Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands (International Perspectives in Geography, 18) 9811923159, 9789811923159

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International Perspectives in Geography AJG Library 18

Akitoshi Hiraoka Satoshi Suyama Hisamitsu Miyauchi Takehisa Sukeshige   Editors

Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands

International Perspectives in Geography AJG Library Volume 18

Editor-in-Chief Yuji Murayama, The University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan Series Editors Yoshio Arai, Teikyo University, Utsunomiya, Japan Hitoshi Araki, Ritsumeikan University, Kusatsu, Japan Shigeko Haruyama, Mie University, Tsu, Japan Yukio Himiyama, Hokkaido University of Education, Sapporo, Japan Mizuki Kawabata, Keio University, Tokyo, Japan Taisaku Komeie, Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan Jun Matsumoto, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Tokyo, Japan Takashi Oguchi, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Japan Toshihiko Sugai, The University of Tokyo, Kashiwa, Japan Atsushi Suzuki, Rissho University, Kumagaya, Japan Teiji Watanabe, Hokkaido University, Sapporo, Japan Noritaka Yagasaki, Nihon University, Tokyo, Japan Satoshi Yokoyama, Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan

Aim and Scope The AJG Library is published by Springer under the auspices of the Association of Japanese Geographers. This is a scholarly series of international standing. Given the multidisciplinary nature of geography, the objective of the series is to provide an invaluable source of information not only for geographers, but also for students, researchers, teachers, administrators, and professionals outside the discipline. Strong emphasis is placed on the theoretical and empirical understanding of the changing relationships between nature and human activities. The overall aim of the series is to provide readers throughout the world with stimulating and up-to-date scientific outcomes mainly by Japanese and other Asian geographers. Thus, an “Asian” flavor different from the Western way of thinking may be reflected in this series. The AJG Library will be available both in print and online via SpringerLink. About the AJG The Association of Japanese Geographers (AJG), founded in 1925, is one of the largest and leading organizations on geographical research in Asia and the Pacific Rim today, with around 3000 members. AJG is devoted to promoting research on various aspects of human and physical geography and contributing to academic development through exchanges of information and knowledge with relevant internal and external academic communities. Members are tackling contemporary issues such as global warming, air/water pollution, natural disasters, rapid urbanization, irregular land-use changes, and regional disparities through comprehensive investigation into the earth and its people. In addition, to make the next generation aware of these academic achievements, the members are engaged in teaching and outreach activities of spreading geographical awareness. With the recent developments and much improved international linkages, AJG launches the publication of the AJG Library series in 2012. More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/10223

Akitoshi Hiraoka · Satoshi Suyama · Hisamitsu Miyauchi · Takehisa Sukeshige Editors

Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands

Editors Akitoshi Hiraoka Faculty of Economics Shimonoseki City University Shimonoseki, Japan

Satoshi Suyama Department of Geography Komazawa University Tokyo, Japan

Hisamitsu Miyauchi Faculty of Global and Regional Studies University of the Ryukyus Okinawa, Japan

Takehisa Sukeshige Faculty of Contemporary Society Toyama University of International Studies Toyama, Japan

ISSN 2197-7798 ISSN 2197-7801 (electronic) International Perspectives in Geography ISBN 978-981-19-2315-9 ISBN 978-981-19-2316-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Preface

Japan, an island nation, has several thousands of islands including small reefs. Among them, around 400 are inhabited, and surrounded and isolated by the sea. These two factors—that is, “surrounded by the sea” and “isolation”—can be said to be the fundamental characteristics of the islands. However, these islands are rich in diversity. For example, when it comes to industry, there are agricultural islands; livestock farming islands; and fisheries, mining, shipbuilding, and tourism islands. Some of these elements are combined to form islands. In addition, the size of the population in these islands ranges from only a few people to more than one hundred thousand people, and the lifestyles of people also vary greatly. Geographical studies on such diverse Japanese islands have a long history and bore a lot of fruit. However, Hiraoka Akitoshi, one of the editors of this book, thought that research development by having researchers pursue individual themes based on their respective interests had a limit. Therefore, Hiraoka (ed.) published Research of the Remote Islands under the official title of Research into People, Life and Industry of the Japanese Islands in 2003 to grasp the results of each research in a unified manner. In the following year, 2004, Hiraoka and other editors took the lead in organizing “The Remote Islands Research Group” within the Association of Japanese Geographers. Since then, the research group has held regular meetings to exchange information and received many useful comments and suggestions. As a result, there had been a growing interest among the editors in publishing the results of our research under the title “Island.” Accordingly, we published Research of the Remote Islands II in 2005 and Research of the Remote Islands III in 2007. We subsequently published IV, V, and VI in 2010, 2014, and 2018, respectively, from Kaiseisha. We have published six books in total during our 15 years of group activities. These continuous publications of books on islands had a great impact not only on the geographical society but also on people interested in this field, and widely raised people’s awareness about the study of island geography. This time, we planned to publish an English version, Japanese Islands: Insularity and Geographic Diversity

v

vi

Preface

(by Springer) as part of the series of books published by The Association of Japanese Geographers Library to introduce a part of our research results to the world. We hope this book contributes to deepen the people’s understanding and interest in the islands of Japan and other countries. Shimonoseki, Japan Tokyo, Japan Okinawa, Japan Toyama, Japan 2022

Akitoshi Hiraoka Satoshi Suyama Hisamitsu Miyauchi Takehisa Sukeshige

Contents

Cultural and Social Overview of Japanese Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Satoshi Suyama

1

Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hisamitsu Miyauchi and Satoshi Suyama

9

Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Akitoshi Hiraoka, Satoshi Suyama, and Hisamitsu Miyauchi

35

Population Flow from/to the Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mee Ae Jung, Hironao Hanaki, Koki Takahashi, and Satoshi Suyama

69

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Shinako Takahashi, Akira Takagi, Masayuki Seto, Misao Hashimoto, and Satoshi Suyama Life Space on Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Katsushi Shimizu, Tasuku Aso, Hitoshi Araki, and Satoshi Suyama Production Space on Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Go Fujinaga, Kohei Oro, Masakazu Yamauchi, and Satoshi Suyama Tourism Development in Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Hisamitsu Miyauchi, Keisuke Matsui, Takehisa Sukeshige, and Satoshi Suyama Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Satoshi Suyama

vii

Contributors

Hitoshi Araki College of Gastronomy Management, Ritsumeikan University, Shiga, Japan Tasuku Aso Faculty of Literature, Nishogakusha University, Tokyo, Japan Go Fujinaga Faculty of Human Sciences, Seinan Gakuin University, Fukuoka, Japan Hironao Hanaki School of Humanities, Kwansei Gakuin University, Nishinomiya, Japan Misao Hashimoto Faculty of Education, Gifu University, Gifu, Japan Akitoshi Hiraoka Faculty Shimonoseki, Japan

of

Economics,

Shimonoseki

City

University,

Mee Ae Jung Collage of Education, Psychology and Human Studies, Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo, Japan Keisuke Matsui Faculty of Life and Environmental Sciences, University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan Hisamitsu Miyauchi Faculty of Global and Regional Studies, Ryukyu University, Okinawa, Japan Kohei Oro Faculty of Economics, Oita University, Oita, Japan Masayuki Seto Community Future Design Center, Fukushima University, Fukushima, Japan; The Great East Japan Earthquake and Nuclear Disaster Memorial Museum, Fukushima, Japan Katsushi Shimizu Faculty of Education, Shumei University, Chiba, Japan Takehisa Sukeshige Faculty of Contemporary Society, Toyama University of International Studies, Toyama, Japan

ix

x

Contributors

Satoshi Suyama Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan Akira Takagi Community Fukushima, Japan

Future

Design

Center,

Fukushima

University,

Koki Takahashi Faculty of Letters, Hokkaido University, Sapporo, Japan Shinako Takahashi Tokyo, Japan Masakazu Yamauchi Faculty of Education and Integrated Arts and Sciences, Waseda University, Tokyo, Japan

List of Figures

Cultural and Social Overview of Japanese Islands Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Topological location of studies in this book (Note The numbers in parentheses indicate section numbers. Illustrated by Ren Suyama) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Position of studies in this book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3 5

Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4

Number of papers on geographical studies involving islands, by publication year (1925–2019) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ocean areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of islands by cluster . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cluster shift between 1995 and 2015 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11 13 27 31

Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6

Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9

Flying albatross over Tori-shima (Photo by H. Hasegawa) . . . . . . . Southern islands in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Picture of albatross (Miura S. 1881 National Archives of Japan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Minami Tori-shima or Marcus Island: View from the southwest sky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of Japanese islands from viewpoint of inhabitation . . . . . . . Distribution of abandoned islands due to depopulation after World War II in Japan (Note The numbers correspond to Table 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Kazura-shima and out-migrating residential area . . . . Status of bridges on Japanese islands (Source Compiled and adapted from Maehata [2019: 7–9]) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Possible Staying Time in the nearest central city . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

36 38 39 42 48

50 52 57 59

xi

xii

Fig. 10

List of Figures

Airline network to and from Japanese islands (Source Compiled and adapted from JTB Timetable for each year) . . . . . . .

62

Population Flow from/to the Islands Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4

Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7

Fig. 8 Fig. 9

Fig. 10 Fig. 11

Amami Oshima and its surroundings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Membership of Odana Goyukai (2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Migration units and reasons (2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Residential migration patterns of Naze inhabitants from Odana (1945–2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Omishima (Source 1/50,000 topographical map “Mitsu,” surveyed in 1928) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Households in Kuchisubo around 1935 (Source Interviews) . . . . . . Emigrants from Kuchisubo to Manila (Sources Interviews and “Kaigai Ryoken Kafuhyo” [list of emigrants] in Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan etc.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Katetsu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population changes in Amami Oshima (1920–2010) (Note The data before the late 1950s are unavailable due to the fire. Source Population Census) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in household and population in Katetsu (1959– 2014) (Source Basic Residence Register of Setouchi Town) . . . . . . Mechanisms of I-turn and L-turn migrations to Katetsu . . . . . . . . .

71 72 74

77 83 86

88 95

96 96 101

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

Settlements in the Yaeyama Islands in the late nineteenth Century (Sources Miura et al. [1989], Makino [1972], Yaeyama Rekishi Henshu Iinkai [1954]. Illustrated by S. Suyama) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Settlement of Sonai (Sources Shibuya et al. [1998], Okinawa Ken Kyoiku Iinkai [1991], Ishigaki-shi Somubu Shishi Henshushitsu (ed) [1989], and interview. Illustrated by S. Suyama) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Miyake-jima and areal restrictions (Notes [1] Off-limits except for the entry by volcanologists and other experts. [2] Off-limits except for the entry by the personnel engaged in recovery works. [3] Off-limits in principle. Enter with certain conditions permitted only in case of necessity in living arrangement. Source Miyake Village [2005]) . . . . . . . . . .

118

119

123

List of Figures

Fig. 4

Fig. 5

Fig. 6

Fig. 7 Fig. 8

Fig. 9

Changes in the restriction regarding high concentration areas and obligation to carry gas masks (Source Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Monthly number of major industries restarting on Miyake-jima (Note *Businesses back on the island before January 2002 on demand of recovery work. Sources Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government [2013] and documents retained by Miyake Village Commerce and Industry Association) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yearly transition of number of visitors, accommodation facilities and accommodation capacities in Miyake-jima (1995–2012) (Sources Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government and Miyake Village Jurisdiction Overview [Edition of 1995–2012]) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yojimbo stick (Photo by the author in July 2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of yojimbo sticks in Uken Village (2015) and the number of the habu bought up in each settlement (2013) (Sources Field survey using GPS and Uken Village Office documents) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship between habu and people in Amami Oshima . . . . . . .

xiii

130

132

133 140

141 144

Life Space on Islands Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Fig. 11

Distribution of population in the Seto Inland Sea coastal area (1891) (Source Requisition Order List 1891) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Landuse of Mitarai (1929) (Sources Land-use map created by Mr. M. Yaegaki and interview survey) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Landuse of Mitarai (1998) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Traditional buildings on Tsukiji Street and Chisago wave stop (2009) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Study area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapel called “Renga Mido” in center of Naze Town (1930) (Source St. Anthony Seminary Library Collection) . . . . . . . . . . . . . Naze Town (1930) (Source Aso 2018: 179) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Threatening letter sent to one Catholic (left) and broken tomb of her family (right) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Food supply between rural and urban areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Suo Oshima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of food handling stores (Note “A-COOP” is the supermarket operated by Japan Agricultural Cooperative. Sources Telephone directory and field survey) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

150 154 156 157 159 162 163 166 169 170

175

xiv

List of Figures

Production Space on Islands Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7

Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10

Kikai-jima site and Aden overview (Sources 1:50,000 topographical map “Kikai-jima” [revised 1997 × 0.35] issued by the G.S.I. Japan and complete map of Kikai-jima 5 [photographed in 1994 and surveyed in 1995 × 0.37] issued by Kikai-cho) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Places and spaces related to subsistence activities in Aden (1930s and 1940s) (Note Each place and space of activity has had its approximate location and range indicated based on interviews, and naturally will not be completely accurate. Sources Interviews by author and aerial photograph “USA-M1002-50” [taken by U.S. Army in 1947] issued by the G.S.I. Japan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Places related to traditional fishing activities in Aden (1930 and 1940s) (Note Since fundamentally the coastal landforms have not changed significantly since the early Showa period, this is based on recent aerial photography with sharper images. Also, each place of activity has had its approximate location and range indicated based on interviews, and naturally will not be completely accurate. Sources Interviews by author, aerial photograph “KU-90-5X-C10-5” [taken in 1990] issued by G.S.I. Japan and Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Composition of life spaces from the perspective of Aden’s subsistence activities (1930s and 1940s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pastures in Chiburi-jima (Sources Hasegawa 1989 and Chibu Village administrative data) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in the area of crops in Chiburi-jima (1965–2000) (Source Census of Agriculture and Forestry) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Farms’ individual grazing plots and its landowner (Notes 1. Farms in the western villages are not surveyed [Farms 2, 3, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 22, 36]. 2. Four farms do not use individual grazing plots [Farms 23, 30, 31, 35]. 3. “Close relatives” include parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles/aunts and cousins. 4. “Distant relatives” means relatives other than “close relatives.” 5. Thick-frame boxes in each individual farm indicates plots of land. Source Interviews by author in 1999) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of Orono-shima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population pyramid of Orono-shima (1995 and 2015) (Source Population Census of Japan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trends in catches and production values of Orono-shima’s fisheries and development in fishing gear and methods (Source Yamauchi 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

183

184

190 193 197 198

207 211 212

215

List of Figures

Fig. 11

Trends in ratio of average worker’s household income in Fukuoka City to average fishery household income in Orono-shima (Source Yamauchi 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

xv

215

Tourism Development in Islands Fig. 1 Fig. 2

Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8

Fig. 9

Zamami-jima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in the number of tourists on Zamami-jima (1985– 2020) (Source Compiled from RITO KANKEI SHIRYO for each year) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Location of marine leisure shops and guesthouses in Zamami settlement (Source Field survey) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distribution of churches and sacred sites in Nagasaki . . . . . . . . . . . Guide tour at Dozaki Church in Fukue-jima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discarded Church in Fukue-jima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tsushima Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Changes in the number of Koreans entering Japan (1999– 2019) (Note Immigration officers stationed in Izuhara Port had traveled to Hitakatsu Port to conduct immigration inspections from 2001 to 2003, therefore the number of people entering from Hitakatsu Port was included in the number of people entering from Izuhara Port. Source Tsushima City Commerce and Tourism Division) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . High-speed vessel Ocean Flower anchored in the port of Hitakatsu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

221

223 229 231 234 238 241

243 244

Conclusion Fig. 1

Insularity of Japanese islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

256

List of Tables

Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5

Number of papers published on geographical studies involving islands, by year, research field, and ocean areas . . . . . . . List of variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Factor loading matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arithmetic means of factor score by cluster . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Factor loading matrix (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

14 22 23 25 29

Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan Table 1 Table 2 Table 3

Abandoned islands due to depopulation after World War II in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of islands by age of bridge and average length of bridge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of routes and flights by destination (1980–2020) . . . . . . .

49 58 61

Population Flow from/to the Islands Table 1 Table 2

Artisans and domestic migrant workers from Omishima in the late nineteenth century (unit: person) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attributes of I-turn migrants in Katetsu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

84 97

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants Table 1 Table 2 Table 3

Settlements in Ishigaki-jima and Iriomote-jima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The process of Eruptions in 2000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The process for returning home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

115 125 128

Life Space on Islands Table 1 Table 2

History of Catholicism on Amami Oshima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of workers by industry (2010) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

160 172

xvii

xviii

List of Tables

Production Space on Islands Table 1 Table 2

Surveyed farms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population changes from 1995 to 2015 for islands with a population growth rate of -20% or more from 1955 to 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

200

210

Tourism Development in Islands Table 1 Table 2

Management type of marine leisure shops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Top 20 ports and airports by number of foreign arrivals in Japan (2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

225 245

Cultural and Social Overview of Japanese Islands Satoshi Suyama

Abstract In Japan, the four main islands have amassed enormous political and economic power that allows them to rule over the other islands. Moreover, relations of dominance and dependence have been established between five islands—Okinawa Island and the four main islands—and all the other islands. By transferring resources and manpower, the dominant islands were able to utilize the other islands to acquire wealth. As a result, the dependent islands have been deprived of opportunities for independent growth and forced to rely on policy support from the dominant islands. This relationship is structured by two gazes from the Japanese mainland: influence (dominance and dependence, neglect, and apathy) and reality (this world and the otherworld). The main islands’ dominance and dependence were strengthened during modernization and in subsequent modern history. While the closed nature of the islands has been dismantled, “islandness” has been lost. In the meantime, although the national policy has treated the other islands on par with the mainland and regarded them as the present world, in reality, many islands have retained the character of the otherworld. Compared with pre-modern times, the islands seem to have diversified. However, this is not the expansion of regional diversity but the diversification of the relationship with the mainland. Keywords Gaze · Dominance · Dependence · Otherworld · Diversity

1 Islands in Island Nation Japan is an island nation consisting of over 6,000 islands. In general, the four islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, and Shikoku are recognized as the “mainland.” The islands other than five islands—that is, the mainland and Okinawa Island, the main island of the Ryukyu Islands—are the subject of this book. These are referred to as the “remote islands of Japan.” S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_1

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It is exceedingly difficult to summarize the cultural and social characteristics of the Japanese islands, which extend from 20 to 45°N and are distributed in the world’s sixth most exclusive economic zone. Royle (2001) called the common constraint of islands their “insularity,” indicating that they are characterized by remoteness, narrowness, isolation, peripherality, etc. While Royle did not provide a clear definition of each of these characteristics, the islands he pointed out can be summed up as isolated—due to being surrounded by the sea—and small-scale—due to the limited land space available. Both “isolation” and “small-scale” are relative concepts, and the objects of comparison are always continents and the mainland. In Japan, the mainland has enormous political and economic power and controls the other islands. A domination–dependence relationship has been well-established between the mainland and the other islands, shaped by a gaze from the mainland. The ruling mainland amassed wealth by transferring the smaller islands’ resources and labor to the dominant islands that constitute the mainland. As a result, the dependent islands are deprived of the opportunity for independent growth and must depend on policy support and income transfer from the mainland. When discussing the Japanese islands, it should be noted that political and social changes in the mid-nineteenth century, namely, the Meiji Restoration, marked a turning point. With the return of power from the Tokugawa shogunate to the imperial court, Japan commenced its journey from a feudalistic shogunate to a modern state. However, at this point, Japan’s goal was not a democratic system based on the principle of equality but rather a centralized system of plundering resources and wealth. State-sponsored authoritative capitalism was established and the islands were incorporated into this system. For the islands, modernization was also a process of strengthening ties with the mainland. Toshio Shimao, a novelist in the late twentieth century, described the three contiguous island arcs along the eastern coast of Eurasia, namely, the Kuril Islands Arc, Japanese Archipelago, and Ryukyu Islands Arc, collectively as Japonesia (Shimao 1982). Japonesia roughly overlaps, but does not coincide with, the territory of Japan as a nation. There is regional diversity but not superiority or inferiority. Shimao’s vision of Japonesia is a cohesive region that contains a diversity of cultures. The modernization of Japan has divided Japonesia into islands and “mainland” regions. Islands considered to be of no use to the mainland are abandoned both politically and economically. As a result of neglect and indifference from the mainland, depopulation and aging advanced in Japanese islands after the latter half of the twentieth century. Some islands have been deserted and abandoned. Abandonment and indifference are essentially the same as the gaze of domination and dependence. These are located at the two poles of one evaluation axis—the influence from the mainland. Consequently, it can be understood that the Japanese islands are grasped not by their characteristics but by their relations with the mainland. There is another gaze from the mainland into the islands. In many cases, people on the mainland perceive the islands as different from the place where they live—that is, the “otherworld,” as manifested in the folklore. This view is both historically and

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spatially universal. Before the modernization of Japan, there were islands that were designated as penal colonies. The recognition of these islands as the otherworld was not only negative but also gave the people of the mainland the illusion of Shangri La. Moreover, some islands situated close to the mainland have intimate relations with and are strongly influenced by it. They can be called the “actual world of the otherworld.” This situation reflects the reality of the image that the mainland residents have of the islands belonging to the otherworld.

2 Two Coordinate Axes of Islands and the Mainland’s Relation Based on these two evaluation axes, Fig. 1 presents a model of influence (domination and dependence/neglect and indifference) and reality (actual world/otherworld); for the coordinate axes, the horizontal axis represents influence, and the vertical axis represents reality.

Fig. 1 Topological location of studies in this book (Note The numbers in parentheses indicate section numbers. Illustrated by Ren Suyama)

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In the islands located in the first quadrant, the domination of the mainland has a strong effect and the islands depend on the powerful mainland. The islands are strongly connected with the mainland and are incorporated into the mainland’s living space. In particular, the islands physically connected to the mainland (via bridges) are better integrated with it. The islands in the first quadrant have open characteristics. In contrast, the mainland’s interest in the islands located in the third quadrant is low; they do not receive much interference from the mainland. Therefore, these islands have closed characteristics; they form independent economic and cultural spheres separated from the mainland. The islands of the second quadrant are affected by the mainland, but the latter shows less interest in the former. The islands in the fourth quadrant have the characteristics of an otherworld but are under the strong influence of the mainland. The islands located in the third quadrant are not affected by the mainland; at most, they remain accessible to the neighboring islands but otherwise form self-contained microcosms. This is how the stereotypical image that the mainland people have of an island—that is, its closed nature—is shaped. On the contrary, the islands located in the first quadrant receive frequent visitors from the mainland and greatly depend on its support and supplies. These islands have an open culture that maintains active interchange between people and materials. Historically, most of the islands in Japan shifted from the third quadrant to the first and fourth with the establishment of the modern nation of Japan and the economic growth that occurred in the latter half of the twentieth century. However, not all islands were closed before modernization. The islands situated along the mainland coast developed as ports of call. Their prosperity was comparable to that of the port cities on the mainland. Therefore, there were islands located in the fourth quadrant even prior to modernization.

3 Mapping Islands on the Coordinates A total of 18 islands are included in the analysis in this book (Fig. 1). These include islands that are currently uninhabited. The author will attempt to describe the cultural and social diversity of islands in Japan, positioning the studies in this book on the appropriate coordinates (Fig. 2). The studies of Kikai-jima (7.1) and the Yaeyama Islands (5.1) describe islands before the modern age. These studies vividly depict the relationship between people’s lives and the natural environment in the unique ecosystem of islands. In the small space of the self-contained island consisting of the sea, mountain, and narrow plain, the self-sufficient life—which skillfully combined the resources obtained from there—was established. However, the hot and humid natural environment caused the disaster of malaria. People living in pre-modern settlements elected to battle malaria by strengthening regional cohesion. From the end of the nineteenth century, many immigrants were sent out from Omishima (4.2), and the other islands in the Seto Inland Sea, as well as the Nansei

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Fig. 2 Position of studies in this book

Islands to the mainland and overseas countries due to overpopulation. However, the sending islands were limited to strongly influenced islands by the mainland. They comparatively had many opportunities to access information from the mainland. Research conducted by Amami Oshima (4.1), similarly discussed the migration of populations from islands to the mainland. The islands covered by these studies are located near the origin of the first quadrant. A study that evaluated the landscape change after the early modern times of Mitarai, a port town of Osaki Shimojima (6.1), describes the bustle of the port and urban area. On the island that became a port of call for the main route in the early modern times in Japan, many shops accumulated, drawing passengers and crews. The prosperity of Mitarai was colored by the extraordinariness and festivity in the otherworld. The port town located on the island of Seto Inland Sea was in the fourth quadrant in early modern times. However, Mitarai, where the modern port landscape still remains, was assigned a new value as a tourism site and shifted to the first quadrant. A study that explored the Catholicism of Amami Oshima discusses the popularization of Catholicism and its elimination by the nation (6.2). Buddhism and Shinto

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were not introduced to Amami Oshima, which was regarded as the otherworld; thus, there was room for Christianity to spread. However, in the process of incorporating the island into the framework of the modern nation, Catholicism was regarded as an object of rejection. What can be read from this is that the nation strengthened the domination while keeping Amami Oshima in the otherworld. The spatial framework of the modern Japanese nation was formed by the territorial determination of islands (3.1). The decisive factor for Japan’s possession of the easternmost island of Minami Tori-shima and the westernmost Senkaku Islands was the securing of resources such as albatross feathers and phosphorus ore. Although these islands, which were located in remote regions and, in some cases, not even known to exist, were officially ruled by Imperial Japan, they existed in the otherworld rather than in the mainland. Many of the islands are more strongly controlled by the mainland today than before modern times. Of particular note are the islands in the fourth quadrant. Among the islands that are controlled despite being in the otherworld, new industry that contributes to the mainland is demanded. Tourism is one of the major industrial bases for the survival of today’s islands. Zamami-jima (8.1), the Kami Goto Islands (8.2), and Tsushima Island (8.3) all receive mainland and inbound visitors. Diving tourism using beautiful coral reefs attracts divers from the mainland in Zamami-jima; in the Kami Goto Islands, the historical landscape of Hidden Christians—registered as a World Cultural Heritage—is utilized as a tourism resource. Located on the border between Japan and Korea, Tsushima Island is crowded with inbound tourists. Chiburi-jima (7.2) and Orono-shima (7.3) are examples of islands that utilized local land and resources to develop a primary industry. In the Oki Islands, including Chiburi-jima, breeding of beef cattle is carried out and on Orono-shima the population is maintained by small-scale fishery based on coastal fishery resources. These islands also constitute the otherworld but are strongly linked to both the mainland. Islands that retain the character of the otherworld can become objects of the mainland inhabitants’ emigration. A study that examined the emigration from the mainland to Amami Oshima revealed that people who emigrated to the island were deliberately “sorting” by islanders (4.3). The islanders choose whether or not to accept the migrants into their community. Regarding migration to islands, the socalled “I-turn” is one of the characteristic features of population migration in Japan in the twenty-first century. I-turners are people who were born and raised on the mainland and moved to the island. When considered together with the tourism, it can be understood that the island in the otherworld receives a positive gaze. Although Japan is the world’s most prominent volcanic country, 30% of the active volcanoes are located on islands or under the ocean (Japan Meteorological Agency and Volcanological Society of Japan 2018). All residents of Miyake-jima (5.2) were forced to evacuate from the island for a period of four years due to an eruption in 2000. Bites from poisonous snakes, namely, habu, that inhabit the Nansei Islands are also endemic (5.3); however, the inhabitants of the island did not eradicate habu but rather sought to segregate the species from the human population. Both volcanic eruptions and habu reflect the island’s otherworldly character. These disasters cannot

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be confronted by island-only efforts. In particular, national management is necessary for collaborations to coordinate an effective response to volcanic disasters. The primary political goal of Japan’s national land policy has long been balanced regional development. Therefore, the resolution of remarkably disadvantageous conditions in the islands has been a concrete political issue. Infrastructure improvement of islands (3.3) aimed at the improvement of routes and ports. A significant portion of the national budget has been allocated for the construction and improvement of ports and the maintenance of routes. Moreover, the government has secured employment and tax revenue of inhabitants in public work projects, thus forming the economic basis of the islands. By being incorporated into the framework of the promotion policy, all islands more or less came under the control of the mainland and internalized the mainland’s constitution. From a policy perspective, the islands are treated equally with the mainland and not viewed as the otherworld. Therefore, the ideal goal of the national political strategy is to guide the position of these islands to the first quadrant. However, some islands that were extremely small and isolated were unable to contain the population outflow in the 1960s–1970s (3.2). In response, the government and local administrations encouraged the residents to withdraw from the islands. From a policy viewpoint, such islands are located in the first quadrant, but the islands that were beyond the control of politics were cut off and pushed into the second quadrant. In other words, uninhabited islands did not occur naturally but were created by policy. The mainland’s domination over the islands and the islands’ dependence on the mainland have been strengthened during modernization and in subsequent modern history. Although many of the closed characteristics of the pre-modern islands were dismantled, a loss of their unique island characteristics occurred. The national policy has been applied to both the islands and mainland and regarded the island as the actual world. However, in reality, many islands have retained the character of the otherworld. There are some islands that succeeded in commercializing their character as the otherworld, finding a way out via tourism and continuously promoting the primary industry on the island as the otherworld while strengthening their independence. However, many islands, especially those that have shifted to the first quadrant, have lost their uniqueness as islands and now face the dilemma that the incomes earned there cannot match those of the mainland. Referring to Fig. 2, the character of each island seems to have been diversified because the area of distribution on the coordinates has expanded compared with that seen before modern times. However, this should not be viewed as the expansion of regional diversity but rather the diversification of the relationship with the mainland. Satoshi Suyama

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References Japan Meteorological Agency, Volcanological Society of Japan (2018) National catalogue of the active volcanos in Japan 4th edition. Japan Meteorological Agency, Tokyo Royle SA (2001) A geography of islands: small island insularity. Routledge, London Shimao T (1982) Yaponeshia no nekko (Roots of Japonesia). In: Shimao T (ed) Toshio Shimao complete collection 16. Shobunsha, Tokyo, pp 190–193

Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands Hisamitsu Miyauchi and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This chapter introduces the geographical island studies of Japan. As Japan is an island nation, the islands that geographer’s study are implicitly limited to those outside the mainland. Therefore, in the study of Japan’s islands, the relationship between islands and the mainland is emphasized. The research can be divided into two categories: theoretical studies on the development of island regions and empirical studies based on systematic geography. In empirical research, the main focus was on the static description of the islands, whereas dynamic studies were based on the geographical results. Progress has also been made in research on tourism, transportation, and population fields. Despite the fact that the first category of research has provided a theoretical basis for the laws governing the promotion of islands, theoretical and practical research oriented to local issues is currently lagging. The typology of islands presented in Sect. 2 provides a perspective of the islands with a unified standard. Most of them continue to be engaged in commercial or subsistence fishing and agriculture with small-scale central functions located on the main islands of the archipelagos. Meanwhile, islands where tourism supports the residents are rather exceptional. This achievement rejects the stereotypical view that islands are facing a critical economic environment. The islands sustain themselves by combining and utilizing their diverse regional resources. Keywords Theoretical study · Empirical study · Regional classification · Population structure · Industrial structure

H. Miyauchi Faculty of Global and Regional Studies, University of the Ryukyus, Okinawa 903-0213, Japan e-mail: [email protected] S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_2

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1 Trends in Japanese Island Studies Since the Establishment of Modern Geography 1.1 Introduction Japan’s many islands have always been of great interest to geographers and hence are the subject of many human geographical studies. The high popularity of island studies is one unique characteristic of geographical studies in Japan. All inhabited islands, except for the five major ones (Honshu Island, Hokkaido Island, Kyushu Island, Shikoku Island, and Okinawa Island) collectively referred to as the “mainland,” are the subject of Japan’s island studies. As a result of aggregating “The Statistical Annual Report of Remote Islands”, Japan was found to have 384 inhabited islands (excluding the five major ones), with 452,003 households and 1,046,388 people living on them (2015 Population Census of Japan). That is to say, the subject of Japan’s numerous island studies has been approximately 400 islands that are home to less than 1% of the national population. Japanese geographers likely find Japanese islands attractive as a study subject due to their rich regional characteristics that are uniquely different from the mainland and diverse among the islands. In geography, Oomura (1958) categorizes island studies largely into two groups. Group 1 consists of theoretical or empirical studies on some phenomenon unique to the island, insularity, and island space. This group also includes applied studies involving insularity, such as island promotion and island policies. Group 2 includes agricultural geography, settlement geography, and other fields that “study the islands from the perspective of systematic geography” (Hiraoka 1977). Group 1 is concerned with the insular space itself and pursues “the theory of the islands.” In contrast, Group 2 is more involved with the research themes themselves, such as agriculture or tourism. Since many of the Group 2 studies discuss research findings in the context of insularity, there is much overlap between the two study groups. The purpose of this section is twofold: first, to statistically analyze the trends in geography publications on Japanese islands; and second, to discuss the general trends of the research results. A geographical island studies database developed by the author is used for this purpose. The database is created by collecting all the papers (not including books) on geographical studies involving Japanese islands published to date and entering into a spreadsheet the relevant information pertaining to the papers, such as author name and title. Using the database, the publication years and research fields are tabulated to identify research trends. Subsequently, the papers are organized by research field and contents of the key papers are reviewed to understand the trends in island studies and, thus, provide an outlook for the future.

