Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogues for Global Peacebuilding and Stability 2018030364, 9781522575856, 9781522575863

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Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogues for Global Peacebuilding and Stability Samuel Peleg Fordham University, USA

A volume in the Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA, USA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2019 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark.

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Names: Peleg, Samuel, editor. Title: Intercultural and interfaith dialogues for global peacebuilding and stability / Samuel Peleg, editor. Description: Hershey : Information Science Reference, 2019. Identifiers: LCCN 2018030364| ISBN 9781522575856 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781522575863 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Peace-building--Religious aspects. | Peace--Religious aspects. | Religion and politics. Classification: LCC BL65.P4 I53 2019 | DDC 201/.5--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc. gov/2018030364 This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) (ISSN: 2475-675X; eISSN: 2475-6768) British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. All work contributed to this book is new, previously-unpublished material. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors, but not necessarily of the publisher. For electronic access to this publication, please contact: [email protected].

Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series ISSN:2475-675X EISSN:2475-6768 Editor-in-Chief: Nancy Erbe, California State University-Dominguez Hills, USA Mission

In the era of globalization, the diversity of the world and various cultures becomes apparent as cross-cultural interactions turn into a daily occurrence for individuals in all professions. Understanding these differences is necessary in order to promote effective partnerships and interactions between those from different religious and cultural backgrounds. The Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) book series brings together a collection of scholarly publications on topics pertaining to religious beliefs, culture, population studies, and sociology. Books published within this series are ideal for professionals, theorists, researchers, and students seeking the latest research on collective human behavior in terms of religion, social structure, and cultural identity and practice. Coverage • Globalization and Culture • Politics and Religion • Cross-Cultural Interaction • Cultural Identity • Cults and Religious Movements • Social Stratifcation and Classes • Gender • Impact of Religion on Society • Group Behavior • Sociology

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The Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series (ISSN 2475-675X) is published by IGI Global, 701 E. Chocolate Avenue, Hershey, PA 17033-1240, USA, www.igi-global.com. This series is composed of titles available for purchase individually; each title is edited to be contextually exclusive from any other title within the series. For pricing and ordering information please visit http://www.igi-global.com/book-series/advances-religious-cultural-studies/84269. Postmaster: Send all address changes to above address. © © 2019 IGI Global. All rights, including translation in other languages reserved by the publisher. No part of this series may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means – graphics, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or information and retrieval systems – without written permission from the publisher, except for non commercial, educational use, including classroom teaching purposes. The views expressed in this series are those of the authors, but not necessarily of IGI Global.

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Examining the Social and Economic Impacts of Conflict-Induced Migration Esther Akumbo Nyam (Plateau State University, Nigeria) and Festus Idoko (University of Jos, Nigeria) Information Science Reference • © 2019 • 270pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522576150) • US $185.00 Handbook of Research on Indigenous Knowledge and Bi-Culturalism in a Global Context Shahul Hameed (Te Wānanga o Aotearoa, New Zealand) Siham El-Kafafi (Arrows Research Consultancy Limited, New Zealand) and Rawiri Waretini-Karena (Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi, New Zealand) Information Science Reference • © 2019 • 396pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522560616) • US $265.00 Music and Messaging in the African Political Arena Uche T. Onyebadi (Texas Christian University, USA) Information Science Reference • © 2019 • 321pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522572954) • US $175.00 Global Diaspora Politics and Social Movements Emerging Research and Opportunities Emily B. Stacey (Swansea University, UK) Information Science Reference • © 2019 • 142pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522577577) • US $165.00 Conservation, Restoration, and Analysis of Architectural and Archaeological Heritage Carlo Inglese (Sapienza University of Rome, Italy) and Alfonso Ippolito (Sapienza University of Rome, Italy) Information Science Reference • © 2019 • 485pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522575559) • US $195.00

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Table of Contents

Preface.................................................................................................................. xv Section 1 Theoretical Aspects Chapter 1 Resolving Intractable Conficts: The Importance of Interfaith Dialogue...............1 Carmela Lutmar, University of Haifa, Israel Chapter 2 Intercultural Dialogue as Constructive and Positive Communication: From Intercultural Communication to Global Peace-Building......................................30 Ping Yang, Western Sydney University, Australia Chapter 3 Dialogue as a Way of Being: Three Fundamental Considerations for Transforming Confict From Adversarial to Dialogic Relation............................50 Tzofnat Peleg-Baker, Rutgers University, USA Chapter 4 Dialogue as Playfulness: Communication Beyond Binaries in a Neighborhood Torn Over the Status of Asylum Seekers Living There................79 Sharon Avital, Tel-Aviv University, Israel Chapter 5 Finding a Way In: Observations From the Field on the Practice of Calling-In Dialogue..............................................................................................................104 Veronica Keifer-Lewis, De Anza College, USA



Chapter 6 Linguistic and Philosophical Resources for Intercultural Dialogue on Compromise: A Cross-Cultural Encounter of Japan and Europe.......................125 Laure Gillot-Assayag, EHESS, France Section 2 Practical Aspects Chapter 7 Circle Peace-Making in Alaska: A Return to Indigenous Practice Through Intercultural Dialogue.........................................................................................146 Polly Elizabeth Hyslop, University of Alaska – Fairbanks, USA Brian N. Jarrett, California State University – Dominguez Hills, USA Chapter 8 Refugee Education in Greece: Challenges, Needs, and Priorities in NonFormal Settings – An Intercultural Approach.....................................................165 Nektaria Palaiologou, University of Western Macedonia, Greece Georgia Fountoulaki, Hellenic Open University, Greece Maria Liontou, Hellenic Open University, Greece Chapter 9 Searching for a Positive Intercultural Transition Between Syrian Refugees and Turkish Society............................................................................................198 Marella Bodur Ün, Çukurova University, Turkey Sevgi Balkan-Şahin, Çağ University, Turkey Chapter 10 The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives........................................................................................230 Ben Mollov, Bar-Ilan University, Israel Chaim Lavie, Bar-Ilan University, Israel Chapter 11 Everyday Religious Encounters and Inter-Faith Relations in Festac Town, Lagos (Southwest Nigeria).................................................................................255 Oluwafunminiyi Raheem, Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding, Nigeria Chapter 12 Interfaith Dialogue in Silicon Valley: Odia Women as Catalysts of Change......272 Annapurna Devi Pandey, University of California – Santa Cruz, USA



Chapter 13 Beyond Sides: Toward Reconciliation – Photography Workshops for Israeli Settlers and Palestinian Women in the West Bank.............................................293 Saskia Bory Keeley, Saskia Keeley Photography, USA Chapter 14 Communication as Normative Dialogue.............................................................323 Samuel Peleg, Fordham University, USA Compilation of References............................................................................... 352 About the Contributors.................................................................................... 394 Index................................................................................................................... 401

Detailed Table of Contents

Preface.................................................................................................................. xv Section 1 Theoretical Aspects Chapter 1 Resolving Intractable Conficts: The Importance of Interfaith Dialogue...............1 Carmela Lutmar, University of Haifa, Israel Are all conficts the same? Can mediation manage all types of conficts efectively? Or are some conficts more resistant to confict management than others? This chapter will attempt to answer these questions, in the frst part of it, by looking at the impact of mediation on the resolution of intractable conficts. While a number of studies have sought to address the duration of long-standing conficts, it is clear that intractable conficts require deeper study concerning the reasons for their emergence and how to terminate them. This chapter, therefore, will articulate at the beginning the components of a conceptual framework of intractable conficts and examine the efects of mediation in attempting to resolve them. Then it will proceed to advocate for an approach that promotes interfaith dialogue as a means to bridge trust gaps in intractable conficts. Finally, it will apply the approach in one such confict – the Israel-Palestine dispute. Chapter 2 Intercultural Dialogue as Constructive and Positive Communication: From Intercultural Communication to Global Peace-Building......................................30 Ping Yang, Western Sydney University, Australia This chapter conceptually highlights an important role intercultural dialogue plays in international relations as constructive and positive communication to achieve intercultural understanding and global peace-building. It also refects on how conficts are caused and how they could be managed across cultural boundaries. This is apparently becoming increasingly urgent as there are many intercultural conficts,



ranging from politics to diverse cultural practices. All these issues combined make intercultural relations at country level tense and in turn cause instability in some regions around the world. There are many reasons behind the situation, but one of the major reasons is lack of sufcient intercultural communication at an equal footing. It is worth refecting on history as a guide to the present and future. Only when consistent democracy and equal rights are implemented for international community to participate in intercultural dialogue and intercultural communication in a constructive and positive manner is it conducive to international stability and global peace-building. Chapter 3 Dialogue as a Way of Being: Three Fundamental Considerations for Transforming Confict From Adversarial to Dialogic Relation............................50 Tzofnat Peleg-Baker, Rutgers University, USA The rapidly changing world we live in is fraught with increasing divisions and destructive confict. Consequently, a resilient social fabric becomes crucial for people to feel included and beneft from their diferences. The quality of relationships and the social environments, within which they are constantly being formed, are critical for successfully addressing divisive challenges and the destructive conficts they might spawn. This chapter proposes a framework of three considerations for transforming confict: 1. The mode of relationship- how the Self relates to the Other, 2. The understanding of confict, and 3. The social environment and the role of leadership. Revisiting assumptions pertaining to these considerations can support a shift from the unit of the individual (typically characterizes Western cultural and scientifc traditions) to the relational unit. This shift is viewed as a premise for longterm confict transformation from adversarial interactions into dialogic relation. The latter is suggested as a constructive mode of relationship: a way of being with one another that diminishes destructive relationship while generating the conditions for benefting and learning from confict. The chapter concluded with an example of relational transformation as a combination of both micro eforts- consciousness raising to relational dynamics, and macro work—restructuring social context and advancing systemic changes in education. Chapter 4 Dialogue as Playfulness: Communication Beyond Binaries in a Neighborhood Torn Over the Status of Asylum Seekers Living There................79 Sharon Avital, Tel-Aviv University, Israel This chapter uses Gergen’s shift of focus from independent and coherent selves to relational beings and Klein and Maimon’s mathematical model of consciousness and suggests a new approach to dialogue. Through the metaphor of playfulness, this chapter stresses the importance of training in perspective taking and coordinated



experiences in cases of confict. Moreover, this chapter suggests the importance of integrating other forces operating within the context of confict into the dialogic process. The chapter demonstrates the theoretical dimensions discussed through the example of confict over the status of refugees in a Tel-Aviv neighborhood. Chapter 5 Finding a Way In: Observations From the Field on the Practice of Calling-In Dialogue..............................................................................................................104 Veronica Keifer-Lewis, De Anza College, USA Dialogue is central to the process of deep understanding and to building true communities that not only respect cultural and spiritual/faith diferences but also excel and thrive at intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural levels because of those diferences. Although the benefts of dialogue as a pathway to authentic interfaith and intercultural communities are well documented, dialogue is not easy to develop and sustain within complex systems, such as healthcare and higher education. Thus, when dialogue as a means for deeper intercultural or interfaith understanding has not been readily agreed to by participants, the challenges met along the dialogic pathway can be difcult to sell. Following a review of the foundational literature pertaining to calling-out and calling-in, this chapter examines the lessons learned from teaching the praxis of calling-in versus calling-out as a starting point for the development and maintenance of dialogue across diferences within complex systems. Chapter 6 Linguistic and Philosophical Resources for Intercultural Dialogue on Compromise: A Cross-Cultural Encounter of Japan and Europe.......................125 Laure Gillot-Assayag, EHESS, France This chapter proposes to examine compromise in its linguistic dimension, in other words, its epistemic rewording based on language resources, and in its cultural dimension (i.e., as it is culturally defned and, as such, historically variable). To do so, this research shall focus on cross-cultural encounters between European and Japanese philosophy, and more specifcally on the works of Kyoto School’s philosophers and the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the need to establish an intercultural dialogue on the notion of compromise and to take into account cross-fertilization between cultures in order to open new paths of inquiry and a new understanding of cultural diferences.



Section 2 Practical Aspects Chapter 7 Circle Peace-Making in Alaska: A Return to Indigenous Practice Through Intercultural Dialogue.........................................................................................146 Polly Elizabeth Hyslop, University of Alaska – Fairbanks, USA Brian N. Jarrett, California State University – Dominguez Hills, USA In this chapter, the authors explore the re-emergence of peace-making in a Tlingit community, its renaissance, and its value as a contemporary method of dispute resolution in rural Alaska. The circle peacemaking process (herein “circle peacemaking”) works in collaboration with the State of Alaska judicial system, as a local restorative practice addressing misdemeanors and juvenile ofenses. Local law enforcement and families within communities can refer misdemeanor and young ofenders to circle peace-making. Local schools can also refer students who are in need of guidance and direction to address misbehaviors. Chapter 8 Refugee Education in Greece: Challenges, Needs, and Priorities in NonFormal Settings – An Intercultural Approach.....................................................165 Nektaria Palaiologou, University of Western Macedonia, Greece Georgia Fountoulaki, Hellenic Open University, Greece Maria Liontou, Hellenic Open University, Greece This chapter is an original study in a new sector in education in Greece, refugee education, which probes into the challenges, needs, and priorities of teachers (N=12) who are engaged with refugee students’ educational support and social integration into the Greek context. The research is grounded on feldwork and content analysis of semi-structured interviews among teachers who work in refugee camps and nonformal educational settings. It depicts the challenges and needs in refugee education today, showing that provisions through non-formal education settings could ofer signifcant activities and teaching services to refugee students. It highlights the importance of intercultural education in times of constant population movement, since the intercultural notion respects all students no matter nationality, religion, and socio-economic background. It raises the need for intercultural educational policies as a high priority because they can provide assistance and guidance to educators, enable social interaction amongst all diverse students, and empower social stability as well.



Chapter 9 Searching for a Positive Intercultural Transition Between Syrian Refugees and Turkish Society............................................................................................198 Marella Bodur Ün, Çukurova University, Turkey Sevgi Balkan-Şahin, Çağ University, Turkey Existing studies on Syrian refugees in Turkey focused either on the difculties refugees have been experiencing or on how refugee identities have been unilaterally transformed during their interaction with the host culture. Drawing on the literature on identity and politics of recognition, this chapter argues that intercultural encounters transform the identities, values, and norms of both host communities and refugees. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with non-camp Syrian refugees and local citizens in the cities of Mersin and Adana to uncover the interactions of refugees and the host society, focusing on intercultural encounters at diverse settings, including classrooms, schools, campuses, hospitals, and neighborhoods. The chapter reveals that recognition of diverse cultures, respect, empathy, and social support infuence intercultural interactions in a positive way. It also shows that refexivity and the willingness to interact on the part of both refugees and the host culture facilitate interactions and negotiations between them. Chapter 10 The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives........................................................................................230 Ben Mollov, Bar-Ilan University, Israel Chaim Lavie, Bar-Ilan University, Israel This chapter will focus on the prospects of inter-religious dialogue as a means of fostering the Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding process, both from a theoretical and empirical perspectives. The two authors come from the disciplines of political science and social psychology and employ qualitative and quantitative methods, respectively. Although counter-intuitive as part of an ongoing research project, the authors suggest that, in line with other research, religion can indeed serve as a bridge between Israelis and Palestinians and not merely act as an escalatory infuence as is commonly assumed. The authors have drawn on earlier work of these researchers and others, which have provided empirical evidence over time that inter-religious dialogue encounters between Israelis and Palestinians can help nurture perception change based on social psychological dynamics for intergroup relations as both sides discover strong commonalities between their respective faiths. This opportunity also ofers a means to mutually explore the basis of the narratives of both sides in a nonconfrontational atmosphere. Perception change between groups locked in confict is an essential element for moderating strife and encouraging dialogue. However, in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian confict clashing narratives––as succinctly analyzed in the Peel Commission Report of 1937––rooted in religious and cultural



identity informs the confict and must be addressed through dialogue with the hope of mutual accommodation. Ideally, the transcendent elements of religion can also serve as positive points of meeting. Research data collected primarily from the work of the Interfaith Encounter Association (IEA) will be presented to demonstrate the advantages of the inter-religious approach. In addition, the authors also refer to the case study of a special annual inter-religious dialogue by mid-level leadership in the “spirit of social partnership” in the Jewish-Arab City of Akko (in Northern Israel) in the context of an annual graduate seminar organized by the frst author. Chapter 11 Everyday Religious Encounters and Inter-Faith Relations in Festac Town, Lagos (Southwest Nigeria).................................................................................255 Oluwafunminiyi Raheem, Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding, Nigeria This chapter examines everyday religious encounters and inter-faith relations in Festac Town, Lagos, Southwest Nigeria. It explores the nature of these encounters and the factors facilitating its conduct. Globally, subjects dealing with inter-religious relations continue to elicit scholarly debates. A reason for this is linked to the intense rivalries or tensions among disparate religious groups over, for instance, the (re)afrmation of religious boundaries or the right to use the hijab in secular or missionary schools within a contentious locality. While these have often spurred serious confrontations in many areas, there are instances where this form of religious encounters manifests positively elsewhere. Festac Town, with a large mix of Muslims and Christians, satisfes the above position. Founded in 1977, religious interactions in the town have not only been fuid but exhibit a high level of tolerance. Based on extensive oral interviews and secondary sources, the chapter notes that inter-faith harmony is a key component that reinforces the town’s quest for good neighborliness. Chapter 12 Interfaith Dialogue in Silicon Valley: Odia Women as Catalysts of Change......272 Annapurna Devi Pandey, University of California – Santa Cruz, USA Silicon Valley, known as the technology hub of the USA, has emerged as a medley of places of religious worship. It has become a home to wealthy Indian Americas and to many gods and goddesses who have come to reside there as well. Indian Americans have contributed signifcantly to the mushrooming of temples in this region. This chapter attempts to answer the following questions: How does diaspora provide a space to reconstruct the identity of the women practitioners? How does religion enable them to negotiate their roles in the public space? In this chapter, the author argues that Hindu women in the diaspora play a very signifcant role in selectively performing religious rituals in public places of worship as brought from their homeland. In performing these rituals, women are creating a distinct space



in mainstream public culture to reconstruct their identity and agency beyond their roles as homemakers and professionals. In this specifc case study, Odia women living in Northern California are not only reshaping their traditions but are engaged in interreligious dialogue in Silicon Valley corporate culture. Chapter 13 Beyond Sides: Toward Reconciliation – Photography Workshops for Israeli Settlers and Palestinian Women in the West Bank.............................................293 Saskia Bory Keeley, Saskia Keeley Photography, USA The author describes a program of photography workshops for Orthodox Jewish and Palestinian women in the West Bank she has conducted since 2016 in partnership with Roots, an initiative led by a Palestinian and Israeli settler committee. The workshops provide an environment where the women can interact with “the other” in an informal and safe setting, many for the very frst time in their lives. They enable the participants to work together on joint projects in a setting where they can explore each other’s life narratives as they learn a new skill, which engenders an awareness and understanding of similar life paths and shared humanity. The mutually illuminating activity promotes respect and is a step forward to a future of potential change. The program’s participants describe its perspective-altering results and voice a hope for further engagement. Chapter 14 Communication as Normative Dialogue.............................................................323 Samuel Peleg, Fordham University, USA Dialogue is not simply a way to talk and to verbally convey ideas, messages, and meanings. It is more than a framework to express feelings, needs, and wishes, and more than an opportunity to interconnect or converse beyond and despite the expected challenge of bridging diferences and accommodating divergence. In essence, dialogue is more about the transformation of attitudes, opinions, and practices rather than their transmission. In other words, the focus is on conversion, not on conduction. In the specifc context of dialogue, the transformation pertains to an orientation or mindset—from self-centeredness to relationship, and to attitude toward the Other—from instrumentalizing to dignifying. This chapter explores communication as normative dialogue. Compilation of References............................................................................... 352 About the Contributors.................................................................................... 394 Index................................................................................................................... 401

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THE MELIAN (NON) DIALOGUE, OR THE PURPOSE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF A TRUE DIALOGUE This has become a well-known parable, much bigger than the actual historical event that spawned it. The Athenian historian Thucydides, although not present at the event, had dramatized a negotiation process between Athenian emissaries and the commissioners of the island of Melos. They met in the height of the regional clash between Athens and Sparta to decide the fate of the Melians. The famous historian included the episode in his voluminous book History of the Peloponnesian War (book 5, chapters 84–116). However, the title he chose for his tale, The Melian Dialogue, is counterintuitive and misleading with regard to the current book and the nature of dialogue as it is presented by the authors of this anthology. This is not a denouncement of the ancient historian. He was definitely in tune with the use of the word dialogue as it was known at his time, especially among authors, playwriters and orators. I chose to use the Melian Dialogue as a point of departure to demonstrate the incredible distance the notion and concept of dialogue has traversed through time. Although there is still a significant degree of variance regarding the understanding and usage of dialogue, I am convinced that had the fateful encounter between the Athenian and Melian dignitaries occurred today, it is highly doubtful that any coverage of it would have been termed a dialogue. Conversely, if they had engaged themselves in a real dialogue, the outcome of their encounter would have been much more constructive and pleasant for both sides. This book heuristically perceives of dialogue as an interface, a convergence between willing and interested parties, who desire to co-create a new relationship and a new social reality for themselves (Pearce, 2007). The emphasis here is on the communication between the contributors and on the space between them. The interaction and the locus of engagement determine whether dialogue will emerge and endure. When Martin Buber (1923) writes that “Our relationships live in the space between us which is sacred” (p. 4), he describes the essence of dialogue, and concurrently, the nature and indeed the core of humanity as inter-subjective.

Preface

His I-Thou nexus is based on the logic that no I exists apart from relationship to an other. What brings this dynamic connection to life is dialogue, which induces and enables a climate of candid, honest and respectful a relationship. For Buber, such circumstance is no less than a “revelation” (p. 6) a “presence” (Gegenwart) that dwells in the mutual space “in between” the subject and the other (a person, a work of art, a tree, or God). Nothing of that sort happened in the tense meeting in Melos that summer morning in the 16th year of the Peloponnesian War. The Athenian delegates offered their hosts an exacting ultimatum: surrender and pay tribute to Athens, or be annihilated. Their reasoning was simple and harsh: “The strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must” (Thucydides, 1951, p. 331). Definitive and absolute, as it may sound, this was not the concluding argument but the launching pad for a conversation that had no pretense of collaboration or mutual dignity. This was a bitter exchange of arguments and counter-arguments, in which each side attempted to persuade the other to accept their vantage point and understand their position. The experience turned out to be the antithesis to what dialogue as presented in this book, stands for. It had become banter between the deaf, whereby each party is convinced of the merit of its position and the demerit of the opposition. Consequently, neither side was able to sway the other, and the negotiations failed. Sadly, in this case it didn’t mean merely quitting the negotiation table but the obliteration of the ‘losing’ side. In hindsight, there were mitigating circumstances to Thucydides’ account of the Melian tragedy. He had a simpler and more basic notion of dialogue as an argumentative conversation, mainly used as a literary or dramatic form. It was his calculative decision to tell the Athenian-Melian stand-off story as a dialogue because he wrote it as an author-historian rather than a historian-author. Not being present, he was probably tempted to detach himself from the procedural detailing of minutes and transcripts and opt for the dramatic in order to attract readers. Labeling his work a dialogue (from the Ancient Greek διάλογος - διά (dia: through) and λόγος (logos: speech, reason), was a smart move on his part. He had good sources to follow and emulate: his contemporary, the great philosopher Plato, used dialogue systematically in his writings, especially when reciting the tales of his teacher Socrates. Following Plato, dialogues became a major literary genre in the classic world, and the likes of Xenophon and Aristotle among others, have used them frequently. Thucydides was treading a familiar and popular terrain when he opted for dialogue as his method of delivery. But his choice depicted dialogue as a mere exchange of statements, positions and threats. This classic approach understood dialogue as a means, a channel of communication to convey and receive messages. There were no rules for the content and the spirit of those messages. Dialogue was the setting, the situation or the venue, and through it any subject could have been raised, carried by any tone, xvi

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style or manner. The goal, as the Melian Dialogue so persuasively demonstrates, was to overpower, oversmart and overtake the other. That way, the traditional take on dialogue was more akin to its remote cousin, the debate. Dialogue as we refer to it in this book is not a means but the substance of communication between parties. It is not the context but the text of building new relationships. Following Barnette Pearce, the father of the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM) theory, we are looking at communication rather than through it. In Pearce’s (2005) words: “Communication is about meaning…but not just in a passive sense of perceiving messages. Rather, we live in lives filled with meanings and one of our life challenges is to manage those meanings so that we can make our social worlds coherent and live within them with honor and respect.” This is the purpose of dialogue as the authors of this volume endeavor to present. There are some “spiritual guides” to this book, whose influence adroitly hovers over the chapters. They are all modernist writers, who began grappling and modifying the conventional understanding and application of dialogue in the 20th Century. Their guidance and inspiration is still burgeoning and spreading because it is never easy to challenge a well ingrained concept and customized habits of behavior. But curiosity and a tenacious quest for better communication and human relationships propel these new realizations and practices of dialogue forward. Thinkers such as Martin Buber, Mikhail Bakhtin, Paulo Freire, Barnette Pearce and David Bohm, each in his unique theoretical field and experience, have investigated approaches to an all-inclusive and multi-dimensional concept of dialogue as generating meaning and hope for better human connectedness (Phillips, 2011). This is a pretty daunting task for dialogue to carry. The circumstances in which a genuine dialogue can happen are not obvious, and even when achieved, it is never certain whether it would run its course, let alone culminated successfully. There are so many formidable hindrances, with power being on the top of the list. Dialogue is a humbling experience. It is not an opportunity to flex muscles, exhibit vanity or threaten. It is an occasion to listen much more than to speak. Modesty and diffidence should dominate arrogance and brashness. All attempts to impress, induce or manipulate are abandoned or left outside the door. This can be unbearable for most interlocutors, who are taught and trained to excite, to draw attention, to control and to win. As such, a conversation is an occasion in which two or more stakeholders are pitted against one another. This juxtaposition allows them to demonstrate their dominance, authority and supremacy over each other, or in short, their relative power capabilities. Here is again, an emblematic example of the macho-verbal back-andforth between the Athenians and the Melians:

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Melians: And how pray, could it turn out as good for us to serve as for you to rule? Athenians: Because you would have the advantage of submitting before suffering the worst, and we should gain by not destroying you. Melians: So [that] you would not consent to our being neutral, friends instead of enemies, but allies of neither side? Athenians: No; for your hostility cannot so much hurt us as your friendship will be an argument to our subjects of our weakness and your enmity of our power… As far as right goes, one has as much of it as the other, and if any maintain their independence, it is because they are strong, and that if we do not molest them, it is because we are afraid. (Thucydides, 1951, p. 332) There is no compassion or empathy in this passage. No attempt to suggest, explore or create new options for mutual gain or strive for collaboration. Instead, there is a dry, callous and calculative assessment of scenarios in light of the existing (or lacking) power balance between the two sides. What unfolds in the Melian “Dialogue” is a cold and occasionally cynical tug-of-war, an arm-wrestling between being “reasonable” (the Athenian main claim) and being “just” (the Melian main counterclaim), whatever either of these adjectives mean. Under such dire circumstances, dialogue must fulfill a greater and nobler role than merely an expression of literal dialectical epistemology (Alker, 1996), a partial formalization of dialectics as a controversyoriented approach to knowledge accumulation (Rescher, 1977) or a dramaturgical approach to textual understanding (Burke, 1969). In essence, dialogue is about responsiveness, not self-expression (Wood, 2004). Responsiveness is not easy to come by. It relies on receptiveness, openness and concern toward the Other--the differing and occasionally, the resisting and aggravating other. Dialogue is not a theatrical standoff, with high profile boasters banging on tables and slamming doors. It is a generous and subtle juncture to better and enriched human relationship. How many opportunities do we get to construct our social environment? Hardly any, and dialogue is the indispensable working tool for such arduous assignment. It is arduous and at times frustrating because it must recognize and embrace difference. More bluntly put, the legitimacy of difference. Ignoring difference or playing it down has been a fulcrum of Western thought in the age of modernity. In its thirst for order, unity and dominance, the Western attitude toward difference was predominantly negative. Difference was regarded as deviant, aberrant and seditious. The theory of conflict resolution, primarily Western from its inception (Kriesberg, 1992; Butler, 2009; Ranmsobotham, Miall, & Woodhouse, 2016), underscored alleviating difference as its main mission. Brigg (2008) terms xviii

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difference “an important leitmotif of our time” and admonishes that conflict resolution theory is deficient if it cannot accommodate difference, since: Claims about difference fuel contemporary conflict. Such claims take a variety of forms as difference is mobilized under the banner of identity, sexuality, culture, political independence, sovereignty, and religion. Regardless of the form of these claims, though, difference is a factor of primary importance in many contemporary conflicts. (p. 2)

Dialogue and Difference Dialogue emerges from difference and then cultivates and sustains it. Difference is dialogue’s natural habitat: the more variance and diversity, the more prosperous the dialogue. Consequently, and contrary to traditional wisdom, dialogue is not initiated to establish a common ground or resolve differences. As Wood (2004) aptly points out: “dialogue allows differences to exist without trying to resolve, overcome, synthesize, or otherwise tame them” (p. xviii). Where regular conversations or discussions aim to gloss-over differences in order to assume at least putative control over the process, direction and pace of the encounter, dialogue has no such ambition. It marvels divergence and flourishes on dissimilarity. Differences is not an alluring word in a precarious world yearning for accord and stability. However, they are not necessarily or always bad or threatening. Buber (1992) believed that differences are the source for the creative tensions necessary to spark cultural creativity. Jenlink and Banathy (2005) argue that to respect differences is “a defining aspect of genuineness” (p. 11), whereas Burbules and Rice (1991) maintain that dialogue “offers a path to establishing intersubjectivity and a ‘mutual living relations’. Genuine dialogue is recognized and enables participants to create a degree of understanding across (unresolved) differences” (p. 409). Difference can be respected and encouraged by adhering to another important principle—reciprocity. Difference may be objective but the attitude toward it is subjective. For difference to become a social asset rather than a liability, it must be equally promoted and nourished by all stakeholders. It takes more than one to have a viable dialogue and it take more than one to cherish and protect difference. Graumann (1995) identifies the main obligation of participants in dialogue as the “commitment to cooperate” (p. 69), which emanates from perceiving the other as equal and worthy of collaboration. This goes back to the presupposition of humility and modesty as the adequate mindset for dialogue: the recognition that we cannot shape and reshape our social reality on our own. Independence and self-reliance are replaced by interdependence and mutuality. Social worlds are meticulously and painstakingly co-constructed (Pearce, 2007), and the parties to the dialogue xix

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equally share this exhilarating burden. There are no dictating Athenians or helpless Melians. Naturally, no dialogue culminates in mass killing or elimination of any of the participants. Genuine dialogue, based on honest reciprocity and consideration of difference, entails transformation of self, of other and of relationship. The latter supersedes the first two: Social being takes over from existential being. Meaning is derived from the quality of relationships and the social terrain is levelled: the image of the self is moderated and qualified, while the Other’s image is given more weight than before. If these crucial conditions are applied, dialogue can be a wondrous experience, almost magical (Yankelovich, 1999). If conducted persistently and consistently according to the precepts of mutuality and equality, dialogue has the potency of generating amiable and constructive dyadic, communal and societal relationships, or in other words, dare we say it, a happier human interaction. Buber (1965) referred to genuine dialogue as “a living mutual relation” (p. 19), which should be established in a social sphere called interhuman. In such a space, people should “engage in dialogue together, without trying to solve any problem” (Bohm, 1996, p. 117). The transformation dialogue is capable of galvanizing is even more significant and far-reaching than image changing and authenticated relationships. It overwhelmingly modifies the conscience, or the nature of society, as well as liberating the soul. In dialogical relationships, consciousness is evolving through discourse (Jenlink & Banathy, 2005, p. 9). The individual and ostensibly contending cognitions, perspectives, positions and preferences morph into a societal consciousness. This is not to implicate the dialogic transformation with the Rousseau’s coercive General Will and its detrimental consequences to the individual spirit (Farr & Williams, 2015). Dialogue promotes and enables the awareness and recognition of each participant’s consciousness. Since there is no persuasion or convincing involved of demonstrating advantages of one over the other, dialogue creates a harmonious collective consciousness of inclusion, a quilt of many colors rather than incorporation and annexation into a dominating creed. As Bohm (1996) describes it, dialogue “perceives all the meanings of everybody together…that will create a new frame of mind in which there is a common consciousness” (p. 118). This is also a liberating process, a true expression and validation of freedom. Every one of us is captivated to varying degrees by our cognitive systems, which create craving for cognitive consistency (Gawronski & Strack, 2012). In the human quest for simplicity, clarity and linearity (Beck, 2005), there is a strong proclivity for certainty and consistency. The cognitive system hoards and stores beliefs, norms and values which resonate with one’s already existing mental code (Alfnes et al., 2010, p. 147). Challenging and contradicting stimuli from the environment are eschewed for the fear of cognitive dissonance, or noise in the system (Festinger, 1957; Cooper, 2007; Harmon-Jones et al., 2009). The dismal result is close-mindedness, narrow xx

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and parochial perception and distrust of difference and otherness. The dialogic mindset weakens such an unwavering and single-minded outlook by allowing and legitimizing a multitude of perspectives. The dialogic mind releases us from the excruciating encumbrance of obduracy and the arrogance of dogmatism. Grudin (1996) suitably summarizes the freedom theme by indicating that dialogue-Rejects the tyranny of a single system or dogma; it welcomes new ideas and guarantees them equality as it considers them; it provides an open forum for competing theories and systems; it refuses to censor ‘dangerous’ ideas; it cherishes and protects its capacity to learn and grow. (p. 5) As such, dialogue is a safety net against cognitive oppression and intellectual rigidity. It enriches the human experience by introducing an assortment of stories and narratives shunned in most other venues of conversation, where a prevailing and overriding interpretation is practiced. The merit of dialogue as tempering preconceived notions and bias is part of the process of interchanging views and viewpoints. It transpires with the progression and evolvement of the interaction, as participants gradually recognize and absorb things from different angles. Hence, critical to understanding the importance of dialogue is to appreciate how it comes about. Under what terms fruitful and rewarding dialogue is created, or as Pearce (1989) observed, how it is constituted. Dialogue, as a pattern of communication, is formed in real time, while the conversation is going on. It is a unique product of specific interlocutors, meeting in a certain location in a particular time. It is a result of two whole entities, each with their own exceptional hopes, aspirations, confusions and fears meshed together under unprecedented conditions. The thrust, direction and pace of dialogue are determined by the inimitable giveand-take of the participants as each utterance is predicated on what was said before. Dialogue cannot be planned nor reproduced because what matters is what occurs while it happens. What Pearce terms “the communication perspective” is the realization that relationships are made in communication. Each interaction yields a distinct dialogue, which in turn, establishes an exceptional relationship. Dialogue is therefore, the quintessential validation of the communication perspective. Consequently, in order to comprehend the qualities of dialogue, we really need to focus on the “observable practice of a relationship” or “the actual process of communicating” (Penman, 2000, p. 1). Instead of differences turning into divisions and rifts, ominous labeling of apartness and estrangement and fault-lines for inclusion and exclusion, diversities should be keenly manifest, learned, esteemed and respected. Then and only then, they can peacefully coexist within the same community. Dialogue is the most capable process of the successful and honorable implementation of such a confluence. xxi

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Thus, an appropriate definition of dialogue here is the capacity or the possibility of turning variance into coexistence. Because it is against the backdrop of divisions and dissimilarities that dialogue is mostly needed. In order to weave together this coat of many colors, stitch these joint layers of fabric into one quilt, an open, candid and mutual conversation is required. Furthermore, open, candid and mutual talk can terminate in divorce because genuine and unbridgeable difference may honestly surface. Dialogue is meant to be constructive and bring people together, not setting them apart. Thus, dialogue should aspire for “mutuality and jointness” (Dixon, 1996, p. 24, my emphasis). In today’s world there are hardly any homogenous societies. It is difficult to imagine that there were any ever except maybe, the primordial clans of ancient times. This is simply due to the ontological fact that every human community is composed of several subunits, and each subunits from smaller subunits. Ultimately, every human community, from family to civilization, consists of individuals, and they are all unique and disparate. Therefore, differences are to be expected as the natural state-of-affairs. The question is to what extent, if at all, these differences are attended (Hurst, Fitz Gibbon, & Nurse, 2016). In many cases they are cultivated and preserved as a justification for social stratification, hierarchy and power structure. They supply a solid criterion for the exclusion and inclusion mechanisms of resource allocation (Opotow, 1990). Realist theories, with their emphases on power, social dominance and social stratification don’t find dialogue useful or relevant to their depiction of society and politics. This serves as another reminder of how far the idea of dialogue has travelled since the Melian negotiations.

Dialogue, Culture, and Faith Turning variance into coexistence and using genuine differences as a launching pad for a tolerant and inclusive society is most challenging when differences are interpreted and understood as cultural. A widespread understanding of cultural juxtaposition does not underline dissimilarity but superiority. Advocates of one culture seek advantages over other cultures more than trying to celebrate divergence. Intercultural dialogue is therefore, one of the most ‘difficult conversations’ to manage (Besley & Peters, 2012). The same can be said about interreligious or interfaith dialogue. Many such conversations begin with a-priori sense of pre-eminence and superciliousness. What is it about culture and religion that makes them so tough to converse across? For starters, it is an effective socialization mechanism. A community that wishes to unify and bolster the commitment and loyalty of its members, set on course a socialization process, aiming at converging individuals to community members (Greenberg, 2017). Essentially, the dynamics of socialization are guided by feelings, sensations, and symbols. Culture and religion supply these components in abundance. xxii

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This is why they are the ultimate socialization routes: they are basically an incubator for human ideas and a generator of conceptual constructions to draw people together (Soper & Fetzer, 2018). Understood as such, culture and faith facilitate and promote communal life and thereby enabling people to improve their shared experience and grow together. This also renders them local and unique to a specific community; In other words, they become exclusive “members-only” club with their own agendas, terminologies, preferences and priorities. When two exclusive entities cross paths, they might have communication difficulties and lack of openness toward each other. Relationships might be impeded by protective instincts and urges to stave off ‘foreign influences’. Intercultural and interfaith communication can be further compounded when, as Laitin (1986) suggests, another dimension is added in the form of culture or faith as a platform to build identity and meaning. This, in turn, could flare a sense of belonging to something greater than oneself. Thus, culture and religion provide identification, insignia and mission capable of mobilizing masses and directing them to collide with others, the bearers of a different culture or religion. Identity strives to align all factions in a community under one banner, one single disposition to which all is loyal and committed. Identity elucidates who we share our destiny with and who we like to develop solidarity and bonding with. At the same time, it delineates and distinguishes among dissimilar groupings: while we choose, verify and establish our own, we clearly eschew other identities. Intercultural and interfaith dialogue can be perceived as discrediting all these heart wrenching efforts. This is why such a dialogue is a major challenge to explore and to implement. This is also the reason why this book focuses on intercultural and interfaith dialogue. It is about time to closely analyze and decipher the theory and practice of intercultural and interfaith dialogue.

The Synopsis of the Book Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogues for Global Peacebuilding and Stability offers a remarkable collection of chapters written by theoreticians and practitioners from seven countries and four continents. This wide array of countries and cultures, which entails a variety of viewpoints and experiences, is indispensable for a book which purports to analyze interaction and communication among cultures and religions. The composition of the book’s chapters and the juxtaposition of vastly different authors and disciplines is in itself, a propitious setting for an intercultural and interfaith dialogue. The book is divided into two main clusters, the first introduces the central concept of dialogue and consists of six chapters. Each of them highlights different aspects and approaches of the theoretical understanding of dialogue. The second

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cluster elaborates on specific case-studies and various applications of intercultural and interfaith dialogue. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, Carmela Lutmar focuses on intractable conflicts, the deep-rooted and hard to resolve contentions. She attributes the intractability of these conflicts to contending religions that exacerbate the initial colliding interests. If this is the problem, she professes, interfaith dialogue may be the necessary antidote. After reviewing the scarce theoretical literature on interfaith communication in intractable conflicts, the author discusses four highly relevant case studies – Cyprus, Israel-Palestine, and two cases in Africa (Kenya and Ethiopia). Her analysis underlines various methodological challenges as well as the potential positive transformations for peacebuilding that the incorporation of religious actors, including leaders and organizations, can bring. Ping Yang underlines intercultural miscommunication and its ensuing disagreements as sources of conflicts around the world. His research concludes that one of the major reasons for the current global unrest is lack of sufficient intercultural communication. Accordingly, he reaches a similar conclusion as in the previous chapter, that if this is the malaise then intercultural dialogues must be heeded and cultivated. After a well-thought analysis of international conflicts and their crosscultural boundaries dynamics, Yang concludes that intercultural communication and intercultural dialogue are imperative for conflict resolution. He adds though, that such a dialogue must be managed in a constructive and mutually respectful manner if it is to become conducive to international stability and global peacebuilding. Unlike the two opening chapters, Tzofnat Peleg-Baker’s contribution emphasizes the positive potential of conflict as a stimulator of growth and enrichment. However, such a development is more likely to happen within a framework of what the author terms dialogic relationships. She recommends to consider three elements in order to sustain such relations: 1) a self-other dichotomy, 2) a positive view of conflict, and 3) the saliency of identity in relationships. If these considerations are heeded, Peleg-Baker claims, adversarial interactions can become a constructive learning experience and morph into dialogic human connection. Inspired by her practical experience as a facilitator of dialogic and transformative processes in democraticoriented schools, Peleg-Baker advocates a shift of perspective from the individual to relationship as the basis of sustainable connections and dialogue is the pattern of communication that best fits such a shift. In “Dialogue as Playfulness,” Sharon Avital also promotes a new understanding of the role of dialogue. Her point of departure is similar to Peleg-Baker in relying on Gergen’s shift of focus from independent and coherent selves to relational beings as a new setting for dialogue. But then she adds her own unique and surprising analysis of a mathematical model of consciousness. Through the metaphor of playfulness, Avital stresses the importance of training in perspective taking and coordinated xxiv

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experiences in cases of conflict. Her thesis suggests the importance of integrating various forces operating within a given contention and incorporating them into the dialogic process. The chapter demonstrates this innovative theoretical approach by discussing a controversial community conflict in a Tel-Aviv neighborhood, between refugees and asylum-seekers and local residents in a struggle for status and recognition. Such a neighborhood represents a complex system laden with tensions, sensitivities and suspicions that require a systematic, multileveled and well-crafted dialogue. This is what Veronica Keiffer-Lewis Neal refers to as the calling-in praxis, a dialogue strategy for complex systems to grapple with the dehumanizing effects of institutional norms. Such norms, the author claims, push to the margins deeply held cultural and faith perspectives; world views that define who we are, how we work together, and navigate the workplace. Based on lessons learned from teaching the praxis of calling-in vs. calling-out, the chapter introduces an innovative approach for the development and maintenance of dialogue across differences within complex systems such as healthcare or higher education. Finally, to conclude the section on types of dialogue, Laure Gillot-Assayag takes the notion of intercultural dialogue a notch further. Her chapter highlights an intercultural dialogue between cultures rather than between cultural interlocutors. Focusing on the multifaceted concept of compromise, the author demonstrates how the Japanese and French cultures conversed and influenced one another in crossfertilization dynamics to enrich each other’s meaning of that particular intangible term. Describing the cross-cultural encounters between European and Japanese philosophies, and specifically the works of the Kyoto School of Philosophy and the writings of French philosopher Paul Ricoeur, the chapter offers a fascinating philosophic-linguistic take on the vitality and viability of intercultural dialogue. The second cluster of chapters adopts the theoretical aspects of interfaith and intercultural dialogue introduced in the first half and applies them to various case studies in distinct locations around the world. In the first one, Jarrett and Hylsop introduce the little-known indigenous peacemaking dynamics of the Native American community in a Tlingit village of Alaska. Despite hidden pressures and open challenges, the local design of Circle Peacemaking in the community upholds traditional methods of restorative justice in order to prevent the Anglo-American law system from intervening and possibly fracturing the delicate balance within the Native People communities. The chapter illustrates the intercultural dialogue between the traditional tribal code and the American legal system in order to create a viable fusion between the two systems that would be just, fair and palatable to both sides. The next pair of chapters highlights one of the most salient and painful human phenomenon of the current era: the plight of refugees and asylum-seekers, and the tensions with local populations in the hosting countries. This is a fault-line that most desperately requires an intercultural dialogue to facilitate and mitigate the strains xxv

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that emanate from miscommunication, mutual fear and ignorance about the other. The chapters elaborate on two of the most sensitive locations in the world in which such encounters between newcomers and locals occur—Greece and Turkey. The two countries, in more ways than one, can be observed as a litmus test for the severity and endurance of the refugee problem and the capacity of grappling successfully with its ramifications. Palaiologou, Fountoulaki, and Liontou focus in their analysis on the educational system in Greece and the adjustments made to accommodate the recent waves of refugees and migrants into the country. As the authors point out, this has been a real challenge since Greece never really had a concrete integration policy. The main difficulty was the question of how to organize the educational system in such a way as to transcend the mono-cultural and monolingual character of the Greek education into more pluralistic. More specifically, the dilemma was how to set the conditions for the educational system to embrace unprecedented diversity, as well as developing skills for intercultural dialogue and interaction with other traditions. The chapter underlines the non-formal educational settings and preparatory language training programs offered in order to help refugee children to acquire the language of the host country to a certain level before entering formal education. The intercultural education approach is carefully administered in order to avoid isolating ghetto conditions for refugees in an effort to help them discover and develop competencies that can bring them closer to local-community institutions. Bodur Ün and Balkan-Şahin’s contribution also concentrates on the predicament of refugees. They investigate the intercultural transition between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens in the cities of Mersin and Adana in the Eastern part of Turkey. Their chapter emphasizes the difficulties refugees encountered while undergoing intercultural transitions, especially the manner in which refugee identities are unilaterally transformed during such interactions. However, their original addition to the literature is to indicate that intercultural transition and integration can be a two-way process; one which transform the identities, values, and norms of both host communities and refugees. The chapter’s analysis is based on semi-structured interviews conducted with non-camp Syrian refugees and local citizens in Mersin and Adana to uncover the life experiences and interactions of refugees and the host society in diverse areas including education, health, and everyday life at diverse settings. A different need for dialogue, an inter-religious one, is invoked in Oluwafunminiyi’s chapter about routine encounters between Christians and Muslims residing together in the experimental Festac Town community in southwest Nigeria. This federal housing estate in Lagos State, is home to a large mix of Muslims and Christians. Since its foundation in 1977, religious interactions there were characterized by tolerance and mutual respect. Muslim and Christian residents have lived side by side with xxvi

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no major friction despite the frequent eruptions of interfaith violence elsewhere in the country. According to the author, what makes Festac Town unique from other shared spaces where religious encounters might assume perilous forms are four underlying factors: the elitist makeup of the town, absence of indigene-settler rights, urbanization, and adoption of conflict resolution mechanisms. All are encouraged, promoted and sustained through various forms and aspects of interfaith dialogue. Community based intercultural and interfaith dialogue is in the center of Pandey’s chapter, albeit in a very different surroundings and dissimilar circumstances. Her analysis depicts Indian American women in California’s Silicon Valley and their effort to uphold their cultural and religious tradition in juxtaposition with a vastly different dominant host culture. The author focuses on the questions of how the diaspora provided an opportunity for the Indian women to reconstruct their identity, and how practicing their rituals enabled them to negotiate their roles in their respective public spaces. In consistently performing these rituals, the Indian women managed to uphold their identity and agency beyond their roles as wives and mothers. Furthermore, in the intercultural dialogue with their hosting surroundings, the Odia women, the specific region in India from which these women immigrated, not only preserved their traditions but also helped reshaping the Silicon Valley corporate culture. The next two chapters move across the globe again, to a conflict-torn region that is in an urgent need of an intercultural and inter-religious dialogue—the Middle East, or more specifically, the intractable and ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In their chapter, Mollov and Lavie seek to accentuate the importance of religion and culture to both understanding and bridging the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Drawing on empirical field work and quantitative data, the authors offer a relatively new approach, in which similarities in religion and culture between Judaism and Islam can serve as a basis for perception change among the two groups and provide a multi-level model for better understanding and suggesting a new strategy for the conflict’s bridging. Complementary to Mollov and Lavie’s broader theoretical perspective, Keeley’s chapter is a practical and pragmatic account of Palestinian-Israeli, or Muslim-Jewish encounter as experienced in the most contested area in the region, the West Bank. Keeley, a renowned photo-journalist, conducted several photography workshops to Israeli and Palestinian women living adjacently to each other in the Gush Etzion section of the West Bank, but really never met each other until they stepped into the room where the workshops were held. This was an initiative of the Israeli-Palestinian Roots peace and reconciliation organization. The inception and viability of Roots was no simple feat considering the fact that its founders were an Orthodox Jewish rabbi who was also a settler and a Palestinian community leader who spent considerable time in an Israeli jail for incitement and agitation. Keeley’s chapter demonstrates

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how poignant, emotional and revelatory an intercultural and interfaith dialogue can be, even under the most exacting circumstances, if only it is given a chance. Finally, Peleg’s closing chapter returns back to the meaning and significance of dialogue. The chapter underlines the special character of a normative dialogue, not merely a procedural one, to accommodate and reconcile between contending and sometimes opposing views for the feasibility of peace and stability. A normative dialogue, which genuinely and unabashedly attempts to take on deeply-rooted incongruities and disparities backed by contending faiths and traditions, is bestsuited for an intercultural dialogue for peace and stability.

Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogue as Peacebuilding In today’s fragmented global reality, in which hatred and fear of otherness is increasing and tolerance to diversity is shrinking, intercultural and interfaith dialogue is imperative, not simply for placation and comfort but for survival. In Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, and Miall’s (2016) important distinction about types of conflict resolution dynamics, they distinguish between peace-keeping, peace-making and peacebuilding. The former is the endeavor to keep the belligerents apart, maintain cease-fire agreements and try to prevent new outbursts of violence to allow for the peace-making stage to begin. That stage is centered around a negotiation process, in which all stakeholders in the conflict attempt to convince that their way is the correct way to understand the issues on the agenda. Most efforts, including energy, time, and money are invested in persuasion and discounting the other’s narrative. The peace-making phase is culminated successfully, with a signed agreement, or unsuccessfully, with resuming hostilities. But even an agreement doesn’t really eliminate the conflict if it is not followed by the peacebuilding stage. This is the most daring and wholesome to uproot the sources of contention and preventing from ever recurring. But such an undertaking necessitates a different mindset and approach than the previous conflict resolution engagements. The peacebuilding task is about confronting deeper issues and dissimilarities that are embedded in identity, group-cohesion and sense of purpose and belonging. This is a daunting territory to enter. However, in order to prevent such hubs of potential friction from being galvanized again as sources of mobilization against others, they must be raised and discussed together, by former foes who seek a shared future. Peace-building is founded on trust and collaboration, anchored in empathy and partnership, not on the collision of narratives aiming to wear each other out. For this purpose, dialogue is the ultimate pattern of communication.

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REFERENCES Alfnes, F., Yue, C., & Jensen, H. H. (2010). Cognitive dissonance as a means of reducing hypothetical bias. European Review of Agriculture Economics, 37(2), 147–163. doi:10.1093/erae/jbq012 Alker, H. (1996). The dialectical logic of Thucydides’. Melian Dialogue, 1996, 23–63. Beck, U. (2005). The Reinvention of Politics: Rethinking Modernity in the Global Social Order. Malden, MA: Polity. Besley, T., & Peters, M. (Eds.). (2012). Interculturalism, Education and Dialogue. New York: Peter Lang. Bohm, D. (1996). On Dialogue. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203180372 Brigg, M. (2008). The New Politics of Conflict Resolution: Responding to Difference. London: Palgrave. doi:10.1057/9780230583375 Buber, M. (1923). I and thou [Ich und du]. Berlin: Academic Press. Buber, M. (1992). On Intersubjectivity and Cultural Creativity. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Burbules, N., & Rice, S. (1991). Dialogue across Differences: Continuing the Conversation. Harvard Educational Review, 61(4), 393–416. doi:10.17763/ haer.61.4.yr0404360n31j418 Burke, K. (1969). A Grammar of Motives. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Butler, M. (2009). International Conflict Management. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203879153 Cooper, J. (2007). Cognitive Dissonance: 50 Years of a Classic Theory. Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Dixon, N. M. (1996). Perspectives on Dialogue: Making Talk Developmental for Individuals and Organizations. Greensboro, NC: Center for Creative Leadership. Farr & Williams. (2015). The General Will: The Evolution of a Concept. Academic Press. Festinger, L. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

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Gawronski, B., & Strack, F. (2012). Cognitive Consistency: A Fundamental Principle in Social Cognition. New York: Guilford Press. Graumann, C. F. (1995). Discriminatory Discourse. Patterns of Prejudice, 29(1), 69–83. doi:10.1080/0031322X.1995.9970147 Greenberg, E. (Ed.). (2017). Political Socialization. New York: Routledge. Grudin, R. (1996). On Dialogue: An Essay in Free Thought. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Harmon-Jones, E., Amodio, D. M., & Harmon-Jones, C. (2009). Action-based model of dissonance: a review, integration, and expansion of conceptions of cognitive conflict. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (Vol. 41, pp. 119–166). Burlington, MA: Academic Press. Hurst, C., Fitz Gibbon, H., & Nurse, A. (2016). Social Inequality: Forms, Causes, and Consequences. New York: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315536859 Jenlink, P., & Banathy, B. (2005). Dialogue: Conversation as Culture Building and Consciousness Evolving. In B. Banathy & P. Jenlink (Eds.), Dialogue as a Means of Collective Communication (pp. 3–16). New York: Kluwer Academic Publishers. doi:10.1007/0-306-48690-3_1 Kriesberg, L. (1992). International Conflict Resolution: The US-USSR and Middle East Cases. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Laitin, D. (1986). Hegemony and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Opotow, S. (1990). Moral Exclusion and Injustice: An Introduction. Social Issues, 46(1), 1–20. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1990.tb00268.x Pearce, B. (1989). Communication and the Human Condition. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press. Pearce, B. (2007). Making Social Worlds: A Communication Perspective. London: Blackwell. Penman, R. (2000). Reconstructing Communicating: Looking to a Future. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. doi:10.4324/9781410605832 Phillips, L. (2011). The Promise of Dialogue. Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamin’s Publishing Company. doi:10.1075/ds.12 Ramsbotham, O., Woodhouse, T., & Miall, H. (2016). Contemporary Conflict Resolution (4th ed.). London: Wiley.

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Rescher, N. (1977). Dialectics: A Controvery Oriented Approach to the Theory of Knowledge. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Soper, C., & Fetzer, J. (2018). Religion and Nationalism in Global Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316995280 Thucydides. (1951). The history of the Peloponnesian War (R. W. Livingstone, Trans.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Wood, J. (2004). Entering into Dialogue. In R. Anderson, L. Baxter, & K. Cissna (Eds.), Dialogue: Theorizing Difference in Communication Studies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Section 1

Theoretical Aspects

1

Chapter 1

Resolving Intractable Conflicts: The Importance of Interfaith Dialogue Carmela Lutmar University of Haifa, Israel

ABSTRACT Are all conficts the same? Can mediation manage all types of conficts efectively? Or are some conficts more resistant to confict management than others? This chapter will attempt to answer these questions, in the frst part of it, by looking at the impact of mediation on the resolution of intractable conficts. While a number of studies have sought to address the duration of long-standing conficts, it is clear that intractable conficts require deeper study concerning the reasons for their emergence and how to terminate them. This chapter, therefore, will articulate at the beginning the components of a conceptual framework of intractable conficts and examine the efects of mediation in attempting to resolve them. Then it will proceed to advocate for an approach that promotes interfaith dialogue as a means to bridge trust gaps in intractable conficts. Finally, it will apply the approach in one such confict – the Israel-Palestine dispute.

INTRODUCTION Are all conflicts the same? Can mediation manage all types of conflicts effectively? Or are some conflicts more resistant to conflict management than others? This chapter will attempt to answer these questions, in the first part of it, by looking at the impact of mediation on the resolution of intractable conflicts, and identify factors that may influence the success of mediation in these cases. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch001 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

While a number of studies have sought to address the duration of long-standing conflicts (Collier et al, 2004; DeRouen and Sobek, 2004; and Fearon, 2004) it is clear that intractable conflicts require deeper study concerning the reasons for their emergence, and how to terminate them. This chapter, therefore, will articulate at the beginning the components of a conceptual framework of intractable conflicts and examine the effects of mediation in attempting to resolve them. Then it will proceed to advocate for an approach that promotes interfaith dialogue as a means to bridge trust gaps in intractable conflicts. Finally it will apply the approach in one such conflict – the Israel-Palestine dispute.

CHARACTERISTICS OF INTRACTABLE CONFLICTS An intractable conflict is a process of competitive relationships that extend over a period of time, and involves hostile perceptions and occasional military actions (Coleman, 2006). The term itself acts as an integrating concept connoting a competitive social process where states become enmeshed in a web of negative interactions and hostile orientations. This pattern is repeated, indeed worsened, every so often, when the actors involved are unable to curb, or manage, the escalation of their relationships (Coleman, 2003) One of the first scholars to draw attention to the special features of these longstanding conflicts was Edward Azar (Azar, 1986). Azar refers to them as “protracted conflicts” and was the first to point out that one of the defining characteristics of these conflicts was the difficulty of managing them peacefully. The concept of intractable conflict has also received considerable attention in more recent studies (Bar Tal, 2000; Coleman et al, 2007; Tomlinson and Lewicki, 2006; Ozawa, 2006; and Crocker et al, 2005). Gochman and Maoz (1984) demonstrated empirically how a relatively small number of states have been involved in a disproportionately large number of militarized disputes. Furthermore, they showed that this was a pattern that was likely to repeat itself. Gochman and Maoz define these long-standing disputes between states as “enduring rivalries,” and their conflict as an “enduring conflict” (ibid) So what are some of the important characteristics of intractable conflicts? Perhaps the most significant feature of intractable conflict is that it is a long and drawn-out process, rather than a series of discrete events (Thies, 2001). Intractable conflicts generally do not start their life cycle as intractable, but become increasingly intractable as the nature of the conflict changes due its duration and entrenchment (Coleman et all, 2007). An intractable conflict usually lasts for many years. The temporal dimension of intractable conflicts is quite significant, for intractable conflicts convey the notion of a long-term phenomenon (usually a minimum of 15 2

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

years) during which hostile interactions are interwoven with peaceful periods and conflict management efforts. To talk about intractable conflict implies a concern with the longitudinal and dynamic aspects of a relationship. At its simplest, the concept is no more than a belated recognition by scholars that conflicts do not manifest themselves in a series of single, unrelated episodes. In most intractable conflicts violence is a permanent feature, although it might be sporadic and episodic rather than an open war, as is the case in the India-Pakistan (Paul, 2005), or Israeli-Palestinian (Tessler, 1994) conflicts. In other intractable conflicts, such as the conflict in Cyprus, violence is suspended, although the underlying issues that led to the conflict in the first place are not resolved and there is the potential that violence may erupt in the future (Fisher, 2001; Ker-Lindsay, 2011). However, our focus here is on those intractable conflicts that involve sporadic violence rather than those of suspended violence. Intractable conflicts involve a variety of issues. In addition to territorial, ideological, or security issues, these conflicts may also involve issues relating to ethnic and religious identity. Identity wars are particularly intractable because identity is a very powerful association dependant on “language, culture, and religion, which are hard to change, as well as parentage, which no one can change” (Kaufman, 1996). A perceived threat to one’s sense of self and security based on a distinctive identity can be exceptionally divisive and as a result “charges interethnic interactions with the potential for violence” (Sambanis 2001: 263) A wider social recognition of identity and effective participation in social, economic and political processes are now recognized as basic needs of all humanity (Azar, 1991) Denial of that identity can lead to feelings of victimization and eventually to conflict. Situations where identity has been the catalyst of a conflict include Myanmar, Rwanda and Kosovo. A further aspect of intractable conflicts is the way in which disputants perceive each other and the impact of a negative past relationship. Conflicts have a past (which may cast a heavy shadow on the parties), a present context, and presumably a future of some sort. Once formed, enemy images become deeply engrained and can present a major obstacle to conflict management (Stein, 2005) States involved in an intractable conflict become accustomed to the use of violence and as such are prepared to revert to the use of violence in the future; destructive conflict processes become normal processes for the parties involved (Coleman, 2006) A history of hostile relations and a repertoire of grievances, accompanied by pain, loss, and trauma on both sides create resentment and make it harder for the parties to transform their relationship from a conflictual one to a cooperative one (Jabs 2007) Indeed, involvement in conflict has been found to increase a country’s susceptibility to further conflict in the future (Hegre, 2003) Intractable conflicts are particularly resistant to any settlement effort. These are the most difficult conflicts to deal with, manage or resolve. Yet these are exactly the conflicts we need to address. 3

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

A final, and perhaps the most defining characteristic of intractable conflicts, is their resilience to conflict management efforts (Kriesberg, 2005). Kriesberg suggests that three key dimensions differentiate intractable conflicts from other forms of conflict: their persistence, destructiveness, and resistance to resolution (Ibid) The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has had many attempts at conflict management, but none have been successful at resolving the conflict. These include the Oslo Accords, attempts by the Diplomatic Quartet (US, UK, Russia and the EU) and mediation by countries such as Egypt and Switzerland. Intractable conflicts enmesh states in a web of threats and escalating manoeuvers that cannot be easily brought to an end. As such, they may be likened to a prolonged process of entrapment and parallel many of the characteristics of a zero-sum game (Coleman et al, 2007) Whichever way we look at them, intractable conflicts clearly pose a significant danger to the international system. Various actors, ranging from private individuals to numerous international organizations, have a vested interest in settling or helping to de-escalate intractable conflicts. Clearly, intractable conflicts have some major points of difference from other types of conflict. The major characteristics of intractable interstate conflicts can be summarized as follows: 1. In terms of actors, intractable conflicts involve long rivalries between actors, states or other groups. 2. In terms of duration, intractable conflicts take place over a long period of time (usually at least 20 years) 3. In terms of issues, intractable conflicts tend to involve both tangible and intangible issues with a depth of meaning and importance which gives them a pervasive quality (Rouhana and Bar-Tal, 1998) 4. In terms of relationships, intractable conflicts involve previous hostile relationships that include feelings of enmity between conflict parties. 5. In terms of geopolitics, intractable conflicts usually involve buffer states between major blocks, powers, or civilizations. 6. In terms of management, intractable conflicts are particularly resistant to any conflict management efforts.

Defining Intractable Conflicts In order to study intractable conflicts in an empirical fashion, it is necessary to establish a more operational definition of the phenomenon rather than simply discussing its characteristics. An operational definition of an intractable conflict must, if it is to allow us to develop a universe of cases for empirical research, specify the number of actors, minimum duration, and level of hostility. Although some discrepancy may be discerned amongst the operational definitions now extant in the literature, they all 4

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

stipulate temporal boundaries, continuity, dispute activity and a dyadic participation. Some (Wayman, 1982) confine an intractable conflict to a ten year period with two or more militarized disputes while others such, while others (Diehl, 1985; Huth and Russett, 1993)) place the temporal parameters at fifteen years with three militarized disputes and twenty years with at least five militarized disputes respectively. In line with these, we define an intractable conflict as a conflictual relationship that lasts at least twenty years and manifests five or more militarized disputes, from the beginning to the end of a rivalry (Goertz and Diehl, 1993) While intractable conflicts at both the inter- and intra-state level are both of the utmost importance, this chapter will focus particularly on ‘interstate’ intractable conflicts, (for example Pakistan-India, Somalia-Ethiopia). Using this definition we can identify 18 intractable conflicts, which were subject to 872 conflict management efforts between 1945 and 2000.

Managing Intractable Interstate Conflicts Empirical research suggests that although intractable conflicts constitute only about 13 percent of all conflicts between pairs of states, they attract almost 40 percent of all conflict management efforts (Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz, 1997). But what does management of an intractable conflict really mean? (Ibid) Are particular mechanisms more conducive to effective management of an intractable conflict? When may intractable conflicts be considered successfully managed? Do we look at the “output”, for example, agreements or treaties signed, or the impact, the set of consequences flowing from the implementation of or the adaptation to conflict management efforts? Although analysts usually take output and impact together to evaluate the success of the mediation process, the impact is considered more important (Underdal, 2002) since the effort may lead to constructive consequences, such as a delay of violence, even though it may not result in the anticipated outcome, like a peace agreement. Therefore, understanding the impact of conflict management becomes important in evaluating the success or failure of the conflict management effort. To evaluate the impact of conflict management and classify conflict management effectiveness, Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz (1997) distinguish between four categories: a) unsuccessful, b) establishment of a cease-fire, c) partial success, and d) full-settlement of the issues at hand. They state that “conflict management in intractable conflicts means that rival states still think about their relationship in militarized terms, but are content to know how best to contain it.” (Ibid, 755) Goertz and Regan (1997) on the other hand, divide conflict management impacts into three distinct groups: a) short-term effects, b) medium-term effects, and c) conflict termination. They state that intractable conflicts “provide a natural framework for the 5

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

examination of medium-term conflict management since it is in this term that many of the more common steps to manage conflicts will have observable effects” (Ibid) Bercovitch and Diehl (1997) also support this view; however they argue that “if conflict management cannot stop or mitigate war and other violent conflict, it still might be able to delay the onset of that conflict.” (Ibid) Thus, Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz (1997: 761) propose to look at the two other short-term criteria; moreover, they suggest that a conflict management effort can be considered successful if it lessens the severity of conflict or delays the next serious confrontation. Based on their research they conclude that the short-term impact of mediation is mostly confined to delaying the onset of the next dispute by a couple of years (Bercovitch and Diehl, 1997) The implications of an intractable conflict for the study of conflict management are potentially numerous, though we have little systematic evidence that identifies trends or the effectiveness of different conflict management efforts. The empirical data suggests that intractable conflicts are much harder to resolve that those nonintractable conflicts. As Grieg states “the very nature of enduring rivalries, with their legacy of mutual distrust and pain, makes conflict management more difficult to achieve than in other types of disputes” (Grieg 2001: 692) This distrust is evident in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians. Although conflict management can be successful in resolving all manner of conflict, internal as well as external, the most difficult context for successful mediation and third party intervention is that of an intractable conflict. Thus, intractable interstate rivalries represent the most dangerous conflicts in the international system. This is especially the case for those intractable conflicts that are identified as more severe and intense, such as the India-Pakistan conflict over the Kashmir territory. Research indicates that 56.8 percent of conflict management efforts in intractable interstate conflicts are doomed to fail (Gartner and Bercovitch, 2006) This resistance to conflict management renders them a very important area of study within the field of conflict resolution. Understanding the reasons behind this would contribute to developing a better approach to address these conflicts and maybe even terminate them. Beyond the potentially high levels of hostility present in intractable conflicts, they appear to be inherently resistant to many exogenous influences. Azar (1972) argues that each pair of countries has an average level of hostile or cooperative interaction, which he terms their “normal relations range.” Azar’s idea of a normal relation’s range suggests that relations between states vary within relatively narrow limits. Goertz and Diehl (1995) reformulated this in terms of a “Basic Rivalry Level” around which relations fluctuate. They discovered that this standard level of conflict was established very early in the rivalry (a quick “lock-in”) and remained relatively consistent over the life of intractable conflicts. The basic rivalry level 6

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

appears to be largely resistant to exogenous influences, suggesting that conflict management attempts may have little impact on the conduct of the rivalry once the patterns of hostility are locked-in. Furthermore, intractable conflicts usually end only in the aftermath of a large political shock, such as major war or a shift in the power distribution, again reinforcing the resilience of hostility patterns in the rivalry (Goertz and Diehl, 2005)

Mediation and Intractable Interstate Conflicts Mediation, together with negotiation, is the most common conflict management mechanism to deal with intractable conflicts. Mediation is a non-coercive and voluntary form of conflict management that is particularly suited to the reality of international relations and for dealing effectively with intractable interstate conflicts, where states and other actors guard their autonomy and independence quite jealously. Does mediation actually have any impact on intractable conflicts and if so, how do we assess it? One of the major characteristics of intractable conflicts is the difficulty in managing them with the average intractable conflict attracting over thirteen individual mediation attempts (Bercovitch et al: 1991) These findings show that the expected number of mediation attempts for intractable conflicts is almost ten times greater than for isolated conflicts (Ibid) Therefore, it is concluded that intractable conflicts have a higher probability of attracting a conflict management effort and involve more third party intervention (Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz 1997) One of the reasons for intractable conflicts to attract more mediation attempts is the protracted nature of these conflicts. As the parties to an intractable conflict perceive their objectives as fundamentally irreconcilable and believe that their interests are better served by the continuation of the conflict, negotiation fails to transform the conflictual relationship. Furthermore, parties to an intractable conflict are also reluctant to resort to the rule of law, or arbitration. Thus, mediation, defined as “a process of conflict management, where disputants seek the assistance of, or accept an offer of help from, an individual, groups, a state, or a organization to settle their conflict or resolve their differences without resorting to physical force or invoking the authority of law” (Bercovitch et al, 1991) is a more appropriate mechanism to deal with intractable conflicts. All conflicts respond differently to different conflict resolution mechanisms. In most contexts, it is possible to ascertain that a particular strategy works by assessing the degree of satisfaction the parties have had with that strategy. One may also study the rate of compliance with any strategy, its speed, or efficiency (Gurkaynak, Dayton, and Paffenholz, 2009). Intractable conflicts require examination of how conflict management strategies and mediation in particular work by noting their impact on the parties’ current and subsequent conflict behavior. In that regard, 7

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

when parties cease or limit their violent interactions, or experience greater timelags between such interactions, mediation may be said to have been successful; if, however, the parties carry on fighting with roughly the same frequency and levels of hostility, then clearly mediation has been unsuccessful (Bercovitch, 2005) As noted previously in this chapter, mediation attempts have less effect in the shortterm (Goertz and Diehl, 1997). However, when short-term criteria are defined as the lessening of the severity of violence and producing an increase in the “waiting time” between the mediation effort and the next serious confrontation, mediation seems to be more effective. The basic proposition here is that mediation, because of its nature, informality, and flexibility, is the most effective conflict management strategy in dealing with an intractable conflict.

Factors Affecting Mediation in Intractable Conflicts It is generally acknowledged that intractable conflicts centre on the issues in conflict, while ethnic conflicts, based on identity, centre on the parties in conflict. As such, the key factors that affect the success of mediation in an intractable conflict include the nature of the dispute, but also the identity of mediators, mediator strategies, and the timing of mediation. Therefore, the following part of this chapter will expand on the impact of these factors in evaluating mediation success.

The Type of Dispute One element that is crucial for the success of mediation attempts in intractable conflicts is the nature of the dispute at hand. It seems a truism to suggest that the kind of dispute will have a significant impact on the success or failure of any mediation attempt (Bervovitch and Gartner, 2009) Kressel and Pruitt, in their review of mediation research, conclude that unfavorable dispute characteristics are likely to defeat even the most adroit mediators (Kressel and Pruitt, 2009) Similarly, Ott argues that the character of the dispute, with the characteristics and behavior of the mediator being marginal, largely determine the success or failure of mediation (Ott, 1972) The nature of a conflict or the characteristics of the issues that are its focus, are clearly crucial in determining how it is managed (Diehl, 1992) Certain issues such as beliefs, core values, identity and territorial integrity have a high saliency, and are apt to encourage decision makers to accept higher levels of costs (Hartzell, Hoddie, and Rothchild, 2001; Lake and Rothchild, 1996) This makes it much more difficult to manage such conflicts through traditional diplomatic methods (Snyder and Diesing, 1977). Conflicts over salient issues are likely to be long-lasting and thus likely to entail the use of coercive methods as a way of reaching an outcome (Siniver, 2006). Other aspects such as the number of issues in conflict, the rigidity 8

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

with which they are perceived, whether they relate to tangible interests (resources), or intangible sources (values), may also affect both the duration as well as method of termination (Deutsch, 1994) The conflict between Great Britain and Argentina over sovereignty of the Falklands/Malvinas Islands has some of the elements of an intractable dispute. Since Britain declared sovereignty over the islands in 1840, Argentina has disputed British legal claims. In the early 1960s, the two sides tried to negotiate a resolution to their differences. Although no settlement was found, negotiations resumed in the 1980s. In April 1982, Argentine military forces seized the islands. In response, the British Government deployed naval and ground forces to the South Atlantic and recovered the territory by force. During the lead-up to this conflict the United States, led by Secretary of State Alexander Haig, dispatched its own mediation mission in an effort to prevent war between its two allies (Laucirica, 2000). Although Haig tried to negotiate with Argentina’s military leaders, he made little headway: the Argentines viewed his mission with suspicion, fearing that the United States was biased toward Britain. Britain’s Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, in turn, was angry that the United States was professing “neutrality” in the crisis. When it was apparent that war was inevitable, the United States pulled the plug on its mediation mission (Thatcher, 1993). In this dispute, the issue of sovereignty and the duration of the dispute contributed to its intractable quality and created adverse conditions for mediation by a third party who was viewed with suspicion and anger by the disputants. Research has found we found that most of the interstate intractable conflicts involve tangible issues such as territory and security (76.1 percent). This is also supported by Huth, who states that rivalries that have territorial disputes at their core are more likely to become intractable (Huth, 1996); and also by Bennett, who finds that territorial disputes are more likely to endure (Bennett, 1996; Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz, 1997). These findings suggest that mediation and other conflict management efforts will be less effective in disputes such as the Falklands/Malvinas war, where territory is the central contested issue. Based on this assumption, Bercovitch, Diehl, Goertz suggest that mediators must deal with territorial issues first if they hope to have any impact on a conflict (Bercovitch, Diehl, and Goertz, 1997).

Dispute Intensity Another way of looking at the nature of the dispute involves evaluating dispute intensity. When we consider dispute intensity, we are immediately confronted with two fundamental difficulties: definition and operationalization. Although intensity is often regarded by many as an important dispute characteristic (Hartzell, Hoddie, and Rothchild, 2001) there is a lack of clarity as to precisely what it means. Under the 9

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

rubric of intensity, all sorts of diverse factors such as the severity of prior conflict, the level of hostility, levels of anger and intensity of emotions, as well as the strength of negative perceptions (intractable conflicts would score high on each of these dimensions) are included. These factors are particularly difficult to operationalize. When evaluating the success of international peace building, Sambanis and Doyle use the number of fatalities and people displaced as a result of the conflict as proxy variables to measure conflict intensity (Sambanis and Doyle, 2000). A similar approach can be seen in the work of Barbara Walter who measures the intensity of conflicts by recording the number of fatalities generated by the conflict relative to the duration of the conflict (Walter, 2004). Regardless of the definition used, given their length, higher levels and frequency of violence, and the large number of wars and fatalities that occur during their existence, it can be assumed that intractable conflicts will be of a high intensity. What are the consequences for conflict management of being in a “serial confrontation”? (Thompson, 1995). Does high dispute intensity elicit a preference for a particular method of conflict management, or does this experience produce so much “distortion,” stress and cognitive rigidity, that the conflicting parties involved learn little from their past experience, and use the same old methods, repeated over time, unproductively? Authors such as Frei, (1976) and Kressel and Pruitt (1989), conclude that parties in high intensity disputes will show a greater inclination to reject mediation efforts. In their discussion of public sector mediation, Kochan and Jick (1978) also argue that the intensity of a dispute will be negatively related to the effectiveness of the mediation process. Alternately, a number of scholars (Burton, 1968; Young, 1967; Jackson, 1952) claim that intense disputes (however measured) are particularly suitable for mediation, as they usually offer a conspicuous solution, and the parties, having exhausted themselves, are ready to countenance any way out of their predicament. When heavy losses have been experienced during previous conflict behavior, lessons may be drawn by each state regarding the efficacy of coercion as a way of dealing with conflict. The latter theory finds support in the example of the ongoing intractable conflict between India and Pakistan. Following the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, the United States became actively involved in trying to mediate a solution to the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. However, the two sides scoffed at the US proposals and remained at loggerheads (Choudhury, 1975). By the 1990’s, the case of Kashmir was no longer a two-sided, interstate conflict but a far more complex one involving insurgency war and Kashmiri assertions of a right to selfdetermination or independence from both neighboring states. The intervening years have retained a level of hostility with nuclear tests conducted by both states and continuing tensions along the Indo-Kashmir border (Schaffer and Schaffer, 2005) along with recent terrorist strikes in Mumbai which were attributed to a Kashmiri 10

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

militant group (Schmitt et al, 2008). What this case portrays is that the intensity of the dispute has become so strong militarily, that a military stalemate has resulted, which some believe may actually contribute to the disputants actively looking for the management of the conflict through such mechanisms as mediation (Schaffer and Schaffer, 2005). While in some cases high conflict intensity may motivate conflictual parties to be more accepting of constructive methods of conflict management, our analysis shows that this is generally not the case. Previous studies (Bercovitch and Langley, 1993) have shown a very clear pattern of the relationship between intensity as measured by fatalities and successful mediation. Only 39% of all mediation attempts in the post-1945 era have had any degree of success in mediation disputes where fatality levels exceeded 10,000, compared to 64% success rate in disputes where fatality levels were lower than 500 (Bercovitch and Houston, 1996). However, in discussing intractable conflicts, we have to be aware that the number of fatalities may give us a rather misleading picture. Some high fatality disputes can last years or even decades, while in others a considerable number of casualties may be experienced in a relatively short time, such as was the case with Rwanda and now in Sudan. The “age” of a dispute, as Frei (1976) notes, has to be taken into account as well as the level of fatalities. This is where the concept of intractable conflicts, with its emphasis on the dynamics of a relationship, becomes so useful. Parties’ previous relations are also an important aspect of the nature of the dispute. In our analysis we have identified four categories to classify previous relations; a) no previous dispute; b) display of force; c) use of force; d) war. We have observed that out of 20 cases of mediation outcomes in conflicts involving parties with no previous dispute, 10 of them were successful and 10 of them were unsuccessful. All of three mediation cases where display of force was used had succeeded. 24 cases involved use of force and 15 (62.5 percent) of the mediation attempts were successful and 9 (37.5 percent) of them were unsuccessful. 311 cases involved war and the mediation efforts in this category were successful in only 120 cases (38.6 percent) and failed in 191 (61.4 percent) cases. While these findings are not particularly clear, they do show a definite trend that where the previous relations were particularly hostile, the chances of mediation success are relatively poor. These findings support the difficulties inherent in managing intractable conflicts, where the previous relations of parties are often particularly hostile.

Identity of the Mediator Every mediator brings resources to the mediation process according to their own capability and rank. As we have stated in the previous chapters, private individuals, states, or international organizations can undertake the role of the mediator. Although 11

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

traditionally states have been the most common mediators in international conflicts, in recent years we have witnessed an increase in the involvement of international organizations, such as the UN, as mediators in intractable conflicts. This trend is particularly strong when considering the identity of mediators in intractable conflicts, where 50 percent of the mediators are international organizations. The most important global organization is the United Nations (UN) which has been at the forefront of many mediation efforts involving intractable conflict. The difficulties inherent in dealing with intractable conflict mean that the UN is often called in as a last resort, when all other efforts have failed (Fortna, 2004). A glance at the UN’s record of mediation reveals that most UN mediation efforts deal with conflicts that have been in existence for three or more years, have taken place between states with a previous history of antagonism, and states that had already experienced one or two conflicts in the past. Many of these cases constitute what Touval refers to as “orphan conflicts”, meaning they are basically thrown into the UN’s lap because major powers have identified their intractable nature, and do not wish to invest political capital in attempting to manage conflicts where the chances of success are comparatively low (Touval, 1994). By the time a conflict is submitted to the United Nations it may well have spread and escalated beyond the capacity of any conflict manager (Ibid) While the UN often deals with the most intractable conflicts, it has yielded some noteworthy successes. Richard Solomon describes how the five permanent members of the UN Security Council (the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, and France) addressed the thorny problem of how to include the Khmer Rouge, which had perpetrated unspeakable horrors on the people of Cambodia, in the Paris Peace Process (Solomon, 1999). The presence of the five permanent members of the Security Council helped not only to ensure that the different Cambodian factions and regional actors, such as Vietnam, stayed the course in the negotiations but also to reduce the incentives to undermine the settlement once its main provisions were agreed upon (Ibid). Some intractable conflicts can even be managed by high-ranking individuals. Previous research has shown that high ranking mediators contribute to the credibility of threats and promises.1 During the Haiti conflict, the success of the mediation efforts can be partly explained by the identity of each member of the Carter-NunnPowell mediation team. They approached the conflict in 1994 with the benefit of high rank, a strong reputation, and extensive knowledge of the conflict. They had direct communication with President Clinton, which at the moments of deadline proved crucial to the success of the mediation attempt. Carter also had a previous positive affiliation with General Cedras, the de facto prime minister during the conflict (Pastor, 1999). This case study asserts that the higher the mediator’s status and prestige, the greater the chances of success. In addition, the activities of 12

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

mediators depend on the position they hold in their country; the leeway given to them in determining policies; the possession of different resources and capabilities; and the political orientations of their countries (Bervovitch, 1992). One interesting difference between intractable conflicts and other forms of conflict is that intractable conflicts are less likely to be mediated by regional organizations. The severity of intractable conflicts may make it problematic for regional organizations to attempt to deal with such conflict between their members; regional organizations may also be hampered by the presence of a major power as one of the rivals and as a hegemon in the organization. In addition, some intractable conflicts are extra-regional, involving states from different continents and therefore largely out of the purview of regional groupings. Global organizations are better suited in terms of resources and political influence to deal with the difficulties posed by interstate intractable conflicts.

Mediation Strategies An important aspect of mediation in general and particularly in intractable conflicts is the strategy employed by mediators. Mediators choose certain strategies and behaviors based on their analyses of various factors (such as the nature of the dispute, the nature of the parties, and the international and regional context of the dispute). Identifying which strategy works better in intractable conflicts is an important factor in determining the success of mediation efforts. The choice of a mediation strategy is rarely random. It is the result of conscious decisions by mediators who respond to the need to manage a conflict and protect their own interests and resources (Bercovitch and Wells, 1993). As discussed in the previous chapter, communicative-facilitative, procedural/formulative, and directive strategies are three particular strategies adopted by mediators (Bercovitch et al, 1991). Which strategy would mediators most likely use when they intervene in an intractable conflict? And which strategy is the most effective when it comes to the specific difficulties posed by intractable conflicts? Usually a mediator uses a combination of these strategies, considering the climate and the needs of the mediation process. The mediator may shift its strategy at different stages of the mediation process, observing the interaction between the parties and the evolution of the mediation process. Still, research shows that 47 percent of the mediators prefer to employ communicative-facilitative strategies when dealing with intractable conflicts. This figure is followed by directive strategies (29 percent). However, research also pointed out that the most effective mediation strategy is procedural or formulative strategies with a 52 percent success rate. The success rate of communicative-facilitative

13

Resolving Intractable Conflicts

strategies was recorded at 41 percent and the success rate of directive strategies was 37 percent. Formulative strategies involve a mediator exercising more formal control over situational aspects or the process of mediation. Here the mediator may determine such factors as the mediation environment, the number and type of meetings with the adversaries, the agenda covered in those meetings, the control of constituency influences, and the distribution of information and resources to the parties. Unlike the directive strategy, (when a mediator sets out to affect the content and substance as well as the process of the mediation by using a combination of providing incentives, offering rewards and punishments), formulative strategies offer parties relative freedom with regards to the content of their dispute. This strategy helps the parties to come together with the aid of a third party in a controlled environment without pressure. It is more flexible than the directive strategies and more involved than the communicative-facilitative strategies. Thus, given such a context of repeated gestures of conflict and antagonism, and the parties’ perception of what is at stake, the strategy most likely to be effective is the most active or formulative strategy.

Timing of Mediation The range of mediation strategies employed to manage intractable conflicts covers the full spectrum of behaviour, ranging from the less intrusive communicativefacilitative approach through to highly involved directive strategies. While not the most common strategy, research has found that procedural/formulative strategies have been the most effective technique for managing intractable conflicts. As a midpoint between directive and communicative strategies, the procedural approach has sufficient subtlety to deal with the emotive issues inherent in intractable conflict yet also wields sufficient control over the process to be able to deal with heavily entrenched issues. Also important in dealing with intractable conflicts is the timing of mediation efforts. Given the high levels of hostility and tendency to resort to violence that is visible in intractable conflicts, identifying a ripe moment to intervene is especially important. Research has found that disputants involved in intractable conflict will be more likely to accepting of conflict management after states have locked-in their hostility patterns and have reached an impasse in the settlement of their dispute. When looking at the Indo-Pakistani conflict, the terrorist attacks in Mumbai a few years ago have led to a severe deterioration in the relations between the two countries. Hence it is obvious that intractable conflicts are ripe, as a group of specific conflicts, with unique characteristics, to a new and different approach to conflict resolution. And this is where we turn now – interfaith dialogue as a mean to resolve intractable conflicts. 14

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INTERFAITH DIALOGUE: A TOOL FOR CHANGE? Despite its importance as a potential means for conflict resolution, there is surprisingly very little scholarly literature on the dynamics, influence, and consequences of interfaith dialogue. This section surveys three approaches to change via interfaith dialogue, as presented by Neufeldt (2011), and advocates for the third as the most applicable to intractable conflicts. However, echoing the main argument in Neufeldt (2011), this part will also claim that each perspective has merits, and it is that each one works under various conditions, and in different types of conflicts. The links between religion and conflict – or the perception of religion as a useful (or possible) variable in explaining political phenomena is not obvious, and has been considered to be problematic for many years. As Neufeldt notes (2011: 346-7): “The relationship between religion and conflict—the perception of mutually incompatible goals between groups—is generally understood in three ways: as a cause of, an inspiration for, or an exacerbating factor of violence in inter-group conflict. Some argue religion causes violent conflict when religion defines end-goals, such as establishing a religious legal state, or when it inspires repression against people of other faith traditions and reinforces exclusive identity group boundaries. Others suggest religion inspires violence by providing absolute ideologies and texts that support holy war; here, holy warriors engage in a cosmic struggle between good and evil, which provides meaning and prevents compromise.13 Yet, other researchers suggest that religion exacerbates conflict when political elites manipulate religion to rally supporters, legitimate an insurgency, recruit and motivate fighters, identify sacred objects or holy sites for protection, discount physical survival, and provide tangible benefits to disadvantaged potential insurgents” In this context, Scott Appleby, one of the leading scholars of religion and politics, notes that given the recent violence that is being justified by religious motives, ‘‘it seems fair to ask how right-minded people could possibly consider religion also to be a source of diplomacy, nonviolent conflict transformation and peacebuilding.’’ (2003: 238). However, he contends that religion can serve also as a vehicle for making peace (2000). For the purpose of this article, I adopt the definition from Neufeldt (2011: 346): “Religious peacebuilding refers to actions taken by people acting with an expressed religious mandate (individuals or institutional representatives) to constructively and nonviolently prevent, reduce or transform inter-group conflict. It therefore includes and goes beyond interfaith dialogue.” The first ones to conduct research on religiousbased peacebuilding in the 1990s were Douglas Johnston and Cynthia Sampson, who identified the potential of religious actors to serve as agents of change in “identity based” conflicts (sometimes referred to as ethnic conflicts) in international politics. Later work attempted to first identify, and later on to formulate, roles for religious

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individual actors, and institutions, in peacebuilding. Examples for such possible roles would include religious leaders serving as mediators in disputes. Interfaith dialogue started to gain scholarly attention in the late 1980s (for example Kellenberger ed, 1993) as a means for building peace. However, even throughout the 1990s the scholarly attention focusing on the actual content of interfaith dialogue was mainly in religious studies. It took an exogenous shock, such as the September 2001 terrorist attacks, which brought to the forefront violence with religious dimensions, to really give a strong push for a renewed debate on the role of religion in violent acts as well as in fostering and building peace (Evers, 2003). Neufeldt (2011: 347) introduces three approaches for the ways that change can take place through dialogue – theological, political, and peacebuilding. Our focus in this chapter is on the third category, but we will give a short overview of all three before emphasizing the third one, and applying it to our case studies. The three approaches are based on different approaches, that in turn generate various expectations as to how change might take place given the different sub-fields they are based in – the theological approach in religious studies, the political approach in political science and international relations, and the peacebuilding approach in conflict transformation. Moreover, as Neufeldt notes (2011: 347): … Interfaith dialogue efforts emerging from these respective areas of scholarship demonstrate divergent views of the intersection of politics, religion, and conflict and generate very different formats as well as expectations of outcomes. For example, those engaging in dialogue from a theological perspective are less likely to see religion as a cause of conflict than those operating from the political and peacebuilding perspectives. The role of actors engaged in dialogue, therefore, also vary with the political and peacebuilding perspectives geared more toward engaging with secular peace processes than those operating from a theological perspective. Let us elaborate more about the third approach which is the most relevant to this chapter – peacebuilding. Religion in this perspective can be the source of conflicts as well as to exacerbate them. Religious actors and institutions have multiple roles in peace processes, and those roles can take various forms such as multi-layered, formal or informal, lead or support (Neufeldt, 348). The goals of interfaith dialogue in this perspective are quite diverse and extensive – rooted in the conflict transformation literature, its main purpose is to transform attitudes and perceptions of the other. Moreover, another goal is to build a strong basis for meaningful peacebuilding, by laying out a solid foundation between the parties to the conflict. The third goal is lay out the platform for future join action of the parties to the conflict to address in a constructive way the root causes of the conflict as well as to find ways to ameliorate its consequences. This approach strives to create change on various levels – individual 16

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(can be leaders or any parties to the conflict), cultural (that is, creating a culture of peace, or as Bar Tal notes [2000] transforming from a ethos of conflict to a peace ethos), or structural (that is creating broader societal shifts). Clearly this approach is suited very well to address intractable conflicts. As noted earlier intractable conflicts are extremely difficult to resolve, and they tend to attract a disproportionately high number of conflict management efforts (Bercovitch et al, 1997) However, the salience of the issues involved in such conflicts (most likely territorial) tends to make them particularly resistant to mediation efforts (Bercovitch et al, 1991) This certainly appears to be the case in terms of the Indo-Pakistani conflict which has attracted 68 different mediation efforts of which just 13 (19.1%) yielded a positive outcome. While the duration of this conflict may have encouraged the disputants to be more open to the concept of entering conflict management the success rate of mediation efforts indicates that the two parties’ positions remain firmly entrenched. Given the number of mediation efforts that intractable conflicts tend to attract it is unsurprising that a range of mediation actors have involved themselves in this type of conflict. Increasingly however, international organizations are being called upon to manage intractable conflicts, particularly the United Nations. The Indo-Pakistani conflict has seen three different interventions by the United Nations reflecting the notion that the UN tends to be called upon in the most difficult cases, often when all other options have failed. However, it is precisely in this type of conflicts, that an interfaith dialogue can promote more understanding and trust between the parties, and where the conventional ways of conflict resolution have constantly failed. Let us turn now to two short case studies of intractable conflicts where interfaith dialogues took place – though without much success in bringing the conflicts any closer to their resolution.

