an open position. Among our interviewees, this was the least prominent way of parents contributing to their offspring’s self-sufficiency. Interviewees without valuable social capital (i.e., still in education and/or coming from lower-than-middle class families) mostly looked for employment via formal and impersonal ways, while young adults with higher educational attainment—without exception—relied upon personal networks in getting work or applying to jobs that were advertised in semi-closed, filtered channels. Such personal relationships rarely had anything to do with interviewees’ parents or grandparents; nevertheless, it was not unheard of, as the excerpt below demonstrates. Dad helped me a lot, he obtained the phone number of the stud farm’s CEO, he called him to let me go there [and do my traineeship]. (selfemployed, rural, female)

9.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Based on our interviews, the most prevalent parenting style (Maccoby and Martin 1983) was the authoritative in our sample. This comes by no surprise, as it seems likely that such parents and grandparents were probably more likely to agree to participate in our study, given its topical

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focus. Nevertheless, its strong presence, even among interviewees from the eldest generation, is remarkable. Our interviews demonstrate that endorsing the autonomy of the offspring while closely monitoring their development was linked to successful value transmission. Families where both parent–young adult and grandparent–parent dyads were characterized by authoritative parenting style reported, inter alia, persistence of values related to family, self-sufficiency and entrepreneurship across three generations. Family members from different generations were also more likely to share the same hobbies and leisure activities (reading, theatre, craftsmanship) in such families. I think we are quite liberal in every regard. (…) I believe [my children] were raised with great freedom. I think it’s important, I believe I was raised the same way, and I don’t think that a kid is unable to make decisions (…) We really liked to leave decisions up to them. (employed, urban, male— mother) She found the golden mean (…) between rigor and permissiveness. Had she been too strict, that would have definitely backfired (…) but this way we could develop a … fully open and honest relationship, there’s nothing I would hide from [my mother]. (employed, urban, female)

Contrarily, the second most frequent parenting style could be characterized as neglecting; it was substantially more common among fathers and was often times linked to self-exploitation and secondary employment. In other words, parenting duties were neglected by the primary breadwinners of the family: many interviewees have reported the absence of their fathers from everyday family affairs, whether it be due to foreign trips, late night shifts, long commuting hours or extramarital affairs.2 Interviewees themselves have justified disengagement from parental responsibilities by work-related burdens and caregiving duties.

2 One caveat worth mentioning: some of these accounts of fathers largely ignoring their

child-raising duties and providing little or no guidance for major decisions came from the offspring and their mother, but not the father himself. Whereas agreement on the perceived neglecting style of parenting is important enough to be discussed, these accounts would have been potentially more nuanced, had we had the chance to interview these fathers, too.

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[My parents] might have asked a couple of times at the very beginning where I’ve been during the night, but later on I’ve just left in the evening and told them when I’ll be back. For a very long time, they haven’t asked what I will do this week or that week. I think they either trust me or got tired after checking up on my two brothers. (Self-employed, urban, male) I did not even know about their homework, they understood that there’s no way I have time for this. (in education, urban, male—grandmother)

In some families, this style of parenting was associated with unsuccessful transmission of values, which was evident not just by contrasting interviews of multiple generations of the same families, but also by parents’ or grandparents’ testimony on their greatest regret concerning their children’s behavior. Low levels of responsiveness and perceived indifference effectively hindered the transmission of religious values. In a similar fashion, an interviewee in his fifties, who is also a father of two, gave a detailed account on how passing on values highly appreciated by him— integrity, honesty, openness and consistency—to his daughter and son were his outermost parental priority, yet the desire to advance in his career forced the latter to compromise these aforementioned values, entailing the disillusionment for his father and also damaging their father–son relationship. On the one hand, one can communicate principles. On the other hand, they see that in their lives there are other rules to follow in order to get along. And these two obviously conflict with each other. As a good intellectual, one might say principles, live according to principles, but I cannot say to him [i.e. my son] that he shouldn’t try to advance – and in many cases, one can advance by denying or ignoring these principles, and there are obviously conflicts over it. I see in my son that he is more willing to accept these compromises. Obviously, he is a young man with ambitions, wanting to advance and prosper, and he sees that in this world one has to make certain compromises in this regard. (in education, urban, female—father)

Nonetheless, this came as no surprise, after having learnt that the father withdrew from family events and barely communicated with his son since his teenage years. Other young adults have also reported occasionally alienation from their parents. Whereas no female interviewee in our sample has left her family home for shorter or longer periods

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after her children were born—an indirect effect of traditional values— some father–daughter relationships became strained and distant, likely because of fathers’ physical absence during the time their daughters were teenagers. This neglecting parenting style, undermined the father’s abilities (and intentions) to influence his children’s behavior by either praising or scolding, as well as the chances of him effectively guiding his daughter’s career decisions. After some time, things like him going abroad for half a year, things like this started to become sensible in the family, he [i.e. Dad] wasn’t involved in certain discussions. Or I don’t know, when we went biking in the afternoon, we only the three of us went, Dad didn’t come, and in this sense, he has fallen out of our circle. (in education, urban, female)

Most of the interviewees elaborated on the importance of family; parents and grandparents readily reported their personal examples of sacrificing a great share of their time or wealth supporting their loved ones. Among many things mentioned, family-related values manifested not only in parents providing for their offspring (discussed previously) but also expectations that younger generations will care for the older ones on the basis of reciprocity. This was also noted by the young adults, who considered they had special duties to the older members of their families. Respecting the family, so that I should not forget birthdays and I shouldn’t forget proper birthday greetings for my family members. So that I speak with my grandmother. (self-employed, urban, male) Relationship with the family should always be good – they [i.e. the children] should not be at odds with anyone, should not neglect anyone, like not visiting the grandparents. When they [i.e. the grandparents] were still alive, we went to their place, dropped in and checked in on them in order to develop a sense of family cohesion in [our children]. (employed, urban, male—mother)

In relation to family affairs, interviewees from the older generations had a strong preference for conventional family models; failure of young adults to comply with related (un)spoken expectations of parents could damage or undermine parent–offspring relationships. For example, the grandfather of an employed urban female, raised and living in a small rural community, described the divorce of both of her daughters not only

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as a “staggering” and “shocking” disappointment, a great problem and “derailment,” but also as evidence of failed value transmission and the ineffectiveness of his family example of his successful marriage of 60 years. Similarly, a grandmother living in a mid-sized town had serious trouble with accepting the age difference between her daughter and the husband of the latter. As for my other daughter, I expected her life to turn out differently, but unfortunately she married a much older man, but she has a beautiful little daughter, and this makes me forget everything (…) This made me forget that I strongly disagreed with her… but she’s an adult. And it was her decision. But then we made friends with this other… son-in-law of mine. (urban, employed, male—grandmother)

Most interviewed parents and grandparents—fathers and mothers alike— claimed that they tried to set a personal example to their children rather than attempting to teach or elaborate on specific values. As such, setting and following the example of the (grand)parents’ behavior/way of life is the main mechanism to transmit values to offspring within the family. Nothing besides setting an example personally, I believe. […] Other than setting a personal example we did not teach behavior to our children. Obviously, rude behavior [was punished] … but it was not even necessary. (in education, urban, female—grandmother) The way they saw the example of how we live, they [i.e. my children] lived accordingly and adjusted themselves to it. (self-employed, rural, female— grandfather)

Q : Did you try to incentivize any kind of behavior or conduct in your children? Was there anything you wanted them to learn from you and your wife, at home? A: No. But I think we set them a good example. (…) They incorporated a lot from us, and since they were grown up in this, they are likely to pass it on. (self-employed, rural, female—father)

A wide variety of nonverbal and material expressions of pride, as well as incentives of value transmission were observed during our discussions. The stories spoke of parents giving sweets to their well-performing children

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or organizing a family dinner at restaurants on occasions of achievement for their offspring. Some incentives even got institutionalized after some time: an interviewee explained how good grade report cards were rewarded by her mother with a new book at the end of each academic year. Tools of discouragement were less often mentioned, and even in those cases these came up, they were remembered (by both parties of the parent–child dyads) as consensual, rather persuasive than forced ones, in some cases even taking the shape of formal “contracts” between the parent and the child. Whereas family-related values were almost exclusively transmitted either by direct communication or by the parent setting an example, another set of values was transmitted through joint leisure-time activities in which all family members took part. Feelings of belonging to the national group—national identity—seems to be such a value, as it is most often cultivated and reinforced via visiting landmarks and sites of particular importance for Hungarian history and heritage. Similarly, interviewed parents had often organized family trips to surrounding countries solely with the aim to introduce their children to ethnic Hungarians living as minority groups in these neighboring countries (Hungary having lost a large parts of its territory and its people to its neighbors after World War I), who are also considered to be integral part of the Hungarian nation. Participation of teenagers or young adults in parent-organized family holidays is also a descriptor of how close family members from different generations are to each other. An example is the family of a young adult, who was relatively introvert and shy—consequently neither liked to talk much about emotions, nor did he describe the bond between him and his parents as a strong one. Nonetheless, his mother was joyful when his 18-year-old son joined the family holiday, as originally she was convinced that at his age, he would tell his parents to “leave him finally alone.” A contrasting example was presented by the father of the studying female interviewee, who was alienated from his two children. He stated selfevidently that teenagers en general “lack willingness and are reluctant to go on holidays with their parents.” The reason why “joint holidays were not working anymore,” however, was not the reluctance of offspring. In fact—as reported by his daughter—the father distanced himself both physically and emotionally from his children and withdrew himself from common family leisure activities.

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9.6

Conclusion

Our semi-structured biographical interviews confirm that Hungarian society is among the most family-centered ones in Europe, well demonstrated in previous literature or different surveys (Takács 2013). Hungarian government policies also focus on the family, for example, the middle class—strongly represented in our sample—is currently targeted by various government incentives to raise more children. We saw that having strong bonds with family members and taking care of family were seen widely as virtues, just as honesty and personal integrity. Parenting style had a strong moderating effect: families where multiple generations embraced self-direction and autonomy of their children, transmission of values and cultural capital was seemingly successful. Contrarily, permissive parenting (especially a neglecting environment, characterized by low levels of responsiveness) often times yielded transmission outcomes described as “failures” by interviewees themselves. Given these strong family bonds—and scarce leisure or travel opportunities of elder generations—parents and grandparents spent their resources on giving their offspring’s head start. Most interviewees from these cohorts invested in their children’s education, driven by desires of upward social mobility, indirect realization of their own unfulfilled professional aspirations or expectations of such investments paying off shortly, as soon as the offspring joins the family venture. With regard to higher education, as well as buying or building a new home, parents were likely to overspend in order to support their children. Interviews also revealed the self-exploitative tendencies of the parents: they often had second or third jobs in addition to one’s full-time employment to be able to provide for the needs of their family. This, we believe, is a clear example of how Hungary’s Socialist past moderated the transmission of (dominant) work values. For several young interviewees, strong occupational heritage from their (grand)parents left an imprint on how profession- and workrelated values were perceived and transmitted. Most values were either transmitted by direct communication or by setting an example by the (grand)parents, some others—such as cherishing national identity—relied on joint leisure activities of the family. Cultural capital—especially the knowledge of languages—largely contributed to upward social—and also geographical—mobility.

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Parent–child (also parent–grandparent) dyads of families with entrepreneurial mindset and experience had the strongest intra-family bonds. Consequently, attitude, value or resource transmission belts and mechanisms were most successful in these families, whether they ran a family-owned business or had a child who is self-employed. From the perspective of economic and social capital, the boundaries between these two forms of ventures are often blurred: regardless of the legal or regulative framework, parents did their best to support their offspring, resulting in little or no signs of self-sufficiency in the case of children. Contrarily, efforts on the part of families in employment signal higher desire and internal urge for economic independence. Our analysis underlined that a significant share of young adults from our sample actively pursued economic self-sufficiency, demonstrated by their quest for jobs, internships and the intrinsic demand for being able to economize to become independent from the family. Scrutinizing value transmission thus yields mixed results. Traditional Hungarian values—related to family or national identity—appear to be easier to be passed on than specific values or attitudes related to given professions. In this sense, family is a priority for every generation, often valued more than any individual achievement. Moreover, we have observed that the transmission of the high value of personal integrity was also successful—even though this was more likely to come into conflict with grown-up offspring’s everyday experiences with people taking morally questionable shortcuts to achieve success. Nonetheless, not all values or attitudes were successfully passed on—due to large-scale societal trends or contextual factors of specific parent–child dyads, some other transmission efforts ended up in failure. In a handful of cases, regret over these failed attempts was present in all generations.

References Andorka, R. (1990). The Importance and the Role of the Second Economy for the Hungarian Economy and Society. Aula. Akadémiai Kiadó, 12(2), 95–113. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41490359. Gesthuizen, M., Kovarek, D., & Rapp, C. (2019). Extrinsic and Intrinsic Work Values: Findings on Equivalence in Different Cultural Contexts. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 60–83.

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Hann, C. M. (1990). Second Economy and Civil Society. Journal of Communist Studies, 6(2), 21–44. https://doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415018. King, R., & Vullnetari, J. (2016). From Shortage Economy to Second Economy: An Historical Ethnography of Rural Life in Communist Albania. Journal of Rural Studies, 44, 198–207. Available at: http://10.0.3.248/j.jrurstud.2016. 02.010. Körösényi, A. (1997). Politikai kultúra Magyarországon [Political Culture in Hungary]. Szociológiai Figyel˝o, 1(1–2). KSH. (2011). El˝ozetes adatok. A népesség és a lakásállomány jellemz˝oi [Preliminary Data: Characteristics of Population and Housing Stock]. Available at: http://www.ksh.hu/docs/hun/xftp/idoszaki/nepsz2011/nepszelo2011_ 2.pdf. Laky, T., Gere, I., Fazekas, K., Lakatos, J., & Nagy, G. (2004). The Hungarian Labor Market 2004. Budapest. Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the Context of the Family: Parent-Child Interaction. In P. H. Mussen & E. M. Hetherington (Eds.), Handbook of Child Psychology: Vol. 4: Socialization, Personality and Social Development (pp. 1–101). New York: Wiley. OECD. (2014). Indicator C3: How Many Students Are Expected to Enter Tertiary Education? In Education at a Glance 2014: OECD Indicators. OECD Publishing. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/888933118485. Pongrácz, T., & Molnár, E. S. (2011). Nemi szerepek és a közvélemény változásának kölcsönhatása [Interaction of Gender Roles and the Change of Public Opinion]. In I. Nagy & T. Pongrácz (Eds.), Szerepváltozások. Jelentés a n˝ok és férfiak helyzetér˝ol 2011 [Role Changes: Report on Status of Men and Women 2011] (pp. 192–206). Budapest: TÁRKI. Schönpflug, U. (2001). Intergenerational Transmission of Values: The Role of Transmission Belts. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 32(2), 174–185. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022022101032002005. Takács, J. (2013). Unattainable Desires? Childbearing Capabilities in Early 21stCentury Hungary. In Childbearing, Women’s Employment and Work–Life Balance Policies in Contemporary Europe (pp. 179–206). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

Daniel Kovarek is a Ph.D. candidate at Central European University. He studies political behavior at the voter and the elite level; his expertise lies in the intersection of political geography and distributive politics. His research has appeared in Environmental Politics and The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, among others.

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Robert Sata is an Associate Research Fellow at the Political Science Department, Central European University. His research focuses on issues of identity and societal diversity, immigration, minority rights, and he has also published on European party politics, gender inequality, political discourse and populism.

CHAPTER 10

Intergenerational Transmission of Resources and Values in Times of Crisis: Shifts in Young Adults’ Employment and Education in Greece Asimina Christoforou, Evmorfia Makantasi, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, and Panos Tsakloglou

10.1

Introduction

During the period 1996–2007 the growth rate of real GDP per capita in Greece was 3.5%, substantially higher than the average of the EU (2.3%) or the Eurozone (1.9%) (EUROSTAT 2019). Nonetheless, the Greek unemployment rate in 2007 was 8.5%, higher than that of the EU

A. Christoforou (B) · P. Tsakloglou International and European Economic Studies, Athens University of Economics and Business, Athens, Greece P. Tsakloglou e-mail: [email protected] E. Makantasi · K. Pierrakakis diaNEOsis, Marousi, Greece e-mail: [email protected] K. Pierrakakis e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_10

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or the Eurozone (both 7.2%). In the same year, Greece had the highest under-25 (22.7%) and female (12.9%) unemployment rates among all EU countries. For young adults, the problem of transition from education to the labour market was quite severe (Karamessini 2006; Mitrakos et al. 2010; Dendrinos 2014). The growth rate of the Greek economy was based on consumption and external borrowing. When the bubble burst, Greece experienced one of the most severe and prolonged crises recorded in a developed country since World War II. Between 2008 and 2016 the cumulative decline in real GDP per capita was 25.1%. During this period, unemployment shot up. In 2013 the total unemployment rate peaked at 27.5% (with over three quarters of the unemployed being long-term unemployed), while the youth unemployment rate reached 58.3%. Since then there was a gradual decline, but rates remain at very high levels. In 2019 real GDP growth in Greece was 1.9%, slightly above that of the EU-28 (1.5%), while total and youth unemployment rates fell to 17.3 and 25.8% (age group 20–29), respectively, which are still higher than those of the EU-28 (6.3 and 8.3%, respectively) (EUROSTAT 2019). However, despite improvements in growth and employment, the COVID-19 pandemic and the containment measures implemented across countries are expected to reverse positive trends and lead to severe economic crisis throughout the globe. In the years before the crisis, despite high unemployment rates, especially among youths and women, very inadequate unemployment insurance benefits, virtually no unemployment assistance, low spending on active labour market policies and lack of a minimum income guarantee scheme, the welfare position of the youth was not considered especially vulnerable (Tsakloglou et al. 2016). This was possible due to the central role of the family and the strong ties among family members, which often substituted the weak welfare state. Despite the inadequate protection offered by Greece’s “Southern welfare state” (Ferrera 1996), as long as at least one member of the family–usually, the male head– had a formal attachment to the labour market, there was a redistribution of resources within the family and extreme cases of poverty and social exclusion were avoided to a considerable extent (Andriopoulou et al. 2020). This situation changed dramatically during the crisis. The number of jobless households shot up—between 2008 and 2013 the shares of persons aged 0–17 and 18–59 living in jobless households rose from 3.6 and 7.5% to 13.3 and 19.6%, respectively. Thus the family could

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no longer act as an effective shield for the young unemployed family members (O’Reilly et al. 2015). At the same time, the pre-existing slow school-to-work transition was reinforced by the crisis, leading to higher unemployment, lower earnings and lack of income support among young adults (Matsaganis 2015). Currently, there is a paucity of studies on the Greek labour market offering an in-depth analysis of qualitative factors affecting youth employment and welfare in an intergenerational context, especially during a crisis. Despite signs of recovery in Greece, the COVID-19 pandemic is expected to have a devastating impact on the economy, which will continue to negatively affect growth and employment prospects and, more importantly, will considerably transform how we value and distribute resources within society and across generations. In this chapter, we analyze the intergenerational transmission of resources and values within the family and how this relates to young adults’ education and employment trajectories in Greece. To this end, a series of semi-structured biographical interviews were conducted in order to cover the educational and work experience of young adults in Greece, as well as their relations with their parents and grandparents. The element that stands out in all interviews, across generations, is that family matters. More than any other economic or social institution, the family has a critical role in the transmission of resources and values to younger generations. However, the economic crisis of the past decade has undeniably impacted the employability of young adults, their school-to-work transition and the role of social institutions, especially that of the family. Our findings suggest that young adults in Greece may already be reacting to the changes imposed by the crisis by inducing them to reflect on their strategies, explore possibilities and shape new ways of economic production and social reproduction. From our research, it becomes evident that resources, values and transmission processes may be undergoing considerable transformation. The question is whether these new ways can ensure young people’s employability, economic self-sufficiency and well-being at the individual and collective levels, or merely reproduce past “visions and divisions” of society, leading to social unrest and political instability. We discuss this issue in our concluding section.

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10.2

Economic Self-sufficiency and Family Background

The semi-structured biographical interviews included ten young adults, aged 18–35, along with one parent and one grandparent, so a total of thirty interviews were conducted. They took place in the first quarter of the year 2017 and were conducted by Dr. Evmorfia Makantasi of the diaNEOsis research institute that is representing Greece in the CUPESSE project. The demographic characteristics of our sample are summarized in Table A.10 in the Appendix. In accordance with project guidelines, the sample of young adults consists of five males and five females, who are distributed equally among the following occupational categories: employed in the family business, self-employed, in education, unemployed and employed. The gender composition of the full sample, including young adults, parents and grandparents, is almost balanced, the share of females being only slightly higher (54% females and 46% males). The mean age of the young adults in our sample is 27, for the parents it is 56 and for the grandparents a bit over 80. Almost all young adults are single, apart from two, a male and a female, who are married with no children and also happen to be unemployed. All parents are married, with an average number of children around two, while grandparents are or were married, since four women are now widowed, with an average number of three children. Eight grandparents and three parents in our sample are pensioners (see details in Table A.10 in the Appendix). Also, half of our sample comes from a rural area and half from an urban area. It is worth noting that in some cases the family of the young adult originated from a rural area and migrated to the urban area in search of better work and living conditions for themselves and their families. Later on some families decided to return to the rural area they originated from to exploit family assets they had inherited from previous generations, including land or buildings, which would be cultivated for personal use or rented off for agricultural or touristic activities. All families in the sample are of Greek nationality, apart from one that migrated to Greece and originated from the Balkans when the young adult who was interviewed was young enough to begin schooling in Greece from a very early age. Based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior, over 550,000 (legal) immigrants are currently living in Greece,

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the majority of whom originates from the Balkans (Ministry of Interior 2017). Since the crisis broke, the country witnessed higher migration outflows, especially of young people with higher educational qualifications. Between 2008 and 2013, over 200,000 individuals aged between 25 and 39 moved permanently out of Greece in search for work (Bank of Greece 2016; Lazaretou 2016). The diaNEOsis research institute and the Laboratory of Demographic and Social Analyses of the University of Thessaly (2016) claim that this new wave of emigration is likely to continue for as long as negative growth and employment prospects persist in the country. Notably, in our sample, two young adults had migrated or are thinking of migrating abroad, with the encouragement of their families, while some of the parents and grandparents mentioned that in the past, when they were younger, they had migrated or were thinking of migrating abroad themselves in order to support their families. Public sector employment and self-employment are dominant in our sample. As we discuss in more detail later in the chapter, this reflects individuals’ perceptions, which are quite widespread in Greece, whereby being a civil servant or having your own business offers a sense of security and status compared to employment in the private sector. There is a further qualification that we must make with regard to the Greek context. Those declaring self-employment in our sample are not entrepreneurs; they are independent workers contracted to provide services to one or more clients in more or less the same way as an employee would, but they attain the status of self-employment, because they are not entitled to the kind of workers’ benefits typically supplied by employers. This has become a common practice in Greece after the crisis, contributing to the elevated rate of self-employment which is the highest in Europe. Recently, relevant legislation has been passed to amend the situation; but impacts remain to be seen. The young adults in our sample stated that currently self-employment is probably the only way to find a job in Greece. They argue that this solution has both advantages and disadvantages. On the one hand, they can negotiate with their employers the terms of their employment by personalizing the wages and hours of work; they can also find work more easily by undertaking various projects with different employers. On the other hand, their employment conditions become all the more precarious as they are called upon to pay considerable insurance contributions and taxes as self-employed, while they have no pre-determined working hours, making it difficult to schedule their work with other projects and balance with family obligations.

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One of the most striking features of the sample is the high social mobility observed across generations in relation to their level of education. Though grandparents start out with a rather low level of education, some leaving school before completing the primary level, their own children would obtain at least a secondary education degree, some of whom moved on to obtain a post-secondary degree (five out of ten), or even a higher education degree (two out of ten). In our sample some grandparents refer to the unfavourable experience of poverty during WWII or in the early years of the post-war period, especially in rural areas where agriculture dominated and identified with hardship and poor living conditions, to explain why they left school and why they worked hard to provide a better future for their children. Indeed it appears that—even though grandparents often claimed to work with their children in the fields or in the family business, in the same way they had when they were young–they strongly encouraged their own children to invest in education. Thus, the parents in our sample have a higher educational level compared to their own parents. Apparently, parents maintained this mentality in the upbringing of their own children, who comprise the young adults of our sample. Indeed four out of ten young adults in our sample have a bachelor’s degree, one has a master’s degree, one has a Ph.D., three have enrolled in a higher education institution (two are in education and one has not managed to complete her studies) and one has a post-secondary level degree. These results are consistent with education data for Greece. According to the OECD, since 2000, educational attainment of young adults aged 25–34 has grown at a much higher rate than for the Greek population as a whole: in 2012, tertiary attainment for young adults reached 35%, up from 31% in 2010 and 26% in 2005. However, these rates are still below the OECD averages of 40% in 2012, 38% in 2010 and 33% in 2005 (OECD 2014). Similarly, in the Greek survey for the CUPESSE Project, out of 1500 young adults aged 18–35 nearly 60% had a tertiary level degree, while only a quarter of their parents had attained the same educational level (Pierrakakis et al. 2017). Despite higher levels of human capital, only half of the young adults in our sample seem to be satisfied with the job they are doing, often struggling to find work that is related to their educational qualifications and skills and is suitable to their preferences and personality. Apparently, more education, in this sense, has not offered the job security and better living conditions expected by their families.

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At the outset, we observe that economic self-sufficiency, identified as reliance on one’s own work and income and independence from family and state support, is a rather precarious goal among youths, despite families’ investments in children’s education. However, as we discuss in the following, in times of crisis youths may move back in with their family and take on available jobs, even if these jobs do not ensure their own financial independence or correspond to their personal educational qualifications, because they wish to help their family, whose livelihood has also been threatened by the economic crisis, the rise in unemployment, the failure of family businesses, the fall in wages and pensions, the rise in household debt and taxes, and the limited access to health care.

10.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

The element that stands out in all interviews, across generations, is that family matters. More than any other economic or social institution, the family has a critical role in the transmission of resources and values to younger generations. Our findings are consistent with the so-called Mediterranean or South European social model, where the family has a prominent place in the temporal and spatial distribution of resources and is primarily responsible for providing the support that young people need in order to face the difficulties of adulthood. Greece, along with Italy, Portugal and Spain, are often identified with this employment and welfare model, which is thought to differ from the Social Democratic model of Nordic countries, the Liberal model of Anglo-Saxon countries and the Conservative/Corporatist model of Continental Europe (Ferrera 1996; Esping-Andersen 1999; Karamessini 2007). These countries seem to share the following characteristics: (1) the family is the primary locus of solidarity in both social provision (care and support) and production (family-based businesses); (2) women, young people and migrants suffer from high unemployment and are disproportionately involved in irregular forms of work, mostly in small businesses and the underground economy; (3) social security is based on occupational status and work performance and is organized around the male breadwinner/female carer family model (derived rights for dependents); (4) social assistance schemes are residual since those without a normal working career must primarily rely on the family’s support; (5) child and elderly care are basically provided by family

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members and mainly women’s unpaid work; (6) unemployment compensation and vocational training systems are underdeveloped; (7) jobs in the public sector or cash benefits are selectively distributed through clientelism and patronage networks and (8) welfare-state institutions are highly inefficient (Karamessini 2007). For example, in studies of youth welfare citizenship, Greece appears to follow a “familialization” logic, whereby student support depends much more on parental income and far less on social assistance granted directly to young adults by the welfare state, as parents are supposed to financially take care of their children in all levels of education (Chevalier 2016). Our findings are also consistent with the dominance of a certain type of social capital, namely bonding social capital, which captures the strong ties that develop among the individuals of a group, usually the members of a family (see, for instance, Andriani and Christoforou 2016). In the interviews, explicit questions referring to individuals’ social capital, especially with regard to the people they contacted regularly and the networks they use to access financial resources, find work or exchange information, reveal that close family members are dominant, compared to public agencies and market institutions. According to the literature, bonding social capital, in the form of strong familial ties, has both an upside and a downside. The upside is that the family takes on the responsibility of preparing younger generations for the future by providing the “means and meanings”, the resources and values, they need for their survival and well-being. Moreover, the family functions as a safety net in times of crisis, especially in countries that are less developed and governed by ineffective states, by pooling resources and offering protection to those members that become most vulnerable due to unemployment, illness or age. However, it is argued that strong bonding ties among family members may lead to the crowding out of bridging and linking ties, that is, the development of relations among diverse groups and relations with other formal institutions, which may offer a broader range of opportunities to individuals to obtain additional resources and expose themselves to alternative values that may contribute further to their well-being and development (e.g. Woolcock 1998). For example, young people may often find themselves taking on the family business, which prevents them from exploring other opportunities that are located outside this line of work and might be more suitable to their talents and preferences. At the macro level bonding social ties without bridging ties may hamper individuals’ capacities for promoting

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technical and social innovations and alternative strategies of employment and business, which potentially contribute to economic development, higher employment and social welfare. Moreover, they may foster hierarchical relations, nepotism, favouritism and clientelism, which adversely affect the impartiality and accountability of governance structures and, thus, hamper their effectiveness and legitimacy. Distrust towards public institutions further weakens trust towards other individuals in society and broader forms of social and political participation (e.g. Rothstein and Stolle 2003), which is likely to strengthen reliance on the family for economic and non-economic support. Family bonds are sustained by values of “honouring”, “gratifying” and “continuing the family name”, inculcated in younger generations (Bourdieu 1977).

10.4

Resources Vs. Risk Aversion

The grandparents in our sample explain the hardships they experienced early on in their lives. They engaged mainly with agriculture, which provided insufficient resources and often failed to satisfy their family’s basic needs. They also spoke about the harsh conditions during WWII and the early post-war years. Thus, in most cases, going to school and investing in human capital was not even an option, because they had to help their own parents in the fields to make ends meet and could not gather sufficient resources for their education. In some cases grandparents in our sample stressed that they did not even have schools or teachers in their area. These conditions may explain the rather low educational level of grandparents, the majority of whom did not complete primary school; some even claimed that to this day they have trouble reading and writing. In our sample it is clear that parents and grandparents, in anticipation of their own constrained capabilities, strived hard to multiply the meagre resources they had, not only to secure the daily needs of their children, but also to transfer sufficient resources that would ensure a better future for them and for their families. In certain cases, they invested in real estate, to give their daughter rooms to rent for a “steady, sure” flow of income, while she tended to her household responsibilities and her children’s upbringing. In other cases, in which a family business existed, they invested in expanding the business to be taken on by their children. Above all, every parent and grandparent in our sample would appear to go out of their way and accept any kind of sacrifice needed in order to educate their children. This was especially evident in questions regarding parents’

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aspirations and expectations for their children, the values they taught their children and the things for which they pressured their children to focus on early in their lives. Even the priorities and values they claimed having for themselves in leading their adult lives and raising their families identified with working and sacrificing to enhance their children’s education. The strong emphasis on educational values may reveal the family’s need to offset the scarcities in resources. In our sample parents and grandparents would explicitly associate education with better working and living standards. We simply wanted our daughter to go ahead in her education, as she actually did. She was a good student and we wanted her to go ahead. To become someone. To specialize in something… (in education, rural, male young adult; grandfather) Of course, [at home we talked about] the children’s education. That is, I always made sure that [my children] set a course in their life, at least with regard to their education, what they wanted to be when they grew up. And I took care to arguably promote the idea that they should get an education. That they need to learn one, two foreign languages and that they need to continue… (employed, rural, male young adult; father)

According to the relative risk aversion theory (see theoretical introduction of the book for a detailed analysis), parents invest in their children’s education, either to pass on to their children the knowledge and skills they themselves had attained, enabling them to secure a living for themselves and their families; or to grant their children the opportunity to escape the precarious conditions of their own livelihood by investing further in their children’s education and ensuring a means for upward social mobility. In this context, one could argue that the impoverished conditions grandparents and parents experienced in Greece in the first half of the twentieth century, especially in the rural areas, induced them to place their hopes for a better living in the education of their offspring, particularly in sectors considered to offer job security, like the public sector and self-employment. In fact, even though they were aware of the considerable resources they would need to invest in their children’s education, it was often stated during the interviews how they would be more than willing to make any sacrifice necessary in order to put their children through school and secure for them a better living. However, the relative

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risk aversion theory assumes that investments in education are a result of rational choice decision-making at the individual level, leaving out structural factors and social motivations, which determine individual behaviour and depend on the distribution of resources and the transformation of values. To account for the impact of structural factors, we appeal to Bourdieu’s work concerning the intergenerational transmission of diverse forms of capital, namely economic, cultural and social capital. What is noteworthy about Bourdieu’s analysis is that, by using the novel concepts of habitus and field, he transcends the dichotomy between “individual” and “structure”, and investigates how individuals shape and are shaped by social structures, and how these interactions reproduce or transform the social space. We could say that the challenging conditions of stark deprivation, which earlier generations faced, especially in rural areas during the World Wars, affected the intergenerational transmission of resources and values. People were deprived of the economic, social and cultural resources needed to provide for their families and create a better future for their children. This may have cultivated materialistic values of thrift and frugality with a focus on satisfying the families’ basic needs, working hard and saving money, and investing in the material and non-material assets that they consider will secure their children’s well-being against all odds in the future. Grandparents and then parents in our sample would often express how much they value sacrificing for the sake of their children, even at the expense of their personal pleasure and development. According to Bourdieu (1984), this may be an indication of a “choice for the necessary”, which is characteristic of lower income classes. He argues that necessity imposes a taste, or a habitus, for necessity, “which implies a form of adaptation to and consequently acceptance of the necessary, a resignation to the inevitable, a deep-seated disposition which is in no way incompatible with a revolutionary intention, although it confers on it a modality which is not that of intellectual or artistic revolts” (Bourdieu 1984: 372). When grandparents were asked about their cultural capital, the idea of having free time and spending it for personal pleasure and development, by going on vacation, taking on a hobby, reading a book, going to the theatre or visiting a museum, appears rather incomprehensible, outlandish and even wasteful, when there are basic needs to be met in the family. Even those activities that they ultimately refer to as “hobbies”, in which they engage whenever they have time and energy outside

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income-generating activities, involve chores within and around the household that improve living conditions: do-it-yourself repairs or producing extra food from livestock and the family’s personal fruit and vegetable garden. Entertainment was mainly provided by participating in social events like weddings and baptisms, which appear to strengthen bonds among members of the extended family. And these activities continue even at better economic times, when their children are all grown and have the capacities to create and attend to their own families. The explanation offered is that in these times of crisis, it is these activities and values that they continue to adopt in order to help their children and grandchildren cope and satisfy their basic needs. As we move from grandparents to parents, we observe a differentiated habitus. Apparently, as economic conditions improve for grandparents, and the country introduces institutions of mass education, parents had access to more education and, thus, more cultural capital. This perhaps explains why parents in our sample were more willing than their own parents to obtain different hobbies, appreciate vacation with the family and invest in what would be called “extras”, beyond basic needs. However, they stressed that concrete economic constraints would continue to limit their choices and induce them to save for their families. In our sample we observe that the young adults have attained rather high levels of education. They themselves seem to appreciate the value of education and also recognize their parents’, or even grandparents’, contribution in supporting their education, as well as instilling in them values of education. Yet, we observe that only half of them are satisfied with their occupation. In some cases, their occupation differs from their area of expertise on the basis of their educational qualifications; in other cases, their degrees are in line with their occupational aspirations, but had they had a choice to specialize in areas that they found more suitable to their preferences and personality, they would have followed another line of work. The reasons for these discrepancies, according to the young adults in our sample, are to be found, on the one hand, in the constraints imposed by the crisis, which put the family’s survival over personal aspirations, or, on the other hand, the inability to make educational and occupational choices, which would combine employability, independence and creativity, due to their own or their parents’ misinformed guidance. Bourdieu argues that in the absence of sufficiently up-to-date information regarding the timely “bets” they should make–bets of economic and social capital sufficiently large to find alternatives in case of failure–the

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middle and working class families have every chance of making bad educational investments (Bourdieu trans. Grenfell 2014). This may reflect the so-called “skills mismatches” on the demand as well as on the supply side of the labour market. According to Matsaganis (2015), on the one hand, parents tend to hold manual work in low esteem, so they overwhelmingly opt for general education over vocational education for their children and encourage them to get a university degree and secure a job as a civil servant or a self-employed. On the other hand, on average, Greek firms, compared to firms of other European countries, are very small in size, low-tech and oriented towards the domestic market, so they do not have the ability to employ and absorb high-skilled, high-paid workers. I am a [university] graduate… I achieved a grade of 8.43 [out of 10]… I soon realized that there are no employment prospects in this field of study… I was already preoccupied with computers since I was young and during my studies I took some training in social media, I obtained some google certifications and the like, so now I am a professional in this area… (self-employed, urban, male) I have a PhD. My father was a civil servant. There was no family business for me to inherit, so I had to study. Beyond that, through the university exam system, what I would study would be like a lottery ticket… So I happened to enter [specific university]. I thought that since I would study for this profession, I would have to find something that I like, so I specialized in [area of research]. I found a professor that was very good in [area of research] at [specific university] and I happened to do a PhD. That is, I considered it a challenge and I thought I should see what I can do, where it takes me… But after balancing the pros and cons, I decided not to follow an academic career… I did various jobs after that … and now I am working full time in the public sector as a customs officer… (employed, rural, female) I finished the Lyceum and studied for four years at [specific university]… I chose this line of work, because I really liked it, generally I liked helping people… I think that my family’s love for children and their fellowman guided me in this choice… I did not complete my studies, I still needed to pass a few exams to obtain my degree, but I did not manage it so far… I left [the region] I was studying in and moved to Athens to search for work due to economic difficulties… [Had I had the chance to decide otherwise], I would have chosen to go abroad, because I think I would have completed my studies there and immediately found a job in my field of study. (unemployed, rural, female)

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Furthermore, Bourdieu observes that fractions of society that are relatively weak in economic capital but rich in cultural or social capital tend to turn to “shelter-careers” (Bourdieu trans. Grenfell 2014: 240). A common expression in Greek, often used by the older generations in the interviews, is to “ensconce oneself” by finding a job. For the grandparents and parents of our sample shelter-careers are far from agriculture and relate to public sector employment and self-employment, because they believe that these options offer a higher and steadier income, social insurance and pensions, and a kind of independence from hardship and exploitation. They maintained similar aspirations for their children, encouraging them to seek the shelter of the public sector or the family business. However, the crisis has certainly reversed people’s perceptions about these employment options. Some parents in our sample admit the difficulties they face now for having relied on these options as they watch their wages and pensions fall in the public sector or their earnings dwindle in the world of small businesses. In response to these precarious conditions, young adults in our sample appear to highly value skills like adaptability and flexibility, which are in line with broader global trends, but seem to be driven largely by the crisis in Greece. These values are often coupled with traditional values of devotion to work and family, which their parents and grandparents seemed to be most fond of. Apparently, this is the way young adults these days create the economic resources they lack and make some use of the cultural capital they attained through education. Put differently, the conversion rates among the diverse forms of capital are shifting in the social space, partly as a result of the crisis, and changing individuals’ perceptions and choices regarding the kind of resources and values that are worth transmitting to younger generations (Bourdieu 1986).