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1.2 Creating a Database on Island Studies and the Number of Papers by Year This sub-section identifies the trends in island studies in Japan’s geographical studies based on an analysis using the database discussed above. The analysis covers a period of 113 years from 1907, when modern geography was institutionalized with the establishment of a geography course in Kyoto Imperial University, to 2019. The following criteria are applied in the selection of papers to include in the database: (i) academic papers on human geography written on the islands of Japan (non-academic papers/reports on the islands’ overview or regional geography are excluded) and (ii) academic papers are defined as those written by a member of a geographical society in Japan found in an academic journal or publication or those found in an official journal published by a geography society in Japan. The resulting database includes 700 papers on island studies. The oldest publications are “Settlements in Izu Islands” by Taro Tsujimura (1925) and “Seasonal migration of fishermen to Hekurajima, off Noto” by Itsutaro Ishii (1925), both of which were published in Chikyu, Volume 5, Series 5 (1925). Figure 1 is a graph showing the number of papers issued on island studies by year for the period 1907–2019. The graph shows that there were six waves (periods) of time when islands were actively studied, with each wave larger than the one preceding it. The first wave was a ten-year period starting from 1925. Researchers like Taro Tsujimura, Ryujiro Ishida, and Kan’ichi Uchida who left their names in the history of geographical studies in Japan published splendid papers on island studies from

Fig. 1 Number of papers on geographical studies involving islands, by publication year (1925– 2019)

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the economic geography and settlement geography approaches in the Geographical Review of Japan—an official journal of the Association of Japanese Geographers founded in 1925—and in the Journal of Geography (Chigaku Zasshi) issued by the Tokyo Geographical Society. The second wave occurred in the early 1950s. In June 1950, Taro Tsujimura founded the Research Group on Island Communities. Many geographers participated in this research group and actively discussed the definitions and concepts of islands in an effort to establish island geography as a field of research, creating an epoch in island studies. This research group became the intellectual backbone for the establishment of Japan’s Remote Island Promotion Act, an example of geographers’ contribution to solving real issues in Japanese society. The third wave of research arose in the 1960s and lasted through the late 1970s, when Japan was undergoing substantial economic growth and the islands of Japan, such as farming and mountain villages, suffered from underpopulation. During this period island communities changed significantly. This was also the time when public interest in the remote islands grew in Japan, resulting in some islands evolving into tourist destinations. Geographers also studied the changing islands from various perspectives. In 1975, a joint survey was conducted on Okushirito Island, west of Hokkaido Island in the Sea of Japan, by the members of the Department of Geography at Kyoto University. This was the year in which the greatest number of papers were published in any one-year period. The fourth wave of research occurred in the 1980s. This wave corresponded with the period when active research was being conducted by researchers like Akitoshi Hiraoka, Ryouhei Doomae, and Hitoshi Nakamata, who are still central figures in island research. The fifth wave of research occurred from the mid-1990s to the 2000s in response to a social phenomenon referred to as the “Okinawa boom.” Many studies were conducted centered on the islands of Okinawa, as explained in further detail in later paragraphs. The last wave took place in the 2010s. During this period, Satoshi Suyama, Takehisa Sukeshige, and Hisamitsu Miyauchi—the editors of this book—became members of the Remote Island Research Group of the Association of Japanese Geographers and actively conducted research. In addition, many researchers belonging to this group studied the islands of Japan under various themes.

1.3 Number of Papers by Ocean Area and Research Field Next, the 700 papers are classified by year of publication, research field, and subject region—nationwide and according to the six ocean areas as depicted in Fig. 2 (Sea of Japan, Pacific Ocean, Seto Inland Sea, Kyushu, Satsunan, and Okinawa). The results are shown in Table 1. Of all the regions, the islands of Okinawa are the most studied with 156 papers published, comprising 22% of the total.

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Fig. 2 Ocean areas

Okinawa has a history of being placed under the rule of US forces for 27 years after World War II. Reversion of Okinawa to Japan in 1972 enabled researchers to freely enter the island, which promoted active studies on the islands. The late 1990s saw a nationwide social “Okinawa boom,” which invigorated the islands of Okinawa both economically and socially. Geographical studies on the islands of Okinawa also increased: in particular, in the 2000s, 42% of the 123 papers published were on the islands of Okinawa. The region that ranks second in the number of papers published is the islands of Satsunan, located between Kyushu Island and Okinawa Island, with 131 papers. It has 21 inhabited islands—the least among all the ocean areas—all of them remotely located at a great distance from the mainland. This ocean area includes Yaku-shima (the suffix -shima means island), which was inscribed on the Natural World Heritage List; the highly isolated Tokara Islands; and the Amami Islands with a unique traditional culture, all of which offer ready research themes for geographical studies. The number of papers written per island is 6.2—the highest among the ocean areas. The third region is Seto Inland Sea (127 papers). Also known as the Inner Sea, it has 131 inhabited islands, which is the largest number among all the ocean areas. The islands of Seto Inland Sea are in close proximity to Honshu Island and Shikoku Island, which makes them easy to research. For this reason, a characteristic of this region is that a certain number of papers have been published in every period from pre-World War II to the present.

1

0

1

4

7

1

4

6

8

32

1940s

1950s

1960s

1970s

1980s

1990s

2000s

2010s

Total

13

5

2

1

1

2

2

2

Island theory

Island policy

Population

Settlement

Economy

Agriculture

Fishery

Culture

Research field

0

1930s

Nationwide

1920s

Publication year

4

16

16

8

6

8

2

2

73

5

8

13

6

14

4

13

2

4

4

Sea of Japan

8

7

16

6

10

7

0

3

76

18

3

3

13

17

8

10

1

2

1

Pacific Ocean

8

19

26

8

16

18

2

5

127

13

18

23

23

11

15

20

1

3

0

Seto Inland Sea

8

25

6

21

18

8

1

3

105

20

15

9

14

6

27

11

0

3

0

Kyushu

22

1

33

4

19

27

5

1

131

28

22

19

29

21

5

7

0

0

0

Satsunan

Table 1 Number of papers published on geographical studies involving islands, by year, research field, and ocean areas

8

6

35

9

26

16

2

4

156

34

51

35

20

13

3

0

0

0

0

Okinawa

(continued)

60

76

134

57

96

86

17

31

700

126

123

106

106

89

66

62

4

13

5

Total

14 H. Miyauchi and S. Suyama

0

0

Behaviour

Medicine

Water use

–

Number of papers per island

3.2

23

73

1

0

2

0

4

4

Sea of Japan

1.6

49

76

1

1

2

2

1

12

Pacific Ocean

1.0

131

127

4

1

2

1

13

4

Seto Inland Sea

0.9

119

105

1

2

4

1

3

4

Kyushu

Note Boldface indicates the ocean area with the most number of papers, by publication year, by research field

–

Total inhabited islands

32

0

Politics

Total

1

2

Transportation

1

Nationwide

Tourism

Table 1 (continued)

6.2

21

131

2

1

3

1

1

11

Satsunan

3.8

41

156

3

5

6

2

17

17

Okinawa

1.8

394

700

12

10

19

9

40

53

Total

Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands 15

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Kyushu ranks fourth in the number of papers written about the region. It has 119 inhabited islands of diverse sizes and distances from the mainland. However, the number of papers written per island is 0.9—the lowest among the ocean areas. In addition, there were 76 papers on Pacific islands and 73 on islands situated in the Sea of Japan. However, there are only 32 national-scale papers that have studied all of Japan’s islands. Next, let us examine the most studied ocean area in each time period. In the prewar period from the 1920s to the 1940s, islands in the Sea of Japan had the greatest number of papers written about them. Seto Inland Sea was the most popular subject of research in the 1950s, Kyushu in the 1960s, Satsunan in the 1970s and 1980s, and Okinawa in the 1990s and later. In general, the interest of the Japanese geographers has shifted from north to south over the past 100 years and from areas closer to the mainland to more remote ocean areas in the post-war period. This trend is likely related to the post-World War II history. After Japan’s defeat in 1945, the islands south of 30 degrees north latitude were placed under US military occupation and could not be readily accessed by Japanese researchers. The Amami Islands in Satsunan reverted to Japan in 1953 and Okinawa in 1972, which opened up avenues for on-site surveys. In addition to such historical factors, improved transportation access promoted greater interest among researchers and the general public in looking further south and into more remote areas. This could be why research papers on remote islands have increased in recent years. Island studies in Japan have focused on various human phenomena on the islands, leading to a diverse research field. As a result of aggregation based on the similarity of the humanistic phenomena dealt with in each paper, the papers could be classified into the following 14 research fields: island theory, island policy, population, settlement, economy, agriculture, fishery, culture, tourism, transportation, politics, behavior, medicine, and water use. The first two research fields fall under Group 1 mentioned above and the remaining under Group 2. Table 1 shows that the most studied field was agriculture, with 134 papers published on the subject. This is followed by settlement (96 papers), population (86), fishery (76), culture (60), economy (57), tourism (53), transportation (40), island theory (31), behavior (19), and island policy (17). There are 48 papers on Group 1 research fields (island theory and island policy), which is only 7% of the total. These statistics show that researchers in Japanese geographical island studies are more interested in the systematic geographical approach to understanding the various phenomena and the regional characteristics of the island as seen through the subject phenomena rather than the theoretical studies on insularity and island space. Finally, let us look at which ocean area has the most papers published in the respective research fields. For Group 1 research fields—island theory and island policy—many of the studies are on islands nationwide. In the field of population, the highest ocean area is Satsunan. Contributing to this is the series of research by Tajima on goyukai, which are hometown associations of people from the Amami Islands (Tajima 1990, 1991, 1995). Satsunan has received the most attention in the field of culture due to its deeply-rooted traditional culture. For settlement and agricultural research fields, Okinawa ranks highest, followed by Satsunan. Kyushu ranks top in the

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field of economy owing to a large number of papers on the trend of coal mining on the island. For tourism research fields, Okinawa ranks highest, followed by Satsunan and the Pacific Ocean. The top three in the field of fishery are Kyushu, Seto Inland Sea, and the Sea of Japan, where fishery is robust. Okinawa and Seto Inland Sea are the top two in the transportation research field. Bridge building is particularly prevalent in these two areas and there are many studies focused on how island communities are affected by changes in transportation conditions brought about by bridge infrastructure. As can be seen, the trends in the research field correlate to the industrial structure and social changes in the respective regions.

1.4 Trends in the Research Characterizing Island Studies in Japanese Geography This section discusses the trends in island studies in Japan through reviews of key papers. As discussed earlier, there are two groups of island studies. In the following, the characteristics are discussed for Group 1, which is concerned with the insular space itself and pursues “the theory of the islands.” As discussed in the preceding paragraphs, the founding of the Research Group on Island Communities in 1950 triggered active theoretical studies on islands. The group focused on four main discussion points: (i) developing a definition and concepts of an island; (ii) identifying the spatial characteristics of islands, that is, defining “insularity”; (iii) identifying the relationship between the mainland and the islands and among the islands; and (iv) classifying all Japanese islands under a set standard and identifying each island’s geographical locations and features. Numerous geographers such as Hutagami (1950), Yamashina (1952), and Ono (1961) have engaged in lengthy discussions on this topic. Notably, many theoretical island studies were conducted in the 1950s through the 1960s because many individuals associated with geography were involved in island promotion policies, which required a theoretical basis for execution. However, the conclusions gained from these studies were that the definition and concept of an island were unclear and researchers could not reach a common understanding. There were no phenomena common to all islands, unique only to islands, or universal among the islands. Rather, a human phenomenon observed on an island occurred based on the natural foundations of the island and was strongly linked to the social and historical background unique to that island. Therefore, such manifestations differed from island to island. Accordingly, the development of an island theory was not possible. Once researchers reached such a conclusion, studies on island theory diminished in the 1970s. On discussion point (iv), Suyama (2003) conducted a factor analysis on 259 islands nationwide using 16 variables associated with population and industrial structure. The factor score for each island was used to conduct a cluster analysis to classify

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the islands. This study was highly significant because it was the first use of the quantitative method in a regional classification of islands on a national scale. Geographers in the Research Group on Island Communities brought to light the conditions endured by many of the islands at the time: lack of basic infrastructure such as electricity, waterworks, and ports and roads, coupled with markedly low living standards and hope for industrial development. Explaining the dire conditions suffered by the island communities, the geographers subsequently appealed to the public and the government on the necessity of island promotion. They saw that the islands’ backwardness was caused by the natural conditions such as being surrounded by the sea or a lake, limited land mass, and remoteness, thus creating a theoretical framework for the Remote Island Promotion Law advocating the need to remove such handicaps to remedy their backwardness. One of the key characteristics of this law, enacted in 1953, is that the government provides financial assistance at a high subsidy rate for public works on designated islands (Yamashina 1992). After the Remote Island Promotion Law was implemented, some of these geographers continued to serve as members of government committees to provide guidance for effective island promotion. For example, a policy was adopted to categorize the several hundred islands into six groups by population size, distance from the mainland, and hydrographic conditions, and provide promotion measures suitable for each group: a true case of geography applied to policymaking. Although many people associated with geography made social contributions by participating in the development of Japan’s island promotion policies, there are very few academic papers in the field of geography that deal with island policy. Of the 17 papers in this field published, Yamashina (1992) discussed the current conditions and issues of island promotion. Yamashina, who has been deeply involved in the development of Japan’s island promotion policies for many years, gave high praise to the Remote Island Promotion Law for its features of offering a high share of government subsidies and a lump-sum budget. However, he was also concerned that the use of national government subsidies was limited to building public facilities and could not be applied to industrial promotion plans for the islands and deplored the fact that the islands developed a strong financial dependency on national government aid. Nakamata (1994) discussed how islands connected by bridges were no longer supported by the Remote Island Promotion Act. He pointed out that the earlier a bridge was built, the shorter the period that the island would receive financial support from the government, leading to a possibility that industrial foundations might not be well developed on those islands.

1.5 Future Prospects This chapter discusses the trends in geographic research on Japanese islands by compiling academic papers published during the 113-year period from 1907, when modern geography was institutionalized in Japan, to 2019.

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Island studies in Japanese geography can be divided into two categories. Among them, Group 2, which is rooted in systematic geography, has developed greatly since the 1980s. In addition to research on agriculture, fisheries, and settlements, which have been active since the prewar period, research on new human phenomena such as tourism, population, and transportation has increased in this group. This was in response to the social changes involving the islands that have been evolving since the 1980s such as advances in island tourism, bridge construction connecting the islands with the mainland, and the migration boom from the large cities to the islands. Approaches to research have also changed. In the past, research mainly comprised static studies centered on the description of regional characteristics and based on a statistical analysis of tabulated aggregates of data. This has shifted to more dynamic approaches that place greater emphasis on interviews and other disaggregated data and a new focus on the acts of the subject and its relationship with the surrounding environment. This is in line with the recent overall trends in Japan’s geographical studies. The research field of Group 2 studies has become not only more diverse but also more in-depth. On the other hand, studies of Group 1 on island theory and island policy have not been so active. Studies in these fields have not progressed since the 1970s and there is a sense of delay compared to mountain village studies, which also deal with peripheral regions. Researchers in the field of mountain village geography have focused on various problems and phenomena faced by mountain village areas such as land use, ecology, and the declining birthrate and aging population. Subsequently, they have achieved many theoretical and practical results in the promotion of mountain village regions and their interaction with urban regions. Looking at the bright side, The Japan Society of Island Studies (JSIS) was founded in 1997, and with the substantial participation of geographers. JSIS seeks to establish island studies as an interdisciplinary science, offering geographers more opportunities to network with researchers of other academic fields and be inspired and stimulated by other fields. In 2004, the Association of Japanese Geographers established the Remote Island Research Group. Its semi-annual meetings have become a forum for innovative presentations and active discussions among young researchers. In addition, Tokyo Metropolitan University, Kagoshima University, and the University of the Ryukyus have established research facilities for the study of island region, attracting the participation of many geographers. As described above, island studies in Japanese geography have been flourishing due to the enhancement of research facilities at universities that study islands and the organization of island-related societies. As a result, Group 1 studies on island theory and island promotion are expected to increase in the future. Lastly, please allow me to add a few words on the difference between Japan’s island studies and those of the western nations. As discussed above, the islands covered in Japanese geographical island studies are the “remote islands” relative to the five domestic “mainland” islands. The “remote islands” are part of the regions of Japan. In contrast, the “islands” studied by geographers of western nations include all land masses other than continents and particularly focus on the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) such as the Marshall Islands and Tuvalu, which are scattered across a

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vast ocean area. The studies deal with global issues such as sea-level rise due to global warming, economic or environmental vulnerability, and sustainable development. Perhaps the Japanese geographers failed to define insularity in the 1950s because they looked only at “remote islands” within Japan. Since the “remote islands” are a concept relative to the “mainland,” they can be defined only in the context of their relationship with the mainland or as a part of Japan. Therefore, it is necessary for Japanese geographers to cooperate with overseas island researchers and accumulate empirical studies on the situation and various problems of islands in Japan and the world in the global age. In the process of such studies, the author expects that they will be able to reconstruct their own theories that apply to Japanese islands from a global perspective. Hisamitsu Miyauchi

2 Quantitative Typology of Japanese Islands 2.1 Introduction Population outflow from Japan’s island areas has been ongoing since the end of World War II. With the decrease in population, the collapse of economic and living infrastructure progressed, and in some cases, all of the island residents were forced to leave. However, there are several islands that successfully halted the decrease in population and started to build it again by accepting transferees from outside the islands and promoting new industries such as tourism, fishery, and agriculture. Japanese islands are not so simple as to be summarized with stereotypical images such as “a small island floating in the ocean” and “a southern paradise.” Amami Oshima and Ishigaki-jima (the suffix -jima means island) have cities with a population of approximately 40,000 and their urban functions are concentrated. Further, in Chichi-jima of the Ogasawara Islands and Aoga-shima of the Izu Islands, the population increased over 10% in the early 1990s (Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Islands 1998). However, other islands such as Ike-shima in Nagasaki Prefecture— where the coal mine was closed, and the population is decreasing sharply—and Shishi-jima in Kagawa Prefecture—where the aged population rate exceeds 80% have not fared as well (Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Islands 1998). Notably, islands are diverse—not only in terms of location and natural conditions but also in terms of population composition and population dynamics. In addition, the resources available on islands and the method of their utilization vary. In this section, we focus on the diversity of islands and categorize them by a quantitative method. Conventional geographical studies on Japanese islands have revealed the diverse regionality of each island region (Yabuuchi 1972; Fujioka and Ukita 1975). A notable feature of the empirical research on the island region is that the geographical discontinuity with the mainland is emphasized. However, overemphasizing this can only

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amplify the stereotypical images of islands. Rather, the author regards discontinuity and isolation of island regions as a source of various regional characteristics. Many islands depend on the outside for the majority of their supplies. However, the satisfaction rate on islands is high in self-sufficient fishery and agriculture, as well as in purchase, medical treatment, and welfare, which are directly connected with daily life. The characteristics of local communities and the uniqueness of each island in terms of language and rites are frequently discussed in the surrounding sciences such as Japanese folklore and cultural anthropology. These results indicate that the systems for maintaining island regions and societies are extremely diverse and strongly reflect the characteristics of the regions.

2.2 Data For the classification of islands, indices such as location relation with the mainland, scale of islands, and arrangement form of islands have been used until now (Tsujimura and Yamaguchi 1935a, b). This section focuses on population and industrial structure and extracts factors characterizing islands by employing factor analysis. In addition, using the score calculated in the factor analysis, the islands are categorized by cluster analysis. Features of each island can be accurately grasped by summarizing islands with similar bases. This section covers 259 islands. From the 319 islands designated by four laws relating to islands, the following were excluded: very small islands with a population of less than 50, islands bridged to the mainland or Okinawa Island, islands inhabited only by military and/or meteorological personnel, and islands with missing data. The data source is the “Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Islands 1998” issued by the Center for Research and Promotion of Japan Islands. The data year was mainly 1995. The 16 variables used in the analysis are listed in Table 2. The four variables from the sex ratio to the aged population rate are related to the population structure. Nine variables, from the agriculture and fishery worker rates to the public sector worker rate, are related to the industrial structure. Further, the full-time agriculture and forestry household rate, the full-time fishery household rate, and the number of tourists per capita are variables related to the industries that influence the economy of the islands. In addition, using 2015 data, the same analysis as in 1995 is conducted. In the 2015 analysis, only 175 islands were included in the analysis because the unit of data aggregation was different from that of 1995 and the number of small islands with less than 50 inhabitants increased. Data on the percentage of full-time farmers and full-time fishermen in 2015 could not be obtained. In addition, due to the change in industry classification, the accommodation and restaurant industry became a separate category. Therefore, the number of variables decreased to 15.

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Table 2 List of variables Variables

Determination

Source

Sex ratio

Female / Male

Population Census (1995)

Size of household

Population / Households number

Population Census (1995)

Working age population rate

(Working age population / Total Population Census (1995) population) × 100

Aged population rate

(Aged population / Total population) × 100

Agriculture and forestry workers rate

(Workers of agriculture and Population Census (1995) forestry / Total workers) × 100

Fishery workers rate

(Workers of fishery / Total workers) × 100

Population Census (1995)

Mining workers rate

(Mining workers / Total workers) × 100

Population Census (1995)

Construction workers rate

(Construction workers / Total workers) × 100

Population Census (1995)

Population Census (1995)

Manufacturing workers rate (Manufacturing workers / Total Population Census (1995) workers) × 100 Sales and restaurant workers rate

(Sales and restaurant Population Census (1995) workers / Total workers) × 100

Financial and insurance workers rate

(Financial and insurance Population Census (1995) workers / Total workers) × 100

Service industry workers rate

(Service industry Population Census (1995) workers / Total workers) × 100

Public sector workers rate

(Public sector workers / Total workers) × 100

Population Census (1995)

Full-time agriculture and forestry household rate

(Full-time agriculture and forestry households / Agriculture and forestry households) × 100

Census of Agriculture and Forestry (1995)

Full-time fishery household (Full-time fishery rate households / Total fishery households) × 100

Census of Fisheries (1996)

Number of tourists per capita

Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Islands (1996)

Number of tourist / Total population

2.3 Factors Characterizing Islands Factor analysis by the principal factor method was applied to the 16 variables. In order to analyze the socio-economic characteristics of the islands, 16 variables were selected, mainly those that represent population and industrial structure. Based on eigenvalues above 1.0, these variables were summarized into six factors. The cumulative contribution rate of the six factors reached 76.84%. The factor loadings matrix

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after varimax rotation is shown in Table 3. The interpretation of each factor is tried based on this. Factor 1 showed a 18.26% contribution rate; the factor loadings of the aged population rate and the sex ratio showed a positive value, and the size of household and the working age population rate showed a negative value. In other words, positive high score of Factor 1 indicates the ratio of women and old people is high. On the contrary, the islands with negative values have large working-age populations and families. This factor indicates the population and household structure. The contribution rate of Factor 2 was 14.85%. In terms of factor loadings, the fishery worker rate and the full-time fishery household rate were both +0.69, and the agriculture and forestry worker rate and the full-time agriculture and forestry household rate were −0.88 and −0.75, respectively. In other words, islands with Table 3 Factor loading matrix Variables Sex ratio

Factor 1

Factor 3

Factor 4

Factor 5

Factor 6

0.7341

Size of household

−0.6078

Working age population rate

−0.8650

Aged population rate

Factor 2

−0.4632

0.9258 −0.8774

Agriculture and forestry workers rate Fishery workers rate

−0.4516

0.6946

Mining workers rate

0.9103

Construction workers rate

0.7341

Manufacturing workers rate

0.6540

Sales and restaurant workers rate

0.7728

Financial and insurance workers rate

0.8305

Service industry workers rate

0.8746

Public sector workers rate

0.7709 −0.7497

Full-time agriculture and forestry household rate Full-time fishery household rate

0.6910

Number of tourists per capita

0.7460

Contribution rate (%)

18.2576

14.8547

12.8334

12.5615

10.5061

7.8231

Cumulative contribution rate (%)

18.2576

33.1123

45.9458

58.5073

69.0134

76.8366

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positive factor scores strongly depend on fisheries, and islands with negative factor scores strongly depend on agriculture. Factor 2 shows the activity of fishery and agriculture. Factor 3 contributed 12.83%. The financial and insurance worker rate, sales and restaurant worker rate, and manufacturing worker rate—which indicate the existence of central place functions and the presence of manufacturing—show factor loadings of +0.65, +0.77, and +0.83, respectively. The islands with a positive factor score retain the central place function or have a manufacturing industry that can employ many islanders. Factor 4 contributed 12.56%. The construction worker and public sector worker rates showed factor loadings of +0.73 and +0.77, respectively. Civil engineering and construction works by public investment occupy an important position on the islands. Employment in the public sector occupies a part of the white collar occupation on the islands, and it becomes an acceptable form of employment for the youth and U-turn (return of islanders) people. This factor indicates dependence on public investment. Islands with high positive factor scores for this factor have an industrial structure largely dependent on public investment. Factor 5 had a contribution rate of 10.51%, and the service industry worker rate and number of tourists per capita show a factor loading of +0.7 ~0.8. The service industry includes accommodation facilities such as inns and guesthouses and the tourism sector comprised of various entertainment industries. The factor indicates the existence of tourism. Islands that show high factor scores have highly developed tourism industries. The contribution rate of Factor 6 was 7.82% and only the mining worker’s rate showed a high factor loading. This factor implies mining production. From the features of the extracted factors, the following two points can be indicated. The variables related to the demographic structure have high factor loadings in Factor 1, and the variables related to the industrial composition have high factor loadings in Factors 2–6. Demographic variables have little effect on these five factors, which indicate industrial structures. This implies that the demographic characteristics of the island are not clearly related to the industrial structure. The population structure of the island is not defined by the economic principle. Accordingly, the anchoring factor of the population in the island must be obtained in a dimension different from the economic basis. The contribution of Factors 2–6, which defines the industrial structure, reflects the importance of each industry in the island. In other words, even today, the basic industry of the island is the primary industry shown in Factor 2 and the tourism industry has less importance. Furthermore, the importance of the role of public investment can be confirmed because Factor 4 has almost the same contribution rate as Factor 3.