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Though many would agree that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is primarily a political dispute between two peoples fighting over a common homeland, the conflict has also many religious aspects, that not only got more prominence along the years, and therefore need to be addressed in any effective peacemaking process that hopes to end successfully. If those religious aspects are ignored throughout the process, not only that the peace making effort will most probably stall at some point, but believers on both sides might feel like they are left out. As Landau (2003: 5) notes: “Religious militants need to be addressed in their own symbolic language; otherwise, they will continue to sabotage any peace building efforts” Given the intractability of the conflict, and the complexity of the issues at stake, such as Jerusalem which

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is claimed by both peoples, and issues of national identity, it only seems reasonable to include religious leaders in any peace building effort. Along the years there were many initiatives that included religious aspects, religious leaders, etc. Landau (2003) analyzes several of those -- for instance, the Alexandria Summit and “efforts to sustain its momentum; local interfaith dialogues; programs aimed specifically at schoolteachers; personal initiatives by Palestinian Muslims; projects that employ the power of traditional symbols and rituals; the work of groups such as Rabbis for Human Rights and Parents’ Circle—Bereaved Parents for Tolerance, Democracy, Peace, and Judaism; and some of the very different journeys undertaken by individuals toward the common goal of peacebuilding. (ibid: 5). Let me elaborate on three of these initiatives – a glimpse that will shed light on their goal, and importance in addressing some issues that secular mediators and diplomats tend to overlook. The first is the Alexandria Summit which convened on January 21 and 22, 2002, and included a group of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim leaders from Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and Egypt. The archbishop of Canterbury, George Carey, served as convener and primary sponsor of this gathering. In many ways it was a significant meeting as it was the first time that such a group of distinguished religious leaders meet and discuss various issues related to the conflict. The summit ended with a joint declaration that noted: According to our faith traditions killing innocents in the name of God is a desecration of His Holy Name, and defames religion in the world. The violence in the Holy Land is an evil which must be opposed by all people of good faith. . . . We call upon all to oppose incitement, hatred and the misrepresentation of the other.” The political authorities were urged to “work for a just, secure and durable solution in the spirit of the words of the Almighty and the Prophets. (Landau 2003: 19). It also recommended: a religiously sanctioned cease-fire, respected and observed on all sides, and for the implementation of the Mitchell and Tenet recommendations, including the lifting of restrictions and return to negotiations. (Landau 2003: 19). After the summit a Permanent Committee has been established with its main goal to ensure the implementation of the final declaration. The committee members did help to deescalate several crises, and in 2002 published a 10-point agenda which included the following (Landau 2003: 20):

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1. To maintain the relationships and channels of communication developed since Alexandria; 2. To increase local ownership of the Alexandria Declaration implementation process; 3. To establish an interreligious council for Jerusalem and the holy sites; 4. To sustain the existing close working relationships with the political leadership of both the 5. government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority; 6. To engage with those religious leaders seen to be instruments in the perpetuation of violence; 7. To establish and set in motion clear channels of communication with the Quartet; 8. To develop a program of education—through religious institutions—that fosters and 9. encourages an environment of tolerance and eventual reconciliation; 10. To systematically work through the implementation of the Alexandria Declaration; 11. To provide encouragement for the delegates to the Permanent Committee to enable them 12. to continue the bold work that they have started; and 13. To engage with other nations of the Middle East region, at the highest level. It is worth noting that religious leaders on all sides saw great importance in the initiative and its continuation. Moreover, following the discussion earlier in this chapter on using religion as a change agent, this is precisely what the religious leaders emphasized in their comments about the Alexandria summit and its aftermath. For instance, Anglican bishop Riah Abu El-Assal thinks the role of religious leaders is to help political leaders make wise decisions (Landau 2003: 25). On the Jewish side, Rabbi Melchior notes that “religious leaders have more credibility with the public than do politicians” (ibid, 21). He elaborates on the role of religious leaders in peace building – In all intergroup or international conflicts, with collective identities at stake, the foundational stories told are “narratives” if told by one’s own side and “myths” if told by the other side. Social processes need to take identities into account, and for the majority on both sides religion plays a central role in identity formation. In September 1993, just after the White House signing ceremony, I stated that any peace process that neglected the clash of narratives and that failed to grant basic legitimacy to both of them would not succeed.

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a territorial dispute, not a religious or existential one (which would make any solution impossible). But there are religious issues and overtones involved. Sadly, for the people leading the peace process, religion is a closed book. By failing to address core issues of faith and identity, they have allowed radical, totalitarian religious forces to dominate this crucial arena. Since the peace effort has been led by secularists, peace itself has become identified in Israel with the secular left. Religiously committed people then feel threatened by it. They may not be against peace or compromise, but they see this effort linked to increased secularism. The religious dimension of the struggle for peace transcends the specific issues of holy sites, even Jerusalem. Without a religious foundation to the whole process, the Prince of Death takes over and eclipses the Tree of Life, which is in every tradition. Demonization grows, and murderers like Barukh Goldstein and Yigal Amir become heroes to sections of the alienated religious community. And their slogans, like “Territories for Peace, not Terror,” appeal to wider segments of the population.” (ibid, 25). The second initiative is the Rabbis for Human Rights Organization. It is most probably the only organization in Israel (and perhaps anywhere) that includes rabbis from all major branches of Judaism -- Orthodox, Conservative, Reform, and Reconstructionist. The rabbis in this organization are not state employees, as would be many rabbis in Israel, so they maintain their independence. Moreover, as notes in Landau (2003: 38): “whereas many rabbis in Israel seem concerned with issues such as Sabbath observance and the kosher dietary laws, RHR’s focus is on social and ethical issues.” One important activity that the group initiated during the second Intifada was visits to two hospitals in Jerusalem – Hadassah and Makassed, to visit victims of violence. They were accompanied by Muslim and Christian clerics. It is an excellent example of what interfaith dialogue can achieve – bringing people together, and sending a message that transcends political ideology, and aims more to bridge an almost impossible gap in a polarized climate. The third, and last, initiative is the one that brings together bereaved families from both sides. A well-known saying is that it is “better the pains of peace than the agonies of war”, and this also the message of a remarkable organization making a unique contribution toward peacebuilding among Israelis and Palestinians. The official name of the organization is the Israeli-Palestinian Bereaved Families for Peace. Its official longer name is the Parents’ Circle— Bereaved Parents for Tolerance, Democracy, Peace, and Judaism. It comprises two interrelated organizations: the Parents’ Circle, an ideological framework for the exchange of ideas and visions, and the Families’ Forum, with a more activist agenda. Both were founded by Yitzhak Frankenthal, whose son Arik was a soldier in the Israeli army when he was abducted and murdered by Hamas militants (Landau, 2003: 41). This tragedy changed completely Frankenthal’s life, and he became “a full-time peace activist, 20

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determined to spare other parents the hell that the conflict had imposed on him. He was for a time, in the mid-1990s, the director of the religious peace movement Oz veShalom-Netivot Shalom” (ibid, ibid). As a follow up to his earlier activism, he later on decided to focus on establishing an organization that “would bring together Israeli and Palestinian parents who had lost children during the course of the conflict.” (ibid, ibid)

CONCLUSION This chapter started with a detailed description of the unique characteristics of intractable conflicts with the aim of shedding light on how difficult it is to resolve this type of conflicts. Then it turned to a discussion on the possible role of religion as a tool for change, and as a way to address maybe some aspects in intractable conflicts – angles that political leaders tend to overlook. Lastly, it described the application of some interfaith initiatives in one of the most intractable conflicts – the Israel-Palestine conflict. The analysis shows clearly how important is to incorporate religious leaders in the peace building process – a step that can overcome many of the obstacles described earlier in the chapter. Landau (2003: 47) ends with several recommendations for increasing the role of interfaith dialogues. Let me mention four of those – which seem to me to be the most relevant in the context of intractable conflicts – 1. An interfaith track, in parallel to the diplomatic one, is essential in creating trust and cooperation between the parties. These two components are absolutely critical in intractable conflicts, and as such, it is precisely where religious leaders can help. 2. The interfaith dialogue should be constant and continue at all times. Moreover, it should include diverse groups, men and women, youth, NGOs, and representatives from all relevant religions and faiths in the society. The bigger the diversity, the increased pool of ideas. 3. Symbolic gestures should be part of this continuous dialogue – they help show good will, and as such, they should be grounded in all religious traditions. 4. NGOs can play a significant role in promoting, facilitating, and fostering interfaith dialogue. Those that can be particularly helpful are the ones that operate across borders – such as the World Conference on Religion and Peace, and the International Association for Religion and Freedom. Their transborder nature makes them a powerful actor in promoting religious peacebuilding in the Middle East.

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Religion can be a powerful source of change, especially so in war torn areas where conflicts have been going on for many years. Diplomats and politicians should recognize its importance, and incorporate it in their efforts to foster peace and bring stability in violent regions. Whereas various initiatives of interfaith dialogue took place along the years, those initiatives never took a center stage, and were not fully incorporated into the overall peace process between the sides, and not explored to its whole potential. One can even argue that the lacuna this lack of incorporation created caused a polarization – political and religious – which in turn only made the conflict harder to address. One illustration of this hypothesis is the Oslo Accords which failed to include in its various phases a religious interfaith dialogue – a failure that drove the sides to the extremes, increased the mistrust, and eventually ended in a tragedy (assassination of Rabin), and continuation of the conflict. Obviously nobody can know what could have happened had religious interfaith dialogue was a bigger part of the process – but we can only imagine that maybe building trust from below could have fostered a more solid foundation to the whole process. As intractable conflicts tend to go on for long periods, it is never too late to change course, and try new paths.

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Schmitt, E., Somini, S., & Perlez, J. (n.d.). U.S. and India See Link to Militants in Pakistan. New York Times. Available from: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/03/ world/asia/03mumbai.html?bl&ex=1228453200&en=a32b625bf9928825&ei=5 087%0A Siniver, A. (2006). Power, Impartiality and Timing: Three Hypotheses on Third Party Mediation in the Middle East. Political Studies, 54(4), 806–826. doi:10.1111/j.14679248.2006.00635.x Smith, D. (1998). The Psychological Roots of Genocide: Legitimacy and Crisis in Rwanda. The American Psychologist, 53(7), 743–753. doi:10.1037/0003066X.53.7.743 PMID:9699457 Snyder, G., & Diesing, P. (1977). Conflict Among Nations. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Solomon, R. (1999). Bringing Peace to Cambodia. In C. A. Crocker, F. O. Hampson, & P. A. Washington (Eds.), Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex World (pp. 275–324). United States Institute of Peace Press. Stein, J. (2005). Image, Identity, and the Resolution of Violent Conflict. In Turbulent Peace, The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace. Terris, L. G. (2016). Mediation of International Conflicts: a Rational Model. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315467771 Tessler, M. (1994). A history of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Thatcher, M. (1993). The Downing Street Years. New York: Harper Collins. Thies, C. (2001). A Social Psychological Approach to Enduring Rivalries. Political Psychology, 22(4), 693–725. doi:10.1111/0162-895X.00259 Thompson, W. (1995). Principal Rivalries. The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 39(2), 195–223. doi:10.1177/0022002795039002001 Tomlinson, E., & Lewicki, R. (2006). Managing Distrust in Intractable Conflicts. Conflict Resolution Quarterly, 24(2), 219–228. doi:10.1002/crq.170 Underdal, A. (2002). The Outcomes of Negotiation. In International Negotiation: Analysis, Approaches, Issues. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. United Nations Peacekeeping. (n.d.). Available from: http://www.un.org/Depts/ dpko/dpko/ 28

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Vukovic, S. (2017). International Multiparty Mediation and Conflict Management: Challenges of Cooperation and Coordination. London: Routledge. Walter, B. (2004). Does Conflict Beget Conflict? Explaining Recurring Civil War. Journal of Peace Research, 41(3), 371–388. doi:10.1177/0022343304043775 Waltz, K. (1979). Theory of International Politics. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Wayman, F. (1982). Power Transitions, Rivalries and War. Paper presented at the Institute for the Study of Conflict and International Security, Urbana, IL. Young, O. (1967). The Intermediaries, Third Parties in International Crises. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. doi:10.1515/9781400876549

ENDNOTE 1



In his analysis of the Zimbabwe settlement (1976-1979), Low (1985, 107) demonstrated that mediation in Rhodesia probably could not have been sustained had it not been for the personal involvement of high-status mediators, such as British Foreign Minister David Owen, US Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, UN Ambassador Andrew Young, and parliamentary leader Cledwyn Hughes. S. Low, “The Zimbabwe Settlement, 1976-1979”, in International Mediation in Theory and Practice, ed. Saadia Touval and I. William Zartman (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1985), 107.

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Chapter 2

Intercultural Dialogue as Constructive and Positive Communication:

From Intercultural Communication to Global Peace-Building Ping Yang Western Sydney University, Australia

ABSTRACT This chapter conceptually highlights an important role intercultural dialogue plays in international relations as constructive and positive communication to achieve intercultural understanding and global peace-building. It also refects on how conficts are caused and how they could be managed across cultural boundaries. This is apparently becoming increasingly urgent as there are many intercultural conficts, ranging from politics to diverse cultural practices. All these issues combined make intercultural relations at country level tense and in turn cause instability in some regions around the world. There are many reasons behind the situation, but one of the major reasons is lack of sufcient intercultural communication at an equal footing. It is worth refecting on history as a guide to the present and future. Only when consistent democracy and equal rights are implemented for international community to participate in intercultural dialogue and intercultural communication in a constructive and positive manner is it conducive to international stability and global peace-building.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch002 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Intercultural Dialogue as Constructive and Positive Communication

INTRODUCTION The world has never been free from various kinds of distressing contentions such as political interference (Hofmeier, 1991), economic sanctions (Cooper Drury & Li, 2006), attempts at cultural hegemony (Artz & Murphy, 2000), territorial disputes (Frazier, 2006; Huth, 1998), religious prosecution (Murphy, 2001), racial discrimination (O’Hara, Gibbons, Weng, Gerrard, & Simons, 2012), and military invasions (Sullivan, 2007). Despite this wide and diverse array of conflicts, contending cultures are involved in all of them. Within or across boundaries, intercultural issues and disagreements are becoming rampant and thus, likely to escalate and cause consequences. Consequently, both intracultural and intercultural dialogues are becoming increasingly urgent. One of the major reasons behind this unfavorable development is the lack of sufficient intercultural communication and the failure to understand intercultural differences. Intercultural communication cannot occur without genuine cultural understanding and it has a better chance of succeeding when equality between cultures and diversity are taken into consideration (Baryshnikov, 2014; Ter-Minasova, 2014). This chapter uses a cultural-linguistic approach to critically analyze how intercultural differences can be approached in intercultural dialogue. The study observes how one culture views the world in one way while another culture in a different way, anchoring such differences in the respective unique sociocultural context in which each of the two cultural entities are nurtured. Such cultural diversity defined as “the observation of the existence of different cultures, as contrary to cultural uniformity” (Kozymka, 2014, p. 11), is currently jeopardized by the dynamics of globalization. Even countries who keep cultural diversity policy might still experience challenging intercultural tensions, for example, in politics (Layman, 2001), business (Feldman, 2013), and interfaith relations (Ojo & Lateju, 2010). The latter has spurred its own stream of studies on interreligious conflict resolution for peacebuilding (Abu-Nimer, 2001); calls for interfaith dialogue (Neufeldt, 2011), and interfaith dialogue at peace museums (Gachanga & Mutisya, 2015). Intercultural education has played its useful role in teaching students to manage intercultural conflicts constructively (Johnson, 1998) and using museums as a pedagogical strategy and instrument for peace education (Tamashiro & Furnari, 2015). Museums emphasize history as a guide to the present and future, and thus help reflect on what happened in the past and understand why we fail to manage intercultural conflicts. Interreligious and interfaith dialogues are important for intercultural understanding and harmony (Abu-Nimer & Smith, 2016). Cultural diversity is exhibited in varying degrees, from kindred cultures such as the Chinese and Taiwanese to vastly dissimilar ones such as Chinese and the American. However, no matter what the extent of cultural differences, they should all 31

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be heeded and attended since miscommunication and potential friction can emanate from each of them regardless of the proximity or distance between the cultures. Miscommunication might lead to conflict, even to aggression, if not regarded and handled. Intercultural communication seeks to enable a peaceful coexistence of cultural differences, not attenuating or eliminating them. Those differences need to express themselves as the unique identity of each cultural identity. But while asserting themselves, they must be tolerant and accepting of other cultures. This myriad of cultures, along with their disparate languages, beliefs, social practices, and values, make what is called cultural diversity (Trifonas & Aravossitas, 2018). Cultural diversity acknowledges cultural differences positively and promotes dialogue and inclusion between cultural communities. It is important to encourage intercultural dialogue, facilitate intercultural barriers, and minimise intercultural misunderstanding among the international community members. This task is particularly crucial in the age of prevalent globalization and worldwide interconnectedness, in which local cultures are submerged under global trends and codes of behavior (Demenchonok, 2014). An international community based on the principles of viable democracy, equal rights and mutual respect is the most conducive to intercultural communication and intercultural dialogue in a constructive and sustainable way. Fruitful intercultural dialogue, in turn, is pertinent to international stability and global peacebuilding. The next section focuses on a specific context of intercultural dialogue—peacebuilding

Intercultural Dialogue: A Peacebuilding Approach The similarities of cultural elements in two similar cultural camps (e.g., China and Taiwan) and in different cultural camps (e.g., China and the U.S.) may make intercultural communication between the two sides less difficult. However, it is important to recognise cultural differences between the two ambitious economic powers and among international communities. This is because cultural differences can differentiate one cultural camp from another and cause collision or military conflicts when they interact and miscommunicate and misunderstand. As cultural collision could escalate to military conflicts, they need attention, deep thinking, and action. It would be less likely for one cultural camp to present itself as different without the existence of another or if the former is not contrasted with the latter. Each culture has the same language or dialect type, nonverbal behaviour pattern, social practices, and cultural values, including their variations. Apparently, there are different cultural groups within each country and each cultural group can be categorised into sub-cultural groups. For example, Chinese speakers largely consist of Mandarin and Cantonese speakers etc. in China, and Aboriginal Australians and Anglo-Saxon Australians etc. in Australia, let alone beyond Chinese and 32

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Australian borders. These many different cultures, together with their different languages, behaviours, social practices, and cultural values, make what is called cultural diversity (Trifonas & Aravossitas, 2018). Cultural diversity acknowledges language and cultural differences positively and promotes dialogue and inclusion between cultural communities. It is important to encourage intercultural dialogue, break intercultural barriers, and minimise intercultural misunderstanding among the international community members because the world is becoming all the more globalised and connected (Demenchonok, 2014). Intercultural dialogue and intercultural communication can be approached from a peacebuilding perspective (Remland, Jones, Foeman, & Arévalo, 2015). It involves attempts to resolve various issues at odds between parties due to their different cultural backgrounds. In the context of the European Union, for instance, a new political entity that unified various cultures under one roof in a very short span of time, intercultural dialogue was an imperative to secure the successful culmination of such undertaking, as Holmes observes: intercultural dialogue “suggests a social and political response to the need for intercultural communication and understanding in what was then a rapidly expanding European Union” (2014, p. 1). The scope of the intercultural dialogue in this case included “linguistic, political, religious, historical, economic as well as language policies (Holmes, ibid, p. 1). Another relevant example of culturally motivated conflict is Hong Kong. Since it was officially returned to Mainland China in 1997, heated discussions and debates were held over what languages should be taught at the local school system and in what order of importance. Disagreement emerged between the biliteracy model (Chinese and English) and the trilingualism model (Putonghua, Cantonese, and English) (Evans, 2013). Kirkpatrick and Chau (2008) suggested a compromise of three languages in the school curriculum to teach Cantonese as a local language, Putonghua as a national language, and English as an international language. Teachers are divided on the issue and cannot agree on one model to resolve the issue, particularly with regard to Putonghua as the leading instruction language in Chinese classes in Hong Kong (Trent, Gao, & Gu, 2013). There is no doubt that a practical and appropriate language policy and peace-building approach is urgently needed (Footitt & Kelly, 2012). The scope of the intercultural dialogue to promote peace is multidimensional and pertains to many more fields than language. It is also relevant for example to land ownership both within one territory, as in the case of the protracted and ongoing land claims by Aboriginal people in Australia (Bauman, 2006; Hinkson, 2010), and between territories, as in the long-standing maritime disputes between China and Vietnam (Budziaszek, 2014). All these issues are very complicated and intricate, and intercultural dialogue plays an important role in having two or more countries of different cultures to contact one another, communicate, and finally 33

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seek a mutual agreement to resolve the disputes though many other ongoing issues are still under negotiation. In some instances, the peace-building approach of intercultural dialogue can be relevant to intracultural relationships as well. This is the case of people who share the same ethnic, lingual and cultural roots but political and ideological circumstances have torn them apart, such as in Germany’s partition to two states in the aftermath of WWII. Although both countries boasting a German heritage and legacy, a dialogue to bridge across their widely dissimilar political systems and priority scales was required as if they embodied two separate cultures. The EastWest German intracultural dialogue toward re-unification following the fall of Berlin Wall was one of the most successful examples of that kind. Despite the challenges of their opposing ideologies and value sets, the two Germanys were willing to talk and resolve the differences for the sake of their mutual national interest and reunion and the prospect of a shared future. The model of the successful German dialogue can be used as an optimistic precedent for two other major cultures in internal contention: the Korean and the Chinese. The former is in early stages of running such a dialogue and the latter hopefully in the future. In recent years, North Korea and South Korea started to engage in intracultural dialogue following decades of hostility and tension to the verge of military confrontation at their border. Political and economic motivations have moved the two antagonists in a more positive direction to start a dialogue between them toward peaceful resolution of the conflict in the Korean Peninsula (Geun-hye, 2011). Here, the intracultural dialogue is being abetted by an intercultural one by their prospective bigger allies, the US and China. As two large countries with capacity and responsibility to help address the long-term and difficult political issues, China and the US can contribute to the regional and global peace by playing their key role in facilitating North Korea and South Korea to achieve their dream of peninsula peace and harmony. The summit meeting between the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and the US President Donald Trump in Singapore on 12 June 2018 was a significant start to a rocky road of rapprochement, as an intercultural dialogue warmed up and prepared the onset of an intracultural one. Similar to North-South Korean kindred relations and various connections, the bitter and contentious China-Taiwan intracultural relations, though currently still in dire straits, may improve and eventually unify as one country with two systems as in Hong Kong (Chan & Cheng, 2002) due to their economic interdependence and community engagement (Kahler & Kastner, 2006). Intracultural dialogue has the potential to break the intracultural barriers, enables mutual knowledge and understanding, promotes harmony in diversity, and lead eventually to peacebuilding (Demenchonok, 2014).

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It is important to emphasize again the intercultural and intracultural nexus in these historical examples. Intracultural dialogue processes can be promoted and sustained by intercultural ones. The advance in relationships between North Korea and South Korea is interwoven with intercultural dialogue efforts on the part of China, Japan, Russia, and the US. Similarly, any potential improvement in the China-Taiwan relationship will be inevitably linked with intercultural contact between China and the US. Intercultural dialogue can be a long-term and arduous negotiation process, in which all parties need to make great efforts and possibly compromise, considering potential ups and downs that may be caused by local, regional, and international developments. Above all, it is a test for human intelligence to engage in willingness to talk and negotiate, value the benefits of collaboration and win-win, and at the same time, recognise the consequences conflicts and wars can cause to human beings and the environment.

Cultural Conceptualizations The interweaving of intercultural and intracultural dialogue should be further explicated. Since the term culture is so broad, it can be characterized by numerous features. Some might be shared by people, and thus render them members of the same culture while other aspects might not be shared, thus causing internal divisions that should be mitigated by intracultural dialogue. A useful term to approach and compare intercultural and intracultural dialogue is cultural conceptualizations which cover three sub-dimensions: cultural schema, cultural categories, and cultural metaphors. As Sharifian (2017, p.4) notes “Cultural schemas capture beliefs, norms, rules, and expectations of behaviour as well as values related to various aspects and components of experience”. Cultural schemas distinguish between cultures, as with religious beliefs for example. Those held in Western cultures such as Australia may be Christianity or Judaism while those in Eastern cultures like China may be Confucianism, Buddhism Daoism (Tang, 2015) or Taoism (Pettman, 2005). However, they can also differ to a lesser degree within the same culture, as in different denomination within Christianity or Judaism. Cultural categories are “those culturally constructed conceptual categories that are primarily reflected in the lexicon of human languages” (Sharifian, ibid, p. 4). One example of different cultural categories is the manner people are greeted. Firstname-based address terms are generally used in the English world as an individualistic culture while the use of address terms in the Chinese world as a collectivistic culture is complicated and depends on settings, job titles or positions, relationships, age, and genders (Yang, 2016). This means that an individual Chinese speaker is greeted with different address terms in the workplace and around the neighbourhood. Chinese address terms go far beyond identifying an individual by their name. It is 35

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used as a medium to build connections and brighten the recipient’s face, as a ritual to demonstrate the user’s social-cultural competence to use it appropriately. Finally, “cultural metaphors are cross-domain conceptualizations that have their conceptual basis grounded in cultural traditions such as folk medicine, worldview, or a spiritual belief system” (Sharifian, ibid, p. 4). For example, a unique Chinese proverb ‘jump the dragon gate’ is a cultural metaphoric expression understood only by members of that culture, of becoming successful and famous as the dragon is associated with power and prodigy in the Chinese culture (McDaniel, 2001). Cultural conceptualizations can also be conveyed through nonverbal behaviours. Nonverbal behaviours cover a wide range of wordless social-cultural actions ranging from paralinguistic cues (e.g., speech volume, speech rate, silences, etc.), kinesic cues (e.g., direct eye contact, gestures, clothing, including shoes and hat and associated colours, etc.), proxemics cues (e.g., interpersonal distance and space) (Yang, 2015). In addition, haptic cues (e.g., interpersonal touching) (Cekaite, 2016; Myers & Dumit, 2011) have been observed to help convey mutual trust and partnership. Chronemic cues (e.g., perception and use of time) (Eaves & Leathers, 2018) can also be effectively used to demonstrate intercultural communication knowledge and skills essential to international business and project collaboration. It is important to note in intercultural dialogue that what is conventionally recognised and accepted nonverbal behaviours in one cultural context may be socially opposed and rejected in another (Yang, 2017). For example, some people greet each other through cheekkissing and hugging while others use hand-shaking only. It is useful to understand that nonverbal behaviours as cultural identities are dynamically developed and may change over time and due to globalization. Using cultural conceptualization categories raises some key questions for future research endeavors: 1. What role does knowledge of cultural schema play in intercultural dialogues? 2. How can awareness of different cultural categories help participants of intercultural dialogue? 3. How can international communities make sense of cultural metaphors in intercultural dialogue towards peacebuilding? Global peace is essentially part of modern and civilised world and each country has its responsibility to contribute to global peacebuilding through international engagement in conducting constructive intercultural dialogues, understanding different cultural conceptualisations characteristic of diverse cultures, and participating in positive intercultural communication. Peacebuilding is a process of intercultural dialogue and mutual understanding. A better comprehension of these dynamics is obtained through analysing cultural schema, cultural categories, 36

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and cultural metaphors as three pillars of cultural linguistics (Sharifian, 2017), or ethnolinguistics, which is a field of linguistics that studies the relationship between language and culture and how different ethnic groups perceive the world (Ferraro, 2018). A cultural linguistic approach is used in answering the above leading questions. Next, each of them is analysed from that perspective.

Understanding Cultural Schema in Intercultural Dialogue Intercultural dialogue at an equal footing plays a key role in opening up an opportunity for two or more parties to approach one another, communicate across cultural boundaries, negotiate a deal, work out a peace plan, and make combined efforts to bring peace to their countries, regions, and the world. To make this happen, all countries should use intercultural dialogue resources (e.g., political summits, economic forums, cultural events, academic conferences, community talks, and business connections) available and engage in intercultural contact and communication between different language communities in the regions and across the world. Willingness to have intercultural dialogues plays an important role in opening up an intercultural contact between people of different cultural backgrounds. When they interact with one another, people may soon find that they have different or diverse cultural schemas, which mean that they have different religious beliefs, verbal and nonverbal behaviours, and cultural values. In the case of religious and faith diversity, for example, although different religious practices are observed in the same country and across the world, interreligious groups in school settings seem to lack group bonding or cohesion if not dislikes, due to little communication and negative stereotyping. Using school-based field notes and staff interviews, Riitaoja and Dervin (2014) find that speakers of Finnish identity consider a group of religious (e.g., in this case, “the veiled Finnish teacher as a white European Muslim” (p. 81), or Muslims of other ethnic backgrounds) and ethic (e.g., Somali) identities as outsiders, either too backward or too different to accept. Due to growing Islamophobia after 9/11 attack, stereotyping Islam and Muslims as an immediate threat significantly grew in various European countries such as Norway (Bangstad, 2016), Spain (Gould, 2016), Sweden (Larsson & Stjernholm, 2016), and France (Doyle, 2016). There were multiple incidents marking this attitude of aversion: girls in France are banned from wearing scarf or hijab in French schools (Body-Gendrot, 2007) and female teachers in German public schools are prohibited from displaying their religious symbols through wearing Islamic head scarf (Langenfeld & Mohsen, 2005). While Muslims want to be treated like any other human beings, they are perceived as foreigners, and hidden cultural barrier is stretched between the two worlds (Akil, 2016). Few countries, such as Australia for instance, despite its own experience of Islamophobia,

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has brought to the fore the importance of inclusion policy and practice in all walks of life in its multilingual and multicultural communities (Bouma, 2016). Verbal and nonverbal behaviours as cultural schemas vary significantly, and the variations may cause misunderstanding and discomfort, if not conflicts. One way of expressing things is socially accepted in one cultural schema but not in another. For example, when an Australian policeman said “You’re in a wrong place at the wrong hours” to a South Korean international student studying in Australia after he was physically assaulted by an attacker at night, his words sparked alarm and public indignation in South Korea (Han, 2012). Apparently, neither the Australian policeman nor the South Korean student is aware of the fact that they each have different cultural schemas. While the Australian policeman thinks it is socially acceptable to say the words he used in English, the South Korean student interprets them according to Korean cultural schema and consequently finds the policeman’s words cold and indifferent, thus, the impact of cultural shock and intercultural misunderstanding. An example of different nonverbal behaviour, which can create surprise and bewilderment concerns nudity. Although public group nudity as a visual message is unacceptable in many non-Western cultures, it is not as a taboo in some Western countries, if it is done for certain causes and under specific circumstances where advocates and campaigners for charities, cancer research, and environmental protection called attention to their efforts by nude bicycling, but not in many others for whatever reasons. In other occasion, one case in point is students protest at the University of Melbourne, where students stood naked on top of their campus building to support divestment and protested against environment-unfriendly over-investments (Hare, 2016). It is important to take into account the degree to which different cultural schemas as reflected in verbal communication and nonverbal behaviors, might potentially separate and distance people by crippling their communication. Understanding the differences in cultural schemas can help minimize cultural estrangement and lessen putative conflicts. Apparently, intercultural dialogue may become problematic or even impossible without appropriate awareness or sensitivity to different cultural schemas.

Analyzing Cultural Categories in Intercultural Dialogue Intercultural dialogue provides an opportunity for all parties to have meet-and-greet rituals and engage in face-to-face talks. People of different cultures may use some cultural categories in their speech or conversation. Cultural categories include, among others, event categories, food categories, and color categories (Sharifian, 2017). These categories are used to analyse and understand how some important events involve culture-specific ways of doing things. Event categories include welcome ceremonies, wedding ceremonies, and funeral ceremonies. For example, when foreign 38

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leaders visit New Zealand, they are treated with a Mäori-style welcome ceremony at which Mäori people performed Haka as a national welcome. It is also performed to demonstrate group spirit and strength before a sport game starts. Jackson and Hokowhitu (2002) describe Haka dance as follows. In brief, prior to each game and immediately following the respective national anthems, the All Blacks, usually led by a senior Mäori player, form a semicircle at midfield facing their opponents. At this point, they collectively engage in the haka, which consists of about 40 seconds of coordinated recitation of words and vigorous body movements that, in combination, tell a story. Arguably, the haka has become an essential part of any All Blacks sporting event, serving as an expression (or as we argue, misrepresentation) of cultural identity, an entertainment spectacle, and an attempt to motivate the players while intimidating the opposition. (p.128) Haka is a Mäori culture-specific welcome ceremony performed for honouring the VIPs or on important occasions such as wedding or funerals. It was called ‘the war dance of the Mäori’ because it was originally performed to intimidate the invading enemies and to protect their own land. The Mäori people armed themselves with spears while engaged in the war dance, hitting their fists against their chests and legs, sticking out their tongues, opening their eyes wide, and making loud noises. It is interesting to note that impoliteness conveyed through the war dance has now disappeared and has been replaced by politeness used to welcome the foreign guests such as presidents or prime ministers of the visiting countries. Food categories include food selections of special significance or delicacies representing certain places. The foods may be served as gifts for special reasons and/or may be brought in for sharing on special occasions and for showing solidarity and friendship. This is particularly the case with people from collectivistic cultures. Recently, when the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and the South Korean President Moon met for their historical reconciliation encounter at the border between their countries, Kim brought with him some Korean noodles and gave them to Moon as a gift. The reason for that gesture was that Korean noodles originally came from Pyongyang, the capital of the North, and the special occasion was their meeting for the first time after 70 years of military confrontations between North Korea and South Korea. Further, noodles can symbolise longevity or long-term partnerships in Korean and Chinese cultures. Traditionally, Chinese people celebrate their birthdays, making and eating noodles with their family members, relatives, and friends, wishing the person a healthy and long life. Everyone present may take this opportunity to put on show their cooking skills, prepare their favourite dishes, and share fun and stories to add to the occasion, friendship, and bonding. Food as one of the basic and invaluable sources of life is used to build and maintain interpersonal relationships. 39

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It has become a useful medium and resource to connect with people and can create a common ground for people to gather for celebrating their success and partnership. Color categories pertain to different colors with cultural significance and special meanings on certain occasions. Here is a fascinating example of two different cultural preferences for wedding colors. In Western traditions, the preferred color choice for wedding ceremonies is that white. White adorns wedding gowns and flowers as it stands for pure love. In the Chinese culture, red is the first choice for such occasions as it signifies happiness, good luck and vigorous life. The white colour in the Chinese tradition is mostly used at funerals as it symbolises stillness, solemnity, and the end of life (Chuang, 2003). Tibetans express their best wishes and heart-felt greetings by presenting Hada (a long white scarf) with two hands and a bow to their recipients and trustworthy friends. Hada is a significant cultural symbol in the Tibetan culture and students express their love to their Han Chinese teachers by presenting them with a Hada (Zhu, 2007). However, there are cultural taboos regarding the use of other colors, which have culture-specific and contextual implications in China. For example, a ‘green hat’ for a married Chinese man is an omen because it implies that his wife has been unfaithful. It signifies shame and social calamity in a puritan and conservative culture. Consequently, it is a socio-cultural taboo to give a Chinese man a green hat—a source of personal shame and insult. But in the Irish tradition, on the other hand, green is the color to celebrate and be proud of: green hats, scarves and shamrocks are the ultimate attire to celebrate the important event of the year on the St Patrick’s Day. Green therefore, stands for such vastly dissimilar images, associations and feelings in these two cultures that an agreement over it is virtually impossible. It is obvious that knowledge about the cultural significance of colors and their appropriate use could facilitate intercultural communication between people of disparate heritage, and overall promote a more tolerant world. Various cultural differences introduced under cultural categories might effectively hamper willingness to engage in intracultural and intercultural dialogue. However, they could also alert intracultural and intercultural negotiators to potential hindrances that need attention so that dialogue opportunities that can benefit different cultures are not missed.

Demystifying Cultural Metaphors to Manage Intercultural Conflicts Intercultural communication involves oral and written communication between two or multiple parties from diverse cultural backgrounds. The oral communication types include individual talks, public speeches, and media releases, etc. and the written communication modes include personal or business letters, emails, twitters, blogs, legal documents (e.g., business contracts, licenses, treaties, and government acts), 40

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drawings and images. Cultural metaphors (Sharifian, 2017, pp. 3-6) are frequently used to gain an insight into both oral and written communication of different types, including political speeches and written works. The contentious exchange between, Donald Trump and Kim Jong-un prior to their historical summit, is an interesting example of two egos colliding and further bolstered by their respective cultural depository of expressions and images. Both leaders used colourful language and sharp tongues in attacking and shaming each other in a comical acrimonious confrontation. When North Korea threatened to attack Guam, a US territory, with a missile and later claimed to have tested a “miniaturized hydrogen bomb”, Trump nicknamed Kim the little rocket man. Later, in his address to the United Nations on Sept 19, 2017, Trump warned that The United States has great strength and patience, but if it is forced to defend itself or its allies, we will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea. Rocket man is on a suicide mission for himself and for his regime. (Estepa, 2017; Stevens, 2018) In response to Trump’s threat, Kim called him a “frightened dog”. Both expressions “rocket man” and “frightened dog” were used to convey insults and contempt. When a person of Asian cultural backgrounds is called a dog, they definitely feel deeply humiliated and hurt. The cultural metaphor used here aims to emphasize that a man is categorised as an animal and a non-human being. However, it may not produce a strong impact on an American as expected. There is a saying in English ‘Love me, love my dog’. A dog enjoys the same treatment as a human being and is treated as one of members of an English family. Kim’s insult seemed to fail to humiliate Trump as intended. But soon after their childish war of words, Trump and Kim nevertheless demonstrated their ability to engage in intercultural dialogue. President Trump even boasted in an interview that he could probably have a very good relationship with Kim Jong Un. Another example of cultural linguistics is to be found in the Chinese government’s press release. Press conference releases have information about a government spokesperson’s official comments and responses to major issues and events around the world as well as to the journalists’ enquiries. As cultural metaphors are used in the press releases, it is meaningful to examine and interpret them so as to understand the position and cultural undertones of the spokespersons. The following is an excerpt of Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying’s Press Conference from May 31, 2018 on the website of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. Journalist: According to reports, the US lately mentioned the so-called China’s militarization in the South China Sea on several occasions and said that it would continue with its “freedom of navigation operation”. US Defence Secretary James 41

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Mattis said that he would make hard-line comments in response at the Shangri-La Dialogue this week. What is your response? Hua: From my point of view, by playing up the so-called China’s militarization in the South China Sea, certain people in the US are staging a farce of a thief crying “stop thief”. (Chinese Foreign Ministry, 2018) As a prelude to a more detailed statement, Ms Hua Chunying, used ‘a thief crying “stop thief”’ (贼喊捉贼) expression to highlight the Chinese dismay of American initiatives such as building army bases overseas, navigating its warships close to the waterways of other countries, and conducting military exercises with its allies to threaten. What is implied in this cultural metaphor is that the US tries to mislead the international communities by stirring the troubled water at the doorway of China and pointing at it. Regardless of whether the US attempts to assure its superpower role or curbs China’s growing regional and global influence, China knows too well that it has to learn lessons from its humiliated history of being invaded by foreign troops, seeing its people slaughtered, and being forced to sign unfair treaties (e.g., Hong Kong leased to the UK for 100 years and Macau to Portugal for another 100 years). Amid the complex international situation, China has realised that it has to build up its maritime strength to protect its land and waters. Meanwhile, it is also observed that China has learned from the Western powers that it needs to expand overseas, build more trustworthy partnerships for political support, economic resources, cultural exchange, and military cooperation. There is a simple and straightforward message for these two competing world powers, that both sides would be hurt if they attacked each other. The implications of such a collision would quickly spread and hurt surrounding countries in the region and would potentially start another world war. On the other hand, it is important that China and the US maintain intercultural dialogues, engage in intercultural communication, achieve intercultural understanding of their accountabilities, and manage intercultural conflicts toward peace-building. This is what has been achieved in the past 70 years since WWII. Considering that there have been local and regional small-scale conflicts, more positive intercultural dialogues and constructive intercultural communication efforts should be made to build and maintain global peace.

CONCLUSION This chapter has discussed the important role intercultural dialogue plays in leading intercultural dialogue and communication to peace-building. Using cultural linguistics (Sharifian, 2017) as a theoretical framework coupled with intercultural communication 42

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theory from a peacebuilding perspective (Remland et al., 2015), this chapter states that although there are cultural differences, intercultural dialogues provide all parties with opportunities to reach out to one another, approach intercultural differences positively, understand cultural diversity, implement principles of mutual respect and equality using culture-appropriate language and nonverbal behaviours, and seek common ground while showing patience and tolerance. Despite every opportunity intercultural dialogue may create for intercultural contact and engagement, it brings various challenges that test all parties’ vision and intelligence to make intercultural dialogue and peace-building happen. As we have seen in the Trump-Kim dramatic exchanges, politicians resorted to war of words, economic sanctions, and military strategies to maximize the benefits in the diplomatic negotiations and intercultural dialogues. International communities as represented in the General Assembly of United Nations, Security Council, and other international organisations, should send a clear message to all nations that military confrontations and armed invasions must be stopped and intercultural dialogues should be attempted. Political, economic, religious, and territorial concerns may make intercultural negotiations turbulent as they are likely to experience many ups and downs. Negotiators sometimes have to make compromise, use flexibility, and opt for difficult decisions. All countries have obligations to keep local, regional, and global communities peaceful and do their part to make the world better.

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Chapter 3

Dialogue as a Way of Being: Three Fundamental Considerations for Transforming Conflict From Adversarial to Dialogic Relation Tzofnat Peleg-Baker Rutgers University, USA

ABSTRACT The rapidly changing world we live in is fraught with increasing divisions and destructive confict. Consequently, a resilient social fabric becomes crucial for people to feel included and beneft from their diferences. The quality of relationships and the social environments, within which they are constantly being formed, are critical for successfully addressing divisive challenges and the destructive conficts they might spawn. This chapter proposes a framework of three considerations for transforming confict: 1. The mode of relationship- how the Self relates to the Other, 2. The understanding of confict, and 3. The social environment and the role of leadership. Revisiting assumptions pertaining to these considerations can support a shift from the unit of the individual (typically characterizes Western cultural and scientifc traditions) to the relational unit. This shift is viewed as a premise for longterm confict transformation from adversarial interactions into dialogic relation. The latter is suggested as a constructive mode of relationship: a way of being with one another that diminishes destructive relationship while generating the conditions for benefting and learning from confict. The chapter concluded with an example of relational transformation as a combination of both micro eforts- consciousness raising to relational dynamics, and macro work—restructuring social context and advancing systemic changes in education.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch003 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Dialogue as a Way of Being

INTRODUCTION: FROM AN INDIVIDUAL TO A RELATIONAL ORIENTATION Action without vision is only passing time, vision without action is merely day dreaming, but vision with action can change the world. Nelson Mandela The speedily changing volatile world we inhabit, tense with rifts and destructive conflicts, poses a significant challenge: how to thrive with differences. While human connections have expanded and amplified with the promise of the information age, new technologies, and the explosion of social media, quality relationship in a more profound and authentic sense lingers behind. Regardless of abundant opportunities to connect, modernity gave rise to alienation and isolation. More than ever, people are eager to be included, express their voice, and partake in decision-making. They crave to shape their own reality. Quality relationships are critical for being constructively engage, and furthermore, for benefiting from diverse perspectives. The quality of relationship profoundly determines whether these aspirations to effectively participate could be realized.

The Importance of a Relational Emphasis The Individual is at the Center. Despite the relational nature of human existence (e.g., Gergen, 2009; Sampson, 2008), Western cultural and the scientific framework of thinking it encouraged, has been individualistic and hegemonic in emphasizing the person rather than relationship (e.g., Burr, 2015; Sampson, 2008). While certain forms of relationship could support beneficial engagement in diverse viewpoints and cultural backgrounds, a Western culture with its emphasis on the individual and hierarchical social structures might be inadequate for it. With the perception of the individual at the forefront, explanations about the human experience are typically sought within the individual mind rather than in interactions between individuals (Gergen, 2009). Behavioral sciences have looked mainly on the individual’s internal realm-- character, mind, and personality in order to explain social phenomena. It remained the guiding principle even in developmental psychology theories and interpersonal approaches. The Self continues to be at the center while the Other is peripheral and exists mostly to serve the Self (Sampson, 2008). Defensive Interactions and Their Risk. The individualist stance sustains an essentialist, rigid view of a person and ranked social infrastructure. The positioning of the individual as independent of having a pre-existing character reinforces the separation between Self and Other. Struggling to sustain a positive image, the person is often being thrust into a defensive mode to protect self-boundaries while the Other 51

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is left invaluable and excluded (Sampson, 2008). Moreover, to further boost a positive Self, the Other is often negatively positioned by being undermined or downgraded. In so doing, the Other is often diminished and left voiceless. When the Self is extolled on the expense of the Other, the delicate relational fabric is compromised. The Other is not an equal contributor to the relationship and relationship is likely to be distorted (Peleg-Baker, 2019). Although defensive responses are adaptive as they protect or enhance an individual’s identity, they are also maladaptive to the extent they prevent learning from new and important information (Sherman & Cohen, 2006). Furthermore, the wearing efforts to protect identity may threaten the integrity of relationships and the flow of collaboration (Cohen, et al., 2007; Murray, et al., 1998; Sherman & Cohen, 2006), and prevent conflict resolution (Ross & Ward, 1995). Being constantly occupied with protecting personal identity poses formidable barriers to benefiting and learning from differences and diversity. In a climate where the individual is superior to relationship, conflict is debilitating. The potential opportunities for growth a conflict carries are shunned by adversarial interactions fraught with destructive relational-emotional dynamics. The prevalent tendency of rejecting conflict seems to be deeply rooted in an individualistic understanding of Self and Other (Peleg-Baker, 2019). The Dominance of an Individualist Approach in Conflict Resolution. An individualist understanding is also well-established in theories and practices of conflict resolution (e.g., Bush & Folger, 2005; Putnam, 1994). It is manifested in the tenets of the individual as the prime driver of conflict, a neutral intervener in mediation and alternative dispute resolution methods, instrumental goals, and an emphasis on problem-solving and agreements. The individual as the main protagonist is predominantly responsible for conflict’s motivations, dynamics and consequences. The conflict resolution process is a means used to achieve substantive ends. The attention on the Self produces terminology around it, such as self-determination and self-interest (Putnam, 1994). Along these lines, conflict is typically handled as a single and isolated event. Moreover, with modernism cherishing individual rationality, human actions are typically justified by a person’s reasoning. Consequently, tangible outcomes such as facts, rational calculations, agreements, and numbers are underlined in the study and practice of conflict and negotiation (Curhan, Elfenbein, & Xu, 2006). Conflicts are seen as economically motivated processes led by rational parties. However, such emphases eclipse a myriad of emotional and socio-psychological issues, which galvanize and sustain destructive conflict when they are overlooked. Even when negotiators and mediators are highly interested in addressing socialpsychological concerns related to identity--parties’ feelings about themselves, relationship , and process, they take a back seat within an individualistic context 52

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they operate in (Curhan et al., 2006; Elfenbein, Curhan & Anger, 2010; Peleg-Baker, 2012a; 2014). Opting for overt, tangible, and short-term goals such as monetary issues and products, deeper emotions and latent psychological aspects that simmer and fester and thereby escalate the initial conflict, are neglected. Despite the negative ramifications of emotional self-protective mechanisms on wellbeing and on prospects for collaboration, decades of scholarly work on conflict have granted scant attention to emotions (e.g., Coleman, Goldman, & Kugler, 2009; Curhan, Elfenbein, & Xu, 2006; Fisher & Shapiro, 2006). Frustration, depression, anger, fear, and anxiety are a few of the strong emotions that fuel conflicts. If not addressed, they are likely to turn relationship toxic and bring about rejection, defensive interactions, even violence. Furthermore, a common tendency is to locate the simplest explanation for a phenomenon. Yet, it is impossible to understand conflict with a single principal explanation. A deeper understanding of hidden emotional and social psychological drivers is critical. An individualist framework of thinking obscures important aspects of the relational and emotional complexity of conflict (e.g., Bush & Folger, 2005; Putnam, 1994). Traditional, individualistic models fail to capture invisible emotional dimensions and the relational ambiguity underlying conflict. Essential features of conflict are pushed into the background and left unnoticed. A more nuanced approach is required to bring about positive outcomes of conflict, which entails a sophisticated understanding of multiple, hidden relational dynamics, biases, and defenses (e.g., Pondy, 1992; Tjosvold, 2008). Leaders and those who determine how conflict is handled, practitioners, and scholars of conflict management should not ignore emotional, social-psychological powers affecting the reaction to conflict (e.g., Shapiro, 2010). This chapter advocates for shifting the focal point away from an individualistic toward a more nuanced and relational understanding of conflict. It could be helpful in illuminating the relational complexities involved in the emergence of conflict, its evolvement, and potential transformation. Conflict transformation refers here to shifting relationship from adversarial to dialogic. Dialogic relation stands in stark contrast to the common adversarial mode. It denotes a genuine encounter between the Self and the Other in which both actively and equally relate to one another and communicate differences on their own terms. Instead of searching for explanations and solutions for the human experience within the individual, it is advised to pay more attention to the relational space: what takes place between individuals. This perspective yields a more complex relational vision. To more effectively address conflict requires a combination of complexity and simplicity: alongside an understanding of the emotional relational dynamics fueling destructive conflict, a clear set of actions must be set. Accordingly, this chapter advances a clear-cut framework that elucidates conflict in a complex yet a practical 53

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and straightforward manner. The framework introduces three critical considerations for transforming relationship: 1. A Dialogic mode of relationship 2. A positive approach to conflict, and 3. A social environment and leadership conducive to Dialogic relations.

A DIALOGIC MODE OF RELATIONSHIP The centrality of communication in the contemporary world is reflected in the ability to connect everyone anywhere through an exponential growth of social networks. However, proliferating social media do not guarantee quality relations wherein genuine human connectedness, collaboration, and learning from conflicting perspectives are encouraged. Social networks still maintain argumentative, acrimonious, and vindictive interactions. Furthermore, internet trolls purposely try to disrupt online conversations by posting threaths, malicious comments, photos, videos, and other forms of online tools used to attack opposing views. Deeply grounded in individualist traditions, these habitual ways of relating are prevalent and challenging to uproot. The question remains: how can confrontational or adversarial relational patterns be transformed into more collaborative, dialogic relations, where learning from differences can materialize? Exploring the Invisible. Considering that the nature of relationship is shaped within a particular cultural and discourse traditions (e.g., Gergen, 2009; Sampson, 2008), and that conflict is a natural phenomenon within relationship (e.g., Bush and Folger, 2005; Putnam, 1994), it would be valuable to take a closer look at the invisible--the norms and assumptions underlying how Self, Other, and relations are viewed. Bush and Folger (1994; 2005) call for developing a deeper understanding worldviews as they relate to Self and Other in order to transform conflicts. Similarly, this chapter focuses on hidden elements underpinning human interactions. Namely, how the world, the Other, and interactions are viewed. The perception of Self, Other, and relationship directly impact the quality of relations and whether conflict is seen positively or negatively, embraced or rejected, or used as a source of learning. The Challenge an Individualist Understanding Poses to Dialogue. In Western culture within which a dominant individual is constantly pushed into defensive struggles to preserve a positive image, the Other is often undermined and objectified to satisfy the governing Self. Self and Other are not perceived as equal co-creators of a reality, resulting in adversarial interactions and a intensified chasm between them. Revealing these dynamics within the Monologic reality we live in is critical for understanding the challenge of establishing dialogue. Monologism echoes many centuries of power and privilege of few over many who have not been heard (e.g., Sampson, 2008). Within such context, only the governing party plays a primary 54

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role and defines its existence while the other is just a tool to satisfy the principal party. The monolithic conceptualization sustains a particular form of power in which “dominant groups create serviceable others whose creation gives both Self and Other the very qualities that define their human nature” (Sampson, 2008 p. 19). Martin Buber (1987[1923]) terms this mode of relation between the overriding Self and the exploitable Other and as I-It relation. It characterizes instrumental, subject-object relationship within which the Oher is an object utilized to satisfy one’s self-interest.. In a context in which the individual takes priority, the Other and relationships become secondary. Relationships have no intrinsic value. The Other is out there to either contribute to or reduce from one’s pleasure. People become a commodity for others and relationships are always subject to suspicion. Expressions of concern, commitment and feelings are suspected as false, generating a sense of distrust (Gergen, 2009). Relationship is sustained as long as a person’s needs are fulfilled. A Dialogic Alternative. A dialogic relation is difficult, if not impossible, within a Monologic reality. Social construction is often distorted when parties do not share equal power. The Other might be offered an inferior position in the interchange. As Sampson (2008) explains, a dialogue between “two separable speaking and acting parties involve, cannot occur unless and until that other emerges from under the yoke of domination and gains her and his own voice” (p. 14). Relationships generated within an individualist setting starkly contrast the form of dialogic relations proposed here. The distinction between a dialogic and monologic relation locates the issue of the quality of human connection within the context of power. Power relations are being constructed in every human interaction by the way Self and Other are positioned in the relationship (e.g., Davies & Harré’s, 1990; Harré, 1987; Harré & Gillett, 1994). Power is displayed in the choices made by the parties such as embracing, including, rejecting, or ignoring a person, or the language used to communicate. These interactions are reflected in how the term dialogue is applied in this chapter. Traditionally, the term is used as a noun to describe a conversation or discussion. Gergen and colleauges (2001), for example, describe dialogue as “simply a conversation between two or more persons.” (p. 681). In contrast, the term is used here as an adjective--dialogic, to connote a quality of relating or a way of being in a relation. The shift from noun to adjective suggests an emphasis on the how rather than the what: how people relate to one another; how they are being together or to one another rather than what they do together. Being dialogic represents an ongoing quality of relationship in mundane life rather than a single occasion of interaction. The dialogic alternative to a distorted, unequal social formulation is based on an understanding of relationship within which all participants are equal co-creators of the relationship. Self and Other are both equally valuable and determine the terms of their existence rather than the Self dictating the interaction. Parties express themselves, co-influence and co-create the connection. A dialogic mode of relation 55

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can take place only when the social exchange is not governed by one party and parties have equal power in the construction of the Self and Other (Sampson, 2008). The “silenced” Other is heard on its own terms. The idea of dialogic mode of relationship has evolved and nurtured over the years by a slew of distinguished thinkers in various disciplines, who searched for a more dialogic understanding of the human experience. Due to space limitations, the richness of their ideas cannot be explored here in full, but a brief review should be useful. George Herbert Mead (1934) was a precursor of a relational understanding with his path breaking work on Symbolic Interactionism that was later developed by Blumer (1962) and others. It offeres a frame of reference to better understand how Self and Other are interconnected. Based on his approach, worlds and meanings are created through interactions and shape individual behavior. Buber’s relational work (1987[1923]), discussed further below, studied the human experience as grounded in the encounter between individuals. Habermas (1971; 1987) focus was on how situations might be structured procedurally for dialogic interactions. Wittgenstein’s (1953) studied dialogue as a rhetorical technique. Foss and Griffin (1995) proposes an invitational approach to rhetoric to compliment persuasive approaches wherein a rhetor seeks to change her audience and force them to see situations in a new light. Conversely, an invitational rhetoric invites as many perspectives as possible aimed at learning more about each other’s ideas. Parker-Follett’s (1942) investigation of the “situation” as a whole complex, evolving, reciprocally related interactions, gave both the occasion and the opportunity for sustaining integration-- a healthy process of bringing differences together. Bakhtin’s (1981) analyzed expressions- “utterances” within a context of exchange formed through a speaker’s relation to Otherness, and later Bohm’s (1996) stressed free flowing conversation within which participants experience each point of view equally and nonjudgmentally that bring about new and deeper understanding. These scholars offer ways to transcend Self-Other divide by underscoring the ongoing dialectic interaction. Dissatisfied with the Monologic account of human experience (Sampson,1993; 2008), they turned toward a dialogic formulation of relation. Many of them explored a dialogic alternative, like Buber (1923), Bakhtin (1981), and Bohm (1996), who emphasized the shift from the Self as represented by the dominant group toward the celebration of the Other and relationship--the space between Self and Other. Martin Buber’s (1987[1923]) contribution in particular, was a game-changer in this regard. His innovative alternative framework of relationships I-Thou to I-It relation, has been an inspiration to the dialogic relation proposed in this chapter. I-Thou with its Subject-Subject relation is distinguished from I-It relation that represents SubjectObject relationship. The Other in I-Thou mode of relation is valuable on its own terms and an active part in the relation. What seems at first glance a relationship between 56

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two separate, autonomous individuals, offers a significant step forward towards an increased emphasis on the relational space. In that space, the boundaries between Self and Other who jointly construct meaning, become blurred. Such boundaries reveal mutuality (Gergen, 2009a). Akin to Buber’s vision of relation based on equality and respect, a dialogic relation is a genuine mode of relation, in which the Other is an active part in initiating and constituting the relationship. The position of the Other is transformed from being an object to an equal partner (Sampson, 2008): To celebrate the other is not merely to find a place for her or him within a theoretical model. Nor is it simply to analyze the role that conversations and talk play in all aspects of human endeavor. Instead, celebrating the other is also to recognize the degree to which the dialogic turn is a genuinely revolutionary transformation in the relationships of power and privilege that still mark Western civilization. (p. 15) This idea of dialogic relation is not merely theoretical. It carries significant practical implications for daily relational experiences. Since worldviews profoundly guide behaviors, images of others dictate attitudes and feelings toward them. Immigrants, refugees, minorities or deprived constituencies on the basis of gender, religion or race become the image bestowed on them by the dominant group (Sampson, 2008). The issue of power is crucial to constructing dialogic connections. Reconstructing relationships and rendering them dialogic means challenging power and authority structures. Since assumptions greatly shape the quality of interactions, reexamining frameworks of thinking about personhood and relation is essential for social transformation. Identifying and reconsidering underlying assumptions of the positioning of Self and Other in the relationship is a significant step for changing how we are with one another. Such change is instrumental in forming a more promising and meaningful relationship as well as diminishing the destructive dimension of conflict as is discussed next.

Reconsidering the View of Conflict While conflict is inevitable--a natural byproduct of relationships, it has been given a bad name due to its association with disturbance, disruption, and violence. The feeling of threat that accompany the experience of conflict typically yields defensive reactions such as denial, suppression, aggression, postponement, and even premature compromise. The hidden opportunities in conflict are overshadowed by immediate painful emotions and the negative perception of conflict. Conflict is frequently understood as a debilitating force on relationships- a malaise that breeds problems, and as an impediment that must be removed for people to thrive and achieve their goals. Seen as a corollary of processes gone astray, conflict triggers 57

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emotional, defensive reactions. Dealing with conflict has become synonymous with eliminating it. This depiction of conflict as damaging and an experience that needs to be eliminated is shared by amateurs and pundits alike, including many conflict resolution experts and peacemaking practitioners (e.g., Rahim, 2011). Written and electronic sources often portray conflict as a problem to solve and underline prevention as the strategy to confront conflict, thereby identifying conflict as a menacing and destabilizing experience. Deutsch’s (1973) seminal distinction between constructive and destructive conflict, took some time to gain traction and challenge the leading attitude toward conflict. This chapter wishes to supplement the conflict resolution perspective rather than discredit it. It observes the conflict-as-problem approach as mainly focused on substantive matters needed to be settled, whereas the conflict-as-opportunity approach, taken here, elicits a broader lens of the relational and emotional setting in which the conflict resides and where the opportunity for learning and transforming could be materialized. Conflict as a Positive Experience. Laden with energy, conflict can be an engine for personal and social change as well as nurturing the prosperity of communities. Research consistently highlights conflict as an opportunity to develop, change, and go beyond what is already known (e.g., De Dreu & Weingart, 2003; De Wit, Greer, & Jehn, 2012). Conflict supplies a propitious and cultivating environment for potential personal and social growth. It can prevent stagnation, stimulate interest and curiosity, and encourage a climate in which problems can be raised and creative solutions developed (Deutsch, 2003). In the corporate world, for example, organizations’ capability to carry out their business goals and sustain themselves increasingly rely on meaningful and mutually beneficial relationships where disparities are transformed into opportunities. If harnessed properly, conflict can stimulate learning from important and new information (Sherman & Cohen, 2006; Steele, 1988) and acquire new ways of thinking and acting (e.g., Coser, 1956; Deutsch, 1973). In Deutsch’s (1973) words the “point is not how to eliminate or prevent conflict but rather how to make it productive” (p.17). Since handling conflicts productively is likely to yield positive outcomes or at least reduce their adverse effects, the question then becomes how can conflict turn into a positive, learning force? Validating Conflict. Since perceptions shape behavior (e.g., Dweck, 1986; 2006, Thomas, 1992), a negative view of conflict generates adverse reactions that are counter-productive to gaining from the experience. Perceived as a problem to resolve or curb, people ignore or reject conflict to avoid unwanted consequences. However, the initial disagreement that spawned the conflict is likely to persist and simmer until it grows to a significant interference. The more conflict is denied or refused, the higher its potential to ruin relations and impede collaboration. 58

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Conversely, if validated, conflict can ignite curiosity and prompt necessary actions for transformation and meaningful relationships (Coleman, 2011). Transforming Conflict. Although conflict management, resolution, and transformation are close in meaning, they are not identical. Conflict management relates to a range of positive ways to handle conflict while conflict resolution is a more comprehensive term aiming at resolving conflicts. Conflict transformationthe focus in this chapter, attends the deep-rooted sources of conflict (e.g., Bush & Folger, 1994;2005; Lederach, 2003; Ramsbotham, Woodhouse & Miall, 2011). While problem-solving orientation addresses immediate issues, conflict transformation requires an in-depth exploration of emotional, relational nuances, non-tangible goals, and behavioral patterns. By so doing, lasting relational restoration can be accomplished. The term also suits the theme mentioned earlier--the change from a prevalent adversarial to a dialogic mode of relation. Conflict transformation ventures further than immediate solutions to examine and transform positions of power and relational patterns within which conflict arises and evolves. Eventually, it allows for growth-maximizing long-term interactions on both the personal and social levels. A hands-on approach of conflict transformation is offered by Lederach (2003). He advances a prescriptive view to conflict by offering practitioners tools to alter the path of conflicts towards preferred results. In his view, the primary task of conflict transformation is to introduce creative platforms that can simultaneously address surface issues as well as changing underlying social structures and relationship patterns. Peaceful existence hinges on the quality of relationship and therefore, a successful transformation of conflict changes people’s ways of relating, that is relations based on understanding, equality, and respect. Lederach notes the dynamic rather than static nature of relations where conflicts not merely evolve, but also continually forge relationships. Lederach’s analysis of change is on four levels: personal, relational, structural, and cultural. He points at two proactive actions to transform conflict into a constructive change: 1) Envision- a positive orientation toward conflict, and 2) Response- willingness to directly engage in conflict. The change of orientation towards conflict coupled with intentional efforts to reveal its underlying dynamics concurs with the transformative perspective presented here. This active orientation toward the presence of conflict permits the containment of the initial anxiety and moving on to a constructive stage. Constructive Relationship Conducive to Benefiting from Conflict. A conflictas-opportunity approach views conflict is as a natural byproduct of human interactions, not as the “fault” of any single person. Since relationship is where conflicts arise and evolve, supportive relationship is essential for the ability to contain the initial intense emotions arising at the encounter with conflict. Healthy relationships empower people in the challenging emotional moments of contention. They buffer 59

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the negative reaction and can facilitate the shift to a positive interaction (Coleman, 2011; Coleman, et. al., 2012; Gottman et al. 2002). While weak relationship might not sufficiently contain intense, negative emotions, constructive relation can serve as a suitable vessel for benefiting from conflict. Studies have demonstrated that under particular circumstances, certain types of conflict can be beneficial for learning and performance, innovation, and reaching quality decisions (see review at Schulz-Hardt, Mojzisch, & Vogelgesang, 2008). Cooperative in comparison to competitive conflict management is an important condition for ensuring conflict’s positive outcomes (e.g., Brodbeck, Guillaume, & Lee, 2011; De Dreu, 2008; Deutsch, 2003; Guillaume, Brodbeck, & Riketta, 2012; Tjosvold, 2008; Tjosvold, Hui, Ding, & Hu, 2003). Thus, detection of potential opportunities for collaboration is important. The Implications of Viewing Conflict within the Context of Relationship. In a culture within which the individual is at the forefront, conflict is typically handled as as a discrete, separate event. Approaching it as a single occasion fails to capture conflict’s continuous state of evolvement and fluctuation within unfolding relational dynamics. While relationships are easily managed when the situation is calm and relaxed, they can be unexpected and unstable at other times. Relationship can be closed or open, intimate or distant, contented or concerned. Treating conflict as a one-step event does not adequately consider the context of changing, relational dynamics that can be helpful for undertsading a reaction to a conflict. Conflict brings an opportunity to pause, reflect, and adjust the relational movement to fit changing needs. When viewed within the context of an ongoing, shifting relationship, efforts can focus on improving relational patterns for the long term rather than finding someone to blame at a particular incident. Next, I discuss the role of the social environment in building sustainable relationships and validating the conflict experience. Vayrynen (1991) advises that changes on the structural level are essential for shifting the distribution of power and as discussed earlier, power is a pertinent consideration for transforming interactions. Similarly, Azar (1990) suggests that conflict surfaces from structural, economic or political conditions and the denial of human needs of access, identity, and security. A nurturing environment conducive to needs such as belonging, appreciation, and meaningful connections is crucial for transformation. Moreover, because the social environment is so important, a great responsibility is placed in the hands of leaders: the choices they make and the institutions they construct. Those holding influential positions can change the environment and reconstruct it in a way that is beneficial for learning from differences and conflicts. Leaders are in the position to empower employees, create inclusive organizational practices and processes that diminish defensive behaviors and encourage all stakeholders to participate in decision-making processes. 60

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The Role of Social Environment and Leadership The Social Environment Restructured. The social environment-the setting where relationships are born and develop, is a decisive factor in transforming relationships. Gergen (2009a), a leading scholar who searches for alternatives to an individualist understanding, offers a relational orientation to understanding social life. He questions the prevailing individualist assumption about “bad” behaviors as the liability of individuals’ internal functioning: Does anyone’s action entirely originate within the self, independent of any history or circumstance? If I am prejudiced, did this prejudice spring naturally from within? … if we are deeply immersed in the world, in relationship, jobs, physical circumstances and the like, why do we select the individual mind as the source of problematic behavior? If my job is boring and my boss a tyrant, why should I be treated for my feelings of depression? Why not change the workplace? In broader terms the individualist presumption operates like a blinder. It is a crude and simplistic way of reacting to problems. We fail to explore the broader circumstances in which actions are enmeshed and focus all too intensely on the single body before our eyes (p. 87). Giving too much credit to the individual mind as the initiator of conflict breeds blaming, isolation, distrust, narcissism, and competition. If the broader context is not addressed, Gergen explains, it is harmful. The social environment or social context here refers to the set of beliefs, customs, practices, and behaviors of a group of people (based on the definition of Barnett & Casper, 2001). Since the quality of relationship is contingent upon the social context, the nature of that context constructed must be carefully examined and constructed. While certain environments promote healthy connections, others provoke destructive conflict as discussed next. The advantage of attending the social environment can be considered within the context cultural and discourse traditions. As discussed, an individualist culture bolsters defensive interactions that are aothomatic and mostly unconscious. People are often unaware of the sources of their defensiveness. Actions such as rejecting opposing views or acting aggressively towards a person who holds them, and projecting forbidden desires onto others, often occur without awareness of their sources, and they are typically explained by one’s personality or individual qualities. Sampson (1999) emphasizes the critical role of awareness for transforming hatred reactions to differences and prejudice. The problem, he says, is that raising people’s awareness is often done through psychotherapy, which is fundamentally individualist. Furthermore, being an expensive and long-term process, it is unlikely that masses of people will use psychotherapy for changing how they deal with 61

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differences. Moreover, he admonishes, if people are unaware of these destructive relational dynamics, they would deny the need for therapy and introspection in the first place. Therefore, granting the social environment more weight in conflict transformation is warranted. It is the social context which is capable of modifying hurtful interactions. This recommended shift of emphasis to the environment as a transformational force has been applied for changing various social phenomena that initially were approached individually. Next, three such examples are provided: school bullying, Nazi atrocities, and organizational decision-making. The seemingly broad array of cases and their vastly dissimilar nature demonstrate the viability and rigor of the social context reasoning: 1. School Bullying- Traditionally, research on bullying has been mostly based on an individualist model of behavior, centering on the personal characteristics of the bully and the victim (Haslebo & Lund, 2015; Olweus,1995). This common understanding endorses a narrow individualist approach to practice that implies the separation between bullies and victims as well as punitive interventions. In contrast, promising transformative practices are those that aim at changing the cultural context and improving social processes and practices in school and home (Haslebo & Lund, 2015; Søndergaard, 2009; Winslade & Williams, 2011). A pioneering trend in studying bullying shows that children switch roles: at times they are bullying and at other times being bullied or observers of bullying. Studies also indicate that most students find bullying unacceptable (Olweus, 1995). Thus, it is recognized that other factors, beyond personal characteristics, like the social environment, culture and norms underlie this behavior. Olweus, who in his early research on bullying in the late 1960’s proposed prototypes of bullies and victims, updated his viewpoint, declaring that “other factors, such as teachers’ attitudes, behavior, and routines, play a major role in determining the extent to which the problems will manifest themselves in a classroom or a school” (p. 197). This development in his thinking and results lead him to a conclusion that intervention at the level of school showed to be much more effective than trying to change students’ personality. Furthermore, Olweus claims, it is a fundamental democratic right for a child to feel safe in school - “No student should be afraid of going to school for fear of being harassed or degraded, and no parent should need to worry about such things happening to his or her child!” (p. 198). His intervention program creates a school environment “characterized by warmth, positive interest, and involvement from adults, on the one hand, and firm limits to unacceptable behavior, on the other” (p. 199). 62

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Among other findings, Olweus showed that his school interventions reduced antisocial behavior, such as vandalism, fighting, pilfering, drunkenness, and truancy, and that bully-victim problems were reduced by 50%. In schools that implemented his program, striking changes such as better order and discipline, more positive social relationships, and a more positive attitude to school work and the school were established. Most importantly, there was an increase in student satisfaction with school life. The intervention program not only affected existing victimization problems, but had a significant preventive effect as well in that it considerably reduced the number and percentage of new victims. 2. Nazi Atrocities- Sampson (1999) uses a similar rationale for supporting more weight on the social context when exploring the fascinating case study of SS Supreme commander Heinrich Himmler. As one of the main operatives of the Nazi killing machine, Himmler excelled in his unwavering cruelty. He was feared and decried even among his Nazi elite commrads. Sampson suggests that in order to understand Himmler’s code of behavior and the indispeakable atrocities he ordered, explanations should not be sought in individual psychotherapy probing Himmler’s personality. Rather, it is the sociopolitical and cultural surroundings that gave birth to Himmler’s monstrosity, which need to be thoroughly investigated. Sampson’s conclusion is straight forward and compelling. Following his logic, the challenge then is not changing the personality of the agents, but to attend to the environments around them: the circumstances that disapprove or discourage people who act destructively. In the author’s words: It is the world, then, the very fabric of society itself, that holds the key whenever we wish to challenge prejudices … I am not saying that we should entirely ignore treatment designed to heal warped personalities. But of even greater importance is to address larger structures and institutions within which such personalities carry out their lives (p. 230). 3. Organizational Decision-Making- An illustrative example of the role of the environment for potentially transforming behaviors is also advanced by cognitive psychologist Daniel Kahneman (2013), a prominent scholar notable for his work on the psychology of judgment and decision-making. Kahneman also stresses the environment as a principal vehicle for transforming behavioral patterns. Restructuring the social environment, he suggests, is essential for reducing biases and noises that result in weak decisions.

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In responding to a question about individuals’ ability to become less biased in their judgments, Kahneman replied: “For individuals, it is pretty hopeless. People can get a bit better, but it is much more tenuous. …working on the level of the organization is more promising.”1. Organizations, he postulates, can construct environments with structures and processes to support better decisions. One of the more salient advantages of organizations as environments, he suggests, is that they can “think more slowly.” While individuals’s decisions fail due to their nature of being often automatic and biased, organizations can better plan by setting up rules and forming practices and structures ahead of time to foster quality decisions. This settings admits several benefits: a) Managers can be encouraged by certain organizational structures and procedures to plan ahead and apply discipline in how they make decisions, b) Operation is more systematic compared to individual processing, which is automatic and often flawed when decisions are rapidly made, c) Decisions are more effective and beneficial within a more controlled organizational environment within which standardized rules are practiced. To motivate managers to cooperate with new organizational procedures, Kahneman stresses the importance of managers’ recognition of the value of revised practices for themselves. They should be encouraged to see how changes on the organizational level benefit their own decisions rather than constraining them. It would advance their cooperation and the reduction of biases. The role of organizational environments in improving decisions is therefore “a huge and unexplored field and getting into that is an enormous challenge”.2. Though Kahneman’s expertise is the cognitive basis for human errors that arise from biases, he emphasizes the crucial role of organizational practices for generating less faulty human judgement. Restructuring the Social Environment is a Necessity for Transformation. What these three examples have in common is the critical role social environments have for changing destructive actions and establishing sustainable relationship. Since the environment is the holder within which undesirable actions like prejudice, biases, bullying, and destructive conflict take place, it can and should be made unreceptive to undesired actions rather than excluding a ‘troubling’ person. Instead of removing a ‘bad seed’, or trying to alter a personality, a transformed social setting that does not condone or allow destructive conduct, would be a much more effective. When people are compelled to change their behavior to fit their social habitats, transformation has more bearing. Changing the environment is essential for transforming the reaction and management of conflict. If an organization legitimizes conflict and promotes genuine and open communication for expressing differences, conflict is more likely to become a positive, learning experience. Many organizations today realize that conflicts are important and that dealing with them in a fruitful way is a worthy cause. However,

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their solution falls short: conflict is still typically addressed on the individual level, which generates toxic organizational environments. Many managers attend conflict and mediation trainings, where they learn and practice effective conflict management strategies. They become stimulated and motivated to apply their newly acquired skills in their workplace. Yet, the enthusiasm quickly fades away when they face the same reality upon their return to their office. Conventional hierarchical structures and norms are ill-equipped and reluctant to have structures that accommodate conflict positively. Within these contexts, conflict is not openly approached, resulting in a missed opportunity and wasted new knowledge. An invigorated outlook and enthusiasm are necessary, but merely a first step for changing how conflict is approached. They succumb to the embedded conservative code of bureaucratic politics that prefers ‘not rocking the boat’. Actions on the individual level are insufficient for the generation of genuine long-term transformation. As was demonstrated, behaviors are subject to particular discourse and the culture-the patterns of thinking and norms within which they arise. Thus, organizational structures can either promote long-term positive change or perpetuate undesired behaviors. For the former to occur, both micro-individual efforts and macro-structural organizational changes must take place to achieve a sustainable change. A single conflict handled poorly, negatively influences not only the individual but also the delicate social fabric in which it emerged from. Studies of conflict in organizations indicate that it is critical to create social circumstances to promote positive outcomes of conflict (e.g., Pondy, 1992; Tjosvold, 2008), on the levels of learning, performance, innovation, and quality decisions (see reviews in De Dreu & Weingart, 2003; De Wit, Greer, & Jehn, 2012; Schulz-Hardt, Mojzisch, & Vogelgesang, 2008). Conversely, if handled poorly, conflict impedes performance, satisfaction, collaboration, health, and well-being. Research has repeatedly revealed that a cooperative in comparison to competitive conflict management is an essential condition for guaranteeing conflict’s positive outcomes. The specific conditions to foster cooperative conflict management in organizations were also given scholarly attention. But although it was found that systemic changes are essential, in reality, the focus has mostly remained on the micro level-on individual and small group training rather than on the macroorganizational level, such as changes on the level of the organizational system, structure, communication or culture (De Dreu & Gelfand, 2008; Gelfand, et. al., 2012). The onus of raising awareness to conflict safe environments in organizations befalls on the leadership ranks. The decision-makers and power wielders at the helm enjoy a broader perspective to realize and value a collaborative environment in which incompatible ideas are legitimized, expressed and integrated into the daily operations of the firm (Deutsch, 1973).

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Leadership Matters. Gelfand and colleagues (2012) studied the connection between organizational culture and leadership. They showed that distinct conflict cultures exist and that there is a link between the macro and micro levels-- whether the organizational culture is collaborative, dominating, or avoidant, as they categorized them, it is linked to its leaders’ conflict management styles as well as to organizational viability (e.g., cohesion, potency, and burnout level) and performance (creativity and customer service). Kugler & Brodbeck (2014) continued that strand by focusing on the macroorganizational level where they found support to the link between culture and the conflict styles of organizational leaders. Their study revealed that the way organizations communicate at the top is related to employees’ perceptions of conflict management. In their study, differentiated and integrated understanding of complex issues, as expressed in organizational messages about its goals, purposes, and means, were found to be positively related to perceptions of cooperative conflict management. Complex understanding of multidimensional issues was found to be reflected in a culture or a normative way of viewing differences and conflict. Though training and new individual skills to cope with conflict are essential, they show insufficient for sustainable relationship that contain conflict and channel it into a constructive route. For this reason, organizational structures and practices that foster collaboration are essential to anchor empowering conflict engagement in everyday life. Leaders have the leverage and authority to modify organizational practices to reflect a new understandingof conflict. Within restructured and innovative organizational platforms, typical adversarial interactions can be gradually replaced by cooperative principles on a daily basis, and learning and positive results from conflict are more likely to happen. Innovative, inclusive organizational spaces where all stakeholders express their views and participate in decision making are promising for transforming how conflict is handled. An integrative systemic and systematic approach is more likely to decrease the negative consequences of conflict while directing it to a positive track. The importance of leaders’ capacity to induce change cannot be exaggerated. The conflict management style of those in power not only impacts local interactions but also the collective-organizational communication style and the entire culture (Kugler & Brodbeck, 2014). Leaders not only serve as role-models by how they, themselves, address conflict, but they can also impact the organizational social environment as a whole. By adding or adjusting organizational practices and processes, leaders can challenge typical interactions and lay the groundwork for more collaborative communications.

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The Role of Leadership Is Changing. Given the importance of relational environments for organizational growth and best outcomes, leadership’s role is rapidly changing. Fostering collaborative environments and coordinating relationships in more meaningful and effective ways can replace an earlier focus on the aptitudes of the omnipotent top-down leaders. For decades, top-down governance has dictated organizations. At the same time, it is also essential to recognize the challenge in changing social envirnments. In an unequal, hegemonic society, not everyone is equally interested in changing them into more dialogical, particularly, those who enjoy power and privilege. They might not see an incentive to interact dialogically with those who have less power. The Challenge-Does Leadership Have Insentive to Change? There is an inherent paradox in this suggested new, collaborative responsibility of leadership. The relational environments leaders are encouraged here to promote might ultimately infringe upon their authority. Leaders might assume that fostering collaborative environments is bound to weaken their status. If they adhere to an individualistic mindset, their own personal prerogative might loom larger than the long-term good for themselves and others. Therefore, they might be reluctant to delegate decision making opportunities to lower-ranked employees, and hence, more hesitant to change the working environment all together. However, actions of those with power prove to be more potent than the actions of the less powerful (Sampson, 2008; Wood, 2004). Leaders’ actions are far more reaching than those who are less powerful. Therefore, the overall impact on conflict management will be the uppermost if the more powerful act to lead the desired change. The highest responsibility for changing human interactions rests with those with a relative privilege. If they look beyond their immediate comfort zone to consider the long-term benefits of dialogic environments for all, their organizational culture is more likely to be dialogic and diverse. A dialogic culture is better for both the organizations they lead and also for themselves. When deep-rooted social asymmetries are replicated and perpetuated, it hurts the overall performance since many are voiceless and their contribution is restricted. By restructuring the social environment with diversified representations and more inclusive practices within which all stakeholders participate in decision making, destructive behaviors and adversarial interactions are likely to diminish. If the latter become unacceptable and counter-productive in the restructured culture, they are likely to be replaced by more productive interactions that ultimately positively impact organizational performance. As an example, in the past decade, legislation and organizations are more committed to gender diversity on corporate boards. Boards and their leadership, are increasingly responding to the abundance of research showing that diversity positively affects strategy and company performance.3. There is a fundamental rationale for a strong 67

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business case behind having gender diversity. Organizations would perform much better if they utilize all of their talent, not just that of the male or dominant people. It follows that a strong case for diversity is an economic one as well. Corporate boards perform best when they include the best people who represent a variety of perspectives and backgrounds. The boardroom is where strategic decisions are made, governance applied and overseen. It is therefore imperative that boards are made up of a combination of competent individuals who together exhibit a blend of skills, experiences and backgrounds.4. The Meaning of Leadership Is Changing. Worth emphasizing is the changing meaning of leadership within a collaborative contexts. Leadership can be viewed not as the undertaking of an exclusive elite, as typically perceived, but as a more inclusive and democratically-oriented enterprise. In other words, all employees can assume leadership responsibilities within collaborative environments. All stakeholders can be positioned as both leaders and followers and participate in the construction of decisions and spaces where they learn from each other’s differences. In more dialogic and inclusive organizations, all emploees can inspire and empower one another while following initiatives of others. In summation, a simultaneous reform on both a micro-- individual and macro— systemic/ structural levels is indispensable for transforming the quality of relationship, conflict, and attaining outcomes and the role of leadership is critical. The next section exemplifies the combination of micro and macro efforts in democratic schools where relational transformation was experienced first hand by the author. In these schools, micro efforts--raising consciousness to relational dynamics were obtained along with macro changes—restructuring the environment through systemic organizational practices and processes.

Transforming Relationship in Democratic Schools This example introduces a two-prong endeavor for initiating and sustaining a relational transformation in educational contexts. Consciousness raising (micro) and structural organizational modifications (macro) were implemented simultaneously. This is the case of Israeli democratic and dialogic schools, where the author has been a member of the team that led transformative processes. It demonstrates how a change of mindset and behavioral norms rendered destructive behavior in the school unacceptable. These school communities offer an inspirational alternative to traditional education. While some conventional schools attempt to renew and improve, most remain conservative, hierarchical, and authoritarian as they were since the beginning of the previous century. Their worldview, structure, and curriculum have not changed much despite radical social, political, cultural, and technological revolutions that 68

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have taken place around them. Founded upon values of human rights, respect, and equality, democratic and dialogic schools encourage all stakeholders--children of all ages, staff members, and parents, to engage and participate in all activities and decisions on a daily basis. The humane and inclusive atmosphere creates a profound sense of togetherness. Treating all students as equal partners, not only maintains their interest and intellectual curiosity but also builds their sense of community and identity with others, who share a common bond and opens new possibilities for personal and collective transformation Through a strengthened sense of collective being, stakeholders go through continuing processes, within collaborative practices, where they experience transition and transformation. Insight and Action practices are incorporated to transform positions of power and relational patterns (see diagram in the Appendix). Insight refers to consciousness raising to current versus desired forms of relations as well as to social psychological dynamics that risk constructive relation. A relational versus an individualist understanding of Self, Other, and relationship are deliberated and practiced. Stakeholders explore their perception of notions like Self, Other, dignity, respect, tolerance, and equality. This consciousness-raising process is conducted in groups of school staff, parents, and students who are invited to reconsider the meanings of these ideas by using new conceptual models. For example, the notion of respect, which is a fundamental principle in dialogic environments, is defined and deliberated, using a three-dimensional model. The model is based on Schlanger’s (2000) dichotomy: Honor, Accomplishment, and Dignity. Each suggests a different mode of relation. The first one refers to the respect to a person of a higher class such as a king or a highly ranked executive, and the second denotes to a person who gains respect due to her accomplishments or superior achievements. These two modes of relation maintain the traditional, hierarchical understanding of Self-Other, in which the individual is respected for her superiority. In contrast, the third mode of relation-dignity based respect is founded in equality. A person is fully accepted and respected regardless of their status or actions, opposing opinions or contradictions in beliefs and attitudes. Respect comes from Latin respectus, from the verb respicere- look back at or regard. From that perspective, a person is granted multiple opportunities for expression. One of the implications of this understanding is that it prevents people from hastily jumping to conclusions about someone, as typically happens. Rather, a person is allowed to continuously express themselves as a whole. Dignity-based respect entails unconditioned and non-hierarchical form of relation. This mode of relation is not characteristic of an individualist undertsanding.

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Figure 1. Three types of respect

A model developed by Noga Bar and Tzofnat Peleg-Baker and used in the educational system, Based on Schlanger’s and Buber’s work

Participants in the educational experimental projects apply this framework to reflect on the nature of the relationship they constract. For the purpose of transformation an dchange, they compare existing versus desired forms of relationships. The framework is used for examining relationship among various stakholders, such as among teachers, teachers and principal, teachers and students, and teachers and parents, and within various settings, such as intermissions, evaluations, and school events. This is one example of many models used for reexamining the extent to which relationships are healthy and whether they correspond with the aspirations of the community or the organization. Issues such as whether the positioning of Self and Other in interactions is desired and what organizational intersections call for a change to and how were observed and discussed using this model of respect. As introduced, these consciousness-raising efforts are applied mostly in groups, as opposed to individual therapy and were encouraged by systemic, structural changes, as discussed next. The second component- Action, refers to macro-level, structural practices such as organizational structures and processes that are reconstructed to incorporate the new insights developed by using conceptual models into daily life. Akin to a ruling system in a democratic system, collaboration on decision-making and their execution transpire within three governing branches in democratic or dialogic envirnments: Legislative, Judicial, and Executive that balance each other. Every member in the school, regardless of age or position, can be engaged in school life through initiating topics for discussion in the Parliament, addressing conflict in the Conflict Resolution committee or Appeals committee, or learning with others in learning groups. Examples 70

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of structural practices are provided in the Appendix. I see these practices as social vessels because they serve as organizational holders wherein stakeholders practice new forms of relationship. The new practices and structures anchor the change in perception within daily life and secure a long-term transformation. In these envirnments, a new relational vision is routinely practiced rather than merely theoretically taught. The underlying assumption is that a child who experiences a respect-based relationship every day will continue to behave the same way as an adult. While variations among these schools exist as each one reflects the unique objectives and needs of its particular community members, they share common characteristics such as participation of stakeholders in decision-making, students’ autonomy to choose what to learn and how to utilize their time best, pluralistic learning, and personal mentors who provide students with constant support. For more than twenty years, schools that are based on such principles have demonstrated more cooperative behaviors and significantly less violence than other schools. Incorporating both consciousness raising work with structural changes is more likely to demonstrate sustainable transformation of adversarial interaction than individual efforts. Through learning more about the meaning Self and Other within an individualist culture as well as altering the social setting, people’s defensive inclinations or “bad” behaviors are not accepted anymore. Stakeholders are encouraged to constantly change and adapt their behaviors to fit the changing social habitat

CONCLUSION The importance of relationship, highlighted in this chapter, stands in contrast to the individualist ethos, so deeply entrenched within Western and scientific traditions. Despite the relational nature of human existence, the individualist tradition has been governing how we approach conflict. The purpose of this chapter was to underline: 1. A relational orientation to how conflict could be understood within the context within which conflict arises and evolves, and 2. Practical structural considerations when aiming at transforming the nature of the relationship and the ways conflict is addressed. For transformation to occur, a broader and long-standing view of the structural and relational sources of conflict, beyond solving immediate problems, is required. Intentional efforts are made to transform the relational context and patterns within which a conflict arises. The simple and practical framework suggested here captures significant and complex, mostly hidden considerations to be mindful of if conflict is to be benefited from and transformed. It invites reconsidering deep-seated assumptions about Self and Other as well as intentionally making efforts to transform destructive, habitual ways of being. Carefully attending these considerations --A Dialogic modes of 71

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relationship; A positive orientation to conflict, and supportive social environments and leadership in the educational system demonstrated major shift in how educators and students and their families approached and engaged with one another. The three considerations can function as a conceptual framework used as an X-ray for probing into our interactions in various social junctures and contexts in life. By reflecting on the aspirations for Self-Other relation versus actual, daily practice, we can attenuate the gap between intentions and behavior and transform our connections. Change is possible if people join forces, question the unquestionable and challenge the present state of affairs. Accepting the world in which we live in as stable and predictable does not benefit us. Change is inevitable: it is in our hands to realize a desired change.