10.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Parenting style seems to affect the transmission of the diverse forms of capital and the inculcation in children of those traits that will help them develop into individuals that take charge of their life or adopt a more passive stance. In this regard, it is believed that a more authoritarian parenting style, in which parents appear more dominant over their children, is considered less effective than an authoritative style, in which parents allow children freedom of choice by setting certain disciplinary

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boundaries, especially when the child is young (see theoretical introduction of the book for a detailed analysis). In our study, it is difficult to determine the parenting style applied by interviewees. When parents and grandparents were asked directly whether they had given their child room to make his/her own decisions, most of them were more than eager to support their child’s choice of profession or even partner. When asked what kind of values they wished to teach their children, parents and grandparents were more inclined to distinguish certain kinds of behaviours and values they claimed to have actively tried to inculcate in their children, mainly the values of being educated, finding a job to make a living, getting married and having children, maintaining a united and loving family. Interestingly, these were values that were repeated by young adults, who talked about the genuine worth of these values and their willingness to share them with their children should they get married and have a family of their own. When parents and grandparents were further asked about their ambitions and expectations for their children, apart from personal prosperity and happiness, they would talk a lot about their children’s education, which appeared as one of the most important topics of families’ discussions in the home. In this case, they were more open in expressing the active and passive ways they used to channel their children’s efforts towards higher levels of education, and to persuade them to follow certain occupations, especially when there was a family business. They would even express their willingness to go out of their way to obtain the capital resources needed and invest in their children’s education. However, a careful reading of our findings further reveals some rather indirect ways in which children were orientated towards certain kinds of behaviours and values by their parents. When parents and grandparents were asked about the values they taught their children, a number of them stated that they did not want society to “point the finger” at their children for various transgressions (e.g. not paying a loan or doing harm to someone); they wanted their children to be respected, they wanted to hear pleasant things about their children by members of the community. Parents and grandparents would sometimes mention children’s mischiefs and their bumpy relations with them; but overall they would praise their children’s obedience and gratifying behaviour towards them. On the other side, though younger adults would appear reactionary and seek their independence in their relations with their parents, they appeared keen on not disappointing their family; on justifying all the sacrifices

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and hardships their family had undergone to put them through education and offer them a better life; and on actively supporting their family in times of crisis. In fact, several young adults stressed the importance of financial independence and took pride in the fact that they worked from a younger age to support their families, either because they had a small business that was struggling or because their parents were unable to work due to health problems. At the same time, they appear to keep living at their parents’ home and their parents seem to balance their budget by considering all the members in the household including their “employed” children. In comparison with many of the countries analyzed in the present volume, these conditions may reflect lack of self-sufficiency and independence among younger generations. However, it should be emphasized that in the Greek context staying at home may be a result of conditions of interdependence among family members and the need to pool resources among family members to deal with the crisis, because not only do parents continue helping their children, it is now the children that work and come back to help their parents, who faced pension cuts and limited access to health care. These behaviours and values may also be pointing to the central role of the family, in the absence of other formal institutions that transmit resources and socialize young adults into the real world. Overall, we observe that younger generations’ traditional values of education and family are now accompanied by values of adaptability and independence. Q.: “What do you think is important for young people to learn from home to meet future challenges?” • To learn to listen and try to put themselves in their parents’ position and the sacrifices they made and reap as much as they can from their parents, because they are older and more experienced (family business, urban, male) • Not to give up easily (self-employed, urban, male) • …Whatever you do, if you are hard-working, you will be successful… (in education, rural, male) • To trust their family because they have been through difficult times … and believe in what they [family members] say… (unemployed, rural, male) • …I continue to believe that honesty is very important. It might not help much in the society we live in, which is very competitive and not in the best way, [so] it is important for me that the institution

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of the family be maintained in an essential way [whereby] there is a bond, support and love… (self-employed, urban, female) • To stand on their own feet and rely on themselves… (unemployed, rural, female) • To be hard-working, and adaptable (in education, urban, female) • [Young people] have to be independent, autonomous and after a certain point to take responsibility for their own decisions, take their lives into their own hands. It is fine that our parents put us in a certain frame [of mind and action] as we grow up, but beyond that ‘open your wings, make your decisions and create your own future’… (employed, rural, female)

Parenting style could not remain unaffected by a context that gives prominence to familial relations and stresses the unity and honour of the family. More than often this would imply hierarchical family structures in a patriarchal society like Greece. It is not a wonder that the female grandparents in our sample claimed to forego their own aspirations, if they dared have any, due to necessity in their own family and the one they created. They said that they were naturally expected to work in the household and with their husband, the breadwinner, and live their family off the wages and pensions of their husband. If they made any extra monies by offering their services from time to time on the basis of the skills they had, like embroidery or farming, it went to the daughters’ dowries. The female parents in our sample would either claim to have inherited assets that they rented for an additional income to support their family, or taken on part-time jobs, along with their husband’s work. However, they appeared to be very keen on supporting their daughters’ education given the importance of financial independence. This idea was more or less shared by male parents, though male grandparents would stress more the woman’s role in the family and in the household. This is consistent with broader trends whereby women’s roles in the family and labour market have been gradually changing (Folbre 2013). In questions regarding the ability of interviewees to balance work and family, both men and women seem to struggle, though grandparents applied a more concrete distinction whereby women stayed in the private sphere of the household and men were in the public sphere of the labour market and social life (which in rural areas would consist of men’s coffee houses as a space for socialization and political discussions). Interestingly, Lyberaki and Tinios (2014) express the idea that if the crisis increases reliance on the informal networks of the family, as opposed to formal institutions like

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the welfare state, in the provision of care services, then a possible adverse scenario could result in the retreat of women to the private sphere.

10.6

Conclusion

Our study confirms that in Greece family does matter: it is mainly responsible for the transmission of the diverse forms of capital across generations, affecting young adults’ educational and professional trajectory and, thus, the course of their life and that of their children. To summarize, in our sample, earlier generations were endowed with a limited stock of economic and human capital, due to the harsh conditions they faced in the agricultural sector during the World Wars and the early post-war period. Thus, as they strongly stated in their interviews, they were willing to go out of their way and to make any sacrifice necessary to secure a better future for their children, especially by investing heavily in their children’s education. We argued that the attitudes, motivations and values underlying families’ investments in education and the intergenerational transmission of resources go beyond the implications of the relative risk aversion theory, which concentrates on rational choice decisions at the individual level. Families’ attitudes and actions are equally determined by contextual factors and their interaction with individual behaviour. For this purpose, we appealed to Bourdieu’s work, which identifies diverse types of economic and non-economic capital and employs the concept of habitus and field to explore the interaction between agency and structure. In this manner, it was possible to trace the broader spectrum of economic and non-economic determinants of the intergenerational transmission of resources and values, and, more importantly, to outline the possible transformations borne out of the recent crises in youths attitudes and values towards education, their employability, their self-sufficiency and their individual and collective well-being. In our sample, we observe the central role families play in providing mutual financial and moral support among its members, given the absence of social protection by a welfare state, or even the absence of a private business sector which would have been able to absorb the highly-educated and highly-skilled youths. It was evident how parents encouraged their children to seek the shelter of the public sector or the family business as a source of job security. However, as the parents in our sample admit, after the crisis, these options were unable to measure up to their expectations as wages and pensions in the public sector fell, or earnings in the

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world of small businesses dwindled. Thus, younger generations now face the difficulties of the economic crisis of the past decade, coupled with the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic, in spite of the fact that they embody a considerable stock of cultural capital, especially in the form of educational qualifications. Apparently, following their “dream job” has become an “unreachable dream”, so their parents’ efforts to make up for the lack of economic capital by investing heavily and at every cost in their children’s education did not pay off as expected. Finally, though families displayed strong bonding ties, this type of social capital was not accompanied by bridging ties, that is, links to other groups in the market and the state that would expand young adults’ knowledge and opportunities, resources and values. Parenting styles were adjusted to support the core family unit, which appeared to be one of the major sources of material and non-material well-being. Parents felt a strong sense of obligation to provide for their children, at times adopting aspirations beyond their own and their children’s desires and capacities, whereas children had a strong sense of gratitude towards their parents and grandparents, by acknowledging their parents’ and grandparents’ sacrifices and at times by returning to the family home and business to offer their care and support, even if this meant putting their personal aspirations on hold for a while. We could say that the central role of familial relations is affected by the patriarchal structure of Greek society; the weak welfare state and the absence of social protection; the familialization of education and employment. Yet in light of the economic crisis of the past decade one notices the transformations taking place in young adults’ values and attitudes, whereby devotion to family and education, which was valued by parents and grandparents, is now coupled with values of adaptability and independence. One explanation for these transformations, according to Bourdieu, could be a “break” between the habitus and the field. The field represents the objective social structures that depend on the distribution of capital and determine agents’ economic and social conditions and positions; agents’ habitus identifies with the internalized, embodied social structures that are converted into a disposition, which generates meaningful practices and meaning-giving perceptions. A de-synchronized habitus and field creates a crisis whereby the habitus fails to generate those practices and perceptions of practices that accord to the objective structures of the field. This could be a result of, among other things, demographic, cultural and economic shocks, that is, social changes that appeared far more rapidly

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than the habitus can adapt to and lead to struggles for the reconstruction and redefinition of the principles that determine the field. In fact, the intergenerational conflicts that emerge can hardly be attributed to what is usually labelled as a generational gap. Young adults may actually be inheriting from their parents a habitus that does not provide them with the means to deal with this shifting, indeterminate field. Notably, for Bourdieu, the habitus is not only a structured structure, which passively accommodates to an ever-changing field; it is a structuring structure, that is, a generative principle of practices and perceptions of practices. In other words, the habitus shapes and is shaped by the field; thus the relationship between habitus and field, transcends the usual antinomies between the individual and society (Bourdieu 1984; see also Christoforou and Lainé 2014). That is to say, young adults are not only shaped by the social reality they encounter, but also by that of previous generations via the transmission of resources and values, especially through institutions like the family and the educational system. At the same time, they respond to the changes in the social reality they face by means of adaptation, which not only implies making optimal choices in a constrained environment, but also gradually changing this environment to adapt to new understandings and practices that reflect what individuals consider now to be valuable in life and society. However, young Greeks nowadays face a volatile and uncertain environment. The economy is going through a deep recession with very high rates of youth unemployment, while the welfare state is unable to provide significant social assistance to the armies of unemployed due to fiscal consolidation that was implemented to deal with the crisis. Even the family safety net has recently come under pressure, as parents face job losses and pay cuts. It has been estimated that 27% of all persons aged 18–29 in 2013 lived in households with income below the poverty line (Matsaganis 2015). The Youth Guarantee Project has been set up to address the peculiarities of the Greek socio-economic environment and enhance youth employment (Cholezas 2013), but results remain to be seen. In view of their critical position and the pressing need to secure a living, young adults may mobilize all the physical and mental strengths they have developed, as well as the economic and non-economic resources they have access to, so as to realistically assess and balance their own capacities with those available in the labour market and business world to find employment. Earnings and security become so precarious and restrict access to economic, social and cultural capital to such a degree that

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they are bound to further curtail young people’s ability to manage and surpass these difficulties. Moreover, under these circumstances, economic self-sufficiency, identified as reliance on one’s own work and income and independence from family and state support, certainly does not suffice to meet one’s basic needs and expand one’s capabilities to become truly “independent”. Perhaps it is important to re-define economic self-sufficiency, especially within an environment that is already re-defining itself. What is it that makes a person economically self-sufficient? What kind of work, what level of income? Would it suffice to return to a “culture of necessity”, where young people are complacent with striving for material wellbeing, and call this “independence”? Short-term solutions may involve cost–benefit analyses and choices of constrained maximization at the individual level in view of constricted resources and opportunities in the labour market, especially in the aftermath of a deep recession. However, according to Bourdieu, the effective ambition to manage the future is proportional to the effective power to manage it, so individuals with restricted capital resources fail to effectively develop a habitus oriented towards achievement and success. This not only condemns the economically and culturally disadvantaged classes to maladaptation to the field; it also implies that even if some manage to get rid of all limitations, these “imaginary” desires will reproduce social structures “but in the reverse, the rarest positions in reality being the most frequent in ideal” (Bourdieu trans. Grenfell 2014: 237). In economics, there are alternative theories whereby individuals mobilize to overcome these constrictions individually and collectively by reflecting upon and re-defining the means and ends of work and welfare on the basis of cooperation, trust and reciprocity. One such theory is Amartya Sen’s capabilities approach. The capabilities approach conceptualizes the ends of well-being, justice and development in terms of the expansion of people’s capabilities to function, i.e. of the opportunities available to individuals to effectively undertake the actions and activities they wish to engage in, and be whom they wish to be (Robeyns 2005). These actions and activities, called human functionings or flourishings, constitute “what makes life valuable” and would thus include “working, resting, being literate, being healthy, being part of a community, being respected, and so forth” (ibid.: 95). Ultimately, what becomes important is that people have the freedoms to live the life they choose. This contrasts

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with views that concentrate on people’s happiness or desire-fulfilment, or on income, expenditures or consumption. The capabilities approach advocates an evaluation of the political, social and cultural context within which individuals are embedded, so the selection of people’s capabilities set and the ways of achieving it become a task of moral reasoning and public debate. This implies the creation of values and institutions that rely on inclusive and participatory principles in business, the state and civil society (Robeyns 2005). The dissemination of these alternative forms of social and cultural capital can be achieved by adjusting the transmission belt so families and the education system would instil values of democratic participation in younger generations. This is consistent with early perceptions of social capital as civic education to create bridging and linking ties across diverse groups (see Farr 2014). It is also in line with Bourdieu’s interpretation of the social space as a space of struggle where younger generations should reflect on current economic and social conditions and act to reclaim their freedom and life (Bourdieu 1998). Moreover, it underscores perceptions of education as culture or civilization, attributed to the Greek term paideia, which has been much valued in Greek society for centuries and is not confined to the functional or instrumental aspects of contemporary, often market-driven, conceptions of education. Education as paideia is associated with individuals’ responsibility to serve their community and to promote values of equality, autonomy and democracy, elements which determine their humanity (Castoriadis 2012). In other words, reviving dialogue and collaboration among all stakeholders in society is of utmost importance if a solution is to be found in dealing with the crisis and youth unemployment (Coquet 2014). Our current study does not touch upon these issues, but they might provide a useful direction for future research, if the objective is to develop and secure a genuinely independent and flourishing environment for generations to come.

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Ferrera, M. (1996). The ‘Southern Model’ of Welfare in Social Europe. Journal of European Social Policy, 6(1), 17–37. Folbre, N. (2013, April 1). The Future of the Gender Bend. The New York Times. https://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/04/01/the-futureof-the-gender-bend/?ref=business&_r=0. Accessed 30 May 2017. Karamessini, M. (2006). From Education to Paid Employment: Empirical Investigation of the Labour Market Integration of Youth in Greece. Social Cohesion and Development, 1(1), 67–84 (in Greek). Karamessini, M. (2007). The Southern European Social Model: Changes and Continuities in Recent Decades. Discussion Paper Series No. 174. Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies. Lazaretou, S. (2016). The Greek Brain Drain: The New Pattern of Greek Emigration During the Recent Crisis. Economic Bulletin, 43, 31–53. Athens: Bank of Greece. Lyberaki, A., & Tinios, P. (2014). The Informal Welfare State and the Family: Invisible Actors in the Greek Drama. Political Studies Review, 12(2), 193–208. Matsaganis, M. (2015). Youth Unemployment and the Great Recession in Greece. In J. J. Dolado (Ed.), No Country for Young People? Youth Labour Market Problems in Europe. A VoxEU.Org eBook (pp. 77–87). London: CEPR Press. Ministry of Interior. (2017). Legal Migration Statistics, April 2017 . Athens: Ministry of Interior (in Greek). www.ypes.gr/el/Generalsecretariat_Populatio nSC/general_directorate_ithageneias_migratation/diefthinsi_metanasteftikis_ politikhsNEW/themataMetanastfsis/StatistStoixMetan/. Accessed 27 May 2017. Mitrakos, T. M., Tsakloglou, P., & Cholezas, I. (2010). Determinants of Youth Unemployment in Greece with an Emphasis on Tertiary Education Graduates. Economic Bulletin, 33, 21–62. Athens: Bank of Greece. OECD. (2014). Greece—Country Note. Education at a Glance 2014: OECD Indicators. Paris: OECD. O’Reilly, J., Eichhorst, W., Gàbos, A., Hadjivassiliou, K., Lain, D., Leschke, J., et al. (2015). Five Characteristics of Youth Unemployment in Europe: Flexibility, Education, Migration, Family Legacies, and EU Policy. SAGE Open, 5(1), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244015574962. Pierrakakis, K., Makantasi, E., Tsakloglou, P., & Christoforou, A. (2017). CUPESSE Two-Generation Survey: Greece. Athens: diaNEOsis/CUPESSE. Robeyns, I. (2005). The Capability Approach: A Theoretical Survey. Journal of Human Development, 6(1), 93–114. Rothstein, B., & Stolle, D. (2003). Social Capital, Impartiality and the Welfare State: An Institutional Approach. In M. Hooghe & D. Stolle (Eds.), Generating Social Capital: Civil Society and Institutions in Comparative Perspective (pp. 191–209). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Tsakloglou, P., Economides, G., Pagoulatos, G., Philippopoulos, A., & Triantopoulos, C. (2016). A Roadmap to Exit the Crisis: A New Productive Model for Greece. Athens: diaNEOsis (in Greek). Woolcock, M. (1998). Social Capital and Economic Development: Toward a Theoretical Synthesis and Policy Framework. Theory and Society, 27 (2), 151– 208.

Asimina Christoforou is Adjunct Professor at the Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece. She has a Ph.D. in economics and has published on topics such as social capital, local development, European integration, ethics in economics and the social economy. Evmorfia (Fay) Makantasi is Adjunct Assistant Professor at the Department of Accounting & Finance of the Athens University of Economics and Business (AUEB), Greece and the Senior Research Analyst of diaNEOsis, Greece. Her major fields of interest are customs unions, international trade theory and policy, industrial organization, game theory, education economics and public economics. Kyriakos Pierrakakis is the Director of Research of diaNEOsis. His research interests lie in the areas of international political economy, regulatory policy, political science and technology policy. He is a Ph.D. student at University of Heidelberg, Germany, where he is supervised by Professor Dr. Jale Tosun. He is also a graduate of MIT’s Engineering Systems Division (Master in Technology Policy), the Harvard Kennedy School (Master in Public Policy) and the Athens University of Economics and Business. Panos Tsakloglou is Professor at the Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece. His research focuses on questions of inequality, poverty, social exclusion, returns to education and social policy (especially, the redistributive role of the state). He is Research Fellow of the Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA, Bonn) and Senior Research Fellow of the Hellenic Observatory (LSE, London). During the period 2012–2014 he was Chairman of the Greek Government’s Council of Economic Advisers.

CHAPTER 11

Differences Across Generations and Stability of Values in the Turbulence of Social Change in Turkey Nebi Sümer, Haluk Mert Bal, and Zeynep Cemalcılar

11.1

Introduction

Consistent with the new trend in World, labor market that demands more flexibility, creativity, self-initiation, competence, and advanced levels of hard as well soft skills, and economic self-sufficiency has gained more importance than ever. The motivational dynamics of self-sufficiency are multi-faceted and largely shaped by both proximal contexts including family, especially parenting attitudes, behaviors and practices, and distal

N. Sümer (B) Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Sabancı University, Istanbul, Turkey e-mail: [email protected] H. M. Bal Directorate of Institutional Research and Assessment, Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey e-mail: [email protected] Z. Cemalcılar College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_11

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contexts including culture-based work values and attitudes. Therefore, intergenerational routes to economic self-sufficiency follow different trajectories in varying cultural contexts. Especially in cultures where interdependence or dependence among family members prevail and resources are collectively open to family members, self-sufficiency cannot be explained by conventional “financial independence” approach (see Hong et al. 2009). The majority of the World population (75%) is classified under developing middle-income countries (World Bank 2019). These countries share more or less an “interdependent family model” characterized by both family cohesion and individual autonomy. Hence, to better understand the cultural differences in transmission of values leading to self-sufficiency, we need novel comprehensive theoretical frameworks. In this sense, Kagitcibasi’s (2005) family model of emotional interdependence, that will be summarized below, provides rich explanations regarding how economic self-sufficiency can be understood and how interdependent familiar dynamics can be benefitted to encourage it in the majority (non-Western) World, namely, in collectivistic and developing countries. Moreover, Kagitcibasi’s framework is in line with Bourdieusian social and cultural capital approach as both can explain why families with emotionally independent model use parental networks as the fundamental resource especially for their children’s education in Turkey (Çelik 2017). Culture specific family models and parenting styles are critical “cultural pathways” that shape intergenerationally transmitted motivations for economic self-sufficiency. Given that intergenerational transmission of family values and attitudes related to self-sufficiency are closely linked with the rapid social change in Turkey, below, we first elaborate on how family models have been transformed in the Turkish cultural context.

11.2

Economic Self-sufficiency and Family Background

Self-sufficiency is evaluated based on five indicators in OECD’s recent global rpeor (2019a), namely, employment, unemployment, skills, education spending, and expected years in retirement. Among these indicators, Turkey has lower employment and higher unemployment rates than the OECD average suggesting a low level of self-sufficiency. For instance, five-out of-ten working age adults are employed in Turkey (and Greece)

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while the average is seven-out-of-ten people in the OECD area. Unemployment levels, especially among youth, are much above the OECD average. According to the recent statistics, youth unemployment (majority consisting of university graduates) has increased to 24.4% at the beginning of 2020 (TUIK 2020). However, the most critical disadvantage of Turkey is that the percentage of 15–29 year-olds without upper secondary education and neither employed nor in education or training (36.5%) is much higher than that of the OECD average (15.8%). Indeed, Turkey has one of the highest rates of 20–24 old NEET women with 48% among OECD countries. In addition to the NEET population, Turkey, together with Greece and Italy, has large underutilized (underemployed) labor, above 40%, which is the critical self-sufficiency criteria in the labor market (OECD 2020). Although the unemployment statistics of Turkey looks alarming, the dynamics of economic self-sufficiency of young people can be best understood at the level of family dynamics and social support system. Because of strong network of family social support and family values assuming an unconditional social and economic support to children there has been no consequential social turmoil in Turkey in the face of this substantial economic challenges as it was observed in other European countries such as Greece. Youth in this category is expected to have the lowest economic self-sufficiency, and hence, they are especially in need of policies targeting to enhance their skills and qualifications necessary for the labor market. Especially, considering the large gender employment gap over 30% (OECD 2019a), young women has the lowest economic self-sufficiency in Turkey. Economic self-sufficiency of young people also greatly varies depending on the geographical regions, such as whether they live in an urban or rural area, and also by the education levels of parents as well as the younger generation. In Western cultures, those living in urban areas are expected to rely less on their families. However, this is not the case in Turkey, probably because of strong vertical collectivistic traditions (Aycicegi-Dinn and Caldwell-Harris 2013) and emotional interdependency that give room for high social support from the family in urban living conditions (Kagitcibasi 2007). Although high levels of intimacy and emotional interdependence with fuzzy personal boundaries among family members might be perceived as “enmeshment” from the individualistic Western perspective lens, this is a well-established norm among Turkish families (Sunar and Fi¸sek 2005).

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Parent education, especially maternal education level has been shown to be the strongest familial predictor of child’s social and economic competency and is strongly associated with parenting skills and child’s cognitive development in all countries, especially in Turkey (Carpentieri et al. 2011). Level of education is also the best indicator of socioeconomic status (SES) in Turkey. Due to sharp increase in schooling and changes in secondary and higher education systems in the last five decades, there exists a wide generational difference in level of education. Although youth with educated and non-educated parents are expected to demonstrate a wide discrepancy in self-sufficiency; when it comes to economic selfsufficiency those from non-educated parents are expected to rely more on themselves at a much earlier age than those with educated parents. In the Turkish culture, due to strong family bonds and wide social support system from the extended family, young people can get familial economic support for a longer period as compared to other European countries. Strong emotional bonds between family members result in not only unconditional emotional support to young members but also guarantee prolonged tangible support including financial support and extended period of cohabitation with the family. Although this may inhibit young people’s motivation for gaining economic self-sufficiency in the short term, it protects their psychological health and self-esteem in the long run, especially in periods of crises and/or unemployment (Sümer et al. 2013). Support from extended family members, especially from grandparents is also one of the critical sources of social capital in Turkey. Past studies demonstrated that support from extended family members, especially for families from low socioeconomic status, were positively associated with mothers’ warm and supportive parenting behavior (Baydar et al. 2012), Extended support of families is the most commonly seen practice in supporting children’s higher education. The vast majority of college students in Turkey do not work during university years and receive support from their family only. Probably because other sources of selfsufficiency are not seen viable in this emotionally interdependent family model, higher education is seen as the most preferred way of economic self-sufficiency. Supporting this trend, Turkey has witnessed a sharp increase in higher education in the last decade. Percentage of university graduates has increased from 6% in 2009 to 14% in 2019 with smaller ˙ May 2020). However, with a rapid gender gap in the recent years (TUIK,

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increase in unemployment, tertiary-educated adults have now higher incidence of long-term unemployment than the average of all OECD and partner countries (OECD 2019b). Especially working in the state organizations as civil servant is still seen as a life-long guarantee for economic sufficiency, that may hinder the motivation for entrepreneurship. Indeed, sharp increase in university enrolment in Turkey has also resulted in a high rate of overqualified unemployed university graduates whose skills are mismatched with the market demand (OECD 2019a). Thus, although the potential in skills and qualification of youth has increased, this potential has not yet adequately transformed into economic self-sufficiency in Turkey. We interpreted our qualitative data considering these culture specific characteristics, especially with strong emphasis on social support network and importance of educational attainment. Our investigation of the effects of intergenerational transmission of values on Turkish youth’s selfsufficiency, as part of the CUPESSE project considering culture specific characteristics consisted of two studies (Tosun et al. 2018). We present a brief summary of the quantitative sample to provide a context for the results of the qualitative study, which is the major focus of the current chapter. The quantitative study is composed of a large-scale project with data from a representative sample of 3016 young individuals aged between 18 and 34 years old, residing in 30 cities representing Turkey. Almost 40% of our participants were in paid jobs, about 21% were still in school (all under the age of 25), and only 10.5% were self-employed in their personal or family jobs. About 10% of the respondents were unemployed. However, there was a noticeable gender difference in current work status; almost 40% female respondents stated that they were housewives (which is ˙ May 2020) had caring consistent with the overall rates in Turkey, TUIK, responsibilities at home and had no intention to actively look for a job in the foreseeable future. Majority of the sample aged over 25 is married and living with their families. However, among those who are not married only 6.7% reported living alone or with a friend (3% of those between 18 and 25; 9% of those between 25 and 30, and 18.7% of those older than 30 years of age). This finding confirms the cultural norm that youth live with their families unless they are married, and this especially the case for less educated youths.

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Our youth sample had mainly secondary or less than secondary education reflecting the population of interest. Only 20% has at least some college education. In comparison, a vast majority of parents (69%) had only primary school education, or even no formal education. Finally, our analyses also yielded that both the young participants, and the parents were mainly traditional and collectivists, scoring higher than 3.20 on a scale of 1–4. Furthermore, there was not much of a difference on these values, for females and males, in neither of the groups. This chapter is based on the qualitative data collected as part of this project. We conducted semi-structured biographical interviews with 3 generations in 10 families, living in Istanbul (6 families), Diyarbakır (2 families), and Adana (2 families). Istanbul is a metropolitan city; highly populated and ranks the highest in Turkey on the development index. Adana is in the Southern region of Turkey, alongside the Mediterranean and is an industrialized city where large-scale industry is based mostly on agriculture. Diyarbakır is placed in the Southeastern region and ranks in the last ranks on the development index. Demographic characteristics of the respondents demonstrate significant differences among three generations in terms of access to resources, specifically economic and human capital, which included education, a stable source of income and, in cases of rural settings, access to infrastructure. The difference between generations is also reflected in the number of siblings, which varied between 3 and 14 (3–8 if the outlier 14 is excluded) for the first generation, 3–6 for the second generation, and 0–4 for the youngest generation. First generation in our sample mostly consists of women. Among grandparents, three were illiterate, one was a primary school dropout, four had primary school degree (5 years), one attended middle school, and only one had a high school diploma—a woman from a high-income family. On the other hand, among the youngest generation, only one respondent left schooling after compulsory education, four were high school graduates, one had a 2-year university degree, three were university graduates, and one currently attended university. We selected these families to be from varying rural/urban backgrounds, socioeconomic status and representing employed, selfemployed, and unemployed youth groups (Table A.11). Interviews have been conducted using the protocol developed by the CUPESSE group. Each interview is conducted individually, at the respondent’s home. Half of the key respondents (3rd generation) were females. We were able to

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interview three fathers (2nd generation) and one grandfather (1st generation). Age of key respondents ranged between 19 and 28 with a mean of 22.4 (SD = 2.54). Age for parents ranged between 37 and 55 with a mean of 48.5 (SD = 6.7) and for grandparents between 55 and 76 with a mean of 68.3 (SD = 7.4). In total, two of the key respondents were students, three were self-employed (or worked in their family business), two were employed, and three were currently unemployed. Among parents, three respondents were retired, four were employed, and three were unemployed. Among grandparents, only one respondent was retired, who was a 76-years old male from Istanbul, while other respondents, all of whom are female, were reported to be housewives with only three worked outside of their homes at some point in their lives albeit for a temporary period (one as a temporary civil servant for two years, one as a seasonal worker abroad, and one only in their family plantation). For qualitative analysis, all interviews were coded in accordance with a coding scheme using Nvivo, a qualitative data analysis software, to identify various conceptual categories and themes in relation to parenting style, values and personality traits, cultural, economic, human and social types of capital and aspirations and expectations for the future. Below, we summarize our findings regarding the factors and themes that emerged as determinants of self-sufficiency and work values from the analyses of narratives of the respondents from three generations.

11.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values, and Actions

Among the values and traits which are highly favored by parents and grandparents, a concept (in Turkish, terbiye, referring to being good natured, polite and having good manners and normative obedience) which simultaneously means education, nurture, honesty, good behavior, culture and politeness comes up frequently. These values indeed reflect the emerging family model of psychological/emotional interdependence that describes best the Turkish families’ child raising beliefs (Kagitcibasi 2007). This concept does not only refer to education in school, it is also associated with concepts such as respect, loyalty and obedience to elders as well as taking care of young generations and those who are in need, reflecting the synthesis or integration of both traditional and socially changed (modernized) values. Following are some of the answers given

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to the questions “what are you proud of in your children?” and “which traits did you teach to your children?” I taught nurture (terbiye), what else can I teach? (03_01, grandmother of employed male, Istanbul) All I wish is that she becomes hard-working, well-behaved, a lady. (04_01, grandmother of employed female, Adana) In terms of respect and nurture (terbiye), she should know how to behave accordingly to her elders and minors. Sometimes she interrupts when I talk, and I immediately stop her, saying ‘don’t interrupt’. (06_02, mother of employed female, Diyarbakir) Smart, well-behaved, does not speak much, calm, listens to his mother and father. (07_02, mother of unemployed male, Diyarbakir)

Thus, in Turkish context, the concept of terbiye (nurture) can cover a wide range of behaviors perceived to be appropriate, including work values such as honesty at work and being hardworking, everyday manners such as politeness, obedience to elders and good communication, and gender roles as seen in “being a lady.” However, terbiye does not refer to any of these types of values in a clear and distinct way. Rather, appropriate behavior is expected from a person who has terbiye in each of these fields, including work life. In addition, terbiye does not necessarily refer to the same set of values for every family and for each child. As far as the sample in this chapter is concerned, we find that inclusion of values such as being obedient and not responding back to elders, and being loyal to family and spouses is pronounced more in families which have a rural background or live in a small city and in families in which the key respondent is female. Still, as seen in the quotes, male respondents are not entirely exempt from such traditional values. Education through the formal schooling system is also underlined strongly by almost all grandparents and parents, including four female respondents (2 grandmothers and 2 mothers) who themselves could not continue their education due to pressure by their parents or communities who were against female education.

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Our family did not send us to school. My father did not. He did not send the girls, we were three sisters. We are actually 15 brothers and sisters. (04_01, mother of employed female, Adana) My grandma was against me attending school. She would tell my mom “why would a female go to school?” (06_02_Mother of a self-employed female, Diyarbakir)

However, we see a change in expectations and aspirations toward the younger generations. The below quotes are from the same family, the grandmother and mother of a young female living in Istanbul (the metropolitan). Her grandmother, who was 74 at the time of the interview said; I have never wanted to work, never looked for a job. Because no one around us worked. (02_01_grandmother of an unemployed female, Istanbul)

Her mother, who was 51, and was a high school dropout who started working as a salesclerk after having two kids said; My father never wanted me to work. In a family, the female is a mother, she should stay home, she should cook, she should raise kids. (02_02_mother of an unemployed female, Istanbul)

Yet, criticizing her daughter who has not been very achievement oriented in school, she states that; At these times, a woman should definitely have a job and have economic freedom. (02_02_mother of an unemployed female, Istanbul)

The daughter, then, says: I am getting some trainings now. Then I will look for a job… It should be a job that does not undermine my creativity. A job that would not limit my productivity and that would enable me to do freely. (02_02_ unemployed female, Istanbul)

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Similarly, another young person, aged 28, who only had primary school diploma and had to start working after getting divorced to take care of her daughter, stated: I didn’t have formal education but I certainly want my daughter to be educated so that she can stand on her own feet. (08_03, self-employed, female, Istanbul)

Grandparents’ and parents’ work-related values and suggestions are mostly focused on economic self-sufficiency and providing a comfortable life for their children. When asked about his expectations regarding his daughter, a father states that: Things like she should have a better, recognized profession so that she won’t have problems when she has a family… We would be happy if she has a good career, because now everything is based on economy in Turkey. Everyone wants a life without distress. (01_02, father of unemployed female, Bartin)

This point is also confirmed by the young respondents. Third generation youth as far as the key respondents are concerned, acknowledge that their academic success is very important for their families: When I got a certificate from the school, they called my father and when he saw me there I felt very proud. That was a moment I can never forget. (07_03, unemployed male who studies for university, Diyarbakir)

Only exception is the family no. 8, a low-income family from Istanbul in which each respondent discontinued education after primary school, where the key respondent refused to continue education even though her mother wanted her to continue. According to the mother of the respondent (08_02, mother of self-employed female, Istanbul), financial constraints and absence of father (the father had left home when the key respondent was 14 years old and came back 9 years later) has led her daughter to drop out of school and seek employment. In the remaining nine families, educational success and any certificate of achievement and excellence given in schools is cited both by parents and youth as achievements of which they are proud. For all respondents, regardless of the generation, being educated and having a well-regarded profession is seen as a necessary condition for

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achieving self-sufficiency in the current economic situation of Turkey. It is notable that, even though 1st and 2nd generation respondents, both males and females, did not value women’s careers, nor they strived for high-quality jobs themselves, they see it as a requirement for the youth (i.e the 3rd generation respondents) to survive in today’s economy. Furthermore, they emphasize working and being self-sufficient as means for “living a worthwhile, respected life.” There are two possible explanations to this change in emphasis in work values by the older generations. The first one is the Zeitgeist effect. It is possible that, even they may be out of the labor market themselves, these respondents adapt to the modal value climate of the society and value work and self-sufficiency (Barni et al. 2014; Boehnke et al. 2007). The second possible explanation is that parents indeed acquire these values and expectations through their offspring (De Mol et al. 2013). Parent–child relationship is reciprocal. As children grow, they contribute to this dynamic process more actively via their own perceptions and the attributions they make about themselves and the context (Kohn et al. 1986), hence might have an influence on their parents’ values. A recent meta-analysis on the intergenerational transmission of work values revealed that both mothers and fathers’ work values as well as their parenting behaviors are systematically associated with their children’s work values though fathers’ influence gets weaker as children grow (Cemalcılar et al. 2018). Comparing four counties, Denmark, Germany, Turkey, and the UK, Cemalcilar et al. (2019) found that young adults’ gender is not associated with the intergenerational transmission of work values in these countries except for the UK. Moreover, using the CUPESSE multi-national quantitative data, Sümer et al. (2019) have found that work value similarity between young adults and their parents was the highest among the Turkish families as compared to the Spanish and Czech families and parenting styles characterized by emotional warmth and autonomy support for children moderate the work value similarity within the family, suggesting that parenting provides a critical proximal context for the transmission of certain work values. More in-depth longitudinal studies are needed to uncover the relative or additive effect of these two possible explanations. While good behavior and education are praised and mentioned as traits to be conveyed to children by almost all respondent regardless of generation, level of income, level of education, and regional background; there

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is some variance in the meanings attributed to traits like taking initiative, enterprise, and autonomy. Parents of unemployed individuals are likely to accuse them as lacking initiative and not being achievement oriented. Like two urban parents say: She was intelligent but didn’t like to study. We had to tell her “study, do this, do that…” Also, she does not have an intention to achieve to the highest degree. If five is a passing grade in an exam, she finds herself successful when she gets five. (01_02, father of unemployed, female, Bartin) She was an intelligent kid but would never say I will get 100. She was a kid who says 60 is enough for me. (02_02, mother of unemployed female, Istanbul)

In both cases, families have middle income and lack social capital which may help their children to find employment and advance their careers. In terms of values transmitted to the children, honesty and respect are underlined within the family no. 1 while in the family no. 2 honesty is accompanied by freedom and independence: I know that she will live with honor without submitting to anyone. Even if she gets married and has her own family, it would make me proud to see that she does not make concessions about herself… I wanted her not to degenerate herself. I told her “sell simit (Turkish bagels), do anything but do it properly.” That’s what I demanded from her. (02_02_mother of an unemployed female, Istanbul)

In the family no. 1, family pressure specifically in educational issues is also underlined by the key respondent: They expect you to do what they couldn’t do or succeed where they weren’t able to. Because of that, unwittingly, they try to assign tasks to the child more than she could do. They burden the child by saying “you will do this, you are like this, you must do this…” Either they are aware of this or not. But with this pressure, many fears and some problems show up. This creates such gaps between the child and the parents that they can’t form a triangle. The child may run away as the parents insist. (01_03, unemployed, female, Istanbul)

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In the family no. 2, whereas there is no indication of family pressure in educational and career-related issues, mother of the key respondent states her dissatisfaction on her daughter’s education and work life when she is asked about if there is anything worrying: She would have a much better career. She would go to a better school if she worked harder, she might have a better career (02_02_mother of an unemployed female, Istanbul). The variation observed across generations indeed reflect both traditional rural family values and recently emerging family model of psychological interdependence synthesizing both independent and interdependent orientations.