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2.4 Typology of Islands by Cluster Analysis Seven clusters were obtained using Ward’s cluster analysis. The main factor scores of the islands corresponding to each cluster were shown as arithmetic means (Table 4). Cluster A has 63 islands, and their average factor score is remarkable in Factors 1 and 2. The average score of Factor 1 (population and household composition) was +0.96, indicating the presence of many women and elderly individuals. The average score of Factor 2 (fishery and agriculture) was +0.75, indicating the importance of fisheries. Cluster A is a group where women and the elderly make up the majority and depend on fisheries. The average aged population rate of the islands belonging to Cluster A is 43% and the full-time fishery household rate is 69%. However, since the fishery worker rate is only 49.6%, it is hard to think of fishery as an industry. Cluster A was named a self-sufficient fishery island group. The average score of Factors 1 and 2 of Cluster B are also remarkable. The average factor score of Factor 1 is −0.78 and Factor 2 is +0.55. Unlike Cluster A, the islands have a relatively large working-age population and household size because the average factor score of Factor 1 is negative. The average number of households in Clusters A and B is 2.11 and 3.29, respectively. These islands are based on fishery because 58.4% of them are engaged in fishery and 46.3% are fulltime fishery households. Cluster B is also a group of islands dependent on fisheries, but the relatively low aged population rate of 23.5% suggests that fisheries have economic significance as an industry. This cluster is a commercial fishery island group. Cluster C contains 60 islands and the average score of Factor 3 (central place functions and manufacturing) is +1.33. Islands belonging to this cluster have urban functions. In Amami Oshima, Fukue-jima, and Ishigaki-jima in particular, Table 4 Arithmetic means of factor score by cluster Cluster A

Self-sufficient fishery

B

Industrial fishery

C

Central place, manufacturing

D

Agriculture specialized

E

Public investment dependent

F

Tourism

G

Mining specialized

Factor 1

Factor 2

Factor 3

Factor 4

Factor 5

Factor 6

0.9579

0.7475

63

–0.7810

0.5536

62 1.3289

60

−1.5781

38

−0.9632

2.5709

16

3.2215 −0.6534

Islands

0.5056

13 5.7756

5

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the percentage of workers in industries with central place functions exceeds 20%. These islands have direct air routes to the mainland, the islands that are the center of the surrounding islands, and those where the manufacturing industry is located, reflecting the uniqueness of each island included in this cluster. From the above, Cluster C was characterized as a central place and/or manufacturing industry island group. A total of 38 islands belong to Cluster D and only the average score of Factor 2 shows a negative high value of −1.58. Therefore, it was named an agriculturespecialized island group. Of these islands, 30 have more than 30% full-time agricultural households ratio, 32 have more than 30% agricultural workers ratio, and 15 have more than 50% on these two variables. At total of 16 islands correspond to Cluster E. While the mean score of Factor 1 is −0.96, that of Factor 4 (public investment) is +2.57, showing a very high value. This cluster is a group of public investment-dependent islands. However, since Factor 1 takes a negative value, there are relatively many young and middle-aged workers. In Cluster F, the average score of Factor 5 (tourism) reaches +3.22. This cluster is a tourism island group. However, only a small percentage (5%) of the islands belong to this type. Cluster G contains only five islands. In the mean value of the factor score, Factor 6 (mining) was remarkably high at +5.78. This cluster can be called a mining specialized island group.

2.5 Distribution of Clustered Islands The distribution of each clustered island is shown in Fig. 3. Self-sufficient fishery islands, as Cluster A, are mainly distributed in the Seto Inland Sea and the northern part of Kyushu, the Uwa Sea, Mikawa Bay, the coast of the Oshika Peninsula, and the northwestern part of Hokkaido. In particular, approximately ten islands are concentrated in the western Seto Inland Sea, the eastern Seto Inland Sea, and the Goto Islands. The average number of inhabitants is only 383, indicating a small-scale population. Most of them are close to the mainland and have easy access to transportation that allows them to cross the sea. Consequently, an outflow of the young population to the mainland triggered by the higher education and employment occurred. As a result, the island faces an aging population and fishing activity has declined to the level of self-sufficiency. Although the distribution of the islands belonging to the commercial fishery cluster is similar to that of the self-sufficient fishery islands, it is comparatively small in the Seto Inland Sea and 24 islands are concentrated in the Genkai-nada Sea north of the Goto Islands. The average population is 936, and the scale is larger than that of the self-sufficient fishery island group. In these islands, specialization in fishery is recognized. Fishery based on local fishery resources has been developed. Some examples are the kelp and sea urchin fishery in Rishiri-to and Rebun-to of Hokkaido (the suffix -to means island); abalone fishery by female divers, namely,

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Fig. 3 Distribution of islands by cluster

ama in Hegura-jima; pearl, yellowtail, and tiger prawn aquaculture in the islands of the Uwa Sea; and pole-and-line fishing and longline fishing in the islands of the Genkai-nada Sea. Central places and/or manufacturing islands are widely distributed from Sadogashima and the Izu Islands to the Yaeyama islands. Among them, there are 27 large islands with a population of over 5,000; 26 of them, except Rishiri-to, belong to this cluster. These are the main islands of the archipelagos. However, this type also includes islands specialized in the manufacturing industry. The manufacturing industry in the islands is closely related to the locational characteristics and regional resources. The distribution of islands specializing in agriculture is limited to the western Seto Inland Sea, the coast of the Sea of Japan in Yamaguchi Prefecture, northern Kyushu, and the Nansei Islands. Specifically, 13 islands are concentrated in the

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western Seto Inland Sea and 10 islands are concentrated around Okinawa and the Yaeyama Islands. The main agricultural activities on these islands are related to citrus, sugar cane, and beef cattle breeding. Citrus fruits are cultivated in the western Seto Inland Sea. Sugar cane was a key industry on Okinawa and in the Yaeyama Islands. Sugar cane cultivation supported by government occupies a major position only in islands where there is no alternative industry. The breeding of beef cattle is carried out by extensive grazing of the grassland on the island. In addition, there are islands that have established brands in the national and local markets such as a particular variety of onion in Nuwa-jima and Tsuwaji-jima of Ehime Prefecture, peanuts in No-shima of Nagasaki Prefecture, and carrots in Tsuken-jima of Okinawa Prefecture. The islands dependent on public investment are limited to the Izu, Ogasawara and the Tokara Islands, and the islands encompassed by Okinawa Prefecture. These islands are all isolated from the mainland and small in terms of population. It is said that Japanese islands entirely depend on public investment, but the number of islands that are strongly dependent on government funds is limited as according to this result. The tourism islands are distributed along the coast of the mainland and in the Ryukyu Islands. The former is located less than an hour from the mainlandby sea route. It is also close to the Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka, and Fukuoka metropolitan areas. The latter is distributed among the Kerama and Yaeyama Islands, which are characterized by their conservation of the natural landscape. Diving and whale watching in the Kerama Islands and canoe touring in mangrove swamps in Iriomote-jima attract tourists. Moreover, in Hatsu-shima of Shizuoka Prefecture and Kohama-jima of the Yaeyama Islands, large-scale resort development by the big companies of the mainland is advancing. The specialized mining island is located in the eastern part of Seto Inland Sea and corresponds to Ike-shima in Nagasaki Prefecture. Quarrying is active on islands in the Seto Inland Sea. Ike-shima was the last coal mine in Kyushu region that supported Japanese industrialization. From the above analysis, the distribution of islands in Japan can be summarized as follows. Industrial fishery is dominant in the Sea of Japan on the east side of Noto Peninsula while the public investment-dependent islands are dominant in the Izu and Ogasawara Islands. The western Seto Inland Sea is characterized by commercial fishery and mining specialized islands. The self-sufficient and the commercial fishery, the specialized manufacturing industry, and the agriculture specialized islands coexist in the middle Seto Inland Sea, and the self-sufficient and the commercial fishery islands coexist in the west Seto Inland Sea and the Uwa Sea. In the Genkai-nada Sea, the commercial fishery island group is predominant, and the two fishery island groups and the agriculture specialized island group coexist in the Goto Islands. The Tokara Islands and the Daito Islands are the public investment-dependent islands. In the Nansei Islands, the agriculture specialized island group is predominant, and the tourism island group is also observed. In addition, the central place islands are dispersed throughout the area.

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Among these, some islands of the Nansei Islands and the Genkai-nada Sea are self-sufficient based on their intra-island and coastal resources. In addition, these areas include islands that involve central place functions and are easily supplied with urban services and goods. On the contrary, the Izu, Ogasawara, Tokara, and Daito Islands are highly isolated and have narrow available land. Consequently, they have to depend on public investment. Furthermore, though some islands have industrial bases such as citrus cultivation and shipbuilding in the Seto Inland Sea and Uwa Sea, there is an ongoing outflow of the population due to the high accessibility to the mainland, thus causing aging of the population. The island diversity found as a result of the cluster analysis was formed as a result of the interaction of distance to the mainland, the land base in the island, resources in the adjacent sea, and population scale.

2.6 Analysis in 2015 As a result of the factor analysis based on the 2015 data (Annual Report of Statistics on Japanese Islands 2018), five factors with eigenvalues of 1.0 or higher were extracted, with a cumulative contribution rate of 60.67% (Table 5). The character of the factors Table 5 Factor loading matrix (2015) Variables

Factor 1

Sex ratio

−0.6560

Size of household Working age population rate Aged population rate

Factor 2

Factor 3

Factor 4 Factor 5

0.6783 0.4502

0.8485

−0.4551 −0.8688

Agriculture and forestry workers rate Fishery workers rate

0.9354 −0.5788

−0.6273

Mining workers rate Construction workers rate

0.7202

Manufacturing workers rate Financial and insurance workers rate

−0.6218

Sales and restaurant workers rate

−0.8084

Accommodation and restaurant workers rate

0.9417 −0.5033

Service industry workers rate Public sector workers rate

0.6231

Number of tourists per capita

0.5928

Contribution rate (%)

15.3362

14.7230

12.1774

9.7124

8.7180

Cumulative contribution rate (%)

15.3362

30.0592

42.2366 51.9489

60.6669

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is inferred from the factor loadings of each factor. In Factor 1, the rate of construction and public service workers is positive while the sex ratio and the fishery workers rate are negative and high. Therefore, this factor places public investment in the positive pole and commercial fishing in the negative pole. In Factor 2, the household size and the working-age population rate are positive while the aged population rate is negative. This suggests that Factor 2 indicates the population and household structure. In Factor 3, the rate of workers in the finance, insurance, wholesale and retail, and service industries is negative and high, which suggests that this factor indicates the existence of central place functions. Factor 4 is considered to be a factor of tourism because the rate of workers in the accommodation, food and beverage, and service industries is positive and high. Factor 5 is considered to be a factor of the primary industry because the rate of farmers is positive, and the rate of fishermen is negative. In comparison to the results of the 1995 analysis, the factors related to manufacturing and mining disappeared. Factors related to manufacturing were associated with central place functions in 1995. However, by 2015, this factor had changed to a factor indicating only central place functions, reflecting the decline in the importance of these industries. The factor indicating public investment (Factor 4 in 1995) contributed 12.56%. In 2015, this factor was linked to commercial fishing, which increased its contribution to 15.34% and shifted to Factor 1. On the other hand, the factor indicating primary industry (Factor 2 in 1995) receded to Factor 5 in 2015 and its contribution rate decreased from 14.85 to 8.71%. The contribution of the factor on tourism has slightly declined in status from 10.51% in 1995 to 9.71% in 2015. It can be considered that the factor structures of 1995 and 2015 are fundamentally similar. As a result of cluster analysis based on the factor scores of the five factors extracted from the factor analysis, six clusters were obtained. As a result of examining the average factor scores for each cluster, it was confirmed that the clusters could be classified in the same way as in 1995, except that the mining cluster disappeared. Although not precise, this allows us to compare the regional typology of the islands in 1995 and 2015. Figure 4 shows the changes in the clusters over the two decades. While there has been little change in the composition of the subsistence fishery, commercial fishery, central place function, the agriculture cluster shrank from 14.79 to 5.71% and the public investment cluster expanded from 6.23 to 17.71%. Overall, it can be interpreted from the data that the islands are losing their original industrial basis, particularly agriculture, and are becoming increasingly dependent on public investment. The percentage of tourism, which is expected to become a new industrial base, was almost unchanged. Of the 48 islands belonging to Cluster A (self-sufficient fishery), 20 are distributed in the Seto Inland Sea. The islands in this sea that are close to the mainland have been converted to other industries and the population has been aging. Of the 41 islands belonging to Cluster B (commercial fishery), 14 are distributed in the Genkai-nada Sea and Northern Kyushu. Concerning geographical distribution, sharp contrast is observed between two clusters. In the Seto Inland Sea, the aquaculture industry has declined and islands with a commercial fishery base have been concentrated in northern Kyushu. Orono-shima of Sect. 3 in the Chapter 7 also belongs to this

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63 islands 40 20 5

31 islands 20 10 1

Fig. 4 Cluster shift between 1995 and 2015

category. Cluster C (central place function) still consists mainly of relatively large islands, as in 1995. However, with the decline of manufacturing industries, such as shipbuilding, the islands where manufacturing was the core industry were excluded from this cluster. Cluster D (specialized in agriculture) is concentrated in the Kutsuna Islands in the western part of the Seto Inland Sea where citrus cultivation is the main activity. The largest change during the two decades is the increase in Cluster E (public investment dependent). The distribution of Cluster F (tourism) is basically the same as in 1995, but the number of islands in the Okinawa and Yaeyama Islands has increased. The islands belonging to Cluster A accounted for 27.43% in 2015, a slight increase in its composition compared to 1995; some of the islands that belonged to Clusters B and C in 1995 shifted to this cluster. For example, Shimo Koshiki-jima in Kagoshima Prefecture belonged to Cluster C in 1995. Previously, there were the Kashima and Shimo Koshiki Villages in Shimo Koshiki-jima, but these were merged with municipalities in mainland Kyushu in 1989 and lost their administrative functions. As a result, Shimo Koshiki-jima was shifted to Cluster A. A total of 17 islands, including 9 islands in Cluster D, shifted to Cluster E in this 20-year period. Many of the islands that shifted from Cluster D to E are in the Nansei

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Islands, such as Aguni-jima and Tarama-jima, which were dependent on sugar cane monoculture production. Clusters B and C continue to maintain the island’s own industrial base, but it is readily apparent that there has been a return to self-sufficient fishing. Agriculture is clearly on the decline and is about to slip from its position as an industry that supports the livelihood of the island. What has become clear over the past two decades is the growing dependence of the islands on the mainland. Only Cluster E has doubled from 16 to 31 islands, while the total number of islands covered has decreased. Tourism can be seen as an expression of dependence on the mainland, but it can also be seen as a commodification of the islands’ own resources. The islands themselves, as well as the mainland, have placed high expectations on island tourism. Nevertheless, it is difficult to say that tourism on the islands has made much progress in the past 20 years. Four islands were transferred to Cluster F in the last 20 years that previously belonged to the Clusters A and B. These islands have never been developed by mainland capital on a large scale. There was only an increase in the number of accommodation workers as fishermen opened inns and guesthouses. The existing industrial base has atrophied, and new industries have failed to grow, resulting in a dependence on public investment or a return to subsistence fishing. This is the overall picture of Japan’s islands at the present time.

2.7 Island as an Origin of Diversity In Japan, there are islands from which various industries that became the engine of modernization originated. Among the islands of the Seto Inland Sea, such as Innoshima and Yuge-jima, shipbuilding and marine transportation industry developed; at the same time, many seafarers of foreign sea routes grew and the shipbuilding and marine transportation industries of Japan were supported. In the islands of Nagasaki Prefecture such as Ike-shima, many coal mines were built to supply fuel to heavy industries. The island has an industrial base utilizing various aspects of the environment and natural resources and has been an instrumental part of the economic and social system throughout Japan. The extreme population outflow after World War II and the decrease in vitality that it caused in the islands resulted from the biased industrial and national land policy. Although most of the islands were regarded as a sort of stepping-stone for Japanese economic development, they were later viewed as underdeveloped areas that depended on political investment. In 1995, only a few of the islands were heavily dependent on public investment; most existed by having a self-sustaining industrial base or by returning to selfsufficient fishing. However, in the past 20 years, the number of islands dependent on public investment from the mainland has increased while the self-sustaining bases of fishing and agriculture have been shrinking. While tourism, which was expected to be a new industrial base for the islands, has succeeded in some areas, it has not grown to the scale that it can replace the primary industry or the manufacturing of the past. The past two decades can be summed up in one word: “shrinkage”—a process

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of gradually losing the original diversity of the islands. Such a loss of diversity is progressing in tandem with the deepening dependence on the mainland. Satoshi Suyama

References Fujioka K, Ukita N (1975) Rito shindan (Assessment of Japanese islands). Chijin Shobo, Kyoto Hiraoka A (1977) Colonization and plantation management of Daito Islands: its historical development. Jpn J Hum Geogr 29:227–252. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.29.227 Hutagami H (1950) Geographic methodology on the Setouchi Islands. Bull Geogr Inst Tokyo University 1:27–38 Ishii I (1925) Seasonal migration of fishermen to Hekurajima, off Noto. Chikyu 5:334–340 Nakamata H (1994) Rito no datsu ritoka (A study on improvement of living conditions in remote island). In: The Allied Nine Societies of Japan (ed) The homogenization of the local culture. Heibonsha, Tokyo, pp 171–180 Ono H (1961) Some methodological problems in the study of island geography. In: Tada H (ed) Collected papers of geography for Professor Tsujimura. Kokon Shoin, Tokyo, pp 426–437 Oomura H (1958) Shima no kenkyu (Geographical Island studies). Chiri 3(1):178–184 Suyama S (2003) Regional division of Japanese islands by demographic and industrial characteristics. Komazawa Geogr 39:59–78 Tajima Y (1990) Migration of Amami people and their segregation in Tokyo: The case of Onotsu village, Kikai Island. Bull Fac Educ, Kagoshima University, Cult Soc Sci 41:67–91 Tajima Y (1991) The actual condition of Amami immigrant’s association in the Kansai District: On the basis of the investigation into Tokunoshima immigrant’s associations. Bull Fac Educ, Kagoshima University, Cult Soc Sci 43:1–19 Tajima Y (1995) The actual conditions of immigrant’s voluntary associations in Naze City, Kagoshima Prefecture. Bull Fac Educ, Kagoshima University, Cult Soc Sci 46:11–30 Tsujimura T (1925) Settlements in Izu Islands. Chikyu 5:319–327 Tsujimura T, Yamaguchi S (1935a) Nippon gunto fukin ni okeru tosho no bunrui oyobi bunpu (1) (Typology and distribution of islands in Japanese archipelago (1)). Geogr Rev Japan 11:703–728. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.11.703 Tsujimura T, Yamaguchi S (1935b) Nippon gunto fukin ni okeru tosho no bunrui oyobi bunpu (2) (Typology and distribution of islands in Japanese archipelago (2)). Geogr Rev Japan 11:794–808. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj.11.794 Yabuuchi Y (1972) Shima: Sono shakai chirigaku (Islands: Their social geography). Asakura Shoten, Tokyo Yamashina Y (1952) A study of the insularity. Bull Geogr Inst, Tokyo University 2:147–160 Yamashina Y (1992) The present state and current issues of the remote islands promotion policy in Japan. Stud Humanit Soc Sci Humanit Series, National Defense Academy of Japan 64:1–49

Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan Akitoshi Hiraoka, Satoshi Suyama, and Hisamitsu Miyauchi

Abstract This chapter discusses the political and social status of Japanese islands since the modern era. Generally speaking, the island areas are considered to be the “periphery” of Japan. However, the periphery is not an essential feature of island areas; rather, it has been formed in the process of Japan’s modernization. Section 1 describes the process of Japanese imperialist attempts to incorporate the Pacific and Nansei Islands into its territory during the period of modernization. The acquisition of resources such as albatrosses and guano incentivized such actions. Section 2 critically discusses Japan’s post-war island policy. Several laws were enacted after the 1950s to resolve the “backwardness” of the island regions. However, Japan’s island policy was based on the principle of “selection and concentration” and prioritized the efficient distribution of population over the realization of residents’ wishes. Many of the abandoned islands were the product of policy. Section 3 analyzes the improvement of transportation infrastructure as a result of the island policy. Transportation to and among islands has been improved by ships, airplanes, and bridges. However, the islands where people can work full time in the central city are an exception and crosslinks have weakened the local communities. Thus, the authors conclude that Japan’s island policy—while superficially advocating the self-sufficiency of the islands—is, in reality, keeping them in the “periphery.” Keywords Albatross · Territory · Abandoned island · Selection and concentration · Possible staying time (PST) · Cross-bridge

A. Hiraoka Faculty of Economics, Shimonoseki City University, Shimonoseki 751-8510, Japan e-mail: [email protected] S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] H. Miyauchi Faculty of Global and Regional Studies, University of the Ryukyus, Okinawa 903-0213, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_3

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1 Albatross and Expansion of Imperial Japan The Meiji Era (1868–1912) was a time when Japan was reborn as a modern nation from a feudal state by accepting Western political systems and industries. Japan was freed from the isolation policy imposed by the Tokugawa shogunate and many Japanese advanced into the South Sea in search of a new world. Some headed north to Hokkaido, while others were attracted to the islands in the southern seas. One such destination was the Ogasawara Islands. This study was performed to determine why these people advanced into the southern islands at considerable personal risk (Hiraoka 2012, 2018). Although the racial migration and diffusion have been some of the oldest and primary subjects in the field of geography, a number of studies have been limited to only raising issues concerning the migration route and special disposition of the people. Therefore, it is hard to say that researchers have clarified the causality between the people’s intentions and the resulting phenomena. Most of the research on geography in Japan has been focused on grasping regularity by analyzing the result of phenomena, and it can be said that there have been few geographic approaches that investigate the causality behind human behavior and phenomena. In this author’s view, however, it is very effective to research the background of people’s behavior in order to understand a fundamental geographic phenomenon. Adopting a viewpoint informed by action theory—that is, interpreting people’s behavior from their purpose of action—the author hypothesizes that the main purpose of the Meiji Era adventurers and explorers of the islands of the South Sea was to hunt albatross (Hiraoka 2012, 2015). At that time, albatross plumage and mounted birds fetched high prices overseas, especially in the European markets (Fig. 1). Competition for albatross and the uninhabited islands in which they nested had been developed by Japanese speculators across vast areas of the Pacific. This study reveals that the profit-driven advancement into the South Sea islands in pursuit of the albatross contributed to the expansion of the Japanese Empire’s southern boundaries.

Fig. 1 Flying albatross over Tori-shima (Photo by H. Hasegawa)

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1.1 In Pursuit of the Albatross: The Coming “Age of the Sea” In the last days of the Edo period when national isolation policies began to be relaxed, the Japanese immediately turned their gaze overseas in search of large profits. In 1841, a fisherman from Tosa Province in southwestern Japan, Manjiro Nakahama, who was shipwrecked in the middle of the ocean while fishing, was rescued by an American whale ship at Tori-shima (the suffix -shima means island) (Hachijo Division, south of Tokyo). After arriving in Massachusetts in 1843, he miraculously returned home to Japan in 1851. His story stimulated the Japanese people’s spirit of adventure and fostered a growing interest in dealings overseas. The Tokugawa shogunate also promoted the advancement to a previously uninhabited region, the Ogasawara Islands, south of Tokyo. In 1861, the shogunate dispatched the warship “Kanrin Maru,” captured these islands, and started cultivation there. However, development of those islands was abandoned in less than a year due to a political crisis (the Namamugi Incident). After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the Japanese were liberated from the insular space of the feudal domain. People’s interest in unexplored regions, especially the sea, grew. Regarding the Ogasawara Islands abandoned by the Tokugawa shogunate, it was suggested early on that the islands be recovered. In 1875, the Meiji government eventually decided to re-govern Ogasawara Islands. It ordered Taichi Tanabe at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Sakusuke Obana at the Home Ministry to research the islands, and sent the Meiji Maru (a Japanese sailing ship purchased from the United Kingdom) to explore. Takeaki Enomoto, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, greatly agreed with this strategy. He suggested concrete sedentary methods to the Minister of the Right, Tomomi Iwakura, such as cultivating quinine, coffee, and tobacco in addition to the migration of political prisoners. In 1876, the government placed the Ogasawara Islands under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Home Affairs and notified each country of its possession (Fig. 2). The islands were finally incorporated into Japan in March, 1876. From this stage, we find the first point of contact with the advent of the maritime trade and albatross. In December of the same year, 27 people, including Obana, the head of the Ogasawara branch office and 16 other government officials and Han-emon Tamaoki, a carpenter, were dispatched to the islands. Afterward, Tamaoki developed Tori-shima (Bird Island) at the southernmost point of the Izu Islands and the Daito Islands to the east of the Okinawa Island from which he made an enormous fortune. Actually, Tamaoki was involved in the first reclamation of the Ogasawara Islands by the Tokugawa shogunate during the Bunkyu period (1861– 1864). During an early phase, it was extremely difficult for the settlers to cultivate the Ogasawara Islands owing to the successive natural disasters such as typhoons and a lack of food. People made a bare living by exploiting such resources as sea turtles for tortoise shell work, Judas ear mushrooms for consumption, indigo for dye, and other usable resources. At the same time, people began to capture albatross. The albatross is the biggest sea bird in the Pacific. With its wings fully spread, it has a wing span of approximately 2.4 m. This bird is called by various names, including

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Fig. 2 Southern islands in Japan

ahoudori and bakadori (both mean idiot bird). The name ahoudori attributed as sense of disgrace to the bird. People named this bird ahoudori because of their slow movement and for lack of fear around people. In addition, the bird requires dozens of meters of running in order to take flight. They were also called shintenou, which means “believe in Heaven”. From a different point of view, they were also called okino-tayu (high steward in the ocean) from the old times. Some ornithologists insist that we should rename ahoudori to oki-no-tayu. Before the Meiji Era, albatross inhabited the whole of the North Pacific Ocean, millions of albatross inhabited the islands around Japan, such as the Ogasawara Islands, Tori-shima in the Izu Islands, the Senkaku Islands, and the Daito Islands (Hiraoka 2015, 2018) (Fig. 3). According to the New Geography of Ogasawara Islands published by Fumihiko Otsuki in 1876, albatross were ubiquitous across the Ogasawara Islands. He described albatross as follows: “There are several species of sea birds, most of which are albatross.” Prior to this, on the map of the Ogasawara Islands published in 1774, there was a note written that large swan-like birds inhabited this island. As aforementioned, albatross are endemic to the North Pacific Ocean. They prey upon squid and small fishes. In autumn, they migrate south to breed. Around October, they fly to the uninhabited islands in the seas off Japan. They lay one egg per one year, raise a single chick, and then leave the islands in late April the following year. Therefore, it is obvious that the mass capture of the albatross by clubbing them to death when they fly to these islands caused a devastating decrease in the albatross population. Around 1880, more and more people migrated to the Ogasawara Islands and even more albatross were captured. Their meat was dried for food and their eggs were sold on the Japanese mainland. Further, their plumage was sold to the foreign merchants in Yokohama. Previously, in 1876, Obana, the head of the Ogasawara branch office,

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Fig. 3 Picture of albatross (Miura S. 1881 National Archives of Japan)

wrote to Home Lord Toshimichi Okubo that albatross droppings are suitable as a good-quality fertilizer (Hiraoka 2012, 2018). Owing to their multiple uses, countless numbers of large sea birds were targeted by the people as promising valuable resources. As a result, a large number of albatross were killed in a period of five or six years. Of the various Ogasawara Islands, Mukojima (the suffix -jima means island) became the only place where the albatross survived. One record, “Ogasawara Islands Yoran” (handbook, 1888), recorded, “This albatross once inhabited many islands in Ogasawaras such as Chichi-jima and Hahajima (the main islands of Ogasawara). Capturing albatross was easy because they were unafraid of people. Consequently, there are no longer any albatross in Chichijima and Haha-jima.” It can be said that Tamaoki, who worked on the cultivation of the Ogasawara Islands for the Tokugawa shogunate and the Meiji government, had already realized the value of the albatross at this point. We can easily speculate that after Tamaoki became aware of the value of the albatross, he intended to advance into Tori-shima to exploit this lucrative bird business.

1.2 Export Expansion of Plumage from Japan When did Japan first start exporting plumage to foreign countries? The names of many merchants who were involved in the bird business are listed on The Merchants’ names in Yokohama-machi recorded from 1859 to 1867. It is said that around 1871, a large number of feathers were traded on the London market—on the scale of

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several thousand birds a year. In 1876, Christopher Dresser, a British designer, visited Japan at the invitation of the Japanese government to advise on Japanese export industries. He inspected Japanese industries for more than four months. In the report he submitted, he suggested exporting feathers, pottery, gold, and silverwork (Ishida and Koh 1877). Dresser observed that the hills and fields in Japan were full of varied bird species. As a result, the Japanese began to recognize the broader value of feathers, which had previously been used only for art crafts. The feather industry was covered in several newspapers. On May 8, 1878, the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper reported that plumage became popular in Paris, France because it was five times lighter and three times warmer than woolen cloth. The Yubin Hochi Shimbun newspaper reported on August 1, 1878 that the plumage factory in Umeda, Osaka purchased feathers in Osaka and other areas and refined them for export overseas. The plumage factory was constructed by the people who realized that feathers could be sold at quite a good price. In addition to plumage, from the 1880s, exports of mounted birds also increased. In Europe, especially France, the use of feathers as hats and hair ornaments had become popular in the haute couture collection, which led to an increase in feather imports. At that time, France was a leading exporter of luxury goods and its processed feathers, plumage and products were exported all over Europe and the United States (Black and Garland 1975). Accordingly, French buyers bought plumage from merchants across the world. Feather products were one of the significant exports in France. As mentioned above, the Japanese realized that the plumage was sold at surprisingly high prices in the 1870s. Among such Japanese was Han-emon Tamaoki, who was devoted to the development of the Ogasawara Islands. In 1887, he landed on the desert island Tori-shima at the southern tip of the Izu Islands in the south of Tokyo and established a large-scale albatross hunting business. As previously mentioned, albatross were easy targets; most were clubbed to death with sticks. As the plumage was light, it could be transported to the mainland by small boats. In just a few years, Tamaoki gained tremendous profits and became a millionaire. His success was reported in newspapers and magazines, which allowed other Japanese to realize that capturing albatross was a way to make their “get-rich quick” dreams come true. In the 1890s, exports of plumage and mounted birds continued to increase; this accelerated the Japanese advance into the Pacific Ocean. In addition, many birds were captured not only in the ocean but also on the mainland (Hiraoka 2012, 2018). A report in the Asahi Shimbun newspaper stated that the trade value of mounted birds was 400 thousand yen (1 yen was approximately equivalent to 2 US dollars at that time) in 1894. A Yokohama Trade Newspaper article dated September 28, 1907 reported that the annual sales volume of small bird traders in Yokohama and Kobe amounted to 3–4 million birds. The trade value of exports to France from Japan in 1911 mentioned in the Trade Official Report had feathers for hat decoration ranked fourth following silk, copper, and camphor, with a trade value of 1.34 million francs (Commercial Bureau of Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1913). This amounted to approximately 520 thousand yen in Japanese currency at that time. France imported plumage at an extremely high price; egret scruff plumage fetched an incredibly high

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value equal to that of gold. Consequently, plumage and mounted birds constituted one of Japan’s most important exports to France. From around 1880 to 1920, Japan was a major exporter of plumage materials for women’s hats (Culliney 1988).

1.3 Race to Gain the Desert Islands Those who realized the value of albatross plumage frantically tried to find the uninhabited or desert islands. Tamaoki’s success at Tori-shima led to competition to acquire new desert islands for hunting grounds among Japanese speculators (Hiraoka 2015). The author characterizes the rapid Japanese advance into the Pacific and the resulting competition as a “Bird Rush” in contradistinction to J. M. Skaggs’ “Guano Rush” (Skaggs 1994). This competition started from the Japanese coastal waters and expanded to the islands in the Pacific Ocean (Hiraoka 2006, 2007, 2008, 2018). The author confined this investigation to the seas surrounding Japan.