REFERENCES Azar, E. E. (1990). The management of protracted social conflict. Hampshire, UK: Dartmouth. Bakhtin, M. M. (1981). The dialogic imagination: Four essays. University of Texas Press. Barnett, E., & Casper, M. (2001). A definition of “social environment”. American Journal of Public Health, 91(3), 465. doi:10.2105/AJPH.91.3.465a PMID:11249033 Blumer, H. (1962). Society as Symbolic Interaction. In A. M. Rose (Ed.), Human Behavior and Social Processes: An Interactionist Approach. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Bohm, D. (1996). On dialogue. London: Roudedge. doi:10.4324/9780203180372 Brodbeck, F. C., Guillaume, Y. F., & Lee, N. (2011). Ethnic diversity as a multilevel construct. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 42(7), 1198–1218. doi:10.1177/0022022110383314 Buber, M. (1987). I and thou. New York: Macmillan. (Original work published 1923) Bur r, V. (2015). Social constructionism. New York: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315715421 Bush, R. A. B., & Folger, J. P. (1994). The promise of mediation: Responding to conflict through empowerment and recognition. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Bush, R. A. B., & Folger, J. P. (2005). The promise of mediation: Responding to conflict through empowerment and recognition. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. 72

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De Dreu, C. K. W. D., Dussel, D. B., & Velden, F. S. T. (2015). In intergroup conflict, self-sacrifice is stronger among pro-social individuals, and parochial altruism emerges especially among cognitively taxed individuals. Frontiers in Psychology, 6(572). doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00572 PMID:25999888 De Wit, F. R. C., Greer, L. L., & Jehn, K. A. (2012). The paradox of intragroup conflict: A meta-analysis. The Journal of Applied Psychology, 97(2), 360–390. doi:10.1037/a0024844 PMID:21842974 Deutsch, M. (1973). The Resolution of Conflict: Constructive and Destructive Processes. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. doi:10.1177/000276427301700206 Deutsch, M. (1985). Distributive Justice: A Social-Psychological Perspective. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Deutsch, M. (2003). Cooperation and conflict: A personal perspective on the history of the social psychological study of conflict resolution. In M. A. West, D. Tjosvold, & K. G. Smith (Eds.), International handbook of organizational teamwork and cooperative working (pp. 9–43). West Sussex, UK: Wiley. doi:10.1002/9780470696712.ch2 Dweck, C. S. (1986). Motivational processes affecting learning. The American Psychologist, 41(10), 1040–1048. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.41.10.1040 Dweck, C. S. (2006). Mindset. New York, NY: Random House. Dweck, C. S. (2012). Mindsets and human nature: Promoting change in the Middle East, the schoolyard, the racial divide, and willpower. The American Psychologist, 67(8), 614–622. doi:10.1037/a0029783 PMID:23163438 Dweck, C. S., Chiu, C., & Hong, Y. (1995). Implicit theories and their role in judgments and reactions: A world from two perspectives. Psychological Inquiry, 6(4), 267–285. doi:10.120715327965pli0604_1 Edwards, R. (1997). Changing Places? Flexibility, Lifelong Learning and a Learning Society. London: Routledge. Fisher, R., & Shapiro, D. (2006). Beyond Reason: Using Emotions as You Negotiate. New York: Penguin Books. Folger, J. P., & Bush, R. A. B. (2001). Designing mediation: Approaches to training and practice within a transformative framework. New York: Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation. Follett, M.-P. (1940). Dynamic Administration: The Collected Papers of Mary Parker Follett. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishing. 74

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Gelfand, M. J., Leslie, L. M., Keller, K. M., & De Dreu, C. K. W. (2012). Conflict cultures in organizations: How leaders shape conflict cultures and their organizationallevel consequences. The Journal of Applied Psychology, 97(6), 1131–1147. doi:10.1037/a0029993 PMID:23025807 Gergen, K. (2009). Relational being: Beyond self and community. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Gergen, K., McNamee, S., & Barrett, F. (2001). Toward Transformative Dialogue. International Journal of Public Administration, 24(7-8), 697–707. doi:10.1081/ PAD-100104770 Gottman, J. M., Murray, J. D., Swanson, C. C., Tyson, R., & Swanson, K. R. (2002). The mathematics of marriage. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. doi:10.7551/ mitpress/4499.001.0001 Guillaume, Y. R. F., Brodbeck, F. C., & Riketta, M. (2012). Surface- and deeplevel dissimilarity effects on social integration and individual effectiveness related outcomes in work groups: A meta-analytic integration. Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 85(1), 80–115. doi:10.1111/j.2044-8325.2010.02005.x Harre, R. (1987). Persons and selves. In A. Peacocke & G. Gillett (Eds.), Persons and personality. Oxford: Blackwell. Harre, R., & Gillette, G. (1994). The discursive mind. London: Sage. Haslebo, G., & Lund, G. E. (2015). Practicing Relational Thinking in Dealing with Bullying in Schools. In Education as Social Construction: Contributions to theory, research and practice (p. 168). Taos Institute Publication. Kahneman, D. (2013). Think, fast and slow. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Kugler, K. G., & Brodbeck, F. C. (2014). Corporate communication and worker perceptions of conflict management and justice. Negotiation and Conflict Management Research, 7(4), 265–281. doi:10.1111/ncmr.12042 Lederach, J. (2003). Little book of conflict transformation: Clear articulation of the guiding principles by A pioneer in the field. Skyhorse Publishing, Inc. Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self and society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Murray, S. L., Holmes, J. G., MacDonald, G., & Ellsworth, P. (1998). Through the looking glass darkly? When self-doubts turn into relationship insecurities. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(6), 1459–1480. doi:10.1037/00223514.75.6.1459 PMID:9914664 75

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Olweus, D. (1995). Bullying or peer abuse at school: Facts and interventions. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 4(6), 196–200. doi:10.1111/14678721.ep10772640 Peleg-Baker, T. (2012). The Devil is in the Details: The Cognitive Characteristics of Mediator’s Decision Making. Paper presented at the Conflict Studies and Global Governance Conference, Boston, MA. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/ abstract=1640558 Peleg-Baker, T. (2014). Improving Mediators’ Decision-Making by Becoming Conscious of the Unconscious Cognitive Considerations for Reflection to Attain Social-Psychological Goals. Retrieved from https://ssrn.com/abstract=2443930 Peleg-Baker, T. (2019). A Relational Perspective On Conflict Transformation: From Adversarial Interactions Into Dialogic Relations (Doctoral dissertation). Vrije Universiteit Brussels (VUB). Pondy, L. R. (1992). Reflections on organizational conflict. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 13(3), 257–261. doi:10.1002/job.4030130305 Putnam, L. (1994). Challenging the Assumptions of Traditional Approaches to Negotiation. Negotiation Journal, 10(4), 337–345. doi:10.1111/j.1571-9979.1994. tb00033.x Rahim, M. A. (2011). Managing conflict in organizations. Transaction Books. Ramsbotham, O., Miall, H., & Woodhouse, T. (2011). Contemporary conflict resolution. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Sampson, E. (2008). Celebrating the other: A dialogic account of human nature. Westview Press. Sampson, E. E. (1999). Dealing with differences: An introduction to the social psychology of prejudice. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace. Schlanger, J. (2000). On Mutual Respect and Self Respect. In A. Hareven & C. Bram (Eds.), Man’s dignity or humiliation? Tension in human dignity in Israel. Van Leer Institute and Hakibbutz Hame’uhad Publishing House. (in Hebrew) Schulz-Hardt, S., Mojzisch, A., & Vogelgesang, F. (2008). Dissent as a facilitator: Individual- and group-level effects on creativity and performance. In C. K. W. De Dreu & M. J. Gelfand (Eds.), The psychology of conflict and conflict management in organizations (pp. 149–177). New York, NY: Lawrence Erlbaum.

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Sherman, D. K., & Cohen, G. L. (2006). The psychology of self-defense: Selfaffirmation theory. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 183–242. doi:10.1016/S0065-2601(06)38004-5 Søndergaard, D. M. (2009). Mobning og Social Eksklusionsangst. In J. Kofoed & D. M. Søndergaard (Eds.), Mobning. Sociale Processer på Afveje (pp. 21–59). København: Hans Reitzels Forlag. Steele, C. (1988). The psychology of self-affirmation: Sustaining the integrity of the self. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 21, pp. 181–227). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. doi:10.1016/S0065-2601(08)60229-4 Thomas, K. W. (1992). Conflict and negotiation processes in organizations. In M. D. Dunnette & L. M. Hough (Eds.), Handbook of industrial and organizational psychology (2nd ed.; pp. 651–717). Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press. Tjosvold, D. (2008). The conflict-positive organization: It depends upon us. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 29(1), 19–28. doi:10.1002/job.473 Tjosvold, D., Hui, C., Ding, D. Z., & Hu, J. (2003). Conflict values and team relationships: Conflict’s contributions to team effectiveness and citizenship in China. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 24(1), 69–88. doi:10.1002/job.180 Vayrynen, R. (1991). To Settle or to Transform? Perspectives on the Resolution of National and International Conflicts. In R. Väyrynen (Ed.), New Directions in Conflict Theory: Conflict Resolution and Conflict Transformation (pp. 1–25). London: Sage. Winslade, J., & Williams, M. (2011). Safe and peaceful schools: Addressing conflict and eliminating violence. Corwin Press. Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical investigations (G. Anscombe, Trans.). New York: Macmillan.

ENDNOTES 3. 1. 2.

4.



www.youtube.com/watch?v=maog6rAOI78&feature=youtu.be www.youtube.com/watch?v=maog6rAOI78&feature=youtu.be https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/za/Documents/technologymedia-telecommunications/za_Wome_in_the_boardroom_a_global_ perspective_fifth_edition.pdf https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/ attachment_data/file/31480/11-745-women-on-boards.pdf 77

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APPENDIX The Implications of a Relational Perspective on Practice Transforming Adversarial Interactions Within a Social Context

Figure 2.­

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Chapter 4

Dialogue as Playfulness:

Communication Beyond Binaries in a Neighborhood Torn Over the Status of Asylum Seekers Living There Sharon Avital Tel-Aviv University, Israel

ABSTRACT This chapter uses Gergen’s shift of focus from independent and coherent selves to relational beings and Klein and Maimon’s mathematical model of consciousness and suggests a new approach to dialogue. Through the metaphor of playfulness, this chapter stresses the importance of training in perspective taking and coordinated experiences in cases of confict. Moreover, this chapter suggests the importance of integrating other forces operating within the context of confict into the dialogic process. The chapter demonstrates the theoretical dimensions discussed through the example of confict over the status of refugees in a Tel-Aviv neighborhood.

INTRODUCTION Somewhere beyond right and wrong, there is a field. I will meet you there. Rumi With the possibility of expulsion to Rwanda looming over their heads, the African residents of the small Shapira neighborhood in the South of Tel-Aviv feared walking freely around the streets. They knew that not only was their official status at risk, but their acceptance by the locals was also questionable, even explosive. Indeed, the influx of newcomers in the past decade has posed major challenges to the DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch004 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Dialogue as Playfulness

struggling neighborhood. Lack of government support or a clear policy meant that these African immigrants were crowding in small apartments and kindergartens leading in turn to relief organizations moving into the neighborhood to offer aid. While some of the residents have actively supported these Africans or advocated against their possible deportation, others have adamantly protested their presence in their neighborhood and the country in general. As the government’s intentions to deport the immigrants become more tangible, the more palpable and contentious the tension between the residents has grown. Shapira can be understood as a contact zone (Pratt, 1991, 1992)—a geographical or ethnographical space where cultures meet. The neighborhood is home to a growing number of refugees from different African countries, as well as to different Israeli subgroups that vary according to age, education, socioeconomic status, and religion. Power dynamics in the neighborhood are contingent on government policies and partisan political interests at the state level that construe a complicated situation. Since asymmetrical power relations characteristic to the neighborhood are known to intensify tensions and clashing interests (Goncalves, 2016, p.8), dialogic efforts there might seem dim and hopeless. This chapter begins with theoretical exploration of the notion of dialogue. It suggests opening the aperture to view dialogue not merely as a dual process in which two narratives are being exchanged but as a more extended process interwoven in myriad relations. The metaphor of “playfulness” is used here to gesture towards a way of being (with) that which is malleable and open. The metaphor also points to a spatial dimension, alluding to the importance of myriad relations and connections that are directly and often indirectly parts of the dialogue. While playfulness can be achieved through literal play, as in games or arts (as the example used in this chapter demonstrates), play is not limited to these. The second part of the chapter illustrates this approach to dialogue through the example of cultural activities and discussion in Shapira over the status of the refugees living there.

BACKGROUND Dialogue The concept of dialogue was discussed by the Jewish philosopher and mystic Martin Buber in his monumental I and Thou I (1970). The discussion begins with this classic because of Buber’s intricate focus on vulnerability and openness and due to his ability to interweave the personal and interpersonal dimensions as dynamic and interdependent. In this book, Buber differentiates between an instrumental way of relating to the other (as “It”) and the dialogic approach characterizes relations in 80

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which one regards the other as an equal and even divine (“Though”). Even the divine itself is redefined by Buber in terms of an exchange. In the chapter “Question and Answer” from the book Meetings (1973), Buber discusses his faith: If to believe in God means to be able to talk about him in the third person, then I do not believe in God. If to believe in him means to be able to talk to him, then I believe in God...The God to whom Daniel prays in his suffering is my God and the God of all. (p. 44). Religious faith is here redefined as a dialogic practice. Buber shifts the focus from belief to practice and from a view of religion and mysticism as an individual experience that was described in his previous texts (1985) to the understanding of religion as relational. The new awareness is described as the product of a dialogue with a friend. The Buberian understanding of “meetings” as it is discussed in his book by the same name is not limited to people, but encompasses every aspect of life: translation as meeting between languages, one’s meeting with nature, and one’s meeting with oneself and life and all its facets. In another book, Buber shares haunting thoughts about the suffering inflicted during the First World War and makes a point that his ability to finally come to terms with and accept this pain had transformed his own life and consequently his relations with others (Shapira, 1999, p. 88-89). Meeting the other is expressed in his texts as a profound willingness to transform and be transformed by the other. True meeting for Buber is therefore not limited to meeting between those that are similar to us but is the result of acceptance of differences and ambiguity. Meeting therefore has an ethical significance as one is called to appropriately respond in each and every particular context. Buber shares with his readers profound exchanges and personal transformation but his view of dialogue as is exemplified by his metaphor, a bridge connecting two separate worlds, remains dualistic. According to Kenneth J. Gergen in his book Relational Being: Beyond Self and Society (2009), the ability to collaborate or at least minimize confrontation begins with the ability to move from antagonistic and distinct experiences to the ability to identify and relate to the experience of the other. Gergen identifies our belief in a coherent and distinct self as a great obstacle to the dialogic process. By expecting all our opinions, beliefs and values to cohere, we silence different voices inside of us; to protect the stability of our egos we often ignore or downplay the opinions and experiences of the other. Gergen quotes William James’ abomination of “those sick souls” whose “spirit wars with their flesh” (1958) and George Kelly’s famous psychological model of conceptual systems that seek to cohere (1955) as famous examples of this approach.

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Gergen explains that this view has a long tradition in the West with its Christian emphasis on the purity of the soul. His writing echoes Philosopher Stephen Toulmin (2001), who traces this approach to the rise of Modernism and the Cartesian dualistic view of the body as distinct and inferior to the mind. Reasoning according to this approach is superior to emotions, and language and logic attempt to approximate mathematics. Sallis (1995, pp. 5) recognizes the Platonic story of the cave as one of the famous examples of this representative and dual understanding which shaped the goal of Western metaphysics by locating an origin in its ideal identity. In her analysis of language and metaphysics, Susan Handelman also understands the Western approach to language as dualistic and ontological and she also draws the links between the seemingly separate fields of culture, linguistics and mathematics (1982, pp. 6-10). Instead of this common Western understanding of the self as bounded and ordered, Gergen suggests viewing the self as being in constant flux and as constituted by countless relationships, experiences and worldviews. Gergen relates to the Buddhist perception of annata--the perpetual existence of the self as interconnected and changing rather than stable and distinct. The identification with a stable “I” is therefore an illusion constituted by our referential language: the separation and subject and object, bodies and possessives. Resonating with these approaches, Gergen writes: “The word “I” does not index an origin but a relational achievement” (Ibid., p. 133). Instead of the limited and atomic understanding of the Self and consequently its other, Gergen suggests a model according to which the self is always being created and interrelated to others. Finally, he shares numerous methods for conducting dialogues that are based on a shifting focus, from distinct selves to relations and the exchange of narratives. His model of the “relational being” therefore echoes Buber’s understandings but he is extending it to a more dynamic and ranging way of relating with the world. This chapter concurs with this line of thinking by offering the metaphor of “playfulness.” Playfulness is used here to express an attitude taken by the forces operating in the field of communication. It has an air of lightness, getting out of one’s comfort zone, and it alludes to flexibility and the possibility of change and transformation. Since the concept of “play” was also used by psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott in his book Playing and Reality (1971), it is important to establish early on the differences and similarities between his approach and the one offered here. Although dialogue in response to conflict as addressed in this chapter is not therapeutic, both fields (the therapeutic and the “dialogic”) focus on transformation (of the exchange and the self) and for both processes communication is a key. Winnicott begins with the psychic field and mother-child relations. For him, play is a key to emotional and psychological well- being. Play is not understood to be an activity restricted to childhood but was regarded relevant for any age and one 82

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that could be achieved in myriad ways, such as humor, physical activities, and arts. Winnicott believed that play helps people connect with their authentic or “real self” and this is what makes them feel alive. Psychotherapy was accordingly understood as two people playing together and the psychotherapist’s role was understood as “bringing the patient from a state of not being able to play into a state of being able to play” (1971, p. 38). The psychoanalyst Andre Green explains that while Winnicott focused on motherchild relationship, play can be understood as a universal attribute of the mind that can take many shapes and forms, one of them might be violence and domination (2005, p.11). In this chapter I would like to also recognize play as universal attribute of the mind rather than a practice used for psychoanalytic development. Winnicott’s move from the individual realm to the cultural zone is essential for our understanding of transformation and learning for people of any age. However, while Green insists on the importance of violence, playfulness as used in the context of intercultural communication and dialogue is understood as a peaceful and agile interaction and/ or the freedom to move in and out of one’s comfort zones. While violence is used in different forms of play and while it is a part of human communication and traits, playfulness here refers to methods of communication that are by no means (physically or verbally) violent although they might not always be in agreement. The idea of the authentic self helps Winnicott to explain the shift happening through play. The action of play enables one to experience one’s true self and it is from this place of authenticity that according to Winnicott one can relate to others, oneself and to change. While the potentiality of play is essential, the stress on “the authentic self” as the element that enables this transformation is questionable. The idea of authenticity might imply reification of one’s personality and self and ultimately lead to rigidity rather than the flexibility required for transformation and a fruitful dialogue. As Gergen explains, conflicts are characterized by peoples’ identifications with their own identities and stories and this in turn makes it more difficult to accept others’ perspectives (2009). If the idea of the true self is understood as a source of vitality or spontaneity then it might be relevant for this discussion as well. In order to engage in dialogue as playfulness, changes in perspective and training need to take place. As mentioned earlier, Gergen locates the difficulties to communicate in our focus on the atomic self that has its roots in the dualistic distinction between self and other and the belief in the ontological independence of both. To think and, more importantly, to practice playfulness through the prism of a relational self, it might be useful to think about language and mathematics not in terms of reflections and origins but in terms of relations. Klein and Maimon use the geometric example of the Möbius strip (2016a, 2016b, 2017) as a metaphor of nonduality in their new mathematical model of consciousness. To understand the Möbius strip, we need to first visualize a normal ring of two sides 83

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Figure 1.

and four edges, painted black from its internal side and white from its external side. By opening the ring, twisting the strip and bringing the white edge and the black edge together, a new three dimensional form is being created known as “the Möbius strip. In this form, the edges meet—the black side morphs into the white side as the inner side morphs into the outer side. The twist had changed the ring and the clear distinctions between black and white and inner and outer have stopped being valid. The inner aspect is also the outer aspect, the black is also white and vice versa. The model of the Möbius ring is a useful analogy for life. A new possibility that Maimon calls the “fifth dimension” (2016) opens up if we accept the “twist.” The Möbius ring illustrates that the possibility for meetings between opposites exist and moreover, that things we often think of as separate can become interconnected and interdependent. The language of mathematics is usually clear and binary: one plus one equals two, two multiplied by two equals four. The belief in a zero, an origin, has influenced western ontology that views language, the self and interaction as progressing on a linear axis, but the new mathematical language enables more free room. As the ring illustrates, black can also be white without losing its white “identity”. The inner side can also be the outer side. The Möbius ring illustrates that identities do not have to be defined in terms of either- or, and that the other is never separate from each individual identity. While the ring might be useful for pedagogical reasons, it is relevant also as a metaphor for the playful approach to dialogue. The ring showcases a state that cannot be explained by familiar mathematics or language; the twist introduces a fifth dimension in which things cannot be reduced to the dichotomy of: either-or, neither, or both.

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For example, in interfaith dialogue, the Möbius strip alludes to both religions coexisting without falling into the duality of describing themselves as distinct or as identical; they can coexist without an attempt to transform or isolate them from one another. The ability to accept both aspects without erasing differences or similarities, without isolation, coercion or fusion, is essential. To use the example of refugees living in one’s neighborhood, several dimensions of observation are relevant: one might be expelling the refugees or declaring the need to do that. Another might be fear that they would expel the residents; a third - war between the refugees and the residents; a fourth- each group can live in its own distinct section in the neighborhood. The fifth and last dimension could be the Möbius strip: both groups can live in the neighborhood through understanding of each group’s limitation and possibly even collaboration in helping the refugees relocate or settle down in the area. While Gergen shifts the focus from the subject as an independent being to the making and unmaking of relations through exchanges, Klein and Maimon show mathematically that we are interconnected. While Gergen discusses the problems with our attempts to silence the myriad voices within oneself, Klein and Maimon mathematically demonstrate that this silencing shrinks the complexity of our existence. The implications of both models for conflict is the importance of coordinating actions and lived experience that would help to change perspective, to foster and sustain the “twists,” or “play” in real life situations.

Art The question remains, however, how to move from theory to real life; how can a playful dialogue be implemented? This chapter begins with the premise that it might be developed in several ways: meditation, games and activities that help people move away from their comfort zone and activities that develop a non-dual view. One method that this chapter highlights is that of the use of art as promoting collaboration. Ginnakoulas (2015, p.64) reminds us that Freud’s focus in his paper Creative writers and day-dreaming (1980) is the similarity between the poet (who daydreams) and the child (who plays). The art and the dispositions associated with childish play emerge as a continuity. Playing with words might also be one preliminary way to break from the referential view of language, which was previously linked in this chapter with the atomic view of the self. In recent years, many studies have looked more carefully at the use of arts for purposes of learning and intercultural exchanges. In their edited volume Art as a Medium for Intercultural Dialogue, Goncalves and Majhanovich (2016) provide a few case studies from around Europe in which different forms of artistic activities were used to foster intercultural exchanges. Goncalves explains that as art is no longer understood as following objective standards of beauty but is more concerned with meaning and its meaning is derived through interpretations 85

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(2016, p.3). She further claims that since all cultures have a dimension of creativity and art, the ability to contest meanings along the full range of individual possibilities and liberties might be understood as communication and even more so as a form of civic action. Art therefore functions both as an archive of worldviews as well as a center for interpretation. Ultimately, Goncalves argues, “Art is a means to approach the unfamiliar and broaden our comfort zone” (2016, p.6). In one of the case studies brought in the chapter, Savva & Telemachou (2016) share a few forms of participatory art used in classroom interactions. Activities such as photography, editing images and sounds and role play followed by discussions helped students and teachers develop critical thinking. By moving in these activities from personal creativity to explaining it to others and relating through the abstract dimension of the work, and by moving from the familiar to the unfamiliar – they were able to maintain distance from their own habitual thinking and see reality from a different perspective (2016, p.151). Savva and Telemachou agree with Rogers (1961) that openness is essential for success in these activities and that play is the key to engagement. “This openness to experience may reinforce the access to other ways of seeing, knowing and becoming, and foster the links between the world of others in relation to the inner world and self” (Savva & Telemachou, 2016, p.155). Rhetorical and cultural critics have also discussed the power of art for enabling the expression of affect, the assertion of subjectivities and for promoting discussions in the public sphere. Hariman and Lucaites (2001) have examined the ways in which the iconic photo of the Kent State shooting of students by the Ohio State Police in 1970, had enabled emotional display and constituted citizenship important for democracy. Edbauer (2005) demonstrates the ways in which a campus wall, constructed for the purposes of venting through graffiti after September 11, has served as a site of dialogue and dissent. She explored the ways in which art, in this case, graffiti, operates simultaneously between and within signification and affect,” (p.155) and the ways in which art and writing not only carry a message but also meet bodies walking in space and encountering the wall, ultimately moving them towards an affective, emotional response. More recently, Bruce (2017) examined the discourse surrounding a reconstruction of a public wall in Chicago. In her analysis, she demonstrates the ways in which it served as nodal point for discussions of racial violence and neoliberal urban development. Bruce continues the line formed by Sara Ahmed (2010) and Sianne Ngai’s (2009) work on negative effects as a force for political critique and rhetorical agency that shape subjectivity. Blaire Bishop observed that the discourse around participatory art, tends to prefer more compassionate forms of representation and identification that might “cultivate a new “repressive norm” where disruption is seen as unethical because it might disrupt social agreement (2012, pp. 5). Following her, Bruce claims that negative-content gives form to affect and activates agency that ultimately leads 86

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to discussions around sensitive issues in the public sphere. The mural did not engage the residents through cooperation but by providing the resources for understanding and the vocabulary for discussions of the inchoate sentiments in their lives. In summary, art can be used to facilitate discussions through dissent or collaborations. Its great power lies in evoking emotions, naming issues, moving participants away from their comfort zone. It can therefore serve as one platform through which to engage in dialogue as playfulness. The next section discusses application of this approach in Shapira neighborhood in the South of Tel-Aviv. In recent years, the small neighborhood was forced to accommodate thousands of African refugees that transformed its social make up. These changes have led to angry and even violent protests from the long- time residents. This chapter describes a recent activity aimed at raising awareness to the refugees’ situation and at bringing these voices together. As an activist in the neighborhood, the author’s contribution is based on a field research, participatory observations and interviews with other activists, organizers, and participants.

ASYLUM-SEEKERS IN TEL-AVIV According to the Israeli Department of Population and Immigration report (2018), there are currently 220,000 foreigners living in Israel; 129,000 of them have arrived and stayed in Israel illegally. 40,000 of them have arrived through the Egyptian border from African countries, mostly from Eritrea (72%), and Sudan (20%). When they initially arrived in Israel at the end of the first decade of the 2000s, images of these refugees attempting to escape the bullets of Egyptian soldiers evoked compassion from the Israeli public. In those early days they received initial care from the Israeli army, which picked them up at the border and then gave them tickets to the central bus station in the south of Tel-Aviv, where they arrived with no means or support. According to the report, about 16,000 adults have remained and settled in this area (2018, Ibid), although politicians and the media often provide higher numbers. For example, the promotion to the popular Friday Night news show on national TV channel 10 opened with the sentence “There are 500,000 people in Tel-Aviv, 50,000 of them are asylum-seekers--more than 10%. ALL of them concentrate in three southern neighborhoods…with the most vulnerable population” (Hasson, 2017). In 2009 a more religious and right wing government was elected and the Africans’ label was changed from “asylum-seekers” to “infiltrators”—a pejorative term that used to refer to terrorists during the 1950’s in Israel. The struggle over the labeling reflects the different approaches in regard to this population. Since Israel was one of the initiators of the UN refugee convention in 1951 and is a signatory of the refugee protection treaty, it cannot deport these asylum-seekers back to their 87

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countries of origin. Israel has therefore taken other measures to halt the changing demographics: it stopped the influx of more immigrants by permanently closing the border in 2012, recognized only eleven people as asylum-seekers and has taken other actions that were meant to encourage their immigration to other countries. A “residence facility” was established in 2013 in the Negev desert and functioned as a jail that can host up to 3300 people. The African residents were forced to stay in the facility at night (10 pm to 6am) and had to register there once a day. The Israeli Supreme Court had challenged the legality of this structure three times due to the disproportional harm caused to its residents but it continued to operate for years until the decision to shut it down permanently in March 2018. The residents were expected to either “willingly immigrate” back to Rwanda or to be transferred to another jail with no time limitation. Lacking refugee or resident status, these African immigrants hold a temporary I.D. card which they renew every three months and which provides them with very basic rights such as emergency medical care, basic obligatory education, and basic municipal rights. Although the card states that they are not permitted to work, the Israeli Court has allowed their employment. Since this population is poor and moves within Israel according to the availability of employment and residence, they tend to live in more socio-demographic vulnerable areas. According to the “deposit law” which was passed in 2017 and then overturned, the government retains 20% of the Africans’ salary until they leave the country and it charges their employers a higher tax. Consequently, many of them have fallen back into poverty and, according to relief organizations interviewed for this paper, also suffer from malnutrition. The status of the asylum-seekers has become a contentious issue in Israeli society, especially in the neighborhoods where they reside. After a young woman was raped by an illegal immigrant in the Shapira neighborhood in 2012, a rash of arsons plagued the place. Five structures including kindergartens serving the asylum-seekers population were burnt down in one night. Although the perpetrator was probably acting alone, the crime caused much damage and drew public attention to the demographical changes and tensions in the area. Right wing politicians were quick to jump on the bandwagon, with the current Minister of Culture Miri Regev infamously calling the African residents “cancer.” When talks about possible deportations to another African country (Rwanda) were renewed in 2018, relief organizations attempted to persuade the public and government against this move as previous expulsions had ended with the untimely death of the immigrants (The Association for Civil Rights in Israel, 2018). With the status of the African population in Israel becoming a source of contention yet again, tensions in the areas in which they reside have escalated. Until a few years ago, Shapira neighborhood was famous for the traditionally religious leaning of its people (fifteen synagogues for a few thousand residents) and for its close-knit 88

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community atmosphere. Old-time residents are often reminiscent about times in which everyone knew one another and community activities were routinely carried out in the streets. The demographics and character of the neighborhood has changed with the arrival of young students, hipsters and activists. On one hand, growing municipal support, an active community center and new activism-oriented inhabitants meant that the neighborhood was able to maintain some of its core values and communal nature. At the same time, businesses in the neighborhood are still struggling, as can be seen from a stroll down the main street, which reveals closed doors of what used to be thriving businesses. Many of Shapira’s residents, albeit unenthusiastic about the young population, blame the flood of asylum-seekers into the neighborhood for the current economic struggles and the high number of locals opting to leave the area. In interviews conducted for this chapter, many addressed the asylum-seekers’ businesses as unfair competition since they do not pay taxes to the state. The last official data published by Israeli Research and Information Department of the Parliament in 2014 showed a relatively low level of crime by Africans (2009-2013), but many believe the numbers are distorted and blame the Africans for the higher rates of crime and prostitution in the south of Tel-Aviv. Since the huge majority of these asylum-seekers are men, some mentioned the sheer presence of groups of men on the streets as changing one’s personal space and as creating a more ominous atmosphere. The memory of the 2012 rape is still fresh on people’ minds and is often evoked as a proof for the Africans’ involvement in crime. In the interviews conducted for this chapter, residents expressed a variety of opinions about the African immigrants. The more extreme voices do not recognize any of the Africans as refugees and call them “infiltrators,” but the majority of people interviewed agreed that those arriving from Sudan and Eritrea are probably asylum-seekers while the rest are probably immigrant workers. The interviewees also agreed that the state should do more to screen these people in order to determine their status, deporting the work immigrants, especially those involved in illegal activity, but helping the refugees. The government’s failure to even examine the Africans’ background coupled with the long-time negligence of the southern neighborhoods has created challenges to both populations and has led to tensions and conflicts in the area. To raise awareness for what some call “the refugee problem,” some residents founded the “Front to Rescue Southern Tel-Aviv.” The group is very small but vocally active online and in the streets and is considered by all those interviewed extreme and controversial. The Front’s members are known to change the course of public events in the neighborhood and around the city by speaking over the participants’ voices through loud speakers that they carry with them. The leader of the group, a woman named in this chapter by the fake name “Rally Fresh,” is referred to by many people in the city who object to her views and methods as “Rally Trash1.” Interviewees 89

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claimed that her presence scares the refugees’ children and discourages activists and asylum-seekers from participating in public actions. Front members interviewed here, expressed their own challenges and the deep desire to shed light on the much ignored problems in the south of Tel-Aviv. For them, the use of loud speakers is a conscious act of reclaiming their voice in defiance of all those helping the refugees. Those who identified, in their eyes, as affiliated with the formal institutions of the city and government. Most people interviewed explained Fresh’s behavior as driven by political ambitions and racist views. However, despite widespread reproach, she has nevertheless become the face of those objecting to the Africans’ presence in the Israeli media. Recently, she met with prime-minister Benjamin Netanyahu, urging him to renew the expulsion efforts; She also received a high profile article in a mainstream TV channel and newspaper (Lukach, 2018) referring to herself as a potential politician and member of Parliament2. The ambivalent position of the residents mirrors the indecisive approach of the government. On one hand, the government ignores the asylum requests and the peoples’ hardships at the same time that it ignores the challenges faced by the native residents needing to accommodate the mass immigration. About ten independent non-government organizations are currently active in the neighborhood and offer different forms of aid (e.g., food, shelter for children, legal consultation). Four different municipal and government authorities meant to enforce law and order currently operate in the area (the police, the army police, the immigration police, and the local municipality police) and their visibility serves as a constant reminder to the threat faced both by and to the Africans. A few interviewees disclosed that in spite of the display of power, these authorities, with the exception of the police, are often ineffective and not active when disruptions do occur. After years of neglecting the southern neighborhoods, Tel-Aviv municipality has been trying in recent years to funnel more funds and manpower to the area. A community center, an annual spring festival, sustainability trainings and a community theater are some of the ongoing projects that create a vibrant and collaborative spirit in Shapira. It is imperative for the purposes of this chapter to emphasize the spirit of collaborations and connections formed in the neighborhood around these cultural activities as they enabled and supported the dialogue which will be described later. In spite of these activities, local infrastructure and education still lag far behind relatively to other parts of the city. The multitude of official discussions and renovation plans didn’t help either. On this background of such a dismal state-of-affairs, a new and significant player emerged in the neighborhood in recent years. Founded by three friends and supported by external funds, a vibrant nonprofit group called Dev began operating and slowly garnered a community of ardent activists. They bought a few apartments and began offering affordable living solutions for mostly young residents who joined 90

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their community. The group has also invested in other community projects such as a coffee shop and a rooftop garden, a shared work space, and a tool kit library from which people can borrow tools such as hammers or drills at no cost. It also intends to open an anthroposophical kindergarten in the neighborhood to cater to the needs of the growing number of young and secular residents. One of their early and important projects was the Red House, a center for culture and arts. The group was perceived by some as controversial, being labeled “a parasite company”, accelerating the neighborhood’s gentrification through their activities. Others appreciate Dev’s contributions while still recognizing their organization’s intentions. This chapter now moves to elaborate on a specific project initiated by the Red House on the topic of expulsion and the follow-up discussion on the topic to demonstrate what was referred to as a playful, non-dual approach to communication and conflict. The analysis described in the following sections relies on observation of the activities discussed, on online interaction, and interviews with the core participants.

The Event In March 2018, the Red House in collaboration with some social activist artists initiated a response to the government’s intention to deport the immigrants back to Rwanda. Explaining their decision to create the event, one of the Red House workers explained to me that “we realized that we cannot ignore the geographical context in which we work and need to address the possible expulsion and the ways in which it influences the neighborhood” (Leah, personal communication, April 30th, 2018). Consequently, the Red House invited local Shapira residents, artists and refugees to respond to the issue through their art. The original intention was to donate all proceeds raised from sales of the art pieces to Elilfelet, a local initiative offering humanitarian aid and meals to local after-school facilities for African children in the area. More than 120 visual art and performance pieces dealing with the topic were donated and all were accepted to the exhibition. This was a part of a calculated move to allow all voices to be heard and seen. Although the declared intention was to be inclusive and non-partisan, all of the art donated criticized the government’s expulsion efforts. This might be due to the ways in which the call for proposals was framed; “No to the expulsion! Yes to Southern Tel-Aviv!” The exhibition was met with criticism on all fronts. Many of the people living in the neighborhood were angry at what they perceived to be a stance taken by the Red House regarding this topic. Other activists were angry at the Red House for making an effort to meet with and invite all members of the neighborhood, including the “Front” and its founder, Fresh, whom they perceive to be racist and unacceptable. Discussions about the issue were carried over in private meetings and

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on online platforms such as Facebook and a WhatsApp groups shared by residents and activists in Shapira. The event was published and framed with much caution as an open invitation, especially when Dev and the Red House were directly involved. For example, in a WhatsApp group open to Shapira’ residents and activists, the event was promoted by one of Dev’s founders with a greeting and rhetorical attempts to appeal to the middle ground, or as termed earlier, to the fifth dimension of common sense and common ground: Good evening, I know that the topic is explosive and I do not intend to start a discussion or justify one opinion or another, I am just approaching you from the heart. A complex event will take place over the weekend in the Red House which deals with the topic of expulsion of the refugees/infiltrators or whatever name you want to call them. Beyond the fact that I hope you will all come together with your family and friends, I think that it is important that as people and leaders of this community we will bring a spirit of peace to the neighborhood and a genuine attempt to understand the complexity of the issue at hand; that we will faithfully represent the range of difficulties experienced by the neighborhood’s residents as a result of the mass of immigrants that was added, as well as the difficulties experienced by the immigrants themselves. Other than the exhibition, the Red House will host other events with people who hold a variety of opinions on the topic. We hope that this would lead into a fruitful discussion (Ron, personal communication, March 7th, 2018). The message was clearly formulated with the intention of being inclusive and sensitive about the terminology used; however, a few activists from the neighborhood expressed in the WhatsApp group disappointment about the event. They did not like the fact that they were not consulted and concerned that the timing of the event would hinder an upcoming spring festival. Other participants in the group tried to calm the atmosphere by posting heart emoticons and by asking how they could contribute to pacifying the atmosphere. Eyal, a local activist, clarified that although he was not enthusiastic about the upcoming event, he found it crucial that people in the neighborhood communicate with one another respectfully: I really hope that we will not see here the scenarios of screams and fights that we have recently witnessed. Regardless of other’s opinions, if we cannot find the way to communicate amongst ourselves, we have ruined the neighborhood, shot ourselves in the leg (Eyal, personal communication, March 7th, 2018)

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Another group member, Ruth, has urged participants of the group to take heed of the content of the event: “it is not one sided but a true attempt to bring as many voices as possible to the table for a respectful meeting” (personal communication, March 7th, 2018). Another contributed to the thread, “Ignoring the sensitive issue would not eliminate the complexities and sensibilities of the situation, it is a not a black and white scenario” (personal communication, March 7th, 2018). Many of the participants have therefore made a conscious attempt to call for a peaceful interaction that moves beyond binary definitions and solutions. The call for artists and residents was published in closed designated groups on Facebook and drew a backlash from the Front. An angry article was published in an online magazine The Communal Site of the South of Tel-Aviv Community managed by those supporting the expulsion (STLV, 2018). The article’s heading was very flagrant: “The Red House is very red today: Is the Red House against Southern Tel Aviv’s residents?”. The piece criticizes the Red House’s foreigners for trying to shape and determine the locals’ way of life. The invitation and the intention to raise money for a number of initiatives aiding the asylum-seekers were interpreted as those individuals taking a political position. The Red House’ managers, Tel-Aviv’ municipality, and the leader of Tel-Aviv Front were all interviewed for the STLV article. In it, Fresh both criticized the managers and the fact that she was blocked from commenting on the event’s Facebook page. She also called on all residents to raise their voices at the event. During the same weekend, another exhibition took place in “My Sister’s House,” a feminist organization managed by other South Tel-Aviv activists and local leaders that are unapologetic and vocally object to the expulsion. 20,000 people have participated in a demonstration they organized on Feb 24th with the title: “No to the expulsion! Yes to Southern Tel-Aviv!” The article accused the Red House of having a similar agenda to My Sister’s House. At the same time, there was not nearly as much criticism about the latter event, probably since all the activists are locals and much harder to tag. The discussion about the event continued in the following days on different online platforms (the neighborhood’s Facebook group, and the activists’ WhatsApp group mentioned above). Some posted songs of peace and justice while others evoked the ghosts of previous painful incidents. One of these was the memory of Ester Galili “who was murdered by an African infiltrator ” (Eyal, personal communication, March 8th, 2018). The comments were full of exclamation marks and emotion: “It would be true and just to talk about the expulsion of the residents of the South of Tel-Aviv in the past ten years due to the African flood without identity and without a clear and responsible policy to the South of Tel-Aviv and in general” (Ibid). Testimonials of residents who left the neighborhood due to the changes it has gone through were also evoked on the same thread. These conversations were carried online, offline and in the streets. For example, one of Dev’s founders met twice for what were 93

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reportedly mutually respectful and meetings with Rally Fresh. Other activists were in turn outraged by the fact that the Front was even approached. One of them, an artist interviewed for this research, commented: I grew up in the South of Tel-Aviv, and I also believe that many of these Africans are not refugees and should be screened. But people like Mrs. Trash and her people are a bunch of racist bullies and should not be given a voice. We should vomit these people out of us. I have no problem with other people who support the expulsion but come to speak and to listen (Sally, personal communication, May10th, 2018). Concerned about the explosive potential of this event, yet determined to see it through, the organizers dedicated much time to individual meetings with many local activists and leaders that have attempted to pacify things behind the scenes and online. They were able to serve as mediators due to the respect and affection they receive from many residents, and this respect was earned in the myriad activities conducted in the neighborhood. The digital platforms were also immensely important as they forged and maintained the community feelings among a large numbers of people on a daily basis. These platforms enabled all voices to be heard regardless of speakers’ identity or visibility. In the WhatsApp group mentioned above, criticism about the event was shared and hence received directly by the organizers, who were also members of this group. The following response came from Dev’s CEO: You are correct. There are many victims in this story and I agree that the residents of the South of Tel-Aviv were hurt and needed care. It is not an either this or that situation. It is not about being for the expulsion or against the neighborhood. I think that things are more complex than that and that you will find it in your heart to understand this situation (Ron, personal communication, March 8th, 2018). In the response quoted, as well as in others, attempts were made to open the discussion and move from within the dualistic and binary perspective of ”either/ or”. By shedding light on the complexity of the situation and by inviting everyone to the exhibition and discussion, the organizers were attempting to create a twist and to open up the fifth dimension. Of course, the fact that they wanted to collect money for relief organizations helping the refugees reveals their involvement, but their message seemed to have been consistent: everyone suffers, the government is at fault, and the residents must find a way to communicate in spite of these challenges. A few hundred people attended the three day exhibition and about fifty people participated in the concluding discussion. A variety of voices from the neighborhood arrived at the final event: activists and artists helping the refugees, concerned 94

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locals, and five members of the Front. Rally and her group spent most of Saturday, the exhibition’s last day, in the Red House; “I appreciated the fact that they really cared and took such a long time to be there. It is so difficult to get people to even participate, yet they have been there all day long,” said one of the organizers in an interview (Gad, personal communication, May8th, 2018). Asylum-seekers and other Africans did not attend the discussion but quite a few of them visited the exhibition, and one work by an Eritrean artist was exhibited. This population is hard to reach and although an invitation in Tigrigna3 was published online and in the streets, it was not sufficient to motivate them to take a part. However, most people interviewed did not perceive their absence as problematic. They agreed that a discussion amongst the residents was needed and that faith in the possibility of dialogue had to be rekindled before other actions could take place. Hagar, one of the initiators and curators of the exhibition, shared her own experience on a website dedicated to the event (Shapira, 2018). In it, she recalled the anticipation and stress the organizers had felt prior to the event and the relief when they saw the Front members arriving with their speakers turned off. One of the organizers introduced herself to the group beginning with a description of her family ties to the southern part of Tel-Aviv. All the works of art, she said at the outset of the tour, were donated as a response to an open call and were all accepted without censorship in order to allow all voices to be heard. The group toured the gallery with Hagar explaining some of the works, including a work by Know Hope, an internationally known Israeli street artist, who paints mainly types of birds. In this specific work, the bird of hope was metaphorically depicted with broken wings. While this work and others seem to have resonated with the visitors, other works evoked outrage. Some of these more challenging art pieces used sacred symbols such as the David’s Shield and were deliberately displayed in a different room. The organizers anxiously waited outside, dreading an escalation in tone and even violence as they were hearing the angry voices of the Front members who reached that room. At one point, one of the Front’s members came out excited about the fact that his graffiti “Bibi the King of infiltrators4” was photographed in one of the works presented in the gallery. He had spent a night in jail because of this graffiti and was considering buying the photo when he saw it, although the proceeds were meant as donations to a relief organization he did not support. Following the tour, the guests convened on the porch where they drank coffee and exchanged small talk about what Hagar describes online and in a personal interview as one of the more surreal experiences of her life (Shapira, personal communication, May 6th). Later in the evening, the Front members came over, joined by other residents and activists from the neighborhood. Elifelet’s founder decided to leave when she saw Rally Fresh arriving but other artists and activists sat together in an informal gathering around a large table on the balcony. The facilitator kick-started the 95

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discussion by asking the participants to introduce themselves, their familiarity with the neighborhood and their connection to the topic at hand. Participants came to the event ready to speak and did not need much encouragement to share their experiences and views. Some talked about the early days when they saw busloads of Africans arriving at the nearby central bus station, how they found these people sleeping in the lobbies of their buildings and how they tried to help them. They shared their stories of volunteering with local relief organizations; how they approached municipal and government officials about the situation, and how their pleas for help were consistently ignored. Rally Fresh and her colleagues shared their own data and perspectives on the high rate of crime in the area. A lawyer active with an organization that represents the asylum-seekers in court talked about the hardships the asylum-seekers endure on their way to Israel, the torture in the Sinai desert, the dangers facing them in Rwanda and why it cannot be accepted as a third country to which the Africans will be deported. While he was not interrupted, the Front members disturbed other speakers a few times and were hushed by the organizers. Disruptions were also made by other participants. One of the participants was furious about the fact that one of the Front members had waited for her and threatened her in her home just prior to arriving at the discussion. She was outraged by the fact that the Front received a space on which to “share their venom” but also about the fact that “Mrs. Trash sat herself at the head of the table” and was not removed by the organizers. She and others delineated a clear distinction between those residents who wanted the government to intervene in the situation and between members of the Front who used aggression and are considered racist (Sally, personal communication, May 10th, 2018). While the event was not perfect, the atmosphere was usually very positive, with people listening to each other’s narratives and experiences without judgment. One of the participants quoted Martin Buber and his approach to dialogue; “When people can truly see one another and listen, something happens.” The organizers did not interject much but mainly tried to keep the discussion on topic. They continuously reframed the problem in the southern neighborhoods as due to infrastructures rather than putting the blame on the refugees or the residents. As in the online interactions, pleas to peoples’ hearts were made while politicians were identified as players interested in sowing divisions for political gains. According to one of Dev’s founders, “art was the platform” on which voices came together and opinions were shared (Ron, personal communication, May 8th, 2018). Indeed, while, many of the participants told me that they felt no connection to the works of art, they nevertheless came to the discussion in order respond to what they initially perceived as a stance taken by the Red House. The curator herself thought that since the political debate was conducted through images, it was impossible to refrain from participating in this arena. She and others kept referring to videos of 96

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immigrant children “depicted like monkeys” that Rally films and uploads online and that must therefore be confronted on the same level of images (Shapira, personal communication, May 6th, 2018). The images were also acknowledged by her as “fanning and revitalizing the discourse” (Ibid.). The images forced participants to go beyond the familiar and dualistic categories of infiltrators or refugees with the entire baggage of association attached to them and observe the situation and the participants from a renewed perspective. This event could not be understood as separate from other events routinely taking place in the neighborhood. Renovation of the neighborhood through colors and spring festival, accompanied with the enthrallment of performances and games, promotes the spirit of collaboration and openness. The spirit of playfulness develops over time and participants become, to some extent, familiar with activities that push them away from their comfort zone. This makes it easier for the residents to gather around art and discuss the poignant issues on their hearts. Elifelet had also chosen to promote awareness to their work through creative activities in which families built together an African village or by undertaking a project called “children march against the expulsion.” In the occasion, children marched waving big signs with hearts on them and then performed together on stage. Although not many children participated due to fear of political sanctions by some of the schools, those who did arrive agreed that it was a meaningful and touching experience. Elifelt’s founder and manager commented in an interview that the purpose of that initiative was to “try to speak to people’ hearts”, to bring people together, and doing it through creative and participatory activities. She emphasized a couple of times the importance of children’ presence as they “lifted the energy to the roof” (Yael, personal communication May 4th, 2018). Art and artistic activities therefore serve one platform that helps people develop a more joyful presence and movement away from one’s habitual practices. It can help develop connections and collaborations that made it possible to produce and conduct more sensitive activities. After the discussion, gratitude was expressed to the organizers who led a respectful discussion. An activist who previously feared the gathering and objected it, wrote in the WhatsApp forum: “it is possible to argue and think differently… (it is time) to start thinking about maybe coming together and unify! And yes, to hear and accept the opinion of the other” (Eyal, March 11th, 2018). The curator, Hagar, wrote: The event itself was fruitful and blissful for all sides. R’s opinions are known to everyone but with her came very respectful men and women from the neighborhood. It was important for them to participate in an event that respects and not only judges them. The suffering of the South of Tel-Aviv is real and is repeatedly ignored by the authorities. (Shapira, 2018). 97

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In spite of the uplifting and inspiring atmosphere at the event and its aftermath, when some of the participants were interviewed a month later, a more complex picture was emerging. Some felt that the government’s decision to withhold the expulsion was granted owing to public pressure and that the exhibition was a part of this “important effort.” At the same time, the inspiring energy was replaced with disillusion and disappointment that new connections and collaborations were not created as a result of the gathering. They had hoped that people would come together in order to actually change the situation. As one of the leading activists in the neighborhood had said in a later interview: “it is easy to talk, actions count” (Eyal, personal communication, May 9th, 2018). The curator herself was faced with much criticism from fellow activists for providing the stage for Rally, and when the latter texted her a few days after the discussion, she admonished her by invoking the scornful nickname “Rally Trash” and demanding to never contact her again. Fresh and her group also said in later interviews that nothing had come out of the discussion. A follow-up exhibition produced by the Red House in collaboration with some of the local leaders on the topic of “My Shapira” was meant to allow more people to participate and express their views and experience about the neighborhood in alternative ways. It was not related to the more explosive topic of the refugees but they were very present in in the art displayed.

Applying Case Study to Theory While the event itself was praised and welcomed by most participants, the momentum has not carried on in the way in which some of the participants had hoped it would. Art was not sold and proceeds were therefore not donated to the relief organizations. While some of the participants were interested in raising a voice in the big PR effort to prevent the expulsion and encourage intercommunity dialogue, others were interested in an active collaboration, and when this was not formed they were disappointed. This was also due to the fact that internal pressure within each camp made the possibility of continued connections between “members” of the different “camps” more challenging. From this perspective, the next Red House project or the move from a controversial topic to one in consensus was a good choice. At the same time, overcoming the fear of dissent in the first place allowed for a much needed conversation. Unmet expectations for collaboration are also detrimental in shaping future interactions. It is important to remember the materialistic aspect of infrastructure and regulations as shaping reality and positions in Shapira. The less the government and the municipality intervene, the more powerful some independent grass-roots groups can become. From this perspective, this event and others are important also for raising the flag and setting the stage for collaborations intended to raise public awareness about the situation. This author is hopeful that some combination of “boots 98

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on the ground” and playful dialogue as well as gentle government humanitarian aid would improve the situation in the neighborhood and elsewhere. The discussion on the explosive topic of the status of the refugees and their possible expulsion succeeded in spite of the recent criticism due to numerous factors: personal connections with the players operating in the neighborhood, the coming together of individuals and collective interests of certain players, the platform of art that enabled participants to revitalize the discourse and bring the different players together, as well as continuous attempts to appeal to the participants’ hearts to move the discussion beyond the binary categories of locals versus infiltrators and racists versus humanists. Dev has become an important player in the neighborhood, especially as a result of the government’s and the municipality’s uselessness. Even if accusations made by some of the residents and participants regarding the mutual interests shared by them and by Mrs. Fresh are incorrect, it would not be far-fetched to assume that Dev’s importance deters some groups from confronting them head on. In other words, in spite of the organizers prior worries, it is probably easier for the Front members to heckle events produced by relief organizations with no political or financial power. Interconnectedness can thus wear many forms: personal, political and financial. Relevant here is also the play of identities as appeals to authenticity were constantly made by the facilitators in the event and by the participants themselves. Pedigree and even invocation of family connections were important markers of affiliation and care. Dev and the Red House were aware of criticism about their newcomers’ agenda and the concern that gentrification might accelerate in the neighborhood. They attempted to cope with this criticism by reaching out to local mediators and through direct appeals to the more problematic key players. While these actions might contradict a more superficial reading of Gergen as expectation to forgo all invocation of identities, the dimension opened up by the Möbius strip reminds us that this in and of itself is a rigid approach. One might view oneself as a community activist but still recognize the social and political power the other may hold. In fact, true to the playful interdependent approach, the web of ties should not be seen as external to the event itself but can be interpreted as the bedrock on which events such as these are built. However, a disproportionate balance of power might tear the web of relations. If only Dev continues to be a meaningful player in the neighborhood, the will to collaborate and move the neighborhood along the interests of most residents might diminish. Playful approach therefore demands agility while recognizing power and interests in their context. Dialogue as playfulness was therefore expressed in the form of connections developed on social networks and through community events offline as well as through the method of engagement. Engagement is crucial here: The colorful spring festival, the mutual renovation of public infrastructure and marches and exhibitions 99

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have all developed the openness and willingness to collaborate, to express one’s voice and to listen to others. These events functioned as another platform on which people could meet and connect. The presence of people in uniforms was raised by numerous participants as an ominous and intimidating element in the neighborhood. Under these conditions, playful interventions promote friendships and trust as well as fun. The presence of children becomes significant as symbolic and affective counterbalances to the presence of uniformed authority. As one of the activists disclosed in an interview, playful intervention methods can also be important signals to people observing from the outside (e.g., the asylum-seekers) as signals of empathy and care (Yael, personal communication, May 4th, 2018). Ultimately, playfulness is important not merely for the singular event taking place but especially as a long term process of engagement and perspective taking which enables dealing with more challenging situations as they arise. The struggle over meaning was carried over through images and through the ability to speak or to mute others’ voices by literally speaking over them with loudspeakers by screaming or online. Under these conditions, the question of whether or not playfulness should entail legitimacy to all voices, including those who speak over others – is not an easy one. On one hand, muted voices have generated anger that is explosive and is targeting those less powerful. On the other hand, listening to extreme opinions legitimizes them and might escalate the discourse into violence, as can be seen from the threats targeting some of the participants even during the exhibition. This of course is not a new question but one that requires more investigation, especially in the context of playfulness and dissent.

REFERENCES Ahmed, S. (2010). The promise of happiness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. doi:10.1215/9780822392781 Bishop, C. (2012). Artificial Hells: Participatory art and the Politics of Spectatorship. London: Verso Books. Bruce, C. F. (2017). Public art, affect, and radical negativity: The wall of daydreaming and man’s inhumanity to man. Subjectivity, 10(2), 223–241. doi:10.105741286017-0023-0 Buber, M. (1970). I and Thou. New York: Scribner. Buber, M. (1973). Meetings. La Salle, IL: Open Court Pub.

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Buber, M. (1985). Ecstatic Confessions)P. R. Mendes-Flohr, Trans.). San Francisco: Harper & Row. Edbauer, J. A. (2005). (Meta)Physical graffiti: “Getting Up” as affective writing model. JAC, 25(1), 131–159. PMID:15574477 Freud, D. (1980). Creative writers and day-dreaming. S.E., 9-143-153. Gergen, J. K. (2009). Relational being: Beyond self and community. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Giannakoulas, A. (2015). Creative processes and artistic creation. In Playing and reality revisited: A new Look at Winnicott’s Classic Work (pp. 63-71). Routledge. Goncalves, S. (2016). We and They. Art as a medium for intercultural dialogue. In S. Goncalves & S. Majhanovich (Eds.), Art and Intercultural Dialogue (pp. 3–23). Sense Publishers. doi:10.1007/978-94-6300-423-7 Goncalves, S., & Majhanovich, S. (Eds.). (2016). Art and Intercultural Dialogue. Sense Publishers. doi:10.1007/978-94-6300-423-7 Green, A. (2005). Play and reflection in Donald Winnicott’s writings. The Donald Winnicott Memorial Lecture Given by Andre’ Green. Routledge. Handelman, S. A. (1982). The slayers of Moses: The Emergence of rabbinic interpretation in modern Literary Theory. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Hariman, H., & Lucaites, J. L. (2001). Dissent and Emotional management in a Liberal-Democratic Society: The Kent State Iconic Photograph. Rhetoric Society Quarterly, 31(4), 4–31. Hasson, A. (Presenter, Author). (2017, August 31). South of Tel-Aviv residents and asylum-seekers speak after the Supreme Court decision [Television broadcast]. Israel. Retrieved from http://docu.nana10.co.il/Article/?ArticleID=1262769STLV Israel Department for Population and Immigration. (2018). [Data file]. Retrieved from https://www.gov.il/he/departments/general/foreign_workers_stats Israeli Research and Information Department of the Parliament. (2013). Reported Crime in Israel of foreigners and refugees 2009-2013 [Data File]: Retrieved from https://www.knesset.gov.il/mmm/data/pdf/m03432.pdf James, W. (1958). The varieties of religious experience. New York: The New American library of world literature. (Originally published in 1902)

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Kelly, G. A. (1955). The Psychology of personal constructs. New York: Norton. Klein, M., & Maimon, O. (2016a). Soft Logic and Soft Numbers. In Pragmatics & Cognition. John Benjamins Publishing Company. Klein, M., & Maimon, O. (2016b). Developing Soft Logic in Kindergarten. Literature and Arts Review. Klein, M., & Maimon, O. (2017). Soft logic for Consciousness Science. Paper presented at the Fifth International Conference Science and Scientist. Lukach, I. (Presenter). (2018, April 14th). Shefi Paz: Considering becoming MP. The News [Television broadcast]. Retrieved from https://www.mako.co.il/news-israel/ local-q2_2018/Article-cbd16addb44c261004.htm Maimon, O. (2016). Consciousness–the fifth dimension. Paper presented at the conference: Theory of Consciousness. Nagi, S. (2009). Ugly Feelings. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pratt, M. L. (1991). Arts of the contact zone. In P. Franklin (Ed.), Profession 91 (pp. 31–30). New York: MLA. Pratt, M. L. (1992). Imperial eyes: Travel writing and transculturation. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203163672 Rogers, C. (1961). Toward a theory of creativity on becoming a person. New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin. Sallis, J. (1995). Delimitations: Phenomenology and the End of Metaphysics (2nd ed.). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Savva, A., & Telemachou, N. (2016). Voices and Positions: facilitating Dialogue through arts and media In S. Goncalves & S. Majhanovich (Eds.), Art and Intercultural Dialogue (pp. 161-179). Sense Publishers. Shapira, A. (1999). Hope for Our Time: Key Trends in the Thought of Martin Buber, Suny Series in Judaica. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Shapira, H. (2018, March 18). Refugees- My response to the exhibition response in the Red House. Retrieved on May, 10th, 2018 from http://plitim.info/text/ STLV. (2018, March 5). The Red House has become very red. The Red House against the residents of Tel-Aviv South? The infiltrators problem. Retrieved from http://www.south-tlv.co.il/article19136

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The Association for Civil Rights in Israel. (2018). Refugees and asylum-seekers in Israel- a portrait. Retrieved from: https://www.acri.org.il/he/41824?gclid=EAIaIQ obChMI88Gn8N-t2wIVyLYYCh0-bwgfEAAYASAAEgLgefD_BwE Toulmin, S. (2001). Return to reason. Harvard University Press. Winnicott, D. W. (1971). Playing and Reality. London: Routledge.

ENDNOTES 1



2



3



4

Some of the names in this chapter were changed to ensure anonymity. While “Fresh” original name and also the pejorative “Trash” were both fabricated, they are similar in meaning and sound to her real-life pejorative. With the exception of who published a blog on the event in her own name, all other names in the chapter are aliases. In the October 2018 elections for Tel-Aviv municipality the group failed to win any seats, revealing that their actual power in the area was smaller than some suspected. Eritrea’s official language. Bibi, referring here to the Prime Minister’s, Benjamin Netanyahu’s, nickname.

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Chapter 5

Finding a Way In:

Observations From the Field on the Practice of Calling-In Dialogue Veronica Keifer-Lewis De Anza College, USA

ABSTRACT Dialogue is central to the process of deep understanding and to building true communities that not only respect cultural and spiritual/faith diferences but also excel and thrive at intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural levels because of those diferences. Although the benefts of dialogue as a pathway to authentic interfaith and intercultural communities are well documented, dialogue is not easy to develop and sustain within complex systems, such as healthcare and higher education. Thus, when dialogue as a means for deeper intercultural or interfaith understanding has not been readily agreed to by participants, the challenges met along the dialogic pathway can be difcult to sell. Following a review of the foundational literature pertaining to calling-out and calling-in, this chapter examines the lessons learned from teaching the praxis of calling-in versus calling-out as a starting point for the development and maintenance of dialogue across diferences within complex systems.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch005 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Finding a Way In

INTRODUCTION Peace and dialogue are not just ideals; they are ways of being. As a way of being, peace has the potential to facilitate and sustain true community and humanizing communication. Grewal (2003) discussed the difference between positive and negative peace approaches. Negative peace is defined narrowly as the absence of violence. Positive peace, on the other hand, anticipates how cultural violence and structural violence can lead to direct violence, and goes further to create systems to dismantle or systematically address the sources of violence that undermine the possibilities for equity, justice, and authentic communities. The former type of peace is pessimistic in orientation, and the latter is optimistic. Central to any shift toward positive peace are the ways in which we communicate with one another and model through each interpersonal encounter our commitment to authentic dialogue. Skilled dialogue (Barrera & Corso, 2003) is an important vehicle that, when practiced within the context of true community, allows us to be responsive to cultural diversity and to collectively move in the direction of positive peace as a way of life. To consider what constitutes effective dialogue, it is helpful to begin by distinguishing between calling-out and calling-in. The practice of calling-out may not need much introduction; it is used commonly in everyday contexts when we see someone doing something we do not like and we want to point it out in no uncertain terms. Calling-out has also been adopted as one way of addressing cultural insensitivity, bias, and other oppressive behaviors. However, because the stimulus that precedes a call-out is generally experienced as dehumanizing, humiliating, condescending, or dismissive, and as a direct attack on the person’s sense of self, value, inclusion, and safety, the call-out response uses a confrontational style (e.g., “What you said was racist”). Thus, while it brings the issue into the light, it can also elicit a defensive reaction, resulting only in negative peace (e.g., Grewal, 2003). In the context of negative peace, although violence may be avoided, there is still tension between the participants; their relationships has not necessarily been restored, healing processes have not been provided, and the oppressive systems that contributed to the initial incident have not been transformed. It is important to acknowledge that calling-out is appropriate in certain contexts and under certain circumstances, such as when a violation of civil or human rights has occurred. For example, sexual harassment is illegal, and if someone touches you inappropriately in the workplace, it is absolutely appropriate to call-out that behavior by saying, “Stop touching me; I did not give you permission, and this is sexual harassment.” Another approach—one that can facilitate positive peace, collective healing, and deeper intercultural and interfaith understanding—is the practice of calling-in. Calling-in contrasts with calling-out in that while the latter involves publicly pointing 105

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out oppressive behavior, the former involves doing so in a more compassionate, and often more private, manner (Ferguson, 2015). We could say that the difference between calling-out and calling-in was epitomized by Michelle Obama when she famously said at the Democratic Convention in 2016, “When they go low, we go high!” Calling-in is a dialogue-centered and human-affirming approach that allows us to co-create new possibilities through shared understanding, challenging intrapersonal assumptions, new perspective taking, emotional release, vulnerability, and justice. Our own healing is paramount in calling-in because it must come not from a place of wounding and disempowerment but from a place of self-reflection, empowerment, and shared humanity. Calling-in dialogue requires that we each come to the table with empathy, compassion, open mindedness, patience, and a willingness to lean into love. In this chapter, we explore calling-in dialogue as an approach to intercultural and interfaith dialogues, and more specifically, as a healing and peace-centered way of being. Calling-in is not just a strategy that supports the bringing together of individuals or communities but is a practice that can create true community building, healing, and transformation from the inside out. Calling-in requires deep contemplation about internalized oppression, false cultural narratives around group supremacy, and other issues that leave us stuck in negative peace and keep us from working toward positive peace.

The Calling-Out Culture How we talk with one another is one contributing factor that determines whether we will create an environment of positive peace and stability or one of negative peace and instability. In fact, even if an organization or coalition comes together with the shared goal of peace, if that group is built on inauthenticity or pseudo-relationships, the experience of systems oppression may go unaddressed. Moreover, group members often experience power differentials during dialogue that can leave them silenced by ongoing micro-aggressions (Sue, 2010) and micro-messages (Rowe, 2008) that create misunderstanding, frustration, fear, fractured relationships, social isolation, symbolic violence, and mistrust. Using a call-out in this context may only further contribute to disengagement, lack of trust, formation of silos, or group fractures. Call-out culture—although previously described in various academic circles as debate, discussion, or even dominant cultural discourse that serves to marginalize some voices while centering and privileging others—was more recently popularized and mainstreamed through a series of blogs and articles that provide new framing rooted in an ethic of care and love. Ahmad (2015) offered the following summary of the call-out culture:

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Call-out culture refers to the tendency among progressives, radicals, activists, and community organizers to publicly name instances or patterns of oppressive behavior and language used by others. People can be called out for statements and actions that are sexist, racist, ableist, and the list goes on. Because call-outs tend to be public, they can enable a particularly armchair and academic brand of activism: one in which the act of calling out is seen as an end in itself. In the context of call-out culture, it is easy to forget that the individual we are calling out is a human being, and that different human beings in different social locations will be receptive to different strategies for learning and growing…. One action becomes a reason to pass judgment on someone’s entire being, as if there is no difference between a community member or friend and a random stranger walking down the street (who is of course also someone’s friend). In short, calling-out is a strategy used not only for naming oppressive behavior but also for reclaiming our full humility, albeit not in the healthiest or most healing ways. When an individual’s emotional temperature rises due to micro-aggressions, negative micro-messages, or other forms of oppressive engagement, that individual or the target may experience a fight, flight, freeze, or appease response that comes from a desire to reclaim a social, physical, and emotional state of safety. This process is experienced intensely in difficult interfaith and intercultural dialogues; individuals who are deeply rooted to a particular worldview, belief system, or value system can feel unseen, marginalized, or dehumanized when challenged, invalidated, or dismissed. For example, during the process of facilitating an interfaith dialogue between those who believe same-sex/same-gender loving relationships should be recognized by their church and those who do not, participants on both sides of the dialogue may become so triggered or upset that they cannot truly hear, understand, or stay open to one another. Complicating this dynamic is the fact that dialogue happens within cultural systems; thus, participants bring to the dialogue their implicit biases and assumptions. In the case of a dialogue on equal marriage, participants tend to make an assumption of equal power between proponents and opponents, although the social-cultural-political landscape dictates a different reality and dialogic container. Thus, this dialogue can be fraught with challenges because it is situated in a heteronormative context in which there is a clear power differential, and no moral equivalent can be made between supporting someone’s core identity and supporting the human right to love and to observe cultural/traditional practices. In addition, the possibility exists for trauma and oppressive harm caused by the opponents of equal marriage. Both opponents and proponents might feel called-out, yet the target still remains the proponent, due to the dominant cultural landscape that creates a dehumanizing environment and diminishes the human needs of those who are same107

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gender/same-sex loving and their allies. Calling-out generally feels like an attack at the basic human level and results in the targets responding with their own call-out, in an effort to reclaim power, dignity, and their basic humanity. For the purposes of exploring calling-in as an approach to intercultural and interfaith dialogues, we can begin by distinguishing between two types of call-outs. A direct call-out responds to the triggering stimulus from a stance of defensiveness or fear. An indirect call-out is also a reactionary response but is less visceral and is often coupled with a desire to persuade, educate, or clarify misunderstanding or misinformation. The tones of direct call-outs and of indirect call-outs are qualitatively different. Unlike direct call-outs, indirect call-outs often convey a felt sense that their intention is not to purposefully reciprocate harm but to engage. Nevertheless, in the context of dialogue, both types of call-outs are harmful and have the potential to rupture relationships and create long-lasting impact on communities if not addressed.

Calling-In Dialogue In difficult conversations, there may appear to be no viable alternative to calling-out. However, although it is a normal response to feel a degree of threat or defensiveness, such a response can undermine the potential for healing and transformation. Callingin is an alternative response that can create micro-healing spaces and reaffirm of our full humanity. Trần (2013) summarized calling-in as: A practice of pulling folks back in who have strayed from us. It means extending to ourselves the reality that we will and do [mess] up, we stray, and there will always be a chance for us to return. Calling-in as a practice of loving each other enough to allow each other to make mistakes; a practice of loving ourselves enough to know that what we’re trying to do here is a radical unlearning of everything we have been configured to believe is normal. (p. 1) Another way to distinguish calling-in from calling-out is that calling-in more closely aligns with positive peace, whereas calling-out aligns more closely with negative peace. For a visual breakdown of these two dialogue approaches, see Table 1. Calling-in is characterized by a great deal of self-awareness, critique, and healing. In the processes of calling-in, we must be clear and sincere about our intention to connect and hold space for different perspectives. Calling-in should also come from a sincere desire to understand, without judgment, and thus requires an understanding and integration of dialogue skills. Calling-in provides a pathway where we once thought there was no way in.

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Table 1. Distinction between call-in and call-out dialogue Call-in • Empowering • Affirming • Inquiry based; a sincere desire to understand another perspective • Humanizing • Trauma and target informed • Connecting • Asset based • Opening

Call-out • Disempowering • Based on debate/discussion; pushing a point of view • Insincerely interested • Does not consider the target; is not trauma informed • Disconnecting • Dehumanizing • Deficit based • Closing

Unlike call-outs, all call-ins are direct. They directly address the triggering stimulus by inviting the speaker to further engage and learn, rather than by setting up an oppositional relationship. This requires the ability to set aside any emotional reactiveness and to speak as a facilitator of dialogue. The following five statements were shared with me in the context of interfaith dialogues focused on issues of race, gender, or sexual orientation. They are examples of triggering stimuli that resulted in undermining group cohesion and cultural inclusion/safety. I present them here with three response options for each: a direct call-out, an indirect call-out, and a call-in. 1. “I think racial justice work is a form of reverse racism!” a. Direct Call-Out: “Have you always been so closed-minded?” “You’re a racist jerk!” b. Indirect Call-Out: “Why would you say something like that if you are participating in an intercultural dialogue? Do you really want to be here?!” c. Call-In: “I appreciate your honesty. I’m sure you are not alone in feeling this way, and speaking your truth provides an opportunity for us to talk about this. Are you open to sharing more about your perspective? We can probably agree that reverse-racism is a highly contested concept. Are you open to hearing other perspectives as well?” 2. “Do you realize how often people of color act overly sensitive and play the race card when something seems unfair?” a. Direct Call-Out: “Do you recognize when white people play the race card? Because it feels like you’re playing it right now!” “I’m leaving. I refuse to dialogue with white folks who are clueless and who try to silence me because they think they can speak to my experience better than I can as a person of color!”

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b. Indirect Call-Out: “Are you honestly here to build interracial alliances or are you just here push your own agenda? I really want to know.” “That statement is very upsetting to me. I mean, don’t white people play the race card too? I sure think we do.” c. Call-In: “Thank you for sharing your perspective. I think it’s courageous that you’ve asked what might be seen as an uncomfortable topic or triggering question. And I think putting this topic on the table so we can honestly explore together provides a powerful learning opportunity. Would you be open to hearing my perspective and also sharing more about yours?” 3. “What do you call men choosing to live as women or women choosing to live as men…, ‘transgenders’?” a. Direct Call-Out: “Are you kidding right now? You need to get some education before we invite more members of the trans community to join this dialogue.” “We aren’t ever going to be able to create inclusive gender dialogues for peace with that kind of blatant ignorance in the group.” b. Indirect Call-Out: “What do you mean by “transgenders”? That’s an offensive term, by the way.” “Clearly, this group needs more training on LGBTQ identities because some of us are obviously not educated on this topic.” c. Call-In: “Thank you for your question about trans-identified men and women. The transgender experience and living fully as one’s authentic self are not always addressed directly. Your sharing reminded me that conversations about gender identities beyond the binary, and identity terminology, are critical pieces in preparing ourselves to lead inclusive gender dialogue. Would you be open to learning more about terminology and trans-identified people’s experiences?” 4. “You look kind of young. Are you sure you know what you’re doing? This requires a lot of facilitation training.” a. Direct Call-Out: “Wow! Ageist often?!” “So what—if anything—do you think I can do? What do you think would be more age appropriate?” b. Indirect call-out: “Are you trying to help out me? I’m confused by that comment.” “Why would you say something like that? Does it not seem like I know what I am doing?!” c. Call-in: “Thank you. I appreciate that you are offering help, and I think your question about age provides an opening to explore more fully our working assumptions about readiness and facilitation competence. Your comment is a great opportunity for shared reflection. I’m wondering if you are open to a longer conversation on this topic?”

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5. “As we participate in interfaith dialogues, I think men should lead the discussions and women should serve as group facilitators. Each seems best suited for those roles.” a. Direct Call-Out: “That was very sexist of you! Are we trying to change the status quo or just do more of the same?!” “I’m really upset by that comment. I have no interest in staying in this group dialogue if that’s the thinking here.” b. Indirect Call-Out: “I don’t understand that comment. Are you men afraid to let women lead?” “Why? Because you’re afraid of losing control? Maybe we should talk about toxic masculinity instead.” c. Call-In: “I appreciate your honesty. I think it takes courage to share something that might be perceived as unpopular. And my guess is you’re not the only one with this perspective. I am wondering if you are open to sharing more about your perspective, and hearing other perspectives as well?” As you compare the three options for response, notice the common elements of the call-ins: a de-escalating tone, care not to make the speaker wrong, acknowledgment of willingness to engage with authenticity, creation of a safe space to engage, an invitation to participation. As a cultural humility and equity practitioner with close to three decades of experience, I am very aware of the emotional intensity of dialogue related to social justice, equity, and diversity. These conversations are rarely easy, and they require a great deal of self-reflection and healing. When self-reflection and personal healing are not an active part of the dialogue process, the conversation can be informed by unprocessed trauma lurking below the surface (e.g., generational oppression, racial or gender trauma, a history of abuse, isolation, or marginalization). Dialogue is enriched by our ability to suspend judgment, empathetically engage, seek first to understand, and stay open to places of similarity and connection. These opportunities for connection and enrichment are thwarted when we experience inauthentic communication, defensiveness, a lack of safety, and destructive micromessages or micro-aggressions.

FIELD OBSERVATIONS Over a period of two years, I gathered extensive field observations at calling-in workshops I conducted in cohort learning groups in academic settings, and in full-day institutes and half-day professional development seminars in social-justice–centered nonprofits and educational and public health care settings. Participation in these

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programs was not considered mandatory. The introductory curriculum included the following topics: • • • • •

What is calling-in versus calling-out Experiences of calling-in and calling-out Important distinctions and best times to apply the calling-in approach Calling-in prompts and protocol Challenging scenarios and practice

Participants had opportunities to grapple with their own challenge scenarios where they called-out or in preparation for a calling-in conversations. Some workshops also incorporated information on stimuli that precipitate call-outs, such as microaggressions, micro-messages, and implicit bias resulting in toxic dialogue or negative peace. Other workshops incorporated an in-depth look at personal identity, identifying hot buttons, empowerment, as well as self- and collective efficacy. Each session was highly interactive and incorporated real-time coaching and group process reflection to help integrate the concept into actual practice. Observational data were gathered at these workshops, and participants provided evaluation feedback. The full-group scenarios and accompanying coaching were reported by participants to be beneficial, eye-opening, and a great team building opportunity. Participants also reported learning a great deal from watching an effective calling-in process and hearing various ways to articulate a call-in. The following are select participants’ comments regarding their experiences in the workshop sessions. 1. College Instructor: “I reflected a lot before I started to practice calling-in…. What I found is that calling-in requires me to reflect in the moment about what I think and feel, my intentions, and what feelings and needs the person I am talking to might have going on, as well. It’s really exhausting, honestly.... As I practice, I get that it’s a new way of thinking…. I reflect after the fact, but staying in the moment, slowing down, and really thinking about what my intentions are is new; it really makes a difference.” 2. Nonprofit Manager: “I thought that what made me a great manager was that I called people out. I had no idea that I was possibly causing harm, or that there was even another way to approach some of the difficulties we are navigating in our work.” 3. Counselor: “This practice is a real eye-opener for me. I thought I would be really good at this, but it’s different when it hit a personal topic. When I feel targeted in discussions, all my training can go by the wayside because I am so upset and feel I have to say something. It didn’t occur to me to assess if I was emotionally ready to engage…. I guess I just always thought I was ready.” 112

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4. Program Manager: “Just because I manage people and have a lot of responsibility doesn’t mean I was trained on how to lead dialogue. When I am engaged in conversations with a diverse group, I do get nervous because I don’t feel prepared and I don’t want to make things worse. And then if I do say something, and it triggers them, I feel people will see me as incompetent, biased, or something worse…. I really think this practice is empowering and will help the whole team.” 5. Community Participant: “As a community member, I participate a lot in antiracism work and spend a lot of time wondering why folks just don’t get it…. I feel impatient and don’t want to give more space to the most privileged. I am starting to see that calling-in even folks who I think are co-opting or hijacking the dialogue is powerful. I am learning a lot about myself and my own pain and strengths.”

Call-in Protocol Calling-in on the surface might seem easy enough; however, in practice, it is difficult because of the breadth and depth of the personal healing and awareness required. Calling-in, as defined in this chapter, seeks to support those who are most harmed (i.e., the targeted). For this reason, my workshops use the calling-in protocol in table 2, which is based on recommendations by Johnson (2015). It asks participants to assess if a call-in is supportive or whether it will create more harm to those most at risk of being harmed. Furthermore, calling-in should invite the other into a fuller, more authentically dialogue-centered conversation (i.e., not a discussion or debate clocked as dialogue). In this regard, calling-in is a powerful healing practice; it is not seeking to prove a point, persuade, or enlist, but rather is about standing firmly in one’s own humanity and asking another to join one in shared discovery. Note that this is a fundamental difference between calling-in dialogues and strategic conversations, which aim to move people, enlist them, or convince them of another position or perspective. There are certainly times when practitioners doing social justice and peacebuilding work must engage in strategic conversations to move an agenda forward. And certainly calling-in sensibilities can (and I would argue, should) inform every conversation, leaving room for calling-in if an opportunity presents itself even though it is not the guiding approach.

Call-in Starting Prompts Workshop participants reported that one of the biggest challenges (outside of intrapersonal healing and awareness) that they encountered was how to get started with the process of calling-in, rather than resort to simply calling-out. Analysis of their 113

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Table 2. Calling-in protocol Conditions for use of calling-in 1. Who should do the calling-in? 2. Is it target centered? 3. Have you identified the appropriate balance between addressing the issue as an individual problem and as a systemic one? 4. Do you have the time and the emotional resources to engage in a dialogue? If not now, when? 5. What are your desired outcomes? Are you comfortable stating them aloud? 6. What does the person(s) harmed need? 7. Have other community members (e.g., bystanders or members of the same marginalized group) had an impact? What do they need? 8. In what ways does the culture of this community support this behavior? 9. Does the person harmed feel safe in community with the person who caused harm? 10. Is the person who harmed willing to learn and change his or her behavior?

feedback and the observation data collected during workshops led to the development of a set of calling-in starting prompts that could make it easier for participants to call-in. The approach I developed was informed by appreciative inquiry, nonviolent communication, transformation conflict mediation, and emotional regulation. The resulting set of appreciation, affirmation, and invitation calling-in starter prompts, which are designed to lower the emotional temperature (appreciation), focus on the transformation opportunities inherent in the conflict (affirmation), and a request for further engagement (invitation) when appropriate. It is important to apply each of these in the order found in table 3, which provides examples for each set. Prompts are open-ended questions that can elicit personal-reflection or self-critique. Prompting questions can ground participants in the present context they are working to assess and create meaning in. Staying mindful of intentionality, tone, and emotional temperature is essential in this calling-in process, and the prompts are designed to promote those qualities.

Table 3. Calling-in sample prompts Set

Starter prompts

Appreciation

“Thank you for sharing that… I am sure that wasn’t easy to say…” “Thank you for having the courage to share a different view…” “I appreciate your honesty…”

Affirmation

“I can see that this really matters to you…” “I understand that you care deeply for our students; we have that in common…” “I am glad you are engaged in this dialogue, which isn’t easy…”

Invitation

“I would love to hear more about your perspective on this…” “Are you open to having a longer conversation?” “I would like to share my perspective, are you open to hearing that right now?”

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Sampling of Workshop Participants’ Responses to Call-In Prompts Participants interviewed after the workshops conveyed their experience with each of the three sets of prompts.

Offering Appreciation Reflections of a participant on the practice of offering an appreciation: “[As a woman of color,] the idea that I have to ‘appreciate’ someone when they’ve hurt me repeatedly through all kinds of micro-aggressions, again, feels like I am putting my oppressor at the center and making the space safe for them. It took time to really understand that when I extend kindness and humanity, I am giving myself a gift; they no longer control my emotions, and I reclaim personal control. The act of just saying ‘Thank you for speaking your truth’ reminds me that this is their truth, and I don’t need to take it in as the only truth.”

Offering Affirmation Reflections of a participant on the practice of offering an affirmation: “At first I understand that offering an affirmation wasn’t agreement…. When I heard that I could see it as the acknowledgment of the opportunities that are present and the possibilities that emerge from people sharing their different perspectives, even when those perspectives are dehumanize, marginalizing, or invalidating perspectives, I can stay focused on my intention and commitment to peace and change. I guess I think of it as saying aloud, ‘This is a chance for me to heal by extending to you the humanity and dignity that you can’t necessarily offer me or yourself in this moment.’ When I practice finding the opportunities or things about the hard conversation that I can affirm, I am bring peace and positive energy to the dialogue. I get closer to the person and world I want to create for future generations.”

Offering Invitation Reflections of a participant on the practice of offering invitation: “I was so happy when I heard that the invitation for further dialogue doesn’t always have to happen right then…. I like the fact that I can honestly share with another individual or group that although I am committed to this conversation, I need time to reflect, and then I can return to the dialogue. Asking if we can agree to an open invitation to future dialogue was a relief. Also, the invitation doesn’t have to always be more dialogue, but sometimes we need to just be in each other’s company, observing and finding 115

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the values we share. The more I learn about those different from myself, the more ideas I have for what could be a further invitation to engage in meaningful and transformative dialogue.”

Conceptual Support for Calling-In The practice of calling-in, as practiced in the workshops just described, has not been widely explored as a distinct approach to dialogue, although it shares the foundational components of dialogue in general. The calling-in framework is grounded first and foremost in the concept of cultural humility. The key components of callingin include moving away from debate or agenda-driven discussions, remaining mindful of judgments, reciprocal care, deep empathetic listening, and seeking first to understand rather than be understood. These are generally regarded as important guiding principles for interfaith- and intercultural-dialogue facilitators and mediators. However, calling-in provides an additional layer—namely, the notion that when we call someone into dialogue, we do so as part of our own humanization, as well as for healing from interpersonal trauma or harm. Thus, calling-in becomes a means for harm reduction and for healing the wounds of oppression that often serve to disrupt and disconnect culturally and spiritually disparate groups. In part, this opportunity for intrapersonal healing is shaped by the calling-in practitioners’ commitment to engage others from a place of cultural humility. In addition to being rooted in cultural humility and all that entails, the calling-in approach is further informed by skilled dialogue, identity negotiation, and conflict transformation.

Cultural Humility Cultural humility is a philosophy and set of actionable principles put forward by Tervalon and Murray-Garcia (1998) for the purpose of moving us toward shared equity. After experiencing and witnessing the impact of intrapersonal and interpersonal racial/cross-cultural trauma on their clients in the public health sector, Tervalon and Murry-Garcia co-created the cultural humility framework to assist service providers to deepen their lifelong process of self-reflection and self-critique, and their commitment to understanding and respecting different points of view, as well as to engage with others humbly, authentically, and from a place of learning. Cultural humility not only benefits service providers but is also a way of being that can support anyone who desires to move closer to positive peace and social-systems transformation. Cultural humility focuses on four guiding principles: lifelong learning and selfcritique, redressing power and privilege differences, centering those we serve and holding others as equal partners, and institutional consistency.

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In regard to calling-in, cultural humility at the intrapersonal level asks that we meet others where they are in their personal journey by suspending judgment and resisting the need to impose personal values, beliefs, worldviews, and notions of right and wrong. By doing so, we reduce the harm of prejudice and oppression and we open opportunities for fairness, justice, and micro-healing. Thus, in callingin praxis (praxis is defined as putting theory in action, reflecting on that action, adjusting, and then returning to practice), the invitation is to stay grounded in cultural humility and engage in dialogue from a place of self-reflection, of seeing others as wise equals, of addressing power and privilege, and of remaining conscious of the institutional barriers and opportunities that facilitate healing dialogues. We cannot forget that interfaith and intercultural dialogue takes shape in the context of social norms, histories, and complex systems.

Skilled Dialogue Skilled dialogue is a critical element in personal growth and transformation. Barrera and Kramer (2009) described skilled dialogue as An approach to diversity that promotes the creation of interpersonal contexts within which the riches of diverse identities and voices—and the connections between them— can be accessed and unimagined options created. This approach emphasizes the need to transform our understanding of and relationship to the differences expressed by those with whom we interact, whether children or adults. (p.4) In general, diversity-centered dialogue is a powerful communication practice that provides individuals and groups with opportunities to more deeply understand themselves and one another. Nissen (1999) described dialogue as a communication process for building relationships and contrasted it with discussion, which is intended to solve problems or achieve a goal. Nissen also pointed out that debate focuses on a win-lose position (e.g., to win an argument). She went on to point out that the process of dialogue is more inclusive than are debate and discussion because it brings into account individual emotions and the intellectual, psychological, and attitudinal aspects of the self. Nissen argued that dialogue is an attitude to learning that involves suspending our assumptions, judgments, roles, and status, as well as our need for specific outcomes. As we take on new ways of thinking about and perceiving our experiences, we create new meaning, which in turn results in new actions or behaviors. For example, we come into the workplace with past experiences, biases, and prejudices, and with personal stories or narratives that guide our interactions and how those interactions are understood. Through skilled dialogue—alongside self-reflection, conflict, 117

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negotiation, and inquiry—we can more deeply understand our own stories and the stories of others. Through the process of dialogue, we can begin to more clearly understand where internalized messages of bias originate, and how they serve as unconscious subtext to our interactions with others. As we deepen our levels of awareness through intentional dialogue and interactions, new frames of reference or ways of knowing are created, resulting in cultural humility transformation. This process of addressing and challenging personal bias through intentional interactions is not new. It was first presented by Allport in 1954, through what he called the contact hypothesis. However, cultural-humility-informed skilled dialogue is different in that it invites individuals to engage with each other through a process of selfcritique and reflection.