11.4

Ressources Vs. Risk Aversion

Consistent with the basic premise of the relative risk aversion theory, almost all interviewees emphasized the importance of investing in education. Because social status is strongly linked with level of education in Turkey, parents try to ensure “transmission of resources” via their children’s educational attainment. Consistent with these findings, recent studies have shown a persistent intergenerational educational mobility in the last seven decades in Turkey (see Tansel 2015) as well as among Turkish immigrants across Europe (Keskiner 2019), especially among the second-generation Turks (Schnell 2014). Critically, children’s educational attainment is more strongly associated with maternal rather than paternal education (Tansel 2015). There are certain gaps and cleavages in terms of investment in education. Limited access to resources has been an important barrier to education, especially for women and the earlier generations. Older girls were the caregivers of their siblings in the traditional rural families. The below quote is quite typical. She was successful when she was going to school, she received certificates of achievement and excellence. We could not continue sending her to school because of our financial situation… Her father was a worker, we were tenants. She had many siblings, they were young. I wish I knew better and had educated her. (07_01, Grandmother of unemployed male, Diyarbakir)

However, many second-generation parents reported that, even though their life was not easy while raising their children, they tried not to

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reflect these economic difficulties on their children, and struggled hard to provide a better life for them. A young male confirmed this: No, there was no economic difficulty, I mean, even if there was it must have been when I was little, I don’t remember. It was never reflected to me, when I was a child. (10_03, self-employed male in family business, Istanbul)

While most of the respondents reported middle income, members of one family reported high income while three families reported low or no stable income. Financial reality is different for the youngest generation in lowincome families, as one of the respondents who also has a single mother states: Actually, I’m a burden to my mother. 90% of the reason for looking for a job is not to be a burden to her and stand on my own feet. Not because that I will leave her, I will help her. If she pays for the rent, then I can pay for electricity or bills or pay for my part. (05_03, unemployed male, Adana)

An important difference with regard to the transmission of human and cultural capital among generations is related to the issue of patriarchal family. While some of the respondents from the first and second generations reported that girls in their families did not receive education as a result of negative attitudes toward female education either from elders or the community, lack of education in the youngest generation reflects lack of academic success or lack of interest, which itself might be rooted in limited resources in low income families or in families where grandparents and parents lack education to support and guide their children in educational matters. In terms of pressure on female education, a grandmother from Diyarbakır, a southeastern city in Turkey, who wanted her daughter to have a vocation, preferably as a nurse, states that: They [neighbours] would come and ask ‘why do you send your daughter to school? It’s a shame’ All of them were like that. ‘What will she do anyway?’ (06_01, grandmother of employed female, Diyarbakir)

The respondent’s daughter also adds that her grandmother would come to her mother frequently and ask what an educated girl would get in

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the school. Thus, a combination of elders in the family and members of the close community created pressure on some of the first-generation respondents who wanted to send their children to school. However, youngest respondent within this family, who managed to obtain a high school degree but discouraged to go to university as a result of disappointing results in the university entrance exams, underlines the support she received from her parents: I received a lot of support from them [her parents]. They wanted me to get education more. They told me to continue. I gave it a shot twice, but I quickly gave up when it didn’t happen. (06_03, employed female, Diyarbakir)

The only respondent in the youngest generation who quit school after primary education states that her reason for not continuing to school is lack of interest, while a deeper analysis suggests financial constraints, neglectful parenthood, and a family history in which women lack further education other than primary school, underlining the importance of maternal education (Carpentieri et al. 2011; Tansel 2015): My education level is primary school. I quit during middle school, I did not want to study. That’s it. I told my father ‘don’t send me to school.’… I don’t know, it was boring for me… They told me to study but I was a stubborn person. Also I didn’t have enthusiasm for it, so it never happened. (08_03, self-employed female, Istanbul)

While the apparent reason is lack of interest in school, which is also confirmed by the respondent’s mother, both grandmother and mother quit school after primary education, and they reported elsewhere that they are a low-income family for three generations. In addition, the mother refers to financial constraints, irresponsible behavior, and absence of her father as reasons which led her daughter to lose interest in school and seek early employment. These additional limitations, as suggested by the mother, seem to have influenced the lack of interest in education by the key respondent. Her ambition to have her own business to stand on her own feet also demonstrates the influence of the life chances she inherited from her family on the respondent’s education life. When asked about the effect of the absence of her father on her education life, she states that:

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He did not take care of us, we always stood on our own feet. That’s why I don’t regret not having education. For instance, my older sister was going to school but she had to drop out. Because the father is not there. There is no one supporting you. (08_03, self-employed female, Istanbul)

Resources for social capital in Turkey consist of not only close family environment and strong social support system but also the circles of other social connections. Parents actively engage in all sorts of employment initiations of their children. It is very common that parents mobilize their social connections and resources to help their children find a job. Therefore, nepotism and favoritism are not uncommon human resources practice in many companies (Büte 2011). Social capital as a resource is mostly underlined in terms employment opportunities as most employed respondents work either in family businesses or placed in a position through family links. Two of the respondents work in their small family business (among the two, one has undergraduate degree and the other is a high school graduate), one respondent is self-employed as a hairdresser who started this business first with his husband and continued after her divorce (primary school graduate), one respondent, who continues his education in a university, helps his father’s small business, and one respondent mentions their neighbor as a contact for her job in a variety store (high school graduate). Only one employed respondent, who has an undergraduate degree and works as a civil servant in a municipality’s public relations department, states that “I applied, I was hired as a result of my application. I sent a CV and hired as a result of it” (03_03, employed male, urban). This is also the only professional occupation, as other employed respondents are services and sales workers. Some of the respondents who are currently unemployed and who report no contacts to get employed pursue further training or education in order to increase their chances of opportunity: I’m not looking for a job right now, there are some priorities, such as getting my driver’s license. After that, of course I’m thinking about it. (02_03, unemployed, female, Istanbul) I just graduated from university. Currently, I pursue an English course. That’s why I’m not working. (01_03, unemployed, female, Istanbul)

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Same respondent (01_03) answers the question “do you have anyone to help you find a job?” negatively, which suggests that investment in human and cultural capital is employed as a strategy to increase the respondent’s life chances in the absence of social capital. Given that formal education is the invaluable human/cultural capital that is directly linked with social economic status and resulting economic self-sufficiency, these respondents give priority to further education which, some of the respondents also believe, will enhance their social capital as well by meeting new contacts. One respondent (09_03), who is currently an undergraduate student and the youngest of a reportedly high-income family in Istanbul, stated he is focused on building a social circle rather than academic knowledge in his university by joining to different student clubs and spending time with the higher echelons within these clubs and organizations as a strategy for employment in the future. In many cases, parents report that they try to convey the traits and values they want in their children through their conversations with their children at home. These conversations usually center on the existing resources the family has in terms of the future of their children, to what extent these resources would be sufficient and what the parents expect from the children to make the best out of them. Both parents and children underline that their suggestions and conversations at home included advices on education, working life, and future in terms of what awaits them in economic and related matters. These conversations did not always include the details of parents’ own occupational experiences; they rather included the parents’ expectations and advices to children, which often include unfulfilled aspirations of parents for their own lives. These advisory conversations at home between parents or relatives and children should be distinguished from family activities that take place in holidays and other leisure times. Since there were members of the military in the family, there was of course guidance for me to serve in the armed forces. But it was not enforced, it was intellectual guidance. In later years, my mother told me that he loved my feet as a child by saying ‘these feet will wear military officer boots. (03_02, father of employed male, Istanbul) Don’t trust everyone you see, choose your friends wisely, when you have good friends try not to lose them. These were the types of things they would tell me. (04_03, self-employed female in family business, Adana)

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One of the respondents, whose father is a seasonal worker who has to work away from his family and children for months, confirmed that these advices were helpful in his search for a better career and education: I continue to stand up with my father’s classical advices at home such as ‘don’t be like me, get a better job in the future so don’t be like me, don’t do the same to your children, I go for a job and don’t come back for 45 months’ and continue to struggle and fight. (07_03, unemployed male who studies for university, Diyarbakir)

In addition to these conversations at home, role models in the family or family friends provide children with examples approved by their parents, which allows for transmission of traits that prepare children for their future careers. These role models do not always occur naturally, and they are sometimes provided by parents as the members of social support system including extended family or an ideal self that parents have when they were young. It is very common in Turkey that parents expect their children to fulfill their own past possible selves especially having a university degree and getting a white color job. [My mother] told me to take my cousin as an example. She told me that he did not even leave his room so that he can study. Actually, there was a little pressure. Like some parents who praise the neighbor kid, my mother always praised my cousin…. When our home was available, we gave a room to my cousin. He was there for four years. He called me even when he became a doctor and told me that he will support me. He always supported me when my father wasn’t there. (05_03, unemployed male, Adana)

Conversations between parents and children at home and role models in the immediate and extended family and sometimes, especially in the absence of a parent, among distant relatives or others suggest that social capital and cultural capital are central in transference of parents’ resources, values, and aspirations to their children. In the context of Turkey, social capital resources are rooted first and foremost in the immediate family and limited resources widen this circle toward distant family members and role models outside of the family. In addition, conversations and suggestions at home by the parents regarding both values and existing resources demonstrate that a form of cultural capital which predate and coexist with formal education plays an important role in future careers of children.

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In addition to the conversations at home, respondents mentioned family picnics, family walks, going shopping, going to cinema or theater, and visiting elders and relatives on non-working days as common leisure activities for their families, which allow key respondents to get into contact with extended family, distant relatives, and family friends. In terms of holidays, respondents whose families have limited economic resources suggested that they preferred family picnics and one-day trips or going to their home country for longer holidays (which means their city or village before they came to cities like Istanbul, Ankara, or Izmir). This was also the case for families that have their own businesses which they cannot leave for long periods of time, regardless of their economic wellbeing. In the case of families with family businesses, family business also provides a ready work opportunity for children. Among four key respondents who are employed (five if we include the self-employed respondent), two of them are employed in their family business. However, in both cases respondents continue to aspire different careers in line with their education due to long hours of work in the family businesses.

11.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Turkish society has rapidly transformed from a rural and agricultural society in the 1950s to an increasingly urban and industrial one in recent decades. With the withdrawal of women from agriculture, female employment rate decreased to 23% in 2005, yet in recent years, it started to gradually increase as women become to be employed in the service sector (Genc and Sengul 2015). Still, as of 2020, Turkey has the lowest female employment rate with 34.4% among women aged from 20 to 64 signifying the largest gender difference in employment in Europe with an average of 67.3% (Eurostat 2019). During this period of change, cultural values, norms, and attitudes have not changed as rapidly as the economy, particularly in the areas of interpersonal and family relations (Kagitcibasi 2007). In its latest rankings of cultural dimensions, Hofstede et al. (2010) considered Turkey to rank halfway between individualistic and collectivistic cultures (37th out of 93 countries) on the dimension of individualism. This reflects the dualism of simultaneously adopting core traditional values and Western norms (Mardin 2006). Collectivistic values in family relationships are characterized by a high degree of material and emotional interdependence. The Turkish family has indeed been characterized as functionally extended,

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with much support and interaction among relatives who tend to live close to each other (Ataca et al. 2005). These values also influence childrearing practices. Children grow up in a culture of relatedness, where they frequently interact with a wide network of relatives (Kagitcibasi 2007). This may enhance the contribution of that network to the immediate developmental ecology of the child in the Turkish context. This can be seen in low level of pre-school enrolment rate with below 30% (vis a vis OECD average 80.6%) and nursery rate with 2.4% only, suggesting gendered social policy practices in a society without a “mature welfare state” (Bu˘gra 2018). Reflecting this gendered social policy climate, public childcare support is low, which results in responsibility being transferred entirely to the family, and within family, to women whose income level and potential to receive support from extended family in childcare often determine the outcome (Kagnicioglu 2017). Adding to these, Kandiyoti (2016: 111) points to “the marriage of convenience between neo-liberal welfare and employment policies with a neo-conservative familism that cements ideals of female domesticity,” underlining the role of gender in structural terms in terms of social policy and welfare in Turkey. Considering that the family is the key mediating link between distal cultural environment and the individual (see Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı and Cemalcılar 2018), familial dynamics related to self-sufficiency in the intergenerational transmission of values should be analyzed with theoretical models considering varying cultural contexts. In this regard, Kagitcibasi’s (1990, 2005, 2007) model of family change and distal contextual factors giving rise to this model (Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı and Cemalcılar 2018) have potential to explain the emerging dynamics of economic self-sufficiency in Turkey as well as in majority of developing world. Using an integrative macro framework, Kagitcibasi developed her family change model considering cultural aspects within the process of social change. In this approach, three family models having distinct familial and societal antecedents are described. Each model can have specific implications for understanding the familial dynamics of self-sufficiency. The first one, the model of independence is prototypical of the individualistic Western family type giving priority to self-reliance and autonomy in child-rearing to ensure the development of an autonomous and separate self. Thus, the independence model assumes that economic self-sufficiency is the necessary condition of autonomous self-development and should be obtained by economically disconnecting from the family. The second is the model of interdependence, which is prototypical of the traditional agrarian society in which children are

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seen as families’ material and economic benefits. Children are expected to be obedient and interdependent to the family, and thus, economic self-sufficiency is not focused in raising the children in the traditional interdependence model since the child is seen a part of potential familial economic source. Contrary to the assumption that through global socioeconomic development, urbanization, and modernization the family model of interdependence is transforming into the that of independence, Kagitcibasi (1990, 2007) asserted that indeed a third family model is emerging. Although there is a decline in material interdependencies between generations resulting in an increase in the children’s psychological value while diminishing parents’ material dependence on their offspring, this does not lead to model of independence. Instead, this pattern demands the emergence of a third family model, named psychological/emotional interdependence, which is indeed a dialectical synthesis of the models of independence and interdependence. In this model, as interdependence still prevails in the psychological domains, there is also a room for autonomy and self-direction. Because children’s autonomy is not seen as a threat to family integrity, the family model of psychological/emotional interdependence has critical implications for economic self-sufficiency in developing world. Children are motivated to be self-sufficient while maintaining close family ties. According to Kagitcibasi (2007), the third family model is especially adaptive in urbanized and socioeconomically more developed collectivistic cultures of relatedness where autonomy becomes functional. Hence, Turkish families in urban and middle-class contexts can be characterized by the family model of psychological/emotional interdependence. Consistent with the expectations from this family model, our participants mostly emphasize both emotionally interdependent psychological values of children such as “trustworthy and dutiful child” and autonomy/selfsufficiency such as “self-reliant and support one’s self.” Consistent with global socioeconomic development and urbanization there is a shift from the traditional family model to a new form of interdependence that involve psychological/emotional/relational interdependence within the family member with relative autonomy granting material domains (Kagitcibasi 2007). Therefore, a values system in which closely knit interpersonal ties are cherished in Turkish society (Sümer and Kagitcibası 2010). Although there is a large within culture variation, parenting behaviors are influenced by rapid social change transforming accordingly. Parenting

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behaviors and practices, especially paternal parenting behaviors, differ at a greater extent depending on the geographical regions in Turkey. Fathers in Western regions show more acceptance than those from Eastern and Metropolitan regions (Ayçiçe˘gi-Dinn and Sunar 2017). The cliché of mother as the nurturing and father as the controlling (as well as breadwinner) agent of the traditional authoritarian parenting is not prevalent form of parenting in Turkey though it is still not uncommon in the rural areas. Consistent with the tenets of Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı’s emotional interdependence family model, parental emotional warmth together with and autonomy granting in child-rearing style seem to be commonly accepted parenting behaviors, although there is a cultural difference in parenting psychological control. Recent studies comparing Turkish parents with those from various Western cultures support these trends. For instance, Ayçiçe˘gi Dinn and Sunar (2017) compared Turkish and American young adults’ perceptions of child-rearing styles on parental warmth (acceptance), psychological control, and firm control. They found that although there was no significant difference in parenting warmth between the two cultures, Turkish participants reported higher levels of both maternal and paternal psychological control than their American counterparts. Interestingly however, young adults in the U.S. perceived higher firm control from their parents than Turkish participants, which is consistent with the changing trend in parenting in Turkey. Similarly, Sümer et al. (2019) compared Turkish, Czech, and Spanish young adults on parental warmth, autonomy granting, and psychological control. Turkish young adults reported relatively higher levels of warmth and autonomy grating than their Czech and Spanish counterparts. The main cultural difference, however, seems to be observed in parenting psychological control. Overall parenting control is higher in collectivistic cultures having interdependent family structure, compared to individualistic cultures having an independent family model. Past studies suggest that higher parental psychological control demanding obedience and harmony indeed serve certain functions in the interdependent family relationships (see Chao 1994; Smetana 2017). Therefore, cultural differences in psychological control are larger than cultural differences in emotional warmth (Trommsdorff 2009). Addressing this cultural functionality of psychological control (but not harsh or firm control) Sümer and Kagitçıba¸sı (2010) argues that because parents try to structure and guide the child’s social and physical environment without expecting an

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explicit demand from the child due to proactive parenting sensitivity, parental control has a critical order setting function and the maintenance of connectedness within the family. Probably because of its relevance and psychological functionality, unlike its adverse effects in individualistic cultures, high levels of psychological control, especially its overprotection component, are seen less pressuring and even as caring and involvement, and thus, do not necessarily result in negative outcomes in children and adolescents in collectivist cultures, including Turkey. Supporting this, cross cultural studies comparing North American and Asian parents and children documented that overall psychologically controlling parenting including overprotection have no or less negative effects on children and adolescents in collectivistic Asian cultural context (e.g., Chao 1994; Iyengar and Lepper 1999) as well as in Turkish culture considering the effect of overprotection on attachment to parents (Sümer and Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı 2010). Although transformation of family structure based on emancipation of women is the ultimate base of Turkish modernization movement since Late Ottoman period, patriarchy is still dominant in the family system (Bugra and Ozkan 2012). While family structure and the value of child have drastically changed, close family bond and associated familism (i.e., subordination of the individual interests and demands to those of the family) shaped by collectivistic cultural norms and values prevail in Turkey (Sunar and Fi¸sek 2005). The recent Family Structure Survey by Turkish Statistical Institute (TUIK 2017) indicates that in the first marriages, the percentage of individuals who chose his/her spouse was 30.2%, whereas arranged marriages with partners’ consent was 47.8%, and arranged marriages with the decision of their family without even the consent of the individual was 12.1%. These statistics suggest that traditional marriage style is still dominant in Turkey with large variations between urban and rural regions and across different education levels. Consistently, the same report also shows that women with vast majority are responsible for home chores and day care responsibility of children is mainly assumed by mothers (86%) and grandmothers (7.4%). Extreme gender division in caregiving and housework responsibilities of women seems to withdraw them from actively participating in the work force (see Be¸spınar 2014). Interviews give support to the idea that psychological/emotional interdependence is central to Turkish family, with a blend of elements from

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authoritative, permissive, and overprotective parenting styles. Depending on generation, geography and the level of urbanization, Turkish family also includes traditional traits which might become discouraging especially for women in terms of education and career, resulting in authoritarian practices in the sense of being restrictive in life choices and not in terms of Western understanding of authoritarianism suggesting high and rigid standards regarding success and discipline (Sunar and Fi¸sek 2005; Sümer et al. 2010). Thus, as the interviews also suggest, the element which takes precedence in this emotional interdependent family may change in accordance with geography and level of urbanization, generation, gender, income level, and adherence to traditional values. Emotional interdependence in Turkey tends to be authoritarian and restrictive in rural and Eastern regions as well as in earlier generations especially in terms of female education and employment while it leans toward authoritative or permissive parenting styles in urban areas and younger generations. Some respondents refer to lack of autonomy in their family life as a result of restrictive parenting styles. Such restrictive parenting is mainly pronounced in the first generation’s traditional parenting practices as well as in families who were in rural regions. Lack of autonomy was also a significant part of first- and second-generation women’s early childhood and adolescence. To the question, “was your daughter able to take her own decisions,” a grandmother answers: No. When she said she wanted to go to the grocery store, I would say ‘sit down.’ We weren’t even allowed to go out of the door. She never had her decisions. (06_01, grandmother of employed female, Diyarbakir)

In other cases, as also discussed in the 4th section on resources and investment, we see that there are examples to neglectful parenting style as well, especially in the case of a neglectful father who is not interested in any phase of upbringing of her daughter, including her education (respondent 08_03). Among our interviews, this was the only case in which a key respondent in the youngest generation dropped out after primary school, which also happens to be a low-income family in which women are not educated beyond primary school for three generations. Lack of autonomy and traditional parenting practices are not confined to upbringing of girls, yet the outcome in terms of education is clearly different. In families with high emphasis on traditional family values,

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among which loyalty and obedience are highly favored, certain limits with regard to life choices and behavior are in place also for boys: Our family was a little repressive. By repressive, I mean when you say ‘I want to do this’, they would not let you if they don’t see fit. We could not behave waywardly. They were simple decisions, too. You can’t go out, you can’t do this, you can’t do that. When I was a child I was either at home or at the shop anyway… I don’t even remember playing in a park properly. (10_03, self-employed male in family business, Istanbul)

However, in this family’s case, traditional approaches to parenting do not prevent the youngest respondent to pursue education in his chosen department. In addition, his father utters his respect for his son’s thoughts and decisions, which is also acknowledged by his son: I have always respected his decisions, for instance when he said ‘I will study this, do that…’ … My son is good for everything, he is respectful at this job. When I go somewhere, I leave my shop to him. … I told him that he will look after me when I retire, everything belongs to him. He has full authority in the shop, there is no problem about it. … I did not pressure him but I gave advice. I told how I worked hard and told him what he would achieve if he work hard and take care of business. (10_02, father of male, self-employed in family business, Istanbul)

His son was working in family business at the time of the interview as he could not find another job in his profession, stating that it was more of a necessity than a choice. While this outcome may not be the preferred choice for the respondent, it is clear that his family supported both his education in a field that their son chose and his career at a time he could not find another place to work in the sector he desires. This point suggests that emotional interdependence found in Turkish family with its ties to traditional upbringing and psychological control is not necessarily a hindrance to investment on education. On the contrary, emotional interdependence indeed coexists with a strong preference for investment in education and education is seen as the most important guarantee of future generations to maintain the family’s economic well-being. Another example, this time for a female respondent, suggests this coexistence between emotional interdependence and focus on education. In family no. 1, father states in terms of his daughter’s upbringing:

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First of all, she grew up with manners (terbiye). She is a person who respects everyone, everything, who keeps her promises and tries not to delay what she has to do. She mostly followed her own decisions, but this did not mean that everything she asked for was granted. Visiting friends permitted only if it was appropriate. Things like staying over were not welcome. … We gave her advice. We said, we lived like this, if you do this you will live better. … I wanted her to have a better, more viable job so that she does not have problems when she has her own family. … Now, we talk with her everyday when we are away from each other to find any of us need anything. (01_02, father of unemployed female, Bartin)

Finding a balance between autonomy and discipline, this family seems to be leaning toward authoritative parenting style. In this case, the daughter states that she started to gain autonomy around 14–15 years of age in terms of where she can go as long as her parents know who her friends were. She also states that she experienced pressure in terms of her education throughout her life so that she can do better at school. At the time of the interview, her education was still ongoing as she was taking English courses to increase her chances for employment even after she graduated from university. This observation provides a strong support in terms of investment in education, unlike the examples of restrictive and traditionalist parenting in which female family members were excluded from education and work opportunities. Another case underlines the importance of investment in education in a high-income family in which autonomy is valued. One male college student from a high-income family implied that his self-confidence made his parents proud of him: They admire my confidence, my enterprising nature, also my joy. (09_03 male, undergraduate student, Istanbul)

His mother suggested that her son’s high self-confidence comes from her permissive approach to parenting and high degree of autonomy she provided to him, acknowledging that one negative outcome of this was his lack of discipline. This seems to reflect new family values giving more room to autonomy, suggesting a parenting style both authoritative and permissive. He makes his own decisions about everything. One thing that bothers me is his lack of discipline, which was the result of that I ask him about

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everything and that he can behave by himself all the time. He is never on time and he cannot get up early. But he has a great level of self-confidence. He wasn’t even excited when going to the exam… Because I let him make decisions… I always said ‘this is my thought, but your thoughts are more important to me, always.’ About girls or school. (09_02, mother of male, undergraduate student, Istanbul)

These examples suggest a complex picture of Turkish family, which has emotional interdependence and commitment to investment in education at its core. While there are examples where this commitment to education is hindered by traditionalistic attitudes toward the role of women in family and work life, which is also evident in Turkish social policy which does not question and challenge traditional roles assigned to women, we see there is a trend toward authoritative parenting, autonomy, inclusion of women as we move toward younger generations and families in urban settings with relatively higher income, with less focus on traditional gender roles and higher focus on life chances of future generations.

11.6

Conclusion

Consistent with general economic and social conditions of Turkey, our findings suggest that young people are faced with various difficulties despite having wide socioeconomic and psychological support that mostly rely on familial support and investment in education until they have a job and build their own families. A central finding is that Turkish family does not conform with ease to the prototypical Western conceptualizations of parenting style with its authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and overprotective types. Analysis of the interviews gives support to Kagitcibasi’s (2005) understanding of Turkish family in terms of psychological/emotional interdependence. Our findings suggest that emotional interdependence in Turkish context is a blend of authoritative, permissive, and overprotective types accompanied by the coexistence of psychological controlling and a genuine concern for younger generation’s education and future well-being. As seen in the interviews, this strong concern might be understood as pressure by children, while parents tend to frame it as advice based on their life experiences. In terms of outcomes, we see that parents who are concerned about their children’s education and future life chances tend to support their education and career until they have a job or build a family. Regarding the values, parents seem to

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expect their children to have both autonomy (self-sufficiency) and family cohesion with strong emotional bonds within the family. Relatedly, one of the main findings across the generations is that all participants place a high value to education since education is seen as the fundamental route to upward social mobility and as a guarantee for self-sufficiency. Past research has documented that among the sociodemographic factors, maternal education is the strongest familial predictor of child’s emotional and social development (Boyle et al. 2006), strongly associated with both parenting skills and children’s cognitive development (Carpentieri et al. 2011). Therefore, education as the critical source of social and cultural capital is perceived as means for self-sufficiency. Although parents and grandparents are much less educated than their children, they value education almost equally and are willing to invest in it. Even families in high poverty regions give education a priority. In this sense, we argue that investment in education as a strategy of relative risk aversion is common to all typical parenting styles in Turkey and variations in parenting style seem to be secondary to this strong commitment to education as the path to a better future for the youth. Therefore, we also argue that family’s parenting style variations matter little in terms of work values and chosen strategy for maintaining and developing social status for future generations, with the exception of restrictive and neglectful parents, which also underlines an important gender dimension. Emotional interdependence and its genuine concern for children’s future is not equal in each family; there are variations alongside rural– urban, old-young, and traditional–modern axes. Gender continues to be a cleavage in terms of education and work opportunities, even though attitudes toward gender in these domains tend to be inclusionary in urban regions and relatively higher-income families with higher education level. Rate of employment among female population is low and access to affordable childcare is a privilege rather than a right, with only a tiny fraction of families send their children to nursery. Traditional expectations in terms of gender roles continue to be prevalent in families in which maternal education is low as well as in families in rural or less urbanized regions. Social policy in Turkey also has a gendered dimension where female employment is seen complimentary and women’s contribution to society are understood in domestic and familial terms such as childcare and domestic work. Another important finding is that many of the interviewees with an undergraduate degree continues to be unemployed and parents have to

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invest further in their education or provide financial support until they have a decent job. Some of these young people accept jobs outside of their profession or start working in family businesses reluctantly. While continuing family support might be seen as positive in terms of increasing life chances of the youth in the long term when a time that the job market is more suitable comes, it also suggests that current education programs may not be enough to address alarming rates of youth unemployment and rising numbers of NEET. These findings imply that both formal education and informal education in the families as well as the training programs targeting unemployed youth should emphasize economic self-sufficiency and entrepreneurship in their agenda with a special focus on gender. Emotional interdependence in Turkish families can lead to positive outcomes for youth education and employment if supported with fitting educational and social policy which aims to increase life chances of the youth as a whole.

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Iyengar, S. S., & Lepper, M. R. (1999). Rethinking the Value of Choice: A Cultural Perspective on Intrinsic Motivation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(3), 349–366. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.76.3.349. Kagitcibasi, C. (2005). Autonomy and Relatedness in Cultural Context: Implications for Self and Family. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 36, 403–422. Kagitcibasi, C. (2007). Family, Self, and Human Development Across Cultures: Theory and Applications (2nd ed.). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Kagitcibasi, C. (1990). Family and Socialization in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Model of Change. In J. Berman (Ed.), Cross-Cultural Perspectives: Nebraska Symposium on Motivation 1989 (pp. 135–200). Lincoln, NB: University of Nebraska Press. Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı, Ç., & Cemalcılar, Z. (2018). Context Shapes Human Development: Studies from Turkey. In A. K. Üskül & S. Oishi (Eds.), Socioeconomic Environment and Human Psychology. New York: Oxford University Press. Kagnicioglu, D. (2017). The Role of Women in Working Life in Turkey. WIT Transactions on Ecology and the Environment, 226(1), 349–358. Kandiyoti, D. (2016). Locating the Politics of Gender: Patriarchy, Neoliberal Governance and Violence in Turkey. Research and Policy on Turkey, 1(2), 103–118. Keskiner, E. (2019). Youth Transitions of Descendants of Turkish Immigrants. In Youth Transitions Among Descendants of Turkish Immigrants in Amsterdam and Strasbourg. IMISCOE Research Series. Cham: Springer. Kohn, M. L., Slomczynski, K. M., & Schoenbach, C. (1986). Social Stratification and the Transmission of Values in the Family: A Cross-National Assessment. Sociological Forum, 1(1), 73–102. Mardin, S. (2006). Religion, Society and Modernity in Turkey. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. OECD. (2019a). Society at a Glance 2019: OECD Social Indicators. Paris: OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/soc_glance-2019-en. OECD. (2019b). Education at a Glance 2019: OECD Indicators. Paris: OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/f8d7880d-en. OECD. (2020). Human Capital. https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/bd5 1f603-en/index.html?itemId=/content/component/bd51f603-en. Accessed 23 June 2020. Schnell, P. (2014). Educational Mobility of Second-Generation Turks: CrossNational Perspectives. IMISCOE Research Series. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Smetana, J. G. (2017). Current Research on Parenting Syles, Dimensions, and Beliefs. Current Opinion in Psychology, 15, 19–25. Sümer, N., & Ka˘gıtçıba¸sı, Ç. (2010). Culturally Relevant Parenting Predictors of Attachment Security: Perspectives from Turkey. In P. Erdman & N. Kok-Mun

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(Eds.), Attachment: Expanding the Cultural Connections (pp. 157–179). New York: Routledge Press. Sümer, N., Gündo˘gdu-Aktürk, E., & Helvacı, E. (2010). Psychological Effects of Parenting Styles and Behaviors: A Review of Studies in Turkey. Turkish Psychological Articles, 13, 42–59. Sümer, N., Pauknerová, D., Vancea, M., & Manuo˘glu, E. (2019). Intergenerational Transmission of Work Values in Czech Republic, Spain, and Turkey: Parent-Child Similarity and the Moderating Role of Parenting Behaviors. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 86–105. ˙ ssiz Ya¸sam: I¸ ˙ ssizli˘gin ve I¸ ˙s Sümer, N., Solak, N., & Harma, M. (2013). I¸ ˙ Güvencesizli˘ginin Birey ve Aile Üzerindeki Etkileri. Istanbul: Koç Üniversitesi Yayınları. Sunar, D., & Fisek, G. O. (2005). Contemporary Turkish Families. In J. L. Roopnarine & U. P. Gielen (Eds.), Families in global perspective (pp. 169– 183). Boston: Allyn and Bacon/Pearson. Tansel, A. (2015). Intergenerational Educational Mobility in Turkey (ERC Working Papers 1512). ERC—Economic Research Center, Middle East Technical University, revised Dec 2015. Tosun, J., Arco-Tirado, J., Caserta, M., Cemalcilar, Z., Freitag, M., Hörisch, F., et al. (2018). Perceived Economic Self-Sufficiency: A Country- and Generation-Comparative Approach. European Political Science. https://doi. org/10.1057/s41304-018-0186-3. Trommsdorff, G. (2009). Intergenerational Relations and Cultural Transmission. In U. Schönpflug (Ed.), Cultural Transmission: Psychological, Developmental, Social, and Methodological Aspects (pp. 126–160). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. TUIK. (2017). Statistics on Family, 2016. http://www.turkstat.gov.tr/PreHab erBultenleri.do;jsessionid=lpHRZyZcRx0tjG5m8vV1J2WGXYykw2J46v67 MRRjJ1ttTh2Q693N!128146282?id=24646. TUIK. (2020). Labour Force Statistics, February 2020. http://www.tuik.gov.tr/ PreHaberBultenleri.do?id=33786. Accessed 23 June 2020. World Bank. (2019). The World Bank in Middle Income Countries. https://www. worldbank.org/en/country/mic/overview#:~:text=The%20world’s%20M iddle%20Income%20Countries,%243%2C956%20and%20%2412%2C235% 20(2018). Accessed 23 June 2020.

Nebi Sümer is professor of psychology at Sabancı University, Turkey. He received his Ph.D. in social and personality psychology from Kansas State University in 1996. His research interests include attachment dynamics and parenting behaviors across the lifespan, transportation safety and driver behavior, effects

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of unemployment and job insecurity. He is a member of Science Academy Association in Turkey. Haluk Mert Bal is Director of Institutional Research and Assessment at Kadir Has University in Istanbul, Turkey. He received his Ph.D. in Design, Technology and Society from Koç University. His research interests include the sociology of media and the political economy of communication, employing qualitative research methods and focusing on alternative media practices, citizen journalism, emergency reporting, and social movements. Zeynep Cemalcılar is professor of psychology at Koc University in Istanbul. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Texas at Austin. She is interested in studying social psychological theories and issues as processes applied to real world situations, particularly understanding the daily lives of “youth.” Her most recent research focuses on social psychological interventions in the educational context, subjective socioeconomic status and its effect on individual well-being and the role of technology in society and culture.

CHAPTER 12

Family History Matters: The Road to Self-Sufficiency in Italy Maurizio Caserta, Livio Ferrante, Simona Monteleone, Francesco Reito, and Salvatore Spagano

12.1

Introduction

The Cupesse project is about the time young people take to reach a state of economic self-sufficiency. In particular, it is concerned with all those modes of thinking and behaving which young people acquire from their families and which appear to slow down the journey to self-sufficiency.

M. Caserta (B) · L. Ferrante · S. Monteleone · F. Reito · S. Spagano University of Catania, Catania, Italy e-mail: [email protected] L. Ferrante e-mail: [email protected] S. Monteleone e-mail: [email protected] F. Reito e-mail: [email protected] S. Spagano e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_12

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The key to the understanding of the effectiveness of that journey lies therefore in the intergenerational transmission of values and resources. One may have a set of circumstances that makes that journey easier and another set that will put a brake on it. The propensity of families to invest in their children’s education; the readiness and ability to transfer items of capital, social, economic and cultural; the parenting style and the institutional context: these are all elements that help explain why young people reach self-sufficiency early or later in life. It is quite clear that the slower the journey, the higher the number of young adults who, at a given point in time, are not economically self-sufficient. If, on the other hand, new circumstances and new policies make that journey quicker, a number of benefits will be reversed upon the economy, as more people will become active and productive earlier than otherwise. In other words, this means that a smaller number of young people will remain outside the economically active world. As is well known, the most popular way of measuring the extent to which young people remain outside that world is the rate of youth unemployment. In many European countries, youth unemployment has hit unprecedented levels. For those in the youngest age group (15–24) it ranged in the year 2019 from 35.2% in Greece to 5.8% in Germany. Italy is the third European country for youth unemployment. In the same year it reached, for the same age group, 29.2%. This chapter is about Italy and the time it takes its youngsters to reach self-sufficiency. In particular, it is about the role Italian families have in equipping their children with the right values, attitudes and resources. Such a role is played in a specific institutional context, which may turn out to be favourable or not to facing the issue of youth unemployment and, hence, of the road to self-sufficiency. In the following, based on a limited number of semi-structured biographical interviews, collected in the southernmost European region of Sicily, the crucial issue of what leads families to endow their children with the rights skills for a difficult labour market is discussed. Values, attitudes and resources flow from one generation to the other. The way and the intensity of this transmission will have an impact on the capability of young people to reach an economically self-sufficient life, mainly through employment or self-employment. The following analysis will focus on Italian families, discussing their transmission mechanism with its successes and failures. Hence the three fundamental research questions will be duly

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addressed: how important are families’ decisions as to investing in education and managing family resources; how important is their style in the upbringing of their children and how crucial is the institutional setting.

12.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

During the period 2007–2019, the Italian youth (15–24) unemployment strongly increased, getting from 20.4 to 29.2%. In the same period, the European (28) youth unemployment decreased by 1.4 points: from 15.8 to 14.4%. Just Greece and Spain show a worse performance than Italy, moving, respectively, from 22.7 and 18.1% in 2007 to 35.2 and 32.5% in 2019. The data clearly show that the homogeneity of the youth unemployment across Europe disappears starting from the 2008 crisis. High rates of youth unemployment, as well as a prolonged stay within the family, could also explain the very low Italian fertility rate. In 2018 it was 1.29. Just Spain exhibits a worse result (1.26), whereas the EU (28) fertility rate is 1.56. The geographical distribution of Italian youth unemployment does not change much through time: the ratio among the rates of each macro-region remains constant through the years, so that the (relevant) differences of the 2007 remain unchanged in the 2019. The North-East of the country exhibits the best performance moving from 9.6 in the year 2007 to the 17.5% in 2019, whereas the worst performance occurs in Sicily, where youth unemployment moves from the very bad 37.7% of the year 2007 to the awful 51.1% of the year 2019. The data about the European youth unemployment by educational attainment level are not surprising: it is more likely for a young unemployed person to have achieved a lower educational level. For example, in the 2019, the rate of unemployed was 12.7 for youths with a 3–4 educational level, 22.3 for youths with a 0–2 educational level, whereas in the same year it was 10.7 for youths with a 5–8 educational level. These levels of educational attainment correspond to those of the international standard classification of education (ISCED). ISCED levels 0–2 correspond to less than primary, primary and lower secondary education; ISCED levels 3 and 4 correspond to upper secondary and post-secondary non-tertiary education; ISCED levels 5–8 correspond to tertiary education. The data about the Italian youth unemployment by educational attainment level show a dynamics similar to that of the European data, even though the

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distance in percentage between medium and higher levels is almost one half of the distance we find in the European data. So, for example, in the 2019, 29.1% of the unemployed Italian young people had a 3–4 ISCED level, 45.1% had a low education, whereas 26.9% had at least a university degree. Apparently, then, a higher educational level works more effectively in Europe than in Italy as a protection against unemployment. In our analysis, we collected data by interviewing ten families (four with three generation, six with two generations) living in Sicily in both urban and rural areas (Table A12). Focusing on the Italian region with the highest level of youth unemployment and characterized by low educational levels allows us to better identify the role families play in the pathway to self-sufficiency. We conducted 34 interviews with two interviewers (each of them responsible for all family members in a given family), following the protocol developed by the CUPESSE group. Each interview was conducted individually at the respondent’s home (interview transcripts are available upon request). The choice of the families has followed specific criteria according to the characteristics of youths. First, all youths are aged between 20 and 25. Moreover, 5 young people are male and 5 are female; for each gender, our sample consisted of one employed, one unemployed, one self-employed, one employed in the family business and one university student. All youths hold at least an upper secondary school degree, while three of them are college graduate. As regard the parents’ work condition, we find employed, self-employed and unemployed people, as well as some housewives. Grandparents are all retired. We recruited such relevant families through personal contacts. Although the various cases are not representative of the entire Italian population, we tried to engage families from different contexts to draw a broader social framework.