1.3.1

From the Discovery to Possession of Minami Tori-Shima

The Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper reported the exploration boom in its May 30, 1891 issue, proclaiming “there is a resource-rich wilderness in resources in the South Sea, a buzzword these days.” In addition, it covered a special exploration to a large island called the Grampus Isle southeast of the Ogasawara Islands, which belonged to no country. Exploring uninhabited islands, such as Grampus Isle, was becoming more and more popular at that time. Many people set out on voyages to the South Sea in search of such islands. At that time, Many E.D (existence doubtful) islands were on the maps of the Pacific Ocean used by navigators. Such maps inspired the people who dreamed of becoming millionaires by capturing the albatross. Those who wanted to make quick profits considered these islands treasure islands. In other words, it is natural that people assumed that if there were so many albatrosses on Tori-shima, the islands on these maps would be inhabited by other populations of albatross. Many people traversed the sea to locate Grampus Isle but returned without finding the island. Among those explorers, Sinroku Mizutani, who was devoted to trading in the South Sea based on Ogasawara, was inspired by Tamaoki’s prosperous development of the desert island. Mizutani repeatedly set out on voyages to locate Grampus Isle but was unsuccessful. However, he discovered a smaller island (Marcus Island), completely different from Grampus Isle and landed on this island in December 1896. There he discovered tens of thousands of albatross and started capturing them immediately (Fig. 4). In March 1897, he submitted a request to the Home Minister to incorporate the island as Japanese territory and be granted permission to capture the albatross. In 1898, the Home Minister recognized that Marcus Island was under Japan’s control from the view of international law, as Mizutani had already built houses and started

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Fig. 4 Minami Tori-shima or Marcus Island: View from the southwest sky

a bird-capturing business there. Consequently, the Japanese government named the island Minami Tori-shima and incorporated it into Japan’s territory under the jurisdiction of the Ogasawara Agency, Tokyo Prefecture (Hiraoka 2003).

1.3.2

Possession of the Daito Islands and Their Development

The Daito Islands comprise Minami Daito-jima (30.6 km2 ), Kita Daito-jima (12.6 km2 ), and Oki Daito-jima (Rasa-to) Island (1.2 km2 ). These islands are situated on the east of the main island of Okinawa and are constructed of elevated coral reefs. They cannot be easily approached by ships as the coasts of the islands are steep cliffs. These islands have been uninhabited for a long time because of this topographic restraint. In 1884, the Meiji government ordered the Okinawa governor to look into the desert islands in the sea around Okinawa. Afterward, the Okinawa governor made an inquiry into Minami Daito-jima and Kita Daito-jima. Subsequently, these two islands were incorporated into Japan’s territory, whereas Oki Daito-jima, previously called Rasa-to, remained unexplored for a while. Finally, in 1892, the Imperial Japanese Navy explored this island, as did Jusaku Nakamura, a pearl farmer, 1899. In 1900, the Japanese government named this island “Oki Daito-jima,” and added it as Japanese territory (Hiraoka 1992). The Daito Islands discovered in these investigations were to be under the jurisdiction of the Naha office in Okinawa, and a development plan for the Daito Islands was drawn up. Tatsushiro Koga, a merchant from Yame, Fukuoka was the first to apply to develop them. In March 1892, he set sail for Minami Daito-jima with 31 fishermen, but he could not cast anchor owing to high winds and the steep cliffs. As a result, he abandoned his plans for cultivation on the island. This was followed by several applicants competing for the uninhabited island. However, most of them ended up failing to cultivate it. Tamaoki, who made a fortune

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in the albatross business in Tori-shima, was the seventh person to apply for the island reclamation. Because the number of albatross on Tori-shima had dropped dramatically, he had been desperately searching for an alternative desert island to Tori-shima in the Pacific. Meanwhile, he happened to obtain information about the Daito Islands. In 1899, he gained a 30-year lease of the island from the Okinawa Prefecture and dispatched workers to Minami Daito-jima. The pioneer vessel “Kaiyo Maru” left Hachijo-jima on November 23, 1899. After a voyage of more than 2,000 km lasting about 60 days, on January 23, 1900, 23 workers landed on Minami Daito-jima by climbing a steep cliff. However, few albatross—the object of Tamaoki’s plan—were there. Although his plan was spoiled, Shozo Yorioka, the head of the dispatched workers who explored the South Sea, thought of developing the island to grow sugar cane. Development of a sugar cane plantation was started by a small group by felling the densely grown palm trees that grew on the island. This was followed by the planting of sugar cane. In the winter of 1901, a sugar-refining machine was introduced. The next year, 80 rice bags of brown sugar were produced. The reclamation of Minami Daitojima proceeded rapidly. In the 15-year period from 1900 to 1915, the development area reached 1,585 ha, which means that 105 ha of land were developed annually on average. Further, the population in the island increased by 3,000. After 12 years of development, an uninhabited island covered with palm trees was transformed into an island for the sugar cane industry. Tamaoki also gained a large, unexpected profit from this business (Hiraoka 1977, 2018). On the other hand, regarding Kita Daito-jima, although Tamaoki was allowed to lease it from the Japanese government, he did not start the exploitation of the island. When phosphate ore mining in Oki Daito-jima got on track, Tamaoki was stimulated by this success and started mining phosphate in Kita Daito-jima in 1910, only to fail. Afterward, Tamaoki began full-scale sugar cane cultivation there. Oki Daito-jima had only a few albatross. Therefore, the purpose of the advancement to the island shifted from albatross to phosphate resources. From then on, the competition for phosphate ore intensified among speculators.

1.3.3

Albatross and the Senkaku Islands

The Senkaku Islands are uninhabited islands located 170 km north of the Yaeyama Islands in Okinawa Prefecture. In 1879, the Meiji government abolished the feudal domain, Ryukyu-han, and set up Okinawa Prefecture. In 1884, the Japanese government ordered Okinawa Prefecture to research the Senkaku Islands following the Daito Islands because the area of Okinawa Prefecture was vast and included several desert islands. The following year, the research vessel, Izumo Maru, was sent to examine these desert islands. The report submitted by the captain of the vessel devoted considerable space to the albatross, possibly because the sight of a large flock of albatross on the islands had had a great impact on him. He described these islands as “islands such as those for the habitat of sea birds.”

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Around the 1890s, many Japanese went to the Senkaku Islands to obtain albatross plumage as well as marbled turban as work materials for shell inlay. The race to advance into these islands was heated. Okinawa Prefecture, which was having difficulty determining the prefecture’s territory, handed its third request to the Home Minister and Foreign Minister to place a national landmark on the islands. The cabinet finally decided to allow Okinawa to set up a national landmark as requested. In 1895, the Senkaku Islands came under the jurisdiction of the Okinawa Prefecture and Japan’s territory was finally determined. Tatsushiro Koga, a merchant, was seeking new resources in the Senkaku Islands owing to the rapid decrease in shellfish in the coastal waters of Okinawa. He requested permission to lease Kuba-shima in the Senkaku Islands to the Home Minister. Koga seems to have been trying to monopolize on the albatross business there. In 1896, the government leased out not only Kuba-shima but also three other islands to Koga for a period of 30 years, free of charge. In 1897, Koga launched a bird business in the Senkaku Islands. In a rapid slaughter, each worker clubbed to death about 300 albatross per day. Their method of catching albatross was the same as that of Tori-shima. In the first three years, 120 tons of plumage were collected amounting to the deaths of approximately 800,000 albatross. In the fourth year, as can be expected, the number of albatross decreased rapidly. Therefore, Koga decided to change his business from albatross clubbing to a taxidermy project centered on sea swallows and gannets. The production in 1907 reached 420,000 birds. Huge profits were acquired from this bird-stuffing business. On Uotsuri-shima in the Senkaku Islands, Koga also launched a bonito business. Dried bonito production amounted to 4 tons in 1906, making Koga’s operation on Uotsuri-shima the hub of the bonito fisheries in Okinawa. By diversifying his business, Koga temporarily made a huge profit, but this again did not last long. Many businesses Koga dealt with were predatory production using limited resources such as shellfish, albatross, and bonito; consequently, resources were rapidly depleted. Koga Village, which was built on Uotsuri-shima by investing a considerable amount of capital, disappeared in some 30 years and remains an uninhabited island even today (Hiraoka 2005, 2018).

1.4 Summary After the opening of the Port of Yokohama in 1859, Japan began to export plumage to foreign countries. The systematic advancement of the Japanese into the Pacific started with the repossession of the Ogasawara Islands by the Japanese government in 1875. Albatross were widespread across the Ogasawara Islands in those days. They were easy to catch because they did not fear people; men used sticks to beat them to death. The Japanese recognized “global trade” where plumage was a commodity that could be sold to foreign merchants in Yokohama at an inflated price. Han-emon Tamaoki, who had been engaged in the cultivation of the Ogasawara Islands, advanced into Tori-shima, an island located at the southern end of the Izu Islands, to capture albatross in 1887. In just six months after landing Tori-shima,

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his workers captured approximately 100,000 birds and Tamaoki sold the plumage in Yokohama. Within a few years, he became a millionaire. The Japanese who were encouraged by his success advanced into the uninhabited islands where albatross were thought to live, aiming to make a quick profits. They made inroads into the islands of the Pacific Ocean from the islands in the sea near Japan, creating a race for uninhabited islands that could be characterized as the “Bird Rush.” They advanced into Tori-shima, Minami Tori-shima, the Daito Islands, and the Senkaku Islands in the seas surrounding Japan. They built villages and agricultural operations there; consequently, these islands were incorporated into the territory of Imperial Japan. Since their discovery, the adventurous spirit of Japanese people in search of albatross spread widely in expeditions exploring the Pacific Ocean. Plumage and stuffed birds were exported to Europe, especially France, for considerable profits. At that time, Japan was a “major exporting country” that supplied materials for “goods of Paris” such as hair ornaments. Akitoshi Hiraoka

2 Island Policy: Promotion and Abandonment 2.1 Basic Policy on Remote Islands According to the definition of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism, the Japanese islands except for Honshu, Hokkaido, Shikoku, Kyushu, and Okinawa are called the “remote islands.” The remote islands are separated from the five main islands, and constitute a small area with weak industrial infrastructure. Japan’s island policy is based on the “Remote Islands Development Act,” which was enacted in 1953. The Remote Islands Development Act was complemented by the three Acts on Special Measures for the Amami Islands, the Ogasawara Islands, and Okinawa, which were returned to Japan by the United States. The basic position of these laws was the “removal of backwardness” determined to exist in island regions located in the periphery of the national territory due to being largely different from the mainland in terms of industry and living environment. For the removal of backwardness, efforts were made to improve traffic routes, ports, roads, airports, schools and community centers, industrial promotion, etc. Many of the attempted improvements were construction projects and by providing employment opportunities to the islanders there were effects of short-term income supplementation. Such measures were not limited to these islands but rather were a general method of income redistribution observed throughout Japan after World War II. However, by continuing a promotion policy that depended on infrastructure construction for an extended period, national finances were exhausted at the end of the twentieth century, provoking criticism from the mainland urban inhabitants. The island policy is positioned as a part of the depopulation policy. The national land policy of Japan has been based on the idea of “balanced development among

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regions” since the Comprehensive National Development Plan was decided in 1962. While depopulation was contrasted with urban overcrowding, it was generally understood as a term indicative of the unbalanced development of the land. To clarify the actual situations and mechanisms in the depopulated areas, Ohno (2005) classified mountain settlements into surviving, semi-marginal, marginal, and extinct settlements using the aged population rate. The word “marginal” used in this study highly alarmed many people who recognized the seriousness of the depopulation problem. However, despite Ohno used the term “marginal settlement” in his static analysis, other researchers were adopted the term in a dynamic research of depopulation. And a very simple diagram that marginal settlement shifts to the extinct settlement was formed. Depopulation has also been studied in the context of islands (Hiraoka 1985; Ukita 1993; Okahashi 2004). As an extension of the marginal settlement discourse, the depopulation in islands can be represented by a very simple diagram, that is, from depopulation toward the extinction of the island. This is an island version of the depopulation discourse, an “extinct island discourse.” Japan’s depopulation policy has always been centered on efficiency and rationality. Thus, it was an important measure to induce the population distribution suitable for efficient administrative management and industrial promotion. In other words, it was a concept of management. Accordingly, the “selection and concentration” principle was regarded as an important strategy or approach to improve efficiency by selecting central places in depopulated regions and concentrating dispersed populations and resources there. In particular, consolidation and abolition of elementary and junior high schools and municipal mergers, which continue even today in the depopulated regions in Japan, are examples of measures used to achieve its aims. Notably, the selection and concentration strategy did not always match the inhabitants’ wishes, and sometimes even discouraged their desire to live. All aspects of the selection and concentration strategy were revealed in 2014 in the report of the Subcommittee on Population Decline Problem in the Japan Revitalization Conference, known as the “Masuda Report” (Masuda 2014). The Masuda Report pointed out the possibility of “disappearing municipal,” and it was understood that depopulation to extinction in the peripheral regions was already an inevitable course. The Masuda Report has been heavily criticized by field workers such as rural sociologists and researchers working on regional development (Odagiri 2014; Yamashita 2014). Since the remote island policy includes depopulation policy, it is clear that islands are also an object of the selection and concentration strategy. However, under the selection and concentration strategy the unilateral values of the mainland and metropolitan inhabitants that supply the policy fund are forced upon the islands without considering the profit (or loss) to islanders. The Act on Special Measures for the Inhabited Frontier Islands enacted in 2016 strongly presents the viewpoint that remote islands contribute to the mainland. The law aims to preserve the remote islands for the conservation of territorial waters and exclusive economic zones, security of maritime traffic, and utilization of marine resources. This viewpoint positions the islands lower in the hierarchy, under the

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mainland. In other words, the law regards the remote islands as seawalls to protect the Japanese mainland. This viewpoint shows the consent of the people for a large amount of fiscal expenditure was no longer obtained only by the “removal of backwardness” under the Remote Islands Development Act. A new logic complementing the insufficiency of the Act is the concept of “border defense”—the idea of promoting the remote island areas to counter military threats from neighboring countries—which was accepted by the people. By incorporating this idea into the new Act, income transfer to the remote islands continued. The Act has aspects of both military strategy and land policy. Since the end of World War II, military elements have not been committed to the regional development policy of Japan. However, plans were formulated to construct a defense bridge point, especially against China, Russia, and South Korea. Thus, it became possible to provide improvement funds to the local governments of the remote islands. From the perspective of the islands, this was a new regional development policy, but in reality, the government only cared about protecting the mainland. An overview of the process after the enactment of the Remote Islands Development Act shows that the viewpoint of the remote islands as a living space is becoming progressively weaker each year. While promoting the development of remote islands, the decision is not made by the islanders but by the government on the mainland. To achieve efficient and rational population distribution in terms of administrative management, the government forced the mainland’s sense of value upon the islanders. The relationship between the islands and national policy can be understood by observing the abandoned islands. This section examines the Japanese islands abandoned after World War II to obtain materials to objectively evaluate the depopulation of these islands and to clarify their generation process. The population of the remote island areas in Japan reached 1,799,182 in 1960 but had decreased to 1,048,829 in 2010. In many island regions, the declining birthrate and increasingly aging population are progressing simultaneously, and the decline of administrative services such as consolidation of schools and closure of medical facilities is recognized to be a result of the population decrease. However, the islands continue to function as human living spaces even today, although the scale has been reduced. Although half a century has already passed since concerns about the depopulation problem became widely known, the spatial extent of the remote islands as inhabited areas has not shrunk as was expected.

2.2 Types of Abandoned Islands In the depopulation discourse, the ultimate situation of population decrease by depopulation seems to be a condition without any inhabitants, that is, abandoned villages or settlements. A generation of abandoned islands with no inhabitants is assumed at the last stage of the depopulation. In this section, an island where humans once

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lived but no longer have permanent inhabitants is called an “abandoned island” to distinguish it from an uninhabitable island where humans have never lived. The Japanese islands are structured and restructured as a result of the process of depopulation (Fig. 5). The islands of Japan can be roughly divided into uninhabitable, inhabited, and abandoned islands. This section focuses on the abandoned islands. The reason for abandonment is not necessarily depopulation alone. The following five factors are considered generation factors of abandoned islands, other than depopulation, when the past research, such as Oyauchi (1999), is considered. These include: (a) islands reclaimed by post-war settlements; (b) islands owned by companies and individuals; (c) islands used to house lighthouses and land management; (d) islands that temporarily evacuate needy residents and rebuild their lives, that is, “impoverished islands” (Sakurada 1980); and (e) very small islands. These islands did not appear due to depopulation (Fig. 5 [i]), even though they became abandoned in terms of demography. Excluding these from the abandoned islands, the remaining are the “abandoned islands due to depopulation” (Fig. 5 [ii]). Since 1945, the number of abandoned islands has risen to 78. This number is equivalent to approximately 20% of the 394 inhabited islands. However, out of the 78 islands, there are 63 that correspond to the above five factors. Excluding them, only 15 islands remain; these are the islands abandoned owing to depopulation. Table 1 and Fig. 6 show the 15 islands abandoned owing to depopulation. Up to 12 of the 15 islands were finally emptied due to collective migration. In many cases, the administration recommended collective migration to the inhabitants, arranging housing and employment for the inhabitants who agreed to leave the island. Some of the islands had populations of around 100 individuals at the time when the inhabitants collectively left. This suggests that the communities on these islands had schools and resident organizations and were abandoned at a self-determinable stage. In other words, in the final stage of depopulation, the candle fire did not go out by itself but was strongly and intentionally blown out.

Fig. 5 Types of Japanese islands from viewpoint of inhabitation

Oshima

Oshima

Taka-shima

Tatsu-shima

14

15

Ori-shima

8

13

Gushikawa-jima

7

12

Gaja-jima

6

Kazura-shima

Hachijo Kojima

5

11

Hime-shima

4

Ha-jima

Ara-shima

3

Yaburogi-jima

Iwo Tori-shima

2

10

To-shima

1

9

Island

No. in Fig. 5

Boyo

Amakusa

Goto

Goto

Goto

Tokara

Izu

Goto

Goto

Amakusa

Archipelago

Yamaguchi

Shimane

Kumamoto

Yamaguchi

Nagasaki

Nagasaki

Yamaguchi

Nagasaki

Okinawa

Kagoshima

Tokyo

Nagasaki

Nagasaki

Okinawa

Kumamoto

Prefecture

2.8

12.0

2.3

8.8

1.6

2.2

1.7

0.9

2.2

36.0

4.8

2.4

0.1

65.0

1.1

Distance from mainland (km)

Table 1 Abandoned islands due to depopulation after World War II in Japan

1985

1975

1974

1973

1973

1972

1971

1971

1970

1970

1969

1965

1959

1959

1958

Year

1

26

100

19

122

N/A

44

N/A

N/A

16

91

38

12

N/A

N/A

Population

N/A

11

31

7

23

N/A

8

N/A

N/A

4

21

7

N/A

N/A

N/A

Households

Situation of Abandonment Collective

School

Torrential rain damage

Anti-depopulation

Settled in the end 19th

Migration for Brazil

Migration for Brazil

Volcanic disaster

Remarks

Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan 49

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Fig. 6 Distribution of abandoned islands due to depopulation after World War II in Japan (Note The numbers correspond to Table 1)

There are only three islands, Gushikwa-jima, Yaburogi-jima, and Tatsu-shima were abandoned without collective migration (Fig. 5 [iii]). These islands are the so-called “extinct islands,” where there are no inhabitants as a result of extreme depopulation. The islands abandoned owing to depopulation, which many people fear, have not yet been a common phenomenon in the islands in Japan. However, the abandoned islands are gradually expanding and the life space—the inhabited islands—is shrinking.

2.3 Factors Behind the Abandonment of Islands Due to Depopulation From the above analysis, it was proven that the case of the disappearing population on the islands was rather an exception. The author now takes up three cases of islands abandoned owing to depopulation, namely, Hachijo Kojima, Gaja-jima, and Kazurashima, examines the process of abandonment, and extracts elements common to them. Hachijo Kojima is located 4.8 km west of Hachijo-jima in the Izu Islands, Tokyo. The whole island consists of a steep slope, and there is no coast where ships can berth. Self-sufficient barley and sweet potato cropping, camellia and mulberry cultivation as commercial crops, and seaweed collection represented the main agricultural activities and small-scale cattle breeding and dairy farming were carried out (Hachijo Machi Kyoiku Iinkai 1973). Rainfall was the only water source on the island, and each house had a catch tank made of concrete. In 1966, a petition asking for support for leaving Hachijo Kojima was submitted. In July of the same year, the Association for Measures against the Migration of Hachijo Kojima residents was established in the Hachijo Town Council. Hachijo Kojima was

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finally abandoned after the abolition of elementary and junior high schools in June 1969. At total of 91 people lived there at that time. In the case of Hachijo Kojima, all the islanders wished to leave their island; the town council and the administration supported it. The reason for island abandonment was not the extreme decline in population size. It had two elementary and junior high schools and electric power. Hachijo Kojima could maintain basic life activities. The collective migration was carried out at a stage in which the community still had the power to arrange the islanders’ will. Gaja-jima in Toshima Village, Kagoshima Prefecture, is a volcanic island located in the center of the Tokara Islands extending to the south of Kyushu. The hamlet was located on a flat surface at an altitude of 60–80 m. From the latter half of the nineteenth century to the first half of the twentieth century, the main industries of the island were bonito fishery and dried bonito production and a combination of selfsufficient barley and sweet potato production by slash-and-burn agriculture. Ships came to the island four times a month, but there were many cancellations during typhoons and winters. Migration plans to leave Gaja-jima were repeatedly proposed. Toshima Village proposed twice, in 1952 and 1968, to the Gaja-jima residents that they should move to Nakano-shima, located approximately 30 km east. In the background of the relocation plan in 1968, the Subcommittee of the National Islands Council submitted its report “migration from small to large islands” in 1964 (Minamura 2006). Toshima Village seemed to try to concentrate its population on a relatively larger island in the proposal. The inhabitants objected to both proposals and requested ongoing support for the island’s inhabitants. However, the momentum of collective migration eventually grew among the islanders. The turning point was the “school excursion with all islanders.” Elementary and junior high school students and their mothers participated and visited Tokyo in 1965. The mothers who witnessed the mainland education system during this trip leaned greatly toward migration as they were concerned about their children’s educational environment and future (Minami Nihon Shimbun-sha 1981). When the number of households decreased to 8 in 1969, residents gave up their fight to continue living there. Toshima Village formulated the “Gaja-jima Migration Plan” in January 1970. However, the administration did not prepare a forward destination; the islanders dispersed to various places in the mainland, relying on their families and relatives. Kazura-shima is located 1.6 km from Naru-shima in the Goto Islands, Nagasaki Prefecture. In March 1973, 24 households moved collectively as a group to Narushima (Fig. 7). The inhabitants of Kazura-shima descended from hidden Christians who had converted to Catholicism (Naru Cho Kyodoshi Hensan Iinkai 2004). Regions settled by hidden Christians generally had low productivity and experienced repeated population decline and resettlement. Although Kazura-shima was close to Narushima, there were few flatlands suitable for living and no paddy fields. The main vocation was related to fisheries. There was an elementary school branch and a church on the island, and a ferry provided shuttle service twice a day. There was

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Fig. 7 Location of Kazura-shima and out-migrating residential area

a water source in the island and electric power was transmitted from Naru-shima through a submarine cable. In Kazura-shima, deterioration of the branch school and burden of repairing the berthing facility became tangible. In addition, the fact that the former islanders living on the mainland had constructed a relatively stable living base alleviated their resistance to leave. In March 1971, the Naru Town confirmed that all of the islanders wanted to relocate. In June of the same year, the collective migration of Kazura-shima was decided and the last mass was held. The total project cost for the collective migration was 345,000 US dollars, of which 266,000 US dollars, or 77.1%, came from depopulated bonds issued by the government. Regarding the remaining 79,000, 42,000 came from national treasury disbursements and 16,000 came from disbursements from the general account of Naru Town. A new housing complex was built on Kashikiyama in Naru-shima for the immigrants. The critical conditions of the locational environment on the three islands are represented as the lack of infrastructure. The water source depended on the rainfall, and the time power supply by the self-power generator continued except for on

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Kazura-shima. The three islands had no doctors, and no access to daily health and hygiene and infectious disease prevention measures. In Hachijo Kojima and Gajajimas, the ship commuted only four times a month, resulting in a long period of isolation in the winter. All three islands had elementary schools, but for children, junior high school graduation meant separation for the islanders and their families. The three islands were also weak in self-sufficiency due to their small land size and being surrounded by the sea. There was inadequate arable land and agriculture was based on self-sufficient barley and sweet potato cropping in slash-and-burn or terrace fields. Although the islands were isolated, commodities that connected them to the mainland existed. For Hachijo Kojima, it was a seaweed called tengusa, which was a source of agar, and for Gaja-jima it was dried bonito. However, the connection was weak. Hachijo Kojima and Gaja-jimas were not completely self-sufficient and sought cash income sources from outside the islands through fishery. However, profitability was low, and did not make up for the lack of a self-sufficient base. Self-contained communities were formed on three islands. To maintain life in the island, mutual support of these communities was necessary. However, it was not possible to support life with the solidarity and self-help efforts of the inhabitants alone. Including these three islands, all the 15 abandoned islands’ residents depended on the support of the government for their livelihood. Public works such as port improvement were carried out on each island by the promotion plan by the Remote Islands Development Act, and a new life basis was offered to the islanders. In other words, the engagement of construction labor in public works became an important means for ensuring the cash income necessary for education and medical treatment. Income redistribution through public works has been used as a “cardiotonic” to revitalize the moribund island economy, but extensive reliance on it appears to have changed its role to “life support equipment” that prolongs island longevity. Collective migration from the 12 islands was planned by the administration, as seen in the case of the three islands. It was common for the administration to recommend collective migration when the population size decreased below a certain level. The administrative side often bore the cost of relocation. The final decision to leave the island can be considered to have been made by the inhabitants based on the proposal of the administration. When the inhabitants left their island, the construction of living space after the transfer and disposal of land, housing, farmland, forest, etc. of the island had to be considered. To address these, it was necessary to pay a reasonable cost to carry out various procedures. However, the inhabitants found it difficult to bear the cost burden and perform various procedures by themselves. The islanders who attempted to move out of the island for practical purposes jumped at the administrative proposal. However, it is also considered that the administration’s policy negated the will of the inhabitants to continue their residence there. For the collective migration proposal of the administration, the inhabitants responded practically, although with hesitation. The inhabitants understood that they could objectively grasp the present state of the island and that it was already at the stage in which continued residency there was difficult, including tackling the construction of a living space. In particular, concerns about children’s education were an incentive to decide whether to leave the islands.

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Among the 15 islands abandoned due to depopulation, the average population of nine islands at the time the inhabitants left was 52. The highest was 122 in Kazurashima and the lowest was 12 in Ara-shima in Shin Kamigoto Town, Nagasaki Prefecture (Table 1). There are a number of islands with a population of 50–100 that decided on collective migration. Further, 14 of the 15 islands had functioning elementary schools until the very end. From the above facts, it can be said that the 12 islands decided collective migration at a time when they had a certain level of population size and community functions. The decision-making by the islanders was possible due to the presence of strong community bonds. In other words, in islands where the inhabitants were strongly connected with each other, it is considered that the migration operations advanced rather rapidly.

2.4 Summary: Abandoned Islands as Political Products Of the 78 abandoned islands that have arisen since the end of World War II, 63 have been abandoned owing to factors other than depopulation. Out of the remaining 15 islands abandoned due to depopulation, 12 carried out collective migration per the recommendation of the local administration. Communities that maintained strong unity and effective functions were able to determine their own collective migration. Women who were concerned about their children’s education actively supported the relocation to the mainland. Therefore, there are only three extinct islands where the population has “naturally” declined and finally there are no inhabitants. The concept of “efficiency” seems to have been latent in the background whereby the administration that was originally in the position to support the residence of the inhabitants required the inhabitants to give up. The economic principle of selection and concentration was even applied to the field of livelihood. However, its purpose— efficiency and rationality—did not always correspond to the will of the islanders who wished to continue living there. The inhabitants of the island recognized the situation they were thrown into. They used the administration’s authority and funds and shrewdly chose collective migration. That is to say, a recommendation for collective migration by the administration was “a last push” in the abandonment of the island. Although, at a glance, the collective migration appeared to be an autonomous decision, the reality was different. The administration manipulated the community and the will of the inhabitants, which resulted in the collective migration. The will of the inhabitants was not always coherent and the administration could induce the inhabitants to accept a decision depending on the conditions. As such, the islands abandoned owing to depopulation can be said to be a political product of the administration. Depopulation is not directly linked to the abandonment of islands. The government’s recommendation played a major role in the generation of the abandoned islands. From the above consideration, it is concluded that some of the islands abandoned after World War II were political products. Responses to depopulation, not

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only on the islands but also in all regions, should be made according to the inhabitants’ wishes and not based on the selection and concentration principle held by the mainland. Satoshi Suyama

3 Improving Transport Infrastructure and Accessibility on Remote Islands in Japan 3.1 Introduction An island is a space surrounded by the sea. However, it is not a closed space that is self-sufficient but an open space that attracts tourists and business people from the mainland, as well as goods and services necessary for daily life. In post-World War II Japan, the improvement of transportation infrastructure between the islands and the mainland has been one of the most important aspects of the island promotion policy; under the Remote Island Promotion Law promulgated in 1953, bridges have been constructed on many islands in Japan and ports and airports improved. As a result, accessibility from islands to the nearest central city, prefectural capitals, and major cities such as Tokyo and Osaka remarkably improved. While there are many studies in geography on the accessibility of individual islands, few studies have quantitatively clarified the actual situation on a national scale. As for the improvement of accessibility between the islands and the mainland, it is necessary to consider the accessibility both at the levels of daily living area and a wider area corresponding to the spatial scale. For the island, improving accessibility at the level of the daily living area will require building a bridge to the mainland and improving the port to enable ships to reach it faster. To improve accessibility at the wide-area level, it is essential to improve airports and strengthen air transportation. Therefore, this section outlines the geographical distribution of the islands that— because of bridge construction—have become accessible by car to the mainland and other islands at any time. Next, I examine the current state of accessibility at the level of the everyday living area in terms of the indicator of “possible staying time (PST)” in the nearest central city. Finally, regarding accessibility at the regional level, the changes in airport development and the aviation network are considered. In this section, the term “mainland” refers to the five islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku, and Okinawa.