Identity Negotiation Identity negotiation is an essential element of calling-in and the management of conflicting views during the dialogue process. Identity negotiation in social interactions is defined as the process of “reconciling two competing forces in social interaction” (Swann, 1987). Swann (2005) explained that identity negotiation often refers to the processes through which perceivers and targets come to agreement regarding the identities targets are to assume in the interaction. Swann and Bosson (2010) went on to explain that identity negotiation occurs when the perpetrator has an expectation, belief, or bias (conscious or unconscious) toward the “target,” thus encouraging behavioral alignment. Targets in these interactions feel a sense of urgency or compelled to reinforce their true sense of identity/selfhood or humanity. Negotiation more generally is defined within the calling-in framework as the process of identifying perceived personal and social realities, as well as how practitioners challenge self-identity and others in different cross-cultural and interfaith domains. Nierenberg (as cited in Kellett & Dalton, 2001) defined the process of negotiation as follows: “Whenever people exchange ideas with the intention of changing relationships, whenever they confer for agreement, they are negotiating” (p. 18). Individuals are always negotiating their social realities—some more than others because their socially oppressed identities are more privileged than are those of others. Understanding how to negotiate power and privilege, personal identity, and social realities creates openings for introducing new perspectives into our cultural framework. This process is a skill that, with practice, becomes an automatic response to our ever-changing environment. As this process becomes more familiar or comfortable, calling-in is enhanced and threat to our sense of self is reduced; as a result, difficult dialogues create less identity threat, and calling-in is experienced as a means of identity fortification.

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Hayes’s (1989) definition of negotiation underscored the importance of power, which is also an informing dynamic in cultural humility, as operationalized by Tervalon and Murray-Garcia (1998). Hayes explained that power dynamics surface in negotiation when individuals or groups are at an impasse and there is also a lack of power, or a willingness to assert power in hopes of achieving a specific outcome. Acknowledging and addressing the role of power and privilege also distinguishes diversity education approaches. Approaches that tend to maintain the status quo or avoid disrupting the normative, or dominant, cultural paradigm contrast with approaches that more directly identify institutional oppression (e.g., the anti-racism and cultural humility approach) (DeRosa, 2001). However, approaches that identify imbalances of power and privilege as critical to institutional change and inequity do not aim to blame, shame, victimize, or embarrass those who hold power and privilege in a given context. In fact, such an approach would push against the very essence of humility.

Conflict Transformation Kellett and Dalton (2001) pointed out that negotiation allows for the process of asking useful questions about conflict, considering what created the conflict, and selecting the best strategies for moving through a particular conflict. Whenever a difference exists—and differences (diversity) are always present—so will be conflict. Differences inform our perceptions of reality, as well as our worldview, beliefs, and values. Moving through conflict means also renegotiating reality. As stated by Kellett and Dalton (2001), “the negotiation of reality occurs through the patterns of how people create agreements through conflict… the conflicted dimensions of a narrative give you clues about the quality of negotiation creating…everyday reality together and their social reality more generally” (p. 95). In other words, relationships, conflict communication style, faith traditions, cultural identities and stories, negotiation, and change are indelibly interlinked. Social transformation and cultural and interfaith healing come through our individual engagement in the transformational possibilities calling-in dialogue affords; how we prepare and engage in calling-in dialogue hence becomes essential and preparation mandatory.

Calling-In Requirements and Opportunities Calling-in provides an opportunity to engage in the process of micro-healing. Indigenous wisdom offers the seventh generation principle, which captures the essence of micro-healing. This principle holds that we can offer healing of wounds for seven generations back and seven generations forward. Calling-out as a response to realtime wounds or resurfaced past wounds can compromise our intentions and ability 119

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to remain fully present in meaningful, peace-inspired dialogues. However, if we can withhold our intentional or unintended responses that harm, wound, dehumanize, or render voiceless, then we have a choice and the agency to stay grounded in our full humanity, and we open ourselves and others to the potential of calling-in. The very act of calling-in can be liberating, can be revolutionary, and can honor our commitment to stay engaged in the praxis of peace. Calling-in is an approach everyone can use; however it can provide an additional healing dimension for those who come from marginalized identities/communities. It offers healing because individuals who are calling-in stay fully in their humanity, speaking their truth from a space of empowerment; their humanity and power is not defined by another’s bigotry, implicit bias, micro or macro aggression. Unique to understanding healing in the calling-in process is the perspective that stimulus that results in harm does so in part because it publicly challenges, threatens, or calls into question the full humanity of an already oppressed individual. In short, it allows the oppressed to speak their truth in spite of the intentional or unintentional dehumanization that results from the stimulus or act of wounding. At the interpersonal level, it does not aim to oppress the oppressor, but instead show by example there is another way through offering their hand in dialogue, peace, care, and compassion. When the perpetrator of the stimulus is able to stay open and hear, even join fully in the dialogue, there is an opportunity for collective healing and deeper understanding at both the interpersonal and institutional or systems level. It is the intention of the individual calling-in to extend to their perpetrator the humanity that they may fail to receive themselves. This is also captured beautifully in the poem by Luis Valdez that speaks to the concept of “In Lak’ech”: Tú eres mi otro yo. You are my other me. Si te hago daño a ti, If I do harm to you, Me hago daño a mi mismo. I do harm to myself. Si te amo y respeto, If I love and respect you, Me amo y respeto yo. I love and respect myself. Identity negotiation and social negotiation are important components of the process. When navigating the dialogue terrain, individuals committed to callingin should consider the role of power, privilege, their own degree of emotional availability, triggers (emotional charge), and emotional space/availability. In the 120

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process of identity and social negotiation, we are afforded reflexive opportunities and space for real-time learning, engagement, and transparency. Calling-in also requires a great degree of emotional intelligence and equity literacy. Global peace efforts, across faith communities and cultural identities, require intentional learning about histories, traditions, rituals, and ways that inequities inform explicitly and implicitly the dialogue container. Thus, we are held accountable for our intrapersonal development and awareness. Calling-in asks us to be responsible for holding and co-creating a safe space to meet others where they are and to hold those with the most power and privilege accountable. According to Paul and Elder (2006), Everyone thinks; it is our nature to do so. But much of our thinking, left to itself, is biased, distorted, partial, uninformed, or down-right prejudiced. Yet the quality of our life and that of what we produce, make, or build depends on the quality of our thought. Shoddy thinking is costly, both in money and in quality of life. Excellence in thought, however, must be systematically cultivated. (p. 2) Self-reflectivity refers to the practice of meditatively reflecting on the material we are learning; it means engaging in an ongoing conversation with ourselves concerning this new knowledge and reflecting on how that knowledge mirrors our experiences or challenges our long-held assumptions. Fox (2014) stated, “It takes a great deal of energy to question the way one has been taught to make sense of the world and begin to see that other interpretations are possible” (p. 1). With this practice of reflectivity in mind, Johnson (2015) outlined a set of call-in reflection questions that guide how and when to engage in calling-in dialogue (Table 3). Again, there are numerous approaches to authentic dialogue, and calling-in is one approach. The benefit of this approach is that it acknowledges that the complexity of our past histories and the complicated stories that inform our engagement. With this approach, the legacies of oppression matter and are reinforced or dismantled through every interaction and dialogue opportunity.

CONCLUSION, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH Calling-in is a dialogue approach grounded in cultural humility and love. It is an approach that aims to create opportunity for individual healing in the context of interpersonal healing, understanding, and building of bridges. It is trauma informed, empathetic, healing, and transformational for those who lean into the potential that calling-in affords. The general, cross-cutting themes identified by individuals who 121

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Table 4. Reflective calling-in Practicing reflectivity in preparation for calling-in (adapted from Network Exchange for Women, 2012)      1. How would you approach the subject with this individual?      2. What would your mindset be? What would you like for it to be?      3. How would you open the dialogue? How would you prepare the conditions?      4. What questions would you ask? What are you curious about?      5. How will you communicate your perceptions and how you felt about the specific situation?      6. What outcomes would you like? Are you ready to state them aloud?      7. How will you communicate your expectations?      8. What type of follow-up will there be?

participated in the calling-in workshops described in this chapter included a deeper sense of personal awareness, a deeper appreciation for the role judgments and bias play in dialogue, the critical importance of healing the wounds of oppression-based trauma, patience, empathy, and open-mindedness. Overall, the participants felt hopeful, encouraged, inspired, and optimistic about the possibilities calling-in dialogue afforded them at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, institutional, and cultural level. Nevertheless, calling-in requires time, practice, an honest intention to connect, and a sincere commitment to stay at the table, even when a participant is across from a perpetrator of past or present harm. The invitation for full engagement occurs within a context of self-reflection, readiness, and self-love/care, and depends on a determination of who is the right person to engage in the calling-in process. Thus, calling-in is target centered and aims to reduce harm and increase healing. At wherever stage you might be in with respect to your practice of calling-in, it is recommended that you stay engaged in a community of practice. Additionally, some tips for success along the developmental path include staying responsible for your feelings, identifying your personal filters, examining your bias, providing microaffirmations to yourself and others you engage in the process, allowing yourself to make mistakes, forgiving yourself and others, remaining trauma informed and committed to doing no harm, taking time to check in with your body/felt sense, practicing mindfulness, and reflecting on what makes your relationship with those you call-in important to you. Most importantly, you should take time for your personal reflection, cultural humility development, clarification of values, identification of your personal perceptions, and assessment of your real commitment to walking the path of positive peace. Future research on professional development, conditions for success, and the role of personal healing before and during the process will contribute greatly to our understanding of this approach and provide further guidance on the context in which this approach is most successful, in addition to its limitations and areas of growth.

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REFERENCES Ahmad, A. (2015). A note on call-out culture. Briarpatch Magazine. Retrieved from https://briarpatchmagazine.com/articles/view/a-note-on-call-out-culture Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Barrera, I., & Corso, R. (2003). Skilled dialogue: Strategies for responding to cultural diversity in early childhood. Baltimore, MD: Paul Brookes. Barrera, I., & Kramer, L. (2009). Using skilled dialogue to transform challenging interactions. Honoring identity, voice, and connection. Baltimore, MD: Paul Brookes. DeRosa, P. (2001). Social change or status quo? Approaches to diversity training. Randolph, MA: ChangeWorks Consulting. Retrieved from http://www. racialequitytools.org/resourcefiles/derosa.pdf Ferguson, S. (2015). Calling in: A quick guide on when and how. Everyday Feminism Magazine. Retrieved from https://everydayfeminism.com/2015/01/guide-to-callingin/ Fox, H. (2014). When race breaks out: Conversations about race and racism in college classrooms. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Grewal, B. S. (2003). Johan Galtung: Positive and negative peace. Retrieved from http://www.activeforpeace.org/no/fred/Positive_Negative_Peace.pdf Hayes, J. R. (1989). The complete problem solver. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Johnson, M. Z. (2015). 3 things to consider when choosing between calling someone out or calling them in. Everyday Feminism Magazine. Retrieved from https:// everydayfeminism.com/2015/03/calling-in-and-calling-out/ Kellett, P. M., & Dalton, D. G. (2001). Managing conflict in a negotiated world: A narrative approach to achieving dialogue and change. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Network Exchange for Women. (2012). Reflexivity practice. Author. Nissen, S. H. (1999). Dialogue groups: A practical guide to facilitate diversity conversation. Blue Hill, ME: Medicine Bear Publishing. Paul, R., & Elder, L. (2006). The miniature guide to critical thinking: Concepts and tools. Retrieved from https://www.criticalthinking.org/files/Concepts_Tools.pdf Rowe, M. (2008). Micro-affirmations and micro-inequities. Journal of the International Ombudsman Association., 1, 45–48.

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Sue, D. W. (2010). Microaggressions in everyday life: Race, gender, and sexual orientation. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons. Swann, W. B. (2005). The self and identity negotiation. Interaction Studies: Social Behaviour and Communication in Biological and Artificial Systems, 6(1), 69–83. doi:10.1075/is.6.1.06swa Swann, W. B., & Bosson, J. K. (2010). Self and identity. In S. T. Fiske, D. T. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), Handbook of Social Psychology (5th ed.; vol. 1, pp. 589–628). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons. doi:10.1002/9780470561119.socpsy001016 Tervalon, M., & Murray-Garcia, J. (1998). Cultural humility versus cultural competence: A critical distinction in defining physician training outcomes in multicultural education. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved, 9(2), 117–125. doi:10.1353/hpu.2010.0233 PMID:10073197 Trần, N. L. (2013). Calling IN: A less disposable way of holding each other accountable. Retrieved from https://www.humanityinaction.org/files/567-N.TrnCallingIN.pdf Valdez, L., & Paredes, D. M. (n.d.). In Lak’ech: You are my other me. Vue: Voices in Urban Education. Retrieved from http://vue.annenberginstitute.org/perspectives/ lak%E2%80%99ech-you-are-my-other

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Chapter 6

Linguistic and Philosophical Resources for Intercultural Dialogue on Compromise: A Cross-Cultural Encounter of Japan and Europe Laure Gillot-Assayag EHESS, France

ABSTRACT This chapter proposes to examine compromise in its linguistic dimension, in other words, its epistemic rewording based on language resources, and in its cultural dimension (i.e., as it is culturally defned and, as such, historically variable). To do so, this research shall focus on cross-cultural encounters between European and Japanese philosophy, and more specifcally on the works of Kyoto School’s philosophers and the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate the need to establish an intercultural dialogue on the notion of compromise and to take into account cross-fertilization between cultures in order to open new paths of inquiry and a new understanding of cultural diferences.

INTRODUCTION This paper examines the concept of compromise through its epistemic rewording, or as a term which is culturally and philosophically defined. This means that norms and values are not considered to be derived from a Kantian absolute and a DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch006 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

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priori perspective, but instead as products of a specific historical conditions and circumstances. Consequently, the analysis is set out to demonstrate how the idea of compromise is both not free from conflict and not universal. Its meaning varies according to particular time periods and refers to a variety of linguistic resources within a society, as well as signifying intercultural exchanges that shape and modify the meaning of the word. In order to prove this hypothesis, the chapter investigates how lexical terms in Japanese differ from their counterparts in several European languages, and, secondly, how these linguistic differences on compromise impact the way in which the relationship between Japanese and European philosophies are conceived. This chapter aims to compensate for the relative absence of two major issues in the relevant literature: first, compromise is scaled down in mainstream European political philosophy, especially in the context of theories of conflict. This is probably due to the seemingly conciliatory and placating connotations of the word, despite of its validity and practicality in socio-political discourse. Second, the cultural dimension of compromise is systematically ignored in the academic conversation, as authors are interested in the term mostly as a normative concept rather than as an historical or cultural practice. Eventually, the literature on compromise revolves around three central themes: 1. The definition of various types of compromise, 2. Comparative studies with other related concepts, such as consensus, modus vivendi, or sacrificing principles, 3. Compromise as a strategy of conflict resolution and the extent of its legitimacy in that capacit This chapter breaks away from the traditional approaches by concentrating on the cultural interpretation of compromise rooted in the linguistic branch of philosophical inquiries. As such, the main guiding question is: to what extent linguistic resources modulate the notion of compromise in Japan and Europe as reflected in philosophical cross-cultural encounters? The comparative study is helpful to underline the cultural sources of how the meaning of an abstract term is formed, cultivated and utilized. As mentioned above, this contrast is vividly captured in the central concept of compromise: While it is generally depreciated and not perceived as an efficient way of resolving conflicts in Europe, it I s valued in Japan due to the virtue and the particular linguistic and historical meaning bestowed on it. The first part of the study observes how compromise is depicted in the Japanese language and what positive or negative meanings it conveys. It will be compared with how it is used in the French, German, and English languages as representing the European side of the equation. Occupying the “European spot” does not mean though, that these languages have identical understandings of compromise. They do not. While it conveys a pejorative meaning in French, in German, the preference is given to compromise as consensus, as it is expressed, for example, through the body of work of renowned German philosopher and sociologist Jurgen Habermas. In 126

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English, the tendency is to conflate “compromise” with “compromise of principles”. These differences in emphasis further augment the assumption of distinct linguistic meanings of compromise and the need for a transnational mapping of its use. The juxtaposition between Japanese and European attitudes and understandings of compromise yields intriguing suppositions about historical and cultural circumstances that brought these differences about. One such explanation might be linked to the centrality of blandness or the suppression of strong emotions in Chinese and Japanese cultures but hardly exists in the Anglo-American and European demeanor (Jullien, 2012). In Japan, blandness is blessed and respected; it is not considered as feebleness and indecision, but as an encouragement to be open and tolerant. With regard to solving conflicts, it means to be flexible rather than adopting rigid positions and biases. While European philosophies enhance the affirmation of self and one’s own positions, the opposite applies to Japan--the more aggressive and forceful the style of arguing, the more it is likely to offend the conversation partners, obstruct the listening mode and impair prospects of reaching an agreement. Overall, this approach indicates a fundamental weakness on behalf of the interlocutors. The second part of this chapter unfolds how the relationship between Japanese and European philosophies interacted over the concept of compromise. Indeed, according to the words of Gino Piovesana (1957, p 118) “studying Japanese contemporary philosophy means, in large part, studying the influence of the West on Japanese thinkers”. As such, Japanese philosophy itself appears as a philosophy of compromise, by being heavily influenced and adaptive to the European one. It may be a legitimate statement insofar as Japanese philosophy has indeed historically developed from an ongoing translation of major European philosophical essays since the Meiji era. However, this very process of opening up to the European philosophical influence itself generated a new and unique interpretation to the word compromise in the Japanese sense—accommodation to western ideologies that in turn rejuvenated traditional cultural concepts to usher them into the modern era. This interaction between the European and Japanese philosophical works is demonstrated through the works of the Kyoto School and to the French contemporary philosopher Paul Ricoeur, whose essays were extensively translated into Japanese.

LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL INCONGRUITIES ON THE MEANING OF COMPROMISE Any analysis on compromise in Japanese thinking must first be compared to philosophical and sociological contributions on the topic, in order to operate a genealogy or a historiography of the concept in the field of Western philosophy and understand any potential transfers and changes in a Japanese context. Recent 127

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work (Arnsperger & Picavet, 2004; Nachi, 2011; Thuderoz, 2013) underlines the marginalization of the term compromise in the field of political philosophy, despite its existence and applicability in policy and social debates. According to Christian Thuderoz, “the concept of compromise is neither at the center of a public debate, nor controversial in social sciences” (2015, p 9). The lack of investigations on this topic is explained by the alleged mollifying undertone of compromise, when more spectacular forms of dispute, such as violence and conflict, are preferred. Thus, amongst philosophers, compromise is sometimes portrayed as the subject of praise and other times admonished (Jeudy, 1996). Margalit (2010) explains these contradictory attitudes by what he perceives as confusion between a “rotten” compromise and a “good” compromise required to obtain social peace. Similarly, Bellamy (2012) insists on the importance of distinguishing between a weak, or “shallow” compromise, and a “deep” compromise. The first would be instrumental, and akin to political compromise, while the second would have a moral sense and induce a degree of mutual respect in the accommodation of different principles. Other scholars eschew compromise all together. Those operating with the Marxist and Neo-Marxist discourse, along with those upholding conflict as an intrinsic characteristic of human sociability refrain from considering compromise as a possibilit Mouffe (2014), is a typical representative of this approach. She denounced compromise due to its hegemonic framework function: conflicts are inevitable and the very essence of democrac Compromise at the outset excludes from the discourse those whose needs and claims fall outside the ‘accepted’ norms. In. Mouffe’s view, the most effective and fair conflict management strategy is to turn the natural tensions and contradictions of society into agonism—emphasizing the potentially positive aspects of conflict by mobilizing individuals’ passions by democratic means. Similarly, Hampshire considers conflict as unavoidable to life in society: “justice will always vary with varying moral conceptions of the good” (2001, p 18). According to him, compromise does not deal with substantive justice (it will never be possible to share universal principles because the sense of justice is subjective). On the other hand, compromise is conceivable in the case of procedural justice and partially able to resolve conflicts. Ultimately, these two authors claim that a substantial compromise, one on principles and values, appears to be impossible, even undesirable. On the other hand, if conflict is endemic to society as they presume, they also paradoxically recognize that compromise is indispensable to maintain and preserve the democratic framework. The French language has two different words to distinguish compromise from compromise- of-principles. In English however, the two concepts are indistinguishable and acquire the same meaning. This implies that in English there is only a difference of degree and not of essence between the two practices. Thinkers of the English128

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speaking world have developed an early interest in the concept of compromise, mainly as a political strateg The essay On Compromise was thus written by a British, John Morley, in 1874. In 1957, Francis Biddle, the American Attorney General during World War II wrote the Necessity of Compromise, which begins with the following assertion: “of course, it is obvious to any American that our whole national life is built on compromise, and that the great institution, the American Constitution, from which we drew forth the strength of our public life, is in itself a series of compromises” (1957, p 1-2); compromise is a fundamental tool for managing the federal structure of a countr The question of compromise as a major political method is thus shaped and inspired by the British political tradition. Edmund Burke represented this spirit more than anyone by stating that “for all Government, indeed every benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act is founded on compromise and barter” (2005, p 222). Georg Simmel, the great scholar of conflict, echoed a similar attitude to compromise in Germany, defining it as “one of the greatest inventions of mankind” (1995). In Japan, the issue of compromise is endowed with a special meaning. Japan is seen as a country of harmony, of harmonious essence (Wa, 和). The notion of Wa comes from Ancient China. The Chinese used it to designate Japan as the land of the Wa until the 8th century, before the Japanese themselves used it to designate their commonality (Yamato, 倭). This amalgam between the adjectival designation and the noun to characterize an entire Nation has certainly helped to shape the image of an eternal Japan--a harmonious country deprived of conflict. Thus, the notion of Wa is listed as the first constitutional principle in Jushichi Jo kenpō in 604 A.C, and applies both to the sphere of trade and to the intimate life and the practice of the arts. Yet, to contrast Wa and Sougi (そうぎ), harmony and conflict, seems to be a revival in the practical sphere of the metaphysical dualism between good and evil. Indeed, beyond being juxtaposed, harmony and conflict are often coupled according to periods and situations. Conflict and harmony are not each other’s opposites, but they coexist together in a kind of ecosystem where harmony is both a means and an end to resolve conflicts; the very concrete example of the samurai code (武士道, Bushidō) refers to values, such as honor (Meiyo) and respect (Sonchoo), which are placed at the heart of the conflict. By practicing respect towards the opponent as a basic premise of the conflict, violent escalation is avoided. Harmony is therefore conceived as a framework in which the conflict can simultaneously be deployed and contained without contradiction. Harmony permeates and structures social relationships. Owing to its versatility and pervasiveness in all spheres of Japanese society, it constitutes a fertile ground for conflict to emerge and constructively evolve. There is a wealth of expressions to describe compromise in the Japanese language. Dakyo 妥協, compromise, is one of the most commonly used words. It refers to the order of mutual concession and includes both compromise and compromise-of129

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principles. It ranges from the positive references of agreement and accommodation to the pejorative bad ones such as in a raw deal or being framed. Originating from Chinese Dakyo has an abstract meaning and can be seen as a direct and blatant invitation to negotiate. Oriau, on the other hand, is of Japanese origin, and refers to a more graphic and literal image-- the very act of putting in place a compromise. The term Wakai emphasizes compromises made by both sides during reconciliation; for example, it was used in reference to reconciliation after Japanese war crimes in many Asian-Pacific countries during World War II. If Wakai is broken down to its components, Wa means unity, peace or the absence of conflict, while kai means the solution. Additional terms to connote compromise are Oreru and Yuzuriau, which forms of mutual concessions (au= mutual). The original Japanese vocabulary, more concrete than Japanese words of Chinese origin, uses the phrase Otoshidokoro, literally meaning a mutually acceptable solution. The term implies the notion of effort, of difficulty, and it can be used for two contentious sides negotiating to find areas of agreement. Emphasis is put on the delicacy and sensitivity of the process. The term Joho signifies the assignment at hand; it is virtually going back and forth to reach a joint decision, with jo meaning to yield, and ho the initiative of the player. Conversely, the terminology for dismissal or refusal is scarce. The term Kodawarinuku is typically used in such turn-of-events: the ending Nuku refers to the insistence or obstinacy, and adds some strength to the original term of kodawaru. Three words that describe types of negotiation are: sessho, the most neutral and abstract; shodan, which usually usedin the context of commercial negotiation, and rodokosho, which pertains to a work or labor negotiation. What can be gleaned from this rudimentary acquaintance with the relevant Japanese terms is that the large number of words indicating compromise as a multilayered and multi-dimensional concept. It seems that the Japanese language, emanating from the exclusive Japanese historical and cultural experience, places a particular emphasis on comparison as concession. This is the most common understanding of compromise since it is less derogatory or disparaging, but rather, an indication of civility and a capacity to deal with each other’s demands. This, as elaborated above, is fundamentally dissimilar to how compromise is perceived in Western philosophy, with a distinct leaning toward the conflictual context. The Western philosophical tradition backing this tendency is long and venerable, anchored on masterpieces stretching from Hobbes’ Leviathan (1751) to Thoreau’s call for civil disobedience and Mouffe’s agonistic vision of societ Moreover, as Jullien hypothesizes (1993), Western culture does not quite appreciate restraint and moderation, which Eastern cultures embrace and extoll. However, compromise is often attached to blandness (Dàn 淡) and the lack of flavor. It is not spectacular or dazzling, but merely the availability of the self to all situations, the flexibility of the mind, the realization of not insisting on any position that might 130

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preclude common solutions. It denotes an existence without overbearing and conflictual emotions, or struggles of extreme consequences. Such interpretation of compromise, it is believed, contributes to the harmony of the world. Compromise is therefore, a conduct of resilience and patience along with the ability to withdraw from a path in order to choose another rather than the exercise of power or authorit If power takes control of the negotiations and the parties engage in a collision of wills, there is hardly any place for compromise. This prominence of blandness is not, however, a total negation or the abandonment of the power explanation to compromise. It does indicate though a preference toward self-possession and flexibility rather than rigidity of positions and biases. The logic of western philosophical reasoning is that effective decision-making relies on tenacity and resolve, which originate from potency and firmness. As the 17th century French poet and critic Nicolas Boileau mused: “what is well conceived is clearly said”. The opposite applies to Japan: the more decisions are reached in a strongminded and unyielding manner, the more they would be volatile and susceptible to crumble in an outbreak of violence.

Encounters Between European and Japanese Philosophies Western philosophy—broadly refers to a philosophical thinking shaped from the ancient Greece to the present day in Europe and America—at its core, resents any rushed or hasty judgment or prejudice. One of its main quest has been the search for a utopian and ideological world and code of behavior based on a universal standard (Stevens, 2016, 190). This ideal rigorous endeavor is epitomized in the moral imperative principle of Immanuel Kant, the strongly-felt postulate, a dictate of pure reason, which guides human behavior. By that logic, Kantian ideas laid the ground later for a universal doctrine of human rights. But the method of thinking was clear and systematic: the duty and responsibility of philosophy was to bring about the transition from a concrete fact to an abstract thought through an ideal concept, independent of material stipulations and limitations and valid anywhere, at all times and in all socio-historical circumstances. Paradoxically though, some of the grain ideas that gave birth to those creeds were deeply embedded in Eastern attitudes and values. Various, but not too many, Western philosophers have occasionally shown curiosity and interest in spatially and historically remote philosophies. Schopenhauer, for instance, got passionate about the Upanishad, the Veda, at the time where several Sanskrit works were translated and distributed in German He himself proclaimed the crucial role of the Indian mythology on the development of his own thinking. At the contemporary era, Emmanuel Levinas is one of those philosophers who cared most about far-eastern thoughts. He criticized the Christian cultural world and Western 131

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philosophy for having knowingly circumvented the Hebrew intellectual heritage and rejected it out of humanism. Talmudic culture is one of the main sources of his philosophy, which not only inaugurates an encounter with a deity but led to the reconciliation of an individual with a moral act through the face-to-face relation and encounter that orders and ordains us. More recently, following paradigmatic shifts in cultural studies, essays in social sciences and philosophy have challenged the hegemony of Western knowledge (Mbembe, 2013). For example, some students from the School of Oriental and African Studies in London have denounced what they called an ideological colonization in philosophical journals, seeking to introduce non-Europeans or non-Americans thinkers in philosophy courses curriculums (Malik, 2017). These requests aim to correct an existing school program. They are voiced by minority students, who wish to introduce Eastern traditions into a mostly Western and homogeneous philosophy curriculum. However, the crux of this claim is not an academic or a universal pursuit of equality and justice but rather, a quest for personal rediscovery of one’s roots. The emphasis therefore is on the individual and not on the alternative culture of ideolog Overall, Western philosophy and its academic teaching look upon Eastern philosophy as a foil or as an exotic oddit As such, it is not worth the profound erudite and objective analysis because it is tainted with religiosity and spiritualism, and can be at best understood as a sub-field of cultural studies, or as a folkloric curiosity that could add or contribute nothing meaningful to the Greek and Roman classical roots of philosoph Such an undignified and arbitrary dichotomy between a barbarian world and a civilized world, the latter roughly following the contours of Europe and the United States, was conveniently drawn by Western philosophers to establish a new dimension of imperialism and domination. This distinction became invisible to the eye, as Cervulle acerbically remarked “it serves as a standard because it is the rule” (2013, p 47). This patronizing and superficial attitude of Western philosophers toward the Eastern traditions is exemplified in their interest and reading of Japan. There is a consistent tendency to simplify and crudely categorize Japanese philosophy on the basis of doubtful criteria. Thus, as a variant of Eastern philosophy, the Japanese is often approached through binary and simple-minded descriptions. A series of opposing dichotomies is sketched between the Western reflexivity versus Eastern intuition; rationality versus religiosity; philosophy of the self versus philosophy of the other. Even Bernard Stevens, a renowned specialist in the thought of Nishida Kitaro, a Japanese philosopher of the Kyoto School, cannot help but noting that the Japanese tradition observes the Other as a projection of the self, just as in Western philosophies, and as such, it has no added or innovative value (2016, p 190). Similarly, the authors of the compilation Japanese Philosophy do not escape the pitfall of essentialism when they declare that “Japanese culture is sensuous, 132

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ritual and aesthetic, it celebrates the ‘here and now’, the immediate, the ordinary, and the changing immanence of appearances, a kind of ‘phenomenalism without phenomenon’ ” (Dalissier, Sugimura & Nagai, 2013, p 57). If indeed, western philosophy was introduced to Japan during the Meiji period and the general opening up to the world, what was there in Japan, in terms of philosophical thinking, before that? Can the presuppositions that an independent and original Japanese philosophy did not exist prior to the openness to Western knowledge be accurate? To understand in more detail the notion of compromise, it is useful to come back to the quite unique place of philosophy in Japan. What did Nakae Chomin--the Meiji period philosopher who translated Rousseau to Japanese, mean by saying: “From Antiquity to the present days, philosophy has not existed in our country”? (quoted in Nakamura, 1995, p 77). Indeed philosophy as a pure academic or scientific field did not exist in Japan. However, if can philosophy be considered separately from its historical, cultural and spiritual context? If such a context is essential to the growth and cultivation of philosophy, then Japan was definitely rich with it way before the influence of the West. Linguistically, the word ‘philosophy’ (testugaku, 哲学), is originally imported from China. It was made up of two ideograms put together: wisdom (tetsu) and knowledge (gaku). The neologism testugaku was then coined by Nishi Amane, one of the leading Japanese philosophers of the Meiji period, to refer to the corpus of Western essays and to the translation process of these texts. It is important to note that a neologism is itself the result of a compromise: the word contains within it two old concepts that are being endowed with new and updated meaning. The word represents therefore, a philological accommodation process in which two old concepts are infused with new imported meanings, and accordingly are adjusted to new usages. However, it is common in the West to perceive Japanese thought only in the light of culture, codes and moral values, practical wisdom and behaviors. Consequently, Japanese philosophy would be more or less a religious lifestyle which would not be driven by the search for knowledge itself, by the same rationality, or logos, specific to Western philosophy. However, Eastern thought has distinguished itself from other religious doctrines in many ways. In order to run against an oversimplifying image of Japanese thought, a brief historical overview of its evolution is required. It will highlight to what extent Japanese philosophy was linked, from the very beginning, to compromise and cross-cultural dialogue. As early as the 7th AC, Confucianism and Buddhism were imported from China and Korea to Japan, and help to shape the doctrine of the inner self and the social self. A new stream of the Buddhist tradition originating in India was called Mahayana, literally the “Great Vehicle.” Its emphasis was teaching the vacuity of 133

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things (ku), and the need of the middle way (chudo), between existence and absolute nothingness. It denied the idea of substance and promoted a vision of an emerging, dynamic universe and the interdependence of the social and natural worlds. During the classical period (beginning of the 9th century), Buddhist schools systematized the Buddhist doctrine (Kukai and Saicho); they defended the idea that the entire cosmos is expressed through a spiritual phenomenon and that believers could reach Nirvana. During the shogunate period (1185-1333), a military dictatorship founded by the Shogun, or great general, of the city of Kamakura, new Buddhist schools, called “pure land”, analyzed human weaknesses. Meditation was used to solve philosophical problems. The kokugaku school (literally: “study of our national heritage”) headed by Motoori Norigana (1730-1801) advocated a return to classical Confucianism, which disregarded metaphysical speculation to focus on simple virtues such as social harmony. At that time, Inoue Enryo井上円了and Kiyozawa Manshi清沢 満之, two Buddhist reformers, promoted the idea that Buddhism should be considered as a philosophy and not merely as a religion. The so-called modern period of philosophy in Japan dates back to the Meiji restoration at the latter half of the 19th Century, and corresponds roughly with the opening of Japan to Western influences. The most prominent philosophical group and intellectual society of the time--the Meirokusha, which was home to distinguished philosophers such as Tsuda Masamichi, Kanad Kohei, Nishimura Shigeki, and Fukuzawa Yukichi was influenced by English empiricists and utilitarians such as Bentham and Mille, by French political philosophers Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Montesquieu, and by American philosopher such Ernest Fenellosa, who actually taught western philosophy at the University of Tokyo. However, the opening up process to the West after two centuries of cultural isolation triggered a couple of significant dilemmas: is modernizing and westernizing necessarily the same thing? (Soury, 2016). And more bluntly: is being influenced by Western philosophy really emulating or copying of the original? At first, it seemed like philosophy under the Meiji era was limited, at least on the surface, to the study and presentation by Japanese of European authors. As such, Japanese culture gained a reputation as a “culture of translation”. However, a more profound perusal of the Japanese philosophers’ work in that pioneer era of rejuvenation reveals that they did not simply ‘copy and paste’ the Greco-Roman legacy, but that they were accommodating the classical Western writings through their own indigenous lenses such as Shintoism, Buddhism, and Zen to create a new and fascinating blend.

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The Kyoto School and Ricour’s Philosophy Studying the Kyoto School is an illustration of transforming cultural heritage into a new and updated terminology after being influence by external stimuli. The School of Kyoto is emblematic to this compromise of old and new: its members are both students and teachers of a Western thought (Kant, Schelling, Husserl, Marx, among others) as well as of the Buddhist and Zen spiritual tradition. This unique combination enabled one of the leaders of the group, philosopher Nishitani Keiji 西谷 啓治 to say: “we Japanese, have become heirs to two completely different cultures. It is a great privilege not shared by Westerners” (quoted by Stevens, 2000, p 126). This quote reflects an attitude that being at the confluence of two cultures and mastering several cultures was captured as an advantage over Westerners. Such an approach of the sense of superiority of Japanese on the West resonated with the ultra-nationalist reputation of the Kyoto school at the time of its prominence under the Japanese militant governments of the 1930s. A closer look however, reveals a more complex political leaning among the group, with members divided during the tumultuous years leading to WWII into two camps—nationalists and Marxists. The Marxist camp rapidly collapsed though: the Japan Communist Party, founded in 1922, outlawed by the Public Security Preservation Law of 1925, was subjected to repression and persecution.: a salient example was the case of Hajime Kawakami, a renowned Economist and a devout Marxist, who was forced to quit his position as the Chair of the Economics department at the Imperial University of Tokyo in 1928 due to his political believe. The internal political and ideological differences raise the question of how relevant and applicable the reference to the Kyoto School as one solid and unified discipline, or how valid it is relating to them as a distinct philosophical stream. Masakatsu (2001), asserts that the view of the Kyoto School as a coherent intellectual unit is more a Western portrayal and classification than a genuine categorization or one sought by the Kyoto philosophers. Very few are the Japanese philosophers who actually associate themselves with this school. Moreover, the twenty professors who are formally recognized as belonging to that group under this label engage in a variety of dissimilar philosophical methods and areas of expertise. If there is a common ground all or most members can agree on it must be according to Ryosuke Ohashi, the reflection on the question of nothingness (2011). Maraldo (1994) goes further and attempts to underline six elements that characterize the scholars of the Kyoto School: (1) Following the precepts of Kitarō Nishida, the founder of Kyoto School; (2) Association with the University of Kyoto; (3) Favoring of Japanese and Eastern Asia intellectual traditions; (4) Anti- Marxism; (5) Anti-Buddhism or any religion; and (6) Focus on the notion of absolute nothingness or emptiness as their main philosophical pursuit. 135

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The concept of emptiness (ku in Japanese), formalized rather than invented by the Kyoto school, is used both to criticize and accommodate Western thought and Asian traditions: it is inherited from the Buddhist tradition, but also has relevance in its ambiguous relationship to the Aristotelian discussion concerning the human condition. Indeed, the Japanese concept is not only related to non-existence, a negation of the self, as it is the case in Western thought, but conveys a positive meaning: emptiness connotes human beings’ independence. Indeed, nothingness is not bad in itself nor synonymous with nihilism: it is a creative source of power and birth that gives rise to many things and beings. When B. Stevens seeks in Western philosophy traces of this emptiness notion, deemed to be an oriental theme in its source, he finds it not in Nietzsche’s nihilism but in Paul Ricoeur’s work. But did the philosophy of Ricoeur really keep track of this Eastern undertone, and what is there viable logic to read Ricoeur from a perspective of Eastern sources? Studying Ricoeur, one of the most translated western philosophers in Japan, helps to discern which aspects of his thought are the most engaged or analyzed by Japanese specialists. His dedicated Japanese adherent, Hiroshi Kume, has devoted his life to the translation of his works. But even his painstaking effort stumbled across the cultural divide. His translations produced occasionally uneven imprecise, even inaccurate results. Foer example, Oneself as Another from 1996 was translated as 他者のよ うな自己自身. Unlike the French original, the Japanese title does not mean that the self has the intimate structure of the other. But rather it has a twofold meaning: the self as similar to the other, and the study of the self is as valid as the one of any other. These subtle but significant differences in meanings led some philosophers to become skeptical about the possibility of translation or the understanding of Ricoeur’s philosophy in Japan. However, with regard to the concept of compromise translating Ricoeur in Japanese made a lot of sense and curiosit There were different periods, which have marked the cultural absorption of Ricoeur’s texts into the Japanese philosophical discourse. A first phase concerned the intense attention to hermeneutics. Thus, Shocho no Kaishakugaku (The hermeneutics of the symbol) translated by Kume, was published in 1978, and connected the Ricoeurian myth and hermeneutics with Shinto, a traditional religion that worships spirits, and focuses on ritual practices to establish a connection between contemporary Japan and its past. Makita in 1996, in Rikuru no Tekusuto-Kaishakugaku (the hermeneutics of text according to Ricoeur) compares the hermeneutics (a method of interpretation) of Ricoeur, with that of Hans-Georg Gadamer, the German philosopher of the continental tradition, best known for his 1960 book Truth and Method on Hermeneutics, especially along the lines of the relationship between method and practical action, the role of critical criteria that need to govern intepretation. Other texts on specific themes, such as religion, were also explored and translated by Japanese philosophers. 136

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A second period lasted in the decade of 1990-2000, and illustrated a rediscovery of the multiplicity of Ricoeur’s fields of stud This was highlighted through several publications in Japanese with such titles as Ricoeur and Marxism, Ricoeur and Modern Philosophy, or Ricoeur and Social Sciences. The use of the conjunction ‘and’ rather than the preposition “on” testifies to the desire to link domains and previously unexplored fields of study, but also of the ability of Ricoeur to guide practical reflection, and to provide a key to read and understand the contemporary world. It is thus the “unclassifiable” character of the work which becomes its best characterization in modern times in Japan. For Yasuhiko Sugimura, a professor at Kyoto University, the specificity of Ricoeur also lies in the fact that he is a major witness to the philosophical trends of the 20th century and the French intellectual scene. His works have the particularity to operate a new synthesis between various philosophical trends: Phenomenology (the study of the structures of consciousness and phenomena that appear in the act of consciousness), Existentialism (the human subject, its freedom, is regarded as a sign of its authenticity and the highest principle), Structuralism (elements of human culture are constituted into a structure and abstract laws), and the return of metaphysics into Philosophy since the 1980s. Yet, interest in the works of Paul Ricoeur in Japan was perhaps less related to a particular aspect of his philosophy than to a general inquisitiveness in what was going on in Europe, particularly in France, at the time of post-modern philosophy, often defined as an attitude of skepticism towards the ideologies of modernism. Ricoeur’s essays, popular in many textbooks for Japanese philosophical courses, seemed to provide an accurate and comprehensive landscape of the history of Western philosophy. Regarded as a historian of ideas more than an inventor of concepts, the works of Ricoeur were used as a rigorous introduction to different philosophical trends. However, this interest in the philosophy of Ricoeur has been asymmetrical. Theses and books about Ricoeur’s thoughts and works written by Japanese specialists were not, as a general rule, translated into French except very few major works such as Sugimura (1995) titled Poro rikuru no shiso, which sought to define the coherence of his thought about two specific issues: man acting and suffering, and language and significance. The exceptionality of these Japanese readings of Ricoeur is to perform a synthesis, or a broader review of Western philosophy and its meeting points with Eastern philosophy beyond the meticulous probing of the text itself. This ambition can be noticeably detected in the prefaces or the first lines of articles that often discuss the situation of Japanese philosophy in juxtaposition to the European one. For example, the texts of Sugimura frequently open with a micro ego-history analysis, an essay of subjective exploration on his outsider status that makes it difficult for him to comprehend Western tradition especially when reading the works of Ricoeur (2004). 137

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In the same vein, Sugimura seeks to deploy a broader comprehension framework using the term post-Heideggerian philosophy (2011). This philosophical theme allows, according to this inquiry, to gather in a coherent manner the different philosophies that followed the period of the Second World War. Heidegger was concerned with human beings’ fundamental relation to time, authenticity, death, and truth. The need to establish a crossing point between disparate systems and to provide a “creative translation” between the two cultures, is found in this Sugimura’s aspiring endeavor to compare Western and Eastern philosophers. Contrary to Sugimura’s attempts to point out similarities between the Western and eastern philosophies, there was a significant an undeniable difference between Nishida—the founder of the Kyoto School and Ricoeur’s ideas, particularly about how to understand and consider the self. Ricoeur remains a consistent advocate of a traditional conception of the self, even of an egotistical philosophy of the subject. This means that the self always pre-exists the true understanding of the Other, and the comprehension of the other should be perceived through the self. In The Condition of Foreigner (2006), Ricoeur seeks to prove that to welcome a foreigner requires, in the first instance, the recognition of the foreign character within oneself, that is, the inner recognition of the concept and experience of strangeness, and of the arbitrary nature of belonging to a Nation in order to fully appreciate what being a foreigner really means. Nishida takes an opposite point of departure on the same topic: one must empty itself, to deny one’s own self in order to understand and communicate with others. There must be a process of absolute self-denial and non-consideration of any preexisting notions to our relationship to the other. In his text, I and You that Nishida devoted to the question of the relationship between otherness and the self, he wrote: I and you are absolutely others. There is not the slightest universal which subsumes I and you. (...) inside of me there is you, deep down of you there is me. It is by passing through the foundation of me towards you, and by passing the foundation of you towards me, that I and you unite. They inwardly unite as they are absolutely others. (1999, p 381). Another contradiction between the two philosophers on that issue is Nishida’s notion of “foundation”, which contrasts Ricoeur’s idea of “imperfect mediation” (Sugimura, 1995). Nishida is less interested in connecting two terms through the mediation of a third party than to realize the in-depth coherence of the self, nonsynthetic, non-solvable between the subject and the object, whose unity does not come to an end, but paradoxically deepens the absolute contradiction between the self and the other.

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Ricœur demonstrates a very keen consciousness of culture and of the specificity of Japanese philosophy. In Memory, History and Forgetting he declares to have been “recently very interested in the school of Kyoto, and Buddhism” (2000, p 112). The following statement also evidences Ricoeur’s attention to the cultural contingency of philosophy and the potential affinity between Eastern and Western philosophies: There are cultures that have become closer only in consideration of learned individuals, but which have not yet met to the point of radically transforming our tradition. This is the case of Far-Eastern civilizations. This explains that a phenomenology oriented by the philosophical question of Greek origin could not do its fair share to these great experiences of India and China. Here explodes, in addition to the contingency of our tradition, its limit. (1960, p 185). Sugimura recounts that he gave Ricoeur a text of Nishida, who cautiously chose not to comment on it off hand due to his insufficient knowledge of the language. Instead, the French philosopher emphasized the importance of translating the text he just received. This story raises the issue of the extent to which Ricoeur was really exposed to the deeper meanings of Eastern philosophies and the overall impact on his thought. Ricoeur made several trips to the Japan. He was invited to Tokyo by Franco-Japanese society of philosophy in 1977, and gave a lecture on the relationship between philosophy and language. He returned to Japan again in 1986 to give a lecture on the theory of action at the international symposium of philosophy. In 2000, he was awarded the Kyoto Inamori Prize and gave a lecture entitled Criticism and Conviction, which did not, however, mention Japanese philosophy but summarized some of the themes developed in his body of work. In summation, the relationship that Japan has maintained with European and French philosophy is inseparable from the process of Westernization of the Japanese State and society in the 19th century. too often, however, Japan is only studied through the idea of reception and influence of European philosophy in Japan, rather than the opposite direction. While Japanese philosophy is constantly viewed through the lenses of Chinese and European cultures, the Western world did not exhibit the same curiosity and open-mindedness to reciprocate the exploration of Japanese philosophy. The philosophy curriculum in European universities is almost devoid of references to its Japanese counterpart. These are almost strictly confined to Japanese studies. A new sense of compromise, understood as real opening to the other despite its differences, would allow Europeans and the English-speaking world to reflect on the consequences and implications of Western centrism. A possible solution to mitigate such worldwide cultural imbalance would be to introduce Japanese philosophical writings to a Euro-American audience and grant them with equal legitimacy as Western philosophical writing. Such initiative could introduce other philosophical 139

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practices adhered to in other cultures and thereby, prod Westerners to question their own practice of philosophy. This intercultural and inter-philosophical communication leads to a critical and more enriched analysis of the Other, recognizing, in the true sense, the value of philosophical dialogue within heterogeneous cultural traditions.

CONCLUSION This chapter aimed at demonstrating first, that the notion of compromise is perceived differently on the basis of linguistic and cultural resources. They indeed determine how a linguistic community, i.e. a people sharing the same language, relates to a specific notion. Second, the chapter stressed that philosophy is to be considered as a practice as much as an abstract reasoning. Third, philosophy is a cultural resource rather than a cultural identity, to quote the distinction made by Jullien (2016). Contrary to cultural identities, cultural resources are dynamic and intangible representations, belonging to every culture that chooses to mobilize them in a certain way. Drawing a panorama of philosophy in Japan shows how the notion of compromise runs through Japanese language philosophy, through the unstable, asymmetrical dialogue, constantly renegotiated, between Western and Eastern thought. The chapter has shown that there is a broad interest in reading Paul Ricoeur from a Japanese perspective, due to three main reasons: 1. It underlines different cultural interpretaions of philosophy 2. It enriches a “Western” view of Philosophy while avoiding an illusion of universal hegemony 3. It enlightens the notion of “compromise” when dealing with supposedly universal concepts and philosophical thoughts. As stated by Richard Bellamy: The aim of a good compromise is to integrate the various interests and ideals in play and to reach solutions that are mutually acceptable and embody equal concern and respect for those involved. (1998, p 122). In this sense, the intrinsic value of compromise must be re-evaluated, as it comes out of an ethically responsible activity that “assumes that every negotiator considers the other less as an opponent that we need to coerce, more as a partner” (Thuderoz, 2015, p 13). This journey through the global and the multi-faceted notion of compromise was intended to foster intercultural dialogue, and to shed light on different cultural ways of theorizing and thinking about concepts. By so doing, it encourages to relinquish simplistic dichotomies such as rationalism vs. irrationalism, religion vs. Philosophy, or being vs. non-being. It also inspires openness to foreign thoughts and urges for a cosmopolitan thinking in order to reflect, in return, on what is exactly the nature and spirit of philosophy. 140

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REFERENCES Arnsperger, C., & Picavet, E. (2004). More than modus vivendi, less than overlapping consensus: Towards a political theory of social compromise. Social Science Information / Information sur les sciences sociales, 43, 167-204. Bellamy, R. (1998). Liberalism and Pluralism, Towards a politics of compromise. New York, NY: Routledge. Bellamy, R. (2012). Democracy, Compromise and the Representation Paradox. Coalition Government and Political Integrit Government and Opposition, 47(3), 441–465. doi:10.1111/j.1477-7053.2012.01370.x Biddle, F. (2011). Necessity of Compromise. In R. M. Maciver (Ed.), Integrity and Compromise. Problems of Public Private Conscience. New York: Harper & Brothers. (Original work published 1957) Burke, E. (2005). Burke Select Works, vol. 1. London: The Lawbook Exchange. (Originally published 1899) Cervulle, M. (2013). Dans le blanc des yeux. Diversité, racisme et médias. Dalissier, M., & Nagai, S. (2013). Philosophie japonaise, le néant, le monde et le corps, textes réunis par M. Dalissier, S. Nagai et Sugimura. Paris: Vrin. Habermas, J. (1987). Théorie de l’agir communicationnel. Paris: Fayard. Hampshire, S. (2001). Justice Is Conflict. New York: Paperback. Heisig, J. W., & Maraldo, J. C. (Eds.). (1994). Rude Awakenings: Zen, The Kyoto School, and the Question of Nationalism. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Jeudy, H. (1996). Tout négocier, masques et vertiges des compromis. Paris: Autrement. Jullien, F. (1993). Eloge de la fadeur, A partir de la pensée et de l’esthétique de la Chine. Paris: Le livre de poche. Jullien, F. (2016). Il n’y a pas d’identité culturelle. Paris: l’Herne. Kitaro, N. (1999). Nishida Kitaro Zenshu. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Malik, K. (2017, February 19). Are Soas students right to “decolonize” their minds from western philosophers? The Guardian. Retrieved June 6, 2019, from https:// www.theguardian.com/education/2017/feb/19/soas-philosopy-decolonise-ourminds-enlightenment-white-european-kenan-malik?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other Margalit, A. (2010). On Compromise and Rotten Compromises. New York: Paperback. 141

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Masakatsu, F. (2001). Hajime ni. In Kyoto gakuha no tetsugaku [The philosophy of the Kyoto School]. Tokyo: Showado. Mbembe, A. (2013). Critique de la raison nègre. Paris: La Découverte. Morley, J. (2004). On Compromise. London: Public Domain Books. Mouffe, C. (2014). Agonistique: Penser politiquement le monde. Paris: ENSBA. Nachi, M. (2011). Actualité du compromis, la construction politique de la différence. Paris: Armand Colin. Nakamura. (1995). Une philosophie japonaise est-elle possible? Ebisu, 8, 77-102. Ohashi, R. (2011). Die Philosophie der Kyoto-Schule, Texte und Einführung. Berlin: Verlag Karl Alber. Piovesana, G. (1957). Les principaux courants de la philosophie japonaise contemporaine, Archives De Philosophie. Nouvelle Série, 20(1), 118–132. Ricoeur. (1960). Finitude et culpabilité, tome 2: La symbolique du mal. Paris: Aubier. Ricoeur. (2000). Un grand philosophe face à l’histoire, entretien avec Paul Ricoeur. Le Nouvel Observateur, 112-114. Ricoeur. (2006). La condition d’étranger [The Condition of a Foreigner]. Esprit, 3, 265-275. Simmel, G. (1995). Le conflit. Paris: Circé. Souyri, F. (2016). Moderne sans être occidental, aux origines du Japon d’aujourd’hui. Paris: Gallimard. Stevens, B. (2000). Topologie du néant, une approche de l’école de Kyôto. Louvain: Peeters-Bibliothèque philosophique de Louvain. Stevens, B. (2016). Nishida et l’idée d’une autre histoire de la philosophie. Philosophie, 45(1), 187–205. Sugimura. (1995). L’homme, médiation imparfaite. De L’homme faillible à l’herméneutique du soi. In L’herméneutique à l’école de la phénoménologie (pp. 195-218). Paris: Beauchesne. Sugimura. (2004). Le témoignage comme passage originaire. Métaphysique du témoignage chez Jean Nabert . In Mélanges pour Jean Greisch (pp. 382-393). Paris: Cerf.

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Sugimura. (2011). Paul Ricoeur et l’école de Kyoto. Philosopher autrement, Etudes Théologiques et Religieuses, 86, 355-359. Thuderoz, C. (2013). Le problème du compromis. Négociations, 20(2), 95–111. doi:10.3917/neg.020.0095 Thuderoz, C. (2015). Petit traité du compromis, l’art de la concession. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.

ADDITIONAL READING Dale, N. (2012). The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness. New York: Routledge. Dalissier, M. (2009). Anfractuosité et unification: la philosophie de Nishida Kitarô. Paris: Librairie Droz. Goto-Jones, C. (2005). Political Philosophy in Japan: Nishida, the Kyoto School and co-prosperit New York. Routledge. Kitaro, N. (1996). La culture japonaise en question. Paris: Publications Orientalistes de France. Mazzei, F. (1999). Japanese Particularism and the Crisis of Western Modernit Venice: Foscari. Nachi, M. (Ed.). (2006). Éloge du compromis: Pour nouvelle pratique démocratique. Paris: Academia.

KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Cosmopolite: The idea that everyone is a member of a global community, humanity, rather than a citizen of a political nation or place. Being cosmopolitan means transcending political borders and acting as a global citizen. Cultural Appropriation: The act of taking elements from another culture, often a minority culture, and transfer them into a dominant culture. Cultural appropriation can be seen as a form of colonialism: it differs from cultural exchange, in the sense that cultural elements are distorted, reduced to exotic items, and overall appropriated in a disrespectful way. Hegemony: Social or cultural predominance or ascendency from one society, one individual over another. 143

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Kyosei: The Japanese concept of “Kyosei” means living and working together for the common good and mutual prosperity in a fair and healthy competition. Kyoto School: A Japanese philosophical movement beginning in the 1910s that assimilated Western philosophy and used it to reformulate ideas unique to the East Asian tradition. Shintoism: A traditional religion of Japan, devoted to the worship of multiple spirits and essences (kami), public shrines. Westernization: A process through which societies are influenced or adopt Western cultures in specific areas (lifestyle, clothing, values, language).

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Section 2

Practical Aspects

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Chapter 7

Circle Peace-Making in Alaska: A Return to Indigenous Practice Through Intercultural Dialogue Polly Elizabeth Hyslop University of Alaska – Fairbanks, USA Brian N. Jarrett California State University – Dominguez Hills, USA

ABSTRACT In this chapter, the authors explore the re-emergence of peace-making in a Tlingit community, its renaissance, and its value as a contemporary method of dispute resolution in rural Alaska. The circle peacemaking process (herein “circle peacemaking”) works in collaboration with the State of Alaska judicial system, as a local restorative practice addressing misdemeanors and juvenile ofenses. Local law enforcement and families within communities can refer misdemeanor and young ofenders to circle peace-making. Local schools can also refer students who are in need of guidance and direction to address misbehaviors.

INTRODUCTION The re-emergence of Tlingit Peace-making, and its value as a contemporary method of dispute resolution in Alaska has been a testimony to successful local community autonomy. The Circle Peace-making process, practiced by local volunteers in Kake, a Tlingit community in southeast Alaska works in collaboration with the State of Alaska judicial system, as a local restorative practice addressing misdemeanors and juvenile offenses. This process allows the court system along with local law DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch007 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

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enforcement and district court within the community to refer local offenders facing misdemeanor charges, to participate in a restorative Peace-Making Circle with the victim(s) and other interested members. This local process is a testament to the return of traditional Tlingit ways of working together to resolve local harm, strengthen broken relationships and restore safety to the community. Because the residents of this community have always practiced peacemaking before the advent of colonial courts both federal and state, the Tlingit community accepts Circle Peacemaking as a legitimate method of conflict resolution and crime reduction.

Circle-Peacemaking as a Way of Life Ironically, Circle Peace-making is not a new invention in Native communities. Instead, the community is experiencing a return to Native principles and practices as it re-emerges as a viable means of resolving contemporary problems associated with an increasingly chaotic social world. Throughout history, Circle Peace-making has always adapted to meet the new challenges of new day and it will continue to do so, as long as it remains true to its roots. Peacemaking is practiced both as a way of life and as a process by which to keep communities intact in the journey towards community safety and wellness. This is true in many other Indigenous communities as well. In fact, there is an abundance of literature on traditional law and practices successfully maintaining peaceful relations between tribal members, clans, and other tribes all over the world using Indigenous Knowledge (Kunnie & Goduka, 2006; Ross, 2006; McCaslin, 2005). Law is embedded in our ways of thinking, living, and being. For Indigenous Peoples, law is far more than rules to be obeyed. Law is found within our language, customs, and practices. It is found within the carefully balanced relations of our clan systems and our extended families. It is also found in ceremonies and rituals. Law is a whole way of life. Through countless means, our traditions teach us how to be respectful of others and mindful of how our actions affect them (McCaslin, 2005, p. 88). The Tlingit Circle Peace-making also referred to in this article as the “Circle” process emerged as a response by the local community to address local health, crime, and related behavioral issues, which the Alaska state government and its law enforcement institutions failed to address. Cultural differences in ideas and attitudes regarding punishment and community wellness often pitted efforts by law enforcement and the courts against the better judgment of the Tlingit community in Kake. To its credit, however, the Kake community took proactive steps to bridge the gap that this clash in cultural perspectives and priorities created. This story of local 147

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autonomy all began when the local Kake community members decided to draw on traditional Indigenous values, knowledge, and practices to create a space in which it could address the shortcomings in these state legal institutions. It required the span of years for community members, both Tlingit and Non-Tlingit, to step forth and communicate emotionally sensitive differences with each other regarding aspects of an oft-painful history for Native Peoples in Alaska. Over time, through all the community deliberations the citizens of Kake discovered that Circle Peace-making, based on traditional knowledge, offered (and continues to offer) the most effective and long-term solution to the problem of incarceration and recidivism. Why? Because the community Circle participants tend to find personal healing through the Peacemaking process that values the well-being of victims, wrong-doers and community. This, in turn, results in community wellness and safety. The Circle Keepers seek to work with the state courts, institutions, and agencies as partners. In short, Circle-peacemaking improved the relationship between the Kake community and the state courts. In order to understand how all this happened it is necessary to know some facts about Kake, its history, its traditional practices, including Circle Peace-making itself.

A Tlingit Community Revives Its Traditional Law Kake is a beachfront community with approximately 627 residents who are predominantly Tlingit (Census Reporter, 2016), located on an island southwest of Juneau, the capital city of Alaska. The small island community has a K-12 school, health clinic, village police safety officer, tribal corporation office, city office, two stores, community hall, cannery, elder residence and the tribal office. The town is accessible only by boat or small plane. In the summer months, the state ferry brings tourists to the island. Like many small Native communities in rural Alaska, Kake has a federally recognized tribal government; the Organized Village of Kake (otherwise referred to as OVK) serves the social, economic, educational, and tribal court needs of the tribal members. In addition, Kake is a first-class city (Community:Kake). The values and practices of traditional Tlingit law are important in the design of Peace-making. With each new referral, participants in the Circle seek to address the underlying issues that lead to crime and conflict. Members focus on repairing relationships and preventing further disputes. In this place-based justice process, the Peacemakers (local residents) within the Circle function to promote a safer and healthier community. The Peacemaker’s intention is to “have offenders recognize the harm they have caused their victims, help heal relationships, and help victims heal and free themselves from blame and the effects of trauma” (In Recognition, 2013, p. 121).

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Circle Peace-Making and Community Wellness Circle Peace-making has been effective in lowering the recidivism rate for wrongdoers in the community, while paying close attention to the needs of the victims (whose voices are all-to-often not included in the standard criminal justice process). Over the years, the Peacemakers within the Circle process have guided adults and juvenile offenders with high success rates. In the first four years after they began their practice, the Circle members served 140 members with 97% completion of all restorative agreements created in the Circle. (Kake Circle Peacemaking, 2003) Circle Peace-making is a part of the community’s larger project to promote community wellness and safety (Hyslop, 2018). Other complementary programs such as the Keex Kwaan culture camp, offered in the summers, also bring the community members together to focus on language and culture. The community’s once-high suicide rate in the 1980s has now dropped to zero as a result of several combined projects in the community. In 2003, the Village of Kake received an Innovations for American Government award from Harvard University for its Peace-making design and effort. Program evaluators from Harvard University lauds programs such as Circle Peace-Making for its “...mission is to recognize, promote, and disseminate innovative programs, policies, and practices so that they can become widely adopted and established as best practices” (Harvard Kennedy School, 2003). These evaluators stated further that “...these are remarkable and desperately needed achievements in Alaska” (Kake Circle Peacemaking, 2003). This chapter reviews the merits of local Indigenous design in dispute resolution and a local village’s journey toward community safety, health and wellness. Circle Peace-making is very much a community effort in Kake. State Court Magistrate-Judge Mike Jackson, who is also a Kake Tlingit Elder, recognized that Circle Peace-making needed to be designed with the help and support of the local community members (Jackson, 2010). After a major Alaskan newspaper spotlighted their community problems in 1988, Kake residents took action. The town had one of the highest rates of suicide in the nation in the 1980s (Jackson, 2010). There were 18 cases of suicide between 1980-1999 on record (Health Analytics and Vital Records, 2018). The outside flow of cash from the logging industry coupled with an influx of outside workers displaced local job opportunities customarily open to locals. With the ensuing boredom and restlessness, many local adults and teenagers resorted to drinking and substance abuse. During this epoch, the State judicial system was not able to respond adequately to the social upheaval created by the significant unemployment and displacement. Moreover, there was a lack of adequate support in the juvenile justice for young persons in the village. It was customary for the juvenile probation officer to fly into the village only when a young person had a committed a serious offense (Kake Circle 149

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Peacemaking, 2003). Change comes with good leadership and a strong community commitment towards wellness.

Facilitating a Community Dialogue In the late 1980s, when Kake residents began meeting together to discuss the social problems in their community because alcoholism and suicide rates were staggeringly high. Magistrate-Judge Mike Jackson (2010) noted: At one time, there were 21 people that died in one year from suicides. One hundred percent of it was because of alcohol. I doubt if they would have done that to themselves if they were sober (Jackson, 2010, p. 2). The award-winning newspaper series “A People in Peril” published by the Anchorage Daily News, created a grim picture of Alaska Natives suicide and alcoholism describing their plight as an “epidemic” (Weaver, 1988, p. A2). The article further reported that, in that period, the incidence of Alaska Native suicide and alcoholism had reached “epidemic” proportions (Weaver, 1988, p. A2). The article also portrayed the sober members of Kake as disinterested in solving the problem (McCoy, 1988, p. G1) including the “all-too-frequent scenes of destruction” (p. G4). This report created a reaction from the residents of Kake. “And this made us look right in the mirror” recounts Magistrate Judge Mike Jackson (2010, p. 6). Initially, the local community organizers’ efforts met with resistance in the Village of Kake. This caused the organizers to engage in a community discussion about how best to facilitate an intervention. This, in turn, lead to a discussion about the importance of traditional knowledge and practices that focused on community wellness and mutual respect. There was a long debate about what was right and what was wrong and what was religion, what was tradition, and the common values of love, respect and forgiveness. That sent us on the road of recovery and healing. (Jackson, 2010, p. 6). The community came to identify Circle Peace-making as a solution, because it was part and parcel of a long historical tradition in Tlingit society and a long-standing practice that solved social misbehavior through its emphasis on forgiveness, healing, and community wellness. Mike Jackson is quick to say that the volunteers are not healers and that outside assistance is often welcome because most of the volunteers are not professionals, (Jackson, 2014 Private Conversation).

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An Intercultural Exchange Through Hands-On Training Before they took action, the Kake community members invited outside consultants to advise them in their early steps. While the consultants could offer helpful directions and support, the Kake community soon came to realize that the ultimate responsibility for change rested on its shoulders. Some preliminary work and education was necessary for the community to understand the enormity of problem it was facing. Some workshops by other Indigenous community groups were particularly useful. A member of the Kake community sponsored a training by a group from Alkali Lake First Nation1 located in British Columbia, Canada. The latter had become a positive example of sobriety, overcoming its own epidemic of alcohol related crimes, similar to that occurring in Kake. While culturally distinct from Tlingit practices, the Alkali Lake First Nations training provided great value as a model in personal healing for the local Kake community. The workshop, called New Directions, helped the participants to engage in some healthy, but emotionally painful work, in which they were encouraged to “express their emotions and confront rather than avoid” (McCoy, 1988 p. G3) their problems. Community meetings served as a public forum for residents who wanted to be involved in creating the new climate of change. It took several years of regular meetings and dialogue to overcome community resistance, build acceptance, and communicate the need for personal responsibility among those who most needed it. Through extensive training and dialogue, the community residents came to recognize the point at which where they knew they were ready to create a local initiative. The next step to creating the Circle Peace-making process occurred when Jackson met Harold Gatensby, a Tlingit Practitioner in Peace-making in Canada. Years prior to their meeting, Gatensby had been working on reviving Circle Peace-making, in his own Tlingit community on the Canadian side of the border. Specifically, Gatensby had revived the traditional Tlingit Peace-making practice in his community of Carcross, a First Nation community in the Yukon Territory. As soon as he heard Gatensby talk about Peace-making, Jackson recognized it as the one and the same principles and practices he had learned in his own youth from his father and grandfather, both of whom were respected as local peacemakers (Jackson, 2014). Nevertheless, Jackson realized he would have to help the community interpret these traditional practices revived in the Canadian context into an American legal environment. To further their education in the Peace-making process, OVK invited Harold Gatensby and other Peace-making practitioners to Kake to hold a Peace-making training. A week after the training in 1999, the members of Kake held their first Circle Peace-making. The OVK convened a Circle meeting to address a dispute arising from the removal of children from their mother’s home by the Alaska child protective services, due to safety concerns arising from the mother’s frequent bouts 151

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of drunkenness. The mother loved the children but clearly had a severe alcoholism problem. This affected all aspects of her life. This woman was in extreme emotional and physical distress and the community was extremely concerned for her health and the well-being of her children. During the Circle process, the woman dropped her defensiveness, as she listened to the gentle support of the Peace-makers guiding her. In compliance with the Circle plan, she enrolled in an alcoholism treatment program and began demonstrating a deep commitment to self-care and to the care of her children. While she attended an alcohol treatment program, the members of the community paid her bills, supported her children, and maintained her home. She returned to her community sober and regained custody of her children (Jackson, 2010). She maintains her sobriety to this day. This anecdote is evidence of the positive value in her particular case, but what followed was even more inspiring. Other community members, motivated by her courage, followed in her footsteps, and chose the Circle Peacemaking when they were given the option. Since the convening of that first Circle, to the present day, Circle Peacemaking has received national attention and acclaim for its accomplishments (Hyslop, 2018). This initiative, based in traditional cultural practice and re-interpreted in the American legal context, has withstood the test of time (Hyslop, 2018). It has also survived both external pressures from the state and internal pressures from within the community itself to prevent or eliminate its practices. The community continues to support its traditional practice of Circle-peacemaking peace and offers trainings to outside members. It remains to this day a viable practice by which to address and resolve misbehavior in the community (Hyslop, 2018). Why has it been so successful? Because it is a community-designed initiative that transcends differences between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous cultures while maintaining its allegiance to traditional Indigenous knowledge and practices. Magistrate -Judge Mike Jackson and the governing body, the Organized Village of Kake otherwise referred to as OVK leadership maintained a healthy, collaborative working relationship with state judges, prosecutors, and law enforcement, despite the latter’s tendency towards extreme centralization in Alaska. Interestingly, because of the success of the Peace-making initiative in Kake, in recent years, other Tribes have begun to explore Peacemaking initiatives of their own, each in their own cultural milieu. The Tlingit community in Kake, through its commitment to its own cultural practices has shown other leaders that they too can build sustainable restorative practices in their own rural communities.

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Alaska Natives and the State Criminal Justice System A 2013 comprehensive study completed by the Indian Law and Trust Commission appointed by President Obama states that Alaska’s approach to criminal justice is “fundamentally on the wrong track” for Alaska Natives (A Roadmap for making Native America safer, 2013, p. 42). In a relatively closed justice field with its extremely centralized top-down structure, historically judicial actors and legislators have expressed little interest in greater input and participation from communities in rural villages.2 In fact, it was not until relatively recently that legislators and judges began welcoming local initiatives in restorative practices to address juvenile and misdemeanor cases (Hyslop, 2018). The Native population of Alaska makes up an alarmingly high population in the correctional system. According to the 2017 Alaska Department of Corrections Offender Profile, the adult Native population makes up nearly 37% (36.63%) of the imprisoned population in the correction facilities (p. 11). The Native juvenile offenders make up nearly half of referrals to the Alaska Alaska Division of Health and Social Services (2018). The statistics are of concern because the Indigenous**population makes up only 15.3% of the population of Alaska (U.S. Census, 2018). Most of the criminal cases in rural Alaska are processed through a centralized criminal justice system in major towns and hubs, though the trend is changing with tribal courts. When the Alaska Territory became a state in 1959, the new administration placed magistrates (local judges often without law degrees) in the interior rural regions and elsewhere in Alaska. This was a clear message for the Native people that the law of the land was no longer local, but instead officially adjudicated, processed, and determined within the walled-off chambers of a distant courthouse. Because of centralized, oft-heavy handed state government policies, the small population of incarcerated Native persons soon increased in number. Over the decades, the federal and state governments have spent millions of dollars in exhaustive studies and failed attempts to remedy the problem of over-representation of Native people in the corrections system. There is nevertheless cause to be optimistic. State courts are demonstrating a greater willingness to refer cases to local Tribal Courts (Hyslop, 2018). Tribal courts are more amenable to restorative practices such as Peace-making (Hyslop, 2018). Circle Peace-making in Kake demonstrated effectiveness and its sustainable nature offers both State and Tribal courts a realistic alternative to incarceration, particularly with regard to young Native offenders (Hyslop, 2018). Increasingly, tribes have sought and received state and federal funding to develop Restorative Justice programs, but the latter tend to be designed by so-called experts and professionals who are outsiders to the community. In contrast, the Circle Peacemaking practices in Kake is the exception, demonstrating that local community 153

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volunteers can effectively design and implement their own peace-making process. This local commitment and emotional investment ensures that Peacemakers are always available to work in the Circle, in Kake. Most Native communities, like Kake, are off the road system and accessible by plane and/or boat in the summer months. Because of this transportation challenge, the State central processing system of offenders is a problem in contemporary Alaska. Today, when young residents of rural villages in Alaska are charged with minor offenses, they are usually processed through the top-down, centrally- run corrections system, in facilities far from their remote villages. When these young persons are removed from their social networks and family support, they enter detention homes, often a plane ride away, in which they become versed in criminal behavior taught by their new peers during their incarceration. Frequently, they return home to their respective villages more disturbed, confused, and anti-social than before they left (Jarrett & Hyslop, 2014). More often than not, the juvenile probation officers’ only contact with these young persons is by means of telephone. Additionally, probation officers are usually strangers who live far away, outside the young offenders’ respective communities. Further, the family support system is usually excluded from the process, leaving a large gap between the returning wrongdoer and his or her family and community members. Some cause to be optimistic is warranted however. Since 2013, the State of Alaska courts have shown a marked increase in interest to work with the Native communities of rural Alaska, as reflected in the Chief Justice’s annual State of the Judiciary report to the legislature. The state legislature has responded by promulgating legislation that countenances a greater number of local options for community-designed dispute resolution processes in rural Alaska. The courts have provided additional dispute resolution alternatives in its rules of court.. These combined changes have opened a new door for local Indigenous communities to explore their own programs in peace-making based on their respective traditions and practices. Some communities may choose Circle Peacemaking, akin to the Tlingit tradition, while others will undoubtedly design processes very different from the Tlingit model. Today, there exists close to 300 small remote3 federally recognized tribes in Alaska who have the viable option of designing a dispute resolution process of their own.

A Socio-Cultural Perspective on Circle Peace-Making Field theoretical models drawn from social science help explain why and how Circle Peace-making re-emerged in the manner that it did (Hyslop, 2018). In this regard, the work of Pierre Bourdieu is of particular relevance. Bourdieu coined the term “juridical field” which conceived of a totalizing environment in which 154

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disputes emerge and become resolved. He argues that the larger juridical field exerts tremendous pressures to conform on all processes occurring and persons acting within its boundaries. Thus, Circle Peace-making, while based on traditional Tlingit knowledge and practice, still had to emerge and operate within the larger Anglo-American juridical field. The question becomes why it was so successful in maintaining its own logic and processes in the face of great pressures from the Anglo-American juridical field. Pierre Bourdieu conceives of the juridical field in which various competitors vie for distinction. The resulting shape of the field reflects this fierce marketplace competition for resources and influence. The competition supports a logic unique to the field. In the case of the juridical field, it is logic based on an adversarial process. Lawyers, and other juridical actors, who make their living in the field, seek to dominate it. “Bourdieu central claim is that the juridical field, like any social field, is organized around a body of internal protocols and assumptions, characteristic behaviors and self-sustaining values—what we might informally term a “legal culture”’ (Bourdieu, 1987). According to Bourdieu, one could also argue that Indigenous Knowledge is, sui generis, its own knowledge field and the Circle Peace-making is a practice within that field. As Indigenous knowledge, experiences a renaissance so will Peacemaking, because it is a way of life. Further, it is conceivable that there are actually two knowledge fields within the one criminal justice system in Alaska, namely the Anglo-American knowledge field4 and the Indigenous knowledge field. The Anglo-American criminal justice system, as a system. does not does not share the same outcomes for the wrong-doers as the participants of the Circle-peacemaking practice within the Indigenous Knowledge field which emphasizes community health and healing. The online Merriam-Webster dictionary defines systems as “a group of related parts that move or work together” (n.d.). Within the criminal justice system, the Anglo-American field is comprised of judges, lawyers, social workers, probation officers, policymakers, mediators, and personnel who work together within the system to accomplish certain goals. This field emerged out of Anglo-American values, knowledge, and tradition. Until recently, the Indigenous Knowledge field was often left out of the criminal justice system, despite the fact that Native people make up a good portion of the of the inmate population within this system (Hyslop, 2018). The Indigenous knowledge field emphasizes balance and the good relations between clan and family members, the spirit world and the following generations. This knowledge field recognizes the importance of respect with all living beings and a strong relationship to the land. Living in social balance with one another was necessary for survival, especially during the harsh, unforgiving environment of Interior Alaska. People looked out for another, sharing food, shelter and clothing. 155

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The Kake community and other Native communities in Alaska, recognized (and continue to recognize) the totalizing force of the juridical field and the fact that any community starting a new dispute resolution initiative must work within this pre-existing legal world. The Kake community did exactly this when it created its Circle Peace-making process. It invited input and collaboration with from a host of institutional actors and organizations. These included, but were not limited to, the Criminal Justice System (CJS), governed by Anglo-American laws, procedures, and policies, and the local Organized Village of Kake Tribal court established pursuant to the Indian Reorganization Act in 1936. Communication between fields is most important in creating change. Magistrate-Judge Mike Jackson was the communicator between the Anglo-American and Tlingit Knowledge fields. Circle Peace-making, with its handful of volunteers, had to navigate all of these institutions and the competing interests that each represent. Recent socio-economic factors may have also played a role in why Circle Peacemaking re-emerged in the modern era in Alaska. Alaska became an oil wealthy state in 1971 with the discovery of oil in Prudhoe Bay, the northern region of the state. This provided a great source of revenue for the state to build infrastructure including state legal institutions and provide jobs within the criminal justice system. However, in recent times the global price of oil declined significantly, so that the state simply has less revenue to spend on all social service fields. As a result, the state is also much more willing to entertain local initiatives to cut the high costs of service to rural Alaska. Arguably, referring cases towards tribal courts and to a local restorative program in Kake provided a way to reduce costs. Alaska State legislation and rules of court have been modified to include disputeresolution and restorative alternatives. For example, Rule 11 of the Alaska Rules of criminal procedure now include several alternatives. “Restorative Justice programs include, but are not limited to, circle sentencing, family group conferencing, reparative boards, and victim/offender mediation” (Alaska Rules of Criminal Procedure Rule 11 (i)). Jeff May, in the Justice Department at the University of Alaska has acknowledged the restorative alternatives that are now available under Rule 11 actually will provide alternatives that are less adversarial and more effective for local communities. The demographics of rural Alaska and its residents suggest Restorative Justice processes will help increase local participation in dispute resolution and crime prevention, provide a justice focus that is less adversarial, and better meet small community needs and cultural preferences for reconciliation (May, J., Fall 2014/ Winter 2015).

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Studies indicate that Alaska Native fare better off working to solve crime at a local level in Peace-making and related restorative programs (Hyslop, 2018). These studies also demonstrate that Alaska Natives are removed from the community to their detriment both in terms of physical and mental well-being (A Roadmap for making Native America safer, 2013). The Roadmap study characterized the situation as follows. Alaska’s approach creates and reinforces discriminatory attitudes about Alaska Natives and the governing capacities of Alaska Native Tribes. As long as the system that helped create the problems is allowed to persist, the general public will be tempted to assume that the fault lies with the victims – when instead, Alaska Natives and Alaska Native Tribal governments have had relatively little say in the way crime and justice are addresses in their communities (A Roadmap, 2013, p. 47) In sum, Peace-making is the local alternative that the 2013 Roadmap study envisions. Recent development in higher education have also bolstered efforts of Indigenous communities to engage in their own community planning. The discipline of Indigenous Planning is giving practitioners tools for affecting change in rural communities. Undoubtedly, Circle Peace-making in Kake benefited from this emerging discipline. Magistrate-Judge Mike Jackson who was educated at the University of Alaska developed extensive knowledge in community planning, forestry, and ecology before becoming Magistrate-Judge. He brought his traditional knowledge to the juridical field thus influencing change for both knowledge systems. Local communities, who have grown weary of some of the shortcomings of the criminal justice system, have embraced efforts at local planning. They are increasingly looking to adopt forms of traditional Circle Peace-making as part of their planning efforts. Historically, Native ways of resolving community conflict were integral to Indigenous community-based planning. Hirini Matunga defines Indigenous Planning (IP) as “planning by, rather than planning for these communities,” and as a form of planning that is continually evolving with change and “practiced since time immemorial” (Matunga, 2013, p. 3). Indigenous planning takes into account its history, origins, current conditions, and future planning for the next generations (Walker, Jojola, & Natcher, 2013). For the citizens of Kake, IP is planning and designing “things that matter to them the most” (Hibbard & Adkins, 2013, p. 99).

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Dispute Systems Design (DSD) Supports Peace-Making as a Cultural Practice Circle Peace-making is compatible with Dispute Systems Design (DSD). The latter is a practice that provides a way for change-agents within a system to anticipate conflicts and solve them in advance through a stakeholder-driven decentralized process. In the 1970s, negotiators and academics William L. Ury, Jeanne M. Brett, and Stephen B. Goldberg pioneered the field and coined the term “Dispute Systems Design” when it emerged as a practice in labor relations within the mining industry. Ury and others developed DSD principles to resolve many labor disputes including frequent strikes and lockdowns at the Caney Creek Coal Mine in Mulenberg, Kentucky. Both the mining corporation and the union recognized they were in need of a new system of conflict management that could deal with conflicts efficiently and effectively before they escalated into the frequent strikes and lockouts, which were endemic at the mine (Amsler, Martinez, & Smith, 2015; Ury, Brett & Goldberg, 1988). The devastating effects of these continuing conflicts took their toll on all concerned. Through the practice of DSD, the union and management were able to move away from a historically adversarial relationship. In the decades that followed DSD evolved and expanded to other conflicts and conflicts within a host of communities. “DSD evolved over the decades, from resolving disputes in labor union strikes to managing conflict in the courts, workplace employment, business transactions, organizational conflict, communities, governments, and in the global theatre” (Rogers, Bordone, Sander, & McEwen, 2013, p. 388). It even includes large-scale disputes arising from airline accidents, environmental disasters, national emergencies and international transactions and treaties (Rogers, et al., 2013). DSD is used in emergency contexts and global systems for policy development. Today, DSD is taught in law and graduate schools and practiced by lawyers, negotiators, mediators, planners, human resource managers, and organization-development consultants. Circle Peace-making is compatible with DSD. In fact, the former’s commitment to decentralized stakeholder involvement echoes the practice logic associated with DSD (Hyslop, 2018). In a series of extensive interviews with Peacemakers, Elders and other participants in the Kake and Yukon Territory communities, respectively, it was discovered that the designers of the Circle Peace-making developed and implemented the Circle Peace-making process using six discernible principles, each of which closely relate to the practice logic of DSD and Indigenous Planning (Hyslop, 2018), discussed above. These are as follows:

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Local Community Volunteers are the #1 Reason for the Circle-Peacemaking Sustainability in Kake The number one reason the Circle Peacemaking process functions and sustains itself is because of the volunteer peacemakers and family members who volunteer their time to the circle process. They are the people of the town who invest in the health and well-being of their community. This type of volunteer leadership differs from organizational leadership where there is an authority figure such as a president, manager or director of some organizations. Mike Jackson defines his leadership to being a “responsible person” in his community (Jackson, 2014). Peacemakers do not only volunteer for the Circle, the same ones are often helping out at the local community events. Several of the community Peacemakers were born and raised in their community, whether Kake or Yukon, Canada. As a result, the community members know the wrongdoers who are referred to the Circle. The Peacemakers can be grandmothers, grandfathers, aunties, uncles, and cousins.

Peacemakers in the Circle Process Remain Supportive and Non-Judgmental The main reason the Circle process in Kake is preferred by local people over a state court process is because the Peacemakers in the Circle are supportive, kind, and non-judgmental. They are there to be helpful in creating a space for people to make amends. They support both the wrongdoer and the victims. In any small village or town, everyone knows one another and often are related through marriage, clan, or blood. Some of the Peacemakers are former wrong-doers who have been referred to the Circle and are returned to help others.

Traditional Values and Teachings to the Circle Strengthens and Maintains Tlingit Cultural Identity Peace-making is not a “new” practice in Kake. In order to resolve conflict in a community, the local Peacemaker was called to counsel together in a circle sometimes around a kitchen table. Peace-making in the community is grounded in tradition, values and language. The Tlingit word is Guwakaan for Peacemaking. The words Naa Káani and/or Shaawát Guwakaan describe the Peacemakers. Today, the Peacemakers practice their traditional principles and values that they learned from their parents and elders. Other communities may have a different approach to dispute resolution. One of the core community values for the Tlingits in Kake is respect for self, for others, and for the land. When one shows respect for self, that person earns the respect from others (Demmert, 2014). Teaching respect in the circle will strengthen 159

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the Tlingit identity. “Our traditional values and teaching strengthens our identity as Native people” (Aceveda, 2014). When Mike Jackson was a child, he followed his grandfather, a community Peacemaker, to the homes in Kake where there was conflict among family members. His grandfather listened to all of the grievances and assisted the parties in resolving the conflicts among one another. Sometimes, the Circle was formed by sitting around the kitchen table. Before his grandfather died, he spoke to both his son and grandson. He said, “Bring back the Tlingit in our people” (Jackson, Interview, 2015). He said to his father, “That sounds like “Guwakaan” (Peace-making). His father agreed. The Naa Káani [people] were the ones that were the Peacemakers and teacher. Each clan had one from the opposite moiety. [The Naa Káani] taught them their values, they taught them their history, they taught them where their territory was. And if there was a problem that came up between families, or clans or nations, they had these Naa Káani [people] to help them settle any disputes and broken relationships. And there’s people called Shaawát Guwakaan. That one is an interesting one because it’s these Naa Káani that [are] usually called this and it’s another name for them. (MJ, 2014)

Non Tlingits (Insiders and Outsiders) Also Support Circle Peacemaking Circle Peacemaking did not operate as a closed system but instead included input from professional service providers of goodwill, who were sympathetic to Peacemaking and provided helpful links to the western legal institutions. This category includes the leaders of the community such as the Village Public Safety Officer (VPSO). Other outside providers include the local school administrators and teachers and local health agencies. The Circle designers stressed the importance of working together with the State court and agencies towards a common goal of community wellness. Participation from “outside” service workers such as social workers, counselors, teachers, therapists could offer professional help and advice. Though the circle offers advice and support, there are problems that counselors can address. “We are not counselors” (Jackson, 2014). For example, if a person has undiagnosed bipolar problems, it is difficult to recognize that person needs help. “Professionals can identify that” (KCS, 2014).

Change-Agents Anticipate Resistance One of the challenges to the design of Circle Peacemaking was resistance to the “new” Circle Peacemaking Process. When the Circle began in 1999, some local people resisted the idea of a local dispute resolution program, because Circle 160

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Peacemaking was just making a return after decades. “We were bringing back our traditional way of resolving conflict. People asked us, ‘Why are you doing this?’” (Aceveda, 2014). “We hit brick walls. We just kept doing what we were doing. It was hard, but it started getting easier” (Aceveda, 2014). Instead of avoiding the resistance, the Peacemaking participants invited the people who were skeptical and resistant to participate in the circle. “They didn’t know anything about the process until they were invited to the circle” (Aceveda, 2014,). Now, some of the skeptical members are devoted Peacemakers.

Peacemaking is a Way of Life and Can be Practiced Anywhere in the World Peace-making is not only practiced in a Circle as a dispute resolution process. It is also a way of life. Peace-making is practiced in traditional potlatch practices in Tlingit country. Today, the circle Peacemaking process is a coming together of community members, wrongdoers, and victims using the traditional practice of resolving conflict fashioned after Ku.wéex’, a “Thank-you” ceremony for the opposite clan, facilitated by Peacemakers for maintaining balance in the community. “We are bringing back our traditions. How was it done long ago, before we were born” (Aceveda, 2014). The elders told us that they always used Circle Peacemaking. They didn’t call it [Circle Peacemaking]. What they told me is that they used the Ku.wéex’, the memorial where the family and clan were putting on a “Thank-You” a “real big Thank You” party for the opposite moiety, like Raven. (Jackson, 2014) The practice of Ku.wéex’ is one of maintaining balance in the community. “Peacemaking is like Ku.wéex’ to keep peaceful relations,” said Jackson (2014). . Peace-making has always been around. All I’m doing is taking a very small piece of our traditional way – if you will – a little snip from my fingernail on my small finger of what the whole thing is entailed in the Tlingit Guwakaan people because it is a formal process. If you look into it, it’s a very ritualistic way of talking in a good way – talking from the heart. It’s not talking from the paper. It’s talking from the heart to make sure that the people that are there learn from your experience. (Jackson, 2014)

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CONCLUSION Circle-Peace-making in the Village of Kake, Alaska is a successful model of restorative practice that has reemerged in the last 20 years. Its resurrection and demonstrated sustainability are impressive. It represents an effective model that works both with the courts and law enforcement while staying true to its origins in traditional Indigenous Knowledge. Circle Peace-making, which is a locally autonomous restorative practice, based in Tlingit cultural practices, has actually managed to thrive in the larger adversarial legal environment within the state. The story of its resurrection and continuing development provide a useful illustration for other Indigenous communities who may wish to develop their own traditionally-based restorative practices. For a long time, the Alaska Native People’s ways of maintaining balance in their communities went underground, but the ancient knowledge and traditions are resurfacing in the practices of contemporary Circle Peace-making in Alaska.