12.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

We assume that young people reach economic self-sufficiency when they have a paid job and do not rely on any financial help. Indeed, the economic circumstances in which families operate make a big difference as to the likelihood of reaching the state of self-sufficiency. The age of youths will be also relevant with respect to that likelihood. Young people reach self-sufficiency if they develop the right set of skills that make them employable either as wage earners or as self-employed. These skills are

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closely linked to their attitudes and values, but also the various capital resources they possess are mainly developed within the families. As shown in the following quotes, the self-sufficient young people have received in particular values linked to self-determination, ambition and achievement. My parents taught me to set goals and be determined about reaching them, even though they require more efforts. [youth/employed in the family business/urban] I taught my daughter that the perseverance, as well as the ability to conduct personal relations and the capability of self-management are the most important skills one should develop. [father/self-employed/rural]

The focus on achievement is complemented by a more positive attitude towards risk-taking. I learned from my parents to strongly pursue my objectives. Obviously, life leads us to make mistakes; however they taught me to accept mistakes, learn from them, and move on. [youth/in education/rural]

Although those respondents who are still in education have not reached economic self-sufficiency yet, we expect them to accumulate the skills to attain self-sufficiency in the future, but the transition to self-sufficiency might take a longer time. After I get my bachelor degree, I wish to continue my studies in naval science, and to find a job in that area. [youth/in education/urban]

In those cases where the values of achievement and ambition were not present, respondents were not economically self-sufficient and there was not a clearly visible future job trajectory. I would have preferred him to continue his studies, however he did not finish them. Now, he is neither studying nor working. [mother/unemployed/urban]

It might also happen that even employed people are not self-sufficient, if they do not manage to reach full economic independence. In Italy, many young people are employed in low-skilled part-time jobs. Although they gain work experience, such jobs do not empower them with full economic

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self-sufficiency. People engaged in such jobs do it mainly because of family economic budget constraints. Yet again, even in the group of partially economically self-sufficient respondents, we note differences in values and attitudes based on their supposed future employment trajectory. Notably, the partly employed respondent who does not foresee a different future for herself seems to be accepting passively the current state of affairs (external locus of control). My jobs allow me to be partially self-sufficient. I would prefer a different job, such as personal shopper, however I need to make do with what I have in life. [youth/employed/urban]

Another partially employed respondent, however, sees himself as a future self-employed, self-reliant engineer, yet shows the self-reflexivity in the evaluation of the process that leads towards that situation, accepting the incomplete independence only temporarily as a necessary step. We can thus note the orientation towards ambition and achievement, the proactive life attitude (internal locus of control), as well as the self-reflexivity needed to pursue a realistic plan towards independence. Becoming a self-employed is very easy when you are an engineer. However, you do not want to be a self-employed at the beginning of your career. You are forced to be one by companies that do that for tax reasons. Actually, you are a low-wage worker. [youth/self-employed/rural]

There follows that many young employed people with low wages put off residential emancipation from parental home. Such issue is particularly interesting in the Italian context, where a rather contentious policy debate is still going on, concerning the so-called “big babies”, i.e. those who fail to achieve a full social integration as adults. Indeed, in the Mediterranean regions families ties are very strong; no wonder, then, that the rate of youth employment turns out to be higher than the rate of residentially emancipated youths. Staying with one’s parents allows children to accumulate economic resources until they leave (Alessie et al. 2006); however, delaying residential emancipation could deteriorate the skills that make youths employable, especially when they have already completed their education programmes, thus generating a vicious circle. This happens because hard and soft skills need to be exercised over time, and parental home may not be the right place for this exercising. It might also be the

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case that, if they leave the family home later in life, children turn out to be equipped with the wrong set of values and attitudes. With the purpose of encouraging their children to move quickly on the pathways to self-sufficiency, families provide support in different forms, such as moral and financial support. From the interviews, it appears that moral support does not have much of an impact on young people perception of being independent: I would like in future to have the time to share the day with my children, as my parents did when I was younger. Having a family behind allows you to move on and to overcome the difficulties, not just from a financial, but from a most important moral perspective. [youth/self-employed/rural] My parents were always present in my life, despite I am the third daughter of them. They had always been close. I think that nowadays there are no so much devoted family. [youth/employed/urban] Despite my parents have always worked, they were always present in my life even while they were far away. I felt they were always ready to listen and support me for anything at any time. [youth/employed in the family business/urban]

In fact, moral support may even help young people reach more quickly their economic emancipation, providing the incentive to accumulate human capital. On the contrary, receiving financial support may have two opposing effects: it could increase the chances of young people to reach self-sufficiency (i.e. when young people are employed in the family business), or it could reduce the efforts youths make to become self-sufficient (i.e. when young people are spoiled by the family). At the beginning of my working career, my starting salary was not high. However, since I work in a family business in which my father and my uncle are the bosses, in a short time I started to earn a full income. [youth/employed in a family business/rural] My father is my employer. He gives me a salary. For any need, I can rely on my parents, however I can live off my salary. [youth/employed in a family business/urban]

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I don’t have a job, therefore I don’t receive a salary for my work. Anyway, I have a pretty good standard of living because of my parents who support all my needs. [youth/unemployed/urban]

However, when other forms of support do not mitigate family budget constraints, the chances to accumulate capital (in the form of economic, social and cultural capital) and become self- sufficient are inevitably decreased. Indeed, family endowments affect both the youths’ educational and the career choices, impacting on their pathways to self-sufficiency.

12.4

Resources vs. Risk Aversion

With a preliminary analysis of the answers it is possible to highlight a parents’ tendency to transmit values and career aspirations, especially through the behaviour they held as their children were growing up. Children tend to follow their parents’ route, especially in those families in which there is much talk and a tendency to share the passions and ideals inside the family. The successful transmission of values, attitudes and resources, however, does not always help youths access the labour market, although there is no doubt that parents intend to support their children to make sure they have a better future. A strong and effective transmission of values, attitudes and resources from parents to children can be especially observed in self-employed people. A very interesting literature survey is provided in Sørensen (2007) which highlights how the transmission of the status of self-employment reflects both the impact of exposure to parental self-employment for children’s aspirations and for their acquisition of human capital, and how children of the self-employed benefit from superior access to the economic capital and social capital needed to access self-employment. The concept of social capital must be understood as different from the concept of cultural capital. The former is related to the set of social connections, networks and personal skills, which make simple (or possible) the integration in a given environment: thanks to those, the agent is accepted in a group. The latter refers to the individual abilities, behavioural propensities, professional skills and experiences, which allow dealing with a specific task: thanks to that the agent is capable of completing successfully that task. Depending on the real circumstances of a given economy, either the first or the second kind of capital could be needed and decisive in order to get a job.

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Here we follow Bourdieu’s (1984) differentiation between three types of power resources: social, cultural and economic capital. Families are in a position to hand over items of each category of capital. However, handing over items of capital does not necessarily dispossess those who used to own the resources. Social and cultural items of capital have the nature of public goods; can be shared without any detrimental effect for each user. In most cases such items are transferred without any cost. Joint use may even strengthen those items of capital. This may even be true for selected items of economic capital. For example, investing in one’s children education may even benefit parents, both in terms of pride and through avoiding prolonged economic support. There are cases however when handing over items of capital implies a cost on the part of parents; in those cases families will have to evaluate whether benefits make up for costs. Self-employed parents indirectly transfer to their children valuable cultural capital about how to run a business (Lentz and Laband 1990), which can be noted in the following quotes of two generations of entrepreneurs. My parents had their own business so I was pushed and helped by them to acquire some competences about taxation, labor market, human resources, and handling different suppliers. Everything started from there, because I got help from my parents. [youth/self-employed/urban] I have always worked. When I was younger, my father had a foundry and I helped him. I try to give my children a good education to make them aware on what work involves. [father/self-employed/urban]

Moreover, children of self-employed parents also seem to be aware of a wider array of different career options (Sørensen 2007), while parents play a critical role in developing the enterprising spirit and a more positive attitude to risk-taking, which is crucial to run one’s own business. In a functioning extended family, however, this role can also been played by grandparents. My grandfather was a baker. […] I am an engineer. However I worked for just 9 months in an engineering and architecture firm, then I thought that the economic and working situation was no longer satisfactory for me. I decided to go back to my hometown where I had the opportunity to run a new business which really had nothing to do with my education, but

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it was always my childhood dream: opening a new restaurant.[…] If you grow up in a family environment where creativity is round the corner, as well as thinking, designing, realizing and establishing yourself, you are very likely to be led to do those things. [youth/self-employed/rural]

Therefore, growing up with self-employed parents’ allow young people to develop attitudes towards work and self-realization, as well as improve the propensity to risk-taking. Within the families with family business, on the other hand, children are being transferred economic capital early on. Working in the family business ensures the transmission of values such as hard work and the skills and the pride to continue the family business. Well, my dad has been the owner of the family business since 1987, while my grandfather was there before. […] The most important things my parents taught me are the values of life and, especially, of the economic life. […] Well, perhaps, I have reached the goal of living like my father lived when I was younger, and of learning what sacrifices he had to endure for us. [youth/employed in the family business/rural]

However, economic self-sufficiency in this case does not necessarily correspond to the feeling of self-realization of the youth. Especially a strong authoritarian parenting style can indirectly influence the children choices, affecting their autonomy. It can lead to a rather passive approach to life (external locus of control), when children do not adopt a proactive attitude in their early career stage. However, if this passive approach to life is associated to a context of family business, which the youth can engage in (thus a career path provided directly by parents), it can lead to economic self-sufficiency. Children then might take up a career in the family business due to high family incentives, although in a different situation they could prefer to continue their educational path or to take another professional route. Nevertheless, reaching self-sufficiency does not necessarily lead to full self-satisfaction. Well, with the high school it was my mother who has directed my choice of school. […] Instead of continuing my education, I thought to help my father, especially in the family business. […] My father gives me a salary. For any need, I can rely on my parents who help me in everything, however I try to be self-sufficient. […] When I was younger, I was taken by the osteopathic profession; I would still like to embark on such a discipline,

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perhaps in October, and reconcile it with my work in the family business. [youth/employed in the family business/urban]

Apart from those values and attitudes that flow naturally from parents to children, the transmission process concerns also the resources that parents deliberately provide their children with. As recalled earlier, mentioning the work of Bourdieu, resources can be distinguished according to three different dimensions: economic, social and cultural capital. Therefore, families could also bear a cost to improve their children’s chances of becoming self-sufficient whereas the welfare system is not really that well designed to support young adults. It follows that poorer families report economic hardship when it comes to provide their children with economic resources, especially when they have to decide whether to continue their studies. In any case, budget constraints impact on family choices, representing at the same time a boundary to their choice opportunities. Thus, children of poorer families could be endowed with a smaller amount of soft skills than children of richer families, becoming more likely to settle for a second best, such as a low-wage job that only partially provide the means of a full self-sufficiency. I attended the University for two years, then I received a job offer (a part-time front office job), which I accepted and then I left university. I initially thought that continuing education would have been better, however, seeing how the family economic situation was going, now I think it was better to start working early. [youth/employed/urban]

The lack of adequate economic resources does not imply that families do not invest in their children’s future. It might happen that parents choose to give up their own resources to improve children’s self-sufficiency chances. In this choice problem, parents may be driven by their own life experience so as to avoid replicating the same mistakes on their children and consciously work to exchange their accumulated economic capital in their children’s cultural capital, which eventually leads towards a more stable economic self-sufficiency in the future. I did not finish my education because I had to start to work because of my family’s difficult economic conditions. Surely, I would have continued to study. […] Just like all families receiving just one salary, we sometimes had economic problems. However, I think my wife and my children have had all they wanted. Two years ago, my son received the bachelor degree

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in engineering and now he is continuing his studies. What he is doing makes me very proud. Graduation was certainly the highest goal he has reached, and I’m sure he will make me proud more and more in the future. [father/in education/rural]

However, even this conscious parents’ effort to develop their offspring’s cultural capital may be obstructed and not completed, and subsequently the stock of capital transmitted may not be sufficient to lead children onto a self-sufficiency pathway. Children who are not receptive to transmission cannot learn from it, although parents provide them with the economic resources to improve their skills. Especially with the lack of the transmission of particular values, such as ambition and achievement orientation, many young people tend to lean towards a stable unemployment position. It means that the transmission process is not mechanical, but leaves room for a certain degree of consciousness. Of course, the most of the transmission chain is not observable by the adolescents and, as such, they cannot entirely refuse that; nevertheless, the transmission can have more or less success depending on several factors, among which there is the possibility that the young people fail, to some extent, to acquire the resources transferred. I graduated from secondary school and I did not continue my education. My parents would have wanted me to go to university, but I didn’t go. […] Now, I’m looking for any kind of job. [youth/unemployed/urban]

Finally, local economies could not be ready to hire new and skilled workers and the possession of substantial stocks of cultural capital can then be futile. Cronyism, needs of social capital or the mere economic crisis, impact on the employability and then on the likelihood to reach self-sufficiency. Therefore, children who receive a good set of soft skills by parents may fail to get absorbed into the economic system. My daughter was always free. But we have always supported her. She likes to teach, so, for me - I am a teacher - the fact that my daughter chose to become a teacher was a nice thing. Unfortunately, even though she has a degree, nowadays the chances of finding a good job for her and, in general, for the other youths are very small. [mother/unemployed/rural]

The difficulties associated to labour market access do not necessarily affect the illustrated transmission mechanism. Parents transfer their cultural

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capital, inducing children to follow their paths, but they might also decide not to use their network (i.e. social capital), especially if they think that values such as honesty should be transmitted in any case. My passion was due to the fact that my mother is an English teacher; I grew up in this context and this thing has excited me and my sister so much that we followed the same path. I’m trying to get into both public and private schools. […] In my region, many girls fail to finish their education or, even though they continue, at the end they usually become housewives; instead my family brought me up with a different teaching, that women should work. Even my grandfather’s mother, my great grandmother, worked. I’m talking about a woman born at the beginning of the twentieth century, therefore female emancipation is part of our culture. […] In my field I have come across opportunities where friendships and influence could be used, however my parents always preferred not to seek help from them, so that I could follow a honest path in which just merit is rewarded. [youth/unemployed/rural]

It is thus clear that it is not only the total amount of possessed capitals, but also their relative structure (the relative amounts of economic, cultural and social capitals) that define the economic (un)sufficiency of the young people. Importantly, it is also the capital’s connection to the family values and attitudes (e.g. the willingness to use the social capital as opposed to the importance of personal achievement) that play a crucial role. Families often face a trade off between preserving the family’s identity and securing children’ self-sufficiency. Sometimes social, cultural and economic capital can be shared with children without endangering their preservation. In actual fact, securing children self-sufficiency is a complicated task that depends on a number of factors, including the social and institutional environment.

12.5

(Grand)Parenting and Context Factors

As regards the structure of the Italian families, the only stable and registered form of partnership allowed in Italy is the religious or civil marriage. A civil same-sex partnership was introduced in 2016, together with a regulation of the effects of the simple cohabitations. Consequently, the only available data on the number of families are based on the number of marriages. Their overall number (for the year 2018) is 195,508; 50.01% of them are based also on a religious ceremony; the 49.99% are civil

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marriages. 79.89% of families have kept the individual properties separated; the remaining 20.11% have pooled together their properties. In Sicily, in the same year, the total number of marriages was 21,000; 31.8% of them were civil marriages, while the remaining 68.2% was based also on a religious ceremony. In the same region 78.91% (16,570) of Sicilian marriages is under the separation of property regime, whereas 21.09% (4430) pooled their properties. In 2017, 91,629 couples divorced in Italy (29,388 by mutual consent). In the same year, in Sicily, the number of divorces was 6873 (1466 by mutual consent). In the year 2018 the number of born-alive infants in Italy was 439,747 (297,768 within a marriage and 141,979 outside marriage). In Sicily, the number is 40,649 (30,561 within a marriage and 10,068 outside). In the same year, the one-member families were the 33% of the total, the percentage of the two-member families was 27.1%, that of the three-member ones was 19.5%, the four-members ones were 15.1%, the five-members families 4% and, finally, the more-than-five-member families were 1.20%.1 In the 18–19 age-range, 96.6% of the individuals live with the family (i.e., with one parent at least) in the year 2018. Among them, only 7.8% turns out to be employed; 9.5% is searching for a job and 0.8% are homemakers. Students represent the biggest share, 79.1% of the whole number. Finally, 2.8% declares to be in another condition. In the same year, but in the 16–19 age-range (the most similar to the 18–19 among those which are available by EUROSTAT), the percentage of European (EU 28) young people who live in family is 96.3. In the 20–24 age-range, the number of people living with the family does not decrease that much: it is 90.2%. Among them, the number of employed people increases to 32%, just like the percentage of those looking for a job: 21%. The sum of these two increases makes up for the decrease in the percentage of students, which gets to 43.3%, whereas the homemakers remain at the 0.8% and the 2% turns out to be in another condition. In 2018 the percentage of European (EU 28) young people, within the same age-range, living with the family is 73.9%. The decrease in the number of Italian young people living with the family in the 2018 is particularly apparent in the 25–29 age-range: 58.9%. Within that group the percentage of those with an occupation reaches

1 All the data are provided by ISTAT. The Data about EU are provided by EUROSTAT.

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52.6%. Despite such a reduction, almost one person out of two living with the family is still non-autonomous. Is it the low income that explains their stay at home or something else? 24.9% turns out to be looking for a job, 1% is homemaker, 17.8% continues to study. In another condition is the 3.7%. In 2018 the percentage of EU (28) young people belonging to the same age-range and living with the family is 40.1. Only in the next age-range, the 30–34 one (and always in the 2018), the number of young people still living with the family significantly decreases, getting to a percentage just below a third of the total: 29.5. The 64.6 of them turns out to be employed. The percentage of those who look for a job decreases to the 26. The homemakers amount to 1.7%; the students are 3.9%; in another condition is 3.8%. No data are available for EU (28) young people belonging to the 30–34 age-range. The data offer a scenario that appears to be compatible with both an authoritarian and a permissive (neglectful or overprotecting) parenting style. Indeed, it is hard that values as curiosity, happiness, and especially self-control and self-direction, which characterize the authoritative parenting style, coexist with so high percentages of not self-sufficient young people. In institutional terms, this implies the transmission of inefficient economic rules of behaviour and thought both in the case of authoritarian and in that of indulgent/overprotecting parenting style. In the former, the low level of self-sufficiency could be consequence of the compliance with parents’ wishes, when these are not suitable for the job market that the new generations has to deal with. In the latter, passivity and low self-esteem could be consequence of a generic distrust of society and future. Starting in the years 2008–2009, when the financial crisis was hitting the country rather vehemently, the Italian Government has introduced a number of measures to support families and young people. The families with babies were the Government’s priority. For example, in the year 2010, it increased the funding of the Special Nursery Plan (e100 extra millions) and then, with the act 92/2012, a voucher was introduced, which could be used to pay nurseries and allow mothers to (go back to) work. Unfortunately these measures were temporary. A more stable measure was the introduction (in the 2008 and, in a new version, in the 2013) of a Social Card for families with children. Although the Italian Government introduced these and other welfare measures starting at the beginning of the crisis, at the same time it substantially reduced the National Fund for Social Policies, on which

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a large part of social policies depends. The consequence was that the local governments often could no longer supply services that citizens were entitled to receive. The current situation is so difficult that a EU report (Eurofound 2015) placed Italy in the fourth (and worst) group of European Countries according to the level of family welfare policies, with Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Greece, Latvia and Spain. Families, therefore, are not that well considered in the Italian welfare system. Such circumstances make the Italian families, and especially their younger members, dependent upon the inner circles of the family. Moreover, a very recent measure goes in the opposite direction from the “defamilialization” aim. It is a subsidy, adopted with Law 26/2019, which guarantees a sum of money on regular basis to unemployed people whose income is lower than a given threshold. Although the Law establishes that the measure is oriented to integrate the recipients into the work world, so far it seems to have just the effect to discourage the job search and, more in general, the self-sufficiency path. As a direct consequence of the supplementary role of the family in place of the Government, the household (and not society) is the place where the transmission of culture, values, thoughts and behaviours fundamentally occurs. Given the stable proximity to the other members of the family and the dependence on their resources for support, young people more likely tend to absorb and replicate the same cultural models of the previous generations. All this leads to a pair of important implications: (a) certain behavioural patterns tend to persist even when they are no longer appropriate to the current times (as an example, you can think of fatalism, a traditional feature of southern Italian culture); (b) more suitable patterns struggle to emerge because of the high risk of estrangement from the family, the only community capable of offering a safety net in case of need. Both such outcomes make it harder to achieve economic self-sufficiency. No solution to these unsatisfactory circumstances seems to be offered by the Italian vocational education system, which does not seem to make up for the shortcomings of public policies. In general, vocational education responds to the people’s need of being professionally up-to-date, on the one hand, and to the firms’ interest of having skilled employees, on the other. This kind of education2 is designed for young people who want 2 There is also continuing professional education. It is typically offered to those who have been fired or at risk to be fired.

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to access the labour market as soon as possible. In Italy, public centres for vocational education exist. They offer courses and depend entirely (directly or not) on regional governments. As to the type of courses offered, a big difference exists among Italian Regions and, within the same Region, among the different centres. Therefore, it is impossible to trace out a single—or at least a prevalent—category of courses offered. Generally, they go on for two or three years, are practice-oriented and aim ultimately at providing professional qualification. Typically, the centres for the vocational education offer the opportunity to get internships. In addition to the centres, also private institutions exist (the so-called “Enti di Formazione”), which need to be accredited by Regional Governments. They offer extremely focused classes and paths. Each Region has implemented the process of accreditation in very different ways, with the consequences that we will see below. The European Social Fund ordinarily supports (sometimes entirely) the centres for the vocational education and such private institutions. Finally, to give a comprehensive picture of the Italian vocational education system, a particular kind of school programme, entirely dependent on the central State, needs to be mentioned. It consists in a five-year programme, just any other nontechnical school programme. From this kind of programme students can move on to University. Otherwise, after an initial two-year period, the programme includes a third professionally oriented year, which grants a professional qualification. The big variety of the educational offer implies a deep weakness of the system. It is so highly dispersive, and so badly coordinated, that it cannot meet in any possible way the real labour demand, which is not likewise fragmented. Consequently, the lack of homogeneity in the process of education of young people makes the transaction costs to find a job/an employee higher and higher. As regards the relationship between children, parents and other relatives, all interviewed have declared to have good family relationships except one. Indeed, our data refer just to extended families, in which it was possible to interview two or three generations. However, a functioning transmission belt appears to apply also in families where conflicts between parents and children do arise. In almost all cases, the values emerging from the interviews of young adults, parents and grandparents are honesty, respect and sense of family. Above all, other several features emerge:

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Young people who choose to start working instead of continuing education do it mostly for their economic independence, thus preferring a modest job, which does not require high qualifications, instead of aiming at further education. In addition, an important factor that affects this kind of choice is the lack of many jobs opportunities for graduates, thus discouraging young people to go to university. My father had his own job but my family needed more money. So, when my mother said that we, the children, had two alternatives - either school or job - we chose to look a job to help support the family. In the same conditions, I would do the same, today. [father/self-employed/urban]

Growing up in a humble family background can have two different effects: no particular ambition in children, and then, no particular interest in further education and no aspiration to have a good job; determination to achieve specific goals, both in education and in the professional field, only when the ambition to reach a much better economic and social condition than their parents’ prevails. I studied just for a very brief stretch of time, mainly because of the insufficient opportunities and resources of my family, which was a large one. So, the children could not study for very long. [father/unemployed/rural] My parents were delicatessen owners. So, I started to work with them when was a baby, and then I chose a delicatessen institute. Now, thanks to such experiences and my studies, I own a restaurant. [father/selfemployed/urban]

Growing up in a family with considerable economic resources or with its own business does not encourage the youths to make an effort to start and finish education: they are not encouraged to create their own career, but rather they prefer to be employed in the family business, especially during a period of economic crisis. After my studies in architecture, I moved to other cities to find a job appropriate to my own abilities. However, because of the increasing difficulties of the general economic situation, when I got to the hardship of moving ranks, I abandoned my career and went back to my own town. There, thanks to connections and friends, I opened a restaurant. [youth/self-employed/rural]

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The size of the Italian family business calls for a specification. Differently from other European Countries, Italy shows a very large diffusion of Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs). This kind of firm is largely prevalent on any other, with the obvious consequence that even the family business are mainly small and medium-sized. This implies that the children who work for the family business do not usually count on future high incomes and self-sufficiency opportunities. On the contrary, the family business often is both a relief against unemployment and a reason of the permanence in that condition. The children of the self-employed are led to imitate parents’ working careers, an attitude which conveys a willingness to start working as soon as possible. Thus, children choose their school in that direction. However, relevant gender differences seem to exist: the sons of self-employed usually continue the parent’s business, while daughters often embark on a very different profession. I initially graduated from a technical institute. After that, I did not continue my education because immediately started to work in my father’s firm. [father/self-employed/urban]

In addition, it must be noted that the whole system can often work because of the deep differences between the genders: the position of women is critical in the upbringing and care of children. There are mothers who decide not to work, and to take care of the entire family. Other mothers choose to work, but they usually hold part-time contracts and need help from the grandparents or kindergartens especially in the early years of children. Finally, there are mothers who bring work home, which indirectly has an influence on the children’s passion for their jobs. Moreover, grandparents are a big help with childcare and they are a support for grandchildren, especially when they are between 6 and 10 years old. Some children live in extended families of grandparents, aunts and uncles, who contribute to the children’s emotional development and sense of themselves. All young people appear to be influenced by the family in which they grew up. From the interviews, we can infer that socially shared rules of behaviour and thought (Dequech 2013) are, more or less automatically, entirely transmitted from parents to children. Therefore, the parenting style of behaviour and thought affects children’s aspirations and values (Sewell and Hauser 1975), whose benefits derive from the

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transfer of “family-specific capital” and skills (Dunn and Holtz-Eakin 2000). So, children internalize different kinds of habitus (Bourdieu 1984) through their families; this contributes to determine those soft skills that, with the hard ones (Schulz 2008), allow young people to find, among other things, the pathways to self-sufficiency. The transmission mechanism seems to operate automatically just through the time children spend with their parents as well as with other influencing relatives. The important issue here is the Italian cultural context, which is collectivist in nature and emphasizes the time spent with the nuclear and extended family. What I always liked was when we were at home together. It never bored us. Sometimes we kept ourselves engaged with gardening, sometimes with settling home together. We were never separated, in our home we shared all activities. [youth/self-employed/rural]

Such a transmission mechanism emerges also from grandparents interviews. Staying with children, spending time with them, doing activities together, is the natural mechanism through which parents transfer their rules of behaviour to children. There does not appear to be relevant differences between the two generations of parents, although the current working conditions—both parents are more likely to be employed than in the past—could reduce the amount of free time to spend with children. When they attended the scouts, we made a para-scout group with other parents, so we could follow the kids in their summer outings and in the camping. [grandmother/employed/rural]

In general, parents do not have a propensity to talk at home about their work. They usually prefer to separate working life from family life. The conversations in the family usually cover many topics, but not work. They have never brought their work into the family environment, because the time we spent together was dedicated just to the family and not to anything else. We very often taken to relaxing long walks, because they kept my parents away from all the problems they could have during the working time. [youth/employed in the family business/rural] At home, we talk about many topics, such as politics, news, sports, cinema, that is, we talk about everything. [youth/in education/rural]

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However, when parents discuss, illustrate and involve children in their job, the likelihood that children develop a passion for their parents’ job increases. Moreover, those parents who are self-employed or employed in the family business are more likely to bring work issues home, involving children in their job. My dad has always made us part of his job. We held some commercial activities, so we often went to the stores where my dad worked. [youth/employed/urban] Working is a part of my life. Even at home I talked about my work and my daughters were involved into it, growing up with a passion for my job. [mother/unemployed/rural] We usually talked about work, which happened during the day. I talked about my school day, while my parents about their working day. [youth/self-employed/urban]

As well as conversations, parents report trying to convey the values they want to transmit to their children through the time spent in leisure, hobbies and sports. Playing sports, and especially team sports, for example, develops the attitude to teamwork even into the family. As regard my hobby, since I was younger I played a wide range of sport activities. […] I like playing volleyball because it makes your body and mind very elastic. […] The fact that I sometimes discuss with him and even ask advice, allows me to think that we are involved, even in the family, in a sort of team game which in every field should produce positive results, in the family life, in the work life, in sport. It is a mutual support that brings everyone to a common and shared result. [father/employed/rural] My uncles and my family in general were a good support, or as we say in rugby, a nice backing. [youth/employed/rural]

The parenting style is therefore crucial in the effort to endow children with values, attitudes and resources capable to push them onto a self-sufficiency pathway. Although in almost all interviews parents have declared to leave children free to take their decisions, it seems that they, somehow indirectly, force their children to accept their decisions. The parent’s intention is just to drive the children to find a proper balance

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between their personal skills and the job they want to choose. However, through behaviour and values, they indirectly influence the children’s aspirations. This is especially the case as regards the children’s education, in which almost all parents have played a role, leading their children towards specific educational paths and to achieving higher education levels. Moreover, as regards the values, both parents and grandparents agree that the main values they aim to teach youths concern work values, the importance of making all the necessary efforts to achieve self-realization, the willingness to create a loving family. I was a strict father, so my daughter had a rigid upbringing. However, I think she learned to respect other people, to respect the work and the value of family. [father/employed/urban] I taught to my children to live a honest life, be conscientious people, create a harmonious family. [grandmother/employed in the family business/rural]

Therefore, children are also indirectly driven to assume certain kinds of behaviours in line with the values absorbed within the family. However, as emerged in the previous paragraph, resources play a crucial role in such a context. Lacking an adequate welfare system to support youths living in poorer families, the decisions undertaken by youths could be influenced by the need not to weigh too much on the family budget.

12.6

Conclusion

Family history matters. This is the main teaching drawn from the analysis conducted in the region of Sicily. But the institutional setting matters, too. It looks as if (southern) Italian youngsters, having to make do in a weak institutional setting, turn to families as a lender and adviser of last resort. Therefore, they are more likely than otherwise to absorb values and attitudes, and use the resources they receive in a more efficient way. Families make a point of saying that they want their children to be free to choose their course of life. In actual fact, children seem to admit quite straightforwardly that family history and circumstances do matter in conceiving their paths of life. However, such effective transmission belts do not necessarily convey the right attitudes and tools to face the outside world and the unfriendly labour market. This is particularly clear from the

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very poor performances of the youth labour market and from the quite late residential emancipation, so typical of Italian youngsters. It seems, then, that families have an overwhelmingly relevant role in guiding their children, but unfortunately that role is not enough to make up for the numerous institutional failures, typical of the country. As far as the three main research questions are concerned the answers are straightforward. Sicilian families do whatever they can to secure their children a satisfactory life. They are prepared to hand over resources, whether or not this implies dispossession; they are also prepared to invest in their education even if it turns out to be costly. Resources and investment, therefore, are crucial in accompanying children in the journey to self-sufficiency. However, families in the process of supporting their children cannot help perpetuating their history and identity, which in some cases acts as a hindrance to their children’s development of the correct attitude to self-sufficiency. It is often the children who fail to distance themselves from the family history, thus making the journey to self-sufficiency even harder. The final research question is even more straightforward. The welfare system in the country is not family-oriented nor education-oriented. In most cases families have been left alone in the effort of support and education. In an area like Sicily that has lagged behind the rest of the country, this particular institutional feature has been remarkably detrimental.

References Alessie, R., Brugiavini, A., & Weber, G. (2006, September). Saving and Cohabitation: The Economic Consequences of Living with One’s Parents in Italy and the Netherlands. In NBER International Seminar on Macroeconomics 2004 (pp. 413–457). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Dequech, D. (2013). Logics of Action, Provisioning Domains, and Institutions: Provisioning Institutional Logics. Journal of Economic Issues, 47 (1), 95–112. Dunn, T., & Holtz-Eakin, D. (2000). Financial Capital, Human Capital, and the Transition to Self-Employment: Evidence from Intergenerational Links. Journal of Labor Economics, 18(2), 282–305. Eurofound. (2015). Families in the Economic Crisis: Changes in Policy Measures in the EU . Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg.

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Lentz, B. F., & Laband, D. N. (1990). Entrepreneurial Success and Occupational Inheritance Among Proprietors. Canadian Journal of Economics, 23, 563– 579. Schulz, B. (2008). The Importance of Soft Skills: Education Beyond Academic Knowledge. Nawa: Journal of Language & Communication, 2(1), 146–154. Sewell, W. H., & Hauser, R. M. (1975). Education, Occupation, and Earnings. Achievement in the Early Career. New York: Academic Press. Sørensen, J. B. (2007). Closure and Exposure: Mechanisms in the Intergenerational Transmission of Self-Employment. In The Sociology of Entrepreneurship (pp. 83–124). Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing Limited.

Maurizio Caserta is Professor at the Department of Economics and Business at the University of Catania. Educated in Italy (Catania and Naples) and UK (Cambridge and London) has published in various fields ranging from growth theory and local development to the economics of culture and the economics of institutions. He is active in the political and social arena. Livio Ferrante is a researcher in Economics at the University of Catania, where he received his Ph.D. in Economics and Management. His research interests are broad, and he is particularly interested in regional policies, econometrics, criminal behaviour and local development. Simona Monteleone is a researcher in Political Economy and professor in the Department of Education at the University of Catania. Her research topics are: informal economy; brain drain; youth unemployment and crowdfunding. Francesco Reito is associate professor of Economics at the University of Catania. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Napoli—Federico II (Italy), and his master’s degree from the Catholic University of Louvain (Belgium). He has published articles on finance and development economics. Salvatore Spagano earned its Ph.D. in Political Economy and Legal Order at the School of Advanced Studies at Pavia. His interests deal with institutions, history of economic thought, information asymmetry, electoral rules. Currently, he works at the University of Catania, where he teaches a course of Institutional Economics.

CHAPTER 13

Intergenerational Transmission of Family Work Values and Economic Self-Sufficiency of Young Individuals in Spain José L. Arco-Tirado, Mihaela Vancea, Francisco D. Fernández-Martín, and Irene Herranz

13.1

Introduction

As many other European countries, Spain has faced significant changes in the values and norms that shape individual and family lifestyles and projects (Moreno 2003; Delgado et al. 2008). Some of these relate with greater individual freedom, the erosion of traditional models of family organisation and the predominance of privatised lifestyles based on mutual negotiation processes of different situations such as divorce, cohabitation and women labour incorporation. The decline in religious practices

J. L. Arco-Tirado (B) · F. D. Fernández-Martín · I. Herranz Developmental and Educational Psychology Department, University of Granada, Granada, Spain e-mail: [email protected] M. Vancea Political and Social Sciences, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_13

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within the family have particularly marked all these changes (Delgado et al. 2008). The sequence of events and the paces at which changes in family life courses occur have become less standardised than in the past. Compared to previous decades, contemporary Spain has witnessed an increase in cohabitation, children bearing outside marriage, divorce and separation, new partnerships with step families and parents living separately from their children or remaining childless, single parent families, adoptive families, living-apart-together relationships or same sex couples families (Brückner and Mayer 2005; Buchmann and Kriesi 2011; Pailhe et al. 2014). However, these cultural changes have not led to greater autonomy and economic independence for young people. The rise in the cost of living independently, outside of the family home, linked to low access to home ownership prior to cohabitation or marriage, and increased job insecurity and precariousness have led to a significant delay in both marital and consensual partnership (Baizán et al. 2002; López and Valiño 2004; Ayllón 2009). Despite the increase in women employment, cohabitation or family policies addressing the work-life balance, employment and financial insecurity of young people seem to negatively affect first family formation and its subsequent consolidation in Spain (Oinonen 2004). Oliva et al. (2014) showed significant differences among the types of families (traditional, single parent, step families, adoptive, same sex parent families, multiple-birth families) and an increasing number of children growing up in non-traditional families in Spain. By comparing the quality of family context and the internal and external adjustment of children living in different types of family structure, the authors concluded that it was not family structure itself that was related to children’s adjustment, but rather the sociodemographic and contextual variables associated with it. Along this line, the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2020) reports that the number of households in Spain has continued to increase and reached the figure of 18,625,700 in 2019. In terms of household size, the most frequent households were those formed by two persons (30.4%), followed by single-person households (25.7%), three persons (20.7%), four persons (17.4%) and finally, five or more persons households (5.8%). The average household size stood at 2.5 people, the same as in previous year, and with 52.8% of young people aged 25–29 still living with their parents. While family structures are becoming increasingly more diverse, family as an institution continues to play a central role in the Spanish society, as

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the main socialisation agent and social provision actor. The welfare state literature actually defines the Spanish caring model as familistic due to the primacy of family in the protection of dependents (Caïs and Folguera 2013). Despite the pro-family rhetorical discourse, reality confirms that Spain does not place the family at the centre of its society. Recent policy measures oriented to guarantee the principle of demographic continuity and boost fertility have had only symbolic effects that have been later on undermined by public budget cuts. In fact, the greatest insufficiency of the Spanish welfare state is in family support services, which include day-care centres, home services for the elderly and people with disabilities, and other services for these vulnerable groups, such as residences or day centres. Services for children and public family benefits experience low public coverage and financing, Spain being at the bottom of the EU in this regard. For example, public spending on family benefits in Spain represented 1.2% of GDP in 2017, half of the EU average (2.3%) (Eurostat, Statistics Explained 2019). Our study aims to explore the role of family in young adults’ attainment of economic self-sufficiency. It thus analyses the intergenerational transmission of economic, social and cultural capital and its impact on the economic self-sufficiency of Spanish young adults. The study is based on an in-depth analysis of the life trajectories and experiences of ten families across three generations through qualitative interviewing. This chapter intends to respond to the following research questions in order to address the underlined research objective: (1) How does socialisation within family work? Does family matter in terms of investments, in terms of resources or both? (2) How does parenting style moderate the transmission process? and (3) How does the country context (welfare state arrangements) moderate the transmission process?