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3.2 The Status of Cross-Linking and Its Geographical Features For islands suffering from isolation, a bridge to the mainland can remove certain obstacles. This was why the residents of islands expressed a strong desire for bridges to be built. Based on the government’s policy of aggressively promoting public works, the construction of bridges became a national policy. In particular, the HonshuShikoku Bridge Project—a bridge construction project connecting the islands of the Seto Inland Sea—was positioned as a national project in Japan. As of April 2020, there were just 100 islands where a bridge has been built and people can move off-island any time. There are approximately 400 inhabited islands in Japan; that is, bridges have been built on a quarter of all islands. Of these, 39 are directly connected to the mainland by bridges and 36 are indirectly connected via other islands. These 75 islands are already considered to be integrated with the mainland. Figure 8 shows the islands where the bridges were constructed by the age of completion and the bridge length. This indicates that there are few cross-bridged islands in eastern Japan and more in the islands of the Seto Inland Sea, northwestern Kyushu, and the Okinawa area in western Japan. The prefecture with the most bridges is Nagasaki’s 24 islands. This is followed by Hiroshima (20 islands), Okinawa (13 islands), Kumamoto (8 islands), and Ehime (7 islands). The number of completed islands was 26 in the 1970s, followed by 24 in the 1990s and 21 in the 1980s (Table 2). In a period of 30 years (1970–1999), 70% of the bridge islands were constructed. Since the 2000s, bridges have been built connecting only 12 islands. Today, it can be said that most of the islands that are technically and economically viable in Japan have a bridge. Looking at the top five prefectures with the most bridges built, Nagasaki and Kumamoto prefectures in northwestern Kyushu had the most bridges built in the 1970s. This was due to the successful use of subsidies provided by the Remote Islands Promotion Law. After 27 years of post-war U.S. military rule, Okinawa reverted to Japanese sovereignty in 1972. Subsequently, many bridge plans were drawn up under the Okinawa Development Special Measures Law and many bridges were completed in Okinawa Prefecture in the 1980s and 1990s. Many of the islands in Hiroshima and Ehime prefectures in the Seto Inland Sea were bridged in the 1990s. This is because the Shimanami Kaido Road, one of the Honshu-Shikoku Bridges, was completed in 1999 and the Tobishima Kaido Road was improved. According to Table 2, the average bridge length was 187.5 m in the 1950s, 314.5 m in the 1960s, and 497.4 m in the 1970s. Bridge length tends to increase with time; it reached 1,228.2 m in the 2000s. This indicates that for over half a century, the progress of Japanese bridge technology has made it possible to build long-distance bridges, which was previously impossible.

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Fig. 8 Status of bridges on Japanese islands (Source Compiled and adapted from Maehata [2019: 7–9])

3.3 Possible Staying Time in the Nearest Central City and Regulatory Factors Even today, approximately 300 islands that are not connected to the mainland by bridge would be important for ship transportation. In this regard, it is important to consider how much time an island’s residents can stay in the nearest central city and whether shopping, health care, education, work, etc. are actually possible in the central city when considering accessibility at the daily living area level. One of the most useful indicators to examine this is possible staying time (PST). PST is defined

58 Table 2 Number of islands by age of bridge and average length of bridge

A. Hiraoka et al. Completion date

Number of islands

Average length of bridge (m) A

B

1950s

4

187.5

1960s

13

314.5

1970s

26

497.4

1980s

21

501.7

1990s

24

684.9

2000s

6

1,228.2

6

1,096.3

100

589.5

2010s Total

(2,187.2)

(940.9)

Note A; Excluding the Great Seto Bridge, B; Include the Great Seto Bridge Source Compiled and adapted from Maehata (2019: 7–9)

as “the number of hours one can stay at a destination if one leaves a place after a certain time (e.g., 6:00 a.m.) and returns before a certain time (e.g., midnight)” (Nakagawa and Kato 1990). In December 2020, the PST in the nearest central city in a day was measured for 239 islands that were not connected to the mainland by bridges. A central city is defined here as a municipality with a “Densely Inhabited District” (DID), which is recognized as a real urban area in Japan. Out of the 239 islands, 13.4%—or 32 islands—could stay for 0 min. In other words, day trips to the nearest central city are impossible in these islands. All of these islands are extremely remote from the Japanese mainland (Fig. 9). The mean value of PST of the 207 islands that can be visited and returned to within a day to the central city is 428 min (7 h 8 min). When considering the mean value, shopping, medical care, and part-time work within the central city are possible enough in terms of time, but full-time work is not possible. High school attendance is possible without extracurricular activities. The possibility of working full-time within the central city also emerges when the PST reaches over 9 h. The number of such islands is 82. However, the feasibility of full-time work in reality must be considered in terms of the consistency between work hours and hours of stay and the cost of commuting to the central city. Here, we refer to the former as the time constraint condition and the latter as the economic constraint condition. With regard to time constraints, the time of arrival in the central city must be before work commences and the time of departure from the central city must be after work finishes. Therefore, Condition 1 (that one can stay in the central city from 8:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m.) and Condition 2 (that one can stay from 8:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m.) were set. The economic constraint is set at 50,000 yen per month for commuting expenses. If the commuting costs exceed 50,000 yen, the economic burden would

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Fig. 9 Possible Staying Time in the nearest central city

be so high that the island residents would most likely choose to relocate within the central city rather than live on the island. Of the 207 islands where a day trip to the central city is possible, 70 islands (accounting for 33.8% of the target islands) meet two constraints, thus enabling residents to stay in the nearest central city (Fig. 9). However, only 31 islands satisfy the more realistic Constraint 2 (Fig. 9). Owing to the short length of time available in the central city, it is difficult to work full-time there for many island residents, and there is a large disparity between islands in terms of the time available for stay. What are the factors that determine the length of PST with respect to travel from an island to the nearest central city? An analysis is attempted by broadly categorizing factors into those attributable to operating schedules and those attributable to geographical characteristics.

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What directly determines the length of PST in a central city is the route’s operating schedule. The time of the last boat back to the island from the central city is particularly important. Of the 207 islands where day trips are possible, 128 have a last boat departure time that is before 6:00 p.m., accounting for 62% of the total. Notably, in Japan, there are few workplaces where you can go home at 5:00 p.m., which constrains island residents from working full-time in central cities. Another factor that determines the length of PST in a central city is its geographical characteristics. Therefore, a multiple regression analysis was conducted with the time available to stay in the central city as the dependent variable (Y ) and geographic characteristics as the independent variable (X) to examine the relationship between the two. Six variables were used as geographical characteristics: X 1 : location of the island, X 2 : location of the harbor, X 3 : population of the island, X 4 : population of the nearest central city, X 5 : distance traveled from the island to the central city, and X 6 : the presence of coral reefs. The multiple regression equation is as follows. Y = 133.8X 1 − 66.0X 2 + 84.3X 3 + 69.4X 4 − 373.6X 5 − 64.5X 6 + 428.0 R = 0.85, R 2 = 0.72 Additionally, standardized regression coefficients were obtained for each variable and the importance of the variables was compared. The result is that the length of time available to stay is basically defined by the distance from the island to the central city. The population and location of the island are the next most important factors. In contrast, the population of the central city, the location of the port, and the presence of coral reefs did not have a significant impact.

3.4 Improvement of Airports in Islands and Changes in the Air Network The development of airports and an enhanced air network are essential to the development of national-level exchanges between the islands and the mainland. Aircraft play an important role in the transportation of people and goods from the island to the mainland. As of March 2020, Japan has 97 airports. Thirty-five of those are located on the islands. The first outlying island air route with scheduled flights was the Tokyo HanedaIzu Oshima, which opened in 1955. In 1956, the islands of Naha, Miyako, and Ishigaki were connected by airplane in Okinawa under U.S. military rule. In 1959, the Niigata–Sado route was opened. Airports were opened on Rishiri in 1961, Tanegashima and Tokunoshima in 1962, Fukue and Yakushima in 1963, and Amami in 1964. Thus, 13 airports were opened in the 1960s and 12 in the 1970s; by 1980, most of Japan’s major islands had established airports. This is due in large part to the fact that they have benefited from the Remote

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Table 3 Number of routes and flights by destination (1980–2020) Destination To Tokyo, Osaka, and Nagoya Year

To Islands

To Overseas

Total

Number Number Number Number Number Number Number Number of routes of of routes of of routes of of routes of flights flights flights flights

1980

6

14.0

37

88.0

0

0.0

43

102.0

1990

7

17.0

44

121.0

0

0.0

51

138.0

2000

14

23.0

53

150.0

0

0.0

67

173.0

2010

14

15.5

43

127.0

0

0.0

57

142.5

2020

16

24.0

47

126.5

3

1.5

63

152.0

Source Compiled and adapted from JTB Timetable for each year

Island Promotion Law. After that, three airports were opened in the 1980s and one in the 1990s. No airport has been built since the beginning of the twenty-first century— or since the opening of Amakusa Airport in 2000. Table 3 shows the number of routes and flights per day to and from the islands every 10 years since 1980, when airports were almost completed on the major islands. According to Table 3, in 1980, there were 43 routes with 102 flights per day. In 1990, there were 51 routes with 138 flights, and in 2000, there were 67 routes with 173 flights. The number of routes and flights has been increasing; it had dropped to 142.5 flights on 57 routes by 2010, but was back to 152 flights on 63 routes by 2020—still below the 2000 level. There are three main reasons that explain the huge decline in the number of routes and flights in the 2000s. The first is that since the 1990s, many of Japan’s larger islands have had high-speed ships that compete with airplanes. Okuno (2003) has pointed out that the transportation share of aircraft drastically decreases, especially when jetfoils are put into service. Second, around 2007, there were events that led to a decline in airline earnings, such as the impact of rising fuel costs and the economic recession that followed the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the fall of 2008. As a result of these factors, Japan Airlines went bankrupt in 2010. The two companies, including the rival All Nippon Airways, underwent a major route restructuring and the unprofitable island routes were discontinued, one after another. The third is the increase in the number of airports with 2,000m-long runways that allow jets to operate. As a result, the number of flights on many routes decreased when the propeller plane, which had a small capacity, was replaced with the jet plane, which could carry many more people at once. The island’s airports and air routes in 1980, 2000, and 2020 are presented in Fig. 10. This figure shows that airport construction has progressed in the past 40 years and the route network has changed. Runway length is important for airports: in 1980, out of 30 airports, up to 20 had runways of less than 1,500 m. If the runway length is less than 1,500 m, only small propeller aircraft can take off and land. Only two airports, Shimojishima and

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Fig. 10 Airline network to and from Japanese islands (Source Compiled and adapted from JTB Timetable for each year)

Tokunoshima, had runways longer than 2,000 m to allow medium-sized jets to take off and land. By 2000, the number of airports with runways longer than 2,000 m had increased to six, with the Fukue, Amami, Kumejima, and Miyako airports added. By 2020, five more airports were added, bringing the total to 11. Next, let us look at the changes in the route network: in 1980, most of the routes were between the island and the prefectural capital city or between the island and the nearest central city. There were only 14 flights on six routes connecting the three major Japanese cities of Tokyo, Osaka, and Nagoya (Table 3). Of these, it is noteworthy that Osaka was connected to the islands of western Japan.

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In 2000, the Kamigoto and Kerama airports opened, enriching the island’s routes. Particularly since the late 1990s, the Okinawa boom has led to the opening of a series of routes connecting the islands of Okinawa with the three major cities. By 2020, the number of airports with 2,000m-long runways had increased, leading to more long-distance routes connecting the three major cities. In particular, there were many lines connecting famous sightseeing islands such as Yaku-shima, Amami Oshima, Miyako-jima, and Ishigaki-jima Islands to the three major cities, especially Tokyo. In 2013, the first international scheduled flight from an island’s airport, Ishigaki-Taipei, opened. More international flights were launched later—Ishigaki– Hong Kong (2016) and Shimojishima–Hong Kong (2019). However, the withdrawal of airlines at eight airports—including Rebun, Sado, Kamigoto, and Hateruma—and the loss of air routes have taken a heavy toll on islands’ societies and economies.

3.5 Summary In summary, the improvement and accessibility of Japanese island transportation infrastructure is discussed in terms of three means: bridges, ships, and aircraft. In Japan, accessibility between the islands and the mainland has certainly increased significantly due to improvements in transportation infrastructure under policies such as the Remote Island Promotion Law. These improvements include the construction of bridges, the development of ports and airports, and the increasing speed of ships and larger airplanes. However, there remain many problems to be solved. For example, when it comes to bridges, the longer the bridge, the more expensive is to build. As mentioned earlier, most of the islands in close proximity to the mainland have completed bridges. There has been a trend since the 2000s to build bridges to connect remote islands. However, it has also become necessary to consider the cost-effectiveness of such measures. Some have pointed out that the construction of a bridge to an island would weaken its communal society (Maehata 2011). Attention must be paid to the transformation of the island society that accompanies the bridging. According to the analysis of PST in the nearest central city by boat, there are many islands from which it is possible to commute and stay in the central city. However, it was found that only 31 islands offer practical capability of working full-time within the central city. In particular, since the last boat from the central city to the island often departs at 5 p.m., it is necessary to develop a port that can handle nighttime operations. In addition, the average time for the PST was 6 min shorter than when it was measured in 2005. This is due to the fact that public shipping routes have been reorganized over the past 15 years, resulting in a decline in transportation services. As for air transport, since the 2000s, the number of airports with runways longer than 2,000 m has increased and the mode of transport has changed from propeller aircraft to jet aircraft. International flights from islands turned into tourist destinations have been opened one after another to the four major cities of Tokyo, Osaka, Hong Kong and Taipei. However, due to competition from high-speed ships and the deteriorating business conditions of airlines, many airports—especially on short-haul

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routes—have been decommissioned and no longer operate flights. The switch to jets has reduced the number of flights per day and the frequency with which people can travel from the island. Moreover, the island’s aviation network has become vulnerable to changes in the social environment as many routes continue to be canceled or reduced in 2020 due to the spread of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Since the island is vulnerable to the natural and social environment, the transportation and accessibility of the island will constantly change. Hisamitsu Miyauchi

4 Conclusion At present, the islands are considered to be the “periphery” of Japan. However, the periphery is not an intrinsic feature of the islands, but one formed in the process of Japan’s modernization. After its restoration, the Meiji government skillfully manipulated merchants with a vigorous, adventurous spirit to further expand the Japanese frontier. In other words, by allowing them to explore the southern islands and recognize their ownership of the islands, they practically claimed the territorial rights of Japan. Han-emon Tamaoki and other ambitious men developed uninhabited islands in the Pacific Ocean and the Nansei Islands in search of albatrosses and guano, and these islands were incorporated into the territory of the Empire of Japan. Even though their goals were plunderous and barbaric, their actions were tolerated in exchange for territorial expansion. As a result, Japan’s territory was greatly expanded to the south. However, the newly acquired islands did not have the same character as the cultural frontier of the early modern era and were positioned as a subordinate “periphery” that only supplied resources to the mainland. With the democratization after World War II, it seemed that the islands could undergo new development. The Constitution of Japan stipulates those basic human rights are guaranteed regardless of the conditions. According to the Constitution, people should not be deprived of adequate education, medical care, and livelihoods just because they reside on an island. Moreover, the Remote Islands Development Act advocated “the elimination of backwardness of the islands.” Based on these principles, the Japanese government has invested a considerable amount of money to build up the economic base and improve the living environments of islanders. With government assistance, the islands should have been promised a path to self-reliance. In reality, however, 78 islands have been abandoned since the end of World War II. Except for three, the reason for their abandonment is not depopulation. Most islanders were coerced into leaving the island in groups due to a recommendation from the local administration. Even if the islanders wanted to live on the island, the local administration advised them that this was not possible. Japan’s island policy after World War II has been based on the principle of “selection and concentration.” It means concentrating thinly and widely distributed people and resources in a few selected centers. By scattering residents in small centers, the

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government aims at efficient administration. The slogan “selection and concentration” is a way of embodying economic rationality. Despite the fact that government’s attitude should be to fulfill its citizens’ (in this case the islanders) wishes to live in their home, the government elected to prioritize the efficient distribution of population. The islanders were pragmatic in their decision-making and wisely understood that it would be advantageous to relocate to an area with better educational and medical infrastructure where government support was available for their children’s future. The abandoned islands were the product of politics, which were prompted by the government’s response to the islanders’ unrest. The government is essentially charged with respecting the will of the people and realizing their wishes. However, the government’s attitude toward the islands was to prioritize administrative efficiency over the inhabitants’ wishes. In fact, the truncation of the periphery through the selection and concentration is also progressing in the rural and depopulated areas of the mainland. In this context, it can be said that the islands are an omen of a phenomenon that will occur on the mainland in the future. For efficient territorial control, the national and local governments promoted the development of transportation infrastructure in the island regions. Although this required huge costs, laws, and measures for the promotion of peripheral regions were put in place and national funds poured into the islands. The essence of the island policy was the redistribution of income. The money invested in the islands was used to develop infrastructure and create employment opportunities on the islands, such as civil engineering works. As a result, the islands have become unsustainable without government subsidies. The redistribution of income by the government has certainly improved the living conditions on the islands. Traffic on the islands has increased connectivity to the mainland via ships, airplanes, and bridges, which has increased islanders’ convenience and accessibility to the mainland. However, islanders who are able to work full-time in the mainland’s central cities are limited to only the islands nearby the mainland coast. After the accessibility of the islands to the mainland by bridge was improved, a large number of tourists flowed into these islands. This, in turn, greatly changed the local communities. On the other hand, since the 2000s, the time that islanders can spend on the mainland has been shortened due to the discontinuation of air routes, mainly short-haul routes, and the reduction of shipping routes. The island’s transportation network is vulnerable to changes in the mainland’s economic environment. The convenience of islanders’ lives is affected by the circumstances on the mainland. Many island residents are at the mercy of the mainland’s will, unable to make their own decisions even when it comes to connecting with the mainland, which is a fundamental part of their lives. Therefore, while islanders’ desire to eliminate the isolation was partially realized, their inconvenience could not be completely removed. All things considered, Japan’s island policy, while superficially attempting to make the islands more self-reliant, has kept them in a state of the “periphery.” This peripheralization started when Japan began its march toward modernization, and the same process remains even 150 years later. Links with islands that are of value

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to the mainland, such as for tourism, are strengthened. On the other hand, links to islands that have no value to the mainland are unilaterally reduced. In the gaze of the mainland, inefficient islands will be neglected or, in extreme cases, abandoned based on the logic of “selection and concentration.” The connection with the mainland is the islands’ lifeline. However, the will of the mainland determines whether or not to strengthen those ties or vice versa. Many islands do not have the right to self-determination. In the 2010s, accessibility from the islands to the mainland, both by sea and by air, has deteriorated. For the islands, the situation of having to depend on connections that cannot be self-determined is extremely unstable and vulnerable. Even today, the islanders cannot shop or work to the same extent as the mainlanders. They constantly have to worry about the time of the return boat, and they cannot have a good time with their colleagues after work. Thus, securing nighttime shipping routes is essential for islanders to be able to work and shop on the mainland. However, as long as the mainland continues to take the lead, it is unlikely that this situation will be realized. The structure of islands being subordinate to the mainland is a historical product of modern Japan that continues to be reinforced and reproduced. Satoshi Suyama Note The albatross was once brought to the edge of extinction by the Japanese. However, the number of albatrosses has recently recovered to a population of approximately 5,000, thanks to the strenuous efforts by Dr. Hiroshi Hasegawa, ornithologist, staff of Yamashina Institute for Ornithology, and others. The Sect. 1 summarizes part of the book “Japanese Advance into the Pacific Ocean: The Albatross and the Great Bird Rush” Springer.

References Black JA, Garland M (1975) A history of fashion. Orbis Publishing, London Commercial Bureau of Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1913) The Trade Official Report 6:261–274 Culliney JL (1988) Island in far sea: nature and man in Hawaii. Sierra Club Books, San Francisco Hachijo Machi Kyoiku Iinkai (ed) (1973) Hachijo to shi (Local history of Hachijo-jima). Hachijo Town Office, Hachijo Hiraoka A (1977) Colonization and plantation management of Daito Islands: its historical development. Jpn J Hum Geogr 29:227–252. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.29.227 Hiraoka A (1985) Amami Oshima nanbu no kasoka ni kansuru chirigakuteki kenkyu: Kagoshima Ken Oshima Gun Setouchi Cho no jirei (Geographical study of depopulation in southern part of Amami Oshima: a case of Setouchi Town, Kagoshima Prefecture). Bull Inst Minami-Kyushu Reg Sci Kagoshima Women’s Collage 2:1–19 Hiraoka A (1992) The delimitation of territory and mining of phosphate rock in Oki-Daito Island, Okinawa. J Liberal Arts and Economy, Nagasaki Prefectural Univ 25:432–448 Hiraoka A (2003) Possession and management of Minami Tori-shima: from catching albatross to getting guano and phosphate rocks. Hist Geogr 45:1–14 Hiraoka A (2005) The advancement of Japanese to Senkaku Islands and Tatsushiro Koga in Meiji Era. Jpn J Hum Geogr 57(5):503–518. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.57.503

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Hiraoka A (2006) Advancement of the Japanese to the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands and its territorial problems. Hist Geogr 48(5):19–29 Hiraoka A (2007) Bird poaching incidents in the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands around 1904. Shimonoseki City Univ Rev 50:138–147 Hiraoka A (2008) An incident of bird poaching in the Meiji era by the Japanese in the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands. Shimonoseki City University Review 51:71–77 Hiraoka A (2012) Albatross and expansion of Imperial Japan. Akashi Shoten, Tokyo Hiraoka A (2015) The Japanese who chased the albatross. Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo Hiraoka A (2018). Japanese advance into the Pacific Ocean: the albatross and the Great Bird Rush. Springer Nature, Singapore Ishida T, Koh U (1877) The report of British designer Christopher Dresser’s inspection of industry. National Diet Library, Tokyo Maehata A (2011) Influences of fixed links on island communities: A case study of Kouri-jima, Okinawa. Japanese Journal of Human Geography 63:344–359. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.63. 4_344 Maehata A (2019) Japan’s bridging islands. In: Nagashima S(ed) Nipponesia. Fujiwara Shoten, Tokyo, pp 7–9 Masuda H (ed) (2014) Chiho shometsu: Tokyo ikkyoku shuchu ga maneku jinko kyugen (Disappearance of local communities: rapid decline in population caused by the unipolar concentration of Tokyo). Chuo Koron Shinsha, Tokyo Minami Nihon Shimbun-Sha (ed) (1981) Tokara: Umi to hito to (Tokara: Ocean and people). Seibundo Shinkosha, Tokyo Minamura T (2006) Sonraku kyodotai hokai no kozo: Tokara no shimajima to Gaja-jima mujinto heno rekishi (Structure of village community collapse: history of the Tokara Islands and Gaja-jima to desertion). Nampo Shinsha, Kagoshima Nakagawa D, Kato Y (1990) Travelling time and possible stay time as an indicator of spatial resistance to intercity exchanges. Expressways Automobiles 33(12):21–30 Naru Cho Kyodoshi Hensan Iinkai (ed) (2004) Naru-Cho kyodoshi (Local history of Naru Town). Naru Town Board of Education, Naru Odagiri T (2014) Nosanson wa shometsu shinai (Rural and mountain village will not disappear). Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo Ohno A (2005) Sanson kankyo shakaigaku josetsu: Gendai sanson no genkai shurakuka to ryuiki kyodo kanri (An introduction of environmental sociology on mountain villages). Nosangyoson Bunka Kyokai, Tokyo Okahashi H (2004) Mountain villages in the 21st century in Japan: exploring possibilities and problems in the future. J Geol 113:235–250. https://doi.org/10.5026/jgeography.113.2_235 Okuno K (2003) Japan’s remote islands and high-speed boat traffic. Chikurinkan, Osaka Otsuki F (1876) Ogasawara to shinshi (New geography of Ogasawara Islands). Suhara Ya, Tokyo Oyauchi S (1999) Kaisetsu (Commentary). In: Motoki S (ed) Mujinto ga yonde iru (Uninhabited islands invite me). Heart Shuppan, Tokyo, pp 291–301 Sakurada K (1980) Sakurada Katsunori chosaku shu 2: Gyomin no shakai to seikatsu (Works by Sakurada Katsunori 2: society and life of fishermen). Meicho Shuppan, Tokyo Skaggs JM (1994) The great guano rush: entrepreneurs and American overseas expansion. St. Martin’s Griffin, New York Ukita N (1993) Kagoshima ken Koshiki-jima ni okeru kasoka no shinko to kinnen no henka (Depopulation and recent changes in Koshiki-jima island, Kagoshima Prefecture). Humanities Review, Kwansei Gakuin University 43(3):59–71 Yamashita Y (2014) Chiho shometsu no wana: “Masuda Report” to jinko gensho shakai no shotai. Chikuma Shobo, Tokyo

Population Flow from/to the Islands Mee Ae Jung, Hironao Hanaki, Koki Takahashi, and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This chapter clarifies the realities and mechanisms of population migration surrounding the islands. Section 1 analyzes migration within the islands and to the mainland in Amami Oshima, one of the Nansei Islands and Sect. 2 describes migration to more distant foreign areas from Omishima in the Seto Inland Sea. Finally, Sect. 3 discusses population migration from the mainland to the island, that is, I-turn migration to Amami Oshima. In the first section, the islanders’ migration was analyzed in relation to the individual life course. It was clarified that the social ties in the home village caused the migration and that the migration from the island to a central place and the mainland continued across generations. In the second section, emigrants to Manila starting from the latter half of the nineteenth century were analyzed by historical records. However, despite comparatively frequent shuttles between the island and foreign countries, the Manila migrant work did not always contribute to the improvement of the average household living standard. In the third section, we found that I-turners were requested by the islanders to accept the customs of the community; as a result, the residents selected them. The I-turners permitted by the islanders could settle and live there. This research revealed that (1) the migration around the island is not only one-way migration from the island to the mainland, but more fluid; (2) the local community plays a major role in the migration of both islanders and those from outside the island; and (3) even after migrating from the island, the association with the island community is not diluted; rather, it has the power to change the industry and landscape of the island. M. A. Jung Collage of Education, Psychology and Human Studies, Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo 150-8366, Japan H. Hanaki School of Humanities, Kwansei Gakuin University, Nishinomiya 662-8501, Japan K. Takahashi Faculty of Letters, Hokkaido University, Sapporo 060-0810, Japan S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_4

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Keywords Residential migration · Longitudinal analysis · Emigrant to Manila · I-turn migrant · genkai shuraku discourse · Amami Oshima · Omishima

1 Residential Migration on Amami Oshima: Migration Factors and Spatial Changes 1.1 Introduction In this section, the inhabitants’ regional migration pattern is clarified based on the questionnaire on inhabitant migration carried out in former Naze City (merged into Amami City in 2006) of Amami Oshima (the suffix -shima means island) in June 2003. Based on the findings, the inducement factors of the migration are examined and the change in the meaning of space resulting from the migration is discussed. In the remote islands of Japan, the outflow of population—that is, population migration off the islands—continues in the post-war period. For individuals, however, moving off the island in an attempt to increase their income means abandoning the basis of life they have built is accompanied by considerable risk. The migration of inhabitants off the island occurs as a result of their experiences on the island and surrounding social relations. The significance of the migration cannot be sufficiently evaluated by an analysis that extracted only the off-island migration from the chain of migrations that the inhabitant experiences. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze all types of migrations experienced by the inhabitant. In recent population migration studies, longitudinal analysis—a method analyzing the total migration experienced by an individual—is often employed (Jung 2002). The advantage of longitudinal analysis is that it can evaluate population migration as an individual’s experience by matching it with the individual’s life stage. In other words, in the framework of longitudinal analysis, population migration can be perceived as both a socioeconomic phenomenon and a personal event. This section also adopts this method to continuously ascertain the population migration in remote island regions in the post-war period by the individual and the household. The study area, formerly Naze City, is the central city of the Amami Islands, with a population of 43,015 residents according to the 2000 Census (Fig. 1). The Oshima Branch Office of Kagoshima Prefecture and regional branch offices of the national government are concentrated in former Naze City and an urban agglomeration exceeding the population scale is observed. The population of the entire Amami Islands decreased from 216,000 in 1950 to 132,000 in 2000, but the population of former Naze City was increasing until 1985. Meanwhile, the proportion of the Naze population with respect to the archipelago population almost doubled—from 17.9 to 32.5%. This suggests the existence of an inward-migration flow from all regions of the Amami Islands to former Naze City. In this section, we use the goyukai organization, which is a group of people from the same hamlet, to collect various migration experiences of Naze residents. Goyukai has been established in former Naze City, Naha in Okinawa, as well as large cities on

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Fig. 1 Amami Oshima and its surroundings

the mainland (Ishihara 1980; Tajima 1994; Totani 1995). Many groups are organized by each hamlet and hold various traditional events (Suyama 2005). In this section, the members of Odana Goyukai, organized by the people from Odana, Yamato Village, were the targets of the study. Odana, located approximately 15 km from the former Naze urban district, is a hamlet of approximately 150 households bordering the East China Sea. Until the prefectural road along the coast was constructed, Odana was an isolated hamlet from which the Naze urban district could be accessed only by a mountain pass or a sea route. The basic occupations were bonito fishery, sugar cane and sweet potato cultivation, as well as the subsidiary business of handcraft silk weaving. The number of households that belong to Odana Goyukai was estimated to be about 300, which is twice as many as the number of households in Odana. The qualification for membership of Odana Goyukai is that either the husband or wife is from Odana or that one of them has Odana-born parents. The questionnaire was distributed to these targets, and valid answers from 269 persons in 91 households were collected.