REFERENCES A Roadmap for making Native America safer: Report to the President and Congress of the United States. (2013). Indian Law & Order Commission. https://www.aisc.ucla. edu/iloc/report/files/A_Roadmap_For_Making_Native_America_Safer-Full.pdf Alaska Department of Corrections. (2017). Offender profile. Retrieved from http:// www.correct.state.ak.us/admin/docs/2017Profile.pdf Alaska Division of Health and Social Service, Division of Juvenile Justice. (2018). Demographics. Retrieved from http://dhss.alaska.gov/djj/Pages/GeneralInfo/Stats. aspx Amsler, L. B., Martinez, J. K., & Smith, S. E. (2015). Christina Merchant and the state of dispute system design. Conflict Resolution Quarterly, 33(S1), S7–S26. doi:10.1002/crq.21149 Bourdieu, P. (1987). Force of law. The Hastings Law Journal, 38. Retrieved from http://derechoycambiosocial.pbworks.com/f/bourdieu%255B1%255D.pdf Census Reporter. (2016). Retrieved from https://censusreporter.org/ profiles/16000US0236770-kake-ak/ Community: Kake. (n.d.). Department of Commerce, Community and Economic Development. Retrieved from https://www.commerce.alaska.gov/dcra/ DCRAExternal/Community/Details/9aa30fae-6452-4097-83b9-10a4cd761165

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Harvard Kennedy School, Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation. (2003). Awards Program, Governors Innovators Network: A forum for innovation in the public sector. Retrieved from https://www.innovations.harvard.edu/awardsprograms/overview Hibbard & Adkins. (2013). Culture and economy. In R. Walker, T. Jojola, & D. Natcher (Eds.), Reclaiming Indigenous planning (p. 99). McGill-Queens University Press. Hyslop, P. (2018). Circle peacemaking in Kake, Alaska: a case study of Indigenous planning and dispute systems design (Unpublished thesis). University of Alaska Fairbanks, Fairbanks, AK. In Recognition: Mike A. Jackson, Magistrate Judge and Keeper of the Circle. (2013). Alaska Journal of Dispute Resolution, 2013(1). Retrieved from https://idr. community.uaf.edu/files/2015/02/2013_AJDR.pdf Jackson, M. (2010). Healing our community: The Kake peacemaking circle. Healthy Alaskans 2010, 2. Retrieved from http://dhss.alaska.gov/dph/Documents/HA2010/ Volume%202/01_Kake.pdf Jarrett, B., & Hyslop, P. (2014). Justice for All: An Indigenous Community-Based Approach to Restorative Justice in Alaska. Northern Review, 38(2014), 239-268. Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2572274 Kake Circle Peacemaking. (2003). Governors Innovation Network: A forum for innovation in the public sector. Harvard Kennedy School ASH CENTER for Democratic Governance and Innovation. Retrieved from https://www.innovations. harvard.edu/kake-circle-Peacemaking Kunnie, J., & Goduka, N. I. (Eds.). (2006). Indigenous peoples’ wisdom and power: Affirming our knowledge through narratives. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Matunga. (2013). Theorizing Indigenous planning. In Reclaiming Indigenous planning. McGill-Queens University Press. May, J. (2014). Restorative justice: Theory, processes, and application in rural Alaska. Alaska Justice Forum, 31(3-4). McCaslin, W. (2005). Justice as healing: Indigenous ways. St. Paul, MN: Living Justice Press. McCoy, K. (1988). A willingness to take risk: A people in peril. Anchorage Daily News.

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Rogers, N., Bordone, R., Sander, F., & McEwen, C. (2013). Designing systems and processes for managing disputes. Wolters Kluwer Law and Business. Ross, R. (2006). Returning to the teachings: Exploring aboriginal justice. Canada Penguin Group. Ury, W., Brett, J., & Goldberg. (1988). Getting disputes resolved: Designing systems to cut the costs of conflict. Jossey-Bass. U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts. (2018). Alaska Quick Facts. Retrieved from https:// www.census.gov/quickfacts/ak Walker, R., Jojola, T., & Natcher, D. (2013). Reclaiming Indigenous planning. McGill-Queens University Press. Weaver, H. (1988). A generation of despair; A People in peril. Anchorage Daily News.

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First Nations is a term used to describe Aboriginal peoples in Canada who are not Métis or Inuit. Section 35 of the Constitution Act of 1982 declares that Aboriginal peoples in Canada include Indian (First Nations), Inuit and Métis peoples. Jun 10, 2015 First Nations - The Canadian Encyclopedia www. thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/first-nations/. Author uses rural villages and communities interchangeably throughout the dissertation. The words ‘remote’ and ‘rural’ are used interchangeably throughout this chapter. These words both refer to Native villages that are often outside the road system and located outside the major hubs, towns and cities in Alaska. A “field” is a sociological term used by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu to describe the environment where individuals he called “actors” or “agents” interact. Each actor of agent is pulled to conform by forces in the field (social, economic and cultural) and the rules of the field.

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Refugee Education in Greece: Challenges, Needs, and Priorities in Non-Formal Settings – An Intercultural Approach Nektaria Palaiologou University of Western Macedonia, Greece Georgia Fountoulaki Hellenic Open University, Greece Maria Liontou Hellenic Open University, Greece

ABSTRACT This chapter is an original study in a new sector in education in Greece, refugee education, which probes into the challenges, needs, and priorities of teachers (N=12) who are engaged with refugee students’ educational support and social integration into the Greek context. The research is grounded on feldwork and content analysis of semi-structured interviews among teachers who work in refugee camps and nonformal educational settings. It depicts the challenges and needs in refugee education today, showing that provisions through non-formal education settings could ofer signifcant activities and teaching services to refugee students. It highlights the importance of intercultural education in times of constant population movement, since the intercultural notion respects all students no matter nationality, religion, and socio-economic background. It raises the need for intercultural educational policies as a high priority because they can provide assistance and guidance to educators, enable social interaction amongst all diverse students, and empower social stability as well. DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch008 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

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INTRODUCTION Postmodern societies are characterized by multiple social, economic, political and cultural changes and by a significant degree of cultural multiplicity. Cultural pluralism brings changes both at the level of subjective constitution and at the level that institutions are organised and structured. In this context, the formation of new terms in the establishment of personal and social identity of the subject acquires particular importance. Accordingly, the need to develop interculturally capable citizens, people with a communicative capacity in order to be able to interact with people who are carriers of different worldviews, different cultural references, a different way of thinking and life, becomes imperative. This plurality to a great extent is the result of the forcible displacement of people all over the world. According to UNHCR (2018), “in 2017, the number of people forcibly displaced from their homes worldwide came at the record rate of 44.400 every day” (p.2).

Refugee Education in Greece The recent population movements with respect to migrants and asylum seekers, especially as a result of the Syrian war, have not only tested Greece/ Europe’s capacity for support in terms of empathy and acceptance of the “other”, but have highlighted these new sides of the issue; from being a “transit” country, Greece has transformed into a destination for around 50,000 persons, trapped in Greece after the closing of European borders in 2015 (Rozakou, 2012; Apostolidou & Androulakis, 2017). A year later, 51,091 asylum applications were submitted to the Greek Asylum Service of which around 19,000 refer to children (Palaiologou et al, 2017, p. 18). Despite the urgent need for education and integration for these young refugees it seems that the Greek Educational System was unprepared. The Greek government itself has characterized the school year 2016/17 as a “preparatory year”, focusing on the transition of refugee children from camps to school life and culture (Ministry of Education, 2016). Nevertheless, it has been reported that all over Europe refugee children have limited or no access to universal rights such as protection, education and information (UNICEF, January - March 2018). Unaccompanied minors face even greater challenges as they pass into adulthood. Many speak of a “lost generation” as the asylum-seeker children run the risk of being exploited due to their lack of information on their basic rights or their scarce and interrupted education of any kind (UNICEF, January - March 2018). According to UNICEF (January - March 2018, p. 1), 16,700 refugees came to Europe following the Mediterranean Routes in the first three months of 2018. Although there is a decline in numbers - the arrivals are estimated to be almost half of the respective of the previous year - many are the challenges and the risks faced 166

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by asylum seekers. Under the same report, “at the end of December 2017, 55 per cent of children aged 5-17 years old living in urban accommodation were enrolled at Greek public schools” (UNICEF, January - March 2018, p. 3). Observing the reality of the situation in Greece, it is noticeable that Greek society is taking on a multicultural character with a high level of ethnic and cultural differentiation, a fact that is reflected in the composition of the contemporary school population. However, the needs these changes create cannot be covered by the existing Greek educational system. Having said this, genuine efforts have been made by the Greek government in collaboration with the European Union to take measures for the education of refugee children, with non-formal educational settings being established by both governmental and non-governmental organisations in reception facilities (Palaiologou et al, 2017). Specifically, “the Greek Ministry of Education invited every international organization and non–governmental organization that wished to provide educational activities in refugee reception centres. These activities are part of the non–formal education and are implemented at different hours and days of the program of early childhood education, of reception classes for refugee pupils” (Palaiologou et al, 2017, p. 32).

Intercultural Education as a Response to Contemporary Necessities in Greece Few educational research papers describe how the recent waves of refugees and migrants make their way to a non-typical education system such as those that take place in refugee camps, and particularly in countries like Greece, which lack a concrete integration policy. McBrien (2005) notes that the literature “separating the needs of immigrant students from the needs of refugee students” (p. 356) is inadequate. The challenges are enormous and refugee students in the current setting face problems with respect to second language acquisition, teaching procedures and content area knowledge. In other words, the particularly complex educational needs of refugee (traumatized) children are difficult to meet in the formal educational system (Essomba, 2017; Pastoor, 2017). Therefore, it becomes even more important that non-formal educational settings and preparatory language training programmes are offered in order to help refugee children to acquire the language of the host country to a certain level before entering formal education. Intercultural education will administer these projects not to create ghetto conditions, but rather to help refugees to discover and develop competencies that can bring them closer to local-community institutions (Aydin & Kaya, 2017; Vieira et al, 2017). Especially for adult refugees, language classrooms serve the purpose of Greek language training in everyday communication skills and preparation for the labour market (Simopoulos, 2017). Nonetheless, further research is needed so as to investigate whether it is possible 167

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to move towards a pluralist citizenship that would acknowledge and recognize the multiple attachments of refugees and migrants to specific languages cultures and values (Guo, 2010). The main issue which arises is how to organize the educational system in such a way as to transcend the mono-cultural and monolingual character of Greek education, and to play an essential role not only in the acceptance of diversity, but, primarily, in the formation of conditions for mutual interaction (Androulakis, et al, 2017). The school, which is one of the main bodies of socialisation, nowadays is called to play an important role in creating the conditions for the acceptance and recognition of pluralism and diversity as key features of social life (Pastoor, 2017). “In this context, the training needs of language educators working in formal and non-formal teaching environments in Greece are changing and growing. Undergraduate teacher education in the Greek context fails to prepare language teachers appropriately in order to respond to the changing needs of this super-diverse group of learners within or/and outside the classroom” (Androulakis & Kitsiou, 2018). The current levels of population diversity are characterised by an unprecedented level of complexity as a result of new migration waves. This sociocultural and sociolinguistic “diversity” was produced by the spread of technological globalization, leading Vertovec (2007) to describe it by the term super-diversity. Super-diversity reflects the increase of migration not only in terms of ethnic origin, nationality, and religion, but also in terms of gender, age, sexuality, legal status, reasons for migration, regional and local identities both in the host country and places of origin (Vertovec, 2007). Taking into consideration that intercultural education is an umbrella/blanket term that aims at the interaction, social cohesion, belongingness and dialogue amongst diverse societal groups (Palaiologou & Zembylas, 2018) we could argue that the super diversity term reflects the broadening of the diversity term nowadays to newer facets of diversity, but to our view, it does not give emphasis on the interaction and exchange. At its roots this study is based on the notion of intercultural education, specifically in the direction to promote intercultural dialogue, strengthen societal cohesion and counteract exclusion and discrimination (Pagani, 2014).

Intercultural Dialogue: Intercultural Education Super-diversity pays attention to the rights and restrictions of different legal statuses and networks of migration, such as those of asylum seekers and refugees, irregular, illegal or undocumented migrants and so on, revealing more than ever fundamental patterns (Blommaert, 2013). The previous construal of diversity in terms of ethnicity obscured forms of differentiation instead of revealing them. This resulted in production of educational policies under the umbrella of multiculturalism that 168

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could not adequately meet refugees and immigrants’ educational needs, and which in many cases ignored the significant relation of a migrant or refugee with the state (Vertovec, 2007). To a degree, this was the result of the use of terms, such as those associated with multiculturalism, that do not reflect the dialectic relationship between different cultures in the way that interculturalism promotes a dynamic process of interaction and mutual cooperation (Gundara & Jones, 1996). “National curricula implement monolingual practices and orientations towards teaching language(s) and the teaching material does not apply to the multicultural and multilingual changing ethnoscape” (Androulakis & Kitsiou, 2018). On the contrary, intercultural education works towards an educational procedure that breaks stereotypical expressions and notions that emphasize the image of the “others” and aims at sensitizing both young people and adults towards what is different. In the battle against xenophobia, intercultural mediation comes in with its main tools: active listening, understanding and respect for the “other”. Thus, a space is created where all the people involved are undergoing a certain kind of transformation through the processes of intercultural communication and interaction (Vieira et al, 2017). The challenge for Greek education today is to use the experience accumulated in the past and build upon it, according to the needs of the present. This implies training and raising awareness among learners towards issues relating to ethnic and cultural diversity in society and at school. Today, more than ever, the request for the establishment of a national educational policy in line with the principles of intercultural education for acknowledgment, acceptance and respect becomes increasingly compelling.

Necessity for Teacher Training in Intercultural Education Population movements demand innovative programmes of intercultural education for teachers, taking as a key aspect the interconnection between theoretical knowledge and practice. It is necessary to develop sensitivity regarding the educational integration of students from different and often vulnerable environments such as refugees, economic migrants, repatriates, the Roma community, the Muslim minority and the Greek diaspora. It is necessary for basic notions such as interculturality, together with examples drawn from practice and suggestions related to intercultural education to take their place in both the university setting and the schooling environment. Intercultural education must be integrated in the general context of modern societies that have as main characteristics globalisation and multiculturalism (Koehler, et al., 2018) while they drift apart from national and cultural reification (Bash & Gundara, 2012). Appropriate responses to refugees’ educational needs require the appropriate training of teachers. By embracing innovation, the Hellenic Open University has created an innovative high-quality post-graduate course – in an e-learning environment 169

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– Language Education for Refugees and Migrants1 (LRM) for teachers’ intercultural education and language training. Through this course “teachers of various levels who face several challenges in their everyday teaching practice working with learners of an immigrant or refugee background” prepare to “critically react to the needs of refugees and migrants in current times…” (Androulakis & Kitsiou, 2018). Over the last few years, the increase of multicultural classrooms has demonstrated the lack of trained and intercultural aware language teachers. The necessity to provide teachers with support and guidance in terms of teaching methods, material, behavioural approach – because of the “conservative contexts within which those potential language teachers grow up, study, and finally act” (Androulakis & Kitsiou, 2018) – demanded the development of a postgraduate programme based on intercultural education. This master programme “provides potential teacher-activists with critical tools to support action towards social change and transform language teaching into a multicultural and multilingual path to integration processes mutually empowering the actors involved” (Androulakis & Kitsiou, 2018).

Aim of the Study This study focuses on a new sector in education in Greece, that of refugee education, and investigates the challenges, needs and priorities of teachers (N=15) who are engaged in refugee students’ educational support and social integration into the Greek context. The research is grounded in fieldwork and uses content analysis of semi–structured interviews among teachers who work in refugee camps and nonformal educational settings. It depicts the challenges and needs in refugee education today, showing that provisions through non-formal education settings could offer significant activities and teaching services to refugee students. It highlights the importance of intercultural education in times of constant population movement, since the intercultural notion respects all students irrespective of nationality, religion and socio-economic background. It flags up the necessity of intercultural educational policies as a high priority, since they not only provide assistance and guidance to educators, but they also enable social interaction amongst all diverse students as well as engendering social stability.

METHODOLOGY As mentioned above, the Greek authorities tried to respond to the massive refugee crisis with a series of legislative initiatives and institutional changes so as to enhance the education of refugees - a process in which difficulties emerged. A flexible scheme for education of the refugees was developed which combined formal, informal 170

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and non-formal education for the refugees in order to deal with rigors deriving for the emergency nature of the situation. In terms of methodology, we focused our ethnographic lens (Watson-Gegeo, 1988) on non-formal educational settings located in both a refugee camp in Athens and other educational settings where refugees and migrants can attend free language classes mainly provided by NGOs. In non-formal educational settings, the dominant role is generally played by international and local non-governmental organisations (NGOs). At the time that this research was contacted, non-formal educational initiatives outnumbered by far the attempts for formal schooling of the refugees. For this reason, for research purposes, non-formal settings were placed in priority to meet the needs of this study.

Research Instruments The research instruments used in this study were exclusively qualitative. Namely, interviews were conducted with teachers, and classroom observations were carried out in the various educational settings that provided the data. Merriam (1998) has argued for the benefits of qualitative research to bring out lived experiences in an attempt to fully comprehend and evaluate them. According to Brown (1985), the “most immediately ‘relevant’ research for the classroom should be research done in the classroom’” (p.129). Thus, participant observation seems to be a good tool for this particular kind of research. Brown (1985) also notes the importance of the participant observation technique in research since it “allows the researcher to see the way both students’ and teachers’ classroom behaviour is influenced by the school, community, and entire society in which they are located” (p. 129).

Teachers’ Interviews Semi-structured interviews and discussions were conducted with the teaching personnel at the various non-formal educational settings in Athens that offer language courses and homework support to refugees and migrants with the aim of producing empirical evidence that could explore three general research questions in relation to second language learning: teachers’ challenges, needs and priorities. To answer the research questions the interview covered the follow areas: the challenges presented in the teaching class; the ways that the teachers approach the needs of the specific refugee group; the teachers’ general attitudes towards second language learning and their didactic approaches; the teaching material used in the classroom; the language skills which the teachers emphasize in the learning process; teachers’ personal goals in this learning procedure and their relationship with their students. Semi-structured interviews were chosen as a more flexible tool; however, they followed a pattern of designed questions from the part of the interviewer (Creswell, 2013). Specifically, 171

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fifteen (N=15) interviews were conducted in the different non-formal educational settings, each of which lasted from 20 to 45 minutes approximately. The semistructured interviews that followed the end of the observation period were conducted in the Greek language. The first aim of all interviews was to explore the teacher’s profile, thus included questions about qualifications, working experience, and contact with intercultural education. The second aim was to explore the challenges and needs of the language teaching process and the classroom atmosphere (e.g. focus on method of instruction, the educational material, cultural mediators, relationships between teachers and students or teachers and parents). From the data it became apparent that one significant reason for their involvement in this educational procedure was personal interest in intercultural education. Some of the teachers decided to be involved with a particular NGO because of the organisation’s setting, but mainly because of the interesting training programme, both in terms of knowledge and skills, that the particular NGO offers. Some teachers believe that intercultural education is an aspect of social pedagogy and that they should follow this field. The interviews were audio-recorded (using smartphones) with the consent of the interviewees, and were transcribed in order to carry out content analysis subsequently (Creswell, 2013).

Classroom Observation Covert participant observation (Given 2008)2 was conducted for refugees and migrants’ language lessons in non-formal educational settings. The covert participant observation lasted for the period of a month, due to time limitations of the study, but enough to depict the situation. There was a general consensus among NGO’s administration, educational personnel and the research team that lengthier and overt research methods might cause disruptions to their educational work. Most of all, the realization of being observed might trigger feelings of isolation, mourning and post-traumatic stress in the children and thus it should be avoided. It focused on relationships between teachers and students, on the challenges and needs during the language teaching lessons on both sides (Richards & Farrell, 2011). The length of each classroom observation varied – depending on the class structure in each non-formal educational setting – with the observations taking place three times per week from three to five hours every time. The covert participant observers sat at the back or inside of every classroom and field notes for the observations were kept by writing shorthand and some longhand notes while actually in the classroom. Some shorthand notes for all other activities were jotted down as soon as possible after the end of the activities. Final observation notes were written as soon as possible after the observations and consisted of expanded versions of the original notes taken during the sessions and/or immediately after them. The notes described the settings of the observations, as well as the actions, mannerisms, 172

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and words of the participants. In addition to these regular field notes, there were supplementary materials gathered during the participant observations. These supplementary materials consisted of handouts and textbooks which were given to the learners in the process of their activities. Data included comments about each teacher’s approach to language learning, the challenges faced in every aspect of the teaching interaction, the educational material, the teacher-student relationships, and the role of the cultural mediator in the classroom. The two researchers developed their observations independently based on a common set of observation objectives.

Data Analysis After the transcription of the interviews, the data coming both from the interviews and classroom observations were analysed through the method of content analysis. The method included studying the data line-by-line in order to identify important information, and organising it into themes based on main topics from the literature review or from personal working experience (Schreier, 2014). For instance, all the data referring to teaching methods were grouped under the category of ‘Teachers’ didactical approaches’. After this grouping of data seven (7) categories were revealed as results. Conclusions were drawn from the overall picture.

Limitations Among the limitations of this research was that it was not possible to use the same research tool to collect the data in all cases, as, for example, a slightly differentiated interview guide was used in each educational setting due to the open-ended nature of the interviews. The interviews had a minimum number of specific questions arranged to encourage the participants to express their own thoughts about the challenges and needs in non-formal refugee educational settings.

CHALLENGES IN THE REFUGEES’ EDUCATIONAL CONTEXT Initially, in this section we would like to point out that from this study seven subcategories come out from teachers’ answers related to refugee education needs, as follows. a) Greece is being perceived as a transit country by the refugees, b) the different stereotypical representations that refugees have about education and their agents, c) issues with educational material, d) teachers adopting multiple and, at times, contrasting didactical approaches, e) challenges with respect to successful classroom

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management, f) illiteracy or semi-literacy of refugee children due to refugee children intermittent schooling and, g) the ambiguous role of cultural mediators. These sub-categories are presented below.

Greece Perceived as a Transit Country by Refugees For us, Greece is a large airport. J. Syrian Refugee, age 15. A great number of refugees perceive their stay in Greece as transitory; the population is constantly on the move since no permanent decision has been taken on their status; the majority of the population is settled in camps, a situation that distracts them from establishing a routine; having no stable “schooling life” is the norm and this depends to a great degree on their families’ decisions. Most of the kids don’t attend public school. They are either in waiting lists or they expect to be relocated. So, they think it is useless to try...I think these are the main two reasons that they don’t go to any kind of school. Teacher 1. There are many cases in which the learners perceive their time as wasted since it is not the society in which they want to be integrated. They don’t want to learn Greek; most of the children want to learn English [laughter] They passionately want it. OK. It is a language that it is spoken everywhere but ... because they think they are going to leave. Teacher 3. As the refugee population is constantly changing locations in search for ways to move on to their final destination, classroom composition is never fixed. Adults and children sporadically attend educational programmes designed for them; not a whit of enrolling in the public educational system. In such conditions, teachers face a continuous struggle to gain learners’ attention and to boost their motivation.

Different Stereotypical Representations of Education and Their Agents Not only do the “transit” conditions of the refugees’ set challenges, but the multiple ways that the teaching setting / procedure or the teacher per se are perceived play a significant part, too. I ask a question and they reply to the [male] interpreter. Teacher 5.

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Learners have different national/cultural origin, social and legal status, literacy and so on, thus it is not always an easy task to respond to such diverse cultural and social contexts even if one-size-fits-all policies are avoided. …I would like to be able to linguistically communicate better with him... so he can communicate with me the way he thinks. The truth is that he is older; he rules the class with a firm hand. He wants to show his firmness to me [the teacher], to N. [the mediator]. Teacher 5. On the other hand, there are teachers who can’t comprehend the existence of such vast differences among refugee student population and thus perceive them as a homogeneous group. ... I know that they have different school experience than us, but still their prior schooling can’t be that diverse. The countries of their origin have similar foundations [...] at least that is what I think. Teacher 14. The way, that these stereotypical representations function influences interactions with the teachers and, according to the particular situation, can facilitate or impede teachers’ practices and pedagogic goals. …I am facing the issue of not being able to exercise in the class a learner-centred approach since the authoritative attitude of the mediator promotes a traditional type of learning. He refers to the students in their mother tongue thus I feel I am losing leadership of the class. Teacher 2.

Educational Material The educational material is a challenge that teachers must address. In Greek formal education, the material lacks cultural and instructional adaptation – with textbooks being out-of-date. The situation is better in non-formal educational settings and efforts are made in the direction of material production both institutionally and individually between teachers. …I am using a good book [name of the book] as a diagnostic tool because of the many activities regarding letters, how to connect the capital with the small letters and for the syllabus. I find it as an excellent first diagnostic tool for the children who came for the first time in the class… another book that I use is [name of the book] because has many and different dialogues and there is also a translation in English, Farsi and Arabic which helps the students to understand what they read. Finally, 175

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we provide the students with the material that we develop from the Internet… and that depends on the chosen thematic unit each time. We find different interesting material and we adjust it to their needs. Teacher 8. Differences in nationality create challenging intergroup communication and personal expressions in a non-formal educational setting. … I find this particular book [name of the book] that is written in three languages [Greek, Farsi and Arabic] as a great chance to connect different ethnic groups in the classroom. The reason is that it not only connects the mother language of the Farsi speaking students with the Greek language but provides them an understanding about the fact that the child sitting next to them who speaks another language reads the same context and altogether they try to learn Greek… Teacher 10. … I would like to add at this point something significant for the Greek setting: that the books translated in more than two languages, as the one that I mentioned, are developed for students with a basic knowledge in the mother tongue and unfortunately this is not the case in many non-formal educational settings… Teacher 10. In a global level the production of modern and quality material is evident, as well as its distribution and availability in order to be used in a qualitative way in different settings. … On the internet the distributed material and its quality are great, the problem is that this material is not translated into Greek and in many cases depends on us to elaborate it… Teacher 12.

Teachers’ Didactical Approaches The aforementioned challenge is also connected with the teachers’ didactic approach. How might it be possible to understand and engage with the diverse contexts in which education takes place? I have seen teachers function as technicians rather than self-reflective educators. Some teachers find that intercultural education is a part of social pedagogy, but a significant number of them are totally disconnected and uninterested in this field. Teacher 8.

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Approaching refugee groups in an environment such as that of a camp is naturally a challenge for the teachers. … It is a challenge to approach this population and the main reason behind this is that here [in the camp]it is like us being ‘guests’ in their house… so in order to come closer to them we try not only to get to know the children, but all of us on an equal basis to introduce ourselves to each other. So, in a playful way, we try for the children to get to know us and to get to know each other… We make jokes in order to break the ice… Teacher 10. Most of the time, teacher’s talk is dominant during lessons, applying a traditional teacher-centred approach. The reasons behind this lie with the fact that many children are used to a teacher’s image as an authority in the class. In many cases, this image is supported by the cultural mediators of the classroom. However, there are cases of teachers who are not educated with respect to relative teaching approaches. … Most of the time in my class I make a question and the reply is just a single-word. I often try to create the space for a learner-initiated talk by encouraging the students to communicate about their daily activities… so what I do is to make questions in the form of a game that develops students’ ability to communicate in the classroom setting and in their everyday life with other people. I also try to be open and take part in my students’ jokes. However, I am noticing that these students seem to expect something else from me, something that they are used to and respect more according to our cultural mediator, and this is the old school of teaching…[smile]… the authority model always works and many times I think why try to change it… makes my life easier… Teacher 3. Intercultural education is significant for teachers-activists who try not just to tick a small box in the curriculum. … At the end of the day it is very important for us to create a group, to form a team… it is more important for us as teachers, more important than learning the ten words of the day, for the students to learn how to coexist and not to fight with each other… Especially in the beginning fighting was an everyday habit! Now we have reached a point that we can coexist at least inside the classroom… Teacher 8.

Classroom Management Maintaining order and effectively handling lesson time has proved a challenging task for teachers. Different ages, different nationalities/languages, different levels of 177

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literacy, and gender/cultural issues have consequences for classroom management, especially in a non-formal educational setting, since these differences create serious disagreements among the students, and can easily unsettle the environment of a classroom. …Ethnic groups!!...My big challenge from the first day. I knew about existing disagreements, but inside the camps this disagreement takes a different form. All groups perceive the camp as their ‘house’ and these disagreements take on a more personal tone leading to difficult situations… Teacher 3. Disturbance to the lesson takes the form of children who are being quiet and reserved, to others exhibiting aggressive behaviour: verbal and physical fights, insults, refusal to communicate with a particular child, absence without permission from the lesson or even interruption of it. … In a non-formal educational setting it is easier for these behaviours and actions to take place rather than in formal education. The same students in a formal educational setting behave differently because it changes the mindsets of these students. They are entering the class with the logic that they are coming to learn and meet other people, so they are obliged to behave differently, when now they will say…’this is my home’… Teacher 2. Additionally, in a non-formal educational setting in the camps, dinnertime is also an unsettling variable which challenges the teachers by undermining their strategies regarding attendance and organizing tasks and practices. Having the houses so close to school there is a flexibility that distracts the learners – who may disrupt the lesson by leaving the classroom, or leaving the classroom during the break and not returning. … [Laughing] and there is a challenge in itself to bring them to class… to keep them in class [laughing] because of the interval… my classic problem. After the interval the students can return after an hour; not to return at all because they go to their home because they want to eat something and forget to return to the classroom – or even go to sleep… Teacher 12. Additionally, hyperactive children are a considerable challenge in terms of classroom management since the pressure which can be caused hinders both students’ learning and teachers’ performance.

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… There are some hyperactive children who need not only a different approach, but a different setting… these children need to release their tension during the lessons; in formal education there is always this one hour of gymnastics which plays a significant role in helping students to relieve pressure and focus again on the lessons… Teacher 11. Gender and cultural differences in non-formal educational settings makes communication between students difficult in the classroom, since many of the educational activities are based on a play. … For example, when we have games in the classroom, it is typical and very obvious to see students not touch each other – and that often happens with ages between 11 and 15… Teacher 8.

Illiteracy or Semi-Literacy of Refugee Children During the observation period, it was clear that in a non-formal educational setting homework support is a significant part of the teachers’ responsibility, and that some educational programmes in non-formal educational settings are set up primarily for this mere purpose, i.e. the homework support. …This period of time our programme is focused on homework support and in a certain way it constricts our time to develop other skills… Teacher 8. The homework support programme was certainly supportive of the students who attended lessons in a formal educational setting, but at the same time for the rest of the children, those who do not attend formal education, it takes a substantial amount of time out of the lessons in the non-formal education setting; since other different programmes do not exist, all the children in the camps are enrolled in the same ones. Furthermore, during the observation period in the camp classroom it was interesting to discover that the teachers find the formal school textbooks-workbooks challenging and far too difficult for their students’ level. In some cases, children were placed in classrooms where the literacy level was higher than their actual literacy level. It was mentioned that the children were placed in classrooms according to their age and not the literacy level.

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… Sometimes I cannot understand how the formal education system works… this student is placed in the 4th grade and actually she can hardly spell what’s in the syllabus in order to form a word, not even a phrase… the given history book is way above the actual literacy level of this student… there are times that I wonder… Teacher 10.

Cultural Mediators The need for mediators and the interventions made by them in the classroom is another significant challenge for teachers. There is a real need in both formal and non-formal educational settings to generate strong relationships between the school and students or the school with students’ families, and cultural mediators play an important role. … It is a big deal the role of the cultural mediator, in how this presence helps and supports in the class. First of all, this role contributes to social integration in the classroom; however the teaching procedure is a totally different aspect. For this reason, it’s important to address this person as a ‘cultural mediator’ and not as an interpreter/translator or something else. The cultural mediator is the person who can exude a great degree of respect – always depending on the gender… Teacher 6. Teachers with the help of cultural mediators have easy access to families in order to address issues with parents. Some parents have traditional expectations in relation to their children’s learning – teacher-centred approaches are the only methods used in their countries – resulting in complaints both about their children not learning fast enough and the teacher’s performance. … For a month I had a father complaining that his son’s learning was not fast enough… even though for the past five months he could say only ‘Thank you’ in Greek; he expected for his son to speak almost fluently in a month… in a certain way the father was pointing to the performance of our group of teachers… Teacher 3. Communication with refugee children poses serious challenges for teachers in their efforts to address the academic needs of their students. …A Syrian refugee student and an Afghan cultural mediator can be a tricky, challenging situation. It depends on the teacher how they are going to handle the situation in order to reduce the tension or because of ignorance to increase it… Teacher 1.

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At the same time, the cultural mediator’s competence is a challenge in nonformal educational settings. Significant differences arise between teachers’ goals and practices and what the cultural mediators are able to deliver. There is a significant gradation in terms of the cultural mediators’ educational level, full comprehension of the teacher’s instructions and personal beliefs regarding teaching. …the fact that the cultural mediator that you have in front of you is not only a cultural mediator but a person with whom you are working not on technical issues, but on issues that are dealing with humans and especially with children is really challenging…generally we have an agreement about the desired result by the end of the class, which of course means that in different classes cultural mediators have a different status…for example in my class where the students do not have a good vocabulary the cultural mediator is very useful in order for the children to understand in their language what I am saying…at the same time it is necessary to hear me, as their teacher, and not only the cultural mediator, because in the beginning we had this problem and we were forced to set clear boundaries with the cultural mediators in order to ‘translate’ only what I was saying to the students… Teacher 10. However, in many cases cultural mediators with a good educational level are “used” as an extra hand which makes it difficult to set clear boundaries regarding their role in the classroom and with respect to educational procedures. …sometimes I must admit that the cultural mediator in my class also has a supportive function…for example since both of them know mathematics, instead of me explaining to the students what they need to do in their tests, our cultural mediators do it – always of course with my direction… Teacher 8.

NEEDS AND PRIORITIES IN THE FIELD OF REFUGEE EDUCATION Teachers’ interviews brought out not only the challenges that they face but also gave prominence to the needs and priorities in the field of refugee education. Hence, the following were featured: a) the necessity of intercultural training for teachers and cultural mediators, b) the importance of communication and intercultural dialogue, c) the usefulness of life skill lessons, d) the adaption of translanguaging as a legitimate educational procedure and, most of all, e) the importance of giving voice to refugees.

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Intercultural Training for Teachers and Cultural Mediators The initial emergency for refugee education which was created by mass population movement has soon become a permanent condition and has created pressing needs. Multiple educational and social needs of the refugee population demand the transformation of Greek education policies and serious planning about the refugees and migrants’ integration through adequate intercultural education policies.Taking for granted the continuous increase of refugee/migrant children in the educational system, the interviews’ findings made clear that teachers should be made aware of and trained about intercultural issues that appear either at classroom level, i.e. micro policies and intervention, as well as at macro level, i.e. the education settings and structures offered. … My relation to refugee education in a non-formal educational setting started from a general interest in regard to education for people with different cultures… the refugees’ education came into my life when I came across this NGO… and after a while I found out that a new post-graduate degree was being offered by the Hellenic Open University with regard to Language Education for Refugees and Migrants… Teacher 6. …my academic interest is intercultural education. In my opinion social pedagogyis related to both education and society, a significant part of intercultural education. So, I got involved with this NGO intentionally…Teacher 10. The important, demanded and constant presence of cultural mediators in nonformal educational settings necessitates educational programmes to provide directions and to elevate their educational level to cover refugees’ needs. …With regard to our current cultural mediators we are lucky to have educated people helping us in the camp… however, this is not always the case… but it is difficult to find people with a good educational level, as these rarely speak Greek… Teacher 8.

Communication and Intercultural Dialogue Communication is the basic goal of many students who attend lessons in the nonformal educational setting of the camp. … [Laughing]… the basic goal of the students attending the class is to be with their friends and, at a secondary level to learn some things too … especially the younger students that attend formal education in the morning – they meet other children 182

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there and they want to learn to talk faster in order to be able to speak and to express themselves… Teacher 10. In non-formal educational settings, group bonding is an approach that builds a strong environment where the refugee students can feel comfortable with the language and the Greek educational system at a first level before entering the formal school setting. …we have decided to work hard on group bonding, with the help of the cultural mediator… to build first a group and afterwards to introduce the Greek language as the medium of communication…with this way we approach language teaching from the communicative side of language use… Teacher 12. Stereotypical preconceptions, repetitions of nationalistic narratives, fear of the other are being (re)produced in camps. Inevitably, these prejudices are brought into the educational procedure. Intercultural dialogue is an absolute necessity [...] not only among Greeks and refugees but refugee communities, too. The different nationalities fight each other all the time, especially here in the camp, with no apparent reason. When they are asked about it, they give such stereotypical answer: ‘You don’t know what the Iraqis have done do us!’ or ‘I don’t like them! They are so black and scary!’... This is a situation that must stop as soon as possible! It is dangerous...Teacher 13.

Life Skills Lessons Especially for the refugee population in the camps where ethnic differences are more intense and on a daily basis, because of the continuous change of the population, life skills lessons should be incorporated and provided by non-formal education. … In this programme our focus is only language teaching and homework support… in a previous programme, we also worked with language teaching through life skills lessons in order to help the students to adjust to the reality they face, but also to normalize the differences created from their reality first in the camp and then to the rest of society…Teacher 8. Lessons in non-formal educational settings function as a pre-integration step, preparing the students for their integration into formal education.

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… it is important for the children entering formal education to feel that they can return ‘home’ and have someone to help them with their homework… also to clarify for them whatever is not explained in detail by the teacher… usually in formal education the classes are overcrowded and the teacher cannot spend quality time with each student…in our programme of homework support we help them with the small and large details such as the vocabulary for the younger students… Teacher 10.

Translanguaging as a Legitimate Educational Procedure Furthermore, in non-formal educational settings the acknowledgment and acceptance of tranlanguaging is a priority in refugee education. The main reason is that translanguaging allows the students to use the cultural and educational material of their mother language and to avoid oppressive feelings regarding students’ learning and knowledge capacity. … In my classroom, I encourage my students to use translanguaging in order to understand an activity or to collaborate with their classmates for a group activity. This approach provides a sense of a relaxed environment and not a space of strict discipline where the teacher functions only as authority. I let my students know that as a trilingual, I had my own moments of taking risks and those stories encourage my students, since they understand that are not judged… During the lesson I encourage my students to switch roles, and to teach me some of the words they use in everyday life. My students as teachers take their role seriously and are happy to see my improvement in their mother language... Teacher 8.

Giving Voice to Refugees A truly impressive finding of the research was that teachers’ sayings were expressed - subconsciously most of the time – as a monologue. They had a very clear view of what must be done for them to be more efficient in their job or what they thought should be done in order to improve the education of the refugees. Nonetheless, only one teacher spoke about the necessity of involving refugees into the designing of their education. Refugees must be active participants during the whole educational procedure. Their thoughts and opinions are of great importance in designing, implementing and adjusting the language lessons. [...] Only then can we speak about a true democratic classroom. Teacher 13.

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This silence, which is so hegemonically imposed on the refugees that it can’t even been understood as such, deprives them of their voices and thus leads them to further disempowerment as it renders them invisible.

DISCUSSION The aim of this study was to explore the teachers’ challenges, needs and priorities in refugee education in non-formal educational settings, which offer language courses to refugees and migrants. The study examining the challenges in non-formal educational settings revealed: first the serious problems of the obsolete monolingual context in formal education; second that the quality of education depends to a large extent on the teachers. Teachers as important role models are essential to demonstrate a positive attitude in motivating the students and minimizing disruptive behaviour (Hos, 2016; Dryden-Peterson, 2015). Whether they are working with refugee children in camps with few resources at hand, or in super-diverse classrooms in inner-city settings, effective language teaching involves much more than just following a curriculum that is the grammar or the structure of a language. Teachers in refugee education should broaden the scope of their pedagogical orientations and emphasize not only the transmission and the co-construction of knowledge, but should also focus on teaching which will build up the students’ intellectual skills and critical judgment, in turn built on their cultural and educational background. Creating a rich learning environment for every refugee child presents an enormous challenge for teachers, since the claimed status of teachers’ neutrality is deconstructed and social intervention is demanded (Vieira et al, 2017). Hence, it is necessary to increase teachers’ awareness about super-diversity, multilingualism, and multiculturalism in the classroom, and to give them practical tools that they can use immediately (Moriarty, 2014).

Modern Teaching Methods and Training in Intercultural Education The data collected and analysed in this study reveal that the nature of interactions in the classroom is divided between teacher-centred and learner-initiated talk (Long, 2015; Cook, 2009). The teachers in our sample, who are highly educated individuals, do not always approach the lessons with modern didactic approaches but rather with more traditional approaches. Traditional teacher-centred language teaching focusing mainly on form (Long, 2015) has an impact on the learner’s ability to develop oral fluency in their second language and indeed even in their home language. In this situation, a contributing factor is that in many reception classes and non-formal educational settings teachers lack experience and qualifications in teaching Greek as a 185

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second language (Essomba, 2017). Teachers’ education and professional development presupposes the production of a fruitful dialogue among educators that can advance a culturally responsive pedagogy which promote resiliency and language learning of refugees and migrants (Gagne, Schmidt, Markus, 2017). A communicative approach and task-based language teaching are evident in the educational material, which includes photocopies and drawings on the theme of the week on the white board. Communicative teaching approaches used appropriately by teachers will create a substantial foundation for communication. Teaching based on communication facilitates the children in creating friendly relationships in the camp, but also beyond it (Androulakis et al., 2017). The study revealed that a number of children attend non-formal educational settings for social-psychological reasons since it is important for their wellbeing to come into contact with other people, and to participate in a school routine in the sense of having some activities to perform, such as reading, discussing, playing in the courtyard, going for an excursion with the NGO and so on. This is due to “subjectivation”, a term used by Migliarini to analyse how current educational practices for refugees, creates specific “subjects” in Italy, but it also happens in many institutions in Greece (2017, p. 192). It is easier for learners within non-formal educational settings - to a certain degree- to deconstruct images of ‘subjectivation’, and to construct their desired identity images (Migliarini, 2017). All these actions provide the children with the capacity to communicate with their friends in the camp, but for some also with the children that they meet in the state school/mainstream classrooms. Accordingly, communicative based teaching facilitates the children in entering a routine of integration and it is the first step for children’s integration into the formal school. Non-formal educational settings do not substitute the role of the school, but they reinforce it. As a result, the required type of skill in the field of refugee education is clear: communicative, intercultural education. Intercultural education can help teachers when entering a school setting to obtain advanced knowledge of the situation that they must confront. Informed teachers help children of all ages to adjust to a school setting and overcome any challenging conflicts such as ethnic differences. Teachers should be ready to modify their teaching strategies, as should the educational system as a whole, in order to adjust academic learning and testing according to specific needs of the pupils. With a combination of modern teaching methods and critical pedagogy, the teacher will be able to successfully connect the reality within the school with that of society and thus to produce a civic education. Civic education moulds responsible citizens who identify themselves as members of a just society (Freire and Critical Pedagogy, 2008). Thus, Intercultural education - based on critical pragmatism - presupposes the transcendence of coarse pedagogical competences so as to establish communicative action in a Habermatian sense (Bash, 2014). 186

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Regarding the heritage languages of the students, these should be respected and not abandoned during the learning procedure in second language acquisition. This suggests the need for specific methods to achieve this, such as implementing multimodal learning, emphasising different modes of learning, for example from texts or the use of technology (Cummins & Early, 2011). The use of translanguaging addresses not only practical matters, but also psychological ones. Translanguaging builds on the linguistic background of the students in order to advance their learning. The use of translanguaging optimizes students’ capacity for cognitive and emotional development. Simultaneously, it functions as a powerful stimulator for the linguistic development of monolingual students (Garcia, 2009a). Successful utilization of translanguaging as a teaching practice, where the teacher becomes a co-learner, enables the multilingual students to make deeper meaning and to legitimize their home language practices (Tsokalidou, 2017). The main implication of translanguaging in teaching practices, as Childs (2016) notes, is the introduction of “a humanising pedagogy” (p.26) – a pedagogy that shifts the roles both of teachers and students. Instead of a teacher being the representation of knowledge, now they share this role with the students who are relieved of the role of being simply subject to the teacher’s authority. In this case the teacher encourages the students to discuss socialcultural traditions, for example, and practice the four skills in order to confirm their comprehension through collaboration. The students’ sincere interest their classmates – in their language, personal and social background, and context as individuals, as well as their perspectives and views in the school setting, are significant for all members of the class, allowing them to stay attached to their human side.

Multilingual and Multicultural Educational Material Modern, high quality educational material is widely distributed on a global level. However, with regard to teachers, the production and availability of materials are not sufficient conditions to promote high quality outcomes with their use. In order for teachers to be able to use the material to a satisfactory degree, teacher training should be transformed. It is necessary for the teachers to be able to mobilise learner’s cultural capital and previous knowledge as a pre-condition of intercultural education. Such educational material must be designed and developed with an intercultural lens by both institutions and teachers in the classroom: a lens that can focus on both the educational needs of “us” and the “others”; of teachers and students. Of course, the described practice challenges the norm of providing ready-made material that implies the tendency of teachers to perceive migrants and refugees as a homogenous group (Cortes, 2004) and certainly puts teachers on the spot in order to meet learners’ needs and expectations (Apostolidou & Androulakis, 2017). It is challenging, but important, for the teacher to be equipped with interesting, educationally-sound 187

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material that is appropriate to the conditions (including that of mobility, as well as emergency situations) which many refugee-learners encounter. The teaching material used in the Greek education system presupposes a knowledge that these students do not acquire, with a heavy emphasis being placed on teaching Greek language (Miller, 2009, Aydin & Kaya, 2017), which does not follow a certain methodology for teaching Greek as a foreign or second language (Kourkouveli, Palaiologou & Dinas, 2018). Seeking alternatives to traditional forms of education when they fail to properly meet the needs of this group of children, the teachers turn to other sources like the creation of their own materials (Miller, 2009). The fact that some students are illiterate increases the challenge faced by teachers (Windle & Miller, 2012). For this reason, it is important for materials to support the refugees’ mother language education: for illiterate children it is necessary to encounter the written form of their mother tongue, for example. Non-formal education can play a significant role, and teachers in homework programmes can help students to advance their vocabulary. Teaching hours in both host and mother language are necessary in order for the illiterate children to be able to progress within the educational system. Furthermore, material designed with intergroup communication in mind is necessary due to the challenges that such communication and personal expression creates in non-formal educational settings because of the different ethnic groups which are present. In classrooms with students from different nationalities, gender issues, different educational levels or even illiteracy, different forms of materials should be provided to help teachers fulfil their obligations to all students (Apostolidou & Androulakis, 2017; Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, et al, 2016). Narration and digital story-telling, for example, are forms that can provide this sense of connection/communication/ personal expression in order to empower the students and to reduce the tensions in non-formal educational settings such as those of the camp (Sawhney, 2009). Digital storytelling enhances and expands the space of Intercultural dialogue since it provides for a common sense of belonging. Narration and story-telling as selfreflection and self-discovery can lead to the understanding of “the other” as vital part of our common reality (López-Bech & Zúñiga, 2017).

Training of Cultural Mediators A significant aspect that this study has revealed is the role and the necessity of cultural mediators. Szente, Hoot, & Taylor (2006) note that “the inability to communicate with refugee children poses serious challenges for teachers in their efforts to address the academic needs of their students. With refugee children it is particularly difficult since translators are generally unavailable for rarely spoken languages and not all teachers are provided with basic second language teaching strategies in their teacher preparation” (pp. 17-18). Thus, it is clear that a more productive relationship between 188

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the teachers and the students, as well as between the school/non-formal educational setting and the parents is an asset. This relationship is reinforced by the presence of cultural mediators. In non-formal educational settings, such as those of a camp run by NGOs, the cultural mediators’ presence is typical in the classroom, since the administrative criteria of class organization in a non-formal educational setting differ from those of a formal setting. In NGOs’ budgets, there is provision for cultural mediators. The results of both the classroom observation and the teachers’ interviews confirmed the importance given in the literature to the role of the cultural mediator in the camp, since their presence did help to form a more productive relationship between families/students and the teachers. The difficulty for parents to attend and help their children in their gradual integration into social-educational environments puts extreme pressure on the teachers, especially in non-formal educational settings – such as those of the camps – because of the conditions which the proximity of parents to the school creates. The interventions of cultural mediators, as became came clear from this study, help the teachers to: understand and evaluate learners’ needs through discussion with the family; explain systematically and to make clear issues related to Greek formal educational settings; to clarify modern methods of teaching to parents in order to erase possible points of dispute, as well as to eliminate disagreements created by the high educational expectations that some parents have both for their children and the educational system in question (Essomba, 2017).

Recognising Refugees’ Identities and Allowing of Their Voices to Be Heard This research showed that children of refugee background are treated as a homogeneous group, stripped of all Other identities; as if their status of refugee eradicates any other distinctive characteristic they might have (Rutter, 2006). On the contrary, each refugee or migrant student has his / her own story, different family circumstances, past schooling experiences, learning styles and thus different attitudes and needs (Kaneva, 2012). Nonetheless, inclusive education for students coming from diverse cultural and social contexts with diverse abilities and experiences is not an easy task; even when one-size-fits-all policies are avoided. Teacher’s role in the educational procedure is of great importance, thus their training to enhance inclusiveness is almost as important as political will and capacity to serve such a cause (Engelbrecht et al., 2017). As Andersen and Ottesen (2011) depicted school leaders and staff need to explore the designing of inclusive practices for equitable learning based on a shared vision. All in all, implementing inclusive education prerequisites the existence of such schooling establishments, manageable number of students, supportive families and professional competences.

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Finally, by showcasing the latent meaning of teachers’ silences we have accentuated the absolute necessity of giving voice to the voiceless. Encouraging refugees to actively take part in the whole educational procedure is not just an act of inclusiveness but an act of agency as described by Malkki (1996). Migrants and refugees’ engagement with society remains limited as a result of language barriers and a lack of understanding of the educational system in the host country (Ennab, 2017). Hortas (2018) accented intertwined strategies for the promotion of intercultural dialogue in order to overcome disparities in attitudes and perspectives among all participants of the educational procedure. The absence of appropriate outreach strategies to migrants’ communities results into communication being constructed as a hegemonic, unequal ‘monologue’ (Delpit, 1998) controlled by the school. Inversion of the one way, hegemonic monologue can be achieved only through Intercultural Dialogue. An Intercultural Dialogue that is perceived as an integral part of Intercultural Education of the refugees – and not only- which gives voice to voiceless, encourages debate and discussion, exchange of opinions, demolishment of stereotypes, enrichment of the educational procedure, welcoming and appreciation of diversity, acceptance and inclusion of the other (Vieira et al, 2017). As Pinson and Arnot (2007) shrewdly noted “the asylum seeking child could tell us something about how we define education and its role in society” (p.405).

CONCLUSION Greek educational system was unprepared to accept the cultural diversity and multilingualism that refugee populations brought in. Although official policies have been introduced by the Greek government and EU institutions, the educational settings were unable to integrate refugee students as learners, due to its monolingual, monocultural and hegemonic context. Lack of resources, training, personal prejudices and stereotypical views have made the implementation of these policies ineffective not only in formal but in non-formal educational settings, too. Inclusion and diversity in Greece are still two notions that policy makers, education systems and society have to work on in order to become embedded in daily life and the education system, for all socially vulnerable groups. Teachers play an equally significant part to the political decisions and strategies for students’ inclusion; thus a shared vision is essential. This study aims to show the importance of strengthening teachers’ professional capacity in terms of teaching at refugee education settings. In this direction, cultivation of intercultural communication and dialogue plays an important role since it can change or create new images, shift negative attitudes and opinions in the two major stakeholders--teachers and refugees. Collaboration with cultural mediators, production of practical tools, designing of relevant materials, narration and digital story-telling 190

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can work miracles in placing Intercultural Education at the center of the curriculum and practices in Greek schools. The informed teacher is the intercultural teacher: the educator who adopts modern educational methods founded on critical pedagogy and critical pragmatism to pursue communicative action. Intercultural Education can lead to the recognition of refugees in their real dimensions without stereotyping, oversimplifications or demonization. Interculturally aware and knowledgeable teachers can promote intercultural dialogue so as to give voice to the voiceless in order to overcome the aforementioned disparities in generalized attitudes and perspectives. Adequate training paired with the initiation of a dialogue among teachers could work miracles in advancing culturally responsive pedagogy, in promoting resiliency and language learning, and in cultivation of respect for cultural heritage cultures. This is the essence and responsibility of a humanizing pedagogy.

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Makri, K., Papadopoulou, M., Tsokalidou, R., Skourtou, E., Arvaniti, E., Gkaintartzi, A., . . . Kitsiou, R. (2017). Tutor Practices in New HOU Programmes. Stories from the Trenches: The Case of LRM (Language Education for Refugees and Migrants). In Designing Learning, Proceeding of the 9th International Conference in Open & Distance Learning (pp. 70-80). Academic Press. Retrieved from https://eproceedings. epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/openedu/index Malkki, L. H. (1996). Speechless Emissaries: Refugees, Humanitarianism, and Dehistoricization. Cultural Anthropology, (11), 377–404. doi.org/10.1525/ can.1996.11.3.02a00050 McBrien, J. L. (2005). Educational Needs and Barriers for Refugee Students in the United States: A Review of the Literature. Review of Educational Research, 75(3), 329–364. doi:10.3102/00346543075003329 Merriam, S. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Application in Education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Migliarini, V. (2017). Subjectivation, Agency and the Schooling of Raced and Dis/ abled Asylum-Seeking Children in the Italian Context. Intercultural Education, 28(2), 182–195. doi:10.1080/14675986.2017.1297091 Miller, J. (2009). Teaching Refugee Learners with Interrupted Education in Science: Vocabulary, Literacy and Pedagogy. International Journal of Science Education, 31(4), 571–592. doi:10.1080/09500690701744611 Ministry of Education, Research and Religious Affairs. (2016). Refugee Education. Retrieved on July 14 from: http://www.minedu.gov.gr/tothema-prosfigiko-m Moriarty, M. (2014). Languages in Motion: Multilingualism and Mobility in the Linguistic Landscape. The International Journal of Bilingualism, 18(5), 457–463. doi:10.1177/1367006913484208 Pagani, C. (2014). Diversity and social cohesion. Intercultural Education, 25(4), 300–311. doi:10.1080/14675986.2014.926158 Palaiologou, N., Michail, D., & Toumpoulidis, I. (2017). Refugee Education in Greece, Multi-country Partnership to Enhance the Education of Refugee and Asylum – Seeking Youth in Europe, PERAE Report for Greece. SIRIUS for EC. Palaiologou, N., & Zembylas, M. (2018). Human Rights and Citizenship Education. An Intercultural Perspective. Oxford, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

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Pastoor, L. W. (2017). Reconceptualising Refugee Education: Exploring the Diverse Learning Contexts of Unaccompanied Young Refugees upon Resettlement. Intercultural Education, 28(2), 143–164. doi:10.1080/14675986.2017.1295572 Pinson, H., & Arnot, M. (2007). Sociology of Education and the Wasteland of Refugee Education Research. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 28(3), 399–407. doi:10.1080/01425690701253612 Richards, J., & Farrell, T. (2011). Classroom Observation in Teaching Practice. In Practice Teaching: A Reflective Approach (pp. 90–105). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/CBO9781139151535.008 Rozakou, K. (2012). The Bio-Politics of Hospitality in Greece: Humanitarianism and the Management of Refugees. American Ethnologist, 39(3), 562–577. doi:10.1111/ j.1548-1425.2012.01381.x Rutter, J. (2006). Refugee Children in the UK. Maidenhead, UK: Open University Press. Sawhney, N. (2009, June). Voices Beyond Walls: The Role of Digital Storytelling for Empowering Marginalized Youth in Refugee Camps. Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Interaction Design and Children, 302-305. Retrieved from https://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1551866 Schreier, M. (2014). Qualitative content analysis. In U. Flick (Ed.), The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Data Analysis (pp. 170–183). London: Sage. doi:10.4135/9781446282243.n12 Simopoulos, G. (2017). MAZI – The Multilingual Guide for Education in Greece. Retrieved from: https://metadrasi.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/MAZI_for_print. pdf Szente, J., Hoot, J., & Taylor, D. (2006). Responding to the Special Needs of Refugee Children: Practical Ideas for Teachers. Early Childhood Education Journal, 34(1), 15–20. doi:10.100710643-006-0082-2 Tsokalidou, R. (2017). SíДaYes. Gutenberg-Dardanos Publications. UNHCR. (2018). Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2017. Retrieved from Geneva: http://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends2017/ UNHCR. (2018). Figures at a Glance. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/figuresat-a-glance.html

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UNICEF. (2018). Refugee and Migrant Crisis in Europe Humanitarian Situation. Retrieved from: https://www.unicef.org/appeals/files/UNICEF_Refugee_and_ Migrant_Crisis_in_Europe_Hu manitarian_SitRep_March_2018.pdf Vertovec, S. (2007). Super-Diversity and its Implications. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 30(6), 1024–1054. doi:10.1080/01419870701599465 Vieira, A., Marques, J. C., Gomes, M. P., & Vieira, R. (2017). The Inclusion of the Other in Ourselves: Reception and Comprehension of Refugees in Portugal. Intercultural Education, 28(2), 196–205. doi:10.1080/14675986.2017.1308658 Watson-Gegeo, K. A. (1988). Ethnography in ESL: Defining the Essentials. TESOL Quarterly, 22(4), 575–592. doi:10.2307/3587257 Windle, J., & Miller, J. (2012). Approaches to Teaching Low Literacy RefugeeBackground Students. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy, 35(3), 317–333. Retrieved from https://www.alea.edu.au/documents/item/551

ENDNOTES 1



2



About the LRM master programme, see the relevant publication: Makri, K. Papadopoulou, M., Tsokalidou, R. et al (2017), Tutor practices in new HOU programmes. Stories from the trenches: the case of LRM (Language Education for Refugees and Migrants),Proceedings of the9th International Conference in Open & Distance Learning, pp. 70-80, November 2017, Athens, Greece. https://eproceedings.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/openedu/index Covert participant observation is a method in social science research. Participant observation involves a researcher joining the group he or she is studying, and in the case of covert observation, the researcher’s status is not made known to the group.

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Searching for a Positive Intercultural Transition Between Syrian Refugees and Turkish Society Marella Bodur Ün Çukurova University, Turkey Sevgi Balkan-Şahin Çağ University, Turkey

ABSTRACT Existing studies on Syrian refugees in Turkey focused either on the difculties refugees have been experiencing or on how refugee identities have been unilaterally transformed during their interaction with the host culture. Drawing on the literature on identity and politics of recognition, this chapter argues that intercultural encounters transform the identities, values, and norms of both host communities and refugees. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with non-camp Syrian refugees and local citizens in the cities of Mersin and Adana to uncover the interactions of refugees and the host society, focusing on intercultural encounters at diverse settings, including classrooms, schools, campuses, hospitals, and neighborhoods. The chapter reveals that recognition of diverse cultures, respect, empathy, and social support infuence intercultural interactions in a positive way. It also shows that refexivity and the willingness to interact on the part of both refugees and the host culture facilitate interactions and negotiations between them.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch009 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Searching for a Positive Intercultural Transition Between Syrian Refugees and Turkish Society

INTRODUCTION The Syrian civil war that started in March 2011 has caused thousands of Syrians to lose their lives and millions of civilians to seek refuge in other countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. Of 5.6 million Syrians that have fled the country so far, Turkey hosts the largest number of Syrian refugees displaced by the Syrian civil war (The UN Refugee Agency [UNHCR], 2018). As of October 11, 2018, there are 3,585,738 registered Syrian refugees in Turkey according to the Directorate General of Migration Management (2018). Turkey responded to this unprecedented refugee flow by establishing 26 refugee camps in ten cities close to the border with Syria. In these camps, services ranging from education, healthcare, heating, and security to grocery stores, laundry, worship, hairdressing, psychological support, and recreational activities are provided to Syrians. However, only less than 5% (177,376) of Syrians are currently living in these camps (the Directorate General of Migration Management [DGMM], 2018). The rest, non-camp refugees are spread throughout the country and most are struggling to survive in tough and dire conditions in urban areas. Non-camp Syrians are mostly living in the south and south-eastern provinces of Turkey such as Hatay, Şanlıurfa, Kilis, Gaziantep, and Adana. Beyond the border cities, a high number of them are living in Istanbul and coastal cities like Mersin and İzmir. Particularly, İzmir has become an important destination especially for those Syrians that want to end up in Europe through Greece. When formulating its open-door policy towards Syrians in the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Turkish elites and policy-makers acted on the assumption that displaced Syrians would return home once the conflict was over. Yet, the conflict has entered into its eighth year and it is now clear that Turkey needs to develop long-term national policies and institutional mechanisms to manage refugee flows in a more effective and humane way. The influx of millions of Syrian refugees has created one of the most challenging intercultural transition situations for Turkey. This challenge has put pressure on Turkey to create the necessary conditions for full economic, social, cultural, and political participation of Syrian refugees. However, language barriers, ethnic and cultural differences as well as the prejudice and hostility towards refugees may complicate the process of intercultural transition. This transition cannot proceed smoothly in a country like Turkey that has put too much emphasis for a unified ethnic identity as part of its nation-building process. Given the centrality of unified ethnic identity in Turkey, any group maintaining an identity other than Turkish has been historically perceived as a threat to national stability and unity. Therefore, incorporating more than 3.5 million of non-Turkish population has represented a challenge to the unified ethnic identity constructed by the ruling elites in the early years of the Turkish Republic. The way Syrian 199

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refugees in Turkey have been negotiating their identity and sense of belonging with the host community may also complicate the intercultural transition process. These identity-based challenges require the need to address both host country and refugee experiences during intercultural transition.

Syrian Refugees in Turkey: Existing Studies The studies that examined Syrian refugees in Turkey so far have dealt with questions such as “On what grounds refugees face discrimination (religious beliefs, ethnicity, cultural, education, health, employment)”. These studies have generally emphasized the difficulties Syrian refugees faced in terms of language learning, social interaction with Turkish people, having access to accommodation, education and health services, job market, and psychological support (Kargın, 2016; İçduygu & Şimşek, 2016; Şimşek & Çorabatır, 2016; Yıldız & Uzgören, 2016; Erdoğan, 2017; Baban, Ilcan, & Rygiel, 2017; Aydın & Kaya, 2017; ICG, 2018). For instance, in his comprehensive study conducted with more than 2000 Turkish and Syrian interviewees in 26 provinces in Turkey, Erdoğan (2017, pp.18-23, 42) has demonstrated the increasing unwillingness of the Turkish people to live together with Syrian refugees considered as “dangerous”, “burden”, “dirty”, and “culturally different” after seven years of mutual interaction. The study has revealed that the initial hospitality that Turkish people displayed towards Syrians has been replaced with concerns about “the negative effects” of refugees on the Turkish economy and the potential rise in crime and terrorist activities (Erdoğan, 2017, p.25). In the same study Erdoğan (2017, p. 42) has emphasized that Turkish people have kept a “conscious distance” from Syrians despite the government’s emphasis on religious and cultural ties with Syrian refugees. Kirişçi (2014), Kargın (2016), Erden (2017), Erdoğan, (2017), İçduygu and Diker (2017), and ICG (2018) have emphasized the difficulties Syrians faced in accessing health services, and the problems in ensuring school-aged Syrian children to have access to education due to poor living conditions, contribution of children to the family budget, and early marriages. Conducting field research in the border provinces of Hatay and Gaziantep, Kargın (2016, pp. 215-217) has highlighted the insufficiency of hospitals, doctors, hospital staff, and translators in coping with the rising demand on healthcare services after the arrival of Syrian refugees. Kargın (2016, pp. 218-219) has also stressed how the rising anxiety of the Turkish people over the rise of infectious diseases like polio and measles that had been eradicated in Turkey has prevented many Turkish families to let their children play with Syrian kids. Other studies such as Baban et al. (2017, p. 42) has drawn attention to the insecurities Syrians faced in terms of ensuring their social rights due to the ambiguous status granted to them by the Turkish government. Şenses (2016), İçduygu (2015), 200

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and İçduygu and Diker (2017) have highlighted the exploitation of Syrian refugees as cheap labor in sectors ranging from agriculture to construction and industry. İçduygu and Diker (2017, p. 25) and ICG (2018, p. 5) have put particular emphasis on the rising risk of ethnic animosity between Syrians and Kurdish citizens due to the replacement of Kurdish seasonal agricultural workers by Syrian refugees at lower prices. İçduygu (2015, p.10) has stressed how the rise in housing prices, the competition for jobs, and the rise in Syrian vendors and beggars negatively influenced Turkish people’s attitudes towards refugees. Şenses (2016) and Kargın (2016) have also called attention to the forced marriages of young Syrian girls and the polygamy problem prevalent among Syrian refugees. Such studies that revealed the prejudices and stereotypes of the host community toward Syrian refugees have increased our understanding regarding the difficulties refugees have encountered while undergoing intercultural transitions. These studies have predominantly emphasized how refugee identities have been unilaterally transformed during their interaction with the host culture. In line with the above-mentioned studies, the interviews conducted by the authors with Syrians and Turkish respondents have revealed that the encounters between the two groups have not always produced positive and mutually beneficial interactions. Occasionally, the interactions between the two communities have produced conflict and negative outcomes. Nevertheless, interviews have also disclosed that there have been many positive interactions that have been ignored or invisible in the relevant literature or in the Turkish media. As the current literature on Syrian refugees has well documented the negative consequences of the Syrian refugee influx to Turkey, this study has left out examples of negative interactions between the two communities and focused instead on discovering positive elements in the interactions between Syrians and the host community at diverse settings such as schools, hospitals, markets, and neighborhoods . A central contribution of this study to the existing literature on refugeehost encounters and integration of refugees to host communities relates to the conceptualization of identity. Drawing on constructivist and postcolonial approaches to identity formation and the literature on recognition (Jenkins, 2008; Parekh, 2008; Chatterjee, 1986; Bhabha, 1990a, 1990b; Said, 1993; Taylor, 1994; Young, 1998), this study contends that identities are intersubjectively constructed and that identity construction must be understood as a dialogical and relational process, involving self-recognition as well as recognition or non-recognition by others. This chapter argues, therefore, that intersubjective and intercultural interaction transforms not only the identities of refugees but host community identities as well. It also holds that the intercultural interaction between host and refugee communities is not necessarily or inherently negative. Ultimately, the thesis presented here aims to reveal experiences

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of positive interaction and integration between Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees during intercultural transitions. In order to understand how Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees mutually negotiate their identities during intercultural transition, the first section of the chapter discusses theories of identity formation, pointing to the dynamic, fluid and relational nature of identity. The second section briefly examines the immigration policies adopted by the Turkish state, which ultimately affect the process of social integration of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The third section explores interaction and integration between the host community and Syrian refugees in several areas including education, health, and everyday life (friendships, neighborhood etc.) focusing on intercultural encounters at diverse settings. It provides the life experiences of Syrian refugees and the extent to which Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees experience negative as well as positive interaction and integration during intercultural transitions. Exploring the interactions between refugees and the citizens of the host country on a micro level, this study highlights the ways in which both refugee groups and host community are transformed during their intercultural interactions. The study reveals that recognition of diverse cultures, respect, empathy and social support influence intercultural interactions in a positive way. It also shows that reflexivity and the willingness to interact on the part of both refugees and the host culture also facilitate interactions between them.

Transforming Identities Through Interaction: The Method of the Current Study This study was conducted in the cities of Adana and Mersin, where the availability of job opportunities in the fields of agriculture, industry and trade attracted huge refugee flows. With its Free Trade Zone, international port, and strong commercial infrastructure, Mersin is an important trade and logistic center of the Mediterranean Region. Adana, the agricultural hub of Turkey, is the country’s sixth largest city. With its flourishing textile and food processing industries, it became a primary target for many Syrian refugees. Another reason of the attractiveness of these two cities for Syrians has been the presence of a large local Arab and Kurdish population as a result of the internal migration of these communities from eastern and southeastern parts of Turkey. For instance, based on an interview with the mukhtar of the Yeşilbağlar neighborhood, Betts, Ali, and Memişoğlu (2017, p. 25) report that most of the Syrians in this neighborhood came from Deir ez-Zur, the largest city in eastern Syria and they reunited there with their extended family members originally from the Şanlıurfa province of Turkey.

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With a population of 2.2 million people, Adana hosts 196,851 Syrian refugees. This number amounts to 8.9% of the city’s population, an incredible share. According to the data received by the Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (ASAM) based on the information confirmed by the Adana Governorship, 30,680 Syrians live in the Sarıçam refugee camp, while the remaining 166,171 live as non-camp urban refugees in various neighborhoods around the city such as Kocavezir, Şakirpaşa,Mayıs, Meydan, Gürselpaşa, and Yeşilbağlar. Unlike Adana, there is no refugee camp in Mersin. 207,364 Syrian refugees live in the Mersin neighborhoods of Mezitli, Hal, Akdeniz, and Yenimahalle. The share of Syrians within the Mersin population is 11.56%. The existence of well-developed agriculture and textile sectors, and their proximity to the border provinces made Adana and Mersin a popular destination for Syrian refugees since the outbreak of the civil war. In order to collect stories of interaction between the host community and Syrian refugees and to uncover how intersubjective interaction between them transforms their mutual identities, interviews with various stakeholders were conducted. Since this study views identity formation as a relational process, the research population was composed of respondents from both Syrians and Turks. Semi-structured interviews with a sample of 50 non-camp urban Syrian refugees in the provinces of Mersin and Adana and 50 local citizens, including employees and employers, service providers such as teachers, doctors, nurses, and NGO staff-- all participants in the processes of identity negotiation and formation, were held. The interviews included several primary questions and follow-up probes to gather personal stories about the life experiences and interactions of both Syrian refugees and members of host society. Questions for Syrian refugees were designed to reveal their stories in diverse areas including socio-cultural adaptation, educational development, language acquisition, access to health services, friendships, and community networks and experiences in their neighborhood in Adana or Mersin. Questions for local respondents aimed at understanding the perceptions, experiences, and the level of interaction of Turkish citizens with Syrian refugees. Open-ended questions enabled the formulation of spontaneous questions in accordance with the new information provided by respondents during the interview. Some interviews were conducted with entire families together, and others with several family members but not all. The former was useful for purposes of comparing unique individual experiences of different family members from a variety of perspectives and distinctive narratives. When respondents were selected, host community contact persons residing in neighborhoods heavily populated with Syrian refugees, were identified and approached. These contact people had a pivotal role since they were acquainted with their Syrian neighbors and gained their trust. This has made it easier to approach and persuade both Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens living and working in the neighborhood, to partake in the experiment. It was apparent that 203

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Syrian refugees were more willing to participate if someone they were familiar with participated in the interviews as well. After key respondents were identified, others joined in through the snowball dynamic, in which first respondents suggested other potential contacts. From the 50 Syrian interviewees, 35 were male and 15 were female, while 30 of the 50 Turkish respondents were male and 20 were female. The ages of the respondents ranged from 8 to 65. The inclusion of children, adults and elderly created a valid and reliable array of ages. Interviews were complemented with observations conducted at a public school and a public hospital to establish a mundane dimension of regular day-to-day encounters between refugee and local students, refugee students and teachers as well as the doctors and refugee patients. Further observations were made in the Kocavezir district in Adana and Mezitli district in Mersin, where Syrian refugees extensively dwell. These observations were crucial to detect the daily social interactions, emotions and body languages of both refugee and host groups in their neighborhood. Some amount of time was spent in cafes and restaurants run by Syrian refugees to observe the food, the language of the menu, potential customers, and the identity of the workers. In addition, official documents prepared by various agencies such as the AFAD (Disaster and Emergency Management Authority), DGMM (Directorate General of Migration Management), the Ministry of National Education, the Ministry of Health, Turkish Grand National Assembly, Çukurova Development Agency, the Governorship of Adana and Mersin, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and several NGOs, including the Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (ASAM), International Crisis Group, and Human Development Foundation (INGEV) were examined. In summation, all data obtained through interviews and observations, academic studies, and official reports are analyzed to understand in a systematic and profound way the experience of socio-cultural interaction between host and refugee communities during periods of intercultural transitions.

Theoretical Lenses of Refugee Integration: Identity/ Difference, Recognition and Hybridity Debates over integration of refugees into host societies usually revolve around the question of preservation of national identity and social cohesion when confronted with increasing ethnic and religious diversity and cultural pluralism. Departing from the view of integration as a process of assimilation of migrants into the host culture, this study understands integration as a two-way process which transforms the identities, values, and norms of both host communities and migrants (Parekh, 2008, p. 85). Thus, the literature on identity, hybridity, and politics of recognition

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provides necessary conceptual tools to better understand intercultural transitions, refugee integration, and refugee-host relationships. Identity can be defined as “the human capacity” that “involves knowing who we are, knowing who others are, them knowing who we are, us knowing who they think we are and so on” (Jenkins, 2008, p. 5). Various disciplines including sociology, psychology, anthropology, cultural studies, women’s studies, political science, and International Relations have studied the concept of identity employing different perspectives. Informed by the debates over identity versus difference and politics of recognition in social and political theory, this study adopts a discursive approach, recognizing that identities are socially and intersubjectively constructed and, thus, subject to change. More specifically, this study draws on both social constructivist and postcolonial perspectives to offer a discursive approach that recognizes the ongoing and contested constitution of identities. For social constructivists, actors and their social environment (social structures-local, national as well as global) interact and mutually construct and reconstruct each other (Wendt, 1987, 1999; Pearce, 1993; Burr, 2003; Risse, 2004; Jenkins 2008; Gergen, 2015). While the social constructivist research helps account for a dynamic constitution of identities, it pays relatively less attention to how identities are “contested” by adopting a more static conception of identity. Proposing a discursive understanding of identities as “processes”, postcolonial scholars draw our attention to the complex processes that constitute and reconstitute identities (Bhabha 1990a, 1990b; Said, 1993). Furthermore, postcolonialism shifts the focus from a community as a homogeneous, monolithic unity with fixed boundaries to a community as a contested, ongoing process (Bodur, 2005, p. 117). A dialogue between social constructivist and postcolonial perspectives is significant as it allows us to view identity as a contested project. Identities must be understood as “processes” of “being” and “becoming”, rather than “things” (Jenkins, 2008, pp. 5, 17). They are constituted through a dialogical process; they are formed in a constant dialogue with “others” (Taylor, 1994, pp. 3237). Identifying ourselves and others always “involves interaction: agreement and disagreement, convention and innovation, communication and negotiation” (Jenkins, 2008, p. 17). Identities are also shaped by and constituted through concepts and practices provided by society, culture, and religion (Appiah, 1994, pp. 154-155). Debates over identity and difference are intrinsically related to the discussions on recognition. Identities are not only rooted in an actor’s self-understanding(s) but also depend on whether those identities are recognized by others. There is a close link between identity and recognition as our identities (i.e. our self-understanding of ourselves) are partly shaped and constituted by recognition, non-recognition and misrecognition by others (Taylor, 1994). As recognition of identities is a basic human need, non-recognition or misrecognition (e.g. imposing demeaning identities) can 205

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hurt individuals and communities, and thus might be a source of oppression (Taylor, 1994, pp. 25-26; Galtung, 1996, pp. 197-199). Thus, struggles for recognition of collective identities are efforts “to negate the status of ‘otherness’, insofar as otherness is taken to entail disrespect, domination, and inequality. Individuals and groups struggle to attain respect, self-worth, freedom, and equality while also retaining some sense of selfhood” (Benhabib, 2002, p. 8). Recognition of identities or differences of refugees, then, is necessary for the self-realization, self-respect, and successful integration of the refugees into the host society. It is, indeed, necessary for what Galtung meant by “positive peace”, a condition in which there is not only “absence of violence” (“negative peace”) but also justice, freedom, equality, integration, and cooperation.1 Recognition of identities and rights of “others” as well as their access to the social, economic, and political structures in the host society help facilitate positive interaction and integration during intercultural transitions. For the advocates of the politics of recognition, democracy and justice require recognition of the differences of identity groups by allowing for group representation and participation in politics (Taylor, 1994; Kymlicka, 1996; Young, 1998). Several scholars, however, pointed to the tension between the notion of authenticity or distinctiveness of cultural groups and multicultural politics of recognition (Habermas, 1994; Appiah, 1994; Okin, 1999; Benhabib, 2002). For some, the politics of recognition tends to ignore the ways cultural values and practices are internally contested (Benhabib, 2002, pp. 1-23), and they can be oppressive toward internal differences and dissenters (Okin, 1999). With its emphasis on hybridity, postcolonial scholarship employs a distinctive understanding of identity and difference (Bodur, 2005, 95-98). Arguing that constitution of identity involves an “othering” process, postcolonial scholars contend that subjectivity is constituted relationally. Suggesting that cultural or national identity is always in the process of formation, Homi Bhabha sees unstable and “ambivalent” identities (1994b, pp. 66-84; 1990b, pp. 291-322). Questioning the representation of national cultures as homogeneous, postcolonial scholars speak of the hybridity of cultural experience. Edward Said (1993, p. xxv) argues that “all cultures are involved in one another; none is single and pure, all are hybrid, heterogeneous, extraordinarily differentiated, and unmonolithic”. Postcolonial views on hybridity are useful for exploring intercultural interactions and socio-cultural integration of refugees. Postcolonial scholars point to bordercrossings and de-territorialized identities, contending that refugees live in between two worlds. While national identities are represented as homogeneous, they are in fact contested and hybrid. The idea of hybridity does not deny the existence of ethnic and/or cultural differences but it recognizes the mutual constitution of “self” and “other”.

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Based on the debates over identity and difference, hybridity, and recognition, this study argues that the integration of Syrian refugees into the host culture will inevitably result in the transformation and hybridization of identities and cultures on both sides. Syrian refugees, when they sought refuge in Turkey, have brought their normative systems with them. Furthermore, they have not entered into a normative vacuum; they have come across with ideas, lifestyles, cultural symbols, norms, and values different from their culture. Negotiation of identities and differences between the host society and Syrian refugees, who are embedded in different normative frameworks, thus, entails struggles over meanings of cultural norms, customs, and values. Intercultural communication requires both the language and cultural norms and customs of the host society to be converted into the language and cultural norms and customs of refugees and vice versa. Cultural norm translators, who are mostly part of the host community and who are constantly in dialogue with Syrian refugees, including local NGOs, social workers, teachers, doctors, and nurses, play a critical role in helping to translate ideas and views from the host society to refugees and from refugees to the host community. The study argues that for effective intercultural interaction and intercultural understanding to occur there must be mutual recognition and respect as well as empathy, reflexivity and will to learn on the part of both Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens.

Intercultural Encounters Between Syrian Refugees and Turkish Citizens Turkey has become the leading country in hosting more than 3.5 million Syrians, although the Turkish government has defined Syrians not as refugees but as “guests”. This peculiar status was enacted despite the fact that Turkey is one of the signees of the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. However, it has adopted a limited interpretation to its international commitment by restricting the refugee status only to those emigrating from Europe. Refugees from other continents, according to the Turkish government, cannot be granted such standing. Since there is no such thing as guest status in the international refugee law, Turkey undertook some legal changes in order to substantiate this new legal status by clarifying what are the Syrians’ rights and obligations under this unique status. Consequently, the Law of Foreigners and International Protection (Law No. 6458) was adopted in 2013 and the Temporary Protection Regulation in 2014 had ensued. Based on this law and the Regulation, the Turkish state has been implementing a temporary protection regime for Syrians. This policy outlines the legal framework and administrative procedures such as registration and documentation and access of Syrians to social services including health, education, and labor market. Under 207

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the temporary protection status, Syrians are entitled to access free education, free health services and since 2016 to labor market which are crucial for the integration of Syrians to the host community. The UNHCR promoted the 2013 law that included provisions addressing the issue of integration as a commitment to humanitarian values and principles (İçduygu & Diker, 2017, p. 16). This section explores how intercultural encounters between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens have been taking place at different public sites and how these encounters generated transformative effects on identities of both groups. Locations such as schools, university campuses, hospitals, and local neighborhoods characterized by diversity provide opportunities for intercultural encounters between refugees and members of the host culture. The encounters that take place in these sites also cultivate feelings of belonging or adversely, estrangement. The notion of intercultural transition points to the centrality of interaction and communication between culturally situated actors. Syrian refugees brought their way of life with them. Upon arrival, they have encountered a new culture – a new system of meaning, symbols, norms and values. In addition to their feelings of separation from their home country, Syrians needed to acquire the basic cultural skills to find their way around the host society’s ways of life. At the same time, empathizing with Syrian refugees, some Turkish citizens have sought to develop the necessary skills to ease their transition to the new society. In spite of numerous dissimilarities and potential barriers such as linguistic, social, cultural, ethnic and religious, as well as prejudice and stereotyping that they spawn, most refugees are not ostracized or live segregated lives, confined to their own communities. There are circumstances and locations that are more conducive for their assimilation into the host society. These are environments in which intercultural encounters are allowed to take place and where cultural differences are recognized, contested, and reconstructed. The next sections describe four such settings: Education institutions, language, hospitals and Civil Society Organizations.

Setting I: Educational Institutions Education is crucial for the identity construction process of individuals by providing social interactions to develop necessary skills and facilitate learning the local culture (Erden, 2017). In the early years of the Syrian refugee flux to Turkey, the Turkish government considered the idea of providing refugee children with education in Arabic according to the Syrian curriculum. By that time it was assumed that the war would not last long and therefore Syrian students would not miss a great deal of school time upon returning back to their country. But when the intensity of the war escalated and became protracted, particularly after the rise of the Islamic State in Syria, the number of refugees flowing to Turkey reached to unprecedented levels. 208

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Recognizing that most Syrians would remain in Turkey permanently, the Turkish government began to take important measures that would facilitate the integration of Syrians to the Turkish society such as providing education to Syrian refugee children. Almost 50% of Syrian refugees in Turkey are below the age of 18 and the number of school age Syrian children is around one million (International Crisis Group [ICG], 2018, p.18). In order to cover educational needs of Syrian refugee children, the Turkish Ministry of Education adopted the Circular on Educational Activities Targeting Foreigners in September 2014. This circular aimed at the integration and adaptation of Syrian students to the Turkish education system. Based on this decision, Turkey has been offering three different education alternatives. The first one is the temporary education centers or camp schools in the refugee locations operated by the Turkish Ministry of Education and AFAD. More than 90% of refugee children living in the camps go to these schools, in which Syrian curriculum in Arabic is used. Second option is the enrollment in Turkish schools for Syrians living outside of camps. Another alternative for urban Syrian students is registering at temporary education centers (TECs) promoted by non-governmental organizations or local authorities. As of late 2017, 342,571 of the 976,200 school-age Syrian refugee children registered in public schools while 267,813 studied in 338 TECs scattered around 21 provinces in urban areas (Turkish Ministry of Education [MEB], 2017).2 The number of Syrian refugee students who go to school increased from 230,000 (30%) in 2014-2015 academic year to 618,948 (63%) in 2017-2018 academic year (MEB, 2017). Despite this growth, there are many children whose education is disrupted after their arrival to Turkey. Almost 40% of urban non-camp Syrian children do not have access to education (MEB, 2017). To encourage additional 230,000 Syrian refugee children to attend school and reduce dropout rates, the European Union and UNICEF in partnership with the Turkish Ministry of Education, launched a Conditional Cash Transfer for Education (CCTE) program in March 2017 (ICG, 2018).3 Turkey also facilitated the access of Syrian students to the Turkish higher education system. Currently, almost 20,000 Syrian students study at various Turkish universities. The tuition fees of all the students entitled to study at the state universities are covered by the Prime Ministry Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities. In cooperation with the Albert Einstein German Academic Refugee Initiative, the Prime Ministry Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities also provides monthly scholarships for covering education and accommodation costs of almost 4500 Syrian university students (Komsuoglu & Özer-Yürür, 2017; Haberler.com, 2018). Despite the progress made in enabling hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugee students to have access to education at various levels, Turkey has faced important challenges such as the lack of experience of teachers to teach in a multi-cultural 209

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environment or work with traumatized children and children with different educational backgrounds (Erden, 2017, p. 6). Another crucial challenge for Turkey has been the inability of Syrian students to have a good command over the Turkish language that would enable them to perform well at school (Erden, 2017, pp. 131-132). These challenges were complemented with the existence of some degree of anti-refugee sentiments at schools such as the Turkish parents’ concerns over overcrowding of classes and its potential negative impact on the quality education their children will have or Turkish students’ exclusion of Syrian students from their games and insulting them verbally (Erden, 2017, pp. 125,128). Although being aware of the existence of such shortcomings, the interviews conducted with Turkish teachers and Turkish and Syrian students have revealed that notwithstanding the difficulties, positive interactions between these parties exist and endure. The nature of interaction at the educational institutions is crucial for a successful integration of Syrians into the host society. Teachers play a mediator role in helping Syrian students to acquire the necessary language skills and socialize with both their Turkish peers at school and other members of the host community outside the school (Erden, 2017, p. 193). Thus, face to face interviews with teachers coupled with the observations conducted at classrooms in a public school have shown that teachers are committed to the integration of Syrian students and ensure that they acquire proper education and skills by developing a child-friendly and inclusive classroom. They all emphasize the need to overcome the language barrier to have access to quality education. Most of the teachers confessed that they initially had concerns about teaching non-Turkish speaking Syrian students as they did not have the necessary experience of working in a multi-cultural environment. They also admitted how their perceptions changed for the positive when they began to teach Syrian students. A teacher with an experience of 15 years of teaching suggested that: When I first learned that I will have refugee students in my class, to be honest, I was stressed as I have never worked with students from a different culture. I also had concerns that they would disrupt the learning process due to the language barrier. But all my misgiving was gone once I had them in my class. All of my four Syrian students did their best to improve their language skills and performed well academically (interview, February 13, 2018). Most teachers were well aware of the disadvantages refugee students suffered resulting from trauma of involuntary migration and tried to help their students adjust to the host society. Emphasizing how education is crucial in compensating for all socio-economic traumas that refugee children have experienced thus far, another teacher teaching first year elementary students stated that: 210

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These students have faced many challenges at a very young age such as adapting to their new school and neighborhood in Turkey or dealing with the changes in their families’ standard of living or overcoming being homesick or their traumas. Thus, a proper education might help them rebuild a sense of confidence for their future lives (interview, February 13, 2018). Stressing the high self-esteem the Syrian students have for themselves, another teacher with a teaching experience of more than 20 years stated that: Syrian children are generally extroverted and have high self-esteem. There are three Syrian students in my class. Two of them are twins and perform well academically and socially. They have good language and social skills enabling them to actively participate in lectures. The boy in particular, has strong leadership skills. He suggests games to his classmates during break time and whenever I ask for some volunteers to sing a song or tell a joke generally in the last hour of the day’s lecture, he volunteers to sing in Arabic. Another Syrian student lags behind others, but she was five and a half years old when she came to school. I encourage her to catch up with the rest of the classroom (interview, February 13, 2018). Emphasizing the importance of games and cultural activities in increasing the socialization of children, another teacher of third grade students stated that: In the beginning, some of my Turkish students discriminated against Syrian students such as excluding them from their games and not calling them by their names, but as “Syrian”. I told my students the importance of peaceful coexistence and tried to increase interaction among students by using games during lectures at the classroom. I personally believe that this age group of students learns more efficiently through games. I realized that games or cultural activities we perform during class hours improve refugee children’s personal development and language skills a lot (interview, February 13, 2018). Pointing to the importance of schools as a setting where intercultural interaction takes place between refugee children and the host society and where a sense of belonging can be fostered, another teacher stated that: Children acquire the language and cultural skills in their new environment faster than their parents do. I encourage them to learn Turkish not just to improve their academic skills but also feel themselves as responsible members of the society. Learning our language will enable refugee students to understand our culture, values,

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and norms and make them feel as part of the society. Refugee students experience the local culture only by interacting with local people (interview, February 13, 2018). In the Turkish context, schools are settings that are infused with meanings around belonging, national identity, and national values. Emphasizing the need to respect cultural norms and values of Syrian refugees for successful integration, the school principal stated that his school does not force refugee students to learn and adapt national values of Turkish people. He stated that: We encourage our Syrian and Turkish students to interact with each other all the time. To increase the awareness of our Syrian students about the local culture, we motivate them to take part in our national celebrations, including the 23rd April National Sovereignty and Children’s Day and the 19th May Commemoration of Ataturk, Youth, and Sports Day. However, as a school policy, we first take the permission of their parents on this issue (interview, February 13, 2018). Confirming the principal’s remarks, a teacher of second grade students stated that: We did not force our Syrian students to take part in national celebrations. However, surprisingly, both parents and students were happy to be part of the national celebrations in which students read nationalist poems, perform traditional dances, and sing folk songs. We observed that such activities increased the social interaction between Turkish and Syrian students, teachers and parents (interview, February 13, 2018). Another teacher with a 12 year of teaching experience highlighted the positive intercultural interaction between Syrian and Turkish students while preparing to perform at the 23rd April celebrations: When my Syrian students volunteered to perform in the 23rd April National Sovereignty and Children’s Day, I had concerns whether Syrian parents would afford to buy the necessary costumes the students were expected to wear on the commemoration day. As we did not want our students and parents feel offended in case they would not afford costumes, we opted for low-cost affordable costumes that costed 25TL (5$) and luckily all my Syrian students could afford that. There was a high level of interaction throughout the preparation process for the performances particularly among the girls. Like Turkish girls, Syrian girls like belly dancing and they enjoyed their performances and costumes a lot (interview, February 13, 2018).