13.2

Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

This qualitative study departs from a sample of ten Spanish families including at least one member per each family generation (grandparents, parents and the offspring), which represented in the end a total of 30 participants. The semi-structured biographical interviews were conducted by three experienced researchers and one research assistant, participants of the CUPESSE project. All interviews were conducted face to face, either at the family home or the respondents’ workplace. Families were selected

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and stratified by the age (18–35 years), gender (e.g. male, female), living context (e.g. rural, urban) and work situation (e.g. employed, unemployed, employed in family business, self-employed and students) of young respondents. Table A.13a shows the distribution of the main sociodemographic characteristics of young respondents across the ten families and Table A.13b reports the same information for the entire families. Young respondents were equally distributed by gender and in terms of rural/urban residence. Only six out of ten young adults defined themselves as economically self-sufficient because of their condition of being employed, self-employed or employed in a family business. The other four young individuals declared themselves economically not self-sufficient because of their condition as either student or unemployed. The economic self-sufficiency of second and third generation respondents (parents, respectively, young adults) was achieved earlier in all families in comparison with first generation respondents (grandparents), who were profoundly affected by the post-war poverty period. Difficulties accessing or maintaining such economic self-sufficiency due to unemployment and/or lack of family economic support was the case for four families throughout the three generations (i.e. 01, 04, 06, 10). In general, we observed a higher degree of economic dependency from first to third generation, as transition to adulthood has become longer and more difficult to achieve in present days in Spain. This tendency may imply a higher transmission of economic capital and possibly work values from one generation to the other. On the other side, the level of education has radically increased from first to third generation in all interviewed families, and this has timely expanded young respondents’ transition to economic self-sufficiency. In relation to the socio-economic status, the situation was more heterogeneous, with five interviewed families presenting an upward social mobility (e.g. 02, 03, 06, 07 and 10), three maintaining it (e.g. 01, 04 and 05) and one showing a clear sign of downward social mobility (e.g. 08). The rural and/or urban residence status apparently was not directly associated with educational attainment and/or economic self-sufficiency of young respondents. Young respondents from urban areas were not more educated or economically more self-sufficient than young respondents from rural areas. In fact, a high and favourable upward mobility in terms of educational attainment (e.g. first generation hardly completing basic education and third generation completing university studies) and

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professional achievement was found in two rural families (e.g. families 4 and 5), though not so much in terms of economic self-sufficiency. In 2014, the Spanish Foundation Fomento de Estudios Sociales y de Sociología Aplicada (FOESSA) raised concerns about the juvenilization of poverty (Lorenzo 2014). According to this report, 44% of people under the age of 30 have been deemed socially excluded since 2007, with a 30% probability of exclusion between 18 and 29 years old. Among the multiple factors underpinning this situation, scholars particularly mentioned increased unemployment, work temporality, low incomes, high housing prices and the lack of welfare state protection in intergenerational terms (i.e. underdeveloped family policies and limited unemployment protection) (Lorenzo 2014). Our data from third generation respondents significantly mirror that situation, as four out of ten young respondents declared themselves economically dependent because they either studied or were unemployed (without any social protection) (e.g. families 1, 4, 6 and 10), while six declared relatively “economically self-sufficient”, although buying a house on their own was an unrealistic option. In this vein, if we take a deeper look into the data across families, self-perception on income level shows a similar dependency pattern, as this remained unchanged in three families (e.g. families 1, 4 and 5), relatively stable in five families (e.g. families 2, 3, 6, 7 and 10) and particularly unstable in two families (e.g. families 8 and 9) across the three generations, as young respondents reported lower income levels in comparison with previous generations. Although the risk of social exclusion was higher among unemployed young respondents, the employed ones did not clearly experienced or perceived a clear economic autonomy in comparison with previous generations: Of course, I am very lucky since my family is the only one that supports me economically. (Family 01, student, rural, female) I dropped out of my studies because of that. I am 26 years old and I live off my parents money, I have been living off my parents money all my life until recently. I can’t study anymore if I do not have a job that pays for my expenses in Granada city where I was taking that course, which by the way I had to quit and come here to find a job to make my own living. (Family 02, employed, rural, male)

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Yes, wherever I can, the question is that, since I don’t have my own money, I depend on my parents and I don’t like to squander it too much. The enterprise doesn’t give me enough money to live on and even less to make a trip. Even with the job at the enterprise, I have to ask for money from my parents. (Family 08, self-employed, urban, male)

These results clearly show that the incorporation of young individuals into the labour market does not imply, per se, escaping from the risk of poverty and social exclusion. In fact, labour market participation is not anymore a protective factor against social exclusion and poverty, precisely because of increasing unemployment and precarious employment among young adults. Various authors talk about the working poor, or the new precariat, a condition that, in recent times and in certain European Member States, has proliferated in a very alarming way (Morales and Calvo 2014; Standing 2012). The “low-pay, no-pay” cycle is leading young adults, independently of their level of education, to newly and predictable transitions to precarious jobs and economic insecurity. Accordingly, young individuals are almost four times more likely to be unemployed than adults or to experience a precarious job nowadays (Shildrick et al. 2012). The prospect of job losing inevitably generates job insecurity. Job insecurity is expected to increase as widespread processes of organisational restructuring, mergers, acquisitions and downsizing are continuously taking place (Hellgren and Sverke 2003; Sverke and Goslinga 2003). The following two statements illustrate the chronicity of job insecurity that affected not only the young respondents, but in some cases even previous generation respondents: Besides, I have no salary, I have never had a salary, I have never had a salary in my life. I mean, like my children, I have never had one. I don’t know what it is to have one thousand euros every month. If I have money in my pocket, one part belongs to me and the other it doesn’t But, well, I handle it myself, I’ve been doing it for many years and I’m doing it well. (Family 09, employed-family-business, rural, male-father) Well, being self-employed is dummy because… But of course, as I´ve never got ill, I’ve never had a time off from work, and I am not sick… But if I would have a problem of that kind, I know where I am, but right now I don’t have any problem, so I’m good. It is true that I am not looking for recollecting money…I have never received unemployment benefits, nor…

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So right now, I’m fine. If I would work in another company outside, I would need more help… But right now, I have a steady job and it is going well, because I do not see any disadvantage. (Family 09, employed-familybusiness, rural, male—grandmother)

The situation was even worse for young unemployed respondents, as unemployment was reiterative in some families across generations (i.e. families 4 and 10). Yes, actually I am looking for a job, I wish I could find (a job) at a private school, a job that would allow me, at the same time, to prepare the exam to become a teacher. Otherwise, I will not be able to prepare that exam since my parents do not give me money (laughs) and I need to feed my-self. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

Moreover, the recent economic and financial crisis has shown, among other things, that training or education is not a full guarantee of employment. A proof for this is that many highly educated young people experience today persistent and accused unemployment or precarious employment. However, education and training continue to be a good insurance against unemployment. As the educational level decreases, the chances of becoming unemployed increase dramatically. Therefore, education and training are still important human capital indicators for labour integration (Morales and Calvo 2014). A higher dependency of Spanish young people on their families has been reported by several studies (Moreno 2003; Instituto de la Juventud de España 2012) and mainly attributed to recent economic developments. However, this tendency, besides some negative effects, such as the postponement of economic independence for 46% of young Spaniards between 25 and 29 years of age (Instituto de la Juventud de España 2012), has also had some positive outcomes, such as stronger and closer family ties (Ayllón 2009). In fact, subjective well-being does not seem to be strictly determined by factors such as income, economic self-sufficiency or employment, but rather by an alternative and more comprehensive balance between family and individual factors. Good family health, higher educational attainment and close family bonds were the three reiterative factors shared by the majority of young respondents in our study. For instance, self-reported well-being, in the sense of “adapted to circumstances” (Ayllón 2009), was manifested by

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eight out of ten young respondents (e.g. families 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 and 10), with only two respondents declaring uncertainty or pessimism in relation to their present lives and/or future expectations, as their family relationships were not so good (e.g. families 2 and 7). The following quote illustrates the importance of emotional support from family members for young respondents’ sense of well-being: Yes. She has always supported me (her mother). When I started the University, my grandmother tried to shatter my decision by telling me that I was already married and studying was not necessary…. And I responded ‘Grandma, if I study I will get a better job’, and she couldn´t understand it… and my mother was different. My mother, when she was 28, used to tell me ‘study, whatever it takes, you go for it’ and she supported me on everything. (Family 10, unemployed, urban, female)

In fact, studies on happiness and related emotional states (Easterlin 2003) show that life events such as marriage, divorce and health have a harder effect on individual well-being than economic deprivation. Individual well-being also seems to depend on everyday work experiences, not just the average income level across societies (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 2017). According to Ayllón (2009), being at risk of poverty does not go against a high perception of well-being, as long as young individuals are being protected against the harmful effects of poverty by cohabiting with their parents, as the following quote shows: Because my sister is 20, but she’s still very young, she lives at home with my parents and she has no thought of leaving it (laughs). (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

In sum, after analysing the ten families’ background and evolution and the economic self-sufficiency of young respondents, several findings emerged. First generation respondents were in general profoundly affected by the post-war poverty period, with low chances to achieve economic selfsufficiency and transmit it to next generations, as their families were disintegrated and, in many cases, completely lost. Second generation respondents were rather a “hinge” generation because of contextual changes (e.g. cultural, political, economic, social and educational changes, including the afternoon shift education) and individual adjustments (e.g. values, attitudes, resources) to a very insecure and unstable economic and political situation. Third generation respondents were actually the main

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“beneficiaries” of a certain accumulation of economic and human capital across previous generations, and thus in a better position to experience upward mobility and enjoy also leisure activities, such as regular holidays. However, contextual determinants, such as increasing unemployment and precarious employment due to recent economic recession significantly affected the economic self-sufficiency of young respondents.

13.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

Intergenerational transmission of values, attitudes and actions may take place when adults intentionally teach younger generations or when younger generations imitate adults. Values also provide standards for actions and thus guide day-to-day behaviour, as well as they inform important and critical life decisions. Lechner et al. (2017) highlight that empirical evidence on family transmission and its influence on shaping work values are both scant and inconclusive. However, our data on the intergenerational transmission of work values from older to younger generations align, although partially, with evidence from socialisation theory reported by Mannheim (1988). From this author’s perspective, the adoption of parental values by younger generations has generally been linked to education, social status, occupation and race of parents, as well as to child-rearing practices and family relationships. In our study, we observed, on the one hand, clear differences across generations in terms of work values, attitudes and actions, and, on the other hand, a predominant impact of existent political, social and economic factors. Contextual aspects, such as labour market legislations, economic cycles or predominant culture significantly determined the working trajectories and economic self-sufficiency of each generation. While for first generation respondents, family was the most important source of value conformation, for second and third generation respondents, the educational system and/or friends appeared to be equally important. Notwithstanding, and opposite to what Johnson (2002) found, sociodemographic characteristics (i.e. social class, gender and education) of third generation participants were not very clearly associated with individual differences in work values. There were some slight differences associated with social class and educational level, but very little or no variation of work values by gender. The literature also suggests that lower

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socio-economic status of families is linked to higher extrinsic work values (importance of job security and material rewards) in young individuals, while young individuals with higher socio-economic background present more intrinsic (importance of having an interesting, varied and valuable job) and autonomy (working independently; making one’s own decisions) work values (Lechner et al. 2017). Unfortunately, our small sample and qualitative data did not allow us to corroborate this hypothesis. In line with traditional approaches to value transmission, such as socialisation and social learning theory, in which the adoption of parental values by younger generations has generally been related to education, social status, occupation and race of parents, as well as to child-rearing practices and family relationships (Mannheim and Seger 1993), we expected young respondents’ values to be similar to those of their parents. However, we found instead a discontinuity in core values, such as work-related values, among second and third generation respondents, in most interviewed families. This result aligns with Twenge et al. (2010)’s findings that young individuals openly manifest their preference for values different from those of their parents, including values related with leisure, altruistic values or work-related values, such as creativity, competence or social recognition. Differences in work-related values and attitudes were particularly noticed from second to third generation, as young respondents tended to value more spending time with families and friends, rather than working more to earn more money, as the following quotes show: For nine or ten years, we worked even on Sundays. That is why I said that my daughters’ childhood may have been tough, but even more for us. Until we decided that unless we have one day for our daughters, we couldn’t keep on like that. So, we started to stop working on Sundays. (Family 07, employed, urban, female—mother) Well, to behave properly. I mean to be a good person, because that is important, to have a group of friends and keep good relationships with people. And enjoy life. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male)

Aligned with what Loughlin and Barling (2001) suggested, most third generation individuals in our study, once having experienced first-hand what working actually meant for their parents, expressed the need for a better work-life balance. According with Cotton et al. (1997) and Johnson et al. (2012), work values formation in young individuals appears

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to be influenced not only by their parents’ hard working life trajectories, but also by their own experiences of low quality jobs (e.g. temporary jobs, involuntary part-time jobs, underemployment). The following two quotes capture these ideas: I saw my parents working very much, for example, and then I saw the same in my brothers, because I have three brothers and one of them is disabled. He was born with an illness and he focused more on his studies, and got his Degree, the others didn’t. The others, as soon as they were 16 or 17, they went away to work in hotels, they made a living… And my mother the same. When we were in Salou, she worked cleaning the hotel rooms and my father used to work as a gardener and other related things, but they always got on by themselves. (Family 05, family business, rural, female) A lot of sacrifices. Many sacrifices. Work and work and work as my father says, and it is true, eighteen daily hours. Saving everything they made… working a lot. Each one with his/her own work, just that my mother was working as a teacher and when she finished, she used to go to help my father in the bar, as he owned a bar. (Family 08, self-employed, urban, male)

Another source of work values formation in young adults are life transition situations, such as family formation, parenthood or work incorporation. Usually, when a family transition takes place, such as a change in economic responsibilities and/or the transition from education to work, young individuals tend to engage in self-regulation mechanisms to adjust their value systems to the new roles. This means that potential discrepancies (or dissonances) between old and new values are kept to manageable levels (Porfeli and Mortimer 2010; Lechner et al. 2017). However, when there is a mismatch between vocational interests and actual job placements and working conditions (e.g. low salary, many working hours), and/or the transition is not towards full time and stable jobs, but rather towards part-time, underemployment or long-term unemployment, there are lower opportunities to enact initial work values. This situation determines a downgrading in the initial values to re-adjust them to available opportunities (Pailhe et al. 2014), redirecting sometime work values (Hansen and Leuty 2012), as well as work beliefs and work attitudes towards alienation and cynicism (Loughlin and Barling 2001), as the following quotes show:

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I didn’t really like it, but it had to be done in order to make a living. (Family 02, employed, rural, male—grandfather) So, what I dislike is that I would like to have a few months of holidays, and we do not have them. I would also like working in the countryside to be more profitable, but this cannot be done. But it is ok, that is life. (Family 02, employed, rural, male—mother) I’d like to find something related to what I’ve studied, with kids, maybe in a home school??? or something like that, but it’s difficult. So, I’m searching for jobs such as waitress, shop assistant, because I have experience and it’s easier to get a job if you have experience. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

According to the literature, parents’ aspirations and emphasis on their children’s orientation towards education and work increase offsprings’ probabilities of reaching higher levels of education and professional attainment (Cotton et al. 1997). This seemed to be the case particularly for families 4, 5 and 7, whose educational and professional attainment gradually increased by generation. The following quotes clearly illustrate the influence of parents’ aspirations and insistence on the educational attainment of their children, and its direct relationship with professional achievement: Yes. I attended school for a very short time because I was very young, but my mother pushed us, commonly, she used to tell us: ‘girls…?’ Because we didn’t want to go to the school, because we wanted to stay off school playing, but she gave us no alternative. We had to learn how to read and write in order to get a job. (Family 07, employed, urban, female— grandmother) My parents really didn’t think about that, she –the professor- insisted, she talked to them, I passed seventh and eighth grades, I passed the exams and I entered High School… my parents, at that time, were not ready and did not know how to advise me, they were very worried but they were not centred on that. (Family 07, employed, urban, female—mother) My mom always told me that I should graduate from school … She never told me to go to the university or do any other thing. She told me to study, to have something; she said that she didn’t care whether a university degree or a higher grade, that was my decision. But she influenced me, for

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example, if I wanted to go to the beach, she said that I couldn’t because I had to study??? She influenced me in my leisure time, not in my studies; she always gave me freedom to do whatever I wanted (in terms of profession). (Family 05, family business, rural, female) My parents always encouraged me to study, that is the truth, to get a better job. (Family 02, employed, rural, male)

The perseverance of parents and the consistency of their message in terms of their children continuing their education, in spite of existent labour market shortages and related socio-economic adversities, represents an example of work values and attitudes transmission across generations, which eventually translated into desirable outcomes. Most young respondents crystallised this kind of transmission in terms of higher educational attainment and/or self-esteem in coping with job difficulties, as the following quote illustrates: You need to work hard to get your own stuff, although you get spoiled, as I said, and I was, there is always a limitation and if you want something, you have to fight for it yourself that is the most important thing. (Family 05, employed, urban, male)

Young respondents’ increase in education across three generations actually depicts the present situation of young people in Spain, as the most educated generation in the Spanish history. But despite their high level of education, young individuals are actually struggling on the labour market, experiencing a high probability of finding poor-quality jobs, temporary contracts and low wages, as the following quotes corroborate: Sure, sure. While I was working on other things, I never gave up. I was always looking for… Although I had stopped trying to prepare for the exam to become a public servant because I ran out of time because of my other job, I never stopped looking… (Family 07, employed, urban, female) I’d like to find something related to what I’ve studied, with kids, maybe in a homeroom or something like that, but it’s difficult, so I’m searching for jobs such as waitress, shop assistant, because I have experience and it’s easier to get a job if you have experience. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

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Finally, mothers are typically identified as key actors in the intergenerational transmission of work values and attitudes, more tough than fathers. Work values transmission from mothers to children is reflected in our study, not only in terms of achieving economic self-sufficiency, but also well-being or life satisfaction, as the following quote illustrates: Since I was a kid, she taught me that studies are essential for life, that you can always work as a street sweeper with or without studies. But if you don’t have studies, you are never going to have a well-paid job that makes you happy. My mother told me that studying is the only opportunity to have a good life and she also told me that the most wonderful thing in the world was having a job that makes you wake up happy to go to work, because it doesn’t feel like working. (Family 10, unemployed, urban, female—mother)

Other extended family members such as uncles, aunts or cousins also seem to play a role in transmitting certain work values and attitudes to young respondents, as the following quote shows: Ummmm, well that thing about going abroad, I have a cousin that has been always going up and down and I used to say I want to do the same (laughs) to find a better job??? (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

A more indirect influence of grandparents on young individuals’ work values and attitudes formation, is mirrored by the following quote, although further exploration is needed to fully understand complex family dynamics: Yes, my grandparents, because my parents back then worked almost every day, so we stayed with my grandparents, especially during summer. We spent a lot of time with them and yes, they´ve been a reference for me (in terms of work values and aspirations). (Family 06, in education, urban, male)

In sum, in terms of work values, attitudes and actions of young respondents, we found some slight differences associated with social class and educational level, but very little variation by gender. We however found intergenerational differences in work values, attitudes and actions, particularly in terms of life-work balance, as young respondents tended to give a higher importance to spending more time with their families and friends,

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than working more to gain more money. Young respondents identified parents’ hard working and life trajectories, as well as their aspirations and persistence towards higher educational and professional attainment for their children as the main drivers for work values formation. Moreover, some young respondents experienced low quality jobs in respect to their vocational interests and this led them to re-adjust their initial work values and attitudes to available opportunities.

13.4

Ressources vs. Risk Aversion

Cultural and social reproduction theory, as put forth by Bourdieu and Passeron (1990 [1977]), assumes that investment in education, but also the transmission of work values and social networks may act as effective ways for parents to influence the labour market and economic outcomes of their descendants. This theory concentrates on different resources related to social, cultural and economic capital and how these may contribute to the reproduction of social class across generations. However, other possible family or individual factors, and more directly linked to social mobility, may also have an impact on young adults’ economic self-sufficiency. In fact, the relative risk aversion theory (Breen and Goldthorpe 1994; van de Werfhorst and Hofstede 2007) assumes that children take their parents’ social position as a reference for their own aspirations. Educational decision-making of families would thus try to avoid downward mobility, though this may result in different levels of family investment in education. According to this theory, we can expect parents with a high socio-economic status to make a greater investment in the education of their children than parents with a lower socio-economic status. Among first generation respondents, it was quite ironic to talk about labour market transition, as the majority of them hardly completed primary education. In fact, most of them experienced “part-time jobs” at the age of eight or nine years old in order to contribute to the economy of the family. Transition from education to labour market was relatively common for second generation participants, with about half of them having a regular transition from school to work, once they completed their respective education. It was only in the third generation, when such a process was more straight forth, though also more difficult given the present economic developments.

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Although, employed young participants in our study were better off (economically) than the rest of participants who were students or unemployed, their economic self-sufficiency was not so straight forth as the family’s economic capital could predict. The new shift towards long term unemployment and precariousness considerably affected the younger generation, as the following quotes from three generations respondents clearly illustrate: I wasn’t there so much, when I was 11 years old, I left the school., I didn’t learn so much, and I went to work in Granada. I worked as a kitchen assistant. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female—grandmother) Well, I started school when I was 6 years old, like before, with 6 years old and I did until 8th grade in the village and then I went to do the high school to Churriana., I did the first and second year of high school., I liked it a lot because I wanted to become a nurse and… (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female—mother) I did the secondary school in another town and the high school in Granada… at the Alhambra High School and from there I went to the University, I took the Teaching career. Before I finished the project, I went abroad… Well (now) I am unemployed, looking for work and I also target the oppositions for public servants, so a little bit of everything. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

In respect to youth unemployment today and back in the 80s, O’Reilly et al. (2015) suggested a growth in long-term unemployment for certain categories of youth, especially among those whose parents had experienced unemployment in previous recessions. This was the case for families 4 and 10, where unemployment was present in the last two generations. The following two quotes from second and third generation respondents illustrate how younger generations tend to replicate previous generations’ employment patterns: Ok, I started when I was six… I completed primary education here in the village and later I moved to another village Churriana, and I did first and second year but… (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female—mother)

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So, I am unemployed, looking for a job and also I am going to start to study to prepare for the exams to become a public servant. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female)

Most interviewed parents, particularly in second generation families, persisted in better and further education for their children. However, we could not establish a clear pattern in terms of investment in children’s education by the socio-economic status of parents. Just few parents of higher socio-economic status expressed some effort towards greater investment in the education of their children, as the following quote shows: We have always encouraged them to study. We let them have whatever they like, but only if they study. They were very ‘comfortable’ because it was hard for them, they were lazy until they reached an age, and when they reached that age, they realized that providence is over and they must push and then from there, even Pablo, my medium child, he has been working this summer with us and last year, he was with his uncle. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male—father)

Social capital, meaning the extent and quality of social networks (Bourdieu 1986), also proved to be important for the educational and professional attainment of young individuals in our study. Social networks may directly influence the educational or job attainment of children if, for example, young individuals can rely on their parents’ social connections to find apprenticeship or labour positions (Jæger and Holm 2007). As such, individual social capital development can be better understood by knowing the family (and the society) in which that individual operates. The quantity and quality of the connections that a particular person has access to depend basically and initially on the family’s social capital (e.g. whom they know or with whom they relate). The possibility of using the family’s social connections or networks for accessing the labour market was mentioned in several occasions in our study, all across the three generations. Links with family members or family friends were identified as a significant resource, part of the family’s social capital. Family connections were mentioned as an important source for learning and developing valuable social skills, which actually helped some respondents to increase their social capital. The importance of the family’ social capital for some young respondents to find a job or an apprenticeship position, can be appreciated in the following quotes:

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A neighbour was working there and when I was 14, she was two years older, and she was working there and she spoke about me and I got the job. (Family 10, unemployed, urban, female—grandmother) My uncle worked in the same company where I did the internship. They hired me and I worked there for seven years, until I was hired and then I quitted for a change. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male) I got him the job. It turned out that he knew typing and one day the supervisor came and saw all the doctors, everyone, having coffee and the child alone in the office, typing alone, and the supervisor wondered who he was. The man asked him what he was doing and my son answered that he was typing and he asked him if he knew how to type and he said that of course he knew. So he [the supervisor] told him that he was not going to be an assistant anymore that he was going to stay there working. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male—grandfather)

Access to resources such as education, closely linked to cultural and human capital formation, was rather scarce among first generation respondents. The social and political hardship that some first generation respondents went through, limited radically their possibilities of developing higher levels of human capital due to the stringent need of satisfying rather more basic needs. The following examples illustrate how hard were those times and conditions for some first generation respondents: I don’t know, because I didn’t go, because I didn’t have… since I didn’t have a father, he was in the red zone of the war, so I did what I felt like and I did not go anymore to school and I was in such a position… (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male—grandfather) Yes, sure. I’ll tell you. I started, as every kid, at the school, in my village. Until 6th grade. Then I went to high school … Yes of course. Let me tell you. I did start as any other kid in the school in my home village, until sixth grade, then, I went to secondary school. (Family 02, employed, rural, male) So, six or seven years of course. My father, when he was free from jail, asked me what I did know and I told him that I did know nothing; he asked me which book was the one I studied last… And he told me that I had to go to school in the evening… I went two or three sessions until I grew up. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male—grandfather)

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We used to do all that, you know, I went the less possible time. I had no time for school. When I was 11 years old, I didn’t go anymore to school. The few things I know, I have learned them myself. And I went to Granada to work; I went to Granada to work as a kitchen helper. (Family 04, unemployed, rural, female—grandmother) At that time, we started working very soon, so I started working in a hair salon. I was very happy with my job. (Family 06, in education, urban, male—grandmother)

While for second generation respondents life conditions significantly improved, not all families benefited equally of this improvement. Although some second generation respondents slightly increased their educational level, it was not enough for them to reach more qualified professions. Involuntary early school-dropout, for example, impeded them to acquire higher levels of social and human capital, as the following quote shows: Yes, primary education. I left in sixth grade, so until sixth grade. After that, I started working in the fields, I got married very young. (Family 01, in education, rural, female—mother) I tried, when I got married, it was to finish and get married. I tried to study to become a public servant. I got pregnant immediately, I tried while pregnant to continue but my husband needed help and then everything was postponed. (Family 07, employed, urban, female –mother)

Finally, a higher access of third generation respondents to educational and cultural resources was noticeable for some respondents, as the following quote illustrates: I was happy because as I finished that, which was only two years, very practical and in a relaxed atmosphere… My uncle worked for the same company where I did my internship in Maracena, so I stayed there. I was hired and I stayed seven years until I quitted because I wanted a change. (Family 03, self-employed, urban, male)

Grandparents’ influence, as well as of other members of the extended family were mentioned as another important source for social capital

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formation by almost all young respondents, as the following quotes illustrate: Yes. My grandfather and grandmother, my uncle and my aunt, the truth is that I have always had a good relationship with all my family. (Family 01, in education, rural, female) So, when I was a child, I don’t know, my uncle and my aunt I guess. And I… they were for me like my second parents. (Family 02, employed, rural, male—mother)

A person’s access and use on social capital depends also on the strength and extent of these social connections. This refers to how that person manages or knows how to take advantage of the family’s social resources. The following quote illustrates how a respondent enhanced her social capital by organising activities which feed not only into her own social connections, but also into her human capital in terms of specific entrepreneurial skills: Yes, because as an example, when we did Paella day. A lot of people came to try it … then when we did Christmas dinners, it was the same, we averted it on Facebook and we had many more dinners than the previous years, the same on Valentine’s Day. I am also advertising the restaurant on specialized websites like bodas.net and we already had a couple of weddings and communions… (Family 05, family business, rural, female)

Transmission mechanisms of cultural values operated in a quite similar manner in all interviewed families, though some cultural values varied in importance across generations. The importance of leisure time activities, either at individual or family levels, and also of communication patterns within the family seemed to increase across generations. Third generation respondents valued much more than their parents or grandparents spending quality time with their families, rather than working more hours to make more money, as the following quote illustrates: All the free time of my husband, their father, was to be out with them. If we had to go to a place where children weren’t allowed, we didn’t go because we only went to places where children could go too. If they couldn’t go, we didn’t go. I didn’t want to leave them with anyone and all those things… (Family 06, in education, urban, male)

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Concerning communication patterns, second generation respondents were more likely to spend more time with their children, contrary to what their own parents used to do. However, they did not actually involve children in important family issues. Third generation respondents instead were more reluctant to involve family members in their everyday problems, except for very important work issues, as the following quotes show: My husband wasn’t very keen on telling us about the problems he had. When he came home he was to be with the family. (Family 06, in education, urban, male—grandmother) I did not talk about work problems …. It is true that when I made the change it was a hard and difficult time, in 2010 as I told you before. It was a very hard time and it is true that I shared it with them [her children], with them and with my parents and siblings, but also with them, when we were alone. I talked about how bad I felt, I thought that was important too. (Family 06, in education, urban, male—mother)

Civic or cultural engagement played a key role for some young respondents in determining their career pathways, as the following quote illustrates: I started with the student association and that allowed me to be in contact with some teachers, specifically with the Department of Social Psychology and then we started… (Family 06, employed, urban, female)

In most families analysed in this study, the attainment of economic selfsufficiency was not always a direct consequence of the intergenerational transmission of social, cultural and economic capital. In some families, young respondents’ economic self-sufficiency was rather related to upward mobility across generations, in line with the risk aversion theory. The ten families were examples of different constellations of personal and family resources, some more identifiable such as co-residence (e.g. Family 3), economic (e.g. Families 9), education (e.g. Family 4), time and emotional support (e.g. Family 5), while other more blurred, which operated in complex and sometimes unpredictable ways in determining young respondents’ human, social and economic capital. For example, the patterns of leaving parental home were more diverse and unstable, not always reflecting a simple step towards economic independence or

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personal family projects (e.g. third generation in Family 1 and Family 5). In fact, some young respondents had to return home (e.g. Family 9) to live with their parents because of the lack of economic resources. This unpredictability and instability in young people’s transition to adulthood was defined by Newman (2012) in terms of the “boomerang generation” or “accordion families”. These terms refer to a pattern whereby many young people, after having left their family home to attend university, they return to their parents’ house after graduation to save money. This situation apparently looksas an individual decision, but actually reveals the influence of existing structural factors that shape the different dimensions of our everyday lives.

13.5

(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

According to the literature, (grand)parenting styles can be effective or ineffective in transmitting values and, consequently, attitudes to children. While those that create a positive emotional interaction between parent and child (empathetic parenting) will promote the direct transmission of values and attitudes, the so-called rigid-authoritarian parenting style may distance parent and child, thus demising transmission (Schönpflug 2001). Emotional warmth and autonomy granting seem to be universally positive parenting behaviours that create an optimal climate for the intergenerational transmission of moral and redistributive work values in comparison with psychological control, fundamentally related with an authoritarian parenting style (Sümer et al. 2019). In general, our results align with this classification, with the exception of Family 05, where there was no communication apparently between second and third generations because of an extremely rigid-authoritarian father. The rest of the families, and particularly third generations respondents, manifested a good relationship with their parents and grandparents and a clear feeling of love affirmation as expressed in the following quote: My mother always [praised] me for being a good student and for being loving. I´ve always been loved and I loved my mother above all. (Family 10, self-employed, urban, male)

Sometimes, these positive relationships went through periods of conflict and resentment in which transmission was linked to particular stages of development (Grolnick et al. 1997), as the example below reflects. In

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this case, the young respondent’s growing autonomy as a child possibly prevented the effective transmission of family values and attitudes at least in his adolescence and early adulthood, although eventually he ended up continuing with the family business: I wanted to complete my studies, what happened is that in Cogollos (family home village) things got wrong and it was not possible because of the friendships… (Family 09, employed, rural, male)

Most young respondents stated that their parents had expectations about their future, but few of them reported feeling pressure about this, which could indicate a permissive parenting style, by allowing them to do what they wanted with little parental input, as the following quote shows: If they had any aspiration? I truly don’t know because they let me choose what I wanted. That is to say, when I left Tourism, they supported me as well as when I changed to the Teaching degree. They didn’t object at any time. So, if they had aspirations … I think that they wanted me to choose what made me happy. (Family 07, employed, urban, female)

Welfare regimes are also important in understanding and interpreting the relationship between family work values transmission and young adults’ economic self-sufficiency, as they orient family policies and public investment in this area. In terms of defamilialisation, a concept that captures securing the economic independence of (females and) children from the family unit (Esping-Andersen 1996), Spain has been defined as a predominantly familistic welfare state. This means that in Spain, family continues to act as the main provider of care and welfare for children and dependent individuals. For example, childbearing continues to be an exclusive responsibility of the family, as there are no specific family policies to support this basic need. The coverage levels of early childhood services are still very low with few criteria that establish the quality of the service and with a clear domain of the private sector (Lombardo and León 2014). Thus, many Spanish parents are forced to rely on informal care arrangements, especially for children ages 0–3. Grandmothers are among the main providers of non-parental childcare, and are often used to supplement formal care arrangements during school holidays (Baizán 2009). This means that, in

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practice, there are inequalities in child care provision in Spain, as families are forced to rely on family support and networks. She got pregnant (her mother).. Then we lived with my grandma until I was 15. The relationship with my mother was very difficult. My grandma was a very conservative person that tried to always control everything.. and I was very stressed all the time. (Family 10, unemployed, urban, female)

Another important feature of the Spanish day-care system is its high degree of regional variability that is partly due to the fact that regions are responsible for their social and educational services. For example, schooling for children ages 0–3 in the autonomous communities (regional-level governments) is irregular and unequal, with a higher representation in the Basque Country, Catalonia, Aragon and Madrid, and a lower representation in southern Spain regions. However, public funding for childcare services for children under the age of three has been drastically reduced in recent years (León and Pavolini 2014). According with recent data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2020), the childcare enrolment rates in Spain in 2015 for children under the compulsory education age were: 10.1% for children under age one; 36.7% for one-year-olds; 57.2% for two-year-olds; 96.2% for three-yearolds; 96.4% for four-year-olds and 98.1% for five-year-olds. Moreover, the Spanish education law approved in December 2013 (Boletín Oficial del Estado 2013) no longer mentions services for children under the age of three, as the first stage of early education. The consequences of this deficit in family and child support services are enormous. As such, women in Spain are responsible for providing the vast majority of services to the elderly, young people, children and people with disabilities, with very few means and infrastructures to help them. In addition to this work at home, Spanish women also work in the job market. In other countries with a secular tradition and a social democratic tradition, women have a network that allows them to combine family work with professional work. One consequence of the overload of women, in the absence of family support services that allow them to share family jobs with professionals, is a relatively low employment rate of women in comparison with other European countries (61%, Eurostat 2018). Most Spanish women would be willing to work if the conditions of the labour market (that is, the type of work) were facilitated and if they had help at home to do so. Another

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consequence of the family overload is the low fertility rate (1.3, World Bank 2018), one of the lowest in the EU, along with Italy, and the delay in family formation. This delay in leaving the parental home, both among young men and young women, is not only bad for mothers, who are overburdened, but also for young people. This dependence on the family up to 30 years of age or beyond inhibits the psychological and emotional development of young people, holding back the great potential they have. Chevalier’s (2016) distinguishes between two dimensions of youthoriented defamilialisation: (1) the youth social citizenship dimension, which varies between two poles, familised and individualised; and (2) the youth economic citizenship dimension, which relates with specific youthoriented labour market policy measures. In this regard, Spain portraits rather a familised social citizenship dimension, as young individuals’ social rights are to a certain extent dependent upon the status of their family, at least until they completely incorporate into the labour market. In terms of the economic citizenship dimension, the Spanish education system is not fully free-of-charge (a combination between public, mixed and private systems), as such not thoroughly encompassing in its scope, and the selective strategies for high-achievers and the spreading of skills are still endogamic and poorly developed. Moreover, the vocational education and training system (VET) in Spain is mainly the responsibility of education and employment authorities, and is still in an initial phase in terms of improving the transition of young adults into the employment system and adapting their competences to the employers’ demands. Studies show that dual VET increases satisfaction of companies and employees and is a cost-effective way of recruiting and training professionals, although companies lack knowledge related to dual VET (Pineda-Herrero et al. 2018). Findings point to the need to find ways to increase the flexibility to this system in order to fit the reality of companies, a more coherent and consistent legal framework, a significant improvement in terms of coordination of the different administrations and actors involved, a reinforced role of employees’ representatives and a more precise definition of the goals to be attained (De Miguel 2017; Pineda-Herrero et al. 2018). In short, most families in our study presented rather a permissive parenting style, with some levels of involvement in their children’s development though quite lax in terms of control. The parents were rather indulgent, trusting their children and giving them liberty to choose their career while also motivating them to pursue their education to achieve a

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better job. On the other side, the familised Spanish welfare state generated clear inequalities in child care provision or other support services, as families were forced to rely on family support and networks.

13.6

Conclusion

This study aimed to analyse and understand the process of the intergenerational transmission of attitudes, values and resources related with family and work, and its impact on the economic self-sufficiency of young individuals in Spain. We thus examined the life and work trajectories and experiences of three generations within 10 families, to gain a more complex picture of the impact of changing socio-economic conditions, and how these in turn affected the transmission of economic, social and cultural capital within these families. The study addressed three main research questions: (1) How does socialisation within family work? Does family matter in terms of investments, resources or both? (2) How does parenting style moderate the transmission process? and (3) How does the country context (welfare state arrangements) moderate the transmission process? Our results show some intergenerational differences in work values, attitudes and actions, particularly in terms of life-work balance, as young respondents tended to give a greater importance to spending time with their families and friends than working and earning more. Parents’ hard working and life trajectories, as well as their aspirations and persistence towards higher educational and professional attainment for their children represented the main drivers for work values formation. Family investment and resources played a significant role in young individuals transition to adulthood and achievement of economic self-sufficiency. This influence was particularly visible in our study in difficult moments of life transitions across the three generations. Intense and significant transmission of all types of resources (economic, social and cultural) across generations, particularly from second to third generation, was a pervasive characteristic in the ten families. For all employed young respondents, previous economic, social and cultural capital had positively influenced their human capital development and consequently their employability, while for those unemployed respondents, a deficit or weakness of these three forms of capital had negatively impacted on their achievement of full and stable employment. All parents from second generation families tried to motivate their children towards

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higher educational and professional attainment, though families with a higher socio-economic status had more possibilities for investment in the education of their children than parents with a lower socio-economic status. Although individuals and families were constantly reorganising their resources and investments to manage their life transitions, a more favourable political and economic situation accompanying the last two generations apparently played a key role on the optimisation of the different forms of capital accumulation. That way, the significant development of human capital experienced by all ten families and individuals, starting with the second generation, culminated actually in the third generation. Nevertheless, recent economic recession and austerity measures have not established new labour trends in Spain, but rather accelerated the existing ones towards increasing youth underemployment and unemployment. Therefore, the perception of most participants in the study was that the collective and individual efforts made by the three generations in term of transmission of basic work values and resources was somehow useless, as for the first time in history, the perspective of economic self-sufficiency for younger generations was clearly poorer than that of their parents, in spite of higher educational attainment and professional skills. In spite of the different forms of capital that may enable individuals to improve their life and work opportunities, some of our young respondents could not effectively make use of these resources. For instance, while most parents (second generation) were persistent and supportive in terms of transferring positive values regarding education and work (cultural capital), learning was not always a fruitful experience for their children, as it did not always ended in professional fulfillment and economic selfsufficiency, as it was expected. Accordingly, continuous investment in education and training, though a common practice among most parents, do not always lead to a satisfactory professional and economic achievement for their children. Additionally, early exposure to precarious work experiences may furthermore undermine initial work values and beliefs transmitted through generations. Moreover, work experience does not necessarily provide young adults with the resources and skills (distinct from those acquired via educational attachment) that will help them make a smooth transition to a professional or entrepreneurship career. Actually, our data suggest that

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the development of entrepreneurship skills requires a particular combination of education, work experience and economic and social capital. These skills are generally provided by family members or acquaintances, but have to take place in a safe and stable economic environment. In spite of family support and investment, establishing oneself in the labour market as an entrepreneur can be jeopardised by adverse economic conditions and policies. However, our data also suggest that early labour market incorporation, without adequate qualifications and skills, places individuals in a more vulnerable position in terms of long-term unemployment and precariousness, particularly in periods of economic and financial recession. Most families expressed rather a permissive and positive parenting behaviour that generally created a good climate for the transmission of moral and redistributive work values across generations. However, the great insufficiencies of the Spanish Welfare State seemed to overload families, inhibiting the potential of all members, both mothers and fathers and children. Most respondents in our study expressed this dependency on family support and networks in terms of childbearing and the impossibility to achieve a real family work balance. The right of access to family support services (e.g. day-care centres from 0 to 3 years old, home services and other types of services for people with disabilities and seniors) is still to be accomplished in Spain, and this means greater family pressure and overload, particularly for women. The familised social citizenship dimension jointly with a rather exclusive economic citizenship dimension, where the role of the dual vocational education and training system is still underdeveloped, do not seem to favour the transition to adulthood and the economic self-sufficiency of young adults.