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1.2 Attributes of Odana Goyukai Members 1.2.1

Age and Generation

Of the 269 respondents, 65 were residents living off the island. Therefore, the number of residents in former Naze City at the time of the study was 204. Among the respondents, 111 were aged 60 years and above, accounting for 41.3% of the total. Age distribution peaks were at 6–74 and 35–54 years. The former is the generation that went to Naze from Odana, and the latter is their children’s generation. The bond that connects the members of the same village organization is the experience of living in the home village, and the young generation without such experience is passive in the organization’s activities. In the young and middle-age generations, the proportion of residents living off the island rises. Students who go on to universities, junior colleges, and vocational schools must move away because there are no higher education institutions in the Amami Islands. Moreover, since the labor market for new graduates is limited, employment also offers an opportunity to move off the island. The residential areas of those living off the island are distributed in the Tokyo and Osaka metropolitan areas and Kagoshima City. The members of Odana Goyukai are divided into the following three categories: native Odanan who were born in Odana and moved out of their own free will, Odana children who were born in Odana and moved out with their parents, and Odana descendants who were born as children of a native Odanan or Odanan child, which also includes people from other regions who are married to an Odanan (Fig. 2). The majority of native Odanans are 60 years old and over, Odanan children are mainly 45–59 years old, and most Odanan descendants are under 39 years of age. The breakdown of spouses from other regions is as follows: 15 in Yamato Village outside of Odana, 12 in former Naze City, and 11 in other regions. Fig. 2 Membership of Odana Goyukai (2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003)

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Socioeconomic Attributes

All members of the Odana Goyukai had nuclear families. For 26 couples, or 28.6% of the total, both the husband and wife were from Odana. For 27 couples, either the husband or the wife was from Yamato Village or former Naze City. In the case of the couples in households who were born before World War II, the number of marriages between people from Odana exceeded 30%, whereas for post-war-born household members, the number of marriages with people from other regions increased. The traditional marriage in Odana took place within the hamlet. However, the number of marriages with people from other hamlets and former Naze City increased in parallel with an increase in the number of people moving to it. The main employment for men aged 60 and over was self-employment related to silk weaving. For women, 31 were silk weavers. Those under 60 years were strongly oriented toward public service employment. Thirteen men and five women under 60 years were engaged in public sector work. For men, most were employed as public institution employees, and for women, most were employed as childcare personnel and nurses. It is important to note that the labor market of the Amami Islands is limited and the public sector occupies the main part of the white-collar labor market. Moreover, public servants in the Amami Islands have relatively high incomes and social status; becoming a public servant means achieving social and economic success. It was necessary for parents to move to former Naze City and earn education funds by silk weaving to enable their children to acquire the education suitable for becoming public servants. Another feature is dependence on the construction industry. The Amami Islands, which had been occupied by the U.S. forces for eight years, still have an economic structure dependent on the state’s policy investment. The construction industry has become the main recipient of this investment and constitutes the labor market of a scale that cannot be neglected in the archipelago.

1.3 Outward Migration from Odana and Inhabitation in Former Naze City 1.3.1

Situation at the Time of Migration

Outward migration from Odana increased rapidly in the latter half of the 1950s and slowed after peaking in the latter half of the 1960s. The reversion of the Amami Islands to Japanese sovereignty in 1953 was an opportunity for the increase in outward migration to former Naze City. After the reversion, former Naze City began to expand as a central city of the Amami Islands. Upon focusing on the age of outward migration of 139 people who were born in Odana, we found that the outward migration age of under 30 years accounted for

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71.2%. Out of them, 129 moved to former Naze City. Odana was closely tied with former Naze City through the processing of bonito flakes and silk weaving. Young people were the main group that migrated out of Odana. The outward migrations took place on a family basis. The most common migration in Fig. 3 is upon marriage (from “single” to “couple”), accounting for 30.8% of the total. Migration by husband and wife occupied 17.6%, and the two factors combined reached 48.4%. Outward migration by a nuclear family in an advanced life stage was seen in only 11 examples. Even when 14 examples of accompanying migration by the will of the parents were added thereto, the percentage in all migration remained at 27.5%. Considering the age of outward migration, moving was primarily concentrated in the early stages of household formation. Migrations accompanying parents constituted 27.3% of the reasons for outward migration (Fig. 3). These are the Odana children who moved during childhood Fig. 3 Migration units and reasons (2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003)

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when they had no right of self-determination. Of the 101 individuals who voluntarily decided to move, those who migrated by reason of marriage accounted for the largest share with 35 people. The number of job-related reasons, such as employment or changing jobs, was only 18 and the number of reasons for migration to other regions, including marriage, employment, or higher education, reached only 59. The characteristic reasons for outward migration from Odana were offers from fellow Odanans and education of children. Fifteen people cited the former as a reason and 18 cited the latter; thus, these were reasons for migration that were comparable to marriage. In the society of people from the Amami Islands, chain migration, in which the advance migrant constructs a life base in the destination followed by a succeeding migrant dependent upon the advance migrant moving out, is remarkable (Kawahara 2005). It is generally accepted that a latecomer is employed by the start-up company if the advance migrant is an economically successful entrepreneur (Suyama 2005). Women who weave silk became business partners with loom houses from Odana and entered into exclusive contracts with them. Since there was no high school in Yamato Village, it was necessary to go to former Naze City for higher education. There were three high schools in former Naze City, but it was impossible to commute to the high schools from Odana until the 1960s. However, the inhabitants, who perceived becoming a public servant as social success, were highly interested in education. For the residents of Odana, the education of children could be a sufficient reason for a whole family to migrate. The main part of the migration flow from Odana to former Naze City was constituted by the young generation in their twenties who constructed a new life base in former Naze City at the opportunity of marriage. Upon migration, there were offers by the advance migrants who already lived in former Naze City. For husbands and wives with children at an advanced life stage, the education of children became the reason behind the migration purpose.

1.3.2

Construction of a Life Base in Former Naze City

The first residences in former Naze City of the migrants from Odana were concentrated in the western part of the Naze urban district. Before the prefectural road along the coast was constructed, the mountain-crossing route that utilized the mountain pass alongside the Yanigawa River flowing through the western urban district was used. The vicinity of the Yanigawa River was the area closest to Yamato Village in the former Naze urban district. Most of the immigrants chose a place near Odana as their residence. The residential forms of the immigrants at the time of in-migration were 69 rental houses and 10 self-owned houses. In the 1960s, the housing shortage in the Naze urban district was serious, and it was difficult for immigrants to acquire housing. Therefore, there were many people who lived in an apartment or a rented house, and there were some cases where the family rented a room in the house of an Odanan or an acquaintance. In the 1960s through the 1980s, when the production of silk fabric was on the rise, the silk makers built apartments and company housing to secure

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weavers. As mentioned above, there were many Odana women who had weaving skills and many of them lived in the company housing of loom houses with which they had exclusive contracts. The residential areas of the immigrants from Odana have grown in comparison with the areas at the time of their migration, but are still mostly concentrated toward the western part of the former Naze urban district, which is close to Yamato Village. There are many Odana children and Odana descendants who intentionally choose residential areas on the west side of the City. Improved traffic conditions made Odana a hamlet close to former Naze City. Members of the goyukai participate in the community events of Odana, and Odana residents are invited back to goyukai’s events. Furthermore, when visiting the ancestral graves in Odana, fellow Odanans call on each other to go to Odana (Suyama 2005).

1.4 Detecting Residential Migration Patterns The residential migration of Odanans was classified into five patterns. They are (1) Naze move-in type, in which people in-migrate directly from Odana to former Naze City; (2) off-island migration type, in which people currently live off the island; (3) U-turn type, in which people temporarily moved off the island but currently live in former Naze City; (4) Naze stagnant type, in which people were born in former Naze City and still live there; and (5) off-island born type, in which people were born off the island and currently live in former Naze City. Of the 269 samples, 266 fell under one of these categories. For each migration pattern, when it arose and what kind of route it followed were analyzed (Fig. 4).

1.4.1

Naze Move-in Type

A total of 132 people fall under this category. They were all native Odanans. The peak of the migration to Naze was between 1955 and 1969. Especially in the latter half of the 1960s, 33 people, accounting for 25% of this type, moved to former Naze City. This migration occurred when households were formed by people over 60 years of age, who are now the main constituents of Odana Goyukai. After this age group moved out, only those who had already established their life bases in Odana remained; as a result of the cessation of population reproduction, Odana experienced rapid aging.

1.4.2

Off-Island Migration Type

A total of 65 people fall under this category. They did not move off the island directly from Odana, but first moved to former Naze City and then moved again off the island. All of them—currently residing off the island—are Odana children or

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Fig. 4 Residential migration patterns of Naze inhabitants from Odana (1945–2003) (Source Questionnaire in June, 2003)

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Odana descendants. In the case of the Odana children, the outward migration from Odana to former Naze City was carried out when they were young at their parents’ convenience, and the outward migration from former Naze City out of Amami was by their own free will. In the case of the Odana descendants, they were born in former Naze City and then moved off the island. The outward migration to former Naze City of the people belonging to the offisland migration and the Naze move-in types occurred mainly in the 1960s. In the 1970s, Odana children’s decision to stay and births of Odana descendants increased the number of residents in former Naze City. The number of people who moved off island increased in the 1980s when residents reached the age of employment and advanced to higher education. The destination was outside Kagoshima Prefecture, especially the Tokyo metropolitan region. Although the migration flow into former Naze City was a limited phenomenon in the 1960s, the outward migration flow off the island still continues. Many parents of the off-island migration type cited their children’s education as a reason for the outward migration to former Naze City. The migration from Odana to former Naze City realized the parents’ desire to enable their children to enter high school, and the migration off the island was an extension of this desire. In other words, Odana children and Odana descendants moved off the island to advance to universities and junior colleges and to obtain better employment opportunities. For them, former Naze City served as a stepping stone for achieving socioeconomic success.

1.4.3

U-Turn Type

The U-turn type includes 23 people, all of whom currently live in former Naze City. This means that 26.1% of the total 88 people including the off-island migration type made a U-turn. Their migration can be classified into two subtypes. The first type is migration off the island after outward migration from Odana to former Naze City followed by a U-turn to former Naze City. Of the 14 people from Odana, nine fall under this subtype. The second type is migration directly from Odana to the outside of the island followed by a U-turn to former Naze City. Five people from Odana fall under this subtype. Their destinations centered on the Tokyo and Osaka metropolitan areas. Their migration was characterized by a short staying time off the island (Yamaguchi 2004). Their purpose of off-island migration was to advance to universities and junior colleges and they returned to former Naze City after graduation. Therefore, in Fig. 4, the inward migration flow and the outward migration flow are complicated between former Naze City and Kagoshima Prefecture and the regions outside the prefecture. Highly educated persons have an advantage in being employed in white collar occupations such as public servants and women are given employment opportunities on the island if they have qualifications for nursing or childcare. Although the U-turners account for less than 10% of the total, the number of U-turners staying in Naze is steadily increasing.

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Naze Stagnant Type

All 42 people belonging to this type were the generation of the Odana descendants and the generations thereafter. They are children of native Odanans, indicating that the reproduction of the population, which did not occur in Odana, is carried out in former Naze City. Since this type includes infants, it is considered that a considerable proportion of them will move off the island or make a U-turn in the future.

1.4.5

Out-Island Born Type

Few people fell under this type, with one person from Kagoshima Prefecture and three from outside of Kagoshima Prefecture. All of them were women, and they moved to former Naze City after marrying an Odanan. Those from the mainland who are married to Amami are called “yamato yome” (wife from the mainland Yamato) (Yoshie 1999). However, as the number of outward-migrators from the island and returners to the island increases, the number of Odanans who meet people from other regions on the mainland and marry them is also expected to increase in the future.

1.5 Triggers of Migration and Spatial Changes From the case of the Odana Goyukai members, the residential migration of the Naze inhabitants was arranged in the above five patterns. Among them, the main types are the Naze move-in type and the off-island migration type, and these two types account for 73.2% of the whole sample. The following are added thereto: the U-turn type, which is a derivative type of the off-island migration type; Naze stagnant type of the Odana descendants; and out-island born type, which is a migration pattern of the yamato yome. The three important flows that constitute these types are (a) from Odana to former Naze City, (b) from former Naze City to the mainland, and (c) from the mainland to former Naze City. The migration flow (a) is attributed to native Odanans and the Odana children, which constitutes the migration pattern of the Naze move-in type and the off-island migration type. This migration flow occurred at the beginning of household formation. In addition to life events such as marriage and employment, education of children and offers by the advance migrants were the reasons for the migration. These migrations had almost ceased by 1975. Meanwhile, migration flow (b) has continued since the 1970s to the present. The migration pattern of the Odana children and Odana descendants is composed of off-island migration type and U-turn type migration patterns. The migration flow (c) has been observed since the 1970s; it constitutes the U-turn type and off-island born type migration patterns. Migrations are mainly for employment and marriage. The residential migration of Odana Goyukai members is characterized by the native Odanans and Odana children moving first to former Naze City, followed by

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the Odana children and Odana descendants moving to the mainland. Native Odanans formed a new life base in former Naze City, and their children and descendants who grew up there were sent off island. In other words, the migration of their residential area took place over multiple generations and the trajectory of Odana-Naze-mainland was drawn spatially. Approximately one quarter of the people who moved off the island made a U-turn, but the return destination of the U-turners was no longer Odana but former Naze City. The migration from Odana to Naze, mainly of native Odanans, is identical to that of the rural to urban migration during Japan’s high economic growth period. Such migration has been explained in the past as migration for employment in urban districts. However, when the reasons for the migration of households are examined in detail, it can be found that the migration is aimed at the construction of a new life base rather than simply for employment. Those who migrated were strongly conscious of the education of the child and the advance migrant fulfilled a large role in life base construction such as employment and residence selection. As a result, their residential area in former Naze City was concentrated in the west side of the urban district close to Odana. In terms of occupation, they tended to concentrate in occupations closely related to the advance migrant, such as silk weaving. Off-island migration became evident after the 1970s when the Naze-educated Odana children and Odana descendants grew up. The migration of the educationoriented parent generation to former Naze City induced the off-island migration of the children. Migrations to the mainland were single-person migrations triggered by employment and advancement to higher education, and some of those who received higher education in metropolitan areas returned to former Naze City. Odana, former Naze City, and the mainland metropolitan areas are spatially related to the migration flow from Odana. For native Odanans, Odana is a hometown filled with rich experiences. However, for the Odana children and Odana descendants, the place has no such reality. They consider former Naze City as their hometown. In Naze, the immigrants depended on the advance migrants and developed their lives surrounded by a network of fellow Odanans. Their life in former Naze City was based on the social network they had built in Odana. The metropolitan areas on the mainland provided resources for the Odana children and Odana descendants to achieve social and economic success. Thus, spatial migration of people from Odana connected Odana, former Naze City, and the mainland metropolitan areas. In the Amami dialect, hamlets are called “shima.” Shima represents not only a spatial concept but also a community and is a cradle of identity for the people who were born and raised there. For native Odanans, Odana was truly shima. Former Naze City, where the populations from each area of the archipelago were concentrated, was a mixed dwelling society where many shima converged. Native Odanans lived a life similar to those of Odanans in former Naze City by bringing the shima network into Naze City. However, in their children’s generation, the sense of belonging to the shima is weak. Raised in former Naze City, they base their identity on the entire Amami Oshima with former Naze City at its center. This awareness is further reinforced by the experience of living on the mainland.

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In standard Japanese, an island is also called shima. As a result of the spatial migration of people from Odana for about half a century and two generations, the space that forms people’s identities has changed from the hamlet community of shima in dialect to a different shima in Japanese that represents the entire island. While the consciousness of the small community based on the hamlet becomes weak, the idea of the island, which can be considered a more extensive hometown consciousness, was formed. Mee Ae Jung

2 Regional Background of Emigrants from Omishima to Manila in the Nineteenth and the Early Twentieth Century 2.1 Domestic Migrant Workers and Emigrants in the Seto Inland Sea A total of 727 islands are located in the Seto Inland Sea between Honshu and Shikoku in Japan (Center for Research and Promotion of Japanese Islands 2019). In the islands and coastal areas of the Seto Inland Sea, many people have historically been domestic migrant workers and emigrants. Migrant workers in Japan are classified into four types: “tradition,” “artisan,” “industrial reserve army,” and “unskilled” (Matsuda 1978; Kawashima 1983). The traditional and artisan types have been carried out since before the nineteenth century and were engaged in occupations that required advanced technology throughout the year. The industrial reserve army and unskilled types have increased since the high economic growth period of the 1950s–1970s and have engaged in unskilled work as a side job of farming. Before the nineteenth century, most of the migrant workers in the Seto Inland Sea region corresponded to the traditional and artisan type. The main migrant workers were based only on small islands such as sake brewers from Iwai-shima, Ochi Oshima, and Okamura-jima (the suffix -shima or -jima means island); carpenters from Suo Oshima, Shiwaku Honjima, and Omishima; stonemasons from Oshima and Hakata-jima; and sailors from Osaki Kamijima, Shiwaku Honjima, U-shima, and Hakata-jima (Matsuda 2010). In addition, there were some migrant workers peculiar to the Seto Inland Sea region. In Osaki Shimojima, they went to the surrounding islands by boat and farmed citrus fruits (Murakami 1967). In Yura of Awaji-shima, they were engaged in peddling of fishing line for boats (Takahashi 1975). In Niho-jima, which is connected with Honshu by land reclamation, there were oyster restaurant boats that went to Osaka and Hiroshima and served oyster dishes on board (Katakami 1996). Furthermore, fisheries were a common feature in the Seto Inland Sea region. In Toyo-shima, there were fishermen who lived on boats, and in the late nineteenth

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century and the early twentieth century, they fished around the Korean Peninsula, which was a Japanese colony, with the encouragement of Hiroshima Prefecture (Kim 2003). In Ta-shima, fishermen engaged in utaseami fishery (pulling net with wind) went to the Korean Peninsula and Manila Bay in the Philippines (Takeda 2002). Many emigrants were also sent to the Seto Inland Sea region. Japanese migration to foreign countries started in the mid-1860s. Hawaii kan-yaku imin started in 1885, which involved emigrants as sugar cane plantation workers according to the agreement between the Kingdom of Hawaii and Japan. After the completion of the Hawaii kan-yaku imin in 1894, the number of emigrants who intended to make money and those who have been called in by the earlier emigrants to Hawaii and the United States mainland increased. When companies began to contract emigrants, the number of emigrants sent out in the 1890s–1900s increased. In particular, Suo Oshima and the coastal areas of Hiroshima Bay expanded emigration to many foreign countries owing to the encouragement of the administration and the fact that domestic migration was originally popular (Ishikawa 1997). In this way, the Seto Inland Sea region had various forms of work on each island since before the nineteenth century and many emigrants had been sent abroad. This section examines the development of emigrants from domestic migrant workers to foreign countries in the islands of the Seto Inland Sea. Moreover, the factors behind it are examined. Omishima, which sent many migrant workers, mainly carpenters, to Manila is as an example.

2.2 Regional Characteristics and Domestic Migrant Workers in Omishima Omishima is located in the middle of the Geiyo Islands of the Seto Inland Sea. It covers an area of 64.58 km2 , and is the fifth largest island in the Seto Inland Sea. The population in 2015 was 5,675. The whole area of the island belongs to Imabari City, Ehime Prefecture (Hanaki 2018). Figure 5 shows a topographical map of Omishima in 1928. The highest peak of Omishima is Mt. Washigato at an altitude of 436.3 m, and most of the island has a slope of 20–40 per mil. The soil is mainly weathered granite. There are coniferous forests, dwarf pines, and many slope failures on the slope and bald mountains develop. In the coastal area, small flatlands with shaved granite deposits and the raised bed rivers are seen. At total of 13 settlements are located in Omishima: Munakata, Urado, Kuchisubo, Nonoe, Utena, Miyaura, Akebi, Omi, Higai, Sakari, Inokuchi, Amazaki, and Seto. These were derived from the administrative villages of the Edo period. Settlements are located not on the coast but also on slopes. The area around villages are surrounded with plowed fields. Paddy fields were found in the coastal plain, and the area was expanded by the reclamation after the eighteenth century. In the early nineteenth century, salt fields were also created in Munakata and Kuchisubo. Since the 1950s,

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Fig. 5 Omishima (Source 1/50,000 topographical map “Mitsu,” surveyed in 1928)

many of the forests and fields on the slopes have been developed as citrus groves. At present, many fields are not worked due to depopulation. Salt fields were abolished in the fourth salt industry adjustment by the Japanese government in 1971. Today, the Kuchisubo salt field houses citrus groves and exercise facilities and the Munakata salt field is used for shrimp farming. There were almost no fishermen on Omishima. However, people from other areas fish in the seas near Omishima. In Omishima, where flatlands were scarce, many people were already engaged in various jobs and domestic migrant work by the nineteenth century. Table 1 shows the population, the number of households, the number of artisans, and the number of domestic migrant workers in the 13 villages in Omishima during the Edo period. As a data source, Shonegai Hikae (the petition file) made by the Matsuyama Domain with Omishima listed as its territory in the Edo period was used. The population and the number of households are not from the Edo period but are shown referring to the numerical values of Iyonokuni Chirizushiko (the Iyo geography book) prepared by Ehime Prefecture in 1872–1873. Between 1872 and 1873, Omishima had 18,169 people and 3,785 households. Inokuchi had the largest number with 2,409 people and 502 households and the

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Table 1 Artisans and domestic migrant workers from Omishima in the late nineteenth century (unit: person) Village

Population

Household

Artisans

Domestic migrant workers

a

b

c

d

e

f

g

Munakata

1,502

291

3

0

1

1

0

0

0

Urado

510

100

8

2

2

0

26

6

0

Kuchisubo

1,321

254

2

2

7

3

19

9

1

Nonoe

1,753

358

11

7

7

4

113

41

8

Utena

1,236

234

13

1

6

1

75

76

2

Miyaura

1,982

429

8

2

10

3

55

3

0

Akebi

781

178

4

3

2

0

52

4

0

Omi

880

195

3

10

5

4

36

5

0

Higai

1,437

339

2

5

8

7

49

20

1

Sakari

1,305

286

4

6

4

3

0

0

0

Inokuchi

2,409

502

14

13

10

23

30

26

0

Amazaki

1,707

396

28

56

9

15

34

14

12

Seto

1,346

223

13

0

5

1

0

0

0

Total

18,169

3,785

123

107

76

65

489

204

24

a: carpenter b: cooper c: cotton craftsman d: other artisans e: day laborer f: shipping or sailor g: other worker Sources “Shonegai-Hikae” and “Iyonokuni Chirizushiko”

smallest was 510 people and 100 households in Urado. Each village had 1,000 to 2,000 people and 200–400 households. There were 371 artisans engaged in various jobs in 1841. By village, the number of artisans exceeded 50, with 108 persons in Amazaki and 60 persons in Inokuchi. The largest group were carpenters (123 persons), many of whom were from Amazaki (28) and Miyaura (18). The Omishima carpenters were specialized in either houses or shipbuilding. Carpenters specialized in temples and shrines, which required advanced skills, did not exist in Omishima. Next, there were 107 coopers who made wooden tabs or barrels, 56 of whom were concentrated in Amazaki. In addition, there were 76 cotton craftsmen who whipped cotton with a bamboo bow to soften it, and 10 of whom were in Miyaura and Inokuchi. Additionally, there were 65 other people, including 14 blacksmiths, 11 ship carpenters, and 11 dyers. According to the Shonegai Hikae, petitions to send migrant workers were completed between 1843 and 1845. There were 717 migrant workers in 1843. By village, the number of migrant workers exceeded 100, with 162 persons in Nonoe and 153 in Utena. In contrast, there were no migrant workers in Munakata, Sakari, and Seto. By occupation, there had the largest number of day laborers with 489 people in Omishima. The villages that exceeded 50 persons were Nonoe (113), Utena (75), Miyaura (55), and Akebi (52). Next, there were 204 shipping carpenters or sailors

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in Omishima, followed by 76 in Utena and 41 in Nonoe. There were 24 others, of whom 15 were carpenters. In the Shonegai Hikae, nine places where people moved to work or learned various jobs were identified from 1807 to 1859. The first appearance of materials there was related the training of carpenters from Urado to Matsuyama, the castle town of Matsuyama Domain, in October 1807. After that, there were two cases in Omishima, one in Osaki Kamijima located in the west of Omishima, one in Honshu, and four in Shikoku. In Omishima in the nineteenth century, people actively engaged in various jobs and went out to work. Skilled laborers were found in all villages in Omishima. Job types were divided into carpenters, ship carpenters, coopers, cotton craftsmen, etc. However, the number of domestic migrant workers was larger than that of the artisans. The destinations were not only within Omishima but also its neighboring islands, Honshu, and Shikoku. However, most of the work offered was day labor, and there was no subdivision compared with the other occupations. Some villages had no migrant workers. The number of people in each village and the presence or absence of connections with migrant workers are considered to be the factors that contributed to the concentration of migrant workers in a particular village. As for the early twentieth century, there is no material that identifies artisans and domestic migrant workers throughout Omishima. However, regarding the four districts of Munakata, Urado, Kuchisubo, and Nonoe, there are records of wages for various posts in the Okayama Village Industry Statistics prepared by Okayama Village, which had jurisdiction over the four districts from 1889 to 1956. According to the survey, in Okayama Village, from around 1920 to 1923, there were carpenters, ship carpenters, coopers, blacksmiths, stonemasons, roof tilers, plasterers, and sake brewers, although the exact number of people was unknown. In the early twentieth century, there were workers engaged in various jobs similar to those in the nineteenth century. In Omishima, engagement in various jobs and migration for work became common from the late nineteenth century, and this situation was maintained in the early twentieth century.

2.3 Relationships Between Emigrants to Manila and Domestic Migrant Workers in Kuchisubo Next, the actual situation of domestic migrant workers and emigrants to Manila in the early twentieth century is examined referring to the case of Kuchisubo. According to Table 1, in the late nineteenth century, the population of Kuchisubo was 1,321, that of artisans was 14, and that of domestic migrant workers was 29, which was the average in Omishima. Kuchisubo is one of the areas where many emigrants were sent to Manila, the Philippines. Kuchisubo is suitable for the examination of the relation with the development of the emigration to Manila and the domestic migration from before the nineteenth century.

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Figure 6 shows the trend of each household in Kuchisubo, especially in the hillside area where many emigrants to Manila migrated around 1935. At the time, there were 98 households in the area and 26 households sent emigrants to Manila. Regarding the main occupations and household composition, 43 households engaged in farming. In 40 households, all the members were living together. The five households represented large farming operations owning more than one hectare

Fig. 6 Households in Kuchisubo around 1935 (Source Interviews)

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of farmland. Emigrants to Manila were sent out from four households. Of these, no. 12 was a single elderly household whose members returned from Manila and started farming. The number of households whose main occupation was not farming exceeded the majority. Except for farmers, there were as many as 23 households with carpenters. In 11 of them, the head of the family, his successor, and his family lived separately in the place where they moved to work. Fourteen households migrated to Manila. Of the nine households that did not move, four went to other places to work. Two households moved to the military port city of Kure and one to mainland China. Next, six households were engaged in ship carpentry and four migrated to Manila. Two households engaged in building of steel ships. One of them worked at OsakaTekkojo (present-day Hitachi Zosen) in Inno-shima, the largest shipyard in the Geiyo Islands. A total of 23 households engaged in other occupations. Among them, three households migrated to Manila and eight households engaged in various jobs outside Omishima. They held the following positions: a joinery store manager who handled the interior decoration of Japanese houses in Kure, a shop manager in Kure, and one elementary school teacher in Imabari, which was the central place on the Shikoku side of the region around the Geiyo Islands. South Manchuria Railway, which was a national policy company of Japan, opened in 1906 in the continental northeast China. In 1932, Manchukuo, a puppet state of Japan, was established. Among the eight households engaged in various jobs outside Omishima, there was an employee of South Manchuria Railways. There were seven households engaged in various jobs in Omishima. There were two village office workers, one plasterer, one barber, one tofu seller and cattle dealer, one elementary school teacher, and one Munakata salt field owner. According to the interview, the number of shipyards in Kinoe of Osaki Kamijima, which is located on the opposite shore of Kuchisubo, increased after the nineteenth century. In Kuchisubo, many people were trained as ship carpenters in Kinoe. Many migrant workers went to the Naval Arsenal in Kure—opened in 1903—and Osaka Tekkojo in Inno-shima—opened in 1911. Thus, Kuchisubo had many carpenters and ship carpenters around 1935. In many households engaged in carpentry and ship carpentry, family heads, successors and their families migrated to Manila. There were also some artisans in various other occupations and some migrant workers who worked in various places in Japan such as Inno-shima, Osaki Kamijima, Kure, Imabari, and mainland China. Figure 7 shows the career of the head of the family for 53 families who emigrated to Manila from the whole area of Kuchisubo. It is said that there were approximately 100 emigrants from Kuchisubo to Manila around 1935, including those who accompanied the head of the family and those who were born in Manila. Figure 7 shows 53 heads of families, which confirms that there were actually about 100 emigrants to Manila, including their families. Most of them emigrated to the area around present-day Metro Manila, but no. 7 emigrated to Basilan Island, no. 15 to Davao, and no. 29 to Mindanao Island. The emigrants who were said to move to Manila in Kuchisubo included those who went to various places in the Philippines.

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Fig. 7 Emigrants from Kuchisubo to Manila (Sources Interviews and “Kaigai Ryoken Kafuhyo” [list of emigrants] in Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan etc.)