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Another teacher of third grade students stated that some of his/her students feel “at home” and that they feel as members of Turkish society: I always tell parents to ensure that their children come to school regularly and inform me about their absence. One day, one of the Syrian parents visited me at school to tell that her daughter was sick and would be absent for a few days. As the mother could not speak Turkish, I asked help from one of the Syrian students for the translation. To my surprise, that student said that “Teacher, I am Turkish by now. You should ask someone else” (interview, February 13, 2018). Emphasizing the existence of common words between Arabic and Turkish and encouraging his Turkish students to learn a few words in Arabic from their Syrian friends, another teacher said that: Having previously worked in eastern part of Turkey in several village schools, I had the chance to learn some Arabic. From time to time I speak Arabic to my Syrian students, and they become happy when I do that. I also encourage my Turkish students to learn some Arabic words from their Syrian friends (interview, February 13, 2018). The interviews conducted with Turkish and Syrian students have confirmed teachers’ remarks about the level of interaction between Turkish and Syrian students. Syrian students consider Turkish teachers as more “humanistic” compared to Syrian teachers, whom they label as strict and in comparison, appreciate Turkish teachers’ attitude towards them. A nine year old Syrian student said that: My friends at school and my teacher are nice to me. I love my teacher. She helps me a lot and gives me story books and pencils. She is a very good person. One day it was raining heavily and I did not have an umbrella. She gave me her umbrella and I did not get wet. The other day my mother came to school to thank my teacher (interview, February 13, 2018). A ten year old Turkish student expressed that she gets along well with her Syrian friends. She stated that: I like playing with my Syrian friends. We generally play games such as skipping a rope, playing tag, and dodgeball. I share my snacks with them. There is one Syrian boy in my class. My mother told me that he lost his parents at the war and his grandmother takes care of him. They are very poor. He never has food to eat at school. I and my friends put food to his bag everyday whenever he is not in the

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classroom; otherwise he does not accept when we directly offer him some food (interview, February 13, 2018). Interviews with Syrian refugee university students and their Turkish peers have demonstrated that they socialize with each other and build strong friendships. A Syrian student who lost both legs back in Syria in a bombing stated that (May 10, 2018): I have a very close Turkish friend named Ali. Actually Ali is one of my best friends. Ali is closer to me than my Syrian friends. … We were at the same department … We graduated together. We worked together on the same honors project. … He is a great guy. Now he works in Çorum. He is from Ankara. He has nothing to do with Adana now. But he is coming to Adana just to see me. Working on the same project provided this refugee student and his Turkish peer with an opportunity for further interaction and communication. The refugee student’s experience with Ali not only represents a positive interaction, but it may also lead him to construct a more favorable view of the host society, which in turn may facilitate future positive interactions. The recognition of Syrian university students’ right to have access to higher education seems to facilitate integration of Syrians to the host culture. A Syrian university student studying International Trade and Logistics at a private university in Mersin stated that: My family all fell apart after the war. My elder brothers were engineers and they moved to Saudi Arabia. I lost my mother in the war. I am still trying to overcome this trauma. I came to Mersin when I was 16 by myself. My father remained in Syria to run his business. I went through terrible times not financially but emotionally. But I want to focus on my future, not on my past. I am optimistic about my future as I have the chance to continue my studies here. I am a professional chess player, I teach chess to the children of my Turkish neighbors. I want to contribute to this society somehow. I will pay my debt to this nation by being a successful academician (interview, April 17, 2018). Although the Turkish government recognized the education rights of Syrian students, interviews with Turkish students discovered that even those who socialize with their Syrian peers resent over Syrian refugees’ “easy” access to Turkish universities compared to Turkish citizens. To be able to study at Turkish universities, Syrian students either take the university entrance exam for foreigners or transfer their undergraduate credits gained at Syrian universities. A Turkish university student studying International Relations in a private university expressed her resentment 214

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over Syrians’ access to higher education. Nevertheless, the student has empathized with Syrian refugee students, ultimately recognizing their right to education. She also stressed the importance of university education for socio-cultural and economic integration of Syrian refugees by saying: My parents spend a lot of money and time for me to ensure that I have a proper university education. I feel upset to see that Syrians study at prestigious departments such as medicine, dentistry, and engineering as they take an easier exam than we Turkish people do. But then I put myself to their shoes and recognize that it is also their right to continue their education. University education may facilitate their cultural adaptation to Turkey. Moreover, if they create a life for themselves, they will be self-sufficient and will not be a burden on our society and economy (interview, April 11, 2018). Confirming Turkish students’ concerns over the issue, a 25 year old Syrian student, who studies at the Department of Electronics at a public university in Adana, stated that (interview May 30, 2018): “Turkish students always ask us two questions. They wonder if we study here without taking the university entrance exam and if we are getting scholarship from the government”. Recognizing Turkish students’ dismay over Syrians’ access to education at Turkish universities, a Syrian university student studying pharmacy at a public university in Mersin stated that: Some of the Turkish people criticize the opportunity given to Syrians to attend universities in Turkey. I understand their concerns because they see us rivals under the highly competitive university entrance system of the country. But, I promise that I will contribute to the Turkish economy and society once I graduate. I won’t go back to Syria. It is not my country anymore. I am grateful to this country. Turkey has not only provided us a safe haven but also recognized our right to education. By this way, I will have the chance to set up a future for myself (interview, April 5, 2018). Educational institutions are places where refugee-host interaction regularly takes place. Recognition of the Syrian refugee students’ right to education and intercultural encounters between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens at educational settings promote a sense belonging and inclusion on the part of the Syrian students and facilitates their social integration. Building up bonds with the members of the host community, Syrian refugee students have expressed their willingness to contribute to the society and become its members.

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Setting II: Language The stories of intercultural encounters between Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees have illustrated the importance of language acquisition and language skills in promoting constructive intercultural interactions. While educational institutions play a critical role in fostering better understanding and mutual respect between refugees and the host society and cultivating a sense of belonging, language is the basic means for individuals to express themselves in their societies, communicate and interact with other individuals, and understand the cultural traits of a society. Interviews conducted with Syrians divulge that refugees do their best to learn the Turkish language that they see as essential to gain access to education, job opportunities and build social interaction with Turkish citizens. Syrian men and children learn Turkish faster than women. Most Syrian refugee women are housewives with considerably less interaction with outsiders, and thus, less opportunity to exercise the local language. Their Turkish is generally poor or non-existent compared to their children and husbands. A 42 year old Syrian housewife stated that: We came here five years ago, in the beginning I felt myself so lonely. But over time, the more I learned Turkish, the easier it became for me to get in touch with my neighbors. Now, they invite me over for a Turkish coffee. We exchange food and recipients. Our food culture is similar. Moreover, Turkish housewives generally go together for grocery shopping to the outdoor market in our neighborhood. I began to join them for buying fresh vegetables and fruits. Going to local markets is more than buying foodstuff for me; it is an opportunity to interact with Turkish people. I don’t feel lonely anymore (interview, April 27, 2018). The mutual interaction between the two groups not only encourages Syrians to learn the Turkish culture and the language which is crucial to sustain their daily lives, but also enables Turks to have knowledge about Arabic. Syrians interviewees admitted that they would be happy if Turkish people could also learn Arabic for easier communication. Emphasizing the existence of many common words in both languages, they thought that Turkish people may find it easy to learn Arabic. In Mersin and Adana, Arabic language can be seen everywhere from signboards to bulletin boards in neighborhoods where Syrians reside. Many Turks, especially those engaged in education and health, have already learned Arabic to some extent. One gynecologist stated that:

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Unlike Turkish women, Syrian women generally have a natural childbirth. Thus, we need to communicate with the mother during the delivery. Particularly in the early years of their arrival, many Syrian women did not understand Turkish. Thus, I had to learn Arabic words such as ‘push hard’, ‘have a deep breath’, ‘everything is fine’, ‘congratulations’ to instruct the mother about the things that she should do and also to comfort her during the delivery (interview, April 14, 2018): Similarly, a pediatrist stated that: 30% of my daily patients are Syrians. Our workload increased for sure since Syrians came to our region. In the first two-three years we had communication problems but now particularly children speak Turkish and of course after seven years I also learned some Arabic from my patients. They become happy when I say a few words in Arabic and give children balloons or candies (interview, April 14, 2018). Language learning simplifies interaction with the host community and ultimately increases awareness of refugees and members of the host society to cultural similarities and differences between their respective cultures. A 22 year old Syrian university student studying international trade at a private university in Mersin stated that: When we first came to Mersin five years ago, my father encouraged us to learn the language as quickly as possible. He asked his Turkish friend to find accommodation for us in a neighborhood where there are not so many Syrians. I was 15 at that time and enrolled to a private high school. Everything became easier since then as I started to socialize with my Turkish friends at school and learn the language quickly. I appreciated the help of my friends and my teachers. Turkish people treat us nicely. We have very good relations with them. Two months ago my grandfather passed away and our neighbors visited us to condole and share our sorrow. I realized that our traditions for funerals are similar. For instance, we generally bring food and dessert to the mourning house. Similarly Turkish people brought food to our house. We appreciated that a lot (interview, April 17, 2018). His sister studying at the same department at the same university confirmed most of what he had said. She added that: When the war erupted we first moved to Dubai as my parents thought that living in an Arabic country would be easier for us to set up a new life. But Dubai was so international that we did not feel like living in an Arabic culture. My father had business ties with a Turkish businessman in Mersin. On his invitation we moved to Mersin. Thanks to him, my father could set up his business; I and my brothers 217

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could enroll at good schools. I and my family are very happy in Mersin. I felt myself living in a foreign country in Dubai but not in Mersin. We Syrian women generally cover our heads, at my university only a few girls do that. Girls at this university put on very modern and stylish clothes. I like the way they dress up, but they do not discriminate against me because of the way I dress. I never felt uneasy about my clothes (interview, April 17, 2018). Emphasizing the importance of religion as a common bond between two communities, a Syrian artisan stated that: We have similar religious beliefs. This makes it easier for us to socialize with Turkish people. I go and pray at the mosque together with Turkish artisans on Fridays. We wish each other a good Friday. As you know Friday is a blessed day for Muslims. Having such common values and practices, I feel very comfortable in Turkey (interview, April 27, 2018). A Syrian student pursuing his graduate studies at a public university in Adana stated that (May 10, 2018): The community where I live is like a village. People are good you know. They bring us food. We have good social relations. I can’t speak Turkish but our neighbor always asks us nasılsınız? (“how are you?” in Turkish) to see how we are doing. In addition to educational sites and neighborhoods that advance language learning and social interaction between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens, hospitals constitute another important public site for further intercultural interaction between two communities.

Setting III: Hospitals The Turkish Constitution recognizes access to health services as a fundamental human right (Ekmekçi, 2017). In order to provide Syrian refugees with such services, AFAD issued the Circular on Health Services for the People under Temporary Protection in October 2015 (no. 2015/8). Accordingly, Syrians are entitled to have free access to primary health care services, including routine immunization program for children, surveillance of babies, children and pregnant women, and health counseling at community health centers (Ekmekçi, 2017, p. 1438). They may also have free access to secondary health services provided at field hospitals and polyclinics.

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A study by Erdoğan (2017, p. 34) and interviews with Syrians have disclosed that Syrian refugees appreciate the health services they receive in Turkey. A 30 year old Syrian woman stated that: Thanks to God we can have access to health services for free. Last year I gave birth to my baby. The doctor and the nurses did not discriminate against me because of the fact that I am Syrian. After the delivery, nurses visited me, informed me about post-natal care, breastfeeding, and they provided me baby clothes, baby food, and diapers. I am happy that we did not have to pay for the services at the hospital as we would not afford it (interview, April 25, 2018). Another Syrian woman recalled the assistance and social support provided by a Turkish nurse: I did not have anyone to accompany me at my first night at the hospital when I gave birth to my third child. I had two children and my husband had to take care of them. The Turkish nurse told us that she could do a favor for us. Luckily that night there was no other birth at the hospitable, thus I did not have to share the room with another patient. Thus, she led my husband and two children stay all together at the hospital to take care of me and the baby. I cannot tell how many times we thanked her (interview, April 25, 2018). A nurse highlighted the assistance they provide to the needy Syrians by saying: Social services provide us with nightgowns, pyjamas, baby food, and diapers to give helpless people who cannot afford them. We also bring our children’s clothes that do not fit them anymore to the hospital to donate needy ones. We started to use these items for Syrians as well. Many times, we collected money among ourselves and bought diapers and baby food when we ran out of such items. When Syrians come to the hospital with their children we always give them sweets, chocolates, fruits, actually whatever we have at that time. It is very easy to make children happy (interview, April 14, 2018). One orthopedist stated that: I operated many Syrian refugees who were badly wounded during the war. During post-operative process, I developed personal relations with some of them particularly with children and helped them financially as much as I could. They were brilliant and very strong children and I always encouraged them to finish their studies to have a bright future. Children with whom I established personal ties were disappointed a 219

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lot when I decided to get retired. My friends at the hospital organized a small party to celebrate my retirement. I was touched deeply when I saw some of my Syrian patients with flowers at their hands to wish me a happy retirement. These people appreciated what I did for them and with their limited resources bought flowers for me. This is something I will never forget. As a doctor, I love performing my job that enables me to touch the lives of needy people (interview, April 14, 2018). In addition to revealing such positive and close interactions between Syrians and Turkish doctors and nurses, interviews have also shown that hospitals are crucial settings in which Syrian refugees and Turkish hosts learn from each other. For instance, interviews with Turkish nurses working in the gynecology unit demonstrated that they were highly aware of cultural similarities and differences regarding post-natal traditions and mother-baby care between Turkish and Syrian people. One of the nurses stated that: Like the Turkish people, some Syrians celebrate the newborn by distributing Turkish delight or chocolates to their visitors and hospital staff. When we visit Syrian mothers after they give birth at our hospital, we inform them about mother-baby care and breastfeeding and we also exchange stories about post-partum celebrations both in Syria and Turkey. I tell them that we offer kaynar (a local sherbet) to the guests who come to congratulate the mother and the baby at home. They do not know the kaynar but they tell me that also offer sherbet to their guests (interview, April 14, 2018). Another nurse stated that: Turkish women put on red ribbon on their head and an amulet on the baby as it is believed that these protect the mother and the newborn from the bad spirit. I have not seen such practices for Syrian mothers and babies, but both Turkish and Syrian women cover the head of the baby with a cloth to prevent their potential suffering from hepatitis. Of course we respect these beliefs but we warn mothers not to cover the head of the baby as they cannot see when the baby vomits. This is important because if the baby is not lying in the right position and throws up, the vomit might block the trachea. Turkish women generally appreciate this warning and behave accordingly, but Syrian women are more conservative and stick to their traditional practices (interview, April 14, 2018). Expressing her astonishment about the prevalence of polygamy among Syrian refugees, a gynecologist stated that:

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There was one Syrian woman who was was just 28, but already had three children and would deliver her fourth baby by cesarean. The risk of complication during labor was very high. Luckily, there was no complication. After the delivery, I talked to her and her husband to warn from another pregnancy. I cautioned her that she can even lose her life and suggested tubal ligation as a permanent birth control. The husband agreed but to my surprise, his wife vehemently objected. At first I thought she was afraid of the operation after I explained in detail every stage of it. However, the real reason, as I found out, was that if she could not become pregnant again her husband would seek another woman as a co-wife. I was shocked to hear that. Polygamy is widespread among Syrians (interview, April 14, 2018). Intercultural encounters experienced at hospitals highlighted the situation in which doctors and the nurses provided social assistance to Syrian refugees, making them feel at home and safe. Furthermore, recognizing diverse customs of refugees, showing empathy with them, and providing social support to refugees have influenced intercultural interactions in an affirmative way. These intercultural encounters have been transformative for both Turkish citizens and refugees as they have developed cultural awareness. in addition to teachers, doctors and nurses, civil society organizations contributed their own share to the integration process as service providers but also as cultural norms translators. This has been another meaningful arena in the intercultural interaction and communication between Syrian refugees and local Turkish citizens.

Setting IV: Civil Society Organizations A number of civil society organizations have been struggling to integrate Syrian refugees into social life in Turkey. One of the most prominent has been the Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (SGDD-ASAM), which conducts its activities in more than 70 branches across more than 40 provinces in Turkey. With its teams of social workers, psychologists, interpreters, lawyers, and language and skills instructors, ASAM has been helping refugees with access to their rights and services. Organizing numerous courses ranging from studying English, Turkish and Arabic language to computer and vocational training, ASAM aims at developing refugees basic life skills for establishing peaceful relationships between the local community and refugees (ASAM, 2017). It can be said that the unprecedented refugee inflow to Turkey transformed ASAM into an NGO that has strong links with the local authorities, the European Union, the United Nations and other international NGOs. Collaborating with such diverse actors, ASAM has been implementing various projects that would increase

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interaction between Syrians and the Turkish community. Zübeyde Ekmekçi, the head of the Adana office of the SGDD-ASAM, indicated that: Thanks to a fund we raised from GIZ, we cooperated with Adana-Seyhan District Municipality to implement “The Cash for Work Project” that provided temporary employment of 200 Syrian refugees and 200 Turkish citizens residing in Adana. Syrian and Turkish workers worked as municipal workers at the Parks, Gardens and Green Areas Departments of the Municipality. This project aimed at the interaction of Syrian and Turkish workers at the workplace (interview, February 15, 2018). ASAM has been organizing various activities, programs, celebrations, and meetings so that Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens participate in social and cultural activities together. Ekmekçi emphasized the high level of interaction between Turkish and Syrian children when they organized activities such as wood painting, tug of war, national folk dance performances for the celebration of the 23rd April National Sovereignty and Children’s Day. She told that children danced all together with Turkish and Arabic songs. Explaining the activities they organized for the commemoration of World Refugee Day on June 20th, Ekmekçi specified that: Last year, this celebration occurred during Ramadan. Thus we decided to organize a dinner for both Syrian and Turkish citizens. After the dinner, we organized activities such as the traditional Turkish shadow puppet theatre performances (Karagöz and Hacıvat). We distributed cotton candy for kids and paste for adults. Such occasions provide opportunity for both Syrian and Turkish community to interact and spend time with each other (interview, February 15, 2018). Highlighting their efforts to empower women and children, two most vulnerable groups of forced migration, Ekmekçi also added that: We have been organizing Cappadocia Women’s Meeting for women and children to celebrate the International Women’s Day on 8 March. Almost 1,000 refugee women participate to this meeting where they meet with local people and the NGOs working on women’s rights. Every year, Syrian refugee women have been collectively preparing Refugee Woman Javelle on which they write meaningful and touchy phrases such as “Woman is a Ground” and “A woman is exactly what it means to co-exist together” (interview, February 15, 2018).

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Pointing out the social and cultural transformation that Syrian refugee women are undergoing in Turkey, a social worker, working with refugee families at another NGO, stated that (interview, May 31, 2018): I have been observing the transformation that Syrian refugee women are experiencing. Just the other night we had an emergency call from a Syrian refugee woman that I had counseled. She was beaten by her husband and she wanted her husband to be punished for what he did to her. She left her home angrily and then she called us. We met her and her young child and we went together to the police station. When we arrived there to file a complaint, her husband was already there, urging the police officers to find his run-away wife. When she saw her husband, she started to yell “we are in Turkey now, not in Syria. You cannot touch me. I have rights”. While experiencing countless difficulties as refugees, having the refugee status paradoxically has provided Syrian women with the opportunity to raise their voice and resist domestic violence. They have become empowered and gained agency to challenge the traditional boundaries between the public and private spheres to the extent that they were embolden to organize against domestic violence and the degrading of women. The same social worker continued that: The stories of horrible abuses these women have been exposed to, such as marital rape, domestic violence and child marriages, have affected me tremendously. Me and my husband have an equal and loving relationship. I have never pondered about domestic violence against women, especially marital rape. All these stories made me think that these abuses are happening to women in Turkey and around the world. I became more aware of and sensitive about these issues. I realized that these abuses are not happening somewhere far away from here. Through intercultural interaction, the social worker has engaged in self-exploration and reflexivity. She has reflected upon the society that she is a member of. The intercultural encounters and interactions have been reciprocal, benefiting and changing the identities of both refugee and host women.

CONCLUSION: TOWARD ACCOMMODATION Existing studies on Syrian refugees in Turkey have concentrated on the two opposing and mutually exclusive narratives of the host society’s perceptions of refugees, and the refugees’ perspectives of their predicament during intercultural transitions. Unlike hitherto research, which predominantly emphasized either the poor treatment of 223

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refugees or how refugee identities have been unilaterally transformed during their interaction with the host culture, this study argues that positive mutual interactions between two communities can also be detected, and that intercultural encounters and dialogue affect and transform the identities, values, and norms of both sides. The literature on identity, hybridity, and politics of recognition provide us with necessary conceptual tools to better understand intercultural transitions, refugee integration, and refugee-host relationships. Drawing on constructivist and postcolonial views on identity formation and the literature on recognition, this study contends that identity construction must be understood as a dialogical process, involving selfrecognition as well as recognition or non-recognition by others. Postcolonial views on identity are useful to uncover the socio-cultural interactions and integration of refugees, as postcolonial scholars contend that refugees are simultaneously inside and outside the borders: they live in between two worlds. This study explores how intercultural encounters between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens have been taking place at different public sites – such as schools, campuses, and hospitals - and how these encounters have transformative impact on identities of both groups. At these sites, identities and differences of both groups are recognized, contested, negotiated and (re)constructed. The intercultural encounters also help cultivate a sense of belonging and inclusion or estrangement and exclusion. Through intercultural interactions and communication, culturally situated actors in mixed communities negotiate their identities (Peleg, 2015) and wage a struggle over meanings of cultural norms, customs, symbols, and values. The intercultural encounters ultimately result in the transformation and eventually the hybridization of identities and cultures on both sides. As Benhabib (2002, p. 8) reminds us cultures are not static entities to which refugee groups need to adapt to but they are (re)constructed through interaction and communication; they are “constant creations, recreations, and negotiations of imaginary boundaries between “we” and the “other(s)”. In order to hear stories of intercultural interaction, we interviewed both Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees, collecting their stories of intercultural encounters at different settings. These stories have affirmed the importance of recognition, respect and appreciation of diversity, empathy, and social support as core elements of positive interaction between the host society and Syrian refugees. They also showed that reflexivity and the willingness to interact on the part of both refugees and the members of the host society facilitate interactions and negotiation between them. Furthermore, the stories have affirmed the importance of attitudes, skills, and language proficiency to promote positive intercultural interactions and communication. Overall, the stories have revealed the presence of the Galtung’s positive peace—the empowering and mutually beneficial rapprochement between Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens.

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This study has highlighted the ways in which both refugees and the host communities undergo transformations during intercultural transitions. It aimed to offer a more comprehensive understanding of intercultural encounters focusing on the experiences, perceptions and perspectives of both parties toward an inclusive and integrated society. Although this chapter depicts a particular case study of intercultural encounters between Turkish citizens and Syrian refugees, this endeavor may provide an inspiring perspective for other cases of growing friction between locals and to steer potential conflict toward accommodation and resolution.

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HUGO & IGAM. (2017). Elite Dialogue: Türkiye’deki Suriyeli Mülteci Akademisyen ve Üniversite Öğrencilerinin Durumu, Sorunları ve Beklentileri Araştırması. Retrieved from http://www.igamder.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/ELITE-DIALOGUE07082017-TR.pdf İçduygu, A. (2015). Syrian Refugees in Turkey: The Long Road Ahead. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Retrieved from https://www.migrationpolicy.org/ research/syrian-refugees-turkey-long-road-ahead İçduygu, A., & Diker, E. (2017). Labor Market Integration of Syrian Refugees in Turkey: From Refugees to Settlers. The Journal of Migration Studies, 3(1), 12–35. İçduygu, A., & Şimşek, D. (2016). Syrian Refugees in Turkey: Towards Integration Policies. Turkish Policy Quarterly., 15(3), 59–69. International Crisis Group (ICG). (2018). Turkey’s Syrian Refugees: Defusing Metropolitan Tensions. Europe Report No. 248. Retrieved from https:// d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/248-turkey-s-syrian-refugees.pdf Jenkins, R. (2008). Social Identity (3rd ed.). London: Routledge. Kargın, İ. A. (2016). The Syrian Refugees in Turkey: Their Living Conditions and the Ways in Which Their Presence Has Affected Turkish Society (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation). Indiana University. Kirişçi, K. (2014). Syrian Refugees and Turkey’s Challenges: Going beyond Hospitality. Retrieved from: https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/ Syrian- Refugees-and-Turkeys-Challenges-May-14-2014.pdf Komsuoglu, A., & Yurur, Y. O. (2017). Turkey’s Syrian Youth and Higher Education. Retrieved from http://www.coimbra-group.eu/wp-content/uploads/ highereducationsyrians.pdf Kymlicka, W. (1996). Three Forms of Group-Differentiated Citizenship in Canada. In S. Benhabib (Ed.), Democracy and Difference: Contesting the Boundaries of the Political. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ministry of National Education (MEB). (2017). Geçici Koruma Kapsamı Altındaki Öğrencilerin Eğitim Hizmetleri. Hayat Boyu Öğrenme Genel Müdürlüğü Göç ve Acil Durum Eğitim Daire Başkanlığı. Retrieved from https://hbogm.meb.gov.tr/ meb_iys_dosyalar/2017_10/23112120_YNTERNET_BYLTENY_23-10-2017.pdf Okin, S. M. (1999). Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? In J. Cohen, M. Howard, & M. Nussbaum (Eds.), Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 227

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Parekh, B. (2008). A new politics of identity: Political principles for an interdependent world. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-1-137-05070-0 Pearce, W. B. (1993). Achieving dialogue with “the other” in the post-modern world. In P. Gaunt (Ed.), Beyond agendas: New directions in Communication Research (pp. 59–74). Westport, CT: Greenwood. Peleg, S. (2015). Coordinating Meaning and Joint Identity: Cultivating Leadership and Cross-Cultural Communication in a Divided Community. In N. D. Erbe & A. H. Normore (Eds.), Cross-Cultural Collaboration and Leadership in Modern Organizations (pp. 13–34). IGI Global Publishers. doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-83761.ch002 Risse, T. (2004). Social Constructivism and European Integration. In A. Wiener & T. Diez (Eds.), European Integration Theory (pp. 159–176). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Said, E. (1993). Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage Books. Şenses, N. (2016). Rethinking Migration in the Context of Precarity: The Case of Turkey. Critical Sociology, 42(7-8), 137–163. doi:10.1177/0896920515606503 Şimşek, D., & Çorabatır, M. (2016). Challenges and Opportunities of Refugee Integration in Turkey. Retrieved from http://www.igamder.org/wp-content/ uploads/2017/01/Challenges-and-opportunities-of-refugee-integration-in-turkeyfull-report.pdf Taylor, C. (1994). The Politics of Recognition. In A. Gutmann (Ed.), Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt7snkj.6 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2018, October 19). Syria Emergency. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/syria-emergency.html Wendt, A. (1987). The agent-structure problem in international relations theory. International Organization, 41(03), 335–370. doi:10.1017/S002081830002751X Wendt, A. (1999). Social Theory of International Relations. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Yıldız, A., & Uzgören, E. (2016). Limits to Temporary protection: Non-camp Syrian Refugees in İzmir. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 16(2), 195–211. do i:10.1080/14683857.2016.1165492

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Young, I. M. (1998). Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship. In A. Phillips (Ed.), Feminism and Politics. Oxford, UK: Oxford University.

ENDNOTES 1



2



3



Positive peace, according to Johan Galtung, encompasses more than “absence of violence” (negative peace) and violence includes more than “direct violence” such as physical harm and abuse. For Galtung, “violence is present when human beings are being influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realizations” (1969, p.168). Galtung redefined violence as “avoidable insults to basic human needs and more generally to life” (1990, p.292) when he introduced “cultural violence” as a type of violence along with “direct” and “structural violence”. While structural violence includes exploitation, segmentation, fragmentation, and marginalization, cultural violence refers to “those aspects of culture, the symbolic sphere of our existence - exemplified by religion and ideology, language and art, empirical science and formal science (logic, mathematics) - that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence” (Galtung, 1990, p.291). As of March 2017, 14500 teachers, 12000 of which are Syrian, work in these centers. In 2016, the Ministry of Education announced that temporary centers would be phased out as all Syrian children would be integrated to the Turkish education system in two to three years (HUGO&IGAM, 2017). Refugee families receive 35-60 Turkish lira ($10-$16) every two months based on age and gender of their children (ICG, 2018).

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Chapter 10

The Impact of IsraeliPalestinian InterReligious Dialogue:

Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives Ben Mollov Bar-Ilan University, Israel Chaim Lavie Bar-Ilan University, Israel

ABSTRACT This chapter will focus on the prospects of inter-religious dialogue as a means of fostering the Israeli-Palestinian peacebuilding process, both from a theoretical and empirical perspectives. The two authors come from the disciplines of political science and social psychology and employ qualitative and quantitative methods, respectively. Although counter-intuitive as part of an ongoing research project, the authors suggest that, in line with other research, religion can indeed serve as a bridge between Israelis and Palestinians and not merely act as an escalatory infuence as is commonly assumed. The authors have drawn on earlier work of these researchers and others, which have provided empirical evidence over time that inter-religious dialogue encounters between Israelis and Palestinians can help nurture perception change based on social psychological dynamics for intergroup relations as both sides discover strong commonalities between their respective faiths. This opportunity also ofers a means to mutually explore the basis of the narratives of both sides in a non-

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch010 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

confrontational atmosphere. Perception change between groups locked in confict is an essential element for moderating strife and encouraging dialogue. However, in the case of the Israeli-Palestinian confict clashing narratives––as succinctly analyzed in the Peel Commission Report of 1937––rooted in religious and cultural identity informs the confict and must be addressed through dialogue with the hope of mutual accommodation. Ideally, the transcendent elements of religion can also serve as positive points of meeting. Research data collected primarily from the work of the Interfaith Encounter Association (IEA) will be presented to demonstrate the advantages of the inter-religious approach. In addition, the authors also refer to the case study of a special annual inter-religious dialogue by mid-level leadership in the “spirit of social partnership” in the Jewish-Arab City of Akko (in Northern Israel) in the context of an annual graduate seminar organized by the frst author.

INTRODUCTION Background While there have been many energetic attempts to promote Israeli-Palestinian peace agreements and grassroots peace building, the vast majority of efforts have had a decidedly secular or narrow political focus as reflected in research such as Asaqla, Bar, and Bar-Gal (1995) and Kelman (1998, 2015). However, a number of researchers and public figures have asserted that conflict resolution efforts in various parts of the world generally, and in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular, have lacked the ability to address deeper parts of the conflict, notably those rooted in faith and religious identity (Abu-Nimer, 2001; Albright 2006; Johnson and Sampson, 1994; Gopin, 2002; Mollov and Lavie, 2001, 2006). This paper asserts that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is substantially rooted in religion and culture, which anchor the identity of both sides and their ties to the same land. As far back as 1937, the British Peel Commission Report described the clashing narratives of both Arabs and Jews, making clear the respective roots of conflict as it succinctly described these respective foundations in the following terms: The [First World] War and its sequel have inspired all Arabs with the hope of reviving in a free and united Arab world the traditions of the Arab golden age. The Jews similarly are inspired by their historic past. They mean to show what the Jewish nation can achieve when restored to the land of its birth… In the Arab picture the Jews could only occupy the place they occupied in Arab Egypt or Arab Spain. The Arabs would be as much outside the Jewish picture as the Canaanites in the old land of Israel (Laqueur & Rubin 2001, p. 42).

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Religion and Culture in the Arab-Israeli Conflict In line with this perspective, this work runs counter to many existing assumptions in two respects: (1) that the Arab-Israeli conflict is not considered to be essentially a political territorial conflict, but rather a cultural and identity conflict with strong foundations in religious beliefs; and (2) that religion can serve as a basis for helping to bring about a means of bridging the conflict and not merely as a force to escalate it, as is generally perceived. Indeed, we suggest here that there is no avoiding the Arab-Israeli conflict becoming identified as a “religious conflict” as it already is insofar as religion impacts significantly on the ways of life of both Arab and Jew in the Middle East. This is the case even for many who may not be strictly religiously observant in their personal lives (Mollov and Lavie, 2001). Furthermore, it has been contended that the Arab-Israeli conflict is an identity-based conflict heavily rooted in conflicting narratives which are ultimately rooted in religious culture insofar as both Israelis and Palestinians are contesting ownership of the same land (Auerbach, 2010; Garfinkle, 1991; Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Mollov, Meir, and Lavie, 2007; Reitner, 2010; Tessler, 2009). Those identities are part of larger movements—that of modern Zionism and that of the Arab national awakening (Garfinkle, 1991; Reitner, 2010; Tessler, 2009)–– which gave rise to modern Arab nationalism. Both movements, in fact, arose out of protests against existing conditions in the nineteenth century and sought to renew the respective civilizations of both peoples based on the collective memory and inspiration of an earlier “heroic era.” In the Jewish case, the earlier era was that of the Bible and Jewish civilization in the Land of Israel; in the Arab case it was that of the Arab-Islamic Empire which existed at its height between the seventh and tenth centuries. It is significant that in both cases the earlier heroic period of both peoples existed in the absence of the other party. The civilization of the Bible period existed prior to the rise of Islam, and the Arab-Islamic empire developed its power when the Jews were no longer an active sovereign political force in the region (Mollov, 2006a). Given this situation in which conflicting narratives remain at the core of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which is arguably the core intercommunal conflict of the Arab-Israeli dispute, what resources rooted in culture can serve to help bridge this gap and promote a process of conflict management and peace building? The next subsection will relate to this issue from the point of view of religion and culture for conflict resolution efforts in general and in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.

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Religion and Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice Motivated by international dynamics, in recent years there has been a growing awareness of the importance of religion and culture for conflict management efforts. Conflict management and political science literature reflects this growing trend and the vital importance of understanding religious dynamics as underlying both causes of conflict and as means of bridging such conflict (Albright, 2006; Appleby, 2000; Avruch, 1998; Barbato, 2013; Gopin, 2000, 2002; Haynes, 2009; Fox and Sandler, 2006; LeBaron, 2003; Reitner, 2010; Smock, 2002). Such an awareness has become more pronounced in the wake of dramatic developments such as the 9/11 attacks in New York, Virginia and Pennsylvania in 2001. Samuel Huntington (1993, 1996), in the wake of the end of the Cold War, brought to our attention the developing phenomenon of intercivilizational conflict which is heavily based on religious and cultural elements. Another expression of the centrality of culture has been noted by other researchers such as Ross (1997) and Fisher (1990, p. 149), who identified the centrality of cultural identity “as reflecting the unique heritage and way of life of the people that is contrasted with other cultures,” and Geertz (1966) who emphasized the importance of religion to society. However, in parallel with the process in which religion is cited as an emerging phenomenon in international relations in general and conflict exacerbation in particular (Barbato, 2013; Fox and Sandler, 2006; Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2017; Johnston and Sampson, 1994; Thomas, 2005), there is a growing literature reflecting practical and theoretical work which points to the potential of religion to moderate conflict and promote peacebuilding (Abu-Nimer, 2001; Albright, 2006; Appleby, 2000; Bercovitch and Kadayifci-Orellana, 2009; 2000; Gopin, 2000, 2002, 2009; Johnston and Cox, 2003; Lederach 1997; Little, 2007; Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Smock, 2002; Meir, 2011). From this point of departure, i.e., the global perspective on the emerging importance of religion and culture to conflict management, this section will now focus on the possibilities of religion and culture serving as bridging elements in the Arab-Israeli conflict in general and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular. Certainly, the potential for religion to serve as a moderating element in the IsraeliPalestinian conflict has been described in a limited number of research studies that have already been carried out concerning the impact of Israeli-Palestinian interreligious dialogue (Abu-Nimer, 2001, Bekerman, 2002; Mollov and Lavie, 2001, 2006). These studies point to the potential that a religiously based strategy holds for conflict management efforts. Such efforts can foster a deeper and more effective discourse between the parties than can be advanced by a purely secular discourse (Mollov, 2006a; Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Mollov and Schwartz, 2010), as the deeper sources of identity are addressed in these encounters. Based on anecdotal field

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evidence and empirical data, this approach can serve as a multi-pronged strategy for inter-group dialogue and conflict management. The authors of this study, as scholar practitioners, have collected empirical and quantitative as well as qualitative data based primarily on the activities of an important NGO, the Israel-based Interfaith Encounter Association (IEA; www.inter-faithencoutner.org) spanning the period from 1999 until 2017, which will be presented to offer corroboration for the thesis being advanced. It is important to note that a central criterion for assessing the impact of activities such as these is the degree of relationship building and perception change fostered among participants as a result of such activities as cited in a United States Institute of Peace Report (Special Report, 2004). Tracing the background of earlier research concerning the impact and results of Israeli-Palestinian inter-religious dialogue beginning in the late 1990s and most recently in 2017, the authors suggest that Israeli-Palestinian inter-religious dialogue has shown clear evidence of its ability to help promote positive perception change and constructive relationship building among participants on both sides. Common to most of these dialogue activities is that participants have found perception-moderating commonalities based on the similarities between Islamic and Judaic practices such as in prayer, charity, dietary laws and laws of mourning, as well as central personalities in the Hebrew Bible and the Koran such as Joseph and Moses. Field activities have previously been reported on, in which religion has served as a focus of constructive dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians. Similarities in the practice and the structure of Judaism and Islam has formed the basis of these dialogues which took place between 1994 and 2000 (Furman, 2011; Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Mollov, et al., 2002; Mollov and Lavie, 2006); such activities continue to take place despite significant difficulties on the ground (Furman, 2011; Tange, 2010). Discovering commonalities between the two groups based on common or similar elements creates the conditions for positive inter-group relations (Allport, 1954; Amir, 1969; Rokeach, 1960) and serves to facilitate a process of sustained dialogue (Saunders, 1999). Given that the Israeli-Palestinian/Arab-Israeli conflict is a deepseated ethno-national conflict rooted in conflicting narratives, the inter-religious dimension helps guide both sides to deeper discourse and understanding of the connection and identity which both sides have to the same land, which form a primary basis of the conflict (Fox and Sandler, 2006; Garfinkle, 1991; Tessler, 2009). This understanding can lead both sides to the understanding that a “constructive stalemate” exists (Zartman, 2007) which promotes an understanding that, barring a willingness for perpetual violence, both sides must reconcile themselves to acknowledging the existence of the “other” and the need to share the same land.

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The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

Thus, based on this approach the core issues of identity and culture concerning mutual attachments to the same land can be addressed in an indirect enough manner (i.e., beginning with a focus on commonalities in religious practice) in line with optimum inter-group contact approaches (Allport, 1954; Amir, 1969; Rokeach, 1960) to prevent destructive escalation. However, such an inter-religious dialogue may also be direct enough to facilitate honest dialogue on the deepest core issues (Tange, 2010). In addition, particularly during positive changes in the political environment on the macro level, Israelis and Palestinians have also been able to meet on the transcendent level and derive mutual inspiration from the more inclusive elements in both Judaism and Islam, with a focus on peace and the principle of all men and women having been created in the image of God (Furman, 2011; Gopin, 2002, 2009; Mollov, 2006b; Mollov, et al., 2007). In addition, in such an encounter the participants, as representatives of their religious identities, are able to meet as equals in contrast to certain criticisms expressed regarding the assumed need to address power asymmetries in more purely political interchanges (Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Maoz, 2005).

Earlier Fieldwork Sustained encounters co-initiated by the first author of this paper between Israeli Jewish students at Bar-Ilan University and Palestinian students from the University of Hebron (a Jewish religious and Islamic college respectively) were held between 1994 and 2000, which focused on inter-religious dialogue concerning similarities in Islam and Judaism such as in prayer, dietary laws, laws of mourning and even bioethics, and served as the basis of a sustained dialogue (Saunders, 1999). This effort was described elsewhere and served as the initial basis of the paradigm described above (Mollov and Lavie, 2001). This was conducted primarily in face to face (FTF) meetings, but was later augmented within a Computer Mediated Communication (CMC) framework also revolving around inter-religious themes such as similarities between Ramadan and Rosh Hashana as also described elsewhere (Mollov, 2006b; Mollov and Schwartz, 2010). These meetings and activities, which involved approximately 90 students on each side, continued in various forms until virtually the start of the violent Second Intifada in the fall of 2000, and focused on commonalities between Islam and Judaism. They eventually led to a variety of spin-off cooperative efforts facilitated by the leading partners of the dialogue themselves. Participants reported on a warm atmosphere in these face-to-face meetings and attributed that achievement to the discovery of commonalities in the other’s religious culture (Mollov and Barhoum, 1998). Such outcomes also reflected criteria for success referred to in the U.S. Institute of Peace Special Report on Evaluating Interfaith Dialogue Programs (2004). 235

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

Quantitative Empirical Findings and Methodology In previous work, Mollov and Lavie (2001) presented empirical data reflecting the potential for attitudinal and perception change among Israelis and Palestinians based on inter-religious dialogue. Details of their findings and the questionnaires themselves have appeared elsewhere (Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Mollov, et al., 2007) and most salient findings will appear below. Based on anecdotal observation and quantitative questionnaire data examining perception change, the inter-religious dialogue definitely appears to have the ability to bring about positive perception change particularly among the most religious participants who were the most negative in their initial perceptions towards the other group (Mollov & Lavie, 2001; Mollov, 2006a). The potential perception change should be seen against the background of control survey-based empirical data compiled over a period of several years by these authors testing various attitudes of Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs towards the other group. This data corroborated the assumption that Israelis and Palestinians who are most religious will tend to be most exclusivist in thinking about the other group and hold the most negative attitudes towards them (Mollov and Lavie, 2001; Mollov, et al., 2007). This reinforces commonly held assumptions that religion generally serves as a source for conflict escalation and exacerbation, particularly in the Middle East (Appleby, 2000; Fox, 1999; Huntington, 1993, 1996; Juergensmeyer, 1993, 2017).

The Impact of Inter-Religious Dialogue: Interfaith Encounter Association Previous work undertaken by the IEA indicates the potential viabilityof inter-religious dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians. The key table below demonstrates the impact of such dialogue that took place in February 1999 in Gaza involving about 80 participants of each side, with a focus on prayer in the two religions. Perceptions were tested based on questionnaires distributed before and after the encounter. The findings were instructive: while the Israeli participants, regardless of their religiosity, exhibited reasonably favorable attitudes before and after the encounter, the religious Palestinian Muslims were the most negative of all the Palestinians in their perceptions of Israelis (Mollov and Lavie, 2001). This sub-group shifted appreciably to a more favorable perception following the encounter, as shown in the following Table 1: The shift to favorable perception occurred despite the fact that a group with a stronger religious commitment would intuitively be considered harder to influence. While we note that only one category in the above table showed a statistically significant result, this category was a basic one concerning willingness to have contact with the other side. The fact that this group showed greater willingness to have contact with Israeli Jews following the inter-religious encounter signified an 236

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

Table 1. Attitudes of religious Arabs towards Israelis before and after interaction with them—1999 Gaza gathering Before (n = 18) Factor A – Direct attitude

After (n = 10)

SD

M

SD

M

2.51

.83

2.16

.83

Factor B - Perception

1.56

.34

1.56

.34

Factor C – Contact Willingness

1.65

.45

1.56

.45

Factor D – General attitude

1.45

.34

1.38

.34

Factor E - Traits

1.57

.63

1.32

.63

*P< 0.01 (Answers were rated from one to five, with one being the most positive perception and five the most negative.) (Mollov & Lavie, 2001)

important first step towards overall attitudinal change, particularly given the depth of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Due to the outbreak of the Second Intifada in late 2000 and new heightened political tensions, it became almost impossible to hold and track large-scale Israeli-Palestinian meetings. Thus, two Israeli Arab-Jewish women’s inter-religious encounters were organized by the IEA in 2003. The Arab population of Israel, numbering about 20 percent of the country’s total population, has its roots in the Palestinian people currently living under the framework of the Palestinian Authority, and in many cases holds a similar worldview to that of the Arab world in terms of the essential elements of its identity. To assess these intra-Israeli encounters, qualitative impressions and quantitative data were compiled by the two authors and research assistants working under their direction. The study reflected a favorable atmosphere and positive relationship building; however, quantitative results revealed that perceptions and attitudes between the two groups began and continued to be favorable after the encounters with no discernible changes evident. Furthermore, subsequent research clearly pointed to the impact of inter-religious dialogue on mutual perceptions between Jews and Arabs, particularly among Israeli Jewish university students at Bar-Ilan University who, in a particular joint Jewish-Arab educational encounter course, were initially more negative in their perceptions towards the other group than vice versa (Mollov & Lavie, 2016). Thus, our overall conclusions suggest that the inter-religious encounter can also serve to improve relationships within the State of Israel, in parallel with the conclusions drawn from the Israeli-Palestinian dialogue. In addition, the success of these Arab-Jewish efforts within the State of Israel is significant as many Arabs in Israel have increasingly identified with the Palestinian narrative (Smooha, 1998). 237

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

In the aftermath of the second Intifada, with Israeli-Palestinian relations further deteriorating to effectively curb and prevent any meetings between representatives of the two nations, the only possible Jewish-Muslims encounters continued to be those between Israeli Arabs and Jews. The next opportunity of doing so was in the framework of a conflict resolution course at Bar-Ilan University during the 2009–2010 academic year. The course underlined the inter-religious and intercultural approaches to managing conflict, particularly within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian situation. The course’s topics and theoretical emphases provided an ample opportunity to survey “before” and “after” attitudes once again. Although there was no direct contact between the Bar-Ilan students and Palestinian students, the Bar-Ilan students were exposed to aspects of the Palestinian narrative, along with approaches to inter-religious dialogue as reported on above. Results of empirical based data were informative and appear below in table 2 which surveyed perceptions by Israeli Jews towards Palestinian Arabs at Bar-Ilan University. Overall, they tended to support our hypothesis that the inter-religious dialogue approach can serve to modify perceptions. Table 2 presents the “before” of our survey, which includes the result that the religious students were least positive (or most negative) in their perceptions of Palestinian Arabs prior to study of the Arab narrative and approaches to interreligious dialogue. However, Table 3 indicates that following the study of the Arab narrative and approaches to inter-religious dialogue the religious students viewed the Palestinian Arabs somewhat more favorably. Although these changes were less significant than those noted following the inter-religious dialogue held in Gaza in 1999, they offer a further indication that the inter-religious approach to dialogue can indeed have a positive effect on the perceptions of religious students.

Recent Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Efforts Against the background of the earlier assessments of IEA inter-religious dialogue activities which appeared above, a number of other studies were conducted from Table 2. Bar-Ilan University Students—before     N

    Mean

    Std. Deviation

    Religious

    9

    3.7937

    .61813

    Traditional

    8

    3.2534

    .69998

    Secular

    8

    3.0198

    .38549

    Total

    25

    3.3732

    .65293

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The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

Table 3. Bar-Ilan University Students—after     N

    Mean

    Std. Deviation

    Religious

    8

    3.4792

    .69732

    Traditional

    12

    3.2712

    .70664

    Secular

    19

    2.7894

    .61560

    Total

    39

    3.0791

    .70778

(Answers were rated from one to five, with one being the most positive perception and five the most negative)

2009 to 2017. These assessments sought to continue to trace the effectiveness of these efforts from both qualitative and quantitative perspectives. In general, positive qualitative impressions of the effectiveness of these inter-religious dialogues have been recorded; however, the need to expand the circle of participants and influence larger circles of society have been identified as key challenges. As part of the efforts at expansion and wider influence, an evaluation was conducted in 2009 which focused on a number of in-depth interviews of Jewish, Muslim and Christian participants in a number of relatively small but ongoing dialogue groups (Schwartz, 2009). Participants cited the warm atmosphere which characterized these groups which revolved around commonalities in inter-religious themes and practices. Strong relationships were created which survived charged political events including armed conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The survey suggested that many of the inter-religious activities strengthened individual religious and ethnic identities while promoting openness “to the other” in the spirit of Martin Buber’s philosophy of “I and Thou” dialogue (Buber, 1970; Meir, 2006). Given that the number of participants in the IEA encounters is still relatively small, one of the challenges of such activity is to create a “ripple effect” within the larger societal network regarding Jewish/Arab Israeli-Palestinian perceptions and relations. In this context, one of the graduate student assistants observed that: “Out of the responses of the interviewees about the influence of their participation in the organization’s encounters,” it seems that “there is a slow influence that causes the environment of the participants to open to the other and to the possibility of dialogue and coexistence.” In addition, she surmised that through the participation in the encounters this openness would very slowly diffuse into the larger society. The assessment by the graduate student was further augmented by anecdotal qualitative and quantitative data collected during June–July 2014. Several representative IEA interfaith encounter groups were evaluated. It is significant that this period encompassed the tense period which included the abduction and subsequent murder of three Israeli teenagers, the “revenge” murder of an Arab youngster, and the beginning of the summer hostilities between Hamas in Gaza and Israel. 239

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

In 2014, five interfaith encounter groups that convened from early June 2014 until mid-July 2014 were evaluated. The composition of the participants in a number of cases was particularly exceptional as some of the encounter groups included both religious Muslim Palestinian participants from the area of Nablus and religious Israeli yeshiva students mostly from settlements in the same area. Topics of discussions, again based on a respectful exploring of commonalities and differences in the respective religions, focused on the religious legal structure of the Sharia courts (in the Palestinian areas) and the Rabbinic courts in Israel (based on halacha). Despite the particular composition of the groups, a strong degree of positive relationships and group cohesion had once again been created, pointing to the ability of this type of inter-religious dialogue to forge relationships across an otherwise seemingly unbridgeable gap (Mollov and Lavie, 2016). One particular group involved Israeli Jews and both Muslim and Christian Palestinians mostly from Bethlehem and took place at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. As part of their encounter, the group visited the campus synagogue and the new mosque on the campus. The tour of the parallel places of worship also helped to strengthen each group’s sense of identity while opening the student participants to the “other.” The group also discussed the holiness of Jerusalem and its holy places from the perspective of the three religions. Although interrupted at one point by a missile alert (during the Gaza conflict), the positive atmosphere and group cohesion continued to prevail.

Quantitative Empirical Evaluation As part of our methodology, as a means of further assessing the impact of the above-described inter-religious meetings held in 2014, a questionnaire based on data was compiled, drawing from a similar questionnaire used to evaluate the 1999 Israeli-Palestinian inter-religious meeting held in Gaza, which has been referred to previously in this paper. Two main categories of participant responses appear below, namely: (1) that of “contact willingness” before and after participating in the 2014 cycle of meetings (Tables 4. and 5); and (2) that of perception of group “characteristics” (Tables 6. and 7.). Again, a score of one was the most positive and five the most negative. As can be seen, the overall direction of the data shows a strengthening of existing positive dispositions following the dialogue work. (The one exception is the perception of “characteristics” by Arabs towards Jews, which did not change in the 2014 survey.)

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The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

Table 4. Before dialogue—contact willingness Group

No. of Respondents

Willingness for Contact (score)-

Arabs

21

2.35

Jews

11

2.45

Table 5. After dialogue—contact willingness Group

No. of Respondents

Willingness for Contact (score)-

Arabs

21

2.03

Jews

9

2.06

Table 6. Before dialogue—perception of characteristics Group

No. of Respondents

Perceptions of Other (score)-

Arabs

21

2.96

Jews

10

3.25

Table 7. After dialogue—perception of characteristics Group

No. of Respondents

Perception of other (score)

Arabs

21

2.99

Jews

10

2.41

INTERPRETATION AND SIGNIFICANCE The quantitative analysis presented corroborates the main findings of the qualitative impressions that the participants in these IEA encounters were generally favorably disposed towards the “other” with a general willingness to engage; however, these tendencies were further strengthened as a result of the dialogue and relationship building activities. This indicates a discernible impact of the work of the dialogue activities and has important implications for maintaining “peace willingness” on the part of the core participants, which is not to be taken for granted in today’s tense political environment (Maoz, 2004).

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The fact that religious participants generally considered to be the most negative in their perceptions of the opposite group, can be influenced by the inter-religious approach, is significant and holds promising possibilities. Furthermore, the continuing existence of such inter-religious efforts, particularly following the breakdown of the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo peace process in 2000 and other difficult events such as the recent wars in Gaza and Lebanon, and Iranian attempts to entrench themselves in Syria, are regarded as very significant as more barriers to constructive IsraeliPalestinian dialogue have arisen on the political, psychological and logistical levels.

Most Recent Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Efforts In 2017, we again evaluated the IEA’s efforts. Although we were unable to conduct a quantitative survey, anecdotal evidence, along with a number of individual participant interviews, was instructive. A research assistant from Bar-Ilan University attended meetings of several branches of the IEA, including those involving Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, residents of Jerusalem and Hebron, members of a Tel Aviv University-based group, and a meeting under the auspices of the IEA in cooperation with the “Roots”/Shorashim Israeli-Palestinian project located in the Gush Etzion bloc in which there are a number of Jewish settlements in proximity to large Arab villages. Topics once again focused on commonalities between Islam and Judaism, including the respective Jewish and Arab holidays as well as religious customs and practices concerning aspects of family life. Perhaps one of the biggest accomplishments was attributed to the Tel Aviv University group which succeeded in petitioning and securing the agreement of the Tel Aviv University administration to approve the establishment of a joint Muslim-Jewish prayer space. Some participants reported interest by family members with whom they spoke regarding their positive experiences in this type of inter-religious dialogue.

Case Study: Inter-Religious Dialogue in Jewish-Arab City of Akko While people to people dialogue and relationship building of the type evident in the work of the IEA is very important for inter-religious peacebuilding, researcher John Paul Lederach has pointed to the influence which mid-level elites can have on the process of peacebuilding (Lederach, 1997). This is due to the fact that such elites have access to macro level leadership as well as exercising influence on the grass roots level.

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Relevant to this effort is a graduate level academic training course which the first author of this chapter has been running for the past 17 years entitled “New Approaches to Conflict Resolution in Israeli Society”. The course is taught in partnership between the Graduate Program in Conflict Management at Bar-Ilan University and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. It promotes multicultural competency among the main subcultures in Israel society with special emphasis on Jewish-Arab relations and efforts at conflict resolution and dialogue based on the inter-religious and intercultural approach (LeBaron, 2003). A major highlight of the Graduate course has been an annual intercultural and inter-religious Seminar in the mixed Jewish Arab city of Akko. Akko is a mixed Jewish-Arab city of about 50,000 residents with about 70% Jewish and 30% Arab. Since Israeli independence it had traditionally been characterized by positive JewishArab relations, however as a result of increasing tensions of various sorts, the city experienced an unexpected wave of intercommunal violence during the period of the Jewish high holiday of Yom Kippur in 2008. Since that time however, Jewish-Arab leadership on all levels, from the grass roots, to the inter-religious level, to the municipal government have all worked intensely to restore Akko’s tradition of positive Jewish-Arab relations. Given that Jews and Arabs in Akko have disagreements on fundamental issues and preferences concerning the character of the State of Israel, their cooperation together for the larger benefit of Akko and its citizens is a prime example of social partnership in the spirit of the covenantal model that was promoted by the course, and which can be framed in an inter-religious context (Mollov, 2009). Emblematic to the strong and ongoing partnership between mid-level elites in the city has been the relationship between the Chief Rabbi Yosef Yashar and the esteemed Sheikh Samir Assasi of the main Mosque of Akko. Their partnership was able to significantly contribute to the coexistence and peace that was restored between the Arab and Jewish communities following the riots of 2008. Together they have provided an extremely positive example of the type of mutual respect and partnership that is possible to achieve between Jewish and Muslim leaders in the State of Israel, with reference to Jewish-Muslim dialogue. As just one example, the main Mosque of Akko has annually invited all of the city’s main religious, cultural and municipal leadership to partake with the Muslim community in its main fast breaking during the month of Ramadan. Similarly, Rabbi Yashar has invited city wide leaders to his Sukkah during the Jewish festival of Sukkot and its hope for peace between nations. In addition, the two leaders regularly consult on concerns of the two communities and provide examples of mutual respect such as through their mutual appearances at both Jewish and Muslim religious schools. Another practical example of Jewish and Arab cooperation was also brought home to the students through discussions with grass roots Jewish and Arab mediators 243

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

and reinforced through the cooperation between Rabbi Yashar and Sheikh Samir. This was in reference to two consecutive years in which the Muslim festival of Eid al-Adha fell on the same day as the solemn Jewish fast day of Yom Kippur or the Day of Atonement. The two festivals are of completely different characters with the Muslim festival being a day of celebration while Yom Kippur a day of solemnity and prayer. In order to prevent a repeat of the type of tensions which occurred in 2008, leadership on all levels was mobilized to increase awareness among both communities of the character of both days in order to prevent misunderstandings. Given the fact that Eid al-Adha is actually a festival of several days, Muslim religious leadership in the city urged the city’s Arab residents to refrain from excessive public displays of celebration in order not to interfere with the atmosphere of Yom Kippur. In turn Jewish religious leaders also advised Jewish residents of Akko not to misinterpret any displays of celebration by Arab residents as deliberately aimed at disturbing the solemnity of the day. In both years the juxtaposition of both holidays passed without incident. On another level, Deputy Mayor Adham Jamal of the city, a devout Muslim, referred to personal experiences in Akko on the level of human relations referring described the mixed Arab-Jewish apartment building in which he resides, and the particularly warm relations which he has cultivated with a Jewish religious family affiliated with the Shas movement. He has cited the innate understanding which each side has for the other’s religious practices, in many cases so similar in Judaism and Islam, as we have referred to in this chapter. In addition, in larger conceptual terms Jamal also articulated a vision of Israel within the context of the Middle East very much in line with the covenantal approach presented in the course. Another expression of the multicultural character of Akko, in which the idea of covenant and social partnership is expressed, is reflected in the role that the Bahai religion’s World Center located in Akko, attempts to assume in the city. As an expression of its ideal universal human brotherhood, leaders of the movement have offered their facilities to invite religious, cultural and municipal leadership to gather together in recognition of the Movement’s festivals which has helped strengthen the bond between the different communities of the historical city.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Based on a continuing research project, this paper seeks to accentuate the importance of religion and culture to both understanding and bridging the interrelated IsraeliPalestinian conflict. Drawing on empirical field work and quantitative data, analysis conducted to date focused primarily on the work of the Interfaith Encounter Association (IEA), has offered the contours of a relatively new approach in which 244

The Impact of Israeli-Palestinian Inter-Religious Dialogue

similarities in religion and culture between Judaism and Islam can serve as a basis for perception change among the two groups and provide a multi-level model for better understanding and suggesting a new strategy for bridging the conflict. Building on the first step of discovering these commonalities, often as part of a deeper discourse, the clash of narrative and identity in the conflict, which is based significantly on religion, can be brought to the surface in both an indirect and direct manner. Furthermore, drawing from such a realization, the more transcendent aspects of religion can be used to foster relationship building and possibilities of conflict transformation. While the expansion of the core group of the IEA to include an increased number of participants from larger circles, in both Jewish and Arab society, remains a key challenge, the maintenance and strengthening of relationships and improving perceptions of each side towards the other has important positive implications for the efficacy of the inter-religious approach to dialogue and peace building. In addition, we also contend that the inter-religious dialogue approach towards peace building might have relevance for macro level peace efforts. This is in line with our assumptions at the outset of this paper that the Arab-Israeli conflict has strong roots in religious and cultural identity; with the results suggesting that this approach can influence perceptions and attitudes. It is therefore extremely important that awareness of this approach percolate through the levels of decision makers. One avenue for accomplishing this might be through the involvement of both moderate rabbis and moderate Muslim religious leaders in attempts at IsraeliPalestinian peace efforts and dialogue. Also, the example of similar leaders, who exist in locale venues within Israel, such as those in the mixed Jewish-Arab city of Akko, should be given more visibility in national arenas such as the Israeli parliament, in order to promote better and more constructive relations between Jews and Arabs within the State of Israel. The involvement of these leaders and other public figures could be directed into areas of discourse and relationship building as presented in this chapter.

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Tessler, M. A. (2009). A history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (2nd ed.). Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Thomas, S. M. (2005). The global resurgence of religion and the transformation of international relations. New York: Palgrave. doi:10.1057/9781403973993 United States Institute of Peace. (2004). Special report: What works? Evaluating interfaith dialogue programs. Washington, DC: Author. Zartman, W. (Ed.). (2007). Peacemaking in international conflict: Methods and techniques. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.

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APPENDIX A: ITEMS (Note: This questionnaire appeared in Hebrew and a parallel version in Arabic was distributed to Arab students). In the following questionnaire you will find questions followed by a number of possible answers. Please circle the answers most suitable to your opinion. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

To what degree would you consider meeting Arab students from the territories? Would you be willing to become friends with Arab students from the territories? Would you be willing to assist an Arab student from the territories? Would you be willing to dine in an Arab (from the territories) and Jewish joint dining room (at separate tables)? Would you be willing to sit in a dining room next to an Arab student from the territories? In Places were Arabs and Jews live together, how do you find the attitude of the Arabs towards the Jews? If you had to determine whether Arabs from the territories would study at your university, what would you do? Do you think that the participation of Arabs from the territories in a joint study framework can contribute to Jews? What is the attitude of Arab students towards Jewish students? Are you interested in the problems of Arabs from the territories? Are you satisfied with the Arabs from the territories that you meet? In your opinion how do the Arabs from the territories feel towards the Jews? How do Arabs from the territories relate to you when you meet with them? What is the attitude of Arabs from the territories towards Jews? Would you be willing to discuss issues not concerning studies, such as family matters, with Arabs from the territories? Are you willing to meet Arabs from the territories outside of the usual meeting places? Are you ready to visit Arab students from the territories? How do you think the Arabs from the territories evaluate the State of Israel? How do you think the contact between Jews and Arabs from the territories should be? In your opinion, are visits of Arabs from the territories essential? In your opinion can Jews, and Arabs from the territories live peacefully together? In the following questions we would like to know how you see (picture) the Arabs from the territories. The described qualities refer to Arabs from the territories.

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24. Unsocial/Social 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 25. Lazy/Diligent 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 26. Unpleasant/Pleasant 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 27. Practical/Impractical 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 28. Irresponsible/Responsible 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 252

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29. Unstable/Stable 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 30. Uncooperative/Cooperative 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 31. Hostile/Supportive 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 32. Ineffective/Effective 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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APPENDIX B FACTOR (A): Considered willingness of subject to have contact with other side (Direct attitude) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11 FACTOR (B): Inquired into the subject’s perception of him/her (Perception) 9, 12, 13, 14 FACTOR (C): Considered willingness of subject to have contact in other areas (Contact willingness) 7, 15, 16, 17 FACTOR (D): Assessed general attitude regarding the other side (General attitude) 10, 18, 19, 20, 21 FACTOR (E): This factor examined how each side evaluates the other’s characteristics (Traits) 22-30

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Chapter 11

Everyday Religious Encounters and Inter-Faith Relations in Festac Town, Lagos (Southwest Nigeria) Oluwafunminiyi Raheem Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding, Nigeria

ABSTRACT This chapter examines everyday religious encounters and inter-faith relations in Festac Town, Lagos, Southwest Nigeria. It explores the nature of these encounters and the factors facilitating its conduct. Globally, subjects dealing with inter-religious relations continue to elicit scholarly debates. A reason for this is linked to the intense rivalries or tensions among disparate religious groups over, for instance, the (re)afrmation of religious boundaries or the right to use the hijab in secular or missionary schools within a contentious locality. While these have often spurred serious confrontations in many areas, there are instances where this form of religious encounters manifests positively elsewhere. Festac Town, with a large mix of Muslims and Christians, satisfes the above position. Founded in 1977, religious interactions in the town have not only been fuid but exhibit a high level of tolerance. Based on extensive oral interviews and secondary sources, the chapter notes that inter-faith harmony is a key component that reinforces the town’s quest for good neighborliness.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch011 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Everyday Religious Encounters and Inter-Faith Relations in Festac Town, Lagos

INTRODUCTION Across the world today, subjects dealing with inter-faith relations continue to elicit scholarly debates. This is linked to the intense rivalries or tensions among disparate religious groups over, for instance, the (re)affirmation of religious boundaries (Watson, Dong, & Lu, 2015), or the right to use (or not to use) the hijab in secular societies or missionary schools within a contentious spatiality (Weaver, 2018). While these have often spurred serious confrontations or conflicts in several parts of the world, there was one location where such religious encounters manifested differently. That place was FESTAC-Town, a federal housing estate in Lagos State, southwest Nigeria, which is home to a large mix of Muslims and Christians. Founded in 1977, religious interactions in the town have not only been fluid but tolerant as well. According to accounts, Muslim and Christian residents have lived side by side with no major recorded religious conflict. Although disagreements emerge--a common feature in a community composed of diverse religious groups or ethnic makeup--these were rarely noticeable within the realm of inter-faith relations in the town. What makes FESTAC-Town unique or different from other shared spaces where religious encounters might assume perilous forms? Some of the underlying factors influencing tolerance and mutual respect include the elitist makeup of the town, absence of indigene-settler rights, urbanisation, and adoption of conflict resolution mechanisms. This chapter highlights everyday interactions between Muslims and Christians and explores how these interactions impact the promotion of tolerance and peaceful co-existence among residents of FESTAC-Town. Given its diverse ethnic makeup, the chapter shall examine areas of differences which could likely result in conflict or tensions and their implication on religious harmony. The analysis is based on extensive oral interviews and use of secondary sources. It focuses on the different modes of religious encounters in the town and the process through which residents have forged closer religious ties in their effort to resolve inter-faith tensions. It reveals that inter-faith harmony is a fundamental component reinforcing the town’s enduring quest for good neighbourliness.

FESTAC-Town: How It Came to Be FESTAC-Town is a popular housing estate located along the Lagos-Badagry Expressway in Amuwo-Odofin Local Government Area (LGA) of Lagos State, southwest Nigeria. The town was constructed to accommodate about 16,000 participants and guests (which included artists, performers and writers from 60 different countries), all of whom were invited for the Second World Black and Festival Arts and Culture (FESTAC) between January 15 and February 12, 1977. 256

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Proposed for completion within two years, several months into the festival proper, a total of 5,088 residential units were constructed with an additional 5,687 residence to be completed by the end of 1977. During the Festival, these residential units were used as befitting venues for routine rehearsals and interactions among thousands of accommodated participants (Jonathan & al, 1977). At the end of the Festival, the new town was opened for allocation of plots to winners who had earlier taken part in a ballot supervised by the Federal Housing Authority (FHA), the town administrators on behalf of the federal government. As a model residential community which, according to its planners, had all the basic facilities and functions, FESTAC-Town was meant ultimately “to serve a permanent population” (Doxiadis, 2011). At its completion, the new town was to occupy a population of 120,000 in 24,000 housing units shared across 7 distinct communities. The town spread over 1,770 hectares of land area as both a commercial and administrative Center. Many of the early residents were government employees or bureaucrats working at the Festival. A ballot system was adopted through the sale of forms eventually used to allocate houses on the owner-occupier basis and based on occupier’s income at the time. Soon after houses were allocated, FESTACTown began to witness steady residential growth among who were the first sets of Muslims and Christians.

Religious Formations and Activities in FESTAC-Town In its early phase, religion was somewhat difficult to practice in FESTAC-Town due to challenges associated with identifying members with similar religious leanings. Over time, residents began to identify and organize themselves for the purpose of carrying out their respective religious obligations. There is a common belief that residents in the process of settling down immediately instituted their religion in the new town. This assumption, however, is refuted by the related views of several respondents who moved into the town in 1977 and in the early 1980s. For instance, an early resident observed that at the time he and others moved into the town in 1977, religion was of very little importance until much later, when each resident became conscious of the need to practice his or her faith collectively (R. Momoh, personal communication, September 3, 2017). There were “growing pains” of religious practicing in the preliminary stages for all residents: Muslims for example, could not observe the Friday Jumah prayers, given the congregational nature of the ritual. Likewise, Christians found it difficult to hold Christmas carols or “crossover night” rituals (New Year Eve), which is a collective undertaking. One major factor which made the development of religion in FESTAC-Town challenging at the early going was the non-inclusion of religious spaces in the original building

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plan of the area. Hence, as residents moved in, no converging spaces appeared to be available for collective religious activities or duties. As more residents settled in and further familiarisation made, they began to organize one another into groups for religious devotion and prayers. The orthodox Catholic Church was one of the first Christian congregations to be formed in the town. Resident members began their devotion at a location adjacent to the town’s current post office. After a while, the FHA prevented members from worshipping in the open. The worship Center was moved to another open space in the same area where the MRS petrol station is currently sited. After series of consultations and requests for approval from the FHA, the Holy Family Catholic Church, according to a Laity Officer, was granted a space along the same area to build a religious Center commissioned in 1978 under late Monsignor Michael Omisesan (C. Osamor, personal communication, September 13, 2017). Over the years, members have succeeded in acquiring more lands in different parts of the town to build other Catholic Centers to cater for its religious and other human needs. The Anglican Church was another early Christian movement which began in the town precisely in June 1977, in the house of a church member. After several attempts to secure a space to build a worship Center, the FHA approved a plot where the church is located to date. According to its Reverend Canon, the church succeeded in convincing the FHA to approve another portion of land for members beside the LGA Secretariat, where the All Saints Anglican Church is built (O. Omidiji, personal communication, October 5, 2017). The congregation similarly gathered in 1977 to commence worship in the new town. They also faced challenges like the Catholics and later chose to worship in the house of one pastor J.A Fayinto until 1985 (E. Aluko, personal communication, October 14, 2017). The congregation moved locations several times until the FHA finally approved a permanent site for the members in 1992, where the Church is currently situated. The Apostolic Church like its Catholic sisters have also acquired other land spaces in the town where smaller churches have been built recently. For the Muslims, the growth and development of Islam in FESTAC-Town was, no doubt, a herculean task. Unlike their Christian counterparts, who were already established religious groups enjoying previously acquired religious worship spaces, Muslims didn’t have such advantage. Alhaja S.K. Yakub, a senior citizen and early resident of the town, observed that identification of Muslims at the initial stage was problematic, making it difficult for them to organize themselves immediately and commence congregational religious obligations (personal communication, October 28, 2017). An opportunity presented itself in 1977, during the Ramadan fast, which prompted Muslims from different parts of the town to actively seek each other since the Tarawih (night prayer) had to be observed in a congregation. However, although pockets of open spaces were spontaneously used by Muslims 258

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during the holiday period, no official Center of worship was available. To get this done, a commemorative brochure (2001, p. 20) suggested that the Muslims in 1978 formed an association called the Festival Town Muslim Community (FTMC) made up of different Muslim communities around town. The first aim of this body was to see to the development and spread of Islam in FESTAC-Town, as well as operating as a collective and unified body for negotiating an approval from the FHA for the construction of befitting religious edifices across town. Before a request for approval was taken and granted, the Muslims continued to make use of the open spaces available to its members to carry out their daily religious activities. Similarly, other established Muslim bodies outside FTMC had also written to the FHA to be recognized and granted public spaces to build their own religious Centers. This effort was mentioned in the commemorative brochure (p. 21), declaring that Muslim groups such as Ansar-ud-Deen, Zumratul Islamiyyah and the Ahmadiyya--independent of the FTMC but affiliated with it--also pushed towards acquiring spaces for their respective religious Centers. By 1978, most of the communities in the town had established several temporary mosques. At the close of the 1980s, almost every area of the town had both a mosque and Arabic Center to its name. From this period onwards, different mosques and religious societies evolved which increased the popularity of Islam in the town. According to the FTMC commemorative brochure, there are over 25 mosques within the town’s contours and numerous Muslim associations using them (2001, p. 23). Since full residency commenced in 1977, religious activities have been on the increase in the town. Though access to permanent religious spaces was difficult at first, religious activities and practices were in no way hindered by the administrative authority. Today, the town is home to over 50 diverse Christian and Muslim groups and interestingly with virtually no noticeable form of religious violence since its inception, as each religious group perform its daily spiritual programs peacefully.

POTENTIAL FRICTIONS: EVANGELISM, NOISE DISTURBANCE AND PUBLIC SPACES In the town where two major religions coexist, various incompatibilities may surface. Friction points emerge where spiritual encounters occur, or the two faiths confront each other with opposing interests. An encounter can be perceived as the meeting of two groups for various reasons. They can be positive or negative depending on the circumstances of their occurrence. Since the study focuses on religious encounters, these assume meetings between two distinct religious groups, between different ideologies, dogma or doctrine, or between groups within the same religious institution. Taking heed of such spiritual encounters yields the following questions: Do they lead 259

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to long-term crisis? When they do, how are they resolved? What constitutes mainly a problematic In FESTAC-Town, three such potential collision courses emerged: Evangelism, Noise Disturbance and Use of Public Spaces.

Evangelism Evangelism, the spreading of the Christian gospel by public preaching or personal witness, is ultimately geared toward conversion. Modes of evangelism and conversion have witnessed drastic changes in recent years. Televangelism has become a potent and salient method of evangelism and conversion. Social media is also a very powerful venue that easily draws potential religious recruits to the Church. Evangelism is potentially a setting for putative religious encounter, even a colission, since it involves individuals or groups who move about to preach their gospel and by so doing, attempt to appeal to prospective believers from other faiths. The spread of the gospel, propagation of religious messages, engagement in missionary endeavours might instigate hostile reaction as religions attempt to protect their flocks from external courting. Such attempts of gaining more adherents are widespread and perceived by many as a central aspect of religious obligation by Muslims and Christians alike. However, while Islamic endeavours to expand to non-Muslim believers were modest, or taken more modern formats (Larkin, 2008), Christian evangelism continues to grow and expand in various directions. In spite of the saliency and prominence of the evangelist mission, its impact and scope within FESTAC-Town have been negligible. To begin with, the town is home to a very devout and close-knit Muslim population, with over 12 ratibi (area) mosques spread around to cater for the spiritual needs of the devotees. This fact suggests that evangelism might have been a lost cause at the outset. Beyond this unfavourable starting position, what might account for the paucity of Christian evangelist activities in the town? Since it is assumed that the ultimate goal of evangelism is to proselytize, convert and attract more people to its faith, what forms of encounters might have occurred to bring this end about? Have evangelists in FESTAC-Town overstepped boundaries in their attempt to convert residents? Have there been reasons for tensions or conflict in the course of the evangelist undertaking? Obviously, the reason why aggressive evangelism was hardly felt in FESTAC is grounded in the type of encounters held between Muslim and Christian residents. Something very unique and typical to that town was decisive in those spiritual encounters assuming tolerant dispositions and peaceful demeanour. One plausible explanation may be a strong sense of community affiliation that all residents shared since the foundation of the town, regardless of religion, ethnicity or culture. In this common sense of belonging to the same community, religious 260

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differences made little impact and bore low priority. The town was designed and built in such a way that made communalism and mutual commitment among residents a vital ingredient of its sustainability and survivability. This peaceful coexistence was evident by the striking absence of access gates or security walls around and throughout the town until some emerging challenges to security in the 1990s made such arrangements necessary. Another common feature in the town was the free movement and easy access to all the parts and neighbourhoods at any given time. The establishment of religious institutions further cemented the bond of communalism among residents. The Muslim Friday congregational prayers or the Christian Sunday service created an atmosphere of spiritual mutuality and understanding. The creation of the FESTAC-Town Resident Association (FTRA) – the umbrella organization that oversees the welfare of all residents of the town – facilitated and encouraged the formation of life-long friendships by increasing the frequency and level of interactions and participation at different forums of activities. These regular frameworks of engagement solidified reciprocal trust and confidence while easing any likely tensions that might have developed due to the incompatible religious practices. A good example for the considerate and respectful interfaith attitude is detected in the reaction of Muslim residents to the activities of the Jehovah Witnesses in town. As part of the evangelisation process, Jehovah Witnesses embarked on their distinctive door-to-door preaching during Sunday mornings. Both Christian and Muslim domiciles were visited; the former to draw them into the specific denomination of the visitors, and the latter to convert them to Christianity. Muslim residents interviewed for this study observed that although their Christian visitors might have infringed on their privacy, they were never perceived in terms of religious menace or threat: they were kindly welcomed in while at the same time their request to preach was politely declined. Others were reluctant to admit the visitors in, but that was due to security reasons rather than a manifestation of religious intolerance and disrespect.

Noise Disturbance Noise is a nuisance everywhere, but in Nigeria, it has become a real social malaise. Aside from the fact that it is hazardous to the health, noise also has negative effects on the environment (Munzel, Gori, Babisch & Basner, 2014, pp. 829-836). Owing to the fact that there are hardly any legal restrictions or regulations to curb this phenomenon in the country, it is often manifested unabatedly at social, political or religious gatherings (Ijaiya, 2014, pp. 1-6). Even the few relevant laws that were passed to tame this environmental pollutant, citizens generally flout them (Aderibigbe, 2014). Research indicates that exposure to noise levels of about 150 decibels for close to 6 hours was most likely to cause deafness (Kapoor & Singh, 1995). 261

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Religious bodies are among the major defaulters of noise pollution laws in Nigeria. They are renowned for the indiscriminate use of loudspeakers at religious gatherings. Many churches, for instance, mount expensive musical equipment while the Muslims similarly make use of very powerful loudspeakers to call adherents to the five daily prayers and for other religious rituals. These loud systems are also used to evangelise early in the morning, using megaphones, to spread their messages. Muslim clergy frequently use their own loud means of announcements daily during the month of Ramadan all over the town to remind their disciples of the impending fast. On the Christian side, a typical noise disturbance was the early “morning cry” performed by advocates and promoters of the Pentecostal Church. Unlike the Jehovah Witnesses’ Sunday door-to-door activities, this was a daily routine. The ritual was usually lasting between 5:30 am to 7:00 am, carried out judiciously through loud megaphones and urging residents to wake up and join the activities of the day. As invasive and annoying as the morning disturbances were, these noise disruptions became even more noticeable and intrusive at night. In contrast to the silence and still of the nocturnal hours, such piercing and strident annoyances were extremely taxing. Clamour from the religious houses of prayer really stretched and challenged interfaith relationships in the town community. In what ways have residents responded to these disturbances in the midst of this common trend? What sort of encounters has been engendered in the process of either accommodating these disturbances or expressing indifference to them? As mentioned earlier, religious buildings or spaces were not included as part of the original building plan of FESTAC-Town. Several open spaces across the town were simply left for such purposes as social gatherings or children’s playgrounds. However, as the need for the constructing of permanent religious sites developed, a good number of these open spaces became instant targets for religious activists. Two such available playgrounds to be acquired early by Muslims and Christian clergy were the Ifelodun Area Mosque and the Celestial Church of Christ (C.C.C) respectively. As membership swelled in all religious denominations across town, those offered open spaces were diminishing. Demand, nevertheless, remained high, as newly established denominations and groups emerged within each religion. Consequently, religious communities turned to old semi-abandoned residential buildings and settled their places of worship there. This makeshift arrangement that was born out of necessity became with time permanent mosques and churches for adherents to worship. Gradually, religious practice in FESTAC-Town has changed its nature and become both residential and non-residential. With regard to noise disturbances, the expansion of religious presence into more residential meant that the potential of noise disorders would climb the closer those intrusions get to populated areas. This scenario for ultimate clashes peaked when at some point, over 95 per cent of all religious buildings in FESTAC-Town 262

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were located either within a residential area or nearby it. Based on such perceived incompatibility between residents who like to sleep and religious clergy who are keen on their traditional methods of practice, this situation should have resulted in an explosive confrontation. As shall be seen shortly, although some unpleasant encounters have occurred, in the main, common ground was found to avoid an allout collision. While this practice is typically frowned at on a personal level, some residents feel receptive to it because the “noise” wakes them up on time to prepare for the day’s job. For others, it serves as a regular dose of spiritual “uplift” in the morning and for the rest of the day. In effect, whether these categories of evangelism have aided conversion on both sides of the religious divide is difficult to point out. Nevertheless, that this practice occur daily and even on a monumental scale suggests that spiritual encounters in FESTAC-Town remain strongly positive and illustrates the increased level of toleration this form of encounters engender among residents. This is in contrast to experiences elsewhere where spiritual encounters as this commonly create room for challenges (Adepegba, 2016).

Use of Public Spaces FESTAC-Town spreads over 1,770 hectares of land area with six large open spaces that in the past were used exclusively for recreational purposes. Today, virtually all the spaces have either been sold to private establishments or rented out for commercial purposes with profits paid to the government or, in few rare cases, to private investors. These territories become very precious in times of religious feasts and celebrations of broader scopes, when larger than usual participation is expected. In such special occasions, the designated religious centers cannot accommodate prospective participants. It is here that the open spaces are considered and put to use: crowd-pulling events are redirected there, and those neutral public spaces turn religious for the duration of the ceremony. For Muslims for example, most religious ceremonies and rituals are held within the confines of the mosque except the Eid festivals, which are larger in nature, and thus, the public open spaces are used as regular sites for this religious observance. Since the open spaces were religiously neutral and accessible to all, the usage of them by a particular constituency on specific times of the year might have triggered a conflict. Was it really a contentious issue, or were any hostilities ignited? Interviews conducted with town officials and with Muslim and Christian administrators reveal that no quarrelsome encounter occurred before, during and after using the public spaces. This was possible due to considerate coordination and forbearance communicated by all parties. Each group was mandated to officially request and register with the 263

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administrator (FHA) before spaces were authorized, while the requested dates were double-checked and declined if any clash was anticipated. This broadmindedness was exercised not only between the religions, but also between each faith and the public at large. For example, recreational activities such as football matches or other sport activities were not allowed in times when the place was booked for a religious purposes. In addition to those few coveted big public spaces, there are other locations in town, which are open and accessible to all. They require no prior registration, official permit or payment, in order to be used. Occasionally, they are being utilized for religious events, planned or spontaneous. Here again, no altercations or escalation occurred. Interviews in three different locations with senior residents showed little evidence of tensions or conflict. What did caused some discomfort and agitation was not the actual use of those public spaces but the familiar difficulty of the inconsiderate racket generated by these celebrations.

Cases of Encounters in FESTAC-Town These would-be collision courses were tempered and mitigated by positive interreligious communication. These potentially contentious episodes appear to have been well managed by concerned parties in town as an illustration of how religious encounters were peacefully negotiated in an effort to sustain communal relations and co-existence. To further demonstrate the potency of these interfaith interactions, some concrete examples of religious encounters are highlighted. In the first instance, tension arose between two neighbouring religious communities--the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) and the Zumratul Islamiyah Mosque. While generally relationship has been cordial between the two, there was one recurring source of disagreement: Abdul Gafar Murtadoh, the Muslim Imam protested that noises from the RCCG loudspeakers bother his congregation members on a regular basis during prayer sessions and at meetings. This disturbance has become so severe that it barely allowed them to hear one another (personal communication, July 24, 2017). In the spirit of communal and religious harmony, members of the mosque laid a formal complaint to the leadership of the RCCG where all issues pertaining to noise disturbances were discussed and resolved amicably without the need for external intervention. Another example pertained to an inner-Christian tension between the Baptist and Winners Churches, located in close proximity opposite each other (E. Aluko, personal communication, October 14, 2017). Unlike the first case that was solved through direct interaction between the stake-holders, here, a third-side was asked to intervene. Officials of the Baptist Church approached the FESTAC-Town branch of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN)--the umbrella body of all Christian 264

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denominations in Nigeria--to file a formal complaint concerning the raucous loudspeakers which they accused the Winners Church of deliberately mounting directly towards them. The mediation was successful and the disturbance was mitigated due to the goodwill employed on both sides. The third example concerns inter-personal encounters between private residents rather than between religious groups or institutions, particularly with regard to the ‘early bird preachers’ practice. Specifically in one area of the town, this activity was prevalent to the extent that a formal complaint by the neighbourhood’s residents was submitted to the CAN officials. The CAN leadership applied swift measures to resolve the matter (personal communication, October 15, 2017). In another incident, complaints about disturbing noises were aimed not only at preaching through megaphones and loudspeakers but also against the ear-splitting sounds of a generator used by members of the Hausa1 community mosque in the area. However, this particular tension was eased away by residents who supported the mosque against its accusers by arguing that many homes in the area owned a “noisy” generator, and thus, there is no reason to suspect or blame the mosque for negligence or deliberate aggravation (A. Aminu, personal communication, August 16, 2017). It could be seen from the above that in the event of any religious encounters tilting towards crisis-situations, viable conflict resolution mechanisms were often and systematically deployed to resolve the tension. Some of these mechanisms may either appear in form of collective will among residents or through religious agencies themselves. The important role played by CAN towards successfully resolving most inter- and intra-religious issues in FESTAC-Town is worthy of commendation. During one of the FTRA meetings attended by the author in 2017, a resident observed that, “each time the body is called upon to intervene, it does so with due diligence” (A. Ayodele, personal communication, July 18, 2017). This explains why serious religious tensions hardly occur among the respective religious denominations and divide in the town. Remarkably, on no account has there been a major religious case brought before the town’s police authorities. This is the most striking evidence that virtually all disagreements or encounters that may likely become sources of tension are mainly referred to internal or elders committee within and outside the respective religious denominations before they escalate. It is, hence, understandable why FESTAC-Town is perceived as a classic example of a site of inter- and intra-faith co-existence.

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Factors Responsible for Religious Tolerance in FESTAC-Town The town propensity to resolve interreligious conflicts in a nonviolent and constructive manner relies on four unique principles, all emblematic and fundamental to FESTACtown since its inception. The four tenets are: Elitism, Urbanisation, Absence of Indigene-Settler Factor and Adoption of Conflict Resolution Mechanism.

Elitism FESTAC-Town was designed and planned not only as an open-for-all urban settlement but as a model town assigned for specific classes of citizens. The ballot for parcels and lots was open for the likes of government employees on a specific grade level, intellectual and well-educated achievers. This fittingly explains why in its early phase, the town was composed of young working class and well-educated citizens. One common characteristic feature of the residents in the town was their enlightened status. They were urbane, cosmopolitan and detribalised. Lagos being the seat of government and commercial nerve center of the country, attracted large populations, particularly the upwardly mobile. The 1970’s was a period of the oil boom in Nigeria, which increased the spending power of citizens. In due time, FESTAC-Town became a special first choice location for many. As the founding families of residents settled in, good neighbourliness became a paramount consideration and a feature of belonging. Regardless of their location within the town’s boundaries, residents invested a great deal of effort in building friendships and networking based on trust and mutuality. An early resident recalled that soon after his parents moved into the new town, good neighbourliness was encouraged because residents perceived of themselves as brothers and sisters of the same community (A. Ogedegbe, personal communication, October 18, 2017). ‘Meet-and-greet’ sessions were commonly held since virtually all residents appeared to be on equal social standing. As mentioned above, many of the early settlers were government employees with a few working with private establishments. Thus, many had common work experiences and similar professional practices and careers. Similarly, residential meetings were held to co-ordinately discuss the effective running and maintenance of the different communities or to protect the collective interests of the residents (I. Oladele, personal communication, April 6, 2017). At those early days of the town existence, religious affiliation was a private matter. The big group and community affiliations were not yet founded. This meant that in the absence of permanent religious structures and spaces to worship, most residents exercised their religious obligations in their private residences. When the need arose to perform prayers or worship in a congregation, members volunteered their private domiciles. As the population grew, religious presence swelled along 266

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with a surge in membership. Then, the acquisition of public spaces for religious practices became an utmost priority. In light of its initial reluctance, residents mounted constant pressures on the town’s Central Administration officials (FHA), all local residents themselves, for land spaces to build mosques and churches. The FHA soon yielded to residents’ demands and within few years, religious Centers spread across the town. The successful campaign for religious development and expansion was a result of a Muslim-Christian collaboration based on the personal acquaintances and friendships between the respective leaderships of each faith. These inter-personal bonds, which were cultivated on the residential or community levels since the first day the town was populated, became a very potent factor that shaped the character of religious tolerance in FESTAC-Town.