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José L. Arco-Tirado is a professor at the Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology at the University of Granada. He has twenty years of teaching a research experience with more than thirty articles published on national and international recgonised journals. Research interests are public programme evaluations, entrepreneurship education, peer mentoring and soft skills development. Mihaela Vancea is an Associate Researcher at the Department of Economics, Sociology and Agricultural Policy at the Universidad de Cordoba (Spain) and a Lecturer in Political Science at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Her research interests include the study of migration processes in the network society, the relationship between education, employment and health, and public policies analysis. She published several articles in recognised international journals such as the Journal for Cleaner Production, Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, Critical Social Policy, Aging and Disease, Gender, Technology and Development, etc. Francisco D. Fernández-Martín is a professor at the Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology at the University of Granada. He has fifteen year of teaching and research experience with more than thirty articles published on national and international recognised journals. Research interests are peer mentoring, public programme evaluations, entrepreneurship education and soft skills development. Irene Herranz is part of the Research Team of the Department of Development Psychology and Education of the University of Granada working on the European project CUPESSE (Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-Sufficiency and Entrepreneurship). She got her MA at Salamanca University in the area of

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Psychology, specifically in Family and Couple Therapy and Crisis and Trauma Intervention crisis. She collaborated with the NGO “Granada Acoge” and later with the Social Community Center in Villajuarez (Mexico).

CHAPTER 14

Looking Beyond the Family Nest: Self-Sufficiency of Young Adults and Intergenerational Transmission of Values and Resources in Czech Republic Daniela Pauknerová, Zuzana Chytková, and Jan Hanzlík

14.1

Introduction

Since the fall of socialism in 1989, the Czech Republic moved from a socialist state model, to a refamilialized model that encourages women

D. Pauknerová (B) Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] Z. Chytková Department of Marketing, Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] J. Hanzlík Department of Arts Management, Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_14

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to return to the home. Post-1989 reforms followed the strong interwar Bismarckian tradition of conservative policies and as of today, it is still considered best for mothers to stay at home with their children for three or four years (Hašková and Saxonberg 2011). Family policies were until recently dominated by this approach, making the return to employment for women difficult due to the combination of extensive parental leave, negative attitude towards working mothers with children below the age of three, limited availability of public childcare for these children and limited availability of part-time employment. Although recent policy adjustments have made parental leave more flexible (Sobotka 2016; Šmíd and Navrátilová 2017), the women’s return to the workforce is still somewhat problematic. According to the Czech Statistical Office data, women’s workforce participation rate in 2015 was on average 51% (compared to men’s average participation of 68%), with the gender gap particularly evident in the child-rearing ages of 25–35. Here, women’s economic activity rate is between 66% (25–30) and 69% (30–35), while men’s participation rate is 91% (25–30) and 97% (30–35). Czechs are gradually becoming less interested in a legal marriage, the childbearing age is rising and the divorce rate is about fifty per cent. The family is changing—it is increasingly composed not only of marital couples, but also individuals, registered partners with children and single parents with their offspring. In the world comparison, the Czech Republic is one of the countries with potential welfare state regimes with relatively high public spending and well-being outcomes (Hengstebeck et al. 2016). According to the Chevalier’s typology (Chevalier 2016) the Czech Republic belongs to countries with familialized and encompassing social citizenship. Family plays historically an important role in the Czech culture and the value and significance of the original family and close relationships to one’s parents have not changed much in recent years (Macek et al. 2007; Sobotka 2016). The youth unemployment rate in the Czech Republic has been relatively low in recent years (since 2017, in fact, the lowest in the EU28 after Germany) and decreased from 20.2 in January 2010 to 5.7 in January 2020 (EUROSTAT 2020). However labour market marginalization is transparent not only during unemployment spells (often repeated and long-term) but also in the case of temporary, low paid and poor-quality jobs. The income levels of people employed in the lowest segment of the labour market and of the unemployed are similar (Horáková et al. 2013).

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Economic Self-Sufficiency and Family Background

Our sample consisted of ten families (nine with three generations, one with two generations), details of which are described in the appendix. To meet the sampling criteria, we recruited relevant families through the survey (see the Chapter 3)1 as well as through personal contacts. The sample consisted in families of two unemployed, two entrepreneurs, two employed in family business, two employed and two students. Those, who were not economically self-sufficient, were the youth still in education and the unemployed. However, both students lived in the capital, where the level of unemployment is very low, and they did not report any troubles finding part-time jobs. They were thus already on their way to economic self-sufficiency, if not fully self-sufficient at the moment. The entrepreneur was not entirely self-sufficient either as he encountered recurring financial difficulties. The unemployed respondents came from rural environments and experienced problems finding a stable employment. The rest of the respondents from the youngest generation had a job and earned enough money to make a living. The unemployed male and female, both students and both youngsters working in family business lived with their parents. The educational background of the respondents was varied, with the apprenticeship training in crafts being the lowest level of completed education through secondary nursing school and conservatory of music to a university education in various fields (biology, economics, etc.). It is apparent from the interviews that higher level of completed education makes it easier for people to find a job and a shortage of job opportunities was, expectedly, reported by respondents who live in the countryside rather than those who live in cities. The level of education was clearly transmitted from one generation to the next in all researched families, in some cases with an increase in the level of education of the youngest generation (a progress from the secondary to the tertiary level). All families were of Czech origin. Part of the sample lived in the capital city of Prague, others lived in the Central Bohemia Region, the Pilsen Region, the Liberec region and in the Vysocina region. The unemployment rate in 2016 in these regions ranged from 3.35% in Prague to 5.17% 1 The respondents who fulfilled the recruitment criteria were identified during the quantitative data collection and were asked if they were willing to participate in semi-structured biographical interviews.

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in the Vysocina region. In the Pilsen Region the unemployment rate was 3.56%, in the Liberec region it was 4.26% and in the Central Bohemia region it was 4.31% (CZSO 2017). In the regions outside of Prague, the unemployment tends to be more long-term (over 12 months) (CZSO 2017). All families exhibited relatively low level of geographical mobility, except for the family of male entrepreneur. This may be attributed to the fact that all families in our sample had relatively strong family ties. In our sample both fathers and mothers served as role models regarding professional careers. The interviews did not reveal any significant gender differences in this regard. However, such differences were apparent in the distribution of housework, which was predominantly assigned to daughters.

14.3

Transmission of Attitudes, Values and Actions

The attitude that clearly differentiated the group of unemployed respondents and their families from the rest of the respondents, can be described as a general active or passive life orientation. The effect of opposite personality orientations (passive and active) was firstly defined by Rotter (1966) who argued that people have generalized expectancy or belief in internal or external control of reinforcement (to put it simply, they either believe that they are able to control their lives or that something else controls their lives). The concept was later presented as internal and external locus of control, where the attitude functions on continuum. Miller and Rose (1982) in their study revealed significant familial continuity of the internal and external locus of control. The development of locus of control is often associated with parenting style—the supportive style and stimulating family environment seems to more likely foster the child’s belief in the internal locus of control. On the other hand, authoritarian, overprotective or neglectful approach stimulate development of the external locus of control (Schneewind 1995). According to Lefcourt (2014) children that perceive their parents as exercising more psychological control, being less warm and less accepting, scored as externals. In our sample, parents from both lower-class families with unemployed respondents tended to transmit the belief in external locus of control. Similar findings were also reported by Meyerhoff (2004). In accordance with the findings of the previous studies, the respondents that were employed, self-employed, working in family business or

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in education, as well as their family members illustrated a distinctively proactive attitude towards work or life (i.e. the internal locus of control); they anticipate future events and take action to avoid negative outcomes or promote positive ones. My dad has had some extra jobs outside of his employment […] he shouldn’t, since he has a contract there, but the company has been about to go bankrupt for some time now […], so my dad has been forced to look elsewhere, because the company didn’t pay at times and such. My mom […] something like 2 years back, she got her undergrad degree. She actually studied college for four years while working, and then she did another two years to get the degree. (the employed female, urban)

According to Dohmen et al. (2012), one of the most fundamental attitudes that play a key role in the economic life of an individual is the attitude towards risk, since “almost any economic decision involves risk” (p. 1). These authors have shown that attitudes towards risk are transmitted from parents to children (Dohmen et al. 2012). More recent study focused specifically on the Czech population revealed the closeness of attitudes regarding willingness to take risk between parents and children with statistically significant similarity of these attitudes between mothers and their children (Klusáˇcek and Hamplová 2020). Our study confirms these conclusions as we observed similar attitudes towards willingness to take risk between parents and their children. We found a striking difference in our sample between the unemployed respondents and their families and the rest of the families. The latter informants were willing to take a risk and go beyond their comfort zones. [It is important for an entrepreneur] to learn new things. Not to be afraid to try something new, even if it won’t work out. (entrepreneur, female, urban)

However, in those who have a job the potential danger of risk-taking is reduced by the more readily available resources, i.e. the economic, cultural and social capital. First of all, in these respondents, risk-taking is complemented with self-reflection, which is a prerequisite for making rational choices and setting achievable educational and career goals for themselves. These respondents are able to assess their strengths and weaknesses and build their careers according to them. They are able to

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realistically assess their options and account for their decisions made in the past. I studied construction high school, which I finished, and I also completed the practical construction school, because I think it is right to do the work hands-on, to know what you do [family business is in construction]. […] So I’m quite happy that I have finished the school. I did want to continue at a university, but I am better with the shovel than with books, so I decided to finish with high school. (family business, male, rural)

Yet, it was also apparent that willingness to take risk was made reasonable for these respondents by resources they gained in the past or that the family was in possession of. In particular, these individuals were in possession of specific cultural capital (e.g. the experience of particular social situations) and social capital (i.e. they were in possession of networks they could rely on in case of failure). Risk-taking without such compensatory mechanism (i.e. the availability of resources to compensate for the possible failure) resulted often in unfavourable financial situations, whereas others used that mechanism for their gain. Now, it’s basically quite simple. We have split the job with my wife. She manages the economic department and I manage the production. (family business, father of female, urban)

As Zinn put it: “Trust as a necessary source and a prerequisite to taking risks calls for the establishment of trustful resources which enable people to take risks. Such resources can include personal confidence based on past experience or social networks to balance the uncertainties of everyday life. What is needed is ‘insurance’ against failure. The lack of such resources would lead to a lack of confidence, distrust, and avoidance” (2008: 446–447). In sum, risk-taking needs to be compensated for by selfreflection combined with justified trust in one’s own skills and available cultural and social capital. Without them, either risk-taking activities fail, or people avoid risk-taking altogether depriving themselves of job opportunities. Since these resources are usually transmitted within families, their (un)availability functions as a transmission moderator of the attitudes towards risk. As a consequence, unemployed respondents showed a more reactive attitude (i.e. external locus of control). This is manifested in a greater

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lack of self-responsibility (blaming the system). Also, they do not plan ahead, but rather react to (usually negative) issues only after they have already happened. Because of the state, because our justice doesn’t work well, we got into this problem that they imprisoned my husband and after he came back […] he left when our daughter was 4 months old. (the unemployed female, rural) So I asked for social benefits, which astonishingly took 4 months to arrive […] Nobody understood it there [in the office], there are these big mistakes, these gaps in these things, I think somebody should finally solve them. (mother of the unemployed female, rural)

These respondents prefer to avoid risk and are not willing to go out of their comfort zone. This can be partly linked to the lack of cultural capital, which reduces the range of the “imaginable” both to them and to their parents. We thought about finding a job on a cruiser, because [my girlfriend] is a waiter and I’m a cook. […], but I don’t know how I would do there, I’ve never sailed. […]. So imagine you pay 20.000CZK for a plane ticket and you feel sick on the boat, so you fly back. It’s a risk. Or you go to work in Germany and you don’t get the salary. […] I want to have my certainty. (the unemployed male, urban)

On the one hand, this unwillingness to move to a different place for a job opportunity may be attributed to strong family ties (apparent in this particular interview) that reduce one’s geographical mobility, as stated above. On the other hand, it seems to also clearly attest to the lack of resources that would allow one to go beyond one’s comfort zone and take a reasonable risk. In literature, there is an ongoing debate over the rational vs. irrational strategies to risk management. One of the strategies that lay in between, and are thus both rational and irrational, are strategies based on trust. Trust has been shown to be a multi-layered concept, which is composed of previous experience and emotions (Zinn 2008). Our data corroborate this assertion, in that our informants who were not open to risk are also those who were not trusting. This lack of trust can be seen as a consequence of the lack of personal experience, such as that described by our informant in the above quote, who lacked both the direct or mediated experience of working on a ship or working abroad and this led him to

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avoid the risk of undertaking such action. This can be seen as a direct effect of the respondent’s habitus, where the lack of capitals limits the range of imaginable possibilities. Some of the less self-sufficient respondents also described as risky certain situations that self-sufficient respondents did not explicitly associate with an increased hazard. For example, there was apparent a significant discrepancy between the less self-sufficient respondents living in the countryside who perceived living in the capital of the Czech Republic as dangerous and those who encouraged their children to travel even to foreign countries, which was certainly perceived as a demanding experience but not really hazardous. Interestingly, self-sufficient respondents were not afraid to travel to study, work and live in the capital even if they originally came from a rural background. While living in an urban area provides better job opportunities than living in rural areas, having rural background does not necessarily determine one’s self-sufficiency. It is rather the attitude towards risk-taking and perception of what is risky that does. Dohmen et al. specifically claim that risk and trust attitudes, which were found to be crucial in our research, are transmitted through socialization (2012). According to these authors the transmission is strongest for homogeneous couples and single mothers and in families with fewer children. Harmonious relationship with parents favours the transmission, whereas inharmonious relationship, and particularly fighting with the father, represents an obstacle to transmission. Consequently, parenting styles that harm the parent–child relationship (authoritarian and neglectful parenting styles) hinder the intergenerational transmission of attitudes. This proved to be the case also in our sample. The following quote, for instance, shows that the respondent’s values (in this case the value of social conformity), are transmitted by the (divorced) mother, while the negative relationship with the father obstacles the transmission of possibly competing values. I think that [my mother taught me] moral rules. How a person should behave in a society and so on. Which my mom taught me, I would say. And that for me is important, because I can see my father doesn’t have or know these rules. So I appreciate her for that. (student, male, urban)

More importantly, it can be observed in the interviews that attitudes related to risk-taking were present in the communication between parents

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and their offspring, attesting to the specific mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of these attitudes. In particular, we find that parents may reinforce specific attitudes in children through valuing certain aspects of their behaviour by appraisals and reprimands: What my parents praised me for were my study results, and also that I am able to cope with everything, that I am not afraid to do anything, and so on. (the young female employed in family business, urban)

While in this example the employed respondent is encouraged to take risks (by appraisal for not being “afraid to do anything”), the unemployed respondents seemed to be rather discouraged by their parents and warned about “risky” situations and behaviour. [Talking about her previous work as a rehabilitation nurse:] “I told him various stories, in a way of education, to make him avoid adrenalin sports and generally to take care of himself. I wanted him to know, what can happen to a person in a moment.” (mother of the unemployed male, urban)

The values expressed by the two groups of respondents are closely connected to their attitudes. The group of informants, who presented a positive attitude to risk-taking, also show value orientation towards openness to change (the values of self-direction and stimulation) and self-enhancement. In particular, a value specifically expressed by entrepreneurs and those who run family businesses is the need of independence and unwillingness to obey superiors. This corresponds to the value of self-direction, whose “defining goal […] is independent thought and action” (Schwartz 1992). As the following series of quotes demonstrates, such value orientation very clearly gets transmitted from one generation to another and is responsible for particular career choices. Thus, all three generations of respondents restate the same desire for independence, which guides their work choices. Also, it is closely connected to stimulation, where the informants seek excitement and novelty in life. What I don’t like is […] that in every workplace there were somewhat worse relationships among people. […] I wouldn’t mind that

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too much, it’s rather that I had problems with my superiors. (family business, grandfather of female, rural) I certainly do not like to obey people, so at the beginning of it all [the decision to start a family business] was my wish not to have to obey anyone. That was the most important thing. Of course, [it is necessary] to make some money but the main thing was the freedom in my decisions, both at work and in private life. (family business, father of female, rural) [I would like a job] that would allow me to be independent. I don’t want my work to be stereotypical (laughing) and I want new things happening all the time. Well, the independence is the crucial condition. (family business, female, rural)

However, the decision to start a business again needs to be complemented by appropriate cultural, social (and ideally also economic) capital, otherwise the efforts to become a successful entrepreneur seem to be bound to fail. What is meant in this particular case by cultural capital is the knowledge of the field of business in general, the specific domain of business under consideration, as well as adequate self-reflection in terms of own capabilities. Social capital here involves, e.g. reliable and adequately trained people (often relatives) capable of helping with different tasks required by entrepreneurship. Since both cultural and social capital stocks are heavily affected by a person’s family background and upbringing (Bourdieu 1984), the transmission of these capitals can be said to be the moderating mechanism of the success of one’s entrepreneurial activities. Secondly, the respondents who had a job, present an orientation towards achievement, defined as demonstrating the socially desirable competence that allows one to gain resources necessary for survival (Schwartz 1992: 8), and consists, among other things, of high degree of ambition and drive to succeed. In agreement with Schwartz’s definition, values of respondents with a job and their families were closely related to work and educational success. The offspring are highly praised by their parents for such success, which also feeds into their ambition. In this sense parents stimulate ambitions in their offspring both in the domain of education and work itself. Well, I think my parents and my grandparents are proud of me […] I was the first in the family who started studying at a university […]. I think they appreciate that I do it well, that I study and that I work, that I strive to

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be promoted, that I didn’t settle on being a cashier in a supermarket, but that I try to have a goal. (the employed female, urban) I’m proud of my daughter, that she listened to me and is currently studying […]. And when I tried to explain to her that it’s really good for her to go abroad, she went and spent half a year in the Netherlands. I think she had a hard time there, but she learned so much and I was so proud of her, no question about that. She went there on her own, the school didn’t do much, so she was there all alone, didn’t understand anyone, had to take care of herself. Well, hats off to her, I wouldn’t manage. Really, I was so proud of her! (family business, father of female, rural)

In line with the focus on education and work-related achievement and success, these respondents tend to work continually on their selfdevelopment and they present it explicitly as an important value: I would like to go to an internship, or an educational exchange, or … my university offers studies in Vienna at Wirtschaftuniversität, so I’d possibly like to go there. (family business, female, rural)

This is closely connected to their attitudes, since it may often mean going beyond their comfort zones and taking risks. Taking risks and experiencing new situations then increases one’s cultural and social capital by extending one’s social skills, gaining the experience to function in these new situations, increasing one’s trust in his or her own capabilities as well as developing one’s social network, all of which is crucial for future career development and provides the successful respondents with better chance of succeeding on the labour market. The unemployed respondents and their family members presented opposite value orientation in Schwartz’s sense. While the previous group showed orientation towards self-direction and achievement, the unemployed put more emphasis on security and tradition, which is in line with previous studies that theorize self-direction in direct opposition to conformity and tradition, and achievement in direct opposition to security. (Schwartz and Bilsky 1987; Schwartz 1992) Tradition and conformity manifest itself in one’s subordination to close persons and/or societal rules. Accordingly, the families of the unemployed youngsters particularly valued social roles of family members, both as means to maintain the family cohesion and as a way to perform the particular social roles (e.g. of mother, daughter, etc.). Thus, contrarily to the

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previous group, where the main focus was on socially desirable success within society as such, one of the explicitly core values of the respondents in this group is family, which is seen as a central issue of one’s life. Respondents are valued and value themselves primarily in terms of how successful they are in their social roles of good and loving family members: parents, daughters, sons, wives, husbands, grandparents, and this includes traditional gender roles. I saw the great pride in them [respondent’s parents], when I stood in front of the altar in the wedding dress, the pride […] And I saw that both of them were so proud of me. That was so heart-warming for me. I think that was the biggest tribute they had ever paid me […][I don’t like] that some parents go to work. Well, let them go to work and have kids with that, but then they don’t have time for the kids because of the work, and they don’t create this strong relationship with the kids like we have here in our family. The relationship is important and they don’t have it. (the unemployed female, rural)

14.4

Resources and Investment

Those respondents who have a job can usually rely on a solid social capital. The social capital can take on the form of family ties, both within the nuclear and extended family and family friends who can directly help find a job. None of the respondents mentioned any experience or even significance of an internship in their careers. The social capital can also take on a subtler form of available skilled help (e.g. family members, who can help with various aspects of entrepreneurship, family members or friends who can provide advice, etc.). It was easy for me [to get a job]. I went directly from school to work [in the family business], so I did not experience things like looking for a job, going to an employment office and such. Luckily I have avoided that completely. (family business, male, rural) I got the job through my mother, because there wasn’t a vacant position really there for me when I started working there [and they created the position for me]. (the employed female, urban) When I was looking for a job, my uncle helped me as he was working in the bank at that time. He gave my CV to the department of human

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resources and by a lucky chance they were looking for someone at that time. (mother of the employed female, urban)

The lack of social capital among the unemployed respondents manifested in their lack of informal contacts capable of providing jobs and cultural capital (needed, for example, in the case of entrepreneurship). This results in their dependence on the employment office.2 …looking for job positions somewhere… somewhere… somewhere, which is often a really difficult matter because when I read newspapers in the employment office with advertising for jobs, 20 out of 50 adverts are in English and I think this is useless for people whose jobs in factories disappeared… (father of the unemployed female, rural)

The presence of social capital is often accompanied by the ability to communicate and deal with other people: a set of soft skills acquired possibly through more varied extracurricular activities (e.g. team sports) that parents inspired their offspring to participate in. The encouragement to participate in extracurricular activities thus functioned as a transmission mechanism, which allowed them to accumulate more social capital in adulthood. The economically self-sufficient respondents were then taught how to get information rather than how to do a particular thing, thus obtaining a more flexible kind of cultural capital that allows them to adapt more easily, take more risk and go out of their comfort zones with more confidence. Well, I had literature for that [repairing an old car]. My father was a fast learner. At that time, there was literature for everything, you could study anything, and if you know how to study… you don’t have to have a degree… if you can study, you can study anything. You can learn how to build a house, how to repair a car, you can learn anything […] so that’s what I inherited or how to say it, he taught me this. So I knew how to do these things and I consider myself quite skilful and here I did the whole bathroom and I painted it all, I built a veranda at our cottage, made the electricity… (grandfather of the employed female, urban)

2 For recent developments regarding the implementation of employment services in the EU context see e.g. Tosun (2017).

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The unemployed respondents, on the other hand, lack the kind of cultural capital that would make them flexible and allow them to adapt to the requirements of the labour market. They acquired mostly skills to do something very concrete. The difference between respondents who have a job and unemployed respondents thus lies in the fact that the former group “learned to learn” while the latter “learned to do something”: [My father] taught me things in the garden, how to engraft trees and this kind of fruit growing. Mom taught me how to bake and sew. So well, yes, but in today’s world… well, they taught us to work with hands. (father of the unemployed female, rural) And mom by being able to sew her own curtains by hand, furnish the apartment, do things by herself, that’s what I admired, so I went and looked how she does it. […] Dad taught me to work on car engines, explained trees to me, how to engraft trees or how to identify trees in winter when there are no leaves, and then he tried to teach me how to drive a tractor and such. (the unemployed female, rural)

The lack of useful cultural capital also seems to be associated with the lack of self-reflection. Self-reflection is a crucial element in the better situated labour markets as it allows to work on one’s skills and knowledge to make it reflect the current employer’s needs. It leads to the flexibility that is being hailed in these markets (Sweetman 2003). It has been discussed by several authors; however, that flexibility and self-reflexivity are not distributed equally across the social spectrum, as they tend to be part of the habitus in certain social milieu, while not in others (Adams 2006). Consequently, those who come from a less-affluent background (in terms of economic, social and cultural capital) are worse equipped to compete in the modern labour markets. In agreement with this, we found that respondents with lower stocks of capitals (both economic and cultural) tend to be also lacking in the ability to self-reflect. In particular, they tend to be unable to assess both the external situation (of the labour market) and their own capabilities and possibilities that would match the labour market’s demands. As a result, they are not able to work on their set of skills to adapt them to the labour market’s requirements and are unaware of the disalignment between their skills and the market’s demands.

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Well, now I will find a job as soon as I get well. I will come to a restaurant, I will knock on the door, tell them I want to work there, show them what I can do and they will tell me ‘Good, we give you a job’. (the unemployed male, urban)

The resources, particularly cultural and social capital, seem to be transmitted principally through (leisure) activities that families do together and/or individuals are encouraged to do by their parents and grandparents. In particular, the respondents who have a job and their families engaged in activities deliberately increasing their cultural capital. My parents took us for trips […], so we travelled through the Czechoslovak lands, all the castles, lakes…[…] I didn’t have so much time [for my kids], but during the holidays, we would do these educational things, travelling to castles and similar educational things. (grandfather of the employed female, urban) Of course we used to go to trips with my parents, but it was always my mother, who planned the trips. But that’s also because dad’s parents never went anywhere with the kids […], so he didn’t know it, but mom did, so she was the active one who would think of all the activities. (the employed female, urban)

The families with unemployed youngsters were engaged in all leisure activities less purposefully and did so almost exclusively for pleasure. The activities they engaged in tend to transmit the concrete kind of cultural capital described in the previous section. It must be noted, however, that the lack of certain kinds of activities can be due to the lack of economic resources necessary for these activities (such as long-distance trips). I : “Did you go for trips?” R: “No, we didn’t have money for that.” (grandmother of the unemployed female, rural) For our kids and then grandkids we used to do these treasure hunts and other games [that we used to play as kids], which are not played anymore now, and our grandchildren still remember them, although they’re 15 now. […] We would teach them how to recognize different trees, which mushrooms are edible, different animals. (mother of the unemployed female, rural)

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We still do a lot of things together, all the time. We used to make trips [in the woods], often to pick up mushrooms because we love the woods, don’t we? We like picking up mushrooms a lot. […] And we often make walks in the woods because we really enjoy it. […] Sleeping is the most important thing, because I don’t feel any pain when I sleep. Often we make lunch with my mum and then instead of watching TV or something […] we go to bed and sleep. (the unemployed female, rural)

Unlike unemployed respondents, individuals who have a job engaged in organized leisure activities, most notably sports. This is significant, because (as also noted above) it is the extracurricular activities in which children learn particular soft skills and accrue social and cultural capital that is not acquired within the family circle. The inclination towards some extracurricular activities often came from the parents. I used to play handball, but for leisure only. I did handball because my father did it. […] Sometimes I played tennis. I also played football for about a year but that wasn’t enough. […] And then I played table-tennis and later on I played floorball. […] Then I came to Prague and I didn’t know people here and didn’t have an opportunity to play anything. And after three years we started to play football with the guys from Vodafone. Thank God I am doing something. I hate it when I don’t do anything. (the employed male, urban)

Judging from the interviews, self-sufficient respondents invested more in their children’s both curricular and extracurricular education and provided their offspring with a specific set of resources and skills that are well-suited for the success on the labour market and inspire flexibility in relation to job offers. This encompasses an investment into children’s education, emphasis on their continuous and adaptable learning, as well as investment into extracurricular activities that help develop useful skills in children rather than provide mere relaxation and time spent together within the family circle. Useful curricular and extracurricular activities also include travelling, and particularly travelling abroad, which less selfsufficient respondents did not (could not) engage in due to their financial situation.

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(Grand)Parenting Style and Context Factors

Czech Republic is a comparatively small country, which means that family members commonly live in geographical proximity and typically have close ties. All families in our sample were functional and the influence of parents, and in most cases also grandparents, on the youngest generation was apparent in interviewees’ recountings. Concerning parenting, Baumrind’s famous typology elaborated by Maccoby and Martin comprises of the following distinct parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian and permissive, which is subdivided into indulgent and neglectful (cited in Darling and Steinberg 1993). Authoritative parenting style was identified as the most effective: parents set clear standards for their children, monitor their development and also help children to be autonomous (Baumrind 1971). Families from our sample evinced three of the aforementioned parenting styles: authoritarian, authoritative and permissiveindulgent. While authoritarian and indulgent parenting styles were present in families with less self-sufficient youngest generation, authoritative parenting style seemed more fruitful in relation to securing economic self-sufficiency of children, which is in line with the previous research presented above. In the families with unemployed youngsters we found also indications of overprotective parenting (Spokas and Heimberg 2009). Such strategies lowered the willingness to take risk in children because mothers (grandmothers) discouraged their children from activities that can be potentially harmful (living in the capital in the case of a rural family and avoiding sports activities that can endanger health). Grandparents in our sample often played an active role in the lives of the youngest generation together with parents and contributed to their upbringing, embodying the characteristics of the influential, supportive or authority-oriented grandparenting styles as defined by Mueller et al. (2002) as opposed to the passive or detached styles. An archetype of an influential grandmother that shapes the process of socialization is culturally significant in the Czech context and is most characteristically illustrated by the eponymous book by famous Czech author Božena Nˇemcová (1855). Grandmother represents in this context an old, kind, nurturing, loving but also strong and wise person. While retaining their significance in the process of socialization, today’s grandmothers do not perceive themselves as an embodiment of this old-fashioned image but

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rather represent still youngish, “modern women”, very often professionally active as well as influential in their homes (Vidovi´cová and Galˇcanová 2019). While grandmothers in our sample conformed to this description, some grandfathers also had discernible influence over their grandchildren. We found no evidence in the interviews that welfare state arrangements would in some significant way influence the process of transmission of values, attitudes and resources from one generation to another. That said, free of charge education obviously influences socialization of children in the Czech Republic while attitudes of parents and grandparents in our sample towards the education of their children differed, with urban selfsufficient families putting comparatively more emphasis on education. Given that some values, attitudes and resources are less helpful in relation to the labour market, we presume that some sort of intervention in terms of extending children’s social and cultural capital in extracurricular activities would be helpful in the case of less self-sufficient families so that the equality of the positions of young people from different families on the labour market would be strengthened. The exact nature of the desirable interventions, however, would have to be determined by further research.

14.6

Conclusion

Data from our sample clearly indicate that there is a strong transmission of attitudes, values and resources between generations and families thus have a significant effect on the younger generation. However, not all transmitted attitudes and values are appreciated at the contemporary labour market, and consequently the transmission did not lead uniformly towards economic self-sufficiency. In cases where parents transmitted to their offspring attitudes such as an active approach to life, willingness to take risk, trust, ability to self-reflect, but also values such as high regard for work-related achievements and constant self-development, the youth tend to adapt more successfully to the contemporary labour market. This effective settlement at the labour market is then also aided by the higher stocks of social capital, consisting both in formal and informal social networks, but also in adequate social skills learned in childhood especially through extracurricular activities. All in all, extracurricular activities and family leisure activities turned out to be a key vehicle of both social and cultural capital transmission, as it was during these activities that the children’s capitals in all generations were accumulated.

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On the other hand, our sample also featured other families, in which the transmission process was still successful, but the content of the transmitted attitudes and values differed, and the process took place in a different social context in terms of available resources. In this group it appears that a more passive approach to life, greater risk avoidance and the interconnected distrust were the prominent attitudes across generations, while the utmost importance was given to family (as opposed to work achievement, ambition or self-direction). In terms of resources, specific practical skills were taught rather than ability to independently learn new skills. This does not favour self-reflection, flexibility and adaptability, which are the characteristics appreciated by the better situated labour markets. Also, this group’s activities in childhood were restricted to their family circle, which limited their accrual of social and cultural resources that could later be utilized in the labour market. For a synthesized overview of the results see Appendix A.1. In Bourdesian terms, it could be concluded that one’s position on the labour market is heavily determined by one’s habitus,3 which is formed (apart from other things) by the values, attitudes and resources described above. In terms of policy and/or children education implications, our results suggest the utmost importance of the extracurricular activities that promote the accrual of cultural and social capital, which then contributes to a better situation on the labour market. We would suggest to tackle this issue on the policy level in terms of governmental support of children’s extracurricular activities, especially for children from more disadvantaged social milieu, since in these cases their non-participation may be due to financial issues or lack of parental involvement.

3 While the results of the presented analysis clearly support the idea that habitus plays a key role in one’s position on the labour market, the data did not allow for assessment of some other specific possible determinants of the habitus that may be at play, such as e.g. biological predispositions, erotic capital as theorized by Hakim (2010), physical capital as theorized by Shilling (2004), etc.

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References Adams, Matthew. (2006). Hybridizing Habitus and Reflexivity: Towards an Understanding of Contemporary Identity? Sociology, 40(3), 511–528. Baumrind, D. (1971). Current Patterns of Parental Authority. Developmental Psychology, 4(1, Pt. 2), 1–103. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London and New York: Routledge. Chevalier, T. (2016). Varieties of Youth Welfare Citizenship: Towards a TwoDimension Typology. Journal of European Social Policy, 26(1), 3–9. CZSO (Czech Statistical Office). (2017). Available from: https://www.czso.cz/ csu/xc/mapa-podil-kraje. Darling, N., & Steinberg, L. (1993). Parenting Style as Context: An Integrative Model. Psychological Bulletin, 113(3), 487–495. Dohmen, T., et al. (2012). The Intergenerational Transmission of Risk and Trust Attitudes. The Review of Economic Studies, 79(2), 645–677. EUROSTAT. (2020). Available from: https://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/ nui/show.do?dataset=une_rt_m. Hakim, C. (2010). Erotic Capital. European Sociological Review, 26(5), 499–518. Hašková, H., & Saxonberg, S. (2011). The Institutional Roots of PostCommunist Family Policy: Comparing the Czech and Slovak Republics. In M. L. Krook & F. Mackay (Eds.), Gender, Politics and Institutions. Gender and Politics Series. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Hengstebeck, N. D., Helms, H. M., & Crosby, D. A. (2016). Family Policies. In C. Shehan (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Family Studies (pp. 748–753). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. Horáková, M., Jahoda, R., Kofron, ˇ P., Sirovátka, T., & Šimíková, I. (2013). ˇ Pˇríjmová chudoba a materiální deprivace v Ceské republice podle indikátoru˚ EU-vývoj v dusledku ˚ krize, fiskální konsolidace a sociální reformy. Praha: VÚPSV, p. vvi. Klusáˇcek, J., & Hamplová, D. (2020). Duvˇ ˚ eˇruj a riskuj: Mezigeneraˇcní pˇrenos generalizované duvˇ ˚ ery a ochoty pˇrijmout riziko. Sociologický cˇasopis / Czech Sociological Review, 56(1), 29–55. Lefcourt, H. M. (2014). Locus of Control: Current Trends in Theory & Research. New York: Psychology Press. Macek, P., Bejˇcek, J., & Vaníˇcková, J. (2007). Contemporary Czech Emerging Adults Generation Growing Up in the Period of Social Changes. Journal of Adolescent Research, 22(5), 444–475. Meyerhoff, M. K. (2004). Locus of Control: Perspective Parenting. Pediatrics for Parents, 21(10), 2–8. Miller, J. Z., & Rose, R. J. (1982). Familial Resemblance in Locus of Control: A Twin-Family Study of the Internal–External Scale. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 42(3), 535.

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Mueller, M. M., Wilhelm, B., & Elder, G. H., Jr. (2002). Variations in Grandparenting. Research on Aging, 24(3), 360–388. Nˇemcová, B. (1855). Babiˇcka. Praha: Josef Pospíšil. Rotter, J. B. (1966). Generalized Expectancies for Internal Versus External Control of Reinforcement. Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, 80(1), 1–28. Schneewind, K. A. (1995). Impact of Family Processes on Control Beliefs. In A. Bandura (Ed.), Self-Efficacy in Changing Societies (pp. 114–148). New York, NY, US: Cambridge University Press. Schwartz, S. H. (1992). Universals in the Content and Structure of Values: Theoretical Advances and Empirical tests in 20 Countries. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 25(1), 1–65. Schwartz, S. H., & Bilsky, W. (1987). Toward a Universal Psychological Structure of Human Values. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53(3), 550–562. Shilling, C. (2004). Physical Capital and Situated Action: A New Direction for Corporeal Sociology. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 25(4), 473– 487. Šmíd, M., & Navrátilová, S. (2017). Alternative and Flexible Forms of Employment: Situation in Czech Republic. In Economic and Social Development (Book of Proceedings), 22nd International Scientific Conference on Economic and Social Development “The Legal Challenges of Modern World” (June 29, 2017–June 30, 2017, Split). Sobotka, T. (2016). The European Middle Way? Low Fertility, Family Change, and Gradual Policy Adjustments in Austria and the Czech Republic. In R. Rindfuss & M. Choe (Eds.), Low Fertility, Institutions, and Their Policies. Cham: Springer. Spokas, Megan, & Heimberg, Richard G. (2009). Overprotective Parenting, Social Anxiety, and External Locus of Control: Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Relationships. Cognitive Therapy and Research., 33(6), 543–551. Sweetman, P. (2003). Twenty-First Century Dis-Ease? Habitual Reflexivity or the Reflexive Habitus. The Sociological Review, 51(4), 528–549. Tosun, J. (2017). Promoting Youth Employment Through Multi-organizational Governance. Public Money & Management, 37 (1), 39–46. Vidovi´cová, L., & Galˇcanová, L. (2019). “I am Not That Type of Grandmother”: (Non)Compliance with the Grandmother Archetype Among Contemporary Czech Grandmothers. In V. Timonen (Ed.), Grandparenting Practices Around the World (1st ed., pp. 253–269). Bristol: Policy Press. Zinn, J. O. (2008). Heading into the Unknown: Everyday Strategies for Managing Risk and Uncertainty. Health, Risk & Society, 10(5), 439–450.

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Daniela Pauknerová is an associate professor and a Head of the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. Her research interests include social, work and organizational psychology, leadership, diversity management and cross-cultural psychology. Zuzana Chytková is an assistant professor at the Department of Marketing and researcher at the Department of Entrepreneurship at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. She focuses on consumer research and culture, social marketing and social impact assessments. Jan Hanzlík is an assistant professor and a Deputy Head of the Department of Arts Management, and a researcher at the Department of Managerial Psychology and Sociology at the Faculty of Business Administration at Prague University of Economics and Business. His research interests include labour market, cultural and creative industries, and the sociology of the Arts and culture.