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Incidentally, the relationships of the head of a family were as follows: five eldest sons and successors (nos. 13, 14, 19, 25, and 35), the non-eldest son and successors (nos. 29 and 45), four adopted children (nos. 3, 36, 46, and 49), and one founder who set up a branch family (no. 28). Adopted children and branch families were those who left their birthplaces and became heads of other new households. In addition, there were seven pairs of brothers, two pairs of brothers-in-law, and two pairs of relatives. Emigrants to Manila were sent out on account of blood or territorial relationships. The composition of the head of a family in Manila was as follows: ten persons lived with their wives and children, 16 were separated from their wives and children in Kuchisubo, and ten travelled alone because they were unmarried. The newer the year of emigration, the greater the number of emigrants separated from their wives and children and single emigrants. Looking at the career of the head of the family, there were five ship carpenters before moving to Manila. No. 18 worked in Hiko-shima facing the Kanmon Straits where shipbuilding industry was active. No. 29 worked in Kinoe in Osaki Kamijima and Urado in Omishima. The remaining three (nos. 26, 28, and 31) worked around Omishima. There were three carpenters (nos. 25, 36, and 38), and all of them worked in Hiroshima, which was the largest city in the Seto Inland Sea region and Ujina port in the outer harbor of Hiroshima. No. 10 was in Kure, and he worked in a different joinery store from those who were from Kuchisubo, as mentioned above. Occupations in Manila differed between the emigrants up to and after the early 1920s. Here are the details of 12 individuals who emigrated (nos. 1–12). No. 1, who was the first emigrant from Kuchisubo to Manila, ran a western furniture store in Manila. No. 2 ran a photography business. No. 8 ran a shop and a building firm. No. 9 ran a shop. No. 10 ran a western-style restaurant after working at a western furniture store different from that of no. 1. Four persons (nos. 3–6) were engaged in sawing. Later, no. 6 ran a shop and a restaurant in Manila. However, some of them returned home by the 1930s. Among them, no. 2 ran a pharmacy in Imabari. No. 4 ran shops in Hiroshima and Kitakyushu. No. 5 ran a shop and an iron works in Imabari. Some moved repeatedly between Manila and other areas. No. 3 temporarily went to work in Dalian in northeastern China, which became a leased territory of Japan in 1905, in addition to Manila. By the early 1920s, there were many cases of emigrants who had moved to Manila for a long time and became managers there as well as those who moved to Manila for a short time, returned to Japan, and became managers in various places. A total of 51 people (nos. 13–53) emigrated after the late 1920s. Main occupations in Manila were carpentry (18 carpenters) and ship carpentry (6 ship carpenters). There were a clothes shop clerk and a shop clerk. According to the interview, many emigrants from Kuchisubo moved to Manila with no. 1 as their guarantor. Later, they worked for a western furniture store managed by no. 1 and were engaged in manufacturing of western furniture utilizing the technology of wood processing of carpenters. One person from Munakata who ran a shipyard in Manila also became a guarantor. All six ship carpenters who appeared in Fig. 7, including no. 3 who moved there before the early 1920s, worked in this shipyard. This shipyard constructed and repaired fishing boats of Japanese fishermen who went out to the Manila Bay as well

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as yachts, cruisers, and motorboats of high officials of the Philippine government and overseas Chinese. Owing to the outbreak of World War II, emigrants to Manila returned to Kuchisubo in the early 1940s. Looking at the trend of the head of the family after the 1940s, 10 carpenters, 6 farmers, and 2 ship carpenters continued to work in Kuchisubo. There were some cases of resettlement to places other than Omishima: no. 37 ran a builder’s office in Imabari, and no. 45 worked as a carpenter and a craftsman in Inno-shima. There were also many re-emigrants to the Osaka area. No. 1 ran a furniture store in Takarazuka. No. 36 worked as a laborer to assemble scaffolds for construction sites in Toyonaka. No. 38 did interior work in the woodwork department in a rolling stock factory in Kobe. No. 24 also moved to Osaka again, although the occupation is unknown. In Kuchisubo around 1935, emigrants to Manila were said to have higher incomes than the domestic migrant workers who “made three times more money in Japan.” There were some elderly households living alone in Kuchisubo on the savings earned in Manila. In the meantime, there were also some households where the remittance was small and maintaining a decent livelihood was difficult. Emigrants to Manila did not always improve their livelihood. In addition, those who became managers in Manila donated money to Kuchisubo, which was utilized for the improvement of temples, shrines, and public facilities. However, this case was not a unique characteristic of the emigrants to Manila because some of the managers from Kuchisubo living in various places in Japan also made such donations.

2.4 Dynamism of Island Livelihoods as Seen Through Emigrants from Omishima to Manila Emigrants from Kuchisubo to Manila had been working as domestic migrant workers under the traditional or artisan type, such as carpenters and ship carpenters, in various places in Japan and mainland China before their emigration to Manila. The period of emigration to Manila was often short and they engaged in western furniture manufacturing and ship carpentry by utilizing the technology of wood processing of carpenters. Before and after the emigration to Manila, they were engaged in occupations that utilized the technology of carpenters such as joinery, an interior work in a rolling stock factory, and manual labor assembling scaffolds; migrant workers travelled to various places in Japan. Those who did not migrate to Manila were also engaged in various jobs such as carpentry and ship carpentry in Omishima and moved to various places in Japan and mainland China to work. In the first place (since before the nineteenth century), in Omishima including Kuchisubo, many people engaged in artisan work such as carpenters and domestic migrant workers. In other words, emigration to Manila was established by constantly sending out domestic migrant workers, specialization in carpentry and ship carpentry, and the expansion of migration to regional areas including various places in Japan and mainland China. Emigrants to Manila did

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not play a significant role in improving the livelihoods of the outgoing households or improving district public facilities because the emigration were part of their daily livelihood activities. From the cases of Kuchisubo and Omishima, the ideal way of living peculiar to islands and coastal areas in the Seto Inland Sea where people were engaged in various occupations, mainly carpentry, in various places including overseas was found. Looking at the ideal way of livelihood of the islands in the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century can provide many suggestions in examining today’s depopulation of remote islands and their countermeasures. Hironao Hanaki

3 How to Maintain a Rural Settlement Through Screening and Accepting I(L)-Turn Migrants in Amami Oshima 3.1 Introduction Since the beginning of the Depopulation Age in the late 2000s, rural Japan has been phrased as genkai (marginal) and shometsu (extinct). The term genkai shuraku (marginal settlement) is derived from the academic area of rural sociology (Ohno 1991). Odagiri (2014) pointed out that the word genkai had too strong a tone and criticized the conceptualization of marginal settlement; he instead argued that it is necessary to also focus on persistence and resilience inherent in rural settlements. Niinuma (2009)—while demonstrating the case study of a rural settlement whose social activities are retained by children living out of the settlement, even though it is statistically distinguished as a marginal settlement—stated the necessity of dealing with rural problems not only based on statistical criteria such as aging rate but also based on each local situation. Yamashita (2012) insisted that Ohno proposed the genkai shuraku with an imperative intent to call attention to the Japanese rural settlements in the face of a population decline and an aging problem, although the concept attached too much importance to the aging rate, and it is also unreasonable that the aging rate directly contributes to marginality and extinction of settlements. However, the term genkai shuraku has spread all over the country, not only in academia but also at the level of the public, akin to the unavoidable future of the Japanese rural settlements. The government and media have played a pivotal role in this perversion. In short, the term—originally proposed with intent for persistence and regeneration— was socially constructed as a discourse of the unavoidable future of the Japanese rural settlements. In addition, the so-called “Masuda Report” submitted in 2014 by the Subcommittee for Population Decline Problem in the Japan Policy Council reinforced this view regarding the future of rural settlements. Based on statistical data, it analyzed all local municipalities in Japan and extracted a total of 896 “disappearing municipalities” or municipalities with high potential for disappearing in 30 years (Masuda

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2014). As the data they relied on was an estimated rate of population decline of young female in their 20s and 30s between 2010 and 2040, the report shortly drew criticisms for its problematic premise (Odagiri 2014; Yamashita 2014). Moreover, it is unreasonable for the report to postulate that the population flow from non-metropolitan areas to metropolitan areas will remain unchanged for 30 years while emphasizing that a severe population drain continues in the non-metropolitan areas. Although calling for attention to rural settlements or municipalities is important, it is in some cases harmful. This is because the discourse can stigmatize distant rural areas such as remote islands and can even prompt a closure of a small settlement owing to a sense of resignation. Based on the scrutiny of each local condition through detailed field surveys, we geographers are now required to fairly assess the current conditions of rural Japan and to precisely view its future. Intranational migration in Japan has consistently occurred from rural areas to urban areas, such as Tokyo and Osaka, since the end of World War II. However, a rapid population drain to the cities has thereafter generated several urban residents who were born and raised in urban areas. For them, rural areas are subject to be positively reassessed as valuable spaces that they could not experience in their lives. In Japan, a gaze at rural spaces has now been drastically transformed and new values have been found in the current rural settlements (Tabayashi 2013, 2015). As a result, the inaka gurashi (countryside life) boom occurred in the late 1990s. After the defeat of World War II, Japanese society has experienced a variety of events; these include the rapid economic growth from the 1950s through the 1970s, the emergence and burst of an economic bubble in the 1980s and 1990s, and the most recent aftermath of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami. In addition to these national-scale events and catastrophes, advances in globalization and informatization have affected the formation of mass values in Japanese society. In the current Japanese society, the system of values formed after the War is not only dominant but also diverse. A new type of migration with great importance placed on “lifestyle” is now found both at the intranational and international levels that cannot be explained by economic logic (Nagatomo 2013; Maemura et al. 2015). In the migration studies in Japan, based on moving patterns, intranational migrants are mainly classified into three types: (1) U-turn migrants, (2) J-turn migrants, and (3) I-turn migrants. U-turn migrants are migrants who move back to their hometown/village after living in another area, typically in a large city, to attend an institute of higher education and/or find a job opportunity; it is named after its moving behavior drawing the shape of the letter “U.” It is assumed that the names of J-turn and I-turn migration/migrants were established as by-products of U-turn migration/migrants. J-turn migrants settle down in a mid-scale or a large-scale local city near their hometown/village, which is smaller than the city they finally live in, after graduation and/or working for years in another large city, such as Tokyo and Osaka. J-turn migration involves living in at least three places. The term I-turn migrant may be the most ambiguously used. In general, the term only focuses on a moving behavior from a large city to a rural village, regardless of birthplace. While the term “I-turn migration/migrants” literally includes “turn” in its name, these people’s moving behavior does not actually show a turn in its relocation process. I-turn migrants are a group

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of migrants who hanker for rural life with an experience of living for a long time in a large city. Besides rural tourism, I-turn migration/migrant is expected as a trump card to revitalize modern-day rural Japan (Odagiri 2014; Odagiri et al. 2015). Regarding I-turn migrants, this section explores the sustainability of a rural settlement on a remote island—a physically and politically marginalized space within the nation. The settlement of Katetsu, the study area, is located in the southern part of Amami Oshima and administratively belongs to Setouchi Town, Kagoshima Prefecture. Amami Oshima is the main island of the Amami Islands—an intermediate territory in the nation of Japan located between mainland Japan and Okinawa. Reflecting this intermediate characteristic, its degree of recognition is lower than the other major islands in the Nansei Islands. Moreover, the location of Katetsu is inconvenient and disadvantageous compared to the northern and the central parts of the island, but it has continually received I-turn migrants since the late 1990s. This section aims to uncover how to maintain a rural settlement by receiving urbanites, or I-turn migrants, with special attention to the values and functions inherent in the settlement. The main data of the study were obtained from successive fieldwork expeditions from 2013 to 2017. Interviews were conducted with the person in charge of the town office, the president of a local real estate company, the president of the residents’ association, the existing residents, and the I-turn migrants in Katetsu. First, an overview of the study area and the I-turn migrants is provided. Second, their life histories and values are analyzed through their interview responses. Third, the migration process is scrutinized in the light of two inherent settlement functions, “screening” and “accepting.” Further, “L-turn migration,” a sub-category of I-turn migration, is proposed. Finally, a form to maintain a rural settlement by receiving I(L)-turn migrants is anatomized and uncovered in the study area of Katetsu.

3.2 Study Area and I-Turn Migrants In accordance with the inaka gurashi boom in the late 1990s, the existing studies on I-turn migration to the Nansei Islands, stretching between Kyushu and Taiwan, are found after the turn of the century. Yaku-shima and Ishigaki-jima have particularly attracted researchers’ attention (e.g., Tanigawa 2004; Ishikawa 2010; Takeshita 2010; Matayoshi 2014). These two islands are rich in tourist attractions and land development projects provide housing for newcomers. In contrast, the Amami Islands is positioned as an intermediate and unpopular region between Kyushu and Okinawa. Although Suyama (2014) examined a part of Amami Oshima, its study areas were the central city of Naze and the northern part of the island or urbanized and tourist areas. Paradoxically, studies on I-turn migration in the Nansei Islands have been neglected in the disadvantageous areas where urbanization and tourism development have not progressed. However, I-turn migrants are also flowing into such areas, while its total number of I-turn migrants there is less than one in urbanized and/or tourist areas. I-turn migrants’ influence on a small settlement cannot be overestimated. Moreover, in the discussion around the decline of rural Japan, these disadvantageous regions

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should be examined. Hence, this section focuses on the settlement of Katetsu, located in a comparatively inconvenient region, and explores its local community in relation with I-turn migrants and sustainability of the settlement. In terms of transportation, the most important point in Amami Oshima is the Amami Airport connecting the island to the outside, located in the northernmost region of the island, Kasari of Amami City (Fig. 8). Resort hotels are unevenly distributed in the northern part of the island, and Naze is the central city with the largest population. Several large-scale supermarkets and other types of retail stores, based on the mainland Japanese capital companies, are located along Route 58 from the airport to Naze; hence, people in this part of the island enjoy convenient lifestyles, which are almost the same as the cities in mainland Japan. Setouchi Town, in contrast, located in the southernmost part of the island, has the least accessibility. Koniya, playing a pivotal role in the town, has only a supermarket, a drugstore, and a convenience store and its urban functions are considerably far from that in Naze. Although two tiny individual retail stores are located in the settlement of Katetsu, the residents need to visit Koniya to obtain fresh food and other daily requirements. Since the U.S. returned territorial control to Japan in 1953, the total population of Amami Oshima has consistently been decreasing (Fig. 9). This tendency is mainly due to a population drain to large cities in mainland Japan, such as Tokyo, and several cities in the Kansai region. All regions have experienced a population decline except for Naze; Setouchi Town faced the most severe population decline on the island after the return to Japan, while its population had been comparable to that of Naze until the war. The total population of Setouchi Town reached 26,371 in 1955. However, in the 2010 Census, its number had decreased to 9,874; the number went under 10,000 for the first time in the history. The aging-rate was 28% for the whole island and 34% in Setouchi Town in 2010. As of December 2014, the total number of households and the total population in Katetsu were 115 and 224, respectively, based on Jumin Kihon Daicho (Basic Residence Register). I-turn migrants accounted for 15% of the total population: 12 households and 34 people. Figure 10 shows the demographic change in Katetsu between 1959 and 2014. Whereas Katetsu has kept almost the same (around 120) number of households throughout this period, the total population sharply dropped until the beginning of the 1990s owing to a population decline among the younger generation. The total population decreased from 529 in 1959 to 333 in 1974 at a rate of 37%. While this trend continued in the 1970s and 1980s, the settlement kept its population over 200 for 20 years between 1994 and 2014. All I-turn migrants in Katetsu moved to the settlement after the mid-1990s (Table 2). Places of residence before migration were restricted to two metropolitan areas, Tokyo and Osaka: 6 in Tokyo, 4 in Osaka, 1 in Saitama, a prefecture next to Tokyo, and 1 in Hyogo, a prefecture next to Osaka. In terms of household structure, 4 single households and 8 family households were found; that is, two-third of the households were a family household. A total of 14 people out of 34 were in their 30s or 40s, and 6 out of the 8 family households had at least one child under 20. Furthermore, there were 12 children in total, and 9 of them were in elementary school or younger. A

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Fig. 8 Location of Katetsu

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Fig. 9 Population changes in Amami Oshima (1920–2010) (Note The data before the late 1950s are unavailable due to the fire. Source Population Census)

Fig. 10 Changes in household and population in Katetsu (1959–2014) (Source Basic Residence Register of Setouchi Town)

0, 10, 30, 40 Kumamoto

10, 40, 40

50

40

0, 0, 30, 30

10, 10, 40, 70

10, 10, 30, 40, 60, 60

60

50, 50

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

Tokyo

Kyoto

Hyogo

Osaka

Hokkaido

Osaka

Tokyo

Tokyo

Husband

Birth place

Family structure

ID

Kanagawa

None

Osaka

None

Koniya

None

None

Tokyo

Saitama

Wife

Table 2 Attributes of I-turn migrants in Katetsu

Tokyo

Osaka

Osaka

Osaka

Tokyo

Tokyo

Tokyo

Tokyo

Saitama

Residence before migration

Office Worker

Restaurant Staff and Security Guard

Car Mechanic

Office Worker

Buddhist Priest

Office Worker

Member of Theatrical Company

2012

2000

2007

2009

1998

1998

Public Servant 2002

None

Post Office Worker

Pension Owner

Buddhist Priest

Diving Shop Owner

Owner of Tourism Company

Unknown

2013

2001

1998

2009

2011

To Katetsu

Migration year To the Island

Fisherman and 2003 Pension Owner

Current occupation

Diving Guide Farmer and 1992 Public Servant

Office Worker

Occupation before migration

Naze → Katetsu

Koniya → Katetsu

Agina → Katetsu

Katetsu

Katetsu

Katetsu

(continued)

Tatsugo Town → Katetsu

Sokaru → Katetsu

Seisui → Koniya → Katetsu

Residence(s) after migration (Relocation process)

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30

0, 0, 10, 30, 40

40, 70

J

K

L

Hyogo

Hokkaido

Ishikawa

Husband

Birth place

None

Tokyo

None

Wife

Hyogo

Tokyo

Osaka

Residence before migration

Office Worker

Office Worker

Office Worker and Graduate Student

Occupation before migration

None

Farmer, Tour Guide and Care Worker

Staff at Non-Profit Organization

Current occupation

2010

2014

2000

2011

2011

To Katetsu

Migration year To the Island

Notes (1) Number in Family Structure shows an age group of each family member as follows Age: 0 = 0–9, 10 = 10–19, 20 = 20–29, 30 = 30–39, 40 = 40–49, 50 = 50–59, 60 = 60–69, 70 = 70–79 (2) A number with underscore and a number without underscore respectively indicate male and female Source Interviews

Family structure

ID

Table 2 (continued)

Keten → Katetsu

Katetsu

Agina → Nishikomi → Katetsu

Residence(s) after migration (Relocation process)

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total of 18 students living in Katetsu attended the Katetsu Elementary School, and the children of I-turn migrants—6 students—accounted for one third. The majority of Katetsu’s population was 55 years and above, with 133 people (59.4% of the total). Moreover, the population aged 65 and above, or the aging rate in the settlement, accounted for 40.2% (90 people). In short, based on Ono’s categorization of rural settlements, the settlement of Katetsu is classified as a semimarginal settlement. The population decline in Katetsu has now been mitigated by the I-turn migrants, comprising 36.2% (17 of 47) in an age cohort between 30 and 54 and 32.4% (12 of 37) in a cohort under 20 in the settlement. This fact may provide us counterevidence to the discourse of the unavoidable future of Japanese rural settlements in disadvantageous regions heading toward extinction.

3.3 Life Histories and Values of I-Turn Migrants I-turn migrant B (IM-B) was born in Tokyo in 1972 and lived there for 18 years until he graduated from high school. He arrived in Amami Oshima in 1992 after working as a diving instructor in Hachijo-jima, a remote island in Tokyo, for 2 years. Based on an experience in Hachijo-jima, IM-B obtained a job opportunity for a livein diving instructor at a resort hotel in the settlement of Sokaru, Setouchi Town. He continually lived on the island except for one year that he spent in Australia for a working holiday. After the working holiday abroad, IM-B returned to Amami Oshima and began working at the hotel again. In 2001, he married a co-worker who was also an I-tun migrant from Tokyo. This married couple decided to quit the hotel where they both worked and opened a diving shop in Sokaru at a time when they had a child. They moved from Sokaru to Katetsu in 2009 when their daughter entered elementary school. They also decided to close their diving shop. He explained the reason they closed the shop. When we were running the diving shop, we were too busy to take even a day off during the high season. There is no significance to live on the island if we can’t spare time for our child. We are living here because we want to do that.

The ideal living condition for him is to live in a natural environment such as beautiful sea and abundant forest. He also stated in the interview, “I wouldn’t have bothered to migrate if there had been no choice to live in except for (an urbanized area like) Naze.” He chose to live in Katetsu since the area has not experienced large-scale tourism development and urbanization. In addition, he requires time to spend with his family and desires a healthy work–life balance. After graduation from high school, he chose to live and practice his ideal lifestyle in areas surrounded by abundant natural environment, including Hachijojima, Australia, and Amami Oshima. In particular, he lived in Amami Oshima for 20 years in total and had a wife and a child there. The case of IM-B exemplifies that even an I-turn migrant who moves by his or herself can contribute to a population reproduction on an island.

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In contrast, I-turn migrant K (IM-K) was born in Hokkaido but moved to Tokyo when he was 9 years old owing to his parents’ job. He experienced almost all major life events in Tokyo, including graduation, finding employment, marriage with a native woman, and procreation. Before the migration, besides his own family, both his parents and his wife’s parents also lived in Tokyo; that is, all of them were based in Tokyo. However, the husband and wife shared a common interest in outdoor recreation; the family often enjoyed camping by mountains, rivers, and the sea on holidays. The statement below is how he explained the family’s experiences during his life in Tokyo. Family trips were always accompanied by a search for destinations of migration. We (husband and wife) both like nature and so do our children; therefore, we have been hoping to migrate to a rural area for a long time. We went to Yaku-shima three times, and our children also experienced a sanson ryugaku (a stay at rural village for elementary and junior high school students living in urban areas). We realistically considered migrating to Yakushima, but while I felt Yaku-shima was rich in natural environment, bonds between people are weak there. The reactions of our children also told me that Yaku-shima was not our place to migrate. (The intention of) our children are the top priority; therefore, we finally decided not to migrate.

IM-K was deliberately and realistically selecting a destination to migrate and live for a long time in terms of not only a natural environment but also a social environment. He was already married and had three children before the I-turn migration. Therefore, the decision was based on a unit of a family, and intentions of the children were most respected. As a result, Yaku-shima did not become the destination place to migrate for this family. Islands with urban facilities and tourist attractions like Ishigaki-jima and Yaku-shima—in addition to the central city of Naze and the northern part of Amami Oshima—have been, in general, popular destinations for I-turn migration. However, I-turn migrants in Katetsu, including IM-B and IM-K, shared a common preference of excluding urbanized and tourist areas such as Naze as a candidate area for their migration. They avoided urbanized areas with conveniences on the island and selectively migrated to this settlement of Katetsu. This fact gives us a new clue in the discussion of I-turn migrants in the Nansei Islands. Related to this area preference, IM-K mentioned a push factor in his migration as follows. When we lived in Tokyo, children around us went to a cram school … and they looked as if their everyday life was busy. Looking at children like that, I vaguely felt that it was sad. My children’s classmates like that visited our home and played together with us, and I have also taken them out for camping several times … Higashi-Nihon Daishinsai (the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami) also had a big impact on me. Everybody was running to convenience stores to buy a lot of food (to secure their own lives), even though no one can eat it … I felt empty while watching that.

This utterance reflects a negative aspect of the urban life he experienced in Tokyo and shows his anti-urban values. He also mentioned the impact of the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in his migration. As he said, egoistic or self-defensive behaviors were obviously found in Tokyo, which is not necessarily treated as a destroyed area compared to Sanriku in Tohoku region, a most damaged area having been affected by a series of disasters. The phenomenon he mentioned is understood as

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a result that individualism characterized by urban life which also accords with the current paradigm of neoliberalism surfaced as egoism. When he made a decision regarding the migration, the settlement of Katetsu was conceived as a region that has the functions of a local community where altruistic values still exist, in contrast to large cities. His (family’s) migration from Tokyo to Katetsu is also comprehended as a reaction to and skepticism toward a weak connection between people that is the individualistic and selfish values inherent in contemporary Tokyo, or an anti-urban sentiment.

3.4 Screening and Accepting I(L)-Turn Migrants Figure 11 shows the processes of I-turn migration to Katetsu. I-turn migration to Katetsu is divided into two types based on having or not having family members and/or acquaintances on the island before migration. Migrants with family members and/or acquaintances on the island before migration (Type-1) can find and acquire housing in Katetsu using social networks that their family members and/or acquaintances established on the island. Four households, out of the 12 households that now live in Katetsu, moved directly to Katetsu. Three of these four households could acquire housing in the settlement since they had family members and/or acquaintances in the settlement or in Amami Oshima before migration. One of them, an

Fig. 11 Mechanisms of I-turn and L-turn migrations to Katetsu

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exception, could acquire housing as a result of extensive negotiation. All of the eight households that did not have any acquaintances before migration (Type-2) came into Katetsu via other parts of the island, such as Naze and Koniya, at least once. For example, a household of I-turn migrant E (IM-E) is categorized as Type-1. Since the wife of IM-E was born in Koniya, they could secure housing. In short, they acquired their housing utilizing a tertiary network: the principal (IM-E and his wife)—family member—family members’ acquaintance—property owner. I-turn migrant D (IM-D), who is a single, had worked as a live-in worker for a pension in the settlement before his migration. He established a relationship with the employer, who is a resident in the settlement, while working there. This employer introduced him to the owner of a vacant house so that he could acquire housing in Katetsu. However, it is difficult to find and acquire housing in Katetsu for migrants who do not have any acquaintances on the island when they migrate because the housing market there is small and exclusive. When this type of migrants hopes to move into Katetsu, they are forced to live in other settlements at least once where the housing market is more open, such as Koniya, Seisui, and Agina; all of them have a larger population than Katetsu and have rental apartment houses. Settlements that have an excessive number of vacant houses also provide housing to migrants through vacant house bank—a town project to reduce the number of vacant houses by intermediating between a property owner and a house-seeker. While Type-2 migrants live in other settlements, they build their social networks in and around the settlement of Katetsu. To acquire housing in the settlement, they approach the property owners of vacant houses in Katetsu with requests for assistance and an introduction from their acquaintances in the island. I define a series of migration process as L-turn migration, rather than I-turn migration, and those who take this migration pattern as L-turn migrants. Their trajectory is associated with the letter “L” since they horizontally move from a settlement to another settlement after migrating to the island. This is a pattern of I-turn migration captured by more detailed analyses; it could also be a sub-category of I-turn migration. L-turn migration implies that a migration from urban to rural is not complete if the migrants continue their search for the best place or the ideal place to live within the rural region after migration. Some people find their final destination settlement before their migration or in the beginning of their rural life. Others find it within one rural region, in this case Amami Oshima, after spending a long time there. In some cases, L-turn migrants encounter or accidentally find their final destination settlement through their experience of rural life there. Even in those cases, the potential aspiration to realize their own image of ideal life causes its consequent mobility. The husband and wife of I-turn migrants’ family A (IM-A) aspired to live in Katetsu since the time they migrated to Amami Oshima. This couple moved in 2003 from Saitama Prefecture, a municipality adjacent to Tokyo, to Amami Oshima. Since this couple could not find housing in Katetsu, they reluctantly started their rural life in Seisui, a settlement next to Katetsu, renting a room of an apartment house, and shortly relocated to Koniya. They finally realized their long-cherished desire of living in Katetsu in 2011. According to the interview, a co-worker of the wife acted as the mediator between them and the property owner; in total, they spent 8 years to acquire

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a housing in Katetsu. As mentioned above, the case of IM-B is the same as that of IM-A. IM-B could smoothly secure a detached house in the settlement with the assistance of an acquaintance based on his living experience during the 17 years in Sokaru, a settlement on the east of Katetsu. In most cases, real estate transactions in Katetsu directly occur between the property owner and the house-seeker, not through realtors. According to an interview with the president of a local real estate company in Koniya, there were only two transactions involving properties in Katetsu throughout the approximately 20-year period since the company was founded in 1995. One of the two properties was for sale at the time of the fieldwork. However, she showed a strong reluctance to deal with properties in small-sized and mid-sized settlements like Katesu because human relations are especially rich. It is assumed that purchasers/renters have a higher risk to cause problems in the settlement if they are not residents of the island. Regarding the property for sale, the president of the realtor intended that she would first prioritize a transaction with a native person of Amami Oshima, followed by that with a person already living on the island, regardless of their birthplace. She said that the company recommended new I-turn migrants rent rooms of apartment houses in Koniya, Seisui, and Agina: all of them are large settlements. The settlement of Katetsu is adaptive to this sense of anxiety. The residents of Katetsu arrange opportunities to discuss with people who wish to move in there. They explained that this settlement holds a variety of events and ask the candidates if they will take part in those events after migration. The existing residents set participation in the settlement events as the absolute requirement for I-turn migration to Katetsu. This consensus building works to screen people who will contribute to the community and avoid troubles after migration. In short, people who want to migrate to Katetsu are examined through two screening processes, or as a function of two sieves: an obtainment of a housing and a consensus building around settlement events with the locals. Settlement events, moreover, contribute to a connection between the locals and newcomers after their migration. In Katetsu, a set of gender and age groups are organized: a young men’s association, a young women’s association, an early old age association, and an elderly association. A total of four groups based on a spatial unit, called han, are also set in the settlement. People with children going to elementary school also organize a children association. The residents belong to several associations in different units, so their everyday life is not necessarily tranquil. The most important event—not only in Katetsu but also in the Amami Islands—is the honensai festival held in August of the lunar calendar, a harvest festival in terms of its original significance. In this settlement’s event, each gender and age group put on a show, in addition to the matches of Sumo wrestling. A young men’s association demonstrated Kama Odori, the settlement’s traditional dance, to the audience in 2014. Although this folklore had ceased for years, it resurged about 10 years ago. Each group practices hard spending a week to a month in preparations before the festival. A young men’s association also practices from 8:00 p.m. every day for a week before the honensai. A middle-aged man, who is a native resident of Katetsu,

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dedicatedly teaches and attentively passes on to the I-turn migrants the traditional dance of Kama Odori. In 2014, 11 of the 41 members in the young men’s association performed the dance, and the majority, 6, were I-turn migrants. Today, I-turn migrants in Katetsu play a central role in successively passing on the cultural traditions and are essential to keeping the community going. A variety of settlement events exist in Katetsu. Those events and the preparations for it provide a number of opportunities to have dense social contact between the locals and newcomers. Settlement events function as a place where the existing residents accept migrants as their neighbors.