Urbanisation The urban character of FESTAC-Town allowed for and preserved avenues for peaceful religious co-existence and at the same time averting the possibility of crisis (F. Okorejior, personal communication, June 9, 2017). The urban nature, as opposed to the rural or bucolic make-up of a community, involves less of a close-knit commitment to primordial identity or kin loyalty. The urban setting enables a broader sense of association and a more open-minded attitude toward the Other. This reasoning may account for the fact that no known cases of communal or political harsh crisis and violence have been recorded in the community since 1977. As a respondent attested, residents often held the belief that FESTAC-Town was “one community” which places religion as secondary against what could be derived collectively within the community (V. Onotu, personal communication, July 8, 2017). A very important factor that has aided the promotion of peaceful inter-faith relations in the town is taken from the account of a respondent who claimed residents who had settled in the community by 1977 already had a fitting grasp of the peculiarities of each group’s belief (A. Ogedegbe, personal communication, June 9, 2017). Accordingly, religious diversity was simply viewed as a strong advantage for the town’s urban makeup. The urban factor came into play in another important manner, which was rooted in the initial ballot process for housing and locations around town. The principles on which the lottery procedure was based as well as the criteria for neighbourhood selection was education level and professional background, not ethnic or religious dispositions. This structural consideration avoided religious concentrations or fragmentation in residency. Christians and Muslims dwelled together within the same neighbourhoods and developed patters of coexistence on a daily basis. The author observed that while a resident may be Christian, all the neighbours around her could be Muslims and vice versa. In effect, no single area was populated by a particular religious or ethnic group, a critical factor, which emboldened inter267

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religious understanding and tolerance amongst residents and strengthened the urban status of the town.

The Absence of Indigene-Settler Factor Prior to the 1977 establishment of FESTAC-Town, the entire area was mainly a very large swamp land occupied by indigenous tribes. The original settlers were known as the Kuje people, who were later joined by the Amuwo people and others (personal communication with comrade Shehu Ariyo, July 10, 2017). Although these tribes co-exited peacefully, they constantly struggled for their livelihood, seeking to expand their land spaces for farming or fishing purposes. Their living conditions were also jeopardized by their relations with the central Nigerian government, to which they owed taxes and levies. The pressure from the authorities came due to the tribes’ inability to pay their mounting debts accruing from their long-range agreement with the government to settle that land. In the 1970’s, with the new plans to dramatically take over the land and re-settle it, the government had to decide what to do with the local tribes inhibiting the area. Representatives of the LGA, the Local Government Area, approached the Kuje leadership, indigenous landowners in order to negotiate their fate in the new reality before work on the new project could begin in earnest (M. Akinolu, personal communication, June 9, 2017). A decisive clause in the original agreement signed between the government and the indigenous tribes specified that if and when there would be plans to develop and build in that area, all indigenous tribes settled there would be permanently evacuated. This clause had severe consequences: The Kuje people were not only barred from participating in the immediate and post-development of the newly acquired area, but they could not own houses in the new settlement either. Additionally, they could not profit from any rent or other revenues from their lands because those were never officially recognized as their legal property. That harsh verdict became a precedent in Nigerian law that was too late for the original settlers themselves to benefit from, but perhaps future generations would not suffer a similar injustice and indignation. In contrast to the tribes’ heartbreak, for the residents of the newly established town the arbitrary settlement was a blessing. Unlike many other developing areas in the vicinity of Lagos, in FESTAC-Town there was no inherent indigenous-settlers tension. All residents of the experimental town were new. Nobody claimed any historical prerogative or pioneer rights. Everyone was on equal footing and enjoyed a similar and fresh sense of belonging. The typical contention of historical entitlements, cultural heritage and traditional legacies was eliminated from the start.

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By evacuating the locals away from the town-limits and erasing any historical lineage from the area, the town planners were able to launch their project in a vacuum, in a clean-slate surrounding. In such conditions, a convenient elitist superstructure was created without any cultural or traditional fault-lines to undermine the new beginning. The atmosphere of congeniality and shared fate was much easier to foster and sustain without any contenders to ownership of the land beside the official government creed. Furthermore, the composition of the town of more or less equally educated residents starting a new phase in life at the same time helped submerging any indigenous claims for justice or reparations. In essence, the strictly modern and cosmopolitan status of residents eliminated future forms of religious tensions which ordinarily would have occurred frequently had the indigenous settlers remained a powerful force in town.

Adoption of Conflict Resolution Mechanism The previous factors were significant in minimizing religiously-motivated conflicts and confrontations in the four decades of the town’s existence. But it is the fourth factor, the establishment of conflict resolution mechanisms, which really prevented possible flares and eruptions. Dissimilarities on religious and cultural basis do exist, an occasionally they can evolve to anger and bitterness. A number of such events did occur on several occasions, as was noted, due to noise disturbances or disagreements over Centers of worship. Most of those potential sensitive cases were dealt with successfully through mediation and third-side interventions. This positive institutional development began with the establishment of a consultation forum in 2008 headed by Chairman of Amuwo-Odofin LGA, Comrade Adewale Ayodele, to identify, analyze and seek remedy for religious issues that may impinge on the sustenance of inter- and intra-faith relations in the town. Known as the Peace and Security Committee, membership was drawn from the leadership of FESTAC-Town branch of the CAN, the FTMC and officials of the Nigerian Army, Police, Navy and Civil Defence. While the CAN was represented by its President, the FTMC nominated its Chief Imam General. Meetings were held at specific periods and resolutions made by the Committee disseminated orally to respective religious groups by their representatives. While this Committee has been able to continually sustain religious unity in the town through its tactical interventions, there have also been interventions at the institutional levels of each religious group to uphold the town’s religious cordial relations. It favourably explains why in spite of the few noticeable religious tensions that occur from time to time in the town, religious encounters have generally been cordial and respectful.

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CONCLUSION There is no doubt that religious interactions in FESTAC-Town since 1977 have witnessed a phenomenal peace. As noted earlier, the status and workplace of early residents of the town was a determining factor in the way religion practices were manifest. Since religion itself was not a determinant factor for being selected to reside in the town or which area to reside in, and similarly because religion was not considered a primary factor when the town was constructed, it obliterated all elements of religious prejudices that may arise at any point in the town. Indeed, the elitist and cosmopolitan nature of the town enabled for religious co-existence, deepening the idea of one solid community across the town. It is, however, significant to note that pockets of tensions occur every now and then and when they do, they could have easily escalate had it not been for the commensurate mechanisms to resolve them. The argument of this chapter, therefore, was that the general makeup of FESTAC-Town from its inception has been the ultimate barrier against any untoward religious encounters in the town.

REFERENCES Adepegba, A. (2016, July 10). How Female Redeemed Preacher was killed during Morning Evangelism. Punch. Aderibigbe, A. (2014, April 22). Lagos Tackles Noise Pollution. Nation. Commemorative Brochure of the Turbaning Ceremony of Festival Town Muslim Community (Central Body). (2001, December). FESTAC-Town, 22, 20. Doxiadis Lagos. (2011). Festac 1977 – The Black Arts Festival Town. Doxiadis. Retrieved from https://funnelme.wordpress.com/2011/03/05/doxiadis-–>-lagosfestac-1977/amp Ijaiya, H. (2014). The Legal Regime of Noise Pollution in Nigeria. Beijing Law Review, 5(1), 1–6. doi:10.4236/blr.2014.51001 Jonathan, C. R. (1977, February 14). FESTAC: Upbeat Finale. Washington Post. Kapoor, B. S., & Singh, K. (1995, November 25). Noise the Insidious Killer. The Tribune. Larkin, B. (2008). Ahmed Deedat and the Form of Islamic Evangelism. Social Context, 23(3).

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Munzel, T., Gori, T., Babisch, W., & Basner, M. (2014). Cardiovascular Effects of Environmental Noise Exposure. European Heart Journal, 35(13), 829–836. doi:10.1093/eurheartj/ehu030 PMID:24616334 Watson, I., Dong, S., & Lu, S. (2015, July 8). China Criticised over Ramadan Restrictions. CNN. Retrieved from https://www.amp.cnn.com/cnn/2015/07/02/asia/ china-xinjiang-ramadan/index.html Weaver, M. (2018, May 31). Burqa Bans, Headscarves and Veils: A Timeline of Legislation in the West. The Guardian.

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The Hausa are one of the major ethnic groups predominantly located in Northern Nigeria.

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Interfaith Dialogue in Silicon Valley:

Odia Women as Catalysts of Change Annapurna Devi Pandey University of California – Santa Cruz, USA

ABSTRACT Silicon Valley, known as the technology hub of the USA, has emerged as a medley of places of religious worship. It has become a home to wealthy Indian Americas and to many gods and goddesses who have come to reside there as well. Indian Americans have contributed signifcantly to the mushrooming of temples in this region. This chapter attempts to answer the following questions: How does diaspora provide a space to reconstruct the identity of the women practitioners? How does religion enable them to negotiate their roles in the public space? In this chapter, the author argues that Hindu women in the diaspora play a very signifcant role in selectively performing religious rituals in public places of worship as brought from their homeland. In performing these rituals, women are creating a distinct space in mainstream public culture to reconstruct their identity and agency beyond their roles as homemakers and professionals. In this specifc case study, Odia women living in Northern California are not only reshaping their traditions but are engaged in interreligious dialogue in Silicon Valley corporate culture.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch012 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Interfaith Dialogue in Silicon Valley

INTRODUCTION: INDIAN IMMIGRATION TO SILICON VALLEY One often wonders why there is so much talk about interreligious dialogue in the context of religious practices in today’s society. Since the middle of the twentieth century, the notion of dialogue has become increasingly common in understanding different religions to promote mutual respect, open dialogue, and to positively engage with different religions other than one’s own. “The category of inter-religious dialogue may be used to refer to any form or degree of constructive engagement between religious traditions” (Cornille, 2013, p.XII). Diana Eck, one of the premier advocators of inter religious dialogue in the 21st century, observes that “the term “dialogue” conveys a mutuality of speaking and listening, the kind of communication that rises above, or perhaps penetrates beneath, the chatter of words and the shrill media discussion. It suggests a genuine openness to hearing the concerns of the other in his or her own voice, just as we wish to be heard” (Eck, 2017, p. 27). She is not alone. Another similar voice is that of Martin B. Baumann who states that “Interreligious activities as the encounter between representatives of different religious traditions and interfaith meetings as an expression of an increasing reflection on the relation and mutual impact of living side by side in a rapidly expanding multifaith society did not begin in any significant way in European countries before the 1970s” (Baumann, 1998, p.1). The 1965 immigration act played a very important role in introducing nonChristians, like Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains, to the North American religious fabric, which was predominantly known as a White Anglo Saxon Protestant (WASP) country. It opened the door to people from many areas of the world who had been subject to restrictions, beginning in 1882 with the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act. Over the years, this policy was expanded to include all of what was then called “Asia”. In 1965, this changed. As President Johnson said when signing the bill into law, “It corrects a cruel and enduring wrong in the conduct of the American nation”.1 This new immigration policy opened up the doors to talented and accomplished Indian engineers and doctors who immigrated to America. After completing their professional degrees, many of them settled down in different parts of the United States. Furthermore, many scientists and engineers came through Canada to live in the USA to build a better future. A majority of them went back home to get married and brought back their wives to raise a family in the host country. They brought not only their economic and political dreams with them, but also their gods and goddesses. Indian engineers and doctors took the initiative to purchase land and build temples. For example, Fremont Hindu Temple and Livermore Hindu Temple in the Bay Area were built in the early 1980s. A group of these professionals took it upon themselves to take a second mortgage on their primary homes to invest in building these temples. 273

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In the 1990s, with the boom in information technology, the number of Hindus, mostly tech experts, increased dramatically. Demographically, Indians represent the current largest source of new immigrants to America, surpassing even Mexicans or Chinese. They are the best educated group and have the single highest income level of any group in the country - more than twice as high as the general US population (Columbia Business School newsletter, 2017). With the increase in their numbers, Hindus in the USA strive to preserve their cultural and religious identity by transporting Hindu rituals, hiring priests from India, and importing religious texts both in print and through social media. Besides this, Hindus have been engaged in establishing temples in different regions, transporting Gods and Goddesses from different regions of India, celebrating public festivals, performing home rituals, and enrolling their children in classes to learn Sanskrit, Hindu values, and other regional languages. Numerous temples have been established in different regions with initiatives taken by Indians. Several studies have been conducted to promote awareness, better understanding, and active dialogue among the people of different faiths. Diana Eck, a professor of Religion at Harvard University emphasizes on the significance of interfaith dialogue: “Interfaith dialogue has a range of meanings, all of which involve ways in which we handle our encounters with religious difference—dialogue in daily life, dialogue in learning, dialogue in community, and dialogue in faith and theology” (2017). Her pluralism project – an energetic engagement with diversity of religions since 2006 - is a case in point. But, there has not been any emphasis on understanding the plurality of religious rituals associated with a Hindu God being transported to the diaspora and its impact on the followers and the other community members. This paper focuses on understanding the role of the Hindu God, Jagannath, (an incarnation of Vishnu, the preserver of the universe, as well as Krishna, the playful god in the Hindu pantheon) being transported to the diaspora in Silicon Valley and how his arrival exemplifies the interreligious dialogue between Indian Diaspora and the hosting society. Throughout history, women have played an important role in interreligious dialogue. In Hindu mythology, Lord Jagannath, the presiding deity of Odisha, India, is the very representation of interreligious dialogue. Goddess Lakshmi, his consort, played a critical role in opening up the worship of Jagannath to devotees irrespective of caste, creed, class, gender, and sexuality. The Bhakti movement in 15th century India highlights this accentuated interreligious dialogue especially with women playing a prominent role. I argue that an understanding of the pluralistic ritual practices, the icon of Hindu Gods, and the participation of women promoting interreligious dialogue shed an essential light on women’s voices, roles, and positions in promoting dialogues between religions, a perspective which is often overlooked and ignored. This chapter focuses on understanding the role of Oriya religious culture in Indian diaspora and how its complex rituals, mainly carried out 274

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by women, aid in promoting interreligious dialogue on multiple levels. This study is based on documenting the intercultural and interreligious dialogue between the East and the West with regards to the practice of Hindu rituals towards Lord Jagannath in the Silicon Valley. Various Hindu ritualistic practices are described, carried out by Odia women living in the Silicon Valley, home to wealthy Indian Americans who have brought many gods and goddesses when they emigrated from their homeland.

THE JAGANNATH CULTURE: EMBRACING ALL KINDS OF DIFFERENCES This paper is based on the author’s ethnographic research amongst the diasporic Odias. A special emphasis is placed on the religious activities of women who play a decisive role in planning, organizing, and implementing selected religious rituals like Ratha Jatra, Ganesh Puja, and Saraswati Puja, among others. The basic method used for collecting material was extensive participant observation in various sacred and secular activities organized by the Indians as well as focused interviews with at least three dozen Odias in their homes and other public spaces. As described in previous works (Pandey, 2005, 2017), including in a film about diasporic Odias in the Bay Area (Homeland in the Heart, 2005), this longitudinal study of the Odia Americans in California has begun when the author moved to the Bay Area in 1989. It was continued throughout the 1990’s and into the first decade of the 21st century. The study has yielded significant insights about the cohesive role of religion in the lives of the Indian diasporic community and how the women have constructed their cultural identity in relation to other Indians in the Bay Area, as well as to the broader context of the American society as a whole. India has been known for its diversity of religious practices since time immemorial. It is known as the land of multiplicity of faiths - Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism, to name a few. Octavio Paz, the famous Mexican poet and diplomat, who served as his country’s ambassador to India, wrote: “… the most remarkable aspect of India, and the one that defines it, is neither political nor economic, but religious: the co-existence of Hindu and Islam” (1995, p. 37). Hinduism, for example, has exemplified multiple ways to connect with the divine. Islam was introduced in India in the 7th century and the Islamic rulers ruled India until the 20th century. With the coexistence of Islamic and Hindu cultures in India, Sufi, the mystic aspect of Islam, and the Bhakti (personal devotion) movement in Hindu culture created a new wave of personal connection with the Divine irrespective of religion, sex, gender, class, caste, language, and ethnicity. In 15th century India, the Bhakti Movement was a testament to the notion of love, devotion, and surrender to a personal God. In Bhakti (devotion), one reaches the personal God through love but 275

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not reason. Women played a very important role in bhakti, where they developed a personal relationship with the God/Goddess. Bhakti has been known as a grassroots resistance movement in the face of organized Islam and Brahmanic Hinduism. It ensures an egalitarian approach where there is no separation between the devotee and the Divine. Unlike most other religions, Hinduism has no single founder, no single scripture, and no commonly agreed upon set of teachings. This is perhaps Hinduism’s single most important contribution to the inter-religious dialogue promoting coexistence in an area as complex as religion: the idea that there is no “one-size-fits-all” sacred text in the human context. The Rig Veda, one of Hinduism’s most sacred texts, declared thousands of years ago, “Satya hi akam Bipra Bahuda Badanti” (“truth is one – the learned ones call it by many names”). That is the raison d’etre behind Hinduism’s refusal to proselytize. It believes that non-violence will be better served when everyone is allowed to follow their own belief systems under the notion that all religions contain the essential truths which will lead to ultimate salvation. Sanatan Dharma (Hindu as the eternal way of life) gives one the freedom to be who one is and pursues one’s salvation without preaching or policing about how to get there. Paz (1995) observes that throughout the history, the Hindu religion has absorbed all sorts of religious influences brought to India, and in the process of doing that, has become more diverse, open-ended, and pluralistic. In this sense, Hindu sacred texts are meant to be more of a manual rather than a prescription. Hence, it follows that a policy of respecting differences and equality as the key to countering violence at any level. This norm of accepting all kinds of differences and inclusion of disparities is nowhere as visible as it is seen in the Jagannath Temple in Puri, India, where harmonious coexistence, mutual respect, and equality are habitually practiced among various strata with specific reference to the treatment of caste, gender, aristocracy, race, and religion. Hinduism is not a religion in the traditional sense of the word, but rather a way of life that embraces many traditions, acknowledging that there is more than one way to be spiritual. The Jagannath temple at Puri, Odisha, exemplifies this ultimate harmonious coexistence of diverse and conflicting traditions. “Despite many cultural invasions by outsiders and cross cultural barriers from Hinduism, Jagannath culture has managed to keep alive the tradition of unity in diversity” (Kanungo, 2015). Jagannath culture provides multiple religious contexts to debunk some of the common themes of violence and enables proper interpretation of these ancient rituals. The annual Ratha Yatra festival (“chariot festival”), represents an array of contradictions that make up a multi-dimensional culture. Lord Jagannath is the very embodiment of the bhakti tradition where the disciple claims to have a personal connection with the divine. Over the centuries, the Jagannath culture has

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expanded due to two noteworthy factors - it has evolved to absorb new challenges, and it has also remained comfortable amidst apparent contradictions.

Silicon Valley: A Happy Marriage Between Technology and Religiosity The term Silicon Valley was coined in the 1970s and refers to the high concentration of technology-based industries in a sprawling region to the south of San Francisco. It includes cities such as Palo Alto, Mountain View, Sunnyvale, and San Jose. The area is a financial powerhouse with a gross domestic product on a par with some of the world’s biggest economies like, Germany, France and Brazil. The Indian community is integral to many of the innovations that have taken place there. A UC Berkeley study found that Indian entrepreneurship, between 2006 and 2012, accounted for 32% of immigrant-founded companies in the area. Some of the community’s brightest technicians have become billionaires, several of them are of Indian origin. Since the 1990s, with the high-tech technology boom, there has been a dramatic shift in the population of Indian Americans in the greater Bay area and it has grown exponentially (46.4%) in the last decade. The concentration of Indians in high tech-related industries in Silicon Valley makes Shalini Shankar call it Desi Land (2008). Indians come from different regions of the country and constitute a diverse group of immigrants in Silicon Valley. The increasing wealth was accompanied by an upsurge of places of religious worship – sixty-five temples within a twenty-five-mile radius in the last ten years. For example, within the fifteen miles radius between Mountain View and Santa Clara, more than a dozen temples have emerged which are regularly worshipped and enjoy huge clientele among the Indian American professionals living in the area. Unlike in India, each temple in the United States is not exclusively known for one god or goddess. Vaishnavism and Saivaites, as well as regional gods and goddesses are represented. For example, Lord Jagannath, the regional deity of Odisha, is represented in twenty-eight temples throughout the United States, but he, along with his brother Balabhadra and sister Subhadra share the space with other gods and goddesses such as Ram, Sita, Krishna, Radha, Siva and Parvati. Temples are equipped to provide what the client needs. Lord Jagannath abode for instance, shares the space with Ram, Sita, Lakshman along with Hanuman, the principal deities of the temple. In many ways, the installation of a temple is driven by the economic clout of the people representing a specific region. For example, in 1989, there were only two prominent temples (Livermore and Fremont). the number has gone up to sixty-five according to the local sources (India West, July 21, 2018). These temples are very different from the Hindu temples in different regions in India. They are mostly the 277

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nondescript wood and mortar buildings, nestled amongst the concrete jungle of Silicon Valley, home to the who’s who of tech giants, finance companies, banks and numerous start-ups. Keeping in view the medley of places of worship in the middle of cities, Peter Bowes observes that “temples and other places of worship are popping up in office parks, warehouses and community centers” (BBC radio,7th August 2015). Some of these structures have been converted from abandoned or bankrupt churches. Also go-downs have been turned into temples. Except for a few prominent temples like the Sri Venkateswara temple in New Jersey, known as the largest Hindu temple in the world or the Livermore Hindu temple in California, most of them are very non-descript in appearance. But at the same time, the temples are constantly renovated and reworked to accommodate the growing religious needs of the participants. Much of the capital to build or expand existing premises of the temples has come from the donations of successful entrepreneurs. The wealth of Silicon Valley has allowed one-time struggling Hindu temples to expand into flourishing focal points of the community. Sunnyvale Hindu Temple, for one, recently underwent a $2.4 million renovation and re-opened with a grand worship hall complete with dozens of ornate marble idols of Hindu gods and goddesses. The building of temples, churches of various denominations and other places of worship represent the increasing diversity in Silicon Valley’s growing religious presence. In the case of Indian Americans, these temples epitomize their newly emerging image as the highly successful technocrats of the world’s tech capital. This reflects on a very happy marriage between technology experts, who are typically known for agnosticism, and their display of religiosity.

Women’s Participation in Religious Rituals in Silicon Valley Women have played a very significant role in the planning of installation of Jagannath and in the process, have brought the community closer in spite of the exponential growth of the Odia community. In celebrating these rituals, the educated professional mothers teach their children to become Odias – through Odia language, Odissi dance, Odia bhajans (prayer songs),. Women of the old diaspora who came to California mostly with their husbands in 1960’s during and immediately after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. Now most of them are with their grandchildren and rarely participate actively in community religious activities. Women of the new diaspora arrived with their families in the 1990’s, following the tech revolution in Silicon Valley. They are the ones who have taken up the responsibility to transplant the tradition they have left back at home and have become the harbingers of revitalizing Hindu religious tradition in the diaspora. Most of these Odia women have retrained and reskilled themselves as professionals - doctors, software engineers, bankers, pre-school teachers, medical assistants and social workers among others. For them, 278

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work is a medium to earn money besides taking good care of their husbands and children. Work for money is a means not to waste away their time and add to the family income when the children are in schools or colleges. Some of the middle-aged women have emerged as entrepreneurs, running after-school care centers and children art schools, catering specialized Odia food and desert to homes and restaurants, sewing Indian costumes, home nursing among others. But the professional role may not be as meaningful and gratifying and plays a less major role in defining their identity. From the author’s observations, even living in million dollar homes in affluent Silicon Valley, the women are constantly anxious about their economic success. For example, a prosperous professional mother of two grown daughters (one collegegoing and the other already working after graduating from a prestigious Liberal Arts college) confided in me how financially insecure she and her husband feel. According to her, “our mortgage is not paid off. We have to work as long as we have this damn mortgage and have a secure retirement” (personal conversation). This couple has devoted all their time in grooming their daughters to go to Ivy League colleges and have at least multimillion dollar houses (by their own admission) in Silicon Valley. Rasika (a pseudonym used to protect the privacy of respondents) is an avid devotee of Jagannath in the Fremont temple and has helped form a WhatsApp group “Lord Jagannath Fremont temple” along with a few other middle-aged like-minded women in order to coordinate all the religious rituals for Lord Jagannath. When Jagannath was installed, a few older men took the lead to in collecting money from the community for the construction as well as installation of Jagannath and had monopolized the daily, weekly, monthly, and yearly Jagannath rituals. In recent years, women of the new diaspora have strategically taken over the rituals by organizing through social media and encouraging one another to do the rituals at the temple without silently accepting the men’s dominance in performing religious rituals. These educated professional women have chosen selected religious rituals in the diaspora and are changing the tradition. For example, back in Odisha, thirteen festivals are celebrated in twelve months. In the diasporic context, women living in America have chosen to practice rituals related to women’s empowerment, children’s education and family prosperity. Along with the festivals tied to Jagannath, rituals related to Ganesh, the god of wisdom and the remover of obstacles, and Saraswati, the goddess of learning and wisdom are celebrated on a regular basis. Besides, women celebrate the worship of Durga, the mother goddess (known for her “shakti” power to eliminate the evil force). The Third category refers to the educated professional women in the last 5-10 years who have come as spouses of the techies sponsored by many global companies as transnational professionals. These women are following their older sisters in upholding Hindu tradition and rituals in an ostensibly secular world like Silicon Valley. In the following section, two relevant case studies are highlighted through interviews with women who participated in 279

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Case Study 1: The Jagannath Rituals (Mita, Los Angeles, CA) The Jagannath installation, one of the most meaningful of Indian religious rituals, is performed as a lifegiving ceremony. The author has witnessed the ceremony on two occasions and has written about it elsewhere (Pandey, 2005). The following interview was conducted with an interviewee named Mita. She was sharing her impression after Jagannath was installed in a local Hindu temple in Los Angeles in 2012. Mita: Now we feel a strong sense of community; previously we met only twice a year. After four days of Jagannath pratistha, we feel the presence of Odisha here. We left the root and came here: can a tree survive without its roots? Now our essence is here. We have a strong root here and we all connected to our culture. We meet at least twice every month: hundreds of people come on the first Saturday of the month. On that first Saturday, no one keeps any other commitment. (July 25th, 2015). After pratistha (life giving ceremony), we the women start making the chandua (decoration pieces). We all band together and collaborate: three bring lunch, three will bring breakfast and three, dinner. We stopped all other social activities. Twenty men and twenty women signed up for chariot making. The temple became our weekend retreat as we would look forward to it. From Memorial Day until ratha jatra, a span of four weeks, we all stopped everything else and that brought us closer. (July 26th, 2015). Question: How did the women mobilize a community so dispersed? Mita: In one meeting on March, 2012, I proclaimed that this Jagannath installation does not belong to any one person. We made the community members sit in a circle and we connected with everybody saying that it is not a personal but a community affair. Consequently and in no time, $20,000 was collected. A colleague called everyone and assigned specific assignments. Everybody felt part of it. We never had a leader or an organizer; we always sent an email in the name of Southern California Odia team. We would write in the name of “Jai Jagannath”. Our budget was $35,000 and we achieved it. Women’s service to Jagannath helps them connect with one another, come together as a community, and create a “home” in diaspora in spite of being dispersed in a faceless city. In the past, women had an auxiliary role as processers of food, preparers of prasad (consecrated food) and makers of background preparation for the puja in the temple. With the installation of Jagannath in the diaspora movement, women have emerged as key leaders in their communities, and are no longer in background. 280

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Taking the place of male Brahmin priests, they are serving as ritual specialists and create a new space for the expression and performance of their religiosity. Even in formal worship at the temple, where male priests play active roles, women are coming forward to organize the daily rituals and are becoming increasingly visible in taking leadership roles. In the process, they are quietly resisting male dominance in regulating their role in public life. For example, when Jagannath was installed at Fremont Temple, some older men had taken the responsibility of being the caretakers of the idol. Gradually, however, some younger women assumed key roles in the daily worship of the idol, and in so doing, started to contest and undermine the male dominance. They are adept in networking and have created a virtual community of women participants who are responsible for the daily ritual. As a result, the few men who were previously in charge have grudgingly accommodated the emerging aspirations of these women to express their religiosity.

Case Study 2: The Durga Puja Ceremony (Masumi, Long Beach, CA) In the Hindu pantheon, Durga is known as the Devi, or the supreme goddess, and the main form of Shakti: the female principle of divine energy . Dussera or Durga Puja, the ten-day worship of Goddess Durga, is the biggest annual celebration in the Eastern India as in many other states of India. Durga has been worshipped in various ways in different regions but is collectively recognized as the most powerful mother goddess. In Hindu mythology, the goddess Durga combines the strength and energy of all the other gods and goddesses and appears on earth to rid it of the evil demon Mahisasura and rescue the human race. This annual celebration is held both at home and also public places in the community. Of the ten day duration of the festivities, the last four are the most crucial since this is when a sixteen feet tall idol of Goddess Durga is erected and is symbolically given life (chakshu daan), in what has become the apex of the celebrations. Analogous to a new birth, celebrations take place which center around welcoming her into the family; well-wishers and devotees come bearing gifts, for the goddess and take darshan. After the- tenth day, preparations are made to submerge her in the water, symbolically sending her off to the ethereal world. The Odia community in Long Beach, California has been performing this rite for the last several years. It was initiated by Kandehi, now over 70 years old, and a longtime resident of Southern California. She took this initiative just after she gave birth to her first child on the day of Ashtami, the eighth day of Durga Puja. She started Durga Puja to pay homage to the goddess for giving her a beautiful gift such as her firstborn. In the last three decades, upon relocating to Long Beach, she continued to celebrate this puja with other Odia members in the community. Even though 281

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the last four days of the festival (Saptami-Dashami) are grandly celebrated back in India, in the diaspora only the tenth day is celebrated. A weekend is chosen closest to the day of the celebration, culminating in a festive gathering of the community. Mausumi, a longtime resident of the community is lovingly known as the “older sister”, and has taken over the Puja from Kandehi because of latter’s inability to continue the tradition. Kandhei would personally arrange the celebration year after year. She would cook entire meals for all the community members and complete the puja from start to finish on her own. Those days, there were not as many Odia families as there are now, and the Puja was held in the neighborhood community hall, a process entirely orchestrated by Kandhei. Masumi, a social worker by profession, has taken over the arrangement of the Durga Puja celebration for the last several years. She consulted with Sanskrit scholars in Odisha and translated all the religious chants, prepared a booklet, and shared it with all the attendees. She and Kandehi perform the puja on the stage and ask interested members to join them on stage. She has noticed that now, everybody is interested in the puja and parents along with children sit and listen to the entire ceremony. The whole process gives her a thrill and the confidence that puja, (the-invocation of the gods and goddesses) should not be monopolized by the male Brahmin priests. When Masumi took charge of the puja arrangement, some of the younger community members encouraged her with the promise that they would help her organize the event. Since 2013, Masumi started officiating the Durga Puja. She plans the event exactly six months before the auspicious ten-day period by booking a community hall in the area. Previously, she had had problems in finding the right place. As a result, now when she decides on the venue, she makes sure that it has a courtyard where food can be served outside and is close to a park where men can gather and mingle, older children can play volleyball, and the small children can run around freely. Masumi shared her experience with the author: “I turned it into a community event. When Kandehi asked me, whether I would take over, I gladly accepted it. Friends told me that they would help. I cannot do it without the help of the community members. I ask people to make voluntary contribution – I post the income and expenses on the community internet the next day. Kitchen stuff is bought with the surplus money and is shared on the internet. So, the community members realize that they have a stake in this puja by contributing money or by cooking for the occasion. Even after me, this tradition must go on” (October 12, 2015). For Masumi, the goddess Durga is not the same as a biological mother: “I see her as eternal, moved away from earthly mother. Permanently I feel I am a part of her and she is a part of me. I do not want a separate identity. My goal is to identify with her. Through this event, I feel close to her. She feels happy by serving her children. One person will look at her and see a cord connecting which brings the 282

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community together. My wish that our community stays together unlike Bengali and Marathi community. If there is any faction, they do not come to me. The young women here relate to me as their mother. I do not want to hear any fight among my children” (October 15, 2015). Men in the community responded very positively to the women’s initiative. One young man, who had assisted Masumi in the performance of her priestly ritual, told the author that, “it is wonderful that Masumi is doing it. Now we do not have to look for a male priest. She is a great influence on the community.” Another young man, who was also helping, added that “we are all there to support her.” Masumi’s husband, a senior member of the community who has played leadership role in organizing community activities, does not resent her new role as a priest. He takes pride in her leadership and is always there to give her a helping hand. He told me that “I am here to follow her orders”. Lastly, a young newly-wed Bengali woman called Manita who spent all her life celebrating Durga puja in her native Kolkata and in the last three years lives in the Bay Area, indicated how significant the ritual was for her: It was a beautiful community event. It was more social than ritualistic. Women are deeply involved not just [in] attending the puja, [but] also organizing the puja. This puja is different from the puja among the Bengalis back in India. On this occasion, I used to ask, “Ma, grant me PhD this year. Make my husband even a better person. In this puja, the focus is bringing the mother within you” (October 12, 2015). In summation, women are remaking their identity in the diasporic context and, in the process, are redefining themselves not only in the professional context but also in their immediate Odia-Indian communities as well, where they are assuming leadership roles. The worship of Goddess Durga collectively signifies the strength and vibrancy of the community outside their homeland. This is also the way in which the older generation is trying to inculcate their collective identity into the new generation, which has been born and brought up in a totally different environment. Masumi’s daughter Sukta, born and bred in USA, may not feel religious but earnestly participated and contributed to her mother’s endeavor, helping to serve food to all the community members who came to enjoy the puja for the first time. Masumi relies on her daughter to effectively serve the food so that she can concentrate on the puja ritual itself. The entire puja process reflects on women’s engagement and commitment to their assignments., What renders the puja undertaking successful is the joint support of women and men working together. Women promote a sense of attachment to Odia values, and instill physical togetherness, which makes the members feel attached to and accepted within the community. 283

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The ceremonies and rituals are augmented by the sites and structures they are held in. The Hindu temples play multiple roles in describing the diaspora experience. They are not only the dwellings of gods and goddesses, like Jagannath and Durga, but also a place for teaching religious values to the children. Women are very proactive in bringing children to the temple, teaching them how to read and understand the scriptures and how to sing holy chants. The young adults get credit for their community service at their schools and colleges when they spend time serving people at the temple. Temples provide a safe haven for the members who are constantly mired with uncertainties in life. In Silicon Valley, the uncertainty of success runs high. Life is full of ups and downs and many come to the temple to redress their anxiety and find solace and reassurance. For these believers, religion is a lived experience which promotes community consciousness. The experience also helps connect multiple communities of a dispersed population (Clifford, 2013, p.4).

Some Theoretical Reflections When the literature on Diaspora Studies started to make headway in the 1990’s, the Journal Diaspora, first published in 1997, has quickly become most prominent among them. William Safran’s “Diasporas in modern societies: myths of homeland and return” which appeared in the first issue of the Journal was a path breaking overview of diasporas in modern societies. Safran suggests that the term diaspora could be considered as a metaphoric designation and could apply to various populations such as expatriates or political refugees. In the same vein, diaspora describes migrant groups maintaining their ethnic tradition through a strong feeling of collectiveness (Bruneau,1995; Dorai et al 1998; Shuval, 2003). In a very thoughtful critique of Safran’s landmark work, James Clifford embraces Safran’s analysis that the concept of diaspora was historically developed in the context of Jewish experiences, exiled from their homeland two millennia ago and then spread out to all corners of the world. Their experience, unlike emigration, has had in its heart the sense of loss and longing. Other diasporic experiences of different ethnic and religious communities such as South Asians, did not accurately fit the classic model, and thus they were deemed as “falling outside the strict definition” (Ghose, 1989). The author’s research experience adds a dimension which the classic model of diaspora communities misses or underplays: the hardships of diasporic peoples in their work do adjust to the whims and demands of the host communities. Clifford’s observation that the role of colonialism, industrialization, racial prejudice, slavery, indentured labor, among other things, is critical in assessing the diasporic experiences of various communities. However, the author’s research on the Odia American women’s experiences suggests that despite all the challenges and obstacles in the receiving country, these women are consciously crafting a sense of agency and 284

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subjectivity. Developed from W. E. B. Du Bois’ concept of “Double Consciousness” (reference), Sandoval uses the term differential consciousness to describe a mode of “Weaving between and among opposition ideologies”, which mobilizes a “Tactical subjectivity with the capacity of reentering depending upon the kinds of oppression to be confronted” (2000, p.14). Odia women’s sense of family and community alludes to, as Kondo suggests, “The contractedness of “home” identity and culture, underlining the necessity for people on the margins to create, produce and assert our identities” (Kondo, 1996, p. 97). Hence, one can conclude that diaspora is reshaping and redefining gender roles for both men and women when they are performing the religious rituals. Here women and men of castes other than the Brahmins are taking lead roles in religious performances, and are redefining themselves through tradition. It enables them to be in positions of control, something which their tradition would have forbidden them back home. Besides gender, the diasporic experience varies in terms of class, race, and ethnicity and the pain of loss of identity and displacement are highly relative. Diasporic discourses reflect the sense of being as part of an ongoing transnational network that includes the homeland not as a memory simply left behind but as a place of attachment in a contrapuntal modernity. The diaspora being displaced may be structured around a tension between return and deferral (Clifford, 1997, p. 252). California is becoming a global hub – a multicultural meeting place with a growing Indian population educated and trained in the United States and working in the Silicon Valley. A new kind of society emerges, where Odia-American women are playing a very important role in building their ethnic communities, their homes away from home. Ong observes that “In an America being recast by continual waves of immigrants, the geosocial landscape has been transformed, as bridges are built between the cities on the West Coast and cities in Asia” (Ong, 2003, p. 260). Clifford argues in the context of the Indigenous diaspora, that “Diasporic experience is necessarily both nationalist and antinationalist. Absolutist invocations of blood, land, and return coexist with the arts of conviviality, the need to make homes away from home, among different peoples” (2013, p. 88). One can see that the diaspora experience is a double consciousness: it is produced positively by transplanting the family rituals in the making of new home and at the same time identifying with the host country. For the Odia-American women, their subjectivity is tied to their religiosity. Goddess Durga is an emblem of courage and valor in the face of difficulties, and so, she is a role model and symbol of hope that these transplanted Odia-American women will not only survive but also thrive in this new environment. Goddess Durga is the role model for these women and by enacting her life in the ritual performance of various Pujas, they are giving life to and reaffirming their own sense of belonging for themselves as well as people like them in the Odia diasporic society. These Odia-American women redefine their roles vis-à-vis the challenges 285

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presented to them. These women have come a long way from their homeland in search of their destiny, have not shied away from the opportunities available in the host country, and are redefining the patriarchal tradition by taking up leadership roles in the religious rituals. This chapter does concur with Clifford’s observation that diaspora is a gendered experience, but it also sheds light on other factors such as caste and class in reformulating the gender dynamics of Odia-Americans.

Interfaith Dialogue This summer, I offered an internship project on digital storytelling and supervised four very bright high school students, sponsored by the Science Internship program (SIP) at the University of California, Santa Cruz. The students were from disparate backgrounds: Caucasian, Vietnamese-American, Sri Lankan-American, and Chinese-American. Each one of them attended the Ratha Jatra and other festivals at Sunnyvale temple, observing the devotees, especially women, cataloging the various deities there and interviewing priests as well as some members of the community. Each student created a video documenting the research they had conducted. The impact of their assignment, being of non-Hindus origins and foreign to the precepts of the religion, was immense. The students were initially hesitant about the task of gathering data and analyzing topics relevant to a different religion to which they were ignorant. However, their experience was transformative and their families were thrilled and moved to see the final projects created by their children. Bringing to bear their own religious and cultural backgrounds, the high schoolers managed to establish a dialogue between their own and the new religion in their midst. Their original outlook and the enthusiasm it generated is a reflective testimony of the inclusive impact and opennes the Indian women’s effort of raising awareness and highlighting the significance of the Jagannath ritual to Silicon Valley. Furthermore,I offer courses relating to Indian culture and diaspora (Bollywood Dance and Culture, Cultures of India, India and Indian Diaspora) at UCSC, where a majority of the students are non-Indians. I teach about the Jagannath Culture, dance, music, and women’s contribution to the community-building efforts of the Indian diaspora. The students not only learn about Hindu Spirituality, but also compare it with their own religions and are deeply engaged with this discourse. There is also the dialogue of learning – “the intentional study of another culture and faith. It involves the intellectual energy required to think about and try to understand the humanity, religious life, and ritual expression in communities whose life we do not personally share” (Eck, 2017, p. 33). In my courses about India and Indian culture, I have adopted the experiential learning approach, introducing practical anfd operational aspects of Hindu rituals, feasts and festivals. That was achieved by incorporating into the syllabus field visits and observation of different places 286

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of worship other than their own and engaging in pragmatic projects to understand varieties of ways of life. As Eck (2017:33) asserts,“With these opportunities in schools and colleges, students are challenged to think about deeply held values—those of others and, reflexively, their own. For some interfaith initiatives, mutual learning is the most important purpose. Such ground-breaking interfaith communication was establish primarily due to the remarkable acculturation of Indian women: they blended the western lifestyle with their own Indian spirituality seamlessly and passed it on to the next generation. As this chapter emphasized, in the diaspora movement, women play a very important role in the daily rituals as well as the public celebration associated with Jagannath in the months of April and July of every year. They prepare the food, make the garlands for the rituals, perform the avishek--the elaborate ritual for the worship of the deity, and assist the priest. Women take great pride in chanting the hymns, following the steps of the rituals, helping the deity wear the appropriate costumes on different occasions, as well as carrying the deity to the chariot both on Ratha Jatra and Bahuda festivals. Still, the women are not totally equal to men and some distinctions in function and role endure. First, empowerment of Indian women as active in the religious ceremonies exists only in the diaspora. It is forbidden at the temples in their home country. It was the new reality away from home, in the diaspora has granted the women with the opportunity, as well as with the physical and emotional space to claim their participation in rituals and ceremonies at the temples. On several occasions, they have had to fight with the senior male members of the community for that space, but their mobilization, coordination and determination sustained their stand and eventually, they prevailed. Yet, the subtle patriarchal division of labor still lingers: while women carry Goddess Subhadra to the chariots, men carry the Gods Jagannath and Balabhadra. Men are the ones beating the drums at these festivals whereas women on the other hand blow the conch cell and make the ‘uluulu’ sound to invoke the holy spirits.

Concluding Thoughts About thirty years ago, as a young mother of little two little boys less than age two, the auther migrated to California, and made it her home. Upon relocating from Odisha, India, she felt like she was being left in the middle of the ocean without having any anchor to hold on to. She did not know a single soul in the university town other than her husband. Being lonely and feeling helpless without her kinfolks, she was overwhelmed and touched by the kindness of women, especially the older ones in her community, who accepted her to their neighborhood churches and civic organizations. Being a Hindu and growing up in secular India, she had learned to respect different religions and could connect with the divine in each and every 287

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religion. Now, looking back and reflecting on the ways she has adapted to the new country, and having engaged in interreligious dialogue in places of worship, her Odia community, her academic community, and the host society around her, there are some final thoughts to be shared: 1. Interreligious dialogue starts with the self: the transformation process each of the devout women at the temple has undergone. Their ability of opening themselves up and live life on several concurrent tracks. They are actively involved in the life of their neighborhood, engaged in the workplace, local community as well as the city council. Young mothers who are regular worshippers at the Jagannath temple in Sunnyvale or Fremont are also successful professionals working as doctors, engineers, checkers in neighborhood department stores, and hospice caregivers. They have seamlessly combined their spiritual self with their public self which has become part of the fabric of their mundane life. Many women of the Odia community come to the temple just to provide their service and being part of the community give-and-take routine. 2. In addition to the symbolic dialogue with the environment and the new social context, there is also the dialogue of doing, the dialogue of deeds There are several nonprofit groups among the Odia American community where women lead the way in feeding the homeless, various charity activities as well as teaching, lecturing and demonstrating Indian customs and traditions to growing numbers of non-Indian students creating a dynamic discourse of cultural exchange. Such dialogue has generated tolerance and acceptance of the other. For example, Hindu temples have been erected in various residential communities in the Bay Area with the legal consent and permission of the local residents in the neighborhood. There were also instances in which Christian priests were heading the effort to approve the building of Hindu temples as well as the various religious activities performed there. Prior to the emergence of the interfaith communication such atmosphere has been far fewer and in between. 3. The spiritual engagement and commitment of the Odia women has been contagious. It has transcended into various socio-cultural dialogues through dance, music, community activities. The consequences of their osmosis with their environment through interfaith and intercultural interactions resulted for example, in the Diwali, the Hindu festival of lights, and Holi, the festival of colors or the festival of love, to become popularized in North America and Europe. They are celebrated every year as part of the common holiday schedule. This would not have happened had it not for the interfaith dialogue and the awareness it triggered to the existence of these events.

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REFERENCES Baumann, M. B. (1998). The Hindu Presence in Europe and Implications of Interfaith Dialogue. Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies, 11(1). doi:10.7825/2164-6279.1181 Bowes, P. (2015, August 7). When the God of Money isn’t Enough. Retrieved October 25, 2018, from http://www.bbc.com/capital/story/20150806-silicon-valley-looksheavenward Bruneau, M. (1995). Diasporas. Montpellier: GIP Reclus. Maison de la Géographie. Chakravorty, S., Kapur, D., & Singh, N. (2017). The Other One Percent: Indians in America. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Chatterjee, P. (2001). The Nationalist Resolution Towards Woman’s Question. In Nations and Identities: Classical Readings. Blackwell Publishers. Clarkson, A. (2014). Belonging: The Paradox of Citizenship [Radio series]. CBC Radio. Clifford, J. (1997). Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Clifford, J. (2013). Returns: Becoming Indigenous in the 21st Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. doi:10.4159/9780674726222 Columbia Business School. (2017, February 22). A Singular Population: Indian Immigrants in America. Retrieved from https://www8.gsb.columbia.edu/articles/ chazen-global-insights/singular-population-indian-immigrants-america Cornille, C. (2013). The Wiley-Blackwell companion to Inter-Religious Dialogue. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. doi:10.1002/9781118529911 Doraï, M. (1998). La circulation migratoire. Migrations Études, 84. Du Bois, W. E.(1903). The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches. Chicago: A. C. McClurg & Co. Eck, D. (2017). Article. Interfaith Dialogue In The New Religious America, 114(1), 25–33. Eck, D. L. (2007). Darśan: Seeing the Divine Image in India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publication. Eschmann, A. (1978). The Vaishnava Typology of Hinduization and the Origin of Jagannath. In A. Eschmann, H. Kulke, & G. Charan (Eds.), The Cult of Jagannath and the Regional Tradition of Orissa. New Delhi: Manohar Publications. 289

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Geertz, C. (2012). Available Light: Anthropological Reflections on Philosophical Topics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. doi:10.1515/9781400823406 Ghosh, A. (1989). The Diaspora in Indian Culture. Public Culture, 2(1), 73–78. doi:10.1215/08992363-2-1-73 Hobsbawm, E. J., & Ranger, T. O. (2017). The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Joshi, D. K. (2007, June). Lord Jagannath - The Tribal Deity. Orissa Review. Kanungo, A. (2013). ‘Unity in Diversity’: The Uniqueness of ‘Jagannath Culture’ of Odisha. Odisha Review, 57-67. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2292310 Kinsley, D. R. (2008). Hindu goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press. Kondo, D. K. (1996). The Narrative Production of Home, Community, and Political Identity in Asian American Theater. In S. Lavie & T. Swedenborg (Eds.), Displacement, Diaspora, and Geographies of Identity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Lavie, S., & Swedenburg, T. (1996). Displacement, Diaspora, and Geographies of Identity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. McDermott, R. F. (2002). Singing to the Goddess: Poems to Kālī and Umā from Bengal. Oxford, UK: Oxford Univ. Press. Mishra, K. C. (1984). The Cult of Jagannatha. Calcutta: Firma KLM. Mohapatra, G. N. (1982). Jagannatha in History and Religious Traditions of Orissa. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak. Mohapatra, J. (2013). Wellness in Indian Festivals & Rituals: Since the Supreme Divine is Manifested in All the Gods, Worship of any God is Quite Legitimate. Partridge. Mukherji, P. (1940). The History of Medieval Vaishnavism in Orissa. Chatterjee Publishing House. Ong, A. (2003). Buddha is Hiding: Refugees, Citizenship, the New America. Berkeley, CA: Univ. of California Press. Padhi, B. (1985). Darudebata. Cuttack: Cuttack Students Store. (in Oriya)

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Pandey, A. (2005). Wife’s Duties: A Hindu Textual and Contextual Analysis among the Educated and Professional Women in Contemporary Indian Society and the Diaspora in UK and USA. In A. Vohra, A. Sharma, & M. Miri (Eds.), Dharma, the Categorical Imperative. New Delhi: D.K. Print World. Pandey, A. (2015). Giving Life to God: The Role of Religion among Oriya Americans in the Bay Area. Retrieved October 26, 2018, from https://swaa-anthro.org/wp content/uploads/2015/11/Table_of_Contents_2010_Proceedings.pdf Pandey, A. (n.d.). Women and Religion in the Diaspora-Lakshmi Puja Ritual Among Odia American Women in the United States. In M. Pascal (Ed.), Multiculturalism and the Convergence of Faith and Practical Wisdom in Modern Society (pp. 250–264). Hershey, PA: IGI Global. Pattanaik, D. (2009). Seven Secrets from Hindu Calendar Art. Chennai: Westland. Paz, O. (1998). In Light of India, a Harvest book. San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace and Company. Pinker, S. (2012). The Better Angels of our Nature: Why Violence has Declined. New York, NY: Penguin Books. Ray, S. (1984). Ghare Baire [The Home and the World]. Indian Bengali Romantic Drama Film. Safran, W. (1991, Spring). Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 83-99. Sahu, N. K. (1958). Buddhism in Orissa. Utkal University. Sandoval, C. (1991). U.S. Third World Feminism: The Theory and Method of Oppositional Consciousness in the Postmodern World. Genders, 10, 1–17. Sandoval, C., & Davis, A. Y. (2008). Methodology of the Oppressed. Minneapolis, MN: Univ. of Minnesota Press. Shankar, S. (2009). Desi land: Teen Culture, Class, and Success in Silicon Valley. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Sharma, H. D. (1999). Glory of Spiritual India: A glimpse of Indian Ethos in Exalted Verses. Delhi: Pustak Mahal.

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Shuval, J. T. (2003). The Dynamics of Diaspora: Theoretical Implications of Ambiguous Concepts. In R. Münz & R. Ohliger (Eds.), Diasporas and Ethnic Migrants: Germany, Israel and Russia in Comparative Perspective. London: Frank Cass. Tate, K., & Olsen, B. (2014). Sacred Places of Goddess: 108 destinations. San Francisco: CCC. Vaccarello, S. (2015). Finding God in Silicon Valley: Spiritual Journeys in a HighTech World. San Diego, CA: Creative Team Publishing.

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As President Lyndon Johnson signed a landmark immigration reform bill into law at a ceremony beneath the Statue of Liberty on October 3, 1965, he https://cis.org/Report/HartCeller-Immigration-Act-1965.

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Chapter 13

Beyond Sides:

Toward Reconciliation – Photography Workshops for Israeli Settlers and Palestinian Women in the West Bank Saskia Bory Keeley Saskia Keeley Photography, USA

ABSTRACT The author describes a program of photography workshops for Orthodox Jewish and Palestinian women in the West Bank she has conducted since 2016 in partnership with Roots, an initiative led by a Palestinian and Israeli settler committee. The workshops provide an environment where the women can interact with “the other” in an informal and safe setting, many for the very frst time in their lives. They enable the participants to work together on joint projects in a setting where they can explore each other’s life narratives as they learn a new skill, which engenders an awareness and understanding of similar life paths and shared humanity. The mutually illuminating activity promotes respect and is a step forward to a future of potential change. The program’s participants describe its perspective-altering results and voice a hope for further engagement.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch013 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Beyond Sides

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a protracted, deep-rooted conflict between Jews and Palestinians that began in the late nineteenth century and has been ongoing to the present day. The conflict can be traced back to the establishment of the Zionist movement and the emergence of Palestinian nationalism. The Jewish quest for a homeland was spurred by the centuries-long yearning of Jews to escape millennia of persecution in Europe, particularly in Russia, and return to the land of their forefathers, the Biblical Zion. The Jewish immigration into Palestine began in the early 1900s. The Jews clashed with the local Arab population, who asserted that they were the rightful inhabitants of the land since their ancestors had lived there for hundreds of years. After World War II and the almost complete destruction of European Jewry in the Holocaust, the United Nations in 1947 voted to end the British Mandate, under which the British, starting in 1923, administered Palestine, and divide the land into two parts. The Jews accepted the UN resolution and established the State of Israel. The Arabs rejected this solution, and attacked the new state. In the aftermath of the war of 1948, a large segment of the Palestinian Arab population was displaced from their homes or fled. Over the decades, Israel and neighboring Arab nations fought several wars over the territory. With Israel’s military successes, Arab anti-Semitism hardened. The nature of the military disputes has shifted over the years from the broader Arab-Israeli conflict to a more local Israeli-Palestinian one. The 1967 war was especially significant in the history of the conflict as it left Israel in control of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the two territories designated in 1948 for a Palestinian state and today home to large Palestinian populations. Following the 1967 war, the Israeli government began building settlements (civilian communities inhabited by Israeli citizens, almost exclusively Jewish) on land in Palestinian territories. The settlers’ movement began in earnest after the 1973 Yom Kippur War as activists among religious Zionists feared that the territories would be given back to Palestinians. The Oslo Peace Accord in 1993 divided the West Bank into three administrative divisions. The 25-year commitment to the Oslo peace process in which Israel would hand over the great majority of the West Bank to the Palestinians has been challenged ever since. Israel maintains civil control over the largest part of the territory with military outposts, troops, and checkpoints to enforce Israeli restrictions on Palestinian movement and activity with the stated aim of enhancing the security of settlements and preventing attacks. Ever-expanding communities are being built for Israeli settlers in the West Bank. They are considered by many to be the main impediment to a contiguous Palestinian state. In the “world’s most intractable conflict,” with deep internal fracturing on both sides and divergent visions for its resolution, tensions and violence continue to 294

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escalate. The compromises required to reach a settlement seem unattainable due to differences deeply rooted in the history and trauma on both sides. A sustainable long-term peace and ultimate reconciliation will need to be based on both sides’ cooperation as equals in the pursuit of common goals for a just and viable resolution.

PHOTO WORKSHOPS FOR ISRAELI SETTLERS AND PALESTINIAN WOMEN IN THE WEST BANK Since 2016, I have conducted photography workshops for Orthodox Jewish Israeli and Palestinian women. Though they live side by side in the West Bank, for political reasons, these women have virtually no contact. To arrange the workshops, I partner with Roots, an initiative led by a Palestinian and Israeli settler committee working at the heart of the conflict. My West Bank photo workshops provide an environment where women can interact with “the other” in an informal and safe setting, many for the very first time in their lives. Bridges of empathy that help heal communities come in many forms. In the workshops, the act of looking through the camera creates a human connection. The workshops break down barriers and foster contact as women take portraits of each other in exploratory and intimate ways. Bringing out the humanity of others is the essence of the workshops. By looking through the eyes of those we might feel separated from, participants discover both interconnectivity and empathy. The workshops support the engagement of each in the process of recognizing parallel lives and narratives. Seeing and acknowledging personal moments creates a new feeling of shared belonging. Malcolm Gladwell’s famous “10,000-hour rule” that any undertaking requires 10,000 hours of practice before one becomes an expert consigns many in their chosen fields to falling short of the mastery stage. I write this chapter all too aware that the inclusion programs I have fostered haven’t had the amount of deliberate practice to make them a study unto themselves. This chapter is not about data analysis but about the experience and the reflection process that started with one experiment that turned out to be transformational. “Come take part in our work. Run a photography workshop for Palestinian and Israeli women and girls.” This idea was suggested to me four years ago by the leader of a Palestinian-Israeli initiative for understanding, nonviolence, and transformation in the West Bank called Roots. Taking on such a daunting challenge turned out to be life-changing. A joint photo workshop for women who live at the heart of the protracted conflict in the West Bank had never been done before. I had never taught such a class, nor even had a photography teaching assignment in the past. My more recent work as a freelance photographer was about documenting people, communities, 295

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and cultures in ways that raise awareness by telling personal and intimate stories. One of the many appeals of photojournalism, for me, is its capacity to “take part.” At its best, through the photographic act, the goal is to go beyond a form of witnessing and to contribute to the lives of people. For the years leading to this new project in the West Bank, my work had been about bringing to light pressing issues and supporting initiatives for social change by documenting effective programs as well as recording candid emotions in a myriad of circumstances. In the fall of 2015, a fortuitous encounter with Rabbi Hanan Schlesinger, an Orthodox rabbi and Zionist settler deeply involved in a grassroots collaboration nurturing understanding and non-violence between Israelis and Palestinians, changed the trajectory of my career. To a Swiss Protestant living in New York City for over 30 years, the ongoing conflict in Israel and Palestine was real but distant. I was deeply moved by the account of how Roots combats fear, anger, and hate by bringing the two sides together to see each other and really listen to one another. The idea that I pioneer a photo workshop in one of the most entrenched and contentious face-offs in the world with no prior experience or even a visit to the region was certainly bold. And yet, I immediately felt drawn to lead the charge. In a context where, for most, Palestinians and Israeli settlers are the last people who should or could be talking to one another, I readily agreed to join and support Roots’ team and facilitate their very first joint photography workshop for women to promote this unlikely dialogue.

WORK AT THE HEART OF THE CONFLICT To counter this generalized sense of hopelessness and ongoing distrust where both sides are convinced there is no partner for peace, Roots’ approach is to back away from politics and to challenge the assumptions the communities hold about each other. Their initiatives create the space for transformation through human interaction and personal engagement. Roots was founded in 2014 by the Palestinian peace activist Ali Abu Awwad, Rabbi Shaul Judelman, and Rabbi Hanan Schlesinger. It is no exaggeration to say that the center that hosts Roots is one of the rare places accessible to both Palestinians and Israelis without special government permits, thus facilitating unmediated get-togethers of people from the two sides. By providing a safe environment where opposing narratives can be explored, an exchange is made possible, at times culminating in a new awareness countering the original perception and breaking down deeply embedded stereotypes. The center, called Merkaz Karama (Merkaz: center in Hebrew, Karama: dignity in Arabic), is located 30 minutes south of Jerusalem, between Bethlehem and Hebron. It came to life on a small plot of land owned by the Palestinian Abu Awwad family in an area called 296

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Figure 1. Merkaz Karama

Gush Etzion. Surrounded by settlements as well as abutting the Palestinian town of Beit Ummar, where the Abu Awwad family resides, Merkaz Karama hosts numerous peace initiatives.

ORGANIZING THE PHOTOGRAPHY WORKSHOPS Even with inspirational stories of solidarity, the outcome for any of these initiatives is unpredictable. How could I create a space for personal engagement and for dialogue? Facing the local challenges and constraints as well as piloting a new model from afar necessitated a clear understanding of preliminary preparation and required cooperation. This joint photo workshop could only be successful if Roots was an essential partner and I also committed fully to this effort. Putting together the concept and developing a well-designed methodology were my responsibility. To launch the process I developed expertise by reviewing other occasions and procedures where dialogue and transformation are made possible across conflict lines. I researched prior and current projects using cameras for healing and transformation. Enabling photographic self-expression by giving the opportunity to learn basic concepts of photography to foster self-esteem and self-confidence is not new. As an example, refugees have been given the opportunity to illustrate their lives in regions of protracted conflict, to voice their own stories and those of their surrounding communities. That form of expression can have a profound effect and lead to change, in many cases providing a direct experience of previously undocumented situations. (For 297

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example, the B’Tselem Camera Project distributes video cameras and offers training to Palestinians who live in the West Bank. The goal is to document their lives under the occupation and to publicize this material.) With little or no data on reconciliation and dialogue for opposing narratives through the creative method of using a camera, I had to define my own procedure by identifying key issues. Early on I had a strong sense that retaining good-quality photo equipment was important for a successful outcome. The availability of firstrate cameras, it would emerge, plays a notable role in keeping participants motivated and engaged. Providing the students with valuable gear conveyed the message that esteem and trust are part of the process. Determining ahead of time the scope and the focus of the upcoming program, 20 good-quality digital cameras were purchased through a fundraising event, and were donated to Roots. Roots’ task was to facilitate the process on the ground. Its leaders backed all measures by helping to plan and implement this new program. Local coordinators on both sides disseminated the information and the schedule of the workshops in their communities ahead of my arrival. Through good promotion, participants from both Israeli settlements and Palestinian towns signed up ahead of time. Due to cultural factors, especially for Palestinians, joining mixed-gender programs at Roots often made it uncomfortable for women to attend, thereby limiting their opportunities to meet. Better engagement of women on both sides of the divide began by validating their lifestyles. Providing a safe, single-sex class allowed for more participation right from the start by displaying and promoting cultural sensitivity. In the summer of 2016 we were able to fill two workshops of 14 participants each, divided evenly among Israeli and Palestinian participants. It was intentional that the groups be even so that neither side would feel overwhelmed or underrepresented. Each workshop comprised four sessions within a period of two weeks.

COMPLETE SEPARATION BETWEEN ISRAELIS AND PALESTINIANS IN THE WEST BANK Partnering with Roots gave me a better sense of the complexity of the narrative for both Palestinians and Israelis. As Ian Black writes in his recently published book: Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917–2017: “Neither party has a monopoly on truth or morality […] Portraying one side as colonialists, settlers and racists and the other as terrorists, fanatics and anti-Semites only reduces the already slight chances of reconciliation. Significant numbers on both sides are realistic enough to acknowledge the ineradicable existence of the other—that, like it or not (and many do not), they are there to stay. Trust between them is extremely

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low with a zero-sum relationship in which “nothing can be done that is good for both sides” and “whatever is good for one is bad for the other.” The reality on the ground is that the two sides have retreated into an antipathy for the other ranging from total distrust to abject hatred and therefore they are unlikely to ever spend time together. No contact is the norm. Many Israelis only know Palestinians from the media publicizing stabbings and attacks against their people. Many Palestinians only know Israelis as armed soldiers reinforcing oppressive rules and practices, or settlers whom they see but never speak to. In his book My Promised Land Ari Shavit writes, “I am haunted by the notion that we hold them by the balls and they hold us by the throat. We squeeze and they squeeze back. We are trapped by them and they are trapped by us. And every few years the conflict takes on a new form, ever more gruesome. Every few years, the mode of violence changes. The tragedy ends one chapter and begins another, but the tragedy never ends.” The Israeli government restricts its Jewish citizens from entering Arab areas of the West Bank for fear that they will be kidnapped or killed, and limits the number of permits for Palestinians trying to enter Israel. The Palestinian Authority’s “anti-normalization” campaign discourages engagement between the two peoples, threatening those in their own community who maintain contact with the enemy. There are clearly established rules stating that any tie with Israelis is a false representation of normality and does nothing to address the power imbalance created by the occupation. So where in this current climate can the two sides start this process of engagement and dialogue? The Palestinians and Israelis involved in Roots do not hide the many disagreements between them. They are deeply aware of the seemingly irreconcilable differences that have no solution in sight, as well as the lack of equality between the two sides. But Ali Abu Awwad says, “Dialogue is the secure place for argument, not necessarily agreement. But if there is no dialogue with the people that we disagree with, how can we reach any solution?” Profound lessons can be learned on how to create effective dialogue. The design of the photo workshops reflects Roots’ efforts to allow room for the other, and to build a better future with the conviction that human understanding and trust are the prerequisites for lasting justice, freedom, and peace. The interactive photo sessions were envisioned as fostering consideration, reconciliation, and mutuality. The main goal was to give the women joining the programs the ability to connect and to begin the process of dialogue. The starting point is the assumption that these are willing participants with the desire to meet with the other. For many it is this opportunity to experience the “other” that is the primary incentive to sign up for this innovative program. More often than not, the women have never had conscious contact with the other side, and this is the Israeli women’s first meeting with Palestinians, and vice versa. Another prerequisite is for participants to be open to the experience of a joint 299

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activity and to be receptive and curious to undertake an honest search for human understanding. The novelty of camera work, furthermore, is a way to ignite a spark of interest and an incentive to break down barriers and foster contact. This workshop, like any other interactive project at Merkaz Karama, isn’t about pretending that the conflict doesn’t exist. One group has privilege, the other doesn’t; one group has civil rights, the other doesn’t; one rules, the other is marginalized. The women bring their narratives, their experiences, their traumas to the workshops. How then can those polarities be bridged, while preserving dignity, respect, and mutual rights? The first step is to acknowledge the fact of their differences. Trusting that there is sincerity of intention and an acceptance of the worth of all others even if they may not accept their culture’s fundamental values, we can begin the constructive process of recognition and humanization.

AN IMMERSIVE ENVIRONMENT The first session is about creating an immersive environment so that interaction and connection can begin. Engaging with each participant as they arrive helps establish rapport. It is clear that every interaction from that point forward has an impact on the experience. Grouping quickly forms along cultural sides and kinship. There is also a language barrier that hinders communication in those early moments. The group starts to come together when we sit in a circle and introduce ourselves. With the help of a translator we say our names and describe in a few words our backgrounds. Except for a couple of the younger women, we are all mothers and that is what many present first. The purpose is to begin by hearing a short narrative for each participant, and this is where the humanizing process starts. Giving everyone a chance to talk and to feel heard and known helps create safety and the beginning of intimacy. All the Israelis are able to speak and understand English (the only foreign language that is an option) well enough that no interpreter is needed, but for the Palestinians, it is essential that we have a translator. A simple tutorial is given after that initial exchange. We look at a few photos on my laptop that I have chosen to illustrate what makes a good photo. I talk about the power of photography, the illustration of a life’s timeline filled with faces and places that we love, a narrative we create that can be shared with others. Whether one realizes it or not, we take photographs because we want to say something about our infinitely varied experience as humans. For each it is a personal experience or feeling that is the deciding factor as to where to point a lens and when to press the shutter button. With mindfulness and shared tips better images can be created. I encourage everyone to have their own style, to explore the possibilities the camera offers. 300

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Figure 2. Working on composition

Some participants come with an interest to learn all the functions of a camera and grasp the intricacies of aperture, shutter speed, and ISO. For some Israelis, steady attendance comes from the incentive of learning how to use a good DSLR (digital single-lens reflex) camera. A few have had experience using a digital camera, and they take part in the class to become more proficient in using good equipment. Often they will bring their own camera to familiarize themselves with it and to go beyond the automatic setting. These technical aspects are taught during the course of our time together. At the same time they aren’t overemphasized because each participant needs to be met at her own level of skill and comfort with the equipment. I urge them not to get too caught up in the camera’s functions and to enjoy the process. The first session is about trying to take a good photo on the automatic setting with a sense of composition and working with ambient light. When the equipment is handed out I witness the women’s excitement at getting hold of a good digital camera and at imagining the possibilities it holds. This appeal is not to be underestimated. The unique opportunity to receive free tutorials with semiprofessional DSLRs is a powerful incentive. When each gets a camera there is the reflex to start snapping photos right away. This enthusiasm is important because it creates spontaneity and allows the participants to engage with one another through camera work. Thoughtful assignments 301

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Figure 3. Getting hold of a good digital camera is exciting

follow shortly after. With only four sessions as a group there are carefully planned out steps and exercises, though the methodology is used only as a guide, not a rule. It is important to strike the right balance between effectiveness and meeting participants where they are in their individual process. If given the space and time, photography allows an individual to experience her own creativity and to allow a potent form of expression to come forth. That expression becomes dialogue once shared. Sarah, an Israeli participant, wrote, “We were taught how to use the cameras, everyone was encouraged to experiment and explore at their own pace. The sessions were a fantastic opportunity to learn more about photography and to get to know the other women. They were the basis for an encounter with ‘the other’ in the conflict who we would never otherwise be able to meet. I found it particularly powerful to take photos of the other women, since when you set up a photograph in your camera lens, you examine and consider the subject in a totally different way than when you are just looking at them.” As the organizer, it is essential that I have a clear understanding of the kind of program that is being facilitated, what is important in the program, and what can be expected from the participants. Although the outcome can never be a specific one, the photo sessions are carefully structured to ensure that all participants can contribute and benefit from the intergroup activities. The core methodology of those interactive 302

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photo workshops is an immersion in portrait photography. With the awareness that people often feel vulnerable and exposed in front of a camera, the process of taking images of others has to be approached with respect and sensitivity. It is important to give the space needed when we sense ambivalence. Connecting may not be possible right at the start and boundaries need to be recognized and supported. Situational variables can play an important role. Safety is key. For the first time these women have a real perception and concept of the other through a personal interaction. This may bring comparison, a new appraisal where one contrasts one’s own factual reality to the very different one of others. For the Palestinians there are greater obstacles in attending a joint activity even as innocuous as learning to use a camera. Palestinians coming to Roots organized activities face strong opposition not only from the Palestinian Authority but also from their own kin. It requires courage and individuality as for many of them, being in a shared space with settlers is something incomprehensible to their neighbors and families. For Palestinians, due to the unbearable situation, even the possibility of coexistence and dialogue meetings between the two sides have been met with increasing reluctance since the breakdown of the Oslo Accords in 1993. Its “anti-normalization” movement disrupts and threatens projects trying to build the necessary trust between the two groups. This has recurring effects on Roots’ programs, including my own. This stark reality affects my final workshop in 2018. To ensure a greater number of Palestinian participants, we have asked for the help of a Palestinian Roots activist, Samer.1 Interested in advancing the cause of peace by building the necessary trust between settlers and Palestinians, he showed great dedication to support the workshops, presenting us with an unprecedented outcome: we had more Palestinian participants than Israelis. But the sessions came to an abrupt standstill when a threatening post on Facebook denounced Samer for his connection to Roots, calling him an instigator and an organizer of “normalization” gatherings. Other people reacted on Facebook, maligning Samer. Those condemnations might have escalated into violence or grim consequences. The second session was therefore canceled. Samer was distressed and the Palestinian participants were scared and decided that they would not return. It was a concrete illustration of how the conflict tears apart the fabric of Palestinian society with mistrust coloring relationships, including between people and their leaders. These intimidation tactics and efforts to shut down people-to-people activities are hurting the already painfully slow progress in changing the views of conflicting parties in their own definition of the “other.”

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DILEMMAS AND REWARDS The motivation for those workshops isn’t the same for both sides. There are contrary forces coming into play for Palestinian women. There is less at stake and less vulnerability for Israelis to join the workshop. With the prospective of social interaction with Palestinians being the greatest incentive, Israeli participants commit to the program, and unless a conflict comes up in their schedule there is a reliable turnout at every session. One Israeli participant wrote: “A unique photography course was sponsored by Roots. The four-day class was offered to local women for free. By local I mean the Jewish Israelis of Gush Etzion and the Palestinian Arabs in the neighboring villages. Together . . . My own reaction to the opportunity was, ‘Cool!’ After all, I love photography, I love learning new skills, I love things that are free, and frankly I was intrigued by the idea of having the opportunity to interact— really interact with local Arabs” (Laura Ben-David in the Jerusalem Post, November 17, 2016). The willingness to immerse oneself in an atypical situation is weighed in with the dilemmas or rewards that come from the experience. At the end of the day, the Palestinians return to the confinement of their refugee camps or underdeveloped villages, and the Israelis return to an expanding number of comfortable and protected settlements. This was made clear upon my return the second year to host two new workshops. In my first session, I had a large group of 17 participants. From the get-go, the atmosphere was friendly and lively. An immediate affinity was felt between the two groups unseen in the prior groupings of the year before. Even without the ability to communicate, there was an obvious synergy that was reinforced when we went around introducing ourselves. My Palestinian coordinator, Donia, translated for the Palestinians. When one Israeli woman in her sixties said she was not married, a Palestinian replied that she was better off that way. There was plenty of laughing. I was thrilled to see this group off to such a good start. But that same cheerful Palestinian participant, who had come with two relatives, had a change of heart once the cameras were handed out and apparently reappraised the context she found herself in. There was a complete turnaround for her and her two friends, and they refused to be photographed in a mixed group setting. They spoke of their husbands’ disapproval if they were to find out that they were being photographed along with settlers. This was an appropriate time to clearly state that none of the photos taken during the sessions were allowed on social media in order to protect the anonymity of the participants, especially on the Palestinian side. This didn’t change the decision of the three women, but they stayed during our time together and still engaged with the others.

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One may wonder, why join a workshop clearly billed as a shared activity to begin with? The immediacy of finding oneself in new territory with a camera becomes a reality during the first session, and the exposure to Israelis may end up being overwhelming. There is a struggle between the unique opportunity offered and the potential aftermath that could be more a hindrance than a benefit. For that reason we have instituted a clear rule that no photos taken during the workshops may be used by the participants for anything printed or public. A difficult realization for Laura, who is a professional journalist: “I was accumulating beautiful photos, some of the Palestinian women traditionally dressed, including head scarves. There were plenty of smiles, and we were all relaxed. I was excited about my upcoming article. I figured I wouldn’t have to write much at all, as the photos would say all that was needed. [. . .] What was said next devastated me: I had no permission to publish any of my photos of those women at all. [. . .] Many would see the possibilities and it might make people think. What about Arab women? Couldn’t they see this? Why would they want to waste such an amazing opportunity? I pushed the issue and what I discovered was most tragic of all: they were genuinely afraid—some even with their lives—should anyone in their communities find out” (Laura Ben-David, Jerusalem Post, November 17, 2016). Given how fraught it can be for women to participate in such a program, any risk of offense or misunderstanding by the local communities is factored in. At the beginning of each workshop I ask for the consent of every participant to use the images that would be taken during our time together. To date, all participants have agreed to my use of their photos at my discretion. The women discern early on in the workshops that their photographs can be viewed in a positive way across different cultures away from home. To ensure the safety of the Palestinian women, the images from the workshops used in presentations and publications are tightly edited. They are reviewed and approved by one of the Roots Palestinian founders. Benefits and potential negative repercussions are taken into consideration whenever photos are exhibited or used for publication. If these images can bring awareness and empathy to a part of the world that is embroiled in dispute and conflict, and help promote unity by illustrating humanity, the sensitive display of these images can serve as an aspiration for peace and reconciliation. Faced with the experience of three engaging Palestinians pulling out after a first encounter with settlers required that I, the facilitator, would take into account the person and the context in which she lives, and the necessity to not force an outcome that might not serve her well. The goals and expectations for any of these sessions need to be let go of in full support and recognition of the participant and her needs. There are clear differences between aspects of the two cultures, and there must be tolerance for those respective behaviors in widely varied social and cultural settings. A total neutrality and impartiality mean that I am well intended toward all participants 305

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and accept what the world looks like for each and how they comprehend themselves, as well as recognizing their unique needs and drives. The workshop leader is not an advice-giver or decision-maker aside from the photo instructions given to the participants. My role as a facilitator is to provide Accompaniment.

ACCOMPANIMENT The concept of Accompaniment emerged from theology and philosophy. While an idea central to many religious traditions, Father Gustavo Gutierrez, a Catholic priest from Peru now in his eighties, powerfully articulated its relevance in his work with the very poor in Latin America. Redefined by Paul Farmer (inspired and influenced by Fr. Gutierrez), a physician best known for his humanitarian work providing quality health care in under-resourced areas in developing countries, Accompaniment is still a nascent idea. “Accompaniment is about human relationship: it is not only a model of integrated healthcare but more broadly of human development. Through an approach of empathy and deep listening, taking into account the person and the context in which the person lives, and affirming the patient’s dignity, Accompaniment empowers patients to become agents in promoting their own health” (Reifenberg and Hlabse 2019). The field in which Accompaniment is being used may seem to have little correlation with the work I do as a leader of interactive photo workshops, yet the corresponding skills are similar: deep listening, empathy, and mutuality. What is deeply appealing is the opportunity to accompany somebody on a journey while letting go of goals and expectations. It is about being present with a fellow traveler with the commitment to remain flexible and accepting. The hope is that encountering all the varied experiences of life, even the difficult ones, will allow us all to better confront the gray areas we deal with on a daily basis. However, the workshops are about supporting the engagement of each participant in the process of recognizing parallel lives and narratives. In the first exercise of the initial class, Israelis and Palestinians are paired up among themselves in order to get them more comfortable in a new and unfamiliar setting. Within this common comfort zone, the women show genuine interest and motivation, taking many pictures around the compound and of one another, often asking for guidance and advice. Then, as the process of accepting others begins, we move on to an intergroup pairing process. Assigning each woman to photograph the other allows for the chance to really see one another through the camera’s lens. This pairing occurs at the end of the first session. It often comes with its share of tentativeness, but adhering to the instructions usually leads to erasing some of the initial reluctance and fears and to beginning the process of trust-building. During the role-reversal stage—a photographer stepping in and a subject’s willingness to be directed or just to be photographed—an impactful 306

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shift happens and becomes the first part of creating a connection. Once the women are paired up, they focus on the exercise and enjoy the chance of working with the camera. They are free to move around the Karama compound, which has enough space for all to find an area where they can practice that first portrait assignment and to start getting comfortable with one another. I move from one pair to another, teaching and encouraging whenever possible. While doing so, I also observe the different patterns and pace of communication within the particular dyads. Those interactions can take more time for some than others. In one instance, it became apparent in the first session that Ayala (an Israeli) and Sahar (a Palestinian) encountered difficulties working as a team and seemed remote from each other, taking pictures of the surroundings instead of themselves. I approached Ayala, whose English was better than Sahar’s, and asked why they weren’t cooperating. Her response was swift: the closeness was too difficult for her, and she just couldn’t bring herself to do the exercise. In this instance I reconsidered my obligation to remain flexible and accepting since I identified an auspicious opportunity to introduce accommodation and change. While acknowledging Ayala’s hesitation to collaborate with her Palestinian counterpart, I nevertheless tried to encourage her to seek Sahar’s proximity. I suggested that they both continue photographing whatever caught their eye, but to do so standing next to one another. Figure 4. Ayala and Jomana: the moment of change

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I was hoping that if at that stage they couldn’t point the lens at each other, perhaps later on by standing side by side, a behavioral shift would occur. The two women continued to work in near proximity, focusing on their surroundings for the remainder of that session. However, early on in the following session, captivated by her new Palestinian partner Jomana’s beautiful blue eyes, Ayala came running to me asking for tips on how to best photograph her. Jomana’s exquisite makeup and colorful hijab accentuated her striking eyes. With her smile and openness, all the participants were drawn to Jomana, Ayala included. It had taken just one session for her discomfort to evaporate, and from that moment on there was a noticeable shift in her attitude to the workshop and its Palestinian participants. The transformation was beyond expectations, to my great joy and surprise.

EMPATHY IN ACTION Each session is predicated on the one before. The first session is an ice-breaker: the big, bold step of getting acquainted and sitting together. By the end of the first session, relationships as a group begin to evolve and the working in pairs becomes feasible. Particular connections start to form spontaneously between participants from both groups. The second session aims to build on that new rapport and trust. In this session there is a more distinctive pairing as participants have had time to interact during their first meeting and begin the process of becoming more comfortable. A match often happens organically with participants drawn to a specific person. While ensuring that all are teamed up with someone, I let those combinations to be made personally and spontaneously, allowing distinct connections to become deeper. One of the greatest challenges to the progression pattern is maintaining the number balance between the Israelis and Palestinians. Although there is a clear expectation that participants commit to attend all four sessions, this is not something I can rely upon. The social and political environment the Palestinian contributors face is clearly a hindrance for the ongoing viability of the group, but there are other potential impediments: cultural norms as well as logistics also come into play. The lack of independence and mobility of Palestinian women is a significant component of the organization of the workshops. To guarantee their presence at the sessions, Roots provides transportation to and from Merkaz Karama. The scheduled rides have not been consistently reliable, which at times results in the dreaded realization that no Palestinian participants will turn up. Thus it is always a relief when the Palestinian women manage to return after the first session of each workshop. Some workshops have been more fortunate at keeping an even balance between the two groups. When we lose Palestinian participants, we adjust to larger combinations in the exercises that require the pairing of two 308

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individuals. The second and third class focus on more in-depth work with the camera where they learn and practice the various shooting modes the camera offers, and are a time to take more thoughtfully composed photos. This is also when they deepen their rapport with the other member of the team. Even with limited ability to communicate, they use the camera as the common tool to forge connections. They look to create “empathy in action” as the camera sparks collaborative engagement. There is reciprocity in this exchange: the need for each to play the role of the attentive photographer and the willing subject, with the reversal of those roles possible at any moment. The participants engage in peer-to-peer learning as they practice the skills being taught. During a typical exercise, the photographer’s focus on the other allows her to forget about herself and to recognize the value in the other by the sheer absorption of capturing the best image of her subject possible. Here are two communities that seem wildly different, and through the collaborative engagement, the humanity of the other is revealed. As Sarah said: “When you set up a photograph in your camera lens, you examine and consider the subject in a totally different way than when you are just looking at them.” An overall increase in positive exchanges Figure 5. Cooperation and intimacy while reviewing images together

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allows for deeper connection through real interactions. The groups share the photos they have taken with one another on the camera’s LCD monitor. With this comes even closer proximity, and as they stand side by side, laughter and cooperation come naturally, which helps in overcoming the language barrier. There is also the beginning of initiative, with more individual action by the participants as to where they want to photograph on the compound and how they want to capture their subject. For all photographers but especially with beginners, the idea that the “decisive moment” is just in one or two photos is a misconception. Focus is critical. There is the need to work the scene, engage the partner, make eye contact for better expressions, capture the essence of the subject by taking charge of the photography session. It is thrilling to see when that happens in any of the exercises, with the participants clearly funneling their eagerness and creativity in the process. During the final class, there is even more of an emphasis on cultivating focus and deep seeing. At that point the participants have experimented with the various shooting modes of the camera. With a better grasp of the exposure settings more attention is given to getting as perfect a shot as possible. I encourage them to look out for details, to create the necessary setting, to choose an area where low lighting will allow a shallow depth of field. I ask that they keep on observing prior images on the LCD monitor to see where the shot can still be improved.

A TIME TO HONOR THE SUBJECT’S HUMANITY In a final pairing of a Palestinian with an Israeli, the assignment for each pair is to really see each other through the lens, controlling light and composition but also focusing on their newly discovered closeness and trust. It is an exercise in mindfulness by relating to the present moment with gratitude for what is being received. The moment of observing, framing, and capturing is a time to honor and acknowledge the subject’s individuality and humanity. This is also a time to engage and possibly ask something as the photographer. It may be a different position, or possibly approaching closer in order to capture a detail that requires special attention. Such gestures might generate profound intimacy and harmony. I was exhilarated when I noticed Pnina (an Israeli) and Nuha (a Palestinian) working together and taking the assignment to heart. They made themselves completely available to the other’s lens with an obvious enjoyment in being both the photographer and the subject, and then the expected reversal of roles. At one stage in the exercise, emboldened, they simultaneously removed their scarves and went on photographing each other without the headwear that is part of their identity. In that safe context, neither one of them put her scarf back on until it was time to leave the class. From an outside perspective it was striking to see the two women with more similarities than differences, both 310

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Figure 6. Nuha

Figure 7. Pnina

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with their curly dark hair, matching height, and outgoing personalities. Nuha’s dark eyeliner and bright red lipstick were the only differentiating factor, as Pnina’s face was bare of all makeup. Dorothea Lange, whose iconic images put a human face on the Great Depression, noted once that the camera is an instrument that teaches people how to see without a camera. The camera can indeed be a handy tool to glean tremendous insight into someone’s feelings and circumstances, but this can only happen when a person takes a step back from her own self and becomes inclusive and interactive. Empathy does not come about just by imagining what the other person is going through. The need for connection is crucial. All four sessions of each workshop are required to create such quality interactions that build mutual trust. The following example could be titled From Aloof to Engaged. Samar and Meriam, two beautiful Palestinian sisters who wore colorful headscarves and red lipstick, came to the first workshop ready to tackle the camera—and with the clear intention of taking as many photos as possible of themselves! That seemed to be the main goal of their attending the sessions, but over the course of the pairings, they became less self-absorbed and formed a warm bond with Sarah, an Israeli, often seeking her out. They spent time together in and out of pairings. In the final class, before we concluded and went our separate ways, we sat together enjoying the intimacy that had been created and that we all felt. Samar and Meriam removed their hijab scarves. Knowing that for traditional Muslim women it is only appropriate to do so inside their own home, this was an incredible sign of trust. They looked so different with their long hair unbound. They then showed us how they used a large hairpiece that they Figure 8. Meriam and Sarah wearing their scarves in their cultures’ traditional ways

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Figure 9. Sarah’s scarf wrapped as a hijab

tied to the back of their heads: a trick to make it look like there is long, thick hair in a bun beneath the scarf. The greatest moment came when, in a spontaneous moment of bonding and sharing, the two sisters, giggling, removed Sarah’s traditional scarf that many Jewish settler women wear, tied the hairpiece on her head, and proceeded to rewrap her scarf in the hijab manner. It was in good humor, and Sarah, grinning, allowed them to do that. That was an unforgettable moment of human connection.

CAPTURING IMAGES OF HOMES AND NEIGHBORHOODS The opportunity for creative expression is increased through another distinct aspect of the workshop. Cameras are lent to the participants for the duration of the program with the goal that they create their own personal narrative. They are expected to take photos of their environment, families, and communities. Guided by what they learn 313

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during our time together, they focus the lens and their newly acquired skills on what is close to their heart. I encourage them to be intentional both in practicing their craft and in defining their own style. A good visual involves structure (composition) but is mostly emotion and mood. With a sense of direction, the participants reveal details of their life settings and capture personal and unguarded moments with loved ones. What emerges from those images are the intimacy and spontaneity of the interactions. At the beginning of each subsequent session I retrieve all the images taken by participants. It is an opportunity for me to sit next to the photographer while the photos are downloaded, and it gives us a chance to review them. There is a sense of pride and accomplishment that goes with this process of sharing. I give feedback and appreciation for what has been captured. I let them select their favorite ones and we create a gallery for each participant that we will review together as a group. From the hundreds of images taken I edit the ones that will end up in the final slideshow. The choice of images is based on several factors: the first is to make sure to include every single participant’s images for recognition and acknowledgment. Another is the obvious selection of strikingly beautiful images, but just as important is singling out interesting photos that reveal the photographer as well as the subject. The final compilation is created around images that communicate a combination of beauty and substance. In some images it is the surprising element captured, sometimes unintentionally. Those few days of contact have created a profound sense of the other, a true appreciation and connection. The final slideshow is a culmination of this deeply felt experience. As Ora, one of the Israeli participants, admitted: “I really believe that to know one another is to love one another.” The review of powerful images is the chance to take in the experience of another person and to be receptive to what is being shared. It is the opportunity to create an experience rooted in mindfulness, empathetic listening and engaging. During each and every review, there are loud and enthusiastic reactions from all, an ongoing acknowledgment and appreciation of everyone’s creativity, as well as a genuine interest in finding out more about a context or a person depicted. In those moments I am reminded of Henry David Thoreau’s2 words: “Could a greater miracle take place than for us to look through each other’s eyes for an instant?”