CHAPTER 15

Intergenerational Transmission of Economic Self-Sufficiency: Insights from the Comparative Analysis Jale Tosun, Daniela Pauknerová, and Bernhard Kittel

15.1

Introduction

In view of the recent rise in youth unemployment in Europe, which reached its peak in 2012/2013 (Tosun et al. 2019), factors that facilitate or impede young people in becoming economically self-sufficient have become a topic of prime interest to both policymakers and

J. Tosun (B) Institute of Political Science, Heidelberg University, Heidelberg, Germany e-mail: [email protected] D. Pauknerová Prague University of Economics and Business, Prague, Czech Republic e-mail: [email protected] B. Kittel Department of Economic Sociology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9_15

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academics. And with the COVID-19 pandemic and its drastic consequences for European economies, we expect youth unemployment to re-enter the political agenda. The concept of economic self-sufficiency takes into account whether the income generated from employment is sufficient to help young people live in a financially autonomous manner (Gowdy and Pearlmutter 1993; Hetling et al. 2016; Lee and Mortimer 2009; Tosun, Arco-Tirado, et al. 2019; Warmuth et al. 2015). From a theoretical perspective, we concentrated on the role of families to the young people’s attainment of economic self-sufficiency—a perspective that has been identified as important for explaining the causes of youth unemployment in Europe (O’Reilly et al. 2015). The authors who contributed to this volume carried out interviews with three generations of families, with a view to learning how values and attitudes related to work and education are transmitted within the family, and to what extent the resources provided by families affect the young people’s attitudes, values, and actions with regard to the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. From a complementary perspective, the interviewers also sought to ascertain the extent to which the young people’s wish to preserve the ‘inherited’ social class determined these outcomes variables (see Chapter 2). The families included in the analysis were selected accordingly to carefully defined methodological criteria as stipulated in Chapter 3. Despite the challenges in recruiting families for the purpose of this study and the complications in carrying out interviews with three generations of each family, the interviewers—who, in most instances, were also the authors of the respective country chapters— jointly interviewed 344 young adults, parents, and grandparents grouped in 117 families in eleven countries. This extensive empirical material was discussed countrywise in Chapters 4–14, and revealed some intriguing insights into family dynamics and how these shape the young people’s attitudes, values, and actions related to economic self-sufficiency. We can now offer a comparative discussion of the findings as well as answer the research questions that we formulated in Chapter 1. To this end, we begin by sketching out the theoretically derived dimensions of the comparative discussion. Then we draw together the reported findings and offer an integrated discussion of and reflection on them. Finally, we turn to the answers to the research questions and close this chapter by identifying promising avenues for future research.

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15.2

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Dimensions of Comparison

It is not easy to compare findings derived from qualitative research and interview data. Whereas survey data, which have frequently been used to examine some of the theoretical constructs we are interested in (e.g. Tosun, Arco-Tirado, et al. 2019), are specifically designed to provide comparative insights and thereby facilitate the robust testing of hypotheses, interview data, which are by design richer and more complex, provide insights into the details (see Chapter 3). Therefore, a scheme for the comparative discussion of the findings has to strike a balance between rigidness, in the sense of a shared set of guidelines, and openness. This would facilitate elaboration on some aspects of the interview material more than on others, providing this is justified by the data. In light of these considerations, we structure our comparative discussion of the empirical findings along the theoretically derived variables as introduced in Chapter 2, and to use these as dimensions of the presentation of the main insights. Thus, our presentation will stress specific observations for the families based in the individual countries, while allowing for a synthesised discussion. As a result of our organisational scheme, the following section begins with empirical insights into the young people’s attitudes, values, and actions related to economic self-sufficiency. The second dimension consists of socialisation effects within families, and is followed by the interviewers’ observations concerning the intergenerational transfer of resources within families, which constitutes the third dimension. The fourth dimension refers to the question of how important the parental social class is for influencing the young people’s attitudes, values, and actions. The parenting styles and their (conditioning) effects make up the fifth dimension, and the sixth concerns the various contexts as discussed in the chapters on individual countries.

15.3

Discussion of the Main Findings

While the country chapters all followed the same theoretical and methodological framework for producing and analysing the interview data, the individual chapters vary to some extent as regards the elaboration on the country specific relevance of respective theoretical constructs, guided by the country-specific relevance structures revealed in the interviews. As a result, the country studies provide complementary insights in processes

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of intergenerational transmission and how these affect young people’s attitudes, values, and actions related to economic self-sufficiency. 15.3.1

Attitudes, Values, and Actions Related to the Attainment of Economic Self-sufficiency

The interviews carried out by the various teams revealed that in some countries patterns could be observed which were similar across generations (e.g. the importance of ‘terbiye’ values in Turkey), whereas in others (e.g. the importance of work vs. leisure in Spain) intergenerational shifts were evident. The Austrian interviewees suggested that intrinsic work values, such as satisfaction with the job, were very important to both parents and children, and the parents even expressed their hope of having transmitted such values successfully. The interviews also hinted at the importance of perseverance, which was also shared by parents and their children. Young Danes in employment expressed views that correspond to the values of self-direction and self-enhancement. For the unemployed youth in Denmark, the picture was mixed in terms of attitudes and values, but on average, young people interviewed responded that they value being independent of their parents. A similar split between youth from higher-income families on the one side and low- and middle-income families on the other could be observed by the German interviewers. The first emphasised goal-setting and the need to achieve as well as intrinsic work values and a good work ethic. Youth belonging to the second group did not pay so much attention to work values, but emphasised traditional values related to the family instead. The Swiss team observed shifts in the emphasis on specific values from one generation to another, for example concerning the prioritisation of work. Nevertheless, across all generations, the Swiss interviewees expressed a general belief in work as a central part of life, which is a pattern that could also be observed for the families interviewed in the United Kingdom: the respondents of all generations equally stressed the importance of work, but the motivation for valuing work was different. British families with more cultural capital and belonging more to the upper middle classes, saw education as an experience and work as something fulfilling. Families from lower socio-economic classes, while still having the economic capital to pay for higher education, saw higher

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education as a means to an end, getting a job, and a job was a means to the end of earning a good living. In Greece, traditional values of education and family are transmitted across generations. The younger generations also communicated the necessity of adaptability and independence as they reflected the current situation in the labour market, which is a difficult one, especially for the young labour force. Compared to employment in the private sector, working as a civil servant or having one’s own business were valued as careers which provide security as well as social status. The Hungarian interviews revealed an orientation towards traditional values related to family and national identity, which were similar across the generations. The interviewees across all three generations also stressed the importance of professional orientation and diligence. The interviews carried out in Italy revealed a split between the values and attitudes of young people who were self-sufficient and of young people who had not (yet) achieved self-sufficiency. The first emphasised values linked to self-determination, ambition, and achievement, in combination with a positive attitude towards taking risks. Youth with difficulties in attaining economic self-sufficience did not refer to achievement and ambition and lacked a future job trajectory. In Spain, good family health, higher educational attainment, and close family bonds were the three factors re-iterated by the majority of young respondents, but the interviewers also observed a discontinuity in workrelated values across the generations. Differences in work-related values and attitudes were particularly noticeable between the second and third generations, as young respondents tended to value spending time with families and friends over working to earn more money. The Turkish team introduced the concept of ‘terbiye’ values, which comprise good behaviour in the sense of respect, especially obedience to elders, loyalty, and being cultivated and educated. This set of values, together with the importance of having a well-regarded profession, were stressed by all generations interviewed. Even though grandparents and parents did not value women’s careers, nor strived for high-quality jobs themselves when they were younger, the interviewees regarded necessary for young women to have careers of their own considering the current state of Turkey’s economy. This observation resonates with recent studies on the role of parents and grandparents in the career adaptability of the third generation of a family (e.g. Garcia et al. 2019). More generally, across all generations of the Turkish families interviewed, education is

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seen as the most secure way to protect one’s socio-economic and social status and to move up the social ladder In the Czech families in which parents transmitted attitudes such as an active approach to life, willingness to take risks, trust, the ability to self-reflect, and also values such as a high regard for work-related achievements and constant self-development, the interviewees indicated that the youth tended to adapt more successfully to the contemporary labour market. Families that did not encourage their offspring to attain economic self-sufficiency transmitted a more passive approach to life, higher risk avoidance, and distrust across generations. The central values they transmitted were family and interrelatedness as opposed to work and achievement. In all countries, youth who were economically self-sufficient also responded that they were willing to take risks or had taken risks in the past. One striking observation across all countries, though, is that both youth who have reached self-sufficiency and those who have not try to improve their situation by working, even if it means working in different jobs or in the low-wage sector. Young Hungarians, for example, often take on a second job in order to afford extras, especially in rural areas. Similarly, in Italy, many young people engage in low-skilled, part-time jobs, even though the payment is too low to lead to economic self-sufficiency. However, the youth who engage in such jobs do it to pull their weight and to contribute to the family budget. Therefore, the interview material suggests that young people are willing to take action to change their level of self-sufficiency, and, as shown by the interviews in Spain, emigration to a different country is among the options considered by them. More generally, the third-generation interviewees who had not attained selfsufficiency indicated a wide range of actions they would be willing to do in order to improve their financial situation. 15.3.2

Socialisation

Parent–child socialisation can occur in three ways: directly (e.g. through active education and communication); indirectly through everyday routines (e.g. modelling desired behaviour); and through the opportunities that parents provide to their children (Kraaykamp et al. 2019: 14). The Austrian interviewees alluded to all three forms of socialisation, but they emphasised direct socialisation through conversations in the

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family related to work and education and to transmitting knowledge on professional activities. An interesting finding relates to parents who did not follow a consistent career pathway and who appeared insecure about their own working conditions. These parents often transmitted these insecurities to their children, which is reflected in their attitudes and actions related to work and education, which resonates with findings in research on the intergenerational transmission of job insecurity (e.g. Lübke 2018). The interviews with Danish, German, and Italian families both showed that socialisation is particularly important in cases when a third-generation member of a family is an entrepreneur or works in the family business. Especially in family businesses, work plays a central role in the family conversations. Children of self-employed parents appeared to be aware of a wider array of different career options. The parents, and sometimes also grandparents, play a critical role in developing the ‘entrepreneurial spirit’ and a more positive attitude to risk-taking. Working in the family business ensures the transmission of values such as hard work and the skills and the pride to continue the family business. The Danish interviews also revealed that unemployed youth often lack role models who could inspire them to invest more in education or to take risks in order to become economically self-sufficient. In Switzerland, family members—most notably the parents—influence the youth’s decisions on apprenticeships or their choice of studies by directly offering advice. The Swiss team observed that many young people, especially in families working in agriculture, followed their parents’ path. In the cases of Greece and Italy, socialisation in the family context is crucial, as many young people tend to live with their parents not only for financial reasons but also due to interdependence among family members. The interviews showed that all three forms of socialisation existed in the families selected. Direct communication and role-modelling were mentioned as crucial socialisation mechanisms in Hungary, especially in the case of familyemployed offspring. Traditional values related to family or national identity were often passed on to the offspring intentionally by means of direct socialisation. On the other hand, work values such as professional orientation and diligence were in most cases transmitted through role-modelling. The interviews with Spanish families also stressed the importance of all three socialisation mechanisms. Interestingly, however, it is not only

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the parents or grandparents who are involved in socialisation, but also members of the extended family, such as uncles, aunts, or cousins, were indicated to play a role in transmitting values and attitudes related to work and education to the youth. The Turkish parents reported that they sought to influence their children through conversations, which is associated with direct socialisation. In addition to these conversations at home, role models in the family or family friends provide children with examples approved by their parents. From this perspective, there is a similarity between the socialisation processes as they occur in Turkey and Spain. With the Czech families, role-modelling revealed itself as the most prominent mechanism of socialisation. In the case of the families with economically self-sufficient children, fathers as well as mothers served as role models, and parents also praise their children for achievements in educational as well as extracurricular activities (such as sports). They also communicated their ambitions to their offspring. Unemployed young people, on the contrary, were praised more for how successful they are in their social roles of good and loving family members. While socialisation within the family was reported to matter for families in all countries, it was found to be relatively less important in the United Kingdom. 15.3.3

Resources

The interviews showed that all forms of capital as introduced by Bourdieu (1979, 1984)—cultural, economic, and social—represent resources that are transferred from one generation to the next. However, the relevance of the individual forms of capital are judged differently by the families based in the different countries. The family interviews carried out in Austria, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Turkey, and the United Kingdom all emphasised the importance of social capital for finding employment, regardless of the socio-economic background of the respective families. The interviews also revealed that parents are willing to invest cultural capital and economic capital in order to help their children to accumulate social capital. For example, the Czech families with economically selfsufficient children stated that they invested significantly in both their children’s curricular and extracurricular education—not only with a view to improving their skills, but also to provide them with a wide social

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network. The families with unemployed youngsters, on the other hand, engaged in leisure activities less purposefully, and mainly for pleasure. These families also exhibited the lack of informal contacts capable of providing jobs and cultural capital. The Turkish parents reported that they enter their children into all sorts of employment initiations and that they mobilise their social networks in order to help their children find a job. Similar to what was reported for the other countries, the families in Turkey also spend a lot of time together; however, this involves the friends or acquaintances of the parents and grandparents as well as the extended family. Thus, while spending time together helps to transmit cultural capital, it simultaneously transmits social capital. A noteworthy observation in this regard is made in the chapter on Greek families, in which the authors argued that strong family ties limited the social capital of young people since they spend more time with their families than with people outside the family. To put it in the words of Putnam (2001), Greek youth benefit from considerable bonding capital, but lack bridging capital. In the Hungarian case, the transmission of cultural capital was seen as very important, and parents emphasised their efforts to give their children access to classical literature and music as well as to Hungarian history. To invest in their children’s education revealed itself as typical, though in some cases it was driven by the parents’ own unfulfilled professional aspirations. The interviews with Austrian, Danish, and German families also demonstrated the importance of cultural capital. Remarkably, the transmission of cultural capital was not fundamentally different between families of high-, middle-, and low-income. They all reported undertaking numerous family activities, though these varied accordingly to the families’ financial means. While the importance of social capital in particular was stressed by many interviewees, comparatively few emphasised economic capital. However, families in the United Kingdom elaborated on the importance of economic capital, and the interviewers could observe directly the divide in the ability of families to transfer economic capital from one generation to the next. The transmission of social and cultural capital, conversely, was less visible. The interviews carried out with the Italian families also suggested that family endowments affect both the youth’s education and their career

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choices. Poorer families reported economic hardship when it came to providing their children with economic resources, especially when they had to decide whether to enter tertiary education. Economic capital and its transmission from one generation to the next was also an important theme with regard to families running a family business. Interviews carried out in various countries with such families showed that the third generation of family members benefits from gaining access to economic capital early on, as it strengthens the impact of attitudes and values related to work and education, which also tend to be very similar between parents and children. In Spain, the young people interviewed indicated they regard themselves as the beneficiaries of a certain accumulation of economic and human capital across previous generations. Despite this favourable endowment of capital, however, contextual factors, youth unemployment, and precarious employment must be considered important reasons as to why this generation has experienced difficulties in becoming self-sufficient. 15.3.4

Risk Aversion

In Chapter 2, we outlined that we follow the reasoning of the relative risk aversion theory as put forth by Breen and Goldthorpe (1997). In brief, the theoretical model has two important aspects: first, children strive to preserve the social class that they ‘inherited’ from their parents and will therefore invest in education to avoid downward social mobility; second, children may stop investing in education when they anticipate that they have already invested enough to attain the goal of preserving their parents’ social class. We reiterate the model here because the interviews revealed that interviewees in various countries perceive a risk of downward social mobility. However, the interviews did not find that children—not even those coming from high-income families—responded that they would stop investing in their education. Austrian families stressed that the educational success of their offspring was a core aim and that they were willing to invest the resources needed to ensure its attainment. Downward social mobility was clearly perceived as a risk, especially by parents. In the case of Greece, high upward mobility was observed across generations with respect to their level of education. The same goes for the Hungarian families interviewed, but the differences in social class are

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particularly visible for the generations of the grandparents and the grandchildren. Most interviewees referred to foreign language skills as one of the most important vehicles of upward mobility. Upward social mobility was also observed with some Czech families, but generally the education levels across the generations were more similar than those in Hungary. In Turkey, the parents interviewed indicated that they do not want their children to preserve their social class, but to experience upward social mobility. Similarly, the responses given by the parents’ generation in Italy, Hungary, and Spain suggest that families are willing to ‘over-invest’ in their children if it will help them move to a higher social class. Another remarkable observation is that while concerns about downward mobility were expressed by families in almost all countries, this was not the case in Denmark and in Switzerland. This phenomenon is arguably related to the generosity of the welfare regime (in the case of Denmark) and the strong economy (in the case of Switzerland). Further, the interviews carried out in Germany do not suggest that relative risk aversion is a mechanism at work there. Similarly, the chapter on the United Kingdom stated that cultural and social reproduction matters more than risk aversion for explaining our outcome variables. In sum, in most of the countries, families wish to facilitate the upward social mobility of their children and to attain this they invest considerably in their education. Effectively, however, in many of the sampled families these investments were perceived to mostly only prevent downward social mobility. 15.3.5

Parenting Styles

Parenting styles can be divided into authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive (subdivided in indulgent and neglectful), as discussed in detail in Chapter 2. In Austria, families with an academic background stressed that their children are free to make any decisions, although the chapter authors state that when the children reflected on this, it at times appeared that the decisions were affected by the preferences of their parents or grandparents. In families with a non-academic background, the parenting style was found to stress diligence, discipline, authority, and politeness. The dominant parenting style in Denmark and Germany was authoritative parenting. In Switzerland, with regard to parental influence on

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career decisions, the youngest generation, as well as the parental generation, almost unanimously reported that they were free to make their own career decisions and that their parents supported them in their decisionmaking process, which indicates the prevalence of permissive parenting. The young Swiss replied that they accept the parents’ lead and make choices similar to them. For the British families, both permissive and authoritarian parenting could be observed. Interestingly, in families with a larger involvement of grandparents, authoritarian parenting dominated. Overall, grandparents showed a greater tendency for authoritarian parenting, suggesting a generational shift in parenting practices. The interviews suggested that in their interactions with grandchildren, the grandparents continued to rely on this authoritarian style. In the case of Hungary, the parenting style had a strong, moderating effect. The authoritative parenting style seen in most of the families helped to support values of self-direction and autonomy as well as cultural capital across generations. On the contrary, a neglectful parenting style, exhibited especially by fathers who were not involved in family life due to work, was described as ‘a failure’ by the interviewees themselves. Czech families with economically self-sufficient youth exhibited an authoritative parenting style where children were emotionally supported and reasonable demands were made of them. Authoritarian and overprotective parenting styles were present in families with a less self-sufficient youngest generation, especially when the relationship between an authoritarian father and his son seemed to be counterproductive in regard of the attainment of economic self-sufficiency. The parenting style observed in the interviews carried out in Turkey is described as a combination of parental emotional warmth and the granting of autonomy, but with psychological control of the children. There is a trend towards more authoritative parenting, the granting of autonomy, and the inclusion of women with younger generations and families living in urban settings with relatively high incomes. Such families also tend to focus less on traditional gender roles and more on the opportunities of future generations. From this perspective, the parenting styles observed in Turkey correspond to the style that could be observed for the Greek families which reflected the patriarchal structure of their society, the traditional division of gender roles, and high levels of interrelatedness.

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In Italy, although in almost all interviews parents declared that they leave their children free to make their own decisions, it seems that they, somehow indirectly, induce their children to accept their decisions. In Spain, most families, and particularly third-generation respondents, manifested a good relationship with their parents and grandparents. Most young respondents stated that their parents had high expectations regarding their future, but few of them reported feeling pressured by these. This could indicate a permissive parenting style. In short, most families in our study indicated that they pursue an authoritative parenting style, but we could also observe instances of authoritarian and permissive approaches. Authoritarian parenting especially was either observed for the grandparents’ generation or for lowincome families. 15.3.6

Contextual Factors

The chapters on Germany and Switzerland showed the importance of the welfare state. In Germany, most interviewed young adults grew up in a household in which the mother quit work and stayed at home to take care of the children and the family. Therefore, many thirdgeneration interviewees reported that their father was absent to some degree due to work duties, whereas the mother was around at all times or at least most of the time. The Swiss chapter reported that the liberal welfare state puts the family at centre stage, and in doing so underscored the importance of parental support and influence. Interestingly, in Denmark, a universal welfare state, families also seem to matter a lot to the economic self-sufficiency of young people. What is more, as the authors of the chapter flagged, the interviewees emphasised the importance of social networks for findings employment, which represents a somewhat unexpected finding for a country that is widely regarded as a leader in facilitating youth employment (e.g. Tosun et al. 2017). The transition from a socialist country and the change of family policy as well as to free education obviously influenced the socialisation of children in the Czech Republic and Hungary. Similarly, the regime change had a strong impact on the generation of the parents and their work opportunities. Therefore, the Czech Republic and Hungary are two countries in our sample where the country-specific context is not only defined

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by the characteristics of the welfare state, but also by a far-reaching transformation of the economic, political, and social system. This was also reflected in the respondences of the interviewees. Turkish society has also experienced a rapid transformation from a rural society to an urban one from the 1950s onwards. During this period of change, cultural values and attitudes have not changed as rapidly as the economy, particularly in the areas of interpersonal and family relations as the chapter authors compellingly argued. This explains why the interviews revealed the existence of values and attitudes that are predominantly associated with the traditional rural population alongside modern values and attitudes typical of respondents living in urban areas. While transformation processes are important in the cases of the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Turkey, in the cases of Greece, Italy, and Spain the lack of employment opportunities for the youth constitute a critical contextual factor which has a strong moderating effect on the strategies of the youth and their families alike. As explained above, Italian families are willing to significantly invest in the education of their children, but since there is little demand for youth labour, families do not get the expected return on their investment. What is more, according to the interviews, the families feel overwhelmed by the various functions they have to fulfil in order to help their children to become economically self-sufficient. This also goes for Greece and Spain, where families must support the third generation financially as well as through other forms of support, such as housing and child care. In these three countries, the combination of a weak welfare state and a lack of employment opportunities for the youth form the context in which family processes take place. In this regard, the interviews with Spanish families revealed that the unfavourable labour market for young people is one of the reasons, why today risk aversion dominates the decisions of parents concerning the education of their children. The economic situation resulted in a devaluation of the family’s economic and social capital, which has forced families to invest even more in the education of the children.

15.4

Answers to the Research Questions

We now draw together the country-specific findings outlined in the previous section and offer a synthesis of the findings in order to answer the research questions formulated in Chapter 1.

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How does socialisation regarding work and education occur within the family? Our findings suggest that in most of the families observed, parents served as role models regarding education and employment. Orientation towards work and achievement in the domains of education and work is an important driver, articulated in many cases through the parents’ ambitions. Self-direction, self-reflection, and willingness to take risks were also attitudes transmitted by means of verbal messages between parents and their children. In most of the countries, entrepreneurs and those who run family businesses emphasised the value of independence. In addition, the interviews revealed that, in many cases, parents praise their children for taking risks and for being courageous with regard to education and career choices. In contrast, unemployed respondents and their family members held the opposite orientation of values. Families of unemployed young people exhibited the need for security and a strong orientation towards family, and this emphasis on family ties was transmitted from one generation to the next. Risk avoidance, lack of self-reflection, unrealistic expectations concerning one’s future career, and limited social capital, on the other hand, clearly hindered the progression towards selfsufficiency in most countries. To summarise, socialisation within families is a core mechanism for attaining economic self-sufficiency. This mechanism mainly manifested itself in the imitation of parents and grandparents who acted as role models, in acts of communication, and in the various activities which families undertook together. With families who run a family business, the socialisation effect observed was particularly strong, which is plausible given the centrality of that business for the daily lives of the family members. Does family matter in terms of the wish to maintain the parents’ social status, in terms of resources, or both? Relative risk aversion theory appears to be supported by most of the interviews and to apply across countries since they revealed that children generally attempt to avoid downward mobility and would most likely perceive it as their own failure were it to occur. In most of the countries, the level of education was even transmitted from one generation to the next, with an increase in the level of education of the youngest generation. The related question of parents investing in their children’s education, however, has lower significance in countries in which education is free of charge than in those in which it is not. Nevertheless, investment in

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informal education did play a role even in countries with free formal education: for example, travelling within and outside individual countries can widen respondents’ cultural capital and improve their position on the labour market by the accumulation of social capital. Thus, the self-sufficiency of our respondents was generally determined by every type of resource and consideration concerning economic risks as delineated in Chapter 2, even if their significance was not equal. Regardless of the countries in which the interviewees were based, the interviews showed that the transmission of economic capital is an important driver of economic self-sufficiency. Solid social capital is typical of families that enhance economic self-sufficiency in their children. The social capital in these cases involves not only the close family, but also the extended as well as friends and acquaintances. Relying on only the close family circle, on the other hand, limits young generations and restricts young peoples’ search for better job opportunities. Being able to communicate with people outside the family goes along with more developed soft skills that can be built through various extracurricular activities (sport, cultural, social, etc.). The lack of social capital was apparent in interviewees who come from rural environments, as well as in those whose families have strong ties with each other but lack ties with individuals outside the family. Both social and cultural capital are transmitted through activities that families do together. How does the parenting style moderate the transmission process? Based on our observations, authoritative and indulgent permissive parenting styles were used in most of the cases. A notable exception is the parenting style reported by the authors of the chapter on Turkey, which uniquely combines emotional interdependence with autonomy, permissiveness, and overprotection. Emotional support together with making reasonable demands of children helped youth in our sample to attain economic self-sufficiency and was also perceived very positively by all generations. Within the families in the Czech Republic, Denmark, and Greece, we could observe that authoritarian and overprotective parenting styles led to passive approaches to life. The German interviews revealed that those families in which an inconsistent parenting style was lived, the third-generation respondents had difficulties in attaining economic self-sufficiency. The interviews support a claim in the literature in crosscultural psychology that positive parenting strengthens intergenerational transmission (Barni et al. 2012; Mayer et al. 2012). Parenting style

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moderates the transmission process but its effectiveness depends on the specific cultural context. How does the country context, such as welfare state arrangements, moderate the transmission process? Regarding welfare arrangements, we found that either they were not explicitly mentioned by the intereviewees in countries with more favourable labour market conditions and a generous welfare system, regardless of whether the specific regime under question was conservative (Austria, Germany) or social democratic (Denmark), or the view depended on the economic situation of particular families in a liberal regime (United Kingdom). In countries that embody the so-called Mediterranean model—i.e. ones in which the family performs the central role in terms of care and economic production (family businesses), such as Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey (Gal 2010)—youth and women suffer from high unemployment rates and low-paid job offers, and unemployment compensation and vocational training systems are seen as not sufficient. Gender role differences are apparent in the distribution of housework in all samples, as women are still typically housekeepers and pass this role on to their daughters. The studies also revealed differences between urban and rural environments—most notably relating to the adequacy of social networking and possible job opportunities, as these are less available in the rural setting. Summary of findings Families in all the studied countries significantly shaped the young people’s motivation to become economically self-sufficient. In families which encouraged economic self-sufficiency in their offspring, parents and grandparents emphasised work as a central value, encouraged independence, risk-taking, and favoured a proactive approach to life. On the contrary, families that did not support the economic self-sufficiency of their children focused on the family and elevated it as a central value, thus discouraging young people from taking risks and instead encouraging them to adopt a passive approach to life. The ability of self-reflection was found important, as it helped all generations to follow societal changes and labour market needs efficiently. Also, it supported youth in building their interpersonal skills.

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Considering the importance of families to the development of economic self-sufficiency in all of the countries in our sample, parents have a crucial role in the prevention of youth unemployment by serving as role models and encouraging young people to be active and independent. Our research showed that parents should, besides supporting education, also organise various leisure activities, as social and cultural capital are transmitted through the activities that families undertake together. The most effective way of ensuring this is to use an authoritative parenting style, as this facilitates the development of children by demonstrating high levels of responsiveness as well as by making high demands in relation to educational and career choices.

References Barni, D., Ranieri, S., & Scabini, E. (2012). Value Similarity Among Grandparents, Parents, and Adolescent Children: Unique or Stereotypical? Family Science, 3(1), 46–54. https://doi.org/10.1080/19424620.2011.671499. Bourdieu, P. (1979). Les trois états du capital culturel. Actes de La Recherche En Sciences Sociales, 30(1), 3–6. https://doi.org/10.3406/arss.1979.2654. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, Cambridge. Mass: Harvard University Press. Breen, R., & Goldthorpe, J. H. (1997). Explaining Educational Differentials. Rationality and Society, 9(3), 275–305. https://doi.org/10.1177/104346 397009003002. Gal, J. (2010). Is There an Extended Family of Mediterranean Welfare States? Journal of European Social Policy, 20(4), 283–300. https://doi.org/10. 1177/0958928710374374. Garcia, P. R. J. M., Restubog, S. L. D., Ocampo, A. C., Wang, L., & Tang, R. L. (2019). Role Modeling as a Socialization Mechanism in the Transmission of Career Adaptability Across Generations. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 111, 39–48. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jvb.2018.12.002. Gowdy, E. A., & Pearlmutter, S. (1993). Economic Self-Sufficiency: It’s Not Just Money. Affilia, 8(4), 368–87. https://doi.org/10.1177/088610999 300800402. Hetling, A., Hoge, G. L., & Postmus, J. L. (2016). What Is Economic Self-Sufficiency? Validating a Measurement Scale for Policy, Practice, and Research. Journal of Poverty, 20(2), 214–35. https://doi.org/10.1080/108 75549.2015.1094768. Kraaykamp, G., Cemalcilar, Z., & Tosun, J. (2019). Transmission of Work Attitudes and Values: Comparisons, Consequences, and Implications. The

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ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 682(1), 8–24. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716219831947. Lee, J. C., & Mortimer, J. T. (2009). Family Socialization, Economic SelfEfficacy, and the Attainment of Financial Independence in Early Adulthood. Longitudinal and Life Course Studies, 1(1), 45–62. Lübke, C. (2018). Intergenerationale Transmission subjektiver Arbeitsplatzunsicherheit. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden. Mayer, B., Trommsdorff, G., Kagitcibasi, C., & Mishra, R. C. (2012). Family Models of Independence/Interdependence and Their Intergenerational Similarity in Germany, Turkey, and India. Family Science, 3(1), 64–74. https:// doi.org/10.1080/19424620.2011.671503. O’Reilly, J., et al. (2015). Five Characteristics of Youth Unemployment in Europe. SAGE Open, 5(1), 215824401557496. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 2158244015574962. Putnam, R. D. (2001). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. Tosun, J., Arco-Tirado, J. L., Caserta, M., Cemalcilar, Z., Freitag, M., Hörisch, F., et al. (2019). Perceived Economic Self-sufficiency: A Country- and Generation-Comparative Approach. European Political Science, 18(3), 510– 531. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-018-0186-3. Tosun, J., Hörisch, F., & Marques, P. (2019). Youth Employment in Europe: Coordination as a Crucial Dimension. International Journal of Social Welfare, 28(4), 350–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/ijsw.12403. Tosun, J., Unt, M., & Wadensjö, E. (2017). Youth-oriented Active Labour Market Policies: Explaining Policy Effort in the Nordic and the Baltic States. Social Policy & Administration, 51(4), 598–616. https://doi.org/10.1111/ spol.12315. Warmuth, J.R., Kittel, B., Steiber, N., and Mühlböck, M. (2015). ‘Cultural Pathways to Economic Self-sufficiency and Entrepreneurship. An Overview of Theoretical Perspectives on Micromechanisms.’ (CUPESSE working paper 1, 2015). Heidelberg/Mannheim, available at https://cupesse.eu/fileadmin/ cupesse/downloads/working-papers/CUPESSE_Working-Paper_1.pdf.

Appendix

See Tables A.1, A.2 and A.3. Table A.1 Interview guide Interest

Main Interview question

Follow-up / additional questions

1. Education and career To get started, could you let me know about your educational background as well as you work experience?

□ □ □

Education Discontinuities Work experience

- Please outline the most important steps in your education and vocational training. - What were the reasons for that particular choice? - Did your family and/or relatives have any influence upon your educational and/or job choices? - I would like to ask you to briefly describe the course of your employment history. - Would you make a different decision today if you had such a choice?

(continued)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9

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Table A.1 (continued) 2. Actual situation (employed/unemployed/self-employed/in education/employed in family business): - How did you get the job you have Employed: □ Work experience right now? Can you tell me more about your □ Works attitudes - What do you like/dislike about □ Work values current job? your current job? - What do you like about that Unemployed: □ Work attitudes particular job? □ Work values Are you currently looking for a - What do you do in order to get the □ Social capital job? / if yes: What kind of job job? are you looking for? Why? / if - Is there anyone helping you to no: Why not? find your preferred job? - How did you become selfSelf-employed: □ Entrepreneurial employed? mindset Can you tell me more about your - Is there someone who inspired □ Barriers and decision to become selfyou in your decision to become opportunities employed and your selfself-employed? □ Work attitudes employment as such? - Please elaborate more on the □ Work values process of becoming and now □ Economic capital being self-employed. □ Role model - What do you like/dislike about being self-employed? - What do you do in order to get the In education: □ Work attitudes job? □ Work values What kind of job are you going - Is there anyone who can help you □ Social capital to look for after your graduation to find a job? from college and/or after you are done with vocational training?

(continued)

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399

Table A.1 (continued) Employed in family business: Can you tell me more about your current job? How do you make a living?

Mindset Work attitudes Work values □ Socio-economic status □ Financial selfsufficiency

□ □ □

- Please elaborate on the process of becoming and now being employed in the family business. - What do you like/dislike about your job? ( Types of income, welfare benefits, family financial support ) - How would you describe your standard of living?

3. Work attitudes values: What would be the job which suits your personality and your preferences best?

□ □ □ □

Work attitudes Work values Aspirations Hopes

□

Hobbies, interests, cultural capital, social capital

- What kind of qualifications do you believe are the most important in order to get such a job? - What personal characteristics, know-how and skills do you believe are the most important to get such a job? - Did you have specific ideas and aspirations about your preferred work when you were younger? What kind of aspirations were these? Are these aspirations fulfilled / do you believe these aspirations will be fulfilled?

4. Other activities We have spoken a lot about education/jobs. Apart from that – what do you do in your leisure time? Do you have any hobbies?

5. Family background: Parents’ work and financial situation Introductory Statement: Next, we would like to talk about your experience as a child (i.e. when you were up to 11 years of age). Specifically, we’d like to know a few things related to your parents’ professional background, your personal relationship with your family members as well as some of the leisure activities which you had with your parents as a child.

No answer required

(continued)

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Table A.1 (continued) What did your parents do for living throughout their lives?

□

How did your parents get on financially when you were growing up? Did your family experience any financial scarcity at one time or another?

□ □

□

Work values/centrality of the parents Occupational inheritance Tangible actions Direct verbal messages Examples

Did your parents speak about their work at home? As a child, what was your perception of working life? (Filter: In case the family had to deal with some financial issues): Could you please tell us whether you were affected by such financial issues in any specific way? Did such financial issues have any impact upon your school education or vocational training?

6. Family background: Family activities: What did your family do together? What kind of activities were these?

What did your parents do in their spare time? Did they have any hobbies?

□

□

Hobbies, interests, cultural capital, social capital of the parents and grandparents Leisure-time activities in childhood

What kind of things did you talk about at home? Could you tell me a bit more □ about your relationship with your parents as a child? □ □

□

(e.g. fine arts, theater, culture, opera, exhibitions, policy, TV, cinema, sports, nutrition)

Relationship between child/parents Parenting style Role models

Did your parents allow you to make your own decisions? What kind of decisions? What did your parents praise or scold you for? What do you admire most about your parents? (mother, father) Think about a situation in which your parents were proud of you. Please describe this situation.

Parental aspirations

What kind of aspirations were these? Did you feel pressure to live up to your parents’ expectations? What accomplishments are you the most proud of? Why?

Besides your parents, were there any other adults (e.g. your relatives) who were especially important to you when you were a child? Did your parents have particular aspirations for your future?

What did you do in your holidays?

(continued)

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Table A.1 (continued) 7. Current situation How would you describe the relationship which you have with your parents now? 8. Perceived transmission: What are the most important □ Work attitudes things your parents taught you? □ Work values 9. Expected transmission: What do you think is most important for young people to learn from home to meet future challenges?

□ □

Work attitudes Work values

(e.g. with regard to values, attitudes, words of wisdom, codes of conduct, and unwritten rules) What would you like to teach your children?

Table A.2 Example for a timeline Time

Happening

Memo/Code

1991

Elementary School

2002

High School

Six school changes due to ……..

2015

Evening classes to gain high school certificate

That was the first thing the person told me (no chronological order) – why she took evening classes wasn‘t clear from the beginning – it seemed as if this certificate finally ended a stage of life (the difficult high school years).

2016

Study

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Table A.3 Example for an Interview-Inventory Line-Nr.

Topic

Code 1. Level

Code 2. Level

Memo – Ideas of Interpretation

20-40

6 changes of school were a big challenge – explanation of how this came about

– school was worst time in life; – multiple changes of school – Special needs not taken into account

32,33

"[…] because I somehow differed from my class and my class somehow didn't like it so much"

Mobbing

Difficult school The parents are not days addressed WITHOUT → Parents had NO parental biographical meaning support in this phase! → Passivity: then I came to an art school (who decided that?) → differs from the others how is she different? / What does this mean for her?

….

From the victim of bullying to a student representative

……….

fighting spirit

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Austria See Tables A.4a and A.4b. Table A.4a Overview of interviewees Respondent pseudonym

Sex

Age

Residence (Region)

Labour market status

Family members participating

Anna

Female

20

urban

In education

Mother

Lukas

Male

25

rural

In Employment

Father and grandmother

David

Male

25

urban

In education

Mother and grandmother

Jakob

Male

18

urban

In education

Mother

Maria

Female

25

urban

In employment

Mother

Elena

Female

23

urban

Self-employed

Father and grandmother

Paul

Male

25

rural

Employed in family business

Mother and grandfather

Sarah

Female

20

urban

Unemployed

Mother

Laura

Female

23

rural

In education

Mother and grandmother

Viktoria

Female

24

rural

In employment

Mother and grandmother

Lisa

Female

25

urban

In education

Mother

Isabella

Female

20

urban

In education

Mother

Marlene

Female

20

rural

In education

Father and grandmother Father

Niklas

Male

29

urban

Unemployed

Lorenz

Male

30

rural

Self-employed

Mother

Sophie

Female

20

rural

Employed in family business

Father

Annika

Female

32

urban

In employment

Mother and grandfather

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Table A.4b

Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents

Family

1

2

Occupational background

In education

Employed

Region

urban

rural

3

4

5

In education

In education

Employed

urban

urban

urban

Sex & Age Grandparent

-

female-90

female-75

-

-

Parent

female-45

male-52

female-50

female-57

female-64

Young adult

female-20

male-25

male-25

male-18

female-25

Level of education Grandparent

-

Elementary School

Professional School for Economics (three years, non-academic degree)

-

-

Parent

Professional School for Radiology (nonacademic degree)

skilled-worker examination for agriculture

College for handicraft and design teachers (four years, non- academic degree)

Diploma (Agricultural Science)

Professional School for occupational therapist (nonacademic degree)

Young adult

Studying Law

High School Certificate (Agricultural School)

Studying Lectureship (soon MA in Lectureship)

Compulsory School (soon High School Certificate)

BA (Social Work)

Grandparent

-

pensioner (farmer)

pensioner (salaried in the private sector)

-

-

Parent

salaried in the public sector

owner of the family business

salaried in the public sector

salaried in the public sector

salaried in the public sector

Young adult

still in education salaried in the still in education still in education salaried in the private sector private sector

Grandparent

-

widowed-2

married-2

-

Parent

married-2

married-5

married-2

married-2

married-4

Young adult

single

single

single

single

single

Employment status

Marital status & children -

(continued)

APPENDIX

405

Table A.4b (continued) Family

6

7

8

9

10

Occupational background

Self-employed

Employed in the Unemployed family business

In education

Employed

Region

urban

rural

rural

rural

female-75

urban Sex & Age

Grandparent

female-70

male-86

-

female-74

Parent

male-45

female-55

female-50

female-54

female-54

Young adult

female-23

male-25

female-20

female-23

female-24

Grandparent

Professional School for Marketing (two years, nonacademic degree)

Professional School for Viticulture (two half-years during winter time)

Parent

MA (Economy)

MA (Commercial Sciences)

Young adult

MA (Drama, MA (Wine Compulsory Film and Media Business) School Science)

Grandparent

pensioner penionser (salaried in the (farmer) private sector)

Parent

salaried in the employed in the unemployed public sector family business

salaried in the salaried in the private sector private sector

Young adult

self-employed

owner of the unemployed family business

still in education salaried in the private sector

Grandparent

married-2

married-2

-

married-2

widowed-4

Parent

divorced-2

married-2

divorced-3

widowed-2

divorced-4

Young adult

single

single

single

single

single

Level of education Commercial Elementary School (two School years)

Apprenticeship High School Compulsory Certificate in Certificate School Photography (Commercial Academy) Studying Japanology

Apprenticeship Certificate in Office Administration

-

pensioner (salaried in the private sector)

Employment status -

Marital status & children

(continued)

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Table A.4b (continued) Family

11

12

Occupational background

In education

In education

Region

urban

urban

13

14

15

In education

Unemployed

Self-employed

urban

urban

rural

-

Sex & Age Grandparent

-

-

female-78

-

Parent

female-54

female-52

male-53

male-66

female-52

Young adult

female-25

female-20

female-20

male-29

male-30

Grandparent

-

-

Parent

Professional MA (Education Apprenticeship MA (Data and Professional School for in Music and Certificate in Information Training as Geriatric Nurse Movement Joinery Processing) Massage Education) Therapist

Young adult

Studying European Ethnology

High School Certificate (preparation for admission examination in Psychology)

Grandparent

-

-

Parent

salaried in the salaried in the salaried in the pensioner salaried in the private sector public sector private sector (salaried in the public sector public sector)

Young adult

still in education still in education still in education unemployed

Level of education Elementary School

High School Certificate (soon graduation in professional school for nursery education, nonacademic degree)

-

Professional School for Disability Care Workers (nonacademic degree)

Course for Coaching and Personal Development (and High School Certificate in Computer Science)

Employment status pensioner (salaried in the private sector)

-

self-employed

Marital status & children Grandparent

-

-

widowed-3

-

Parent

divorced-1

married-2

married-2

married-1

divorced-2

Young adult

single

single

single

single

married-2

(continued)

APPENDIX

Table A.4b (continued) Family

16

17

Occupational background

Employed in the Employed family business

Region

rural

urban

Sex & Age Grandparent

-

Parent

male-59

male-80 female-55

Young adult

female-20

female-32

Level of education Grandparent

-

Elementary School

Parent

Professional Professional School for Training as Entrepreneurs childminder (non-academic degree)

Young adult

Diploma in Master Degree Ballett and in International Dance Development Education (and High School Certificate in Tourism) Employment status retired (salaried in the private sector)

Grandparent

-

Parent

employed in the salaried in the family business private sector

Young adult

employed in the salaried in the family business private sector Marital status & children

Grandparent

-

Parent

married-3

married-4 divorced-3

Young adult

single

single

407

408

APPENDIX

Denmark See Table A.5. Table A.5 Overview of interviewees Respondent no.

Sex

Age

Residence (Region)

Labour market status

Family members participating

1

Female

25

Rural (Midtjylland)

Self-employed

Mother and grandmother

2

Male

31

Urban (Midtjylland)

Self-employed

Father and grandfather

3

Male

30

Rural (Syddanmark)

Employed in family business

Father and grandmother

4

Female

25

Urban (Midtjylland)

Employed in family business

Mother and grandmother

5

Male

21

Rural (Nordjylland)

Student

Mother and grandmother

6

Female

23

Urban (Midtjylland)

Student

Mother and grandmother

7

Female

27

Urban (Midtjylland)

Unemployed

Father and grandmother

8

Male

25

Rural (Nordjylland)

Unemployed

Father, mother, brother, grandmother

9

Male

28

Urban (Midtjylland)

In employment

Mother and grandmother

10

Female

23

Rural (Midtjylland)

In employment

Mother and grandmother

APPENDIX

409

Germany See Table A.6. Table A.6 Overview of interviewees Respondent pseudonym

Sex

Age

Residence (Region)

Labour market status

Family members participating

Alexander

Male

24

Urban

Employed

Mother and Grandmother

Lisa

Female

22

Rural

Employed

Father and Grandmother

Timo

Male

19

Urban

Unemployed

Mother

Sina

Female

25

Urban

Unemployed

Father

Maximilian

Male

27

Urban

Self-employed

Mother

Laura

Female

30

Urban

Self-employed

Mother

Thomas

Male

23

Urban

In education

Father and Grandmother

Lena

Female

25

Urban

In education

Mother and Grandmother

Simon

Male

25

Urban

Employed in the family business

Father and Grandfather

Anna

Female

23

Rural

Employed in the family business

Mother and Grandfather

410

APPENDIX

Switzerland See Table A.7. Table A.7 Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Family no.

1

2

Region

urban

rural

3

4

5

sub-urban

rural

rural

Gender & Age Grandparent

male – 93

male – 78

male – 93

female – 84

female – 74

Parent

female – 58

female – 45

male – 53

female – 49

male – 46

Young adult

female – 20

female – 18

male – 23

male – 19

male – 21

Level of education Grandparent

primary school

primary school

primary school

primary school

primary school

Parent

primary school

primary school

primary school

secondary school

primary school

Young adult

primary school

still in secondary school (A levels)

still in higher education (university)

primary school

secondary school

Grandparent

retired

retired

retired

retired

retired

Parent

part-time employed

part-time employed in family business

full-time employed (department manager)

full-time employed (teacher)

self-employed (farming)

Young adult

full-time employed

in education (school)

in education (university)

self-employed (family business)

employed in family business

Grandparent

widowed, in a relationship – three children

married – two children

married – five children

widowed – six children

married – three children

Parent

married – two children

married – four children

married – two children

married – two children

married – three children

Young adult

in a relationship – no children

single – no children

single – no children

single – no children

single – no children

Employment status

Marital status & children

(continued)

APPENDIX

411

Table A.7 (continued) Family no.

6

7

8

9

10

Region

urban

rural

urban

urban

urban

Grandparent

male – 84

female – 7

female – 88

female – 74

⎯

Parent

female – 53

female – 48

female – 59

male – 50

female – 55

Young adult

female – 19

female – 19

male – 27

male – 24

male – 26

Gender & Age

Level of education Grandparent

⎯

⎯

⎯

⎯

Parent

⎯

⎯

⎯

⎯

⎯

Young adult

still in tertiary education (educational psychology)

primary school

⎯

⎯

secondary school

Grandparent

retired

retired

retired

retired

⎯

Parent

employed

self-employed

full-time employed

employed

employed

Young adult

in education (educational psychology)

unemployed

full-time employed

employed

employed

Grandparent

married

married – four children

divorced

divorced -three children

⎯

Parent

married (2nd time) – two children

in partnership – four children

married – two children

divorced – one child

married – one child

Young adult

single – no children

single – no children

single – no children

single – no children

single – no children

Employment status

Marital status & children

412

APPENDIX

United kingdom See Tables A.8a and A.8b. Table A.8a Overview of interviewees Respondent pseudonym

Sex

Age

Residence (Region)

Labour market status

Family members participating

John

Male

22

Rural (North East of England)

In employment

Mother and grandfather

Chris

Male

28

Urban (North East of England)

Self-employed

Mother and grandmother

Philip

Male

20

Rural (North East of England and Warwickshire)

In education

Mother

Rosa

Female

20

Urban (North East of England and London)

In education

Father and grandfather

Andrew

Male

28

Urban (North East of England)

In education

Father and grandfather

Lucie

Female

26

Urban (North East of England)

Employed in family business

Father and grandmother

Helen

Female

21

Rural (North East of England)

In Employment

Father and grandmother

Nick

Male

22

Urban (North East of England and South East)

In education and family business

Mother

Victoria

Female

24

Urban (North East of England)

Self-employed

Mother and grandfather

Peter

Male

20

Rural (North East of England)

Employed in family business

Father and grandmother

Jack

Male

28

Urban (North East of England)

Unemployed

Father

APPENDIX

Table A.8b

413

Distribution of participants across categories In paid Employment/Economically self-sufficient

Not in paid employment/Not Economically self-sufficient

Focussed on gaining economic self-sufficiency

Entrepreneurs Chris (self-employed) Victoria (self-employed)

Ambitious Jack (unemployed) Nick (In education)

Not focussed on gaining economic self-sufficiency

Gradual Progressors John (employed) Helen (employed) Peter (family business) Lucie (family business)

Voluntary Dependents Rose (in education) Andrew (in education) Philip (in education)

414

APPENDIX

Hungary See Table A.9. Table A.9 Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents Family

1

2

3

4

5

Occupational background

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

In education

Unemployed

Employed

Region

rural

rural

urban

urban

urban

Sex & Age Grandparent

female-88

male-81

female-78

female-77

male-83

Parent

female-61

male-51

male-53

female-52

female-49

Young adult

female-27

female-25

female-23

female-24

female-23

Level of education Grandparent

College-level education (primary school teacher)

College-level education (teacher)

University degree (M.D.)

High school (grammar school)

Grammar school + 2 years of postsecondary education

Parent

College-level education (tourism)

Vocational school

PhD in History

University degree (teacher)

college-level education (agriculture)

Young adult

College-level education (in hospitality / catering)

MSc in Agriculturerelated studies

MA (ongoing in social sciences)

MA (social sciences)

MA (translator / interpreter)

Employment status Grandparent

Pensioner (former elementary school teacher)

Pensioner (previously vocational school teacher)

Pensioner (previously medical doctor)

Pensioner (previously secretary)

Pensioner (previously elementary school teacher)

Parent

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

University lecturer in History/Sociolo gy

Employed in NGO

Journalist at a local newspaper

Young adult

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

still in education

unemployed

salaried in the private sector

Grandparent

married-2

married-2

married-2

married-1

married-2

Parent

married-2

married-3

married-2

divorced–2

divorced-2

Young adult

married-1

single

single

single

single

Marital status & children

(continued)

APPENDIX

Table A.9 (continued) Family

6

7

8

9

Occupational background

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

In education

Employed

Region

rural

urban

urban

urban

Sex & Age Grandparent

female-76

female-84

female-82

female-70

Parent(s)

female-52 male-57

female-59

female-56

female-46

Young adult

male-29

male-22

male-24

male-20

Level of education Grandparent

Elementary school

Secondary education (high school)

High school (grammar school)

High school (grammar school)

Parent(s)

College-level education (finance & accountancy) University degrees (MA + J.D.)

University degree (M.D.)

University degree in Psychology

College-level education (teacher)

Young adult

MSc in Businessrelated studies

High school (grammar school)

BA in Economics

High school (grammar school)

Grandparent

Pensioner (previously factory & warehouse worker)

Pensioner (previously accountancyrelated jobs)

Pensioner (previously secretary)

Pensioner (previously shop assistant)

Parent(s)

employed in private sector (previously in family business) CEO of the family business

Executive of family business (medical / pharmaceutical book publishing)

Psychologist (private praxis)

salaried in the state sector (border customs)

Young adult

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

still in education

salaried in the state sector (postal service)

Employment status

Marital status & children Grandparent

widow-2

widow-2

divorced-2

widow-2

Parent

married-2

married-3

divorced–1

married-2

Young adult

married-1

single

single

single

415

416

APPENDIX

Greece See Table A.10.

Table A.10

Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents

Family

1

2

3

4

5

Occupational background

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

In education

Unemployed

Employed

Region

urban

urban

rural

rural

rural

Sex & Age Grandparent

male-92

male-86

male-79

female-89

male-85

Parent

male-54

male-58

female-50

female-63

male-66

Young adult

male-23

male-26

male-21

male-33

male-30

Level of education Grandparent

Vocational secondary school

Illiterate (less than primary school)

primary school (5/6 years) + 6th year eveningclasses

Primary school (5/6 years)

Secondary school

Parent

Military school (2y after Lyceum)

Technical school (3y after secondary school)

BA in TheologyNKUA

Lyceum

Technical school (3y after secondary school)

Young adult

Bachelor in Business AdministrationAegean Uni.

Bachelor in Political Science-NKUA

Studying at Electrical & Computing EngineeringDUTH

Technical school (IEK)

Master in Computer Science-Pireaus Univ.

Grandparent

Pensioner (salaried in private sector)

Pensioner (salaried in private sector)

Pensioner (self-employed)

Pensioner (self-employed)

Pensioner (farmer)

Parent

business owner

Self-employed

salaried in the public sector

employed in the inherited family business (in summer)

pensioner (salaried in the public sector)

Young adult

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

still in education

unemployed (previous job: self-employed)

salaried in the private sector

Grandparent

married-2

married-3

married-1

widow-2

married-2

Parent

married-2

married-3

married-2

married-2

married-2

Young adult

single

single

single

married-0

Employment status

Marital status & children

single

(continued)

APPENDIX

417

Table A.10 (continued) Family

6

7

8

9

10

Occupational background

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

In education

Unemployed

Employed

Region

urban

urban

urban

rural

rural female-86

Sex & Age Grandparent

female-71

female-93

female-60

male-84

Parent

female-46

male-64

female-43

female-58

female-56

Young adult

female-23

female-33

female-20

female-30

female-35

Grandparent

Primary school in country of origin (immigrant)

illiterate

Lyceum School (2/3 y)

primary school (4/6 y)

illiterate

Parent

TEI (2 years after High School) in Albania

Lyceum

Sivitanidios (2 y after Lyceum) Civil Engineering

Private IEK (2 y after Lyceum) in Accounting

Lyceum

Young adult

BA in MarketingCollege in Greece

BA in Philosophy, Education & PsychologyIoannina Univ.

Studying Economics at Pireaus Univ.

Social Administration & Political Science (hasn't finished yet) at DUTH

PhD in Economics

Grandparent

waiting for her pension (previous: selfemployed)

pensioner (farmer)

part-time selfemployed

pensioner (farmer)

pensioner (farmer)

Parent

business owner

pensioner (salaried in the public sector)

unemployed

pensioner (salaried in the public sector)

household keeper

Young adult

Employed in the family business

Self-employed

still in education

unemployed (previous job: self-employed)

salaried in the public sector

Grandparent

widow-8

widow-2

married-1

married-2

widow-4

Parent

married-2

married-2

married-2

married-2

married-2

Young adult

single

single

single

married-0

single

Level of education

Employment status

Marital status & children

418

APPENDIX

Turkey See Table A.11. Table A.11

Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents

Family No.

1

City

Istanbul

2

3

4

5

Istanbul

Istanbul

Adana

Adana

Male

3rd generation (Key person) Gender

Female

Female

Male

Female

Age

24

23

22

20

20

Education

College

2-year college

College distance education

High school

High school

Employment status

Unemployed

Unemployed

Employed

Employed in the family business

Unemployed

Female

2nd generation (Parent) Gender

Male

Female

Male

Female

Age

53

51

54

42

42

Education

Distant education degree

High school dropout

Military high school

Middle School

High school

Employment status

Retired

Retired

Retired

Employed

Employed

Female

1st generation (Grandparent) Gender

Female

Female

Female

Female

Age

72

74

76

62

70

Education

Primary school

Primary school

Middle School

No formal education

Primary school

Current Employment status

Housewife

Housewife

Housewife

Housewife

Housewife

Past employment experience

None

None

Temporarily for 2 years

None

None

(continued)

APPENDIX

419

Table A.11 (continued) Family No.

6

7

8

9

10

City

Diyarbakir

Diyarbakir

Istanbul

Istanbul

Istanbul

Gender

Female

Male

Female

Male

Male

Age

22

19

28

23

23

Education

High school

High school

Primary school

Student (Law degree)

Undergraduate degree

Employment status

Employed

Unemployed

Selfemployed

Help family business

Employed in the family business Male

3rd generation (Key person)

2nd generation (Parent) Gender

Female

Female

Female

Female

Age

43

37

53

55

55

Education

Primary school

Primary school

Primary school

High school

Some middle school

Employment status

Housewife

Housewife

Unemployed

Employed

Employed

1st generation (Grandparent) Gender

Female

Female

Female

Female

Male

Age

58

55

69

71

76

Education

No formal education

No formal education

Primary school

High school

Some primary school

Current Employment status

Housewife

Housewife

Housewife

Housewife

Retired

Past employment experience

Only in the family plantation

Only as a seasonal worker

None

None

For 26 years

420

APPENDIX

Italy See Table A.12. Table A.12

Characteristics of young adults and their parents/grandparents

Family

1

2

3

4

5

Occupational background

Employed

Unemployed

Self-employed

In education

Employed in the family business

Region

Rural

Urban

Urban

Rural

Rural

Sex & Age Grandparent

Female, 76

Parent

Male, 56 / Female, 55

Male, 57 / Female, 57

Male, 56 / Female, 56

Male, 52 / Female, 50

Male, 61 / Female, 54

Young adult

Male, 25

Male, 22

Male, 24

Male, 24

Male, 25

Level of education Grandparent

High school graduate

Parent

College graduate / College graduate

High school graduate / High school graduate

Primary school / Junior high school

High school graduate / High school graduate

High school graduate / High school graduate

Young adult

High school graduate

High school graduate

High school graduate

College graduate

High school graduate

Grandparent

Retired

Parent

Employed / Employed

Employed / Unemployed

Unemployed / Unemployed

Employed / Employed in the family business

Employed in the family business / Employed

Young adult

Employed

Unemployed

Self-employed

In education

Employed in the family business

Grandparent

Married (3 children)

Parent

Married (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Married (3 children)

Young adult

Single

Unmarried

Single

Unmarried

Unmarried

Employment status

Marital status & children

(continued)

APPENDIX

421

Table A.12 (continued) Family

6

7

8

9

10

Occupational background

Employed

Unemployed

Self-employed

In education

Employed in the family business

Region

Urban

Rural

Rural

Urban

Urban

Sex & Age Grandparent

Male, 68

Male, 72

Female, 69

Parent

Male, 52 / Female, 50

Male, 52 / Female, 49

Male, 58 / Female, 57

Male, 56 / Female, 55

Male, 55 / Female, 46

Young adult

Female, 25

Female, 25

Female, 25

Female, 24

Female, 20

Grandparent

High school graduate

Parent

High school graduate / High school graduate

Junior high school / College graduate

High school graduate / College graduate

College graduate / College graduate

High school graduate / High school graduate

Young adult

High school graduate

College graduate

College graduate

High school graduate

High school graduate

Grandparent

Employed

Parent

Unemployed / Housewife

Employed / Employed

Employed / Employed

Employed / Employed

Employed in the family business / Employed

Young adult

Employed

Unemployed

Self-employed

In education

Employed in the family business

Level of education High school graduate

High school graduate

Employment status Retired

Retired

Marital status & children Grandparent

Married (2 children)

Married (3 children)

Widow (2 children)

Parent

Married (3 children)

Separated (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Married (2 children)

Young adult

Married

Single

Married

Single

Unmarried

422

APPENDIX

Spain See Tables A.13a and A.13b. Table A.13a Young adults’ socio-demographic characteristics Family

Context

Work situation

Gender

Age

1

Rural

Student

Female

22

2

Rural

Employed

Male

26

3

Urban

Self-employed in the family business

Male

35

4

Rural

Unemployed

Female

24

5

Rural

Employed in the family business

Female

24

6

Urban

Student

Male

18

7

Urban

Employed

Female

35

8

Urban

Self-employed

Male

26

9

Rural

Self-employed

Male

35

10

Urban

Unemployed

Female

22

APPENDIX

423

Table A.13b Distribution of sociodemographic characteristics across family participants Family

Generation

Context

Gender

Age

1

Key Person

Rural

Female

22

Student

2nd

Rural

Female

47

Self-employed

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

Work situation

1st

Rural

Female

84

Retired

Key Person

Rural

Male

26

Employed

2nd

Rural

Female

61

Self-employed

1st

Rural

Male

86

Retired

Key Person

Urban

Male

35

Self-employed

2nd

Rural

Male

55

Pre-retirement

1st

Rural

Male

85

Retired

Key Person

Rural

Female

26

Unemployed

2nd

Rural

Female

47

Employed

1st

Rural

Female

69

Retired

Key Person

Rural

Female

24

Family business

2nd

Rural

Female

58

Employed

1st

Rural

Female

84

Retired

Key Person

Urban

Male

18

Student

2nd

Urban

Female

49

Employed

1st

Urban

Female

74

Retired

Key Person

Urban

Female

35

Employed

2nd

Urban

Female

58

Employed

1st

Urban

Female

90

Retired

Key Person

Urban

Male

27

Self-employed

2nd

Urban

Female

58

Employed

1st

Urban

Male

92

Retired

Key Person

Rural

Male

35

Self-employed

2nd

Rural

Male

55

Employed Family Business

1st

Rural

Female

89

Retired

Key Person

Urban

Female

22

Unemployed

2nd

Urban

Female

47

Employed

1st

Urban

Female

78

Retired

424

APPENDIX

Czech Republic See Tables A.14a and A.14b. Table A.14a Overview of interviewees Respondent pseudonym

Sex

Age

Residence (Region)

Labour market status

Family members participating

Paul

Male

24

Urban (Central Bohemia)

Unemployed

Mother and grandmother

Alice

Female

appr. 35

Rural (Central Bohemia)

Unemployed

Mother, father and grandmother

Patrik

Male

21

Urban (Prague)

In education

Mother, grandmother

Jorga

Female

appr. 21

Urban (Prague)

In education

Mother and grandmother

Adam

Male

22

Urban (Central Bohemia)

Employed

Mother and grandmother

Diana

Female

25

Urban (Prague)

Employed

Mother and grandfather

John

Male

21

Rural (Liberec region)

Employed in family business

Father

Jane

Female

23

Rural (Vysocina region)

Employed in family business

Father and grandfather

David

Male

34

Urban (Central Bohemia region)

Self-employed

Father and grandfather

Clara

Female

32

Urban (Central Bohemia region)

Self-employed

Mother and grandmother

APPENDIX

Table A.14b Overview of results: Czech Republic Respondents with a job

Unemployed respondents

Attitudes

Active approach to life Willingness to take risks Self-reflection Trust

Passive approach to life Risk avoidance Lack of self-reflection Distrust

Values

Self-direction Achievement Ambition

Family

Social capital

Social activities in childhood Useful contacts Soft skills

Activities in childhood primarily restricted to family circle Lack of useful contacts and soft skills

Cultural capital

Self-reflection Offspring taught to learn (and by extension to adapt to new situations)

Lack of self-reflection Offspring taught specific skills unrelated to work life

Resources

425

Index

A achievement, 15, 42, 78, 89, 97–100, 117, 118, 125, 136, 139, 166, 167, 185, 187, 190, 195, 197–199, 231, 233, 257, 271, 272, 274, 301, 302, 308, 309, 325, 332, 346, 347, 364, 365, 372, 373, 381, 382, 384, 391 actions, 3, 14, 18, 19, 29, 30, 32–35, 37, 40, 42, 44–46, 58, 73, 166, 254, 257, 329, 334, 346, 359, 362, 363, 378–380, 382, 383 adulthood, 1, 2, 5–7, 16, 60, 64, 71, 73, 185, 187, 195–197, 205, 206, 243, 324, 342, 343, 346, 348, 367 ambition, 15, 84, 85, 87, 93, 100, 101, 138, 185, 186, 188, 197, 200, 202, 204–206, 251, 257, 277, 301, 302, 308, 314, 364, 373, 381, 384, 391 aspirations, 17, 18, 37, 58, 91, 94, 136, 138, 142, 145, 219, 232, 246, 248, 250, 253, 255, 269,

271, 279, 280, 304, 314, 315, 318, 332, 335, 346, 385 attitudes, 3, 8, 9, 14–19, 29, 30, 32, 33, 35–37, 40, 42–45, 58, 59, 73, 78, 90, 92, 99–101, 111, 113, 116, 125, 137, 138, 152–154, 159, 161, 162, 166, 170, 173, 176, 178, 186, 190, 197, 204, 213, 222, 233, 254, 255, 264, 276, 281, 289, 290, 298, 301–304, 306, 307, 309, 317, 318, 328–331, 333–335, 342, 343, 346, 359, 360, 362, 363, 365, 372, 373, 378–384, 386, 390, 391 proactive, 100, 113, 114, 302, 306, 359 reactive, 360 autonomy, 2, 7, 34, 41, 108, 116, 137, 152, 166, 176, 198, 200, 206, 227, 232, 258, 264, 273, 274, 282–284, 286, 288–290, 306, 322, 325, 330, 342, 343, 388, 392

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021 J. Tosun et al. (eds.), Intergenerational Transmission and Economic Self-Sufficiency, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17498-9

427

428

INDEX

B bonds, 17, 88, 99, 178, 213, 231–233, 245, 248, 266, 285, 290, 327, 381

C capital cultural, 39, 89, 90, 99, 119, 120, 122, 125, 140, 141, 153, 190, 193–196, 204–206, 224–226, 232, 247, 248, 250, 255, 256, 258, 264, 276, 279, 280, 290, 304, 305, 307–309, 323, 346, 347, 360, 361, 364, 367–370, 372, 380, 384, 385, 388, 392, 394 economic, 39, 69, 123, 139, 144, 145, 177, 193–197, 205, 206, 211, 250, 255, 304–307, 309, 324, 335, 336, 341, 380, 384–386, 392 human, 78, 84, 91, 99, 242, 245, 254, 268, 303, 304, 327, 329, 338–340, 346, 347, 386 social, 39, 40, 43, 69, 87, 88, 100, 119, 130, 131, 141–143, 147, 153, 172, 193–195, 212, 226, 233, 244, 247, 248, 250, 255, 258, 266, 274, 278–280, 304, 308, 309, 337, 339, 340, 348, 359, 360, 364–367, 369, 372, 373, 384, 385, 390–392 career, 2, 17, 19, 30, 34, 58, 71, 83–87, 90–93, 99, 110, 123, 136, 138, 142, 143, 147, 171, 172, 174, 178, 188–190, 192, 194, 196, 197, 200, 201, 205, 210, 221, 222, 225, 228, 229, 243, 273, 274, 280, 281, 286, 287, 289, 304–306, 314, 315, 341, 345, 347, 358, 359, 363,

365, 366, 381, 383, 385, 388, 391 interruption, 110, 125 codebook, 68, 69 cohabitation, 79, 152, 184, 266, 309, 321, 322, 328 crisis, 2, 4, 8, 16, 17, 80, 129, 183, 184, 238, 239, 241, 243, 244, 248, 250, 252–256, 258, 299, 308, 311, 314, 327 D data analysis, 67, 68, 269 defamilization, 9, 312, 343, 345 E economic self-sufficiency, 3–5, 7, 10, 12, 14–20, 29, 32, 34, 36, 37, 42, 43, 45, 46, 58, 59, 64, 73, 78, 130, 139, 145, 153, 154, 162, 165, 177, 185–189, 195–197, 200, 201, 203–206, 211, 218, 233, 239, 243, 257, 263–267, 272, 279, 282, 283, 291, 297, 300–302, 306, 307, 312, 323–325, 327–329, 334–336, 341, 343, 346–348, 357, 371, 372, 378–380, 382, 388, 389, 391–394 economy, 78, 79, 133, 162, 179, 184, 223, 238, 239, 243, 256, 273, 281, 298, 304, 335, 381, 387, 390 education, 3, 4, 6, 8–10, 15–19, 31, 32, 34, 37–39, 43, 59, 62, 65, 71, 78, 79, 81–87, 92, 94, 95, 101, 108, 109, 111, 114, 118, 119, 121–123, 125, 129, 130, 133, 139, 146, 153, 162, 165, 170–172, 174, 177–179, 184, 186, 188, 190, 191,

INDEX

194–196, 199, 201, 204–206, 210, 214, 215, 217–219, 222, 223, 226, 232, 238–240, 242– 248, 250–255, 258, 264–266, 268–270, 272, 273, 275–281, 285–291, 298, 299, 301, 302, 305, 312–314, 318, 319, 324, 326–335, 337–339, 341, 344, 345, 347, 348, 357, 359, 364, 365, 370, 372, 373, 378, 380–387, 389–392, 394 higher, 38, 78, 100, 171, 184, 193, 204, 210, 215, 218, 219, 226, 232, 241, 242, 266, 290, 300, 318, 327, 333, 335, 346, 347, 380, 381 vocational, 43, 249, 312, 313, 348 emotions, 31, 42, 88, 170, 176, 197, 200, 201, 231, 264–266, 269, 273, 281, 283–287, 289–291, 315, 328, 341, 342, 345, 361, 388, 392 employability, 34, 195, 239, 248, 254, 308, 346 employment, 2, 4–7, 9, 10, 15, 17, 20, 34, 43, 65, 78–81, 83, 88, 93, 99–101, 110–113, 125, 129, 131, 143, 146, 162, 174, 177, 179, 184–186, 188, 192, 196, 210, 212, 214, 215, 218, 221, 223, 226, 227, 233, 238, 239, 241, 243, 245, 250, 255, 256, 264, 265, 272, 274, 277–279, 281, 282, 286, 288, 290, 291, 298, 302, 322, 326, 327, 329, 336, 344–346, 356, 357, 367, 378, 380, 381, 384–386, 389–391 full-time, 110, 223, 232 part-time, 80, 83, 188, 301, 331, 356

429

entrepreneurship, 131, 214, 227, 267, 291, 347, 364, 366, 367 experience, 16, 17, 19, 33, 59, 60, 62, 67, 83, 88, 91, 93, 95, 97, 99, 100, 110–112, 116, 120, 131, 137, 144, 146, 148, 185, 187, 189–192, 194, 197–200, 202, 203, 206, 213, 214, 219, 220, 224, 233, 238, 239, 242, 245, 246, 279, 288, 289, 301, 304, 307, 323, 325–331, 335, 336, 346–348, 357, 360–362, 365, 366, 380, 386, 387, 390 extracurricular activities, 199, 225, 367, 370, 372, 373, 384, 392

F family business, 17, 64, 65, 82, 90, 91, 93, 112–114, 116, 118, 122, 123, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137, 140, 143, 147, 148, 150, 168, 186, 188, 191, 193, 196, 198, 240, 242–245, 250, 251, 254, 269, 276, 278, 281, 287, 291, 300, 303, 306, 314, 315, 317, 324, 343, 357, 358, 363, 383, 386, 391, 393

G gender equality, 79 gender role, 160, 169, 170, 177, 270, 289, 290, 366, 388, 393

H habitus, 247, 248, 254–257, 316, 362, 368, 373 heritage, 231 occupational, 219, 220, 222, 232 hierarchy of needs, 92

430

INDEX

I identity, 309, 319 national, 231–233, 381, 383 images, 84, 89, 92, 93, 169, 209, 371 income, 10, 11, 33, 34, 43, 79, 80, 83, 92, 109, 112, 136, 138–141, 144, 146, 147, 151, 152, 173, 184, 212, 238, 239, 243–245, 247, 248, 250, 253, 256–258, 264, 268, 272–274, 276, 277, 279, 282, 286, 288–290, 311, 312, 315, 325, 327, 328, 356, 378, 380, 385, 386, 388, 389 independence, 5, 7, 9, 10, 86, 91, 95, 97, 99, 101, 116, 117, 137, 139, 170, 173–176, 193, 197, 200, 201, 217, 233, 243, 248, 250–252, 255, 257, 274, 282, 283, 301, 302, 314, 322, 327, 341, 343, 363, 381, 391, 393 financial, 2, 5–7, 64, 173, 211, 217, 243, 252, 253, 264 initiative-taking, 114, 274 institutions, 9, 39, 43, 78, 79, 131, 133, 239, 242–245, 248, 252, 253, 256, 258, 313, 322

L labour market, 3, 5, 8, 15, 16, 18, 33–35, 43, 62–65, 73, 78–81, 88, 99, 101, 184, 185, 188, 196, 238, 239, 249, 253, 256, 257, 298, 304, 308, 313, 318, 319, 326, 329, 333, 335, 337, 344, 345, 348, 356, 365, 368, 370, 372, 373, 381, 382, 390, 392, 393 learning, 36, 42, 61, 85, 136, 139, 190, 225, 226, 337, 347, 370, 378 social, 59, 135, 330

leisure, 90–92, 97, 100, 112, 124, 140, 209, 210, 212, 214, 224, 227, 231, 232, 279, 281, 317, 329, 330, 340, 369, 370, 372, 380, 385, 394 locus of control, 42, 302, 306, 358–360

M maternal leave, 109, 110, 125 messages, 215, 333 verbal, 391 middle class, 83, 92, 111, 146, 188, 189, 226, 232, 380 migration, 10, 17, 32, 211, 241 milestones, 1, 187 minority, 10, 231 motivation, 41, 84, 92, 100, 136, 186, 196, 212, 217, 223, 247, 254, 263, 264, 266, 267, 380, 393

N NEETs, 111, 129, 184, 265, 291

P parenting style authoritarian, 150, 198, 250, 306, 342 authoritative, 18, 40, 41, 60, 95, 100, 113, 115, 116, 124, 148–151, 153, 173, 195, 199, 205, 227, 250, 286, 288, 311, 371, 387–389, 392, 394 indulgent, 42, 311, 371, 387 neglectful, 40, 42, 117, 277, 286, 290, 311, 358, 362, 371, 387, 388 overprotective, 42, 286, 371, 388, 392

INDEX

permissive, 18, 40, 42, 60, 95, 117, 124, 150, 173, 175, 176, 178, 179, 197, 199, 201, 286, 288, 289, 311, 343, 345, 371, 387, 389, 392 personality, 8, 191, 193, 197, 201, 204, 242, 248, 269, 358 policy, 4, 5, 20, 34, 60, 79, 80, 107, 169, 282, 289–291, 302, 323, 345, 356, 373, 389 public service, 184, 210, 220

R regulations, 80, 309, 331 resources, 3, 15–17, 31, 37–40, 43, 45, 59, 60, 63, 69, 77, 78, 87, 88, 100, 111, 119–121, 124, 125, 130, 131, 139, 141, 144, 147, 153, 154, 171, 185, 189, 193–196, 204–206, 210, 216–218, 225, 232, 233, 238, 239, 243–247, 250–252, 254–257, 264, 268, 275, 276, 278–281, 286, 298, 299, 301, 302, 304, 305, 307, 308, 312, 314, 317–319, 323, 328, 335, 337–342, 346, 347, 359–361, 364, 369, 370, 372, 373, 378, 379, 384, 386, 392 risk, 2, 6, 14, 31, 37–39, 46, 94, 109, 125, 144, 145, 147, 183, 190, 194, 196, 205, 206, 246, 247, 254, 275, 290, 312, 325, 326, 328, 335, 341, 359–363, 365, 367, 371–373, 381–383, 386, 387, 390–393 role models, 34, 80, 135–137, 139, 153, 176, 189, 203, 204, 280, 358, 383, 384, 391, 394

431

S sampling, 10, 60, 61, 63–65, 124 criteria, 63, 64, 131, 357 school-to-work transition, 63, 239 security, 7, 79, 86, 92, 185, 220, 241–243, 246, 254, 256, 330, 365, 381, 391 self-development, 282, 365, 372, 382 self-direction, 41, 116–118, 125, 232, 283, 311, 363, 365, 373, 380, 388, 391 self-efficacy, 89, 95, 186, 187, 189, 195, 201, 205, 206 self-employment, 10, 30, 62, 64, 131, 135, 146, 147, 218, 223, 241, 246, 250, 298, 304 self-enhancement, 116, 118, 363, 380 self-fulfillment, 138, 218 self-realization, 306, 318 self-reflection, 116, 125, 359, 360, 364, 368, 373, 391, 393 siblings, 87, 88, 120, 133, 142, 187, 211, 213, 225, 268, 275 skills, 5, 9, 35, 91, 99, 108, 185, 194, 213, 218, 225, 242, 246, 250, 253, 264–267, 290, 298, 300–302, 304, 306, 308, 316, 318, 337, 340, 345, 347, 348, 360, 365, 367, 368, 370, 372, 373, 383, 384, 393 language, 225, 387 soft, 263, 302, 307, 308, 316, 367, 370, 392 small and medium size enterprises (SMEs), 211, 315 social mobility, 15, 16, 31, 32, 37, 38, 79, 94, 97, 109, 125, 145, 160, 171, 185, 187, 190, 191, 194, 196, 219, 225, 232, 242, 246, 324, 335, 386, 387

432

INDEX

networks, 6, 16, 39, 43, 69, 87, 88, 120, 131, 139, 147, 153, 170, 226, 335, 337, 360, 365, 372, 385, 389, 393 socialisation, 2, 3, 14, 17, 31, 34, 36, 40, 44, 46, 59, 77, 78, 100, 185, 323, 329, 330, 346, 379, 382–384, 389, 391 success, 41, 87, 88, 95, 98–100, 117, 123, 124, 153, 166, 190, 201, 205, 213, 233, 257, 272, 276, 286, 308, 364–366, 370, 386 T transformation, 16, 195, 196, 206, 239, 247, 254, 255, 285, 390 transmission belt, 40, 111, 178, 233, 258, 313, 318 intergenerational, 3, 4, 14–19, 29–32, 34, 36, 40, 42–46, 58–61, 63, 73, 125, 150, 152, 153, 161, 178, 179, 239, 247, 254, 264, 267, 273, 282, 298, 323, 329, 334, 341, 342, 346, 362, 363, 380, 383, 392 mechanism, 121, 130, 189, 200, 298, 308, 316, 340, 367 U unemployment, 2, 4–6, 8, 9, 17, 19, 20, 33, 37, 65, 79, 80, 111, 112, 114, 129, 130, 132–134, 142, 161, 162, 172, 175, 183,

184, 189, 191, 238, 239, 243, 244, 256, 258, 264–267, 291, 298–300, 308, 315, 324–327, 329, 331, 336, 347, 348, 356–358, 378, 386, 393, 394 V values, 3, 4, 8, 13–17, 29, 30, 32–36, 40–46, 58–60, 63, 64, 73, 78, 86, 87, 89–92, 96, 97, 99–101, 111, 113, 116–118, 125, 136–140, 150, 152–154, 159–162, 166–169, 173, 176–179, 185–190, 192, 196, 197, 200–205, 210, 212– 215, 227–233, 239, 243–248, 250–252, 254–256, 258, 264, 265, 267–270, 272–275, 279– 283, 285, 286, 288–290, 298, 301–304, 306–309, 311–313, 315, 317, 318, 321, 324, 328–331, 333–335, 340, 342, 343, 346–348, 362–364, 366, 372, 373, 378–384, 386, 388, 390 W welfare state conservative, 35, 151, 153 liberal/Anglo-Saxon, 43, 160, 178, 183, 184, 389 socialdemocratic/Nordic, 35, 43, 243 Southern, 43, 238