3.5 Summary In contemporary Japan, rural space is phrased with genkai and shometsu, and a series of discussions stimulating anxiety attracts the interests of scholars, municipal administrators, politicians, and the public. Although some categorization and forecast of the rural space are irrational and controversial, they spread out throughout the country as discourses as if it is the unavoidable future of rural Japan. The genkai shuraku discourse is a product of those social processes. However, the I-turn migration recently observed in Japan is in contradiction with the discourse. The study area of Katetsu, Setouchi Town, Amami Oshima, is categorized as a semi-marginal settlement based on the statistical index. However, this settlement has continually received migrants from urban areas in mainland Japan. The study aimed to uncover how the settlement of Katetsu has been maintained by focusing on the values of I-turn migrants and functions inherent in the settlement or reactions of the settlement to the I-turn migrants. A total of 34 I-turn migrants (12 households) lived in Katetsu as of 2014; half of the 12 households were family households whose head was in their 30s or 40s and had at least one child under 20, and all of them moved to Katetsu in the late 1990 and after. They migrated to the settlement in pursuit of a good environment that does not exist in urban life, such as natural environments and nurturing environments, ideal work–life balance, and strong human relations. Some migrants even showed skepticism toward urbanism or an anti-urban sentiment. Based on these values, the I-turn migrants selectively live in Katetsu, avoiding urbanized and/or tourist areas even on the island. However, they face difficulties in finding housing in Katetsu. Basically, housing in the settlement are dealt through direct and informal transactions between a property owner and a house-seeker on the basis of human relations, thus bringing a reliance on social connections. I-turn migrants who have acquaintances in Amami Oshima at the time they migrate can secure housing in Katetsu using their acquaintances’ network. In contrast, I-turn migrants without any acquaintances on the island are forced to settle down in another part of the island. During their life there, they build social relations with people in and around Katetsu and embed themselves into the social

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networks of some property owners in the settlement. I define the latter migration pattern as L-turn migration, a sub-category of I-turn migration. The older residents of Katetsu screen new migrants to be sure they intend to take part in a variety of settlement events. They set up an opportunity to explain the social customs and ask the person if they will participate in the events after their migration. Reflecting a tightly knit community, a closed housing market and a consensus building around settlement’s events have played a role in screening persons suitable for the community. This may be a self-defensive function to reduce the risk of the settlement’s established customs being destroyed by outsiders. To socially maintain the settlement, this screening function is necessary. As a result of the screening process, Katetsu’s I-turn migrants actively participated in a series of events after their migration. The migrants have contributed to maintaining the settlement—not only at a statistical or physical dimension, but also at a social dimension. Moreover, settlement events, including Honensai, provide many opportunities for social contact between the existing residents and I-turn migrants, including during the preparation period. In Katetsu, settlement’s events function as a place where the existing residents accept I-turn migrants as their neighbors. The existing studies on I-turn migrants in the Nansei Islands mainly examined the tourist areas with a high degree of recognition and/or convenience, such as Yakushima, Ishigaki-jima, and the central and northern parts of Amami Oshima. Migrants there also continue to secure an urbanized lifestyle while enjoying the rural/island’s rich natural environment. Unlike the studies on those I-turn migrants, this section grasped the existence and characteristics of I-turn migrants in Katetsu, a relatively disadvantageous and distant settlement from the core area of Amami Oshima. The settlement of Katetsu is now spatially and socially maintained by the nexus between the existence of I-turn migrants who seek a non-urban life (not only in the natural environment but also in the social environment) and the inherent settlement functions for screening and accepting them into the community. The settlement of Katetsu, at least, does not take the path of the genkai shuraku discourse. I am not merely stating that we should optimistically expect a bright future for rural Japan, but arguing that it is also necessary to anatomize the structure of rural settlements attracting urbanites and to extract their characteristics. Accumulating case studies in disadvantageous regions such as Katetsu are further required. It leads us to a deeper discussion of sustainability of rural spaces and contributes toward keeping and enhancing the diversity of Japan, which is composed of 6,852 islands throughout the country, in natural, social, and cultural aspects. Koki Takahashi

4 Conclusion This chapter clarified the actual conditions and mechanisms of population migration around the islands. Population migration in the islands is of two types: out-migration and in-migration. The out-migration from the islands was part of the population

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migration to metropolitan areas in Japan since the 1950s. However, the out-migration was not confined to Japan but also extended abroad. The pre-World War II population migrations were, in fact, more widespread than the post-war migrations. For the islanders, the spatial division between the inside and outside of the island existed first and the spatial location outside the island was a secondary choice. In other words, everything outside the island was a different world to them, and if they went outside the island, whether they went to Osaka or Tokyo, or even to Manila or São Paulo, would not have made much difference. This feeling may be shared by those who migrated from the Pacific islands to Australia and New Zealand for work. The mechanism of out-migration is complex. The migration from the rural areas of Amami Oshima to Naze, the central city of the island, was on a household basis. A colony of people from the same settlement was established there and the same human relations were maintained as in the home settlement. Migration to Naze was defined by the social relationship with the home settlement. The children of the migrants who were raised in Naze moved to the mainland for higher education and employment. The migrants from Omishima in the Seto Inland Sea to Manila were mainly solo migrants. This migration was an extension of the domestic migration. Many of them were short-term migrant workers rather than emigrants, frequently going back and forth between the islands and their workplaces. Their migration was meant to help households or to save money on household consumption. Supported by the immigration agencies and successful first-timers, there was no doom and gloom view in their decision-making, despite the fact that they were immigrants abroad. There were two types of migration units, single and household migrations, and the time span of migration included frequent round trips between the place of origin and the destination and the migrations that took several decades to complete. While the various aspects of migration were revealed, we were also able to find common elements in these migrations. A system was established to send people off the island and to receive them. They were able to leave their home islands somewhat easily because they did not move alone; they acted together with members of their home community and friends of the same generation. Successful first-time migrants received subsequent migrants. Moreover, the immigration agents guaranteed their destinations and jobs. Conversely, they would not have been able to leave the island if such a set-up had not been provided. In other words, it was only when there was an organizational framework to stimulate off-island migration that it was realized. Meanwhile, there are various restrictions on migration from off-island to the island. I-turners who migrated to the islands from metropolitan areas were all skeptical and unfamiliar with urbanism. However, they decided to move to the island because they found the rich natural environment and strong human relations attractive. The cases of the I-turners who settled in Amami Oshima reveal that they initially secured a place to live and jobs almost completely by themselves. After arriving on the island, they had to go through considerable trial and error, and in some cases, it took them a long time to find their favorite place to live. In addition, they were asked to accept the customs and habits of the hamlet. I-turners were required to actively participate in the festivals and community events, and only when they were recognized as useful members of the community could they feel a sense of belonging to

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the community. The strangers are tested to see if they can live in the hamlet as part of the community. Only those who pass this test are allowed to live in the hamlet. Migration from/to the island was asymmetric. Getting off the island was easy. The islanders only had an inside/outside division; the world outside the island was different. Going off the island was inherently incredibly difficult. However, the local community on the island has provided a way to get off the island. By taking advantage of this, the islanders were able to move off the island with relative ease. Coming to an island, and even more so, living on an island is difficult. A U-turn, in which people born on the island return to the island, is easy. All they have to do is to return to where they came from. However, the so-called I-turn, in which people who have nothing to do with the island move to the island, comes with various difficulties. If the asymmetry of migration is left unchecked, the outflow of people from the islands will not stop. The “test” for I-turners is a measure to keep the character of the island community intact. While the intensive island community is attractive to the outsiders, it also acts as a filter to block the influx of people from outside the island. Population migration has traditionally been explained by regional economic inequalities. Although regional inequality is a cause of migration, it is necessary to prepare the conditions for migration from the standpoint of the migrants. The three analyses in this chapter consequently explain the conditions under which migration occurs. Satoshi Suyama

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Kawashima K (1983) Group structure of migrant craftsmen and their areal expansion: The case of “Kishu” blacksmiths. Jpn J Hum Geogr 35(6):19–37. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.35.499 Kim B (2003) Ethnography of Ebune: houseboat fishermen in contemporary Japan. University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo Maemura N, Kato J, Fujiwara T (2015) Social psychological considerations of ‘Life-Style Migration.’ Kwansei Gakuin Univ Sch Sociol J 120:130–146 Masuda H (ed) (2014) Chiho shometsu: Tokyo ikkyoku shuchu ga maneku jinko kyugen (Disappearance of local communities: rapid decline in population caused by the unipolar concentration of Tokyo). Chuo Koron Shinsha, Tokyo Matayoshi S (2014) Ishigakijima Kabira ni okeru konjuka to koshuraku no saihen. In: Hiraoka A, Suyama S et al (eds) Rito Kenkyu V (Research into people, life and industry of Japanese islands V). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 130–150 Matsuda M (1978) Transition concerning the original base of seasonal labor migrants of “traditionaltype” and “industrial reserve army-type” in Sannai Mura, Akita Prefecture. Jpn J Hum Geogr 30(3):71–83. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.30.263 Matsuda M (2010) Hito no ido no minzokugaku: Tabi kara miru seigyo to kokyo (Ethnography of migrants: livelihood and the hometown as seen from “Tabi”). Keiyusha, Tokyo Murakami S (1967) Kankitsu saibai chiiki no kenkyu (Studies of citrus growing areas). Ehime Shuppan Kyokai, Matsuyama Nagatomo J (2013) Nihon shakai wo “nogareru”: Ostoraria eno lifestyle iju. Sairyusha, Tokyo Niinuma S (2009) Consideration on the maintenance of village functions and the sustainability of resident’s daily lives at “marginal settlements”: The case of settlement M of Hinohara-Mura, Tokyo. E-Journal GEO 4:21–36. https://doi.org/10.4157/ejgeo.4.21 Odagiri T (2014) Nohsanson wa shometsu shinai. Iwanami Shoten, Tokyo Odagiri T, Ishibashi R et al (2015) Hajimatta den-en kaiki: Genba karano hokoku. Nohsangyoson Bunka Kyokai, Tokyo Ohno A (1991) Sanson no koreika to genkai shuraku. Keizai, July issue Suyama S (2005) Amami Oshima, naze no goyukai: soshiki no kino to kukanteki seikaku (Goyukai in Amami-Ohshima: Functions of organization and spatial characteristics). In: Hiraoka A (ed) Rito kenkyu II (Research into people, life and industry of Japanese islands II). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 41–57 Suyama S (2014) Amami Oshima eno I-turn ido (I-turn migration to Amami Oshima). In: Suyama S (ed) Amami Oshima no Chiikisei: Daigakusei ga mita shima/shima no sugao (Regional characteristics of Amami Oshima). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 180–190 Tabayashi A (ed) (2013) Shohinka suru nihon no noson kukan. Norin Tokei Shuppan, Tokyo Tabayashi A (ed) (2015) Chiiki shinko toshiteno nohson kukan no shohinka. Norin Tokei Shuppan, Tokyo Tajima Y (1994) The actual conditions of immigrant’s voluntary associations in Naze City, Kagoshima Prefecture. Bull Fac Educ, Kagoshima Univ, Cult Soc Sci 46:11–30 Takahashi K (1975) On the Tegusu-pedding in Awa Province. Bull Forklore Soc Jpn 97:13–16 Takeda N (2002) Manila he watatta Setouchi gyomin: Imin soshutu boson no henyo (Fishermen who went from the Setouchi region to Manila: Changes in emigration villages). Ochanomizu Shobo, Tokyo Takeshita S (2010) Yakushima eno I-turn iju niokeru chukai fudosan gyosha no yakuwari. In: Hiraoka A (ed) Rito Kenkyu IV (Research into people, life and industry of the Japanese Islands IV). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 98–109 Tanigawa N (2004) Life history of migrants, life story of a community: A case study of the Osumishoto Islands. Jpn J Hum Geogr 56(4):393–409. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.56.393 Totani O (1995) Naha ni okeru kyoyukai no kino (Function of kyoykai in Naha, Okinawa). In: Yamamoto E, Takahashi M et al (eds) Urban and rural change in post-reversion Okinawa. University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo, pp 221–240

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Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants Shinako Takahashi, Akira Takagi, Masayuki Seto, Misao Hashimoto, and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract Japanese islands have experienced various and numerous natural hazards, but islanders have responded wisely to the severe environment. Section 1 deals with malaria. Malaria has caused many settlements to be abandoned in the Yaeyama Islands. In older settlements of pre-eighteenth-century origin, community ties became the basis for malaria prevention projects and kept them alive. Section 2 describes how the residents of Miyake-jima, who were forced to leave the island for five years due to an eruption, returned to the island and reconstructed their community. People who are necessary for the island’s life and industry were brought back first. This measure was essential for the revival of tourism, the island’s main industry. The ordinary residents were brought back after volcanic gas levels decreased. Section 3 discusses the relationship between humans and the poisonous snakes (habu) of Amami Oshima. Sticks have been placed beside the roads of the settlements to drive away the habu, not for killing them. Meanwhile, the habu caught by semiprofessional hunters are bought by the administration as a raw material for their serum. The islanders do not want to eradicate the habu but instead choose to coexist with them. These examples show that the islanders are not weak beings; rather, they S. Takahashi Tokyo, Japan A. Takagi · M. Seto Community Future Design Center, Fukushima University, Fukushima 960-1296, Japan e-mail: [email protected] M. Seto e-mail: [email protected] M. Hashimoto Faculty of Education, Gifu University, Gifu 501-1193, Japan S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] M. Seto The Great East Japan Earthquake and Nuclear Disaster Memorial Museum, Fukushima 979-1401, Japan © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_5

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know the natural environment of the island and have the fortitude to take advantage of even terrible disasters. Keywords Malaria · Survival of settlement · Volcanic eruption · Rehabilitation · Habu · Coexist · Yaeyama Islands · Miyake-jima · Amami Oshima

1 Malaria in the Modern Yaeyama Islands and Survival of Settlements 1.1 Introduction On September 15, 2006, the World Health Organization (WHO) announced that the use of indoor spraying with DDT (dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane) will once again play a major role in its efforts to fight malaria (World Health Organization 2006). Malaria is now prevalent in some regions, such as Africa, after a blanket ban on DDT use in 1968 and the emergence of chloroquine-resistant falciparum malaria, which limits its efficacy. According to the “World Malaria Report 2005,” approximately 3.2 billion people live in the malaria-endemic regions of 107 countries, 3.5–5 hundred million are infected, and at least 1 million die annually. Children under six and pregnant women, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, face a serious condition. In addition, owing to global warming, the potential area for infection is expanding. It is now estimated that the population living within the epidemic area will reach 60% of the world total population. In the Yaeyama Islands, Okinawa, residents had long been suffering from malaria, which had prevented regional development; deserted settlements occurred as a result in modern times. In Iriomote-jima (the suffix -jima means island), an area severely affected by malaria, however, an over 500 year-standing settlement is found. Had there been any specific measures to address malaria in this area? If the long-standing settlements held specific strategies to reduce the risk of malaria, it could be effective even today as a precautionary measure. This section focuses on a long-standing settlement’s fight against the epidemic of malaria in the Yaeyama Islands and explores the factors contributing to its survival. Until the end of the fifteenth century, the Yaeyama Islands were ruled by a group of chiefs, each of whom was independent and had a different relationship with the Ryukyu Kingdom. After the revolt of Oyake-Akahachi in 1500, the Yaeyama Islands were incorporated into the territory of the Ryukyu Kingdom. After the invasion of Ryukyu in 1609, the Ryukyu Kingdom was dominated by the Satsuma Domain (today’s Kagoshima Prefecture). The Satsuma Domain, which intended to trade with China through the Ryukyu Kingdom, granted the Ryukyu Kingdom a token independence. As a result, the Yaeyama Islands were dominated by both Satsuma and Ryukyu. Okinawa is located in tropical and semi-tropical zones. Consequently, it experienced the epidemic of falciparum malaria, whose mortality rate is the highest among

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the four different types of malaria. The Yaeyama Islands had been forced to pay heavy taxes, including a poll tax by the royal government of the Ryukyu Kingdom. Reclamation and establishment of new settlements in the Yaeyama Islands for ensuring tax revenue always involved the risk of malaria. The discernable history of prevention of malaria in the modern Yaeyama Islands can be subdivided into three periods: (1) the “malaria investigation period” between 1882 and 1916; (2) the “malaria eradication period” between 1916 and 1943; and (3) the “wartime malaria period” between 1943 and 1945. During the malaria investigation period, although the Japanese government distributed quinine to residents for free, it was far from a systematic measure. In the malaria eradication period, the government confirmed the importance of preventive measures to address malaria in the Yaeyama Islands. Local residents started standing up and taking actions to eradicate malaria, and they established “Mararia Bokumetsu Kiseikai” (the Malaria Eradication Organization). “Mararia Yobo-han Jimusho” (the Malaria Prevention Office) was set up in Ishigaki-jima in December 1921, and it opened a branch in Sonai, Iriomote-jima the following year. The wartime malaria period, however, lacked preventive measures against malaria; consequently, forced evacuations of local residents occurred. In 1945, the number of malaria infected patients reached 16,884 (53.82% of the total population), and 3,647 people died. Malaria is closely related with colonial occupation under imperialism (Saito 2001). The Japanese government faced difficulties coping with Malaria in Taiwan, a new colony they acquired as a consequence of the First Sino-Japanese War from 1894 to 1895. Since the Yaeyama Islands were geographically close to Taiwan, measures to prevent malaria were also necessary there as a part of the colonization policy. Gisuke Sasamori, an explorer in the late nineteenth century, visited all settlements in the Yaeyama Islands and recorded the rage of malaria in detail. He speculated that 18 out of the total 25 infected settlements would be deserted in a few decades (Sasamori 1982), which indeed came to pass. According to Sasamori, even Sonai, a settlement that played a central role in the Yaeyama Island, lacked quinine and malaria infected patients were left without any remedy. Malaria studies at that time focused on a sequential process from a population decline to a desertion of settlements caused by an epidemic of malaria. This section, on the contrary, pays attention to the survival of settlements in a malaria prevalent area. Through identifying characteristics of the settlements that survived, this approach contributes toward constructing a strategy for sustainable development, including persistence of rural settlements. First, this section classifies all settlements in the Yaeyama Islands as an infected settlement or an uninfected settlement and seeks to understand each settlement’s history of establishment and the circumstances behind its survival or desertion. Second, I explore population transition and the rate of malaria infected patients in each settlement, as well as its locational environment and other characteristics. This section adopts 1894 as a standard year for assessing survival or desertion because the number of malaria infected patients of this year is comprehensively understood and the classification of an infected settlement or uninfected settlement is possible (Miura et al. 1989). As the number of infected patients in a total of 31 settlements in Ishigaki-jima and Iriomote-jima becomes clear, these settlements are

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surveyed. Special attention is paid to Sonai in Iriomote-jima since several documentary records related to malaria still exist. The case of Sonai displays the oral traditions of the establishment of settlement and settlement-based preventive measures against malaria. Rituals in Okinawa are held in the space surrounding utaki, a sanctuary in which the settlement’s guardian deity dwells (Hokama 1972). This tradition based on the utaki still plays an important role for the residents in Sonai and provides their base for living. Survival strategies of settlements in the remote islands are affected by political, economic, and social issues on a macro scale. These are inclusive of practices such as head tax, forced migration, and the Old Customs Preservation Policy in the modern times by the royal government of the Ryukyu Kingdom, as well as the spread of education. Survival factors of settlements are more clearly understood by looking at elements not only on a micro scale but also a macro scale.

1.2 Establishment and Desertion of Settlements in the Yaeyama Islands The Yaeyama Islands are located on the south-westernmost point of Okinawa Prefecture and are composed of approximately 20 islands, including both large-scale and small-scale islands. In Ishigaki-jima, which plays a central role in the islands, the Hirakubo peninsula narrowly jugs out into the northern shore of the island and a mountainous area including Mt. Omoto (525.8 m) expands the southcentral part. In the city of Ishigaki, the total population was 48,629 in 2010 and has gradually been increasing in recent years. Iriomote-jima is the second largest island, after Okinawa Island, in Okinawa Prefecture and administratively belongs to Taketomi Town. Precipitation on the island is approximately 2,500 mm and almost all of its land is covered by mountains whose elevations range between 300 and 400 m; settlements are distributed in a limited number of seashore flatlands. Paddy rice crops are farmed in old settlements such as Komi in the eastern part and Sonai and Hoshidate in the western part. The total population of Iriomote-jima was 2,290 in 2010, which recently experienced a slight increase. The population of Sonai, however, is decreasing gradually; the total number is only 162 in 2010. Table 1 shows the histories of the existing 31 settlements in Ishigaki-jima and Iriomote-jima as of 1894 when the investigation was conducted. A total of 12 out of the 31 settlements—6 each for Ishigaki and Iriomote—were old settlements constructed before 1728 when Sai On, a statesman at the royal government of the Ryukyu Kingdom, assumed the official of sanshikan (ministers of the Ryukyu Kingdom). A new settlement is defined as a settlement established after 1728 under Sai On’s policy of the Yaeyama Reclamation, and 11 settlements and five settlements are distributed in Ishigaki and Iriomote-jima, respectively. For three settlements in Iriomote the year of establishment was unknown.

New

Old

Old

New

New

New

New

New

New

New

New

None

None

None

None

None

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

Miyara

Ohama

Shika

Maezato

Hirae

Kabira

Hirakubo

Ibaruma

Shinabaru

Yasura

Sakieda

Momozato

Nagura

Moriyama

Fukai

New

Old

Old

Old

Old

None

Shiraho

Old/new settlement

Ishigaki Island

Infected settlement

Settlement

Island

Table 1 Settlements in Ishigaki-jima and Iriomote-jima

Deserted (1930?)

Deserted (1917)

Deserted (1916)

Deserted (1914)

Deserted (1914)

Deserted (1902)

Deserted (?)

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained/deserted (deserted year)

?

Uninfected, Intra-island

Uninfected, Intra-island

Uninfected, Intra-island

Uninfected, Intra-island

Infected, Intra-island

?

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

–

Destination for Relocation

3 3 12 1 4

✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

None

None

–

✓

✓

1

1

3

1

–

–

–

7

6

1

5

✓

✓

Utaki

Guardian house

Settlement’s facilities

–

1

1

1

3

2

–

2

8

9

6

2

254

8

2

25

Well

✓

✓

None

✓

None

✓

–

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

Blacksmith

(continued)

None

None

None

None

None

None

–

None

None

✓

None

None

✓

None

None

None

School

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants 115

?

New

✓

✓

Sakiyama

✓

Uehara

Urauchi

New

✓

Nakama

New

Old

✓

Nohara

✓

?

✓

Naruya

Haemi

Old

?

✓

Komi

New

Old

✓

Amitori

New

Old

✓

Hoshidate

✓

Old

✓

Sonai

✓

Old

✓

Funauki

Shikagawa

New

✓

Nozoko

Takana

Old/new settlement

Infected settlement

Settlement

Deserted (1938)

Deserted (1931)

Deserted (1926)

Deserted (1920)

Deserted (1915)

Deserted (1909)

Deserted (1900)

Deserted (1899)

Deserted (?)

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Sustained

Deserted (1933)

Sustained/deserted (deserted year)

Infected, Intra-island

Infected, Intra-island

Taketomi Island

?

Kohama Island

Hatoma Island

Infected, Intra-island

Kohama Island

?

–

–

–

–

–

Infected, Intra-island

Destination for Relocation

✓

None

✓

None

✓

✓

None

None

None

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

Guardian house

1

4

–

1

–

3

1

–

–

3

1

2

5

2

–

Utaki

Settlement’s facilities

4

2

3

3

2

11

1

1

3

9

4

10

15

4

2

Well

✓

None

✓

None

None

None

None

None

None

✓

✓

None

✓

✓

None

Blacksmith

Sources Makino (1972), Yaeyama Rekishi Henshu Iinkai (1954), Ishigaki-shi Somubu Shishi Henshushitsu (1998), and Hoshi (1982)

Iriomote Island

Island

Table 1 (continued)

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

✓

None

✓

✓

None

None

School

116 S. Takahashi et al.

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants

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In Iriomote-jima, all the deserted settlements, except for Nakama, are new settlements and all the old settlements have survived. The deserted settlements are all due to a natural decrease in population, as peasants in Okinawa were prohibited from moving in the early modern times. Forced importation of new settlers was the only way to sustain the settlements in the face of population decline. Most of the new settlements were established by forced migration. “Work on new settlement buildings in Yaeyama that was pushed ahead all failed, instead throwing residents into the nadir of adversity … the main cause is owing to the fact that (the Ryukyu Kingdom) extorted a head tax from immigrants’ settlements facing poverty without considering malaria” (Ohama 1971). In other words, the realities of malariainfected settlements were neglected and colonization was pushed through for the sake of an increase in tax revenue; the peasants were exhausted and most of them were finally infected by malaria.

1.3 Settlements and Malaria in the Modern Times According to an investigation in 1894, 38 settlements were found throughout the Yaeyama Islands. A total of 28 infected settlements were identified all over the islands: 11 in Ishigaki-jima, 14 in Iriomote-jima, two in Yonaguni-jima, and one in Kohama-jima (Fig. 1). Uninfected settlements were distributed only on the southern shore of Ishigaki-jima, Taketomi-jima, Kuro-shima (the suffix -shima means island), Kamiji, and Shimoji. In the study area of two islands, only eight infected settlements survived as of 1894—three in Ishigaki-jima, and five in Iriomote-jima; seven of these were old settlements. However, malaria was not the only cause of the desertion of settlements; thus, focusing on other factors is necessary. The land readjustment project—implemented between 1899 and 1903—removed the restriction of purchase and sale of land and free migration and revised the tax payment system from a collective responsibility to an individual-unit payment system (Yoshinaga 1992). Several documents point out that the residents in infected settlements planned to leave their settlements after this project at the turn of the century (Yaeyama Rekishi Henshu Iinkai 1954). In Ishigaki-jima, the local residents relocated to neighboring settlements and/or uninfected settlements at the time of desertion. As the southern part of Ishigaki-jima included uninfected settlements, residents in the infected settlements did not have to leave the island to avoid the threat of malaria. Iriomote-jima, on the contrary, only had infected settlements; the residents were, therefore, forced to relocate to other islands including Hatoma, Kohama, Taketomi, and Aragusuku rather than neighboring settlements within Iriomote-jima. This predominance of infected settlements within Iriomote-jima prevented the relocation of residents and most of the residents remained in the infected settlements; in this way, they contributed to the survival of their settlements.

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Fig. 1 Settlements in the Yaeyama Islands in the late nineteenth Century (Sources Miura et al. [1989], Makino [1972], Yaeyama Rekishi Henshu Iinkai [1954]. Illustrated by S. Suyama)

The settlement’s sacred space of utaki is located on the site of the feudal lord’s premises in the Medieval Ages. Thereafter, it became a space for those of religious faith to praise heroes who strived to establish their settlements (Ono 1999). Settlements that originated in the Medieval Ages are located above a cliff and are surrounded by a stone wall. These settlements appeared in the fourteenth century and were abandoned at the beginning of the sixteenth century; they also acted as battle defenses of the settlements’ building heroes against the royal government of the Ryukyu Kingdom. In the case of Sonai, it is assumed that Wiimura, which means upper village, located in a land-tied island jutting out into the west, is exactly one such medieval settlement surrounded by stone wall on a cliff (Fig. 2). Kedagusuku and Ohtake Utaki in Wiimura are on the premises of a settlement’s building hero. Residents in Wiimura relocated down to Shimomura, which means lower village, in the eastern part of the settlement by about 1935. According to lore, settlements’ building heroes are thought as maritime people or pirates called wako. The name wako is a derogatory term in China and Korea for pirates, private traders, and traders engaged in smuggling in East Asia between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. It is said that the wako, based in Sonai, were engaged in trade with Portugal and Spain (Okinawa Ken Kyoiku Iinkai 1991; Sakiyama 2000).

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Fig. 2 Settlement of Sonai (Sources Shibuya et al. [1998], Okinawa Ken Kyoiku Iinkai [1991], Ishigaki-shi Somubu Shishi Henshushitsu (ed) [1989], and interview. Illustrated by S. Suyama)

Based on evidence of archaeological research, Kabira and Hirakubo in Ishigakijima and Sonai (Wiimura) in Iriomote-jima play a role as important points in marine traffic. Specifically, a large amount of ceramics and ironware were excavated in Wiimura of Sanai. An inlet is located on the west side of the ruin, and traces that indicate it had long been used as a natural port were found (Okinawa Ken Kyoiku Iinkai 1991). The Panari and Nishidomari-ubu utakis in Shimomura are worshipped as the gods of sea voyage (Shibuya et al. 1998). The beach on the north side of the settlement, called Yunnuguchi, had been used as a port for waiting for favorable wind. Locational conditions of three settlements originating in the Middle Ages are

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quite good without exception. They were all constructed before the establishment of domination by the royal government of the Ryukyu Kingdom and an important point in the marine traffic, being rich in spring water. The existence of a port for waiting for favorable wind made it possible for the settlements to trade with the Ryukyu Kingdom, Japan, and China. That iron, which is not produced in Ryukyu, was plentifully excavated in Wiimura demonstrates the existence of prosperous trading in Sonai at that time. Regarding the facilities in the settlements in Ishigaki-jima and Iriomote-jima, eight sustained malaria infected settlements held bansho (guard house), utaki, blacksmith, and several water wells; seven out of the eight settlements were old settlements (Table 1). Although five schools were distributed in these two islands in total, four of these were located in the sustained infected settlements. Strong ties between residents formed over a long time exist in the old settlements, and these direct the local residents to cooperate with each other in both farm work and preventive measures against malaria. The strong unity in the settlement based on utaki holds a significant meaning as a social structure that underpins the local residents’ base of living.

1.4 Preventive Measures Against Malaria in the Yaeyama Islands Between 1922 and 1943, 1,000–2,000 people were infected by malaria, and 20–30 infected patients died every year (Yaeyama Fukushi Hokenjo 1998). In Sonai, the ratio of malaria-infected patients to the total population was 40% in 1928, and there had always been over 100 patients. In 1935, however, the ratio decreased to 5.7%, and only 34 infected patients were found. Consequently, the total population of Sonai increased from 509 in 1922 to 581 in 1936. The major social change in Sonai between 1900 and 1940 was a housing relocation from Wiimura to Shimomura. While movements from an infected settlement to an uninfected settlement frequently occurred in other parts of the islands during the same period, residents in Sonai moved within the settlement. Wiimura’s residents moved down, while reclaiming a part of the Pisada—rice paddy fields—they owned in the central part of Shimomura. Wiimura’s residents relocated down to Shimomura in search of a headspring because they had been forced to go up and down on sloping roads to draw water below the cliff when they lived in Wiimura. The residents individually or cooperatively reclaimed Pisada for preventing the breeding of malaria carrying mosquitos and moved into a space near the site of Pisada. The residents in Sonai voluntarily coped with the improvement of the settlement’s environment. This experience would be thereafter connected to the full cooperation for a project aimed at malaria preventive measures. In addition to the reclamation of paddy fields, tree-clearing, sweeping, and construction of drains were carried out to improve the environment and reducing

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malaria carrying mosquitos in Sonai. Before the projects were carried out, the present condition of the malaria outbreak was explained for disseminating the projects’ significance to the core and voluntary members of the settlement. The residents reclaimed lowland marshes by themselves and achieved the installation of a 250 m long drain by acquiring a subsidy from the prefecture in 1932. Core members and school staff in Sonai and Hoshidate decided the implementation of this drain project at a joint meeting. The local residents were fully mobilized and the construction took only about a month to complete. They also, early on, negotiated an installation of a simplified water-supply system with the prefecture authorities and received a subsidy of 1,120 yen (1 yen was approximately equivalent to 4 US dollars). A total of 340 local residents came forward and finally completed its construction in 1939 (Ishigaki-shi Soumubu Shishi Henshushitsu 1989; Nane 1989). Regarding the preventive measures against malaria in Sonai, the residents decided on a series of projects by themselves, participated in its implementation, and acquired monetary support from the prefecture. In Sonai, a high literacy rate enabled the residents to implement these settlement-based preventive measures in full force. According to an inspection report from a government official at the Sanitary Bureau of the Home Department of the Imperial Japanese Government, only the Iriomote elementary school in Sonai worked without any problems in the 1910s in the Yaeyama Islands. Natives of Sonai became local officials and national government officials for the prevention of the infectious disease, and they served the purpose. Information