SHARED HUMANITY Through the sharing of intimate and personal images, what stands out more than anything else at those joint workshops is the shared humanity of the Israeli and Palestinian women, in particular, the obvious love they all share for their kin. 314

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Photography is a great tool to open doors, to explore, to observe through the eyes of those we might feel different from, and to possibly discover interconnectivity even with very dissimilar life experiences. The recognition that comes from those shared moments can help create a new reality of shared belonging. The following note from one of the Israeli participants attests to that. Regardless of how small the conversion of these women is within the grand scheme of the conflict, it is nevertheless a glimmer of hope: Dear Saskia, I wanted to share with you a meaningful moment I experienced last week, I hope I can express it in English. We were driving around Tekoa and were stuck behind a slow truck. A Palestinian truck that had a print of a bride: A Palestinian young woman with a big head scarf, of the same sort our friends in the workshop were wearing. I found myself staring at it (while driving slowly. . .) with a warm heart and a sense of intimacy. In that moment I realized how deep and basic it is what you gave us in your workshop: intimacy. We didn’t talk about deep or highly important subjects, but we looked closely at each other’s faces, clothes, and bodies, we became aware to details. This is something I never had the chance to do, or never had a thought of the importance of doing it. Palestinian people are strangers, distant, unfamiliar to me, even if I don’t regard them as enemies anymore, they are still very far. I looked at this foreign woman on the picture and felt physically and emotionally close to her because of her big scarf and strong makeup that I subconsciously recognized as familiar to me. It made me happy and raised my belief that step by step, change can happen. Thank you! Shuli In most cultures, life is designed to perceive separation. In moments of reactivity or in places of division, an unreal other is conjured with the creation of stereotypes. By so doing, nuances and complexity tend to be discarded. Another person becomes an idea in our mind and is not subjectively real. That information then is often applied to all members of that group and community. In a conflict such as the Israeli-Palestinian one, the narrative couldn’t be more contradictory. For settlers, living in Judea and Samaria is the rightful return of Jewish people to their biblical 315

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land after 2,000 years of exile. For the Palestinians, this Jewish triumph leading to their dislocation in 1948 is the cause of their nation’s tragedy and suffering, the “Nakba,”3 as it has been called ever since. The trauma of current conflicts and historic experiences of past division perpetuates victimization, blame, and hatred. The late Rabbi Menachem Froman,4 well known for promoting and leading interfaith dialogue between Israeli Jews and Palestinians and recognizing the humanity and dignity of all Palestinians, made a powerful statement in the mid-1970s: “Our people’s story of redemption cannot become another people’s story of exile.” By engaging one another and addressing these challenges through active promotion, one can start the process of healing, tending to the past, learning from the difficult experience of the shared story of the two nations, and engaging in one’s own story while recognizing the legitimacy of both. Yossi Klein Halevi writes in his recently published book Letters to My Palestinian Neighbor: “For many years we in Israel ignored you, treated you as invisible, transparent. Just as the Arab world denied the right of the Jews to define themselves as a people deserving national sovereignty, so we denied the Palestinians the right to define themselves as a distinct people within the Arab nation, and likewise deserving national sovereignty. To solve our conflict, we must recognize not only each other’s right to self-determination but also each side’s right to self-definition.” The purpose of this initiative—offering photo workshops to Palestinian and Israeli women—is to build trust, meeting on a personal level and opening a door to the next stage. As one Israeli participant summarizes: “It is an amazing world, thank God, when people can move between continents and bring something that can touch people’s lives. Photography is a powerful tool, and your leading was sensitive and enabling. We were moved by other people’s worlds, and so the circle continues on.” (Sharon, participant in a 2017 workshop)

THE SHARING OF NARRATIVES From these encounters comes an exposure to the other side’s experience of the conflict, and from that can come a deeper sense of personal responsibility to work for better lives. In the 2018 workshops, with greater consistency in the participants’ attendance and the building up of relationships, a safe space was created for the sharing of the participants’ narratives in the last session. Intimacy breeds comfort and leads to being our true and authentic selves. Holding their own portrait taken by the “other”, each participant told her own unique story. Sitting in a circle, the women were able to speak from the heart and represent themselves without placing blame and shame onto others even when revealing painful incidents. The stories included deep trauma and pain on both sides. Nechama, whose 316

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Figure 10. Speaking from the heart (Photo credit: Shiraz Rimer)

uncle was killed by a Palestinian in a terror attack, hadn’t told her own father, a rabbi, about joining the workshop. She confessed: “For a long time I hated Arabs and was very scared. One year ago I decided I couldn’t live like this any longer and I wanted to be healthier in my attitude toward other people. Now with my kids a little older, I am also worried that they are going to grow up with fear and hatred. Sometimes they have nightmares at night because they are scared. I realized that we have to make big changes because we can’t go on like this. For me to come to the workshop and see that there are people, women behind the unknown faces, I feel that this is so crucial seeing partners coming here and realizing that things can be different. “ A Palestinian participant, Misloon, whose young son had been imprisoned, shared: “Daji was one of the top ten students in high school. He went to jail for 18 months because he threw rocks at an Israeli vehicle. He tried as best as he could to continue studying in jail but it was so hard. He has been out of prison for a while but there is a lot of resentment.” She disclosed that her son was not supportive of her attending the workshop. Some chose to speak about stories other than the “war,” as they call the conflict. Some, like Yael, an Israeli participant, spoke about longing to drop the mask: “It doesn’t matter what we look like on the outside, we are all women and we all share 317

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the same problems, the same happiness. In this class I felt strongly that we were like one family.” To conclude with a climactic point, the workshop that was interrupted by the Facebook threat resumed for its final session. Samer recommitted himself and a new group of women to stand against the threats and to work toward mutual understanding. As he bravely stated: “It is scary for my family but it is important to me to not back away when attacked, and I can handle this.”

PHOTO WORKSHOPS AS INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE All in all, 112 women from both sides signed up for the three summer workshops (2016–2018). Those meetings were promoted through various means, but the key element was the active participation of two committed coordinators—one Israeli and the other a Palestinian—who recommend the sessions to friends and neighbors. The momentum of the past three years’ sessions as well as the endorsements from prior participants are pivotal in sparking new participants’ interest in joining. As the popularity of the photo workshops increases, Roots, still a small and young grassroots organization, and I, as the leader of those workshops, need to ascertain the classes’ growing appeal and to continue to ensure the opportunity for these women to experience connectedness and intimacy. It is a long-term process of meeting and engaging. Some of these women maintain contacts, get involved in running projects, and bring them back to their communities. The Roots organization is committed to continuing the dialogue through events that bring together previouscycle participants with newcomers and integrating new participants into the ongoing work of reconciliation and peacebuilding. Brief encounters that individuals and communities creatively marshal out of the conviction that they constitute the sustainable conditions for living together in dignity and shared prosperity can play a constructive role in conflict resolution. Although intercultural dialogue is a long-term process, problem-solving workshops represent one setting for equal-status interactions and a place for parties to find ways to accommodate the identity of the other in their own worldview. The unique power of aesthetic forms of expression can contribute to tackling fixed patterns of thought and behavior as well as to transforming stereotypes and prejudices about the other into a more positive understanding. By coming together to take part in some kind of artistic collaboration, participants can learn to put their energy into a shared outcome that sparks the possibility to overcome much greater differences. Although all artistic media can promote understanding, photography is especially effective here due to its visual appeal. It has many advantages in terms of its ability to touch hearts in a direct, nonverbal manner, as well as the honesty and transparency 318

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it presents. It can be a locus of truth telling, of testimony and bearing witness, as well as a means of acknowledging mutual community. Ultimately the photography workshops are a way to establish a dialogue between people from disparate cultures and dissimilar religions beyond the initial barriers to communication. They allow people to see the other as individuals with a unique story, as well as an opportunity to foster empathy and compromise.

EPILOGUE: THE SPREADING APPEAL OF INTERCULTURAL DIALOGUE In August 2017 I received a phone call from the founder of the NGO Pico Union Project in Los Angeles. He introduced himself by saying, “This is Craig Taubman from Pico Union Project. I heard about your work in the West Bank. If you can get settlers and Palestinians to talk together, you can come and work with us.” The Pico Union Project (PUP) had purchased the building that had housed the oldest synagogue in Los Angeles, whose congregation had been shrinking, in 2012 to use as a home for the organization, including a cultural and arts center and a house of worship for several faith groups. The Pico Union Project aims to help invigorate the diverse immigrant communities in the area by bringing together the many cultures and ethnic groups residing there in new ways. Similar to the Roots experience, Craig and I envisioned a photo workshop that would suit the needs of the local communities: Latinos, African Americans, Koreans, Muslims, and Jews. Through dozens of emails and phone conversations, we agreed on the concept and worked on the areas that needed refining. We made adjustments to fit specific requirements, but the interactive photo workshop followed the same methodology I had created for the West Bank endeavor: encouraging opposites to see the other more holistically, through a camera’s lens. High-quality, identical cameras were lent by a local camera store and eventually we had 16 people from diverse cultures and faiths sign up. They represented four distinct groupings: Latinos, African Americans, Episcopalians, and Jews. The class took place in March 2018 in Pico Union, Los Angeles. The four sessions were closer in time than those offered in the West Bank, made necessary by time constraints. A session was conducted every two days. Although the participants represented four distinct groupings and came from different backgrounds, their challenges were not as acute as those in the West Bank. They may have had little to do with one another, but there wasn’t the sense of enmity and political and military constraints. Also, there was no language barrier, as for most English was the mother tongue. The format of the four sessions remained the same, but we moved more swiftly into the personal work. There was the opportunity and the willingness to dive into the work 319

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and experience in a context with less apprehension. In the first session, participants chose a partner from a different community who would remain the same for all classes. The pairing went smoothly, with everyone finding the right teammate for them. In the second session the assignment involved an outing as pairs outside the classroom into the neighborhood of Pico Union, a mostly Latino community and the fourth most crowded neighborhood in Los Angeles. Although the streets are bustling, the neighborhood has experienced violence and insecurity due to gang-related activity. The partners had to take portraits of one another as well as share as much of their background, story, and circumstances as they felt comfortable doing. There was great cooperation from this group, with a genuine willingness to fully participate in the process of building trust through communication. The combination of photographing one another and being open to sharing information about oneself was powerful. In the last session, time was assigned for one final close conversation between the two partners, going deeper in the stories shared during the second class assignment. Unbeknownst to the participants, a portrait of each from the second session had been printed in 8x12-inch format. Coming back in a large circle, each participant was handed his or her partner’s photograph and was asked to retell the story he had heard in the first person.5 Allowing participants to actively listen to their partner’s narrative, and then to walk in each other’s shoes by taking on another’s story is a powerful tool to connect person to person across a divide. Watching the care each participant took with the story they had been entrusted with was profoundly moving. Each participant felt it was really important to get it right. Many of the accounts included overcoming a childhood of poverty and inequality in society. Stories were told wholeheartedly, giving the feeling that all found themselves in the narrative of others. This unique method of using the camera as a tool to create open and substantive dialogue among diverse communities is groundbreaking. During the Pico Union Project workshop, friendships were created and perceptions were changed. In the span of eight days, those people who had walked in as strangers to the first session on a Friday night had cultivated openness and empathy for people from other cultures by the end of the last class. One participant, Rasheea, wrote: “When we started this photography class, most of us did not know each other. Over the four sessions, we learned what made each of us tick and we formed bonds. By sharing our stories, we also learned that all of us, from very distinct and different backgrounds and faiths, have more in common than we may think. We share the same concerns about our families and our places in the world. We have all suffered traumas. The first step of opening up to strangers and allowing you to be vulnerable is the most important.” Since last March, several of the participants have remained in contact. Enduring contact is perhaps improbable in the Roots workshops, but building the bridges of 320

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Figure 11. The Roots group at the end of a workshop

empathy that heal our communities can come in many forms and expressions. If a shift, no matter how small, can be made by setting aside our own truth and perception and seeking common ground with one another, a step forward can be taken. Bringing out the humanity of others is the essence of the intercultural dialogue workshops. As the word spreads about this innovative method of positive egalitarian interaction with the camera as the common tool and the sessions’ successful outcomes, new initiatives begin to emerge. More communities confronted with deep divides are seeking to unify and heal through meaningful discussions. There is no grand illusion that photography workshops are going to end the conflict. But they can be small steps along the way toward humanizing the other and understanding one another a bit more. If participants can go home with a better appreciation of the similarities in their humanity, then this can have ripple effects and change the way their own families or communities view the other. This is, of course, a long, slow, and arduous process, but if it can start with the building of trust in the other, then change can begin to happen, showing there are partners for peace on the smallest level.

REFERENCES Aubry, L. (2018, October 21). Photography exhibit to showcase connections between Israeli and Palestinian women. Daily Bruin. 321

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Ben-David, L. (2016, November 17). It Takes Two Villages. Jerusalem Post. Retrieved from www.jpost.com/In-Jerusalem/It-takes-two-villages-472953 Black, I. (2018). Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917–2017. New York: Grove. Bory-Keeley, S. (2016). Using Photography to Bridge Barriers in the West Bank: An Interview with Saskia Keeley. The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, 21. Retrieved from www.fletcherforum.org/home/2016/11/21/using-photography-to-bridgebarriers-in-the-west-bank Farmer, P. (2013). In the Company of the Poor: Conversations between Dr. Paul Farmer and Father Gustavo Gutiérrez. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books. Halevi, K. (2018). Yossi. Letters to My Palestinian Neighbor. New York: HarperCollins. Reifenberg, S., & Hlabse, E. (2019). Dignity in Accompaniment: Integrated Health Care in the Sierra Madres. In Human Dignity in the Practice of Human Development. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. (forthcoming) Shavit, A. (2013). My Promised Land: The Triumph and Tragedy of Israel. New York: Spiegel & Grau.

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Some names, including “Samer,” have been changed to protect the individuals involved. Henry David Thoreau was a nineteenth-century American philosopher, writer, and historian. The Nakba (literally “disaster,” “catastrophe,” or “cataclysm”), is the Arabic term for the dislocation of more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Rabbi Menachem Froman (1945–2013) was the chief rabbi in the settlement of Tekoa. He was the spiritual guide of Rabbi Shaul Judelman, one of Roots’ founders. His strong support for coexistence in the West Bank and the establishment of a Palestinian state that would benefit the peace process and Israel are part of the basis of Roots’ vision and principles. This exercise was inspired by a methodology used by the NGO Narrative4. The central idea of Narrative4 is that by exchanging stories, people on opposing sides of various divides—be they political, socioeconomic, or cultural—can create “radical empathy.”

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Chapter 14

Communication as Normative Dialogue Samuel Peleg Fordham University, USA

ABSTRACT Dialogue is not simply a way to talk and to verbally convey ideas, messages, and meanings. It is more than a framework to express feelings, needs, and wishes, and more than an opportunity to interconnect or converse beyond and despite the expected challenge of bridging diferences and accommodating divergence. In essence, dialogue is more about the transformation of attitudes, opinions, and practices rather than their transmission. In other words, the focus is on conversion, not on conduction. In the specifc context of dialogue, the transformation pertains to an orientation or mindset—from self-centeredness to relationship, and to attitude toward the Other—from instrumentalizing to dignifying. This chapter explores communication as normative dialogue.

ABOUT DIALOGUE Buber’s ‘I-It’ and ‘I-Thou’ dichotomies have inspired this transformation from self-centeredness to relationship for decades now. It meticulously and brilliantly captured the distinction between various patterns of communication, in which each interlocutor attempts to advance their own interest, and dialogue, whereby all participants unite and merge their interests into a new and burgeoning interest reflecting their relationship. Dialogue transforms the participant from a single and distinct entity into a member of a union, who considers the wellbeing and prosperity of the relationship as her main task. Buber’s core idea is simple: human life finds DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-7585-6.ch014 Copyright © 2019, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

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its meaningfulness in relationships. Furthermore, sustainable community thrives on networks of such relationships, whereby people relate to each other as subjects, equal and respectful subjects, rather than objects perceived only through the experience of the beholder. Buber’s philosophical premise to the value of relationship inspired the work of educators, sociologists, psychologists, peace activists and many others. Two of these scholars deserve a specific mentioning, as they inspired and stimulated my own work. Kenneth Boulding’s (1989) notion of integrative power, in his famous classification of human power categories, is akin to I-Thou relationships. In Boulding’s analysis, the most essential form of integrative power is love, in the broadest sense. Another example of integrative power is respect, which relies on acknowledgement and legitimacy. In a society where integrative power exists, individuals are more confident and comfortable to develop their own genuine identities. Divergence is celebrated and diversity is encouraged when supported and anchored in a system of respect and acknowledgment of others. In his groundbreaking work The Art of Loving (1956), social philosopher Erich Fromm identifies and characterizes true love as the capacity of loving the Other with “true humility, courage, faith and discipline” (p.23). This observation markedly resembles Buber’s understanding of underlying relationships and the highlighting of the between, the field that the I and the thou share as caring partners. The four elements that compose true love in Fromm’s view--care, responsibility, respect, and knowledge—are embodied in Buber’s idea of dialogical relationship, which emerge from a unique and dynamic process of embracing the “other”. Consequently, Buber argues, the I-Thou setting, with its trust and interdependency foundations, is the most indispensable precondition for peace (1957). From a phenomenological point of view, dialogical relationships and the creation of the between begins with communication. Without communicating there is no I and thou, and evidently, no potential spectrum of affinity to interact in. Hence, the thesis to be presented in this chapter highlights communication as the most significant feature of a sustainable society1.

The Communication Perspective Communication as defined in the opening chapter of this book is the capacity or the possibility of turning variance into coexistence. But how could this utopian task be achieved in a volatile and capricious reality in which every individual, family, group, culture, nation or civilization compete for breathing space by stressing their uniqueness and exclusivity? Is harmonious coexistence based on dignity and tolerance a viable option in a world laden with power relations, coercion and violence? In an attempt to comprehend how such constructive and beneficial communication works and what it is capable of doing, it is worthwhile to adopt the communication 324

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perspective, which duly redirects the attention from communication as means to communication as substance2. To put it differently, conversation and dialogue are not merely channels to send messages, and they are not only the medium to enable meaning and understanding. They are the content and substance of the interaction. The style and format, the circumstances, the pace, the mood, the location and timing, everything that engulfs the discussants has a bearing on the message and the ensuing connection between the partners to the dialogue. All these factors are relevant to the amount of trust, the extent of caring, listening and understanding one another, and ultimately the proximity and affinity that emerge. In contrast to the classical and more familiar model of communication-the transmission model--in which one side transmits messages to a receiving side3, the contending model of social construction argues that the kind of communication chosen shapes and affects the value and fortitude of human community. Each discourse, each dialogue creates, even fleetingly, for those who partake in them a conjoined reality or mutual belonging. This is a social universe that the dialogists share and its contours depend on the manner in which their talk is conducted. As opposed to the traditional approach whereby the communication path is essentially a tube with meager to no contribution to the quality of content, in the challenging approach communication has a decisive role, not only technical and functionary, in molding and modeling our lives (Pearce & Littlejohn, 1997). In the modern and post-modern age, discourse and dialogue have become much more pertinent than ever before in human existence. A myriad of identities and affiliations in increasingly crowded societies pit unfamiliar interests and priorities against each other. In the process, multiple frictions and hostilities are formed. This predicament is augmented and amplified in a setting of increasing estrangement and confusion which Zygmunt Bauman, the renowned sociologist and critic of modernist consumerism terms ‘liquid fears’ (See: Liquid Modernity, 2000; The Individualized Society, 2001; Society Under Siege, 2002; Liquid Love: On the Frailty of Human Bonds, 2003; and Liquid Life, 2005). Another prominent sociologist, Peter Berger, depicts it concisely in his exquisite analysis of modernity’s influence on religion and morale. He sums up the resulting inevitable conflict as the friction between people with different values, ideologies and lifestyles, who found themselves living in close proximity and thus were forced to relate to one another in one of two options: collide or accommodate (1979). This newly formed pluralism yielded two polar approaches toward diversity and otherness: relativism--the conviction that all is relative and qualified, pending upon changing circumstances and contingencies, and fanaticism--the reaction to relativism, which is the quest for permanency and the pursuit of solid assurances to ward off unknown challenges.

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These two approaches, despite their obvious incongruity, resemble each other in their disdain from and inconsideration of dialogue among factions in society. Post-modern relativists and reactionary fundamentalists alike shun reaching out to others and the integrative buildup of the community because they don’t believe in such an effort. Not interfering with others’ agenda or persecuting them for it is two disparate motivations that lead to the same place. In such setting, the transmission model of communication is worthless and counter-productive. It relies on the linear association between intentions and perceptions on the one hand and behavior on the other hand, but in a socio-cultural environment of acute opposite and antagonistic positions, instrumental communication of sending and receiving messages is inadequate. In its inability to bridge the tremendous gaps of worldviews, it would be contracted to minimal and basic functions like the Mammoth hunters of antiquity. Escaping this predicament is possible only when communication is reconsidered not as means but as the essence and guiding principle of community building. The emphasis should be laid on the character and pace communication forms, the trust and mutual respect it promotes and the acquaintance and familiarity it cultivates between the various members of the burgeoning human gathering. To succeed in these intrepid undertakings, two important faculties are required: coordination and meaning.

Coordination: Sand, Wolves and Human-Beings To comprehend the meaning of coordination, Barnett Pearce compares grains of sand to a pack of wolves to human behavior (Pearce, 2007). When fathomed, this outwardly implausible comparison makes a lot of undeniable sense. Consider for starters grains of sand steadily trickling on the same spot for an extended period of time and creating a pile. The keen observer would notice a consistent and importunate regularity in the pile’s outlines: by keeping a permanent ratio between height and steeps, the continuing trickle will surely swell into a mound. With the accumulation of the sand grains, the height of the heap will grow while the steeps will moderate in a coordinated manner. It seems like the little particles of sand are meticulously synchronized with regard to their role and function in the general scheme of things. A pack of wolves practices coordination in a similar fashion: every wolf knows its place, position and significance to the group. Until the herd takes shape there are altercations and clashes that include declarations of intent with regard to status and rank. These are transmitted through an assorted array of communication tracks: scents, howls, even bites and scratches to add credibility to the initial growl. At the end of the delicate and intricate pulling together process, the pack is all set and geared up to face the world around it. Human coordination is much more convoluted than the first two instances because people simultaneously experience life in concurrent 326

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circles and they do not fanatically adhere to the same sand heap or the same circle of friends. They juggle between family and work, friends, hobbies, taekwondo practices, little league on Saturday morning, church on Sunday, love affairs and what have you. In each of these life cycles there are different communication patterns and the individual must try to be adept in all of them in order to gain balance in her or his life. This unconventional comparison divulges three disparate degrees of coordination: in the most mechanic and automatic, the sand grains pile up in systematic diligence in accordance with natural axioms. However, not one single grain asks himself “where is my place?” and certainly not “what do I need to do now?” The wolves’ coordination is a bit more developed but it relies on submission and conformism educed by the most authoritative wolf. Conversely, human coordination is beyond axioms or conformism and is built not through communication but within communication; not by connecting two dissimilar opinions and wants but by connecting two styles, or two modes of discussion. Coordination takes place while communication occurs and not subsequently and it thrives precisely because it is carried out during and not after discourse. It is dialogue itself which enables the understanding and the openness toward the other and it is dialogue which permits the identification of critical moments where judgment of what to say next is employed to produce a more attentive and more meaningful dialogue. Each conversation with its explicit timing and distinctive circumstances, binds its participants in a shared experience in which a specific universe is formed and exclusive norms and values are created. The fault-lines of this universe are gradually woven by utterances and counter utterances bouncing off each other as the conversation progresses. Here is a charming example for constructive dialogue between two individuals, strangers, and utterly different from each other. The conversation is developed in a very confined location and very particular circumstances, inside a Manhattan taxi between a driver named Horwitz and a passenger called Holden Caulfield: “Hey Horwitz”, I said. “You ever pass by the lagoon in Central Park? Down by Central Park South?” “The what?” “The lagoon. That little lake, like, there. Where the ducks are. You know.” “Yeah, what about it?” “Well, you know the ducks that swim around in it? In the springtime and all? Do you happen to know where they go in the wintertime, by any chance?”

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“Where who goes?” “The ducks. Do you know, by any chance? I mean does somebody come around in a truck or something and take them away, or do they fly away by themselves—go south or something?” Old Horwitz turned all the way around and looked at me. He was a very impatienttype guy. He wasn’t a bad guy though. “How the hell should I know?” he said. “How the hell should I know a stupid thing like that?” “Well, don’t get sore about it,” I said. He was sore about it or something. “Who’s sore? Nobody’s sore.” These two unlike individuals, momentarily and arbitrarily tied together by unforeseeable turn of events, become accustomed to one another through a delusionary topic one initiates and the other adapts to. After early self-conscious tryouts, gradual and careful synergy begins to emerge, which elevates the atypical interaction one notch above the familiar instrumentality of a cabbie-client small talk: I stopped having a conversation with him, if he was going to get so damn touchy about it. But he started up again himself. He turned all the way around again, and said, “The fish don’t go no place. They stay right where they are, the fish. Right in the goddam lake.” “The fish—that’s different. The fish is different. I am talking about the ducks” I said. “What’s different about it? Nothin’s different about it,” Horwitz said. Everything he said, he sounded sore about something. “It’s tougher for the fish, the winter and all, than it is for the ducks, for Chrissake. Use your head, for Chrissake.” I didn’t say anything for about a minute. Then I said, “All right. What do they do, the fish and all, when that whole little lake’s a solid block of ice, people skating on it and all?” JD Salinger, The Catcher in the Rye (1951, p. 61) Poor Horwitz is a bit lost in the anatidae world of ducks and wishes to direct the conversation to a more familiar terrain—fish. Holden, a world class pain in the neck, insists on his initial ducks inquiry but when notices his counterpart’s firmness on fish, he readjusts himself and in an effort to salvage the conversation, he is ready to pursue the new direction. This is quite a concession from a control freak and 328

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discussion pace-setter such as him. His emblematic question simply supplants ducks with fish following his partner’s queue but conversation wise, this was the kind of ad hoc accommodation formed by the dynamics of dialogue. It was the course of natural communication in the cab that created the strange coexistence of two odd personalities, not pre-meditated planning or rehearsed texts. The transmission model of communication, which relates expressions and utterances to thoughts and intentions, would have failed to explain the linkup between two opposites that fate summoned them into the same taxi.

Meaning: Conjointly Constructing Reality Such understanding of coordination requires a high degree of ingenuity. It cultivates a spirit of creativity to invent and design relations while communicating, and thus, invokes adaptability, flexibility and tolerance for the relationship to survive unexpected shifts. This is where the social construction model of communication mentioned earlier, comes handy (Burr, 2003; Gergen & Gergen, 2003). In this model, communication creates an opportunity or space for speakers to interact. They nurture and inspire each other to share an affluence of diverse assertions, perceptions, convictions and images, which together compose a universe. Unlike the ‘objective’ reality which is supposedly just hanging in out there, dialogue constructs subjective reality, which is contingent upon the vocabulary, the opulence of imagery and the variance of topics. In this fashion, the participants or the contributors to the discussion sign over meaning to each other’s existence. Interpretations and explanations to the world around them are culled from what they hear and understand from others. This is what the great philosopher of language Ludwig Wittgenstein (18891951) meant in his famous adage “The limits of my language are the limits of my world”, which is taken from his momentous work Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921) written as an homage to another great work’s title, Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Polticus two and a half centuries earlier. A more elaborated examination of the significance of language came in Wittgenstein last major work Philosophical Investigations (Philosophische Untersuchungen) from 1953. There he refers to language as interchangeable series of games in which the meanings of words are derived not from any inherent logical structure but from their common and dialectic usage, or as he terms it- “the meaning is use” (my emphasis). Wittgenstein emphasizes that in many instances, the meaning of single words or a sequence of words as it appears in a sentence, an expression or an idiom become clear only after a performative act or a resultant execution. The action performed due to an utterance, or the context a statement is given following it was said, determine the meaning and these implementations hinge upon the creativity and discretion of the putative users (Wittgenstein, 2009). 329

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Consider for example the word space, which simultaneously connotes several meanings: area as in place, location, site or section. Another one is room, as in breathing space, or legroom, even liberty or freedom. A third meaning is gap, as in opening, interval, distance, pause or break. And then there is a fourth meaning which is outer space, as in the universe, cosmos or deep space. Additionally, there are the derivatives or offshoots of the word, the figurative usage such as spacey as in disoriented, stupefied, eccentric and offbeat or spaced-out as in bewildered or intoxicated. But if the latter are slightly dissimilar in appearance, the former can only be distinguished by the context in which a word is put and the act that was prompted by its meaning. The word space begets, therefore, different connotations in conversations with a landlord, a warden, an astronaut or a libertarian. Coordination with each of these dialogue partners helps in attenuating misunderstanding as to what kind of space is talked about. This is how language constructs its surroundings: it defines, directs and portrays the meaning and the intention of the speakers as a consequence of their reciprocal give-and-take rather than their relation to a constant and arbitrary environment which engulfs them. This is the idea called the performative role of language expressed by the sociologists of language J.L. Austin and John Searle when they engaged the notion of speech-act. The crux of this essential concept is the thought that when we say something, we subsequently do something that changes our environment. When someone yells at us: “beware! There’s a pile of dogshit on your pavement!” we will change our course to avoid the unpleasant encounter, and if a beautiful girl across the table asks to pass her the salt, every conceivable male will comply with the request and blithely dispatch the salt shaker. Austin’s favorite example of speech-act in his path breaking book How to do Things with Words is the marriage ceremony where the priest delivers his expected line “I hereby pronounce you man and wife” (1975, p. 5). His mere sentence swiftly changes the couple’s marital status. These are not utterances describing remote observations of a static situation but involved and concerned statements which actively affect behavior and attitude. This is how dialogue or interpersonal communication constructs reality. The liberty to create meaning and craft perceived realities out of mutual fertilization through dialogue is not unbounded. German philosopher Martin Heidegger (18891976), Fromm and Marcuse’s colleague at the Frankfurt School4 wrote that man is plunged into a world where relationships and meanings are already carved and classified. They have tags, names and agreed upon interpretations and man, or Dasein, (Heidegger’s ontological term for man), must accustom himself to this given situation. He is born into a family he did not choose, a gender he never asked for, and cultural, economic and racial environments which shape his life without him taking any part in their construction (1996). To be born in a pre-ordained context is excruciating because of the permanent necessity to adjust to existing possibilities. 330

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We are absorbed by terminal anxiety from the get-go and remain captives of the cultural system that incorporated us. We must learn the already spoken language, to abide by already practiced social norms and adhere to the previously accepted social norms. To cope with this perpetual angst, man seeks the soothing yoke of conformism. The more the individual adapts, the better she communicates with others and the better she functions as a social being. But the embracing culture is not monolithic or harmonious. It is laden with inconsistencies, rivalries and constant flux of innovations and expirations. Culture is intrinsically dynamic: some norms and fashions run out and others are greeted in. It cannot afford stagnation lest it would perish. Yet, the fluidity of culture supplies an opportunity to flee exacting acquiescence and social conformity and to establish original stance. Pearce and Littlejohn generally refer to these escape hatches as mystery (Pearce & Littlejohn, 1997, p. 45). Every human culture has blurred edges of secrets, rituals, rites and fuzzy stories; the indistinct curves and alleyways to break away from the onus of social conventions. Whether real or imaginary, mystery is a breather; it provides margins for misgiving and revelation. Joseph Campbell (19041987), the pioneer of mythology research, wrote that the strength of a community is measured not by the depth and scope of its rational thought but by the mythologies it developed (1949). These mythologies and mysteries are the settings whereby spontaneous, unrehearsed, imaginative, inspired and seditious conversations are weaved. These are the occasions for people to converse with partners, colleagues, acquaintances, lovers, random co-riders in an elevator and passengers on a bus and create a unique and unfettered little universe. Each encounter is an exceptional amalgamation of views, opinions and sensitivities, and thus an exclusive social construction experiment for the specific members of that meeting. Each individual might be constrained by familiar social and cultural conventions but the mutual influences of dialogue emancipate them toward new possibilities.

Transmission and Ritual Communication Scholars of social constructivism, to whose ranks I was so unfalteringly assigned to, have taken on the interpersonal and inter-group communication research and turned it into their own exploration turf. I also felt that this model bodes well with my own interests: how communities are formed, what brings people together and what prevents their disintegration; how individuals blend into a collective and what the role of leadership in such socio-psychological processes is; how conflict relates to community’s resilience and survivability, what their social functions might be and how they could be coped with. A multi-purposive answer to all these intriguing inquiries kept resurfacing: communication as connecting people who grant each

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other insight and meaning through language, dialogue or any other (not necessarily verbal) reciprocal contribution. It is in this context that the illuminating distinction of John Dewey (1859-1952) between transmission communication and ritual communication is worth noting. The former is the more traditional classic formulation engaged by mainstream communication research, and focusing on the various modes messages are sent by one side and received on the other end. The latter, the renegade perspective, highlights concepts such as identity, meaning, socialization and coordination. Communication here is not instrumental but substantial; it is not merely a method to secure ideas and notions but the very essence of ideas and notions. It is ritual since people wholeheartedly engage in such venue of communication in the most sincere and passionate way. They dedicate themselves to the sacrament of reaching out and the effort of comprehending and satisfying each other’s concerns. The ritual communication celebrates collaboration, friendship, trust and shared destiny (Carey, 1998, p. 18). It concentrates not on mechanically transmitting messages to the space between dispatcher to receiver but the preservation of human communities and their wellbeing. It cares less for the act of transmitting information from A to B than for cultivating values and ideals that may keep A and B together for a long future. Ritual communication is characterized by dialogical interaction, and the most appropriate kind for the community’s prosperity and security is the normative dialogue. The normative dialogue relates both to the substance and the process of communicating between various normative systems, who seek understanding whether in an attempt to mesh into one or discuss better relations as neighboring entities. In essence, normative dialogue is about values, beliefs and views in contention. It is geared toward creating a new meaning in a coordinated and congenial manner and not to “explain” to the other side how wrong he is. One of the major challenges in moving toward resolving ongoing conflicts and reconciliation is the failure to fathom the importance of normative dialogue and the difficulties in evoking it among former enemies. However, once the barrier is crossed, new and exciting horizons for overcoming obstacles for peace are revealed. In 1994 I was invited to be a member of an Israeli delegation to a negotiation process with the Palestinians. After a long and frustrating day of deliberations, in which nothing has been accomplished, the head of the Israeli team suggested, perhaps in desperation, to start chatting about the meaning of the sanctity of life, legacy and identity as they appear in the narrative of each side, in order to detect differences of content and nuance. “Finally we move from discussion to dialogue” his Palestinian counterpart smiled with approval. And indeed, from that moment on the atmosphere changed and the negotiation turned more assertive and intense, but also more respectful and attentive.

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It seemed that we had moved instantaneously from mutual challenging to sharing challenges. Together we attempted to inspect our differences and then attenuating them. We were pitting not against each other but side by side, confronting two disparate bequeathed narratives from generations past and it was up to us to move those opposing accounts a little closer to one another. That night I experience my first tryout at a normative dialogue and it was then that I realized its tremendous significance to community building and conflict resolution. The centrality of normative dialogue to this chapter requires a more thorough examination but in order to do that, antecedent terms must be introduced and imperative distinctions be made. It is now time to interlace together some of the concepts and ideas that have interspersed throughout this work and give them a coherent framework. To do this, it is indispensable to reintroduce the assumptions that were mentioned throughout this book.

Communication Patterns: Discourse and Dialogue Communication is vital to the prosperity and survival of any human community. It is so central to societal life that it can be declared with a high degree of certainty that the value of the community depends for better or worse on the quality of communication among its members. This assertion yields a significant distinction between two types of communication: destructive and constructive. The former is characterized by noises, fog, discord and other obstacles and difficulties along the interaction channels. Such disturbances may be structural (technical defaults, incompatible means), functional (inaptitude, inexperience) or contextual (cultural disparities, wrong timing). They could be systematic or disorganized, frequent or sporadic, planned or spontaneous. In any case, this kind of communication is restricted and damaging because the transmitted message is not identical to the received one. Thus, a breach of understanding is created followed by an imminent mistrust, which renders cooperation and coexistence arduous indeed. Constructive communication is the opposite model. It is characterized by transparency and fluency, unabated exchange of information and genuine desire on both sides to understand each other. As a result of the successful practice of transmission, trust and confidence are reciprocally attained. This is the cornerstone for the foundation of every human gathering, whether for temporary, short-term objective or a promethean goal of sound and better life. The process of communication in a human community can be achieved in several ways. One of the most challenging and rewarding is interaction through discourse. The definition used here is inspired by Thompson, Ellis and Wildavsky (1990), and relates to discourse as a set of claims and counter-claims which refers to the diagnosis and prognosis of a certain sociopolitical issue. A claim consists of an 333

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account, an image or an analogy capable of persuasion by appealing to reasoning, emotion or faith. Every discourse includes packages of contending arguments vying for listeners’ support. The elucidation and articulacy of the argumentation process are heightened during conflict and disagreement. A position invigorates a counter position and rival stands galvanize and intensify each other the more polemic they are. Speakers on both sides of the divide endeavor to form dichotomies or fault lines that would establish the discourse field and draw the boundaries. The more successful in this task gains the advantage in setting the agenda and determining the discourse direction. Speakers are players who create or participate in written or spoken dialogue. They can be individuals as well as collectives. Speakers develop a variety of strategies to set up expedient positions in their quest to dominate the dialogue. Such techniques can be, for example, shifting from the specific and practical to the principal and general, and thereby, acquiring broader sympathy and understanding; adjusting the scope and emphases of the discussion to the needs and interests of the attentive audience; or attempting to be congenial and consenting regarding traditional values, symbols or behavior and thus, isolating the other side in a non-consensus position. An effective discourse hinges upon a delicate balance between the accurate analysis and identification of the issue (diagnosis) and the supply of a suitable solution (prognosis). In other words, adjusting claims to audience’s volitions will render the entire discourse efficient and resonant with the environment (Snow & Benford, 1988). Discourse can be contentious or agreeable: it can be conducted as a debate or as a dialogue. In the former, the participants promote a confrontational attitude and they aspire to win over the dispute in order to prove themselves right. Communication would be deficient and hostile, where each side attempts to fool, outsmart and outrage the other in order to set him off balance and score more points. This is a typical zero-sum situation, in which the advantage of one is automatically on the expense of the other. At times, harsh debates might deteriorate to violence and even to curtailment of communication and disengagement. Dialogue, on the other hand, encourages constructive communication of transparency and trust. This enables a win-win scenario where all sides can gain. Debates and dialogues differ in more than one sense: debaters strive to uphold their side and downplay the other’s while dialogue attempts to listen and understand the other; debate juxtaposes established and prearranged countering arguments whereas dialogue is based on flexibility and openness toward the other; debate is declaratory and unidirectional while dialogue is interactive. Finally, debate is ostensibly resolute and unyielding on each side whereas dialogue does not shy away from hesitation, doubts and re-evaluation.

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Figure 1. The “lego-monster” model

Ultimately, dialogue can be either procedural or normative but not necessarily in a mutually-exclusive way. The normative dialogue, however, is essential to sustain a human community. These trends of interactions in a human community are summarized in the “Lego-Monster” model below: Dialogue as an agreeable discourse stems from constructive communication, which is characteristic of conflict resolution processes. This is an adverse orientation to destructive communication which is typical during conflict. The leading purpose in conflict is to win and get whatever is in dispute on the expense of the opponent. Conflict resolution becomes an option once the rivaling sides recognize the futility of confrontation and their inability to materialize their interests through quarrelling. While communication in conflict is based on defective channels, noises and disturbances, misconceptions, cultural differences and lingual disparities, communication during conflict resolution represents the opposite of all these obstructions. It tries to secure flowing and translucent back and forth message exchange. Unlike conflict, where the name of the game is deluding and pulling the rug under your rival’s feet in order to obtain advantage, in conflict resolution there is a totally different end result: aiming to understand the other and thus attenuating the comprehension gaps and verifying an authentic and honest flow of information. Moving from conflict to conflict resolution requires several adjustments and modifications to enable a situation whereby dialogue can commence (Peleg, 1997). First, it is essential to change the attitude toward the other from hostility and derision to dignity, tolerance and caring. The negative approach toward our opponents is a corollary of the strategy of conflict (Schelling, 1966), which states that the prospect of winning grows with defiance, solidarity and commitment to the cause. The most efficient and rapid way for such cohesion processes is the denigration 335

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and de-legitimating of the rival. This is the cognitive-psychological dimension of conflict, where all the negative images, labeling and prejudice are accumulated (e.g., Boulding The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society,1956; Goffman, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience, 1974; Holsti, Cognitive Dynamics and Images of the Enemy, 1968; and Kelman, International Behavior: A Social-Psychological Analysis, 1965). When the opponents decide to embark on the conflict resolution path and embrace constructive communication, they first must endeavor to cultivate positive images of one another instead of the disparagement and slander they advocated earlier. This is not a simple assignment especially if the conflict is ongoing and protracted, in which negative images were inculcated for an extended period of time. Hence, the first mission on hand is to build trust. Infamously, the crux of all reconciliation is mutual mistrust (see for example, Lewicki’s Trust, Trust Development and Trust Repair, 2006, pp. 92-119, or Deutsch’s Trust and Suspicion, 1958, on which Lewicki relies). Perceiving of the other as a partner rather than an evil schemer, recognizing his fears, sensitivities and desires and then align them with our interests is a major challenge which necessitates dignity, tolerance and caring towards the prior enemy. Such a shift in attitude demands listening to the other, which is the ultimate precondition for dialogue. Another venue to approach dialogue is the realization that every conflict is a form of interdependence, where the protagonists are jointly entrapped and only together can they escape their common predicament (Lewicki & Saunders, 2000). The sense of shared destiny in conflict is turning into a shared purpose, which is a promising basis for a cooperative and good willed dialogue. Acknowledging interdependence as a setting for conflict ushers in one of the salient catalysts of conflict resolution, namely separating the people from the problem (Fisher & Ury,1991, pp. 17-22). This principle emerges from the observation that each side blames its rival for the dispute; conflict would have never erupted had not the other existed. In such a view, a total identification is forged between the other and the problem and responsibility is altogether attributed to the enemy. Awareness of interdependence contributes to the effort of severing the actors from the problem and neutralizes the trap of dodging accountability. Then, the rivals of old can isolate the problem and unite in tackling it. Consequently, the ground for dialogue is set. The successful transformation from conflict to conflict resolution entails getting rid of old habits. Confrontation relies on incentives which prod the belligerents on and inspire their courage and commitment. These characteristics are inappropriate to conflict termination, but still, they are very difficult to forego. Notwithstanding, they must be given up to allow for dialogue to commence. They are the urge to subjugate the opponent, the desire to prove ourselves right or superior, the insistence on revenge and the temptation to outwit the enemy. It is highly recommended to feel 336

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Table 1. Dialogue and Conflict Constructive Communication Purpose: to understand and interpret messages of other. Attitude of dignity, caring and tolerance to other. Attentive and open to other. Trust. Conflict as interdependence: nobody to blame. All suffer, thus we will salvage each other. The means: Cooperation (win-win game). Positive images of other: partner, reliable, responsible. The problem is isolated. Incentives: urge to compromise, search for just solution, self-reflection.

Destructive Communication Purpose: to disturb and thwart the messages of other. Attitude of intolerance, uncaring and apathy to other. Inattentive and suspicious to other. Mistrust. Conflict as dependence: the other is to blame, we suffer. Thus, we will salvage ourselves. The means: vanquishing the other (zero-sum game) Negative images of other: demon, evil, schemer, threat. The problem is the other. Incentives: urge to win, prove our point, revenge, frustration, insecurity.

secured and content and not cheated, exploited or duped to the negotiation table. Such concessions trigger a self-reflection process, which can be incredibly useful to warrant a fruitful dialogue. During such practice, the participant asks himself or herself—“what do I actually want?” What is my interest? How would dialogue benefit me more than conflict? The main features that distinguish between conflict and dialogue are summarized in the following table: A community which aspires for substantiality must develop a shared understanding of the good and a normative system to support such agreement. This is the ultimate premise upon which a substantive community can and should cultivate its existence and growth. The significance of the good as the quintessence of coexistence may be variously perceived in a heterogenic context such as an immigrant society. To confer meaning on the abstract ideal called the virtue (the extent of the good), establishing an agreed and respected set of norms and values, shared by the majority in the community is imperative. This is an entirely different basis for community building than other motivations for assembling together such as social contract, economic calculations or political and administrative coercion. The latter are models of rational consent which are based on practical assessments and tactical procedures whether to join or exit a community5. The guiding principle for members of such communities is how their individual interest is best incorporated with the interests of the group. This is a stipulated approach of joining a community pending upon certain beneficial circumstances and conditions in a certain point in time. In such a model of community formation, groups and individuals cohere due to procedural or technical processes that can range from uniformly enforced rules to voting or deliberating regulations. Eventually, such a community survives owing to the meticulous and delicate synergy of individual 337

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interpretations to the idea of the good. What takes place is an intricate process of accumulated individual priorities adding up into one single collective scale. This arrangement endures as long as its particular adherents feel that their interests are rewarded6. Dialogue administered in similar conditions and understanding is called a procedural dialogue. In a substantive community, where affiliation hinges on collective identity rather than on a temporal convergence of needs, members are guided by normative precepts by which they are abided and obligated. The more the overall value system is credible and acceptable, the less necessity there is to establish rules and regulations in order to maintain communal allegiance. But this logic entails an elementary dilemma: how can such a normative order be successfully crafted in order to resonate with all the various groups that make up a society? How can divergent belief systems be reconciled into one solid framework encompassing all members? Surely, each group would rather practice its own familiar set of values and let other groups undergo a transition and adjust. The answer to this genuine concern is twofold: A) Constituting a normative core, a kind of a basic moral platform consisting of essential values that each founding member group can agree on without sacrificing any of its original principles. B) Such a community must develop skills of a normative dialogue to sustain itself. A normative core: values are mostly abstract and subjective. They are also by their nature essentially contested concepts (Connolly, 1983), or in other words, highly ambivalent and potentially divisive and conflict-ridden. For example, one’s notion of justice is another’s injustice and my understanding of equality may disturb yours, whereas others’ perception of freedom might spell suppression to me. Conceivably, these are culture and circumstance-bound ideas. They are being shaped and stipulated by contingencies and transient needs. When a new community is established, each member group approaches the newly formed assembly with its existing and familiar normative package hoping to maintain and cultivate them under the new arrangement. If the moral dowry blends well with other normative legacies of founding members, the community is up to a smooth start and the convergence process will be relatively uncomplicated. However, such a scenario is rare because values form identities and create unique and exclusive meaning to each group and thus, compromising them or adjusting to others’ moral principles becomes incredibly unlikely. This complexity is augmented even further in an immigrant society, which is by definition a multi-cleavages society (Horowitz & Lissak, 1989), coalescing under single roof disparate groups with dissimilar characteristics and incompatible interests. Each group endeavors to uphold its original values as safe-guards to preserve its authentic distinctiveness in the face of the impending merger. The process of blending a divergence of value-systems into a coherent unity can hardly be harmonious. Any attempt to force them together or coerce some under the authority 338

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of others ventures the creation of irremediable hostilities and rendering divergent values outright contradictory. The most viable remedy to such predicament is to establish a normative core: a narrow but solid nucleus, which will include only the basic values contiguous to the normative standards of all participants. A normative core is the mechanism which enables the construction of a multi-cultural society (Mautner, Sagi & Shamir,; Sagi & Nachtomy, 2010). Multiculturalism can be understood in two dimensions: the objective-descriptive, which underlines the existence of more than one culture within the jurisdiction of a unified sociopolitical entity and the subjective-normative, which depicts attitude and reference toward the other and the different. The former is of lesser significance: it merely supplies analytical distinctions and perhaps some illustrations of putative dilemmas and tight spots. The latter is more noteworthy since cultural frictions which escalate to conflicts express themselves mainly on the symbolic and ritualistic levels (Kertzer, 1988). Accordingly, the major contention in a multicultural setting is usually grappling with the question: which of the contending cultures would ultimately prevail over all others and transform its individual tradition, routines and life-style to those adopted by the entire community? Which group would obtain superiority on the expense of all others? The normative dimension suggests a modus Vivendi for tension reduction and attenuating hostilities. It presents recognition of ethical and moral parity between all cultures regardless of historical heritage, size or duration as the only viable foundation for multiculturalism. Such acknowledgment of the legitimacy of each culture involves also the realization that culture is self-defined and accordingly, every group feeling affinity and cohesion with certain symbols, rituals or customs may proclaim itself a separate cultural entity (Laitin, 1986). Accepting multiculturalism as such might be painful to a dominant culture, who aspires to expand authority and influence throughout its sovereign territory. Recognizing multiculturalism is translated under these circumstances as openness, tolerance and approval of foreigners as partners to a common destiny. To the assertive-realist actor of the nationalistic age, who painstakingly forged a coherent national identity around well-crafted mythologies and recycled historical narratives, this option would be hard to swallow. Societies which achieved nationhood at a relatively late stage would find the multicultural model even less palatable. If those societies happen to be immigrant societies, an internal growing strain might develop as a contrast between the desire of the forefathers to ascertain superiority and the necessity to absorb newcomers as equal members of the community. Liberal democracy’s greatest challenge is to overcome this strain that might, if not attended, debilitate the community and expedite its demise. There are several reasons why the importance of equality as the kernel of the multiculturalism model cannot be underestimated. First, a heterogenic community which boasts ethnic, religious or national variety would not function effectively and 339

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would not last without a sense of affiliation, solidarity and reciprocal commitment. Such characteristics cannot prosper on spurious camaraderie; they flourish on mutual respect, the appreciation of difference and the equal opportunity for each group to autonomously thrive. Any minority to be unfairly treated by the political center would become hostile and non-cooperative and its affiliation with the community would be weakened. Second, the general political culture in such community would be based on intolerance, hostility and unsettled tensions. Such climate would inevitably result in violence and self-destruction. The fundamental service each administration is bound to give its citizenry—existential security—would be irreparably damaged and consequently, the government’s reputation and legitimacy. Third, in the 21st century reality in which migration and relocation are the most prevalent demographic phenomena, every community on earth consists of more than a single culture. In other words, all societies today are multicultural and hence, value-based appreciation and preparedness toward multiculturalism are of an essence. Normative assessment of multiculturalism means understanding the impending situation and preempt potential complications in due time. One such preemptive move is to construct a decentralized power system. A multi-rifted community that aspires to be multicultural should develop a decentralized structure of a small but potent center containing a joint normative core encircled by several thriving and culturally autonomous peripheries. Such a model would be an abomination for the centralistic nation-state, but hopefully, as the nationalistic paradigm wanes and its grip on the various minorities within its jurisdiction diminishes the decentralized model of multiculturalism would become more viable. The advent of the model and its normative core can be expedited by normative dialogue. Earlier, normative dialogue was introduced and defined. The following is a depiction of how it might work. A normative core composed of key moral concepts of its constitutive cultures, is not formed instantly or automatically; it requires a long-term scrupulous and rigorous effort. Every group clings on to its own values and beliefs for they epitomize the unique identity of the congregation and therefore they are reluctant to forego any of them. However, the gist of the normative core idea is that no faction would be able to include all of its principles at the core and even those which are incorporated into the nucleus would surely be integrated or ‘contaminated’ by values of other factions. A facilitating factor in trying to cope with the demanding task of establishing a normative core might be to change the unit of analysis in understanding the process of community building from the individual to the collective. The classical theories of integration and community formation are based mostly on individual calculations: is it worthwhile for me to join or whether I would get along in the new environment. This logic leads to contractual commitment of each individual to the group and every new member is provisional: once he or she

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contravenes the rules of the community, they might be ostracized and vice versa, if the community reneges on its promise, there is a pretext for the individual to leave. Even the most liberal thinker of the social contract theorists, John Rawls (19212002), who advocates community building according to the principles of justice and fairness and in order to protect them he suggests that the representatives of each faction should wrap themselves up with a ‘veil of ignorance’ toward the socioeconomic disparities around them, believes that eventually the contract with the community is individual (1971; 1993). But relying solidly on individual judgments as vouching for unison and concord, rational and prudent as they might be, and entrusting community moral strength on ad-hoc consent for this or that clause would lead to a situation whereby “half the society would be lawyers drafting contracts (or trying to wriggle out of them)” (Etzioni, 1996, p. 94). Social stability and order which also guarantee fairness must therefore be based on communal norms shared by all or by the majority and commitment of individuals rests not on the validity of contract or fear of sanction but on the power of identifying with collective values. How would the negotiation on the normative core look like? What sort of discussion is suitable for the representatives of the various factions to engage in to plan together a common future? In the last three decades the most popular democratic discourse (at least in the eyes of academics and intellectuals) has been the deliberative one, marked by a free and rational discussion on the principle of community coexistence (See for example, Habermas Legitimation Crisis, 1974; Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action, 1990; and Justification and Application: Remarks on Discourse Ethics, 1993; Selznick, The Moral Commonwealth, 1992, and Elster, Deliberative Democracy, 1998). But deliberative discourse is problematic and basically incapable of forming a normative core due to several reasons: 1) It is difficult to find anyone who is endowed with pure analytic and rational thinking, with abundant knowledge and unlimited access to sources of information; 2) In many instances where a deliberative discourse does take place, delegates do not espouse their own autonomous stands but they speak for those who sent them, and thus they are bounded by a particular agenda without much discretion or personal judgment, and 3) A large portion of the issues discussed are irrational to begin with; they are emotional, moral and as such, not necessarily logical. The assertion that an objective, poised, and controlled discourse on the nature and rules of the community is possible, is pretentious and incredible. Could a discussion on gays’ rights, abortion or children abuse really be calmly and judiciously handled? The opposite pole to the astute and considerate dialogue is the frontal confrontation between contending cultures and the attempt of each side to brutally take over the shared public space. The highest and most intense level of such hostile interaction is cultural war (a calque use of the German Kulturkampf) (Mansbridge, 1980; Hunter,1994; Peleg, 2002). In such collision there are hardly any winners and 341

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coexistence between rivaling faction is implacably ruined. The motivation to salvage the community diminishes and each faction is preoccupied with its own survival on the expense of the other. Communication becomes destructive and unreliable and animosity replaces cooperation. In between those two extremities stands the possibility of normative dialogue. This is the option that inspires coexistence as a top priority; an option that recognizes the dignity and needs of the other, and that endeavors to graciously and sensibly solve disagreements and translates them to a better shared future.

The Rules of Normative Dialogue Normative dialogue is not erratic or arbitrary. It has very distinct and persistent rules-of-the-game but they assume the procedural, protocol-type guise of contractual bargaining. One of these rules is to employ a super-ordinate value to reconcile between incompatible values of each group. It is of essence especially when the negotiating sides are stuck in a cyclical argumentation of value versus value. Goodin (1989) demonstrates how super-ordinate value can work in a normative dialogue in his study of disagreement on smoking in a community. At first it seemed that the conflict is insolvable: each group was entrenched in its position for and against smoking. But when the value of liberty was introduced to the equation and the principle that the freedom of one cannot supersede the freedom of the other, the quarrel subsided. Agreeing on liberty as an overarching vale enabled the negotiators to move from the abstract to the practical and save their community. This is akin to switching from position (yes smoking, no smoking) to interests (we respect each other’s freedom of choice, let’s think of where and when smoking could be possible without infringing on anyone’s indulgence). Goodin is of course influenced by John Stewart Mill’s classic work On Liberty, originally published in 1859, in modern attire and a clear revalidation of his conclusion and recommendations (1986). Another vital rule in normative dialogue is the a-priori recognition that all the discussants belong to the same community regardless of the severity and scope of disagreement or the consequences of the resolution. The ultimate goal that all must agree upon is to reaffirm the existence of the community and that disintegration is not an option. If this stipulation is clarified in advance, it affects not only the possible results but also the atmosphere and the process leading to the outcome. From this, other rules follow: to refrain from assailing or hurting the central values and beliefs of any other group and not to demonize or disparage others’ positions or opinions. These are two sides of the same coin: the former is direct interaction with the other whereas the latter is disseminating negative attitude toward the other among our people. Both rules necessitate a lot of forbearance and

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patience to uphold especially amid the fervor and vehemence value-laden issues often invoke. In principle, the simplistic black-and-white vision and arguments formed in absolute terms are mitigated in normative dialogue. More complicated attitudes are expressed and more sophisticated perspectives are employed when a keen desire to reach out and know the other exists. Participants of the normative dialogue cease thinking in dichotomies of ‘us’ versus ‘them’, ‘good’ versus ‘bad’ or ‘right’ versus ‘wrong’ and begin considering relative viewpoints which weigh some values in relation to other values (Tannen, 1999). This is a shift which involves kindness and openness to others and it leads to one more rule of normative dialogue: at times, it is advisable to leave certain topics outside of the discussion. They might be too tender and too painful to discuss and their mentioning might adversely affect the proceedings. It would be advantageous to accentuate commonalities and shared goals than procrastinate on the divisible. The congenial atmosphere of the normative dialogue inspires terminology and images as well. They are less belligerent and antagonistic and more sympathetic to grievances and concerns (Glendon, 1991). One more important feature inside the normative dialogue toolbox is persuasion, whereby, people who never thought much of a specific value and certainly never embraced it, learn to appreciate it and accept it. Such a change of attitude is aided by education and leadership, two communication channels which exert immeasurable nonviolent and non-coercive influence. Education for values and normative leadership are two regulatory systems which ought to be recognized in a community that allows normative dialogue. This is where the pool of apt mediators and facilitators is to be located when the dialogue hits a snag. The contents of education for the normative dialogue community and the quality of leadership should be based on voluntary participation and pluralism and imposition of ideas, texts and thoughts must be forbidden (Daft, 1999; Goleman, Boyatzis & McKee, 2002). Etzioni has an additional distinction within normative dialogue, the one between process normative and value normative (1996, p. 28). The former, much like procedural dialogue, focuses on the way the parties congregate and how they communicate with one another in their attempts to reach a common ground. But unlike the procedural models of the social contract vein which are rational and individual in their nature, the normative process dialogue is about moral principles but it underlines means, not goals. Habermas, like other philosophers who for ages explored and debated the meaning of virtue, the quality of the good, as the quintessential normative precept of the community, defines it as the normative rightness. To reach an agreement on the full meaning of this term, participants of the deliberation should abide by several rules: nobody is excluded from partaking; every argument is refutable; any value-laden issue can be raised provided that the speaker honestly believes in that 343

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value and none of these rules can be arbitrarily annulled (Habermas, 1990, p. 24). This is, therefore, a dialogue which concerns normative ends but its essence is the techniques employed to accomplish those objectives. Similarly, Ackerman advocates normative accommodation by calling for conversational restraint in practicing normative dialogue. By that he means that it is more important to underscore style and attitude in discourse rather than content. Furthermore, Ackerman suggests that what is not said is far more valuable than what is verbally expressed because in sensitive matters of value or creed, people might get hurt and relationships severed simply due to miscommunication (Ackerman, 1989, pp. 6-23). However, since normative dialogue is supposed to bring about a valid and reliable setting for a shared communal basis, and in order to harness the commitment and loyalty of all factions to a long-standing normative core, dialogue must encompass not only dynamics and procedures but also substance and implications of the discussed values in the eyes of the various parties’ involved. A community aspiring to become substantial is one which develops tools for value normative dialogue, or dialogue of conviction, whereby all factions are bind not by the burden of procedure but by the passion and conviction of beliefs (Barber, 2003). A dialogue of conviction— the most fitting and worthy of substantial community—flourishes in a sustaining and cultivating cultural environment. A cultural milieu that does not encourage listening to and caring for the other, and does not believe in the principle of fairness and equity between different value-systems would be adverse and unyielding to normative dialogue. The merit of normative dialogue becomes salient when principal matters are in dispute. If a chair happens to be in contention, there is not much sense in having its future be determined by normative dialogue unless it is a throne. In that case, functional, mechanical and occupational arguments are substituted by symbolic, historic and prestigious claims, hence rendering it amenable to principal-normative discussion, at least in the eyes of the contenders. Yet, not too many chairs have been the kernel of protracted conflicts. Normative dialogue requires patience, forbearance and broadmindedness due to the intangible and ambivalent nature of the issues at odds. The perfunctory, business-like approach of professional discourse does not serve the normative dialogue well. The latter relies upon the power of love rather than the power of exchange or the power of coercion, whereby participants trust and value each other’s contribution and genuine reciprocity emerges (Boulding, 1990). The distinction between normative dialogue and procedural dialogue is in many ways akin to physicist and dialogue scholar David Bohm’s (1917-1992) dichotomy between discussion and dialogue. In the former, deliberators gather and try in various ways to influence and steer the process toward a specific favored outcome. The deliberation is only a means to accomplish that pre-planned objective. Dialogue, in Bohm’s innovative analysis suspends all partisan interests, motivations, impulses, 344

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and judgments to enable an open and uninhibited space for collaborative and unbiased thinking (1996). This clean slate approach of dialogue allows inspecting and isolating the detrimental effect of prejudice, conformism and unshaken beliefs. The emphasis is on the process of musing together and being candid with one another than reaching a certain final result. Hence the ‘Bohmenian’ dialogue is a propitious environment for examining values, principles and beliefs. But in order to become more meaningful gateway to improved life, normative dialogue must be practiced along open and constructive communication channels and realized in context of substantial, rather than temporary or instrumental, human communities.

Epilogue: The Experiencing of Coexistence An individual who is incapable of becoming or doesn’t need to become a part of society is either a beast or a god, writes Aristotle in Politics. Assuming that no-one fancies being a beast and nobody is competent enough to play god, the only cogent alternative to live a fulfilling and gratifying life is to immerse in a human community, albeit with intermittent escapes for individual relief and soul-searching. But it needs to be remembered that entering and assimilating in a human community, let alone taking root and prosper, are not natural or automatic. It requires a thorough mental preparation and adjustment and a profound shift of priorities. A person must get used to the idea that some of his or her precedence must give way to accommodate those of the community. This might be a rude realization in an individualistic and aggressive culture of a post-modern world. William Shakespeare writes in his play Cymbeline (1611) that “Society is no comfort to one not sociable” (2004). A sociable man is he who adopts a social orientation; a person that is willing to invest in constructive communication with colleagues and is aware that she should participate in a multicultural normative dialogue to create something new, beyond what she previously knew or got used to. The adjustment process or the shift from solitary to sociable is not necessarily from noble and admirable living in nature as fantasized by the likes of Rousseau in the Social Contract, Whitman in Leaves of Grass or Thoreau in Walden. The conversion is not naïve and idealistic as was depicted by so many romanticists and transcendentalists from Byron and Shelley to Lowell and Emerson. It is not moving from the vast open spaces of “life in the woods” to the choking metropolitan scene nor is it a leap from the exhilarating experience of ‘le bon sauvage’ to the savagery of urban estrangement. More aptly, it is a change from the elemental phase into which we are born and from the first unchosen affiliation circle (immediate family, relatives and neighbors) to the affiliation-of-choice in which we come of age (friends, colleagues and lovers). It is the road from exclusive distinctiveness to merging with the collective, from the specific conscience to the togetherness conscience, from ego 345

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to super-ego, from dependence (careless and unaware as it might be) to independence (careless and unaware as it equally might be). Although by no means, a shift from fantasyland to sober reality, it is nevertheless a potentially traumatic reassignment of mindset and demeanor. In his solemn and compelling film Into the Wild (2007), actor-director Sean Penn tells the story of Christopher McCandless, a talented young student who decides to depart from human society and flee to the wild. He despises the competitive materialism of modern life and the relentless strive for social status symbolized by his parents’ perpetual struggle for economic stability. The morning after his college graduation, he sells all his possessions, burns his money and sets out for the great outdoors. His ultimate destination is the enormous uncharted territories of Alaska. When he finally made it to a deserted bus in the middle of the vast Alaskan nowhere, he is elated. He has reached his dreamland: roaming around with deers and rabbits, cultivating wild berries and exploring the infinite kingdom of bare snow with no humans in sight. But after several months of staggering isolation amidst awe-inspiring sceneries, his enthusiasm begins to evaporate. Hunger and boredom take over and he starts hallucinating and conversing with imaginary figures. Finally his health deteriorates as a result of poisonous mushrooms he had erroneously eaten. As he lies dying he writes in his diary that there is no meaning to happiness in seclusion and the only way to experience it is by sharing it with other human-beings (2007). But to arrive at such a conclusion does not oblige long-drawn-out torment and affliction. We all occasionally daydream about roving the nomadic distances with a knapsack, a book and a knife. We imagine the call of nature and we rush home to pack some sandwiches, box of matches, and of course, the obligatory cell phone. We often mistake the psychological inclination for spouts of freedom for an actual urge to a solitary excursion to the out-of-doors. However for most people, several days as noble savages are sufficient before mosquito bites, pressure-less showers and paucity of wireless access would hurry us back to civilization. But when we’re back from our self-imposed solitude in the wilderness, we realize that what we missed the most was the company of other freedom-searches like us, who misinterpreted footloose and fancy free as being liberated. Our retreat home does not mean that we gave up on the ambition of freedom, which is and should be a permanent aspiration. But our return to the community heralds the understanding and the endeavor to accomplish, cultivate and preserve our freedom within and together with our community members. Communication is the golden path to freedom within the community and communication skills prolong and endure the experience of coexistence.

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Daft, R. (1999). Leadership: Theory and Practice. New York: The Dryden Place. Deutsch, M. (1958). Trust and Suspicion. The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 2(4), 265–279. doi:10.1177/002200275800200401 Elster, J. (Ed.). (1998). Deliberative Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press. Etzioni, A. (1996). The New Golden Rule: Community and Morality in a Democratic Society. New York: Basic Books. Fisher, R., & Ury, W. (1991). Getting to Yes: Negotiation Agreement Without Giving In (2nd ed.). New York: Penguin. Fromm, E. (2006). The Art of Loving (50th Anniversary Edition). New York: Harper Perennial. Gergen, M., & Gergen, K. (2003). Social Construction: A Reader. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Glendon, M. (1991). Rights Talk: the Impoverishment of Political Discourse. New York: Free Press. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. London: Harper and Row. Goleman, D., Boyatzis, R., & McKee, A. (2002). Primal Leadership: Realizing the Power of Emotional Intelligence. Boston: Harvard Business School. Goodin, R. (1989). No Smoking: the Ethical Issues. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Habermas, J. (1976). Legitimation Crisis. London: Heinemann. Habermas, J. (1990). Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Habermas, J. (1993). Justification and Application: Remarks on Discourse Ethics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Heidegger, M. (1996). Being and Time [Sein und Zeit] (J. By Stambaugh, Trans.). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Holsti, O. (1968). Cognitive Dynamics and Images of the Enemy. In J. C. Farrell & A. P. Smith (Eds.), Image and Reality in World Politics. New York: Columbia University Press.

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ENDNOTES 1



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Sustainability is a very popular worldview or ideology in the ecological postmodern world. This is essentially a broad democratic outlook, which highlights human dignity and freedom as a part of a holistic approach of life on this planet. Accordingly, concern for the elderly, cultivated environment, care for clean air and promoting free education are all pillar of social sustainability in tune with individual liberties and tolerance for the other. The ultimate goal is a more secured and stable society, where prosperity is not depended on consumption, affluence or defense but rather on mutual support, trust and social involvement. The last two decades have witnessed the growth and expansion of the sustainability movement into global and cross-national bringing together under one roof members from various cultures and nationalities. The late Barnett Pearce has used this term, the Communication Perspective, as a whole worldview, a Gestalt to look at the world through people conversing and constructing and reconstructing their social context by the way they talk to each other. See Pearce, 1989; Pearce & Pearce, 2004.

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4



5



6



The transmission or injection model of communication, or the uni-directional pattern of communication from the sender to the receiver, was for many decades the mainstream explanation of how communication works. It professed that the disseminators of messages dictate and determine the agenda and the receivers of idea follow and obey them. Messages penetrate the target population like injection spreading its material under the skin and into the body. This was an anachronistic, elitist, and mostly erroneous understanding of communication. The Frankfurt School consisted of a group of scholars and researchers from the University of Frankfurt in Germany originated in the 1920’s and 1930’s. Its members represented a variety of disciplines and fields: sociology, psychology, philosophy, political science, literature, art and linguistics among others. Common to all was their neo-Marxist ideology and a radical critique on the original doctrinarian Marxism. With the Nazi rise to power most of its members, intellectuals, Jews and socialists were forced to flee the country and continue their work in the US. Many of them returned to Germany with the Fall of Nazism. Among the leading members of the group were Horkheimer, Adorno, Arendt, Mercuse, Fromm and Benyamin. Many writers are affiliated with the Social Contract School, albeit with major differences in emphasis and nuance. From Locke, Rousseau and Hobbes to Olson, Habermas and Rowls and many others between them, the notion of amassing into a civil society as a result of rational accordance was and remained popular not as an actual historic event but as a theoretical concept. The principles and merits of the social contract were changing from writer to writer according to the time and socio-political context of each thinker. This approach is drastically shaken by the Arrow Paradox, in which Nobel Prize winner, economist Kenneth Arrow mathematically demonstrates that priorities of disparate individuals cannot linearly add up even though these priorities may be totally consistent and rational. Thus, in public decision-making, it is impossible to ordinarily tally the interests and volitions of all the people into a coherent general will. Arrow’s conclusions are still controversial in part but were pioneers in topics such as voting behavior, decision-making and welfare policy. For more details see Arrow. K.-Social Choice and Individual Values (1951, 2nd ed., 1963).

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About the Contributors

Samuel (Muli) Peleg is a political sociologist trained in the fields of comparative politics and international relations. His areas of expertise are peace-building & reconciliation, social sustainability, justice & human rights, and conflict resolution. His research focuses on intercultural and interfaith dialogue in deeply divided communities. As the director of development for the MA program on UN and global policy studies, Dr. Peleg initiated extensive working relations with the UN as well as with leading universities in Japan, Germany, France and Israel/Palestine where he regularly sends his students for internships and research. Dr. Peleg teaches at the Peace and Justice Program of Fordham University and at the Rutgers University Business School. Between 2010-2013 he was a visiting faculty member at the negotiation and conflict resolution program (NECR) at Columbia University. He is the author of several books and articles, among them are Spreading the Wrath of God: From Gush Emunim to Rabin Square (1997, Hebrew), Zealotry and Vengeance- quest of Religious Identity Group (2002, Lexington Books); If Words Could Kill: the Failure of Public Discourse in Israel (2003, Hebrew University Press), and Fighting Terrorism in the Liberal State (2006, IOS Press). His new book Intercultural and Interfaith Dialogue for Peace and Stability will be published in early 2019. Dr. Peleg has an extensive practical experience as a peace-maker in addition to his academic career. He participated in the multi-lateral talks following the Oslo Accords, and later with the Geneva Initiative. Dr. Peleg served as a top advisor on leadership and negotiations to the Peres Center for Peace. In this capacity he had taken part in several rounds of peace negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians as well as Israelis and Jordanians. He has also counseled the Prime Minister’s office, the Foreign Office and the National Security Council. In the US, Dr. Peleg has worked with the Martin Luther King Foundation and their social initiative branch--Realizing the Dream on social justice projects. He is involved with intercultural and interfaith dialogue initiatives in the Middle East and Africa with the Counter Extremism Project. ***

About the Contributors

Sharon Avital holds a PhD in Rhetoric and Communication Studies at The University of Texas at Austin. She is currently a lecturer in Tel-Aviv University where she teaches classes at the intersections of rhetoric, politics and affect. She is an activist in Israel in areas related to community and environment regeneration. Sevgi Balkan-Şahin is an assistant professor of international relations at Çağ University, Turkey. Her research interests include Turkish political economy, resistance movements, and international security. She has published articles in journals such as Cooperation and Conflict and Journal of Contemporary European Studies. Marella Bodur Ün is an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and International Relations of Çukurova University, Turkey. Her main research interests include social movements, gender and politics, postcolonialism, and norm contestation in world politics. Her current research focuses on the media framings of the Gezi Park protests. She is the author of “Turkey: From Symbols to Actors in the Struggle for Political Rights” in Susan Franceschet, Mona Lena Krook, and Netina Tan, eds, The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, Palgrave Macmillan (2019) as well as articles on social movements, collective political violence, and women’s movements in Turkey. Saskia Bory Keeley is a Swiss photographer. She was educated at Geneva University, Sotheby’s and the New Academy for Art Studies in London. She also received training at the International Center for Photography in New York City. She is enrolled in the Interspiritual Counseling Program (ISC), a 3-year training at the leading edge of the newly emergent field of Interspiritual counseling (One Spirit Learning Alliance). Saskia partners with humanitarian organizations to share their valuable work with the world, including Leaders’ Quest (India), The END Fund / Amani Global Works (Democratic Republic of the Congo) Roots and Taghyeer (West Bank) and We Love Reading (Jordan). Saskia runs photography workshops in which participants unpack decades of fear and bias through the simple acts of looking and listening. She is exploring where these workshops can be helpful in global conversations toward peace (Roots and Taghyeer, West Bank) and within divided communities (Pico Union Project, Los Angeles). Georgia Fountoulaki is a multilingual, highly motivated professional with international experience, a strong academic background and a genuine interest in the intercultural sector. She holds a bachelor’s degree in European Culture Studies, and she is specialized in the History of Immigration with an MA in Arts, offered by the University of Tasmania, Australia. Currently, she follows her second MEd in Language Education for Refugees and Migrants, offered by the Hellenic Open 395

About the Contributors

University. She research issues related to intercultural education, educational material design, migration, and culture. She brings both her living and working experience abroad in multicultural environments, as well as in a refugee camp in Athens over the last year as a Supervisor of Community Workers for the Greek Forum of Refugees, to the intercultural educational research. Laure Gillot-Assayag is a PhD student in Political science, at EHESS (Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales), Paris. Her research interests lie at the crossroads of History and Political philosophy. She holds a Master’s degree in History from ENS-Ulm and Sciences Po Paris, and a Master’s degree in Philosophy from Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne. She is also a former visiting researcher in Toyo University (Japan) and Columbia University (New York). Her research explores the history of compromise and its ethical implications. She has published articles in journals such as Ricoeur Studies, Implications Philosophiques. She is also a contributor for “Politics of Compromise” (under the direction of C. Thuderoz, Larcier, 2018). Maria Liontou has studied Sociology and holds a postgraduate title on Political Science and History. She has participated in many academic research programs applying the biographical method - on gender issues, environmental social policy and new age religious movements. She is a founding member of Fairplanet NGO and an active volunteer. Currently, she follows her second Med in Language Education for Refugees and Migrants offered by Hellenic Open University. Her research interests focus on an interdisciplinary approach of immigration, culture and intercultural education. Carmela Lutmar is a researcher and instructor in the Division of International Relations in the School of Political Sciences at the University of Haifa. She holds an MA in Peace Studies from the University of Notre Dame, and received her PhD from New York University (2004). Dr. Lutmar was a research associate, and Lecturer at the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University (2005-2009). Her research interests include leadership, regime changes, mediation in civil wars, and postwar governance in war torn societies. Major publications include a book on Leadership Changes and Regional Stability. (with Lesley Terris), Rowman and Littlefield Publishers (forthcoming in 2018), an edited volume on Peacebuilding in the Asia Pacific (with James Ockey), Palgrave-Mcmillan Publishers (forthcoming in 2018), and an edited volume Regional Peacemaking and Conflict Management: A Comparative Approach, Routledge (with Benjamin Miller, 2015) as well as various articles on leadership change such as “Leadership Changes and Civil Wars Agreements: Exploring Preliminary Links,” Peace Economics, Peace Science, and Public Policy 22(4): 439-449 (with Lesley Terris, 2016). 396

About the Contributors

Ben Mollov teaches in the Interdisciplinary Department of Social Sciences and the Graduate Program in Conflict Resolution at Bar-Ilan University and specializes in inter-religious and intercultural approaches to conflict resolution. Veronica Neal is an internationally sought after organizational equity and cultural humility specialist with close to three decades of experience as a diversity and social justice educator, trainer, coach and consultant. She holds certifications as a diversity professional, integral coach, and community conflict mediator. Veronica brings to her teaching and consulting practice the theories of justice-based leadership, cultural humility and multicultural education from her graduate studies as well as her practical experience coaching, organizing, facilitating, and teaching. Her focus is on developing cultural humility across the lifespan, peace and social justice praxis, equity change management, unconscious bias and oppression transformation, and attitudinal healing. In addition to an active consulting schedule Veronica currently serves as the faculty advisor to the Office of Equity, Social Justice, and Multicultural Education at De Anza College, where she was the inaugural Equity Director setting the tone for equity and social justice and building the equity office approach and infrastructure. During her time as director she is credited with leading the development of the college’s equity framework, lens, and rubric in addition to developing a number of original institutional approaches to deepening institutional equity. Some of the approaches she piloted have now been adopted by other institutions as well, which include the equity core team model, community conversations, and a cultural humility certificate program. Veronica has a passion for community college and has worked with over 27 colleges within California alone, in addition to California Community College leadership organizations such as the Chancellor’s Office, 3CSN, ASCCC, and CCCCS. Veronica continues her research and college teaching while also coaching educational leaders, health/social workers, students and community activists to bring out the best in themselves and their teams through equity and cultural humility initiatives. Veronica serves as Department Chair of International Peace and Conflict Studies at De Anza College. Her greatest joy and ongoing inspiration is her family, which include two beautiful children and partner whom she calls best friend. Nektaria Palaiologou is Associate Professor of Intercultural Education at School of Education at the University of Western Macedonia. She is elected Vice-President of the International Association for Intercultural Education (I.A.I.E.) and Director of the Hellenic Association for Intercultural Education (H.A.I.E.). She collaborates with Taylors and Francis Publishing Company as Editor in Chief of the Intercultural

397

About the Contributors

Education Journal and she is the Series Editor of the “Multicultural and Intercultural Education” Series at Cambridge University Press, of “Multiculturalism and Education” at PEDIO Publishing Company. Nektaria Palaiologou also collaborates with Hellenic Open University at “Languages, Refugees and Migrants“ Programme as external teaching staff. Articles and books she has written have been published in Greek and English language. She is also Scientific Supervisor at European Programmes in the field of Intercultural Education, Immigrant and Refugee Students Education. Annapurna Devi Pandey is a continuing lecturer in Anthropology. She earned her masters and doctorate from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and was a Postdoctoral Fellow in Social Anthropology at Cambridge. Her research interests are women’s activism and leadership in the context of State and globalization; women’s economic and political empowerment in rural and tribal India; and their identity making in the Indian Diaspora in California. Annapurna just completed a senior Fulbright U.S. Scholarship (2017- 2018) working in India. Her research project focused on the impact of skill training on the everyday life of rural and tribal women. Veronica Keiffer-Lewis is an internationally sought after organizational equity and cultural humility specialist with close to three decades of experience. She holds certifications as a diversity professional, integral coach, and community and workplace conflict mediator. Veronica brings to her teaching and consulting practice the theories of justice-based leadership, cultural humility and multicultural education from her graduate studies, as well as her practical experience coaching, organizing, facilitating, and teaching. Her focus is on developing cultural humility across the lifespan, peace and equity praxis, equity change management, anti-bias education, oppression transformation, and dialogic healing. Veronica was the inaugural equity director at De Anza College, setting the tone for equity and social justice and building the equity office approach and infrastructure. During her time as director, she is credited with leading the development of the college’s equity framework, lens, and rubric, in addition to developing a number of systems approaches to deepening institutional equity. Some of the strategic initiatives she piloted have been adopted by other institutions, such as her equity core team model, community conversations, and cultural humility certificate program. Veronica has a passion for community college and has worked with over 30 colleges within California alone, in addition to various California community college statewide leadership organizations. In addition to her work with educational institutions, Veronica works with social justice nonprofits, public health organizations, religious/spiritual groups, and early childhood education professionals. Veronica continues her research and college teaching while

398

About the Contributors

also coaching equity leaders and change makers to bring out the best in themselves and their teams through equity-advancing and cultural humility centered initiatives. Veronica serves as department chair of International Peace and Conflict Studies at De Anza College. Her greatest joy and ongoing inspiration is her family, which includes two beautiful children and a wife, whom she calls best friend. Tzofnat Peleg-Baker is a scholar and practitioner of conflict resolution and a mediator. Profoundly committed to reducing social polarization and alienation, she worked with a broad range of populations including government officials, diplomats, executives, religious leaders, educational staff, and students. Tzofnat has mediated a broad range of business and community cases. As a Board member, activist, and a facilitator in non-profit organizations and grassroots peace movements, she led inter-group dialogue in the Middle-East, Africa, and Europe. She advanced educational reforms through the formation of democratic schools and dialogic educational environments. Serving as the Head of the Strategic Department of the Conflict Resolution and Mediation Center at the Israeli Ministry of Justice, she led the introduction and implementation of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) and mediation in multiple domains including family, workplace, education, and government. Tzofnat earned an M.A in Communications from Indiana University and an M.A. in Psychology from Rutgers University, where she also completed doctorate studies with a specialty in conflict and mediation. She integrates her extensive background in social psychology, communication, sociology, and conflict in a Relational understanding of conflict and conflict transformation. She pursues the applications of this approach on daily life and organizational work. Her interests include a broad range of topics around conflict and relationship such as a relational understanding of conflict and conflict transformation, conflict as a vehicle for learning, social sustainability and transformation, expertise and reflective practice, organizational restructuring, and social psychological barriers to healthy relationships. Currently, she teaches MBA students in negotiation and conflict management at the school of business at Rutgers University and writing her doctoral dissertation. She also serves as the senior director of the Mediation Division at Community Mediation Services in Queens, NY. Oluwafunminiyi Raheem is a Research Fellow at the Centre for Black Culture & International Understanding, Abere, Osun State, southwest Nigeria. He specialises in Yoruba Islam, Yoruba sermons, cultural and contemporary social history. Raheem is also a doctoral student at the University of Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeria. He has published widely in reputable peer-reviewed journals and has chapter contributions in a number of scholarly books.

399

About the Contributors

Ping Yang received his PhD in Linguistics from Macquarie University in Australia. His research areas include intercultural nonverbal communication, cross-cultural perspectives in TESOL, and cross-cultural differences in English-Chinese translation. He has published many research outcomes and has supervised PhD candidates in these areas (https://www.westernsydney.edu.au/staff_profiles/uws_profiles/doctor_ping_yang2). He is a Senior Lecturer in Linguistics and an Academic Course Advisor for the Master of Arts in TESOL course in the School of Humanities and Communication Arts at Western Sydney University.

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401

Index

A Adana 198-199, 202-204, 214-216, 218, 222 adversarial interactions 50, 52, 54, 66-67, 78 art 85-87, 91, 95-99, 279, 324 Asylum Seekers 79, 166-168, 203-204, 221

C calling-in 104-106, 108, 111-114, 116-122 Calling-Out Culture 106 can 1, 3-6, 10-12, 15-17, 20-22, 31-36, 38-40, 50-51, 54, 56, 58-61, 64-68, 70, 72, 80, 83-85, 87-89, 91, 96-100, 104-108, 111, 113-120, 129-130, 132-133, 135, 137, 143, 146, 149, 152, 154, 159-161, 165, 167, 171, 175, 177-178, 180, 183-188, 190-191, 205-206, 211, 216, 218-219, 221, 224, 230-235, 237-238, 240, 242-243, 245, 259, 264-265, 269, 280, 282-283, 285, 293-300, 302-303, 305-308, 310, 312, 314-321, 330, 333-340, 342-344 change 3, 15-16, 19, 21-22, 36, 51, 56-62, 64-68, 70-72, 82-83, 85, 89, 98, 115, 119, 150-151, 156-157, 170, 177, 183, 190, 205, 230-231, 234, 236-237, 240, 245, 272, 293, 296-297, 304, 307, 315, 321, 330, 335, 340, 343, 345 Christians 255-257, 260, 267 coexistence 32, 211, 239, 243, 261, 267, 275-276, 303, 324, 329, 333, 337, 341-342, 345-346 community building, 106

community safety 147, 149 compromise 15, 20, 33, 35, 43, 57, 119, 125-131, 133, 135-136, 139-140, 319 confict 1-18, 20-22, 31-34, 50, 52-54, 5762, 64-68, 70-72, 79, 82, 85, 91, 114, 116-117, 119, 126, 128-130, 147-148, 157-161, 199, 201, 225, 231-234, 236240, 243-245, 256, 260, 263-266, 269, 294-297, 299-300, 302-305, 315-318, 321, 325, 331, 333-337, 342 confict resolution 6-7, 14-15, 17, 31, 52, 58-59, 70, 126, 147, 231-233, 238, 243, 256, 265-266, 269, 318, 333, 335-336 confict transformation 15-16, 50, 53, 59, 62, 116, 119, 245 connection 55, 66, 96, 111, 136, 188, 234, 275-276, 295, 300, 303, 306, 309, 312, 314, 325 Cosmopolite 143 Cultural appropriation 143 cultural diversity 31-33, 43, 105, 169, 190 cultural linguistics 37, 41-42

D dialogue 1-2, 14-17, 20, 22, 30-38, 40-43, 50, 54-56, 79-87, 90, 95-96, 98-99, 104-109, 111-113, 115-122, 125, 133, 140, 146, 150-151, 168, 181-183, 186, 188, 190-191, 205, 207, 224, 230-231, 233-243, 245, 272-276, 286, 288, 296299, 302-303, 316-321, 323, 325-327, 329-338, 340-345 Dispute Systems Design 158

Index

E East 144, 232, 236, 244, 275 encounters 125-126, 131, 198, 201-202, 204, 207-208, 215-216, 221, 223225, 230, 233, 235, 237-239, 241, 255-256, 259-260, 262-265, 269-270, 274, 316, 318 Europe 85, 125-126, 131-132, 137, 166, 199, 207, 294

F FESTAC-Town 256-270 FHA 257-259, 264, 267 FTMC 259, 269

G gods and goddesses 272-275, 277-278, 281-282, 284

H hegemony 31, 132, 140, 143 humanity 3, 106, 108, 113, 115, 118, 120, 143, 286, 293, 295, 305, 309-310, 314, 316, 321

I identity 3, 8, 11-12, 15, 18-20, 32, 37, 39, 52, 60, 69, 82, 84, 93-94, 107, 112, 116, 118, 120-121, 140, 159-160, 166, 186, 198-208, 212, 224, 231-235, 237, 240, 245, 267, 272, 274-275, 279, 282-283, 285, 310, 318, 332, 338-340 Indigenous Knowledge 147, 152, 155, 162 Indigenous Planning 157-158 intercultural 30-38, 40-43, 83, 85, 104-108, 117, 125-126, 140, 146, 151, 165, 167170, 172, 176-177, 181-183, 185-188, 190-191, 198-202, 204-208, 211-212, 215-216, 218, 221, 223-225, 238, 243, 275, 317-319, 321 intercultural communication 30-33, 36, 40, 42, 83, 169, 190, 207 402

intercultural dialogue 30-38, 40-43, 85, 117, 125, 140, 146, 168, 181-183, 188, 190-191, 317-319, 321 intercultural education 31, 165, 167-170, 172, 176-177, 182, 185-187, 190-191 intercultural educational policies 165, 170 interfaith dialogue 1-2, 14-17, 20, 22, 31, 85, 107, 235, 272, 274, 286, 316 inter-faith relations 255-256, 267 interreligious dialogue 272-275, 288 intractable conficts 1-15, 17, 21-22 Israelis 6, 20, 230, 232, 234-236, 296, 298300, 303-304, 306, 308 Israel-Palestine confict 21

J Japan 35, 125-127, 129, 131-137, 139140, 144

K Kyosei 144 Kyoto School 125, 127, 132, 135-136, 138, 144

L Lagos 255-256, 266, 268 languages 32-33, 35, 81, 126, 168, 176-177, 187-188, 204, 216, 274

M Mersin 198-199, 202-204, 214-218 Muslims 18, 37, 218, 236, 255-260, 262263, 267, 319

N Nigeria 255-256, 261-262, 264, 266 nonviolence 295

P Palestinians 6, 20, 230, 232, 234-236, 239240, 294, 296, 298-300, 303-306, 308,

Index

315-316, 319, 332 Paul Ricoeur 125, 127, 136-137, 140 peace-building 30, 33-34, 42-43 philosophy 116, 125-128, 130-140, 144, 239, 306 photography 86, 293, 295-297, 300, 302, 304, 310, 314, 316, 318, 320-321 playfulness 79-80, 82-83, 87, 97, 99-100

R recognition 3, 64, 138, 148, 168, 191, 198, 201-202, 204-207, 214-215, 224, 244, 300, 305, 314, 339, 342 reconciliation 39, 130, 132, 156, 293, 295, 298-299, 305, 317, 332, 336 refugees 57, 79-80, 85, 87, 89-92, 94, 96-99, 166-174, 181-191, 198-204, 206-209, 212, 214-225, 284, 297 relationship 3, 5, 7, 11, 15, 35, 37, 41, 5057, 59-61, 64, 66, 68-72, 83, 109, 117, 122, 126-127, 136, 138-139, 148, 152, 155, 158, 169, 171, 188-189, 223, 234, 237, 241-243, 245, 264, 276, 298, 306, 323-324, 329 religion and politics 15 Roots 34, 83, 132, 147, 168, 231, 237, 242243, 245, 280, 293, 295-299, 303-305, 308, 317, 319-320, 322 rural Alaska 146, 148, 153-154, 156

W West 82, 127, 133-135, 275, 277, 285, 293-296, 298-299, 319 West Bank 293-296, 298-299, 319 Westernization 139, 144 women 97, 205, 216-218, 220, 222-223, 235, 237, 272, 274-276, 278-281, 283-287, 293, 295-296, 298-308, 310, 312, 314-317 women in the diaspora 272 workshop 112-113, 115, 151, 295-298, 300, 303-305, 308, 312-313, 315-317, 319-320, 322

S Shintoism 134, 144

T Tel-Aviv 79, 87, 89-91, 93-95, 97 tolerance 18, 20, 43, 69, 255-256, 266-268, 305, 324, 329, 335-336, 339 transformation 15-16, 50, 53, 57, 59-60, 62, 64-65, 68-71, 81-83, 106, 108, 114, 116-119, 169, 182, 207, 223-224, 245, 295-297, 308, 323, 336 Turkey 198-202, 207-211, 213, 215, 218221, 223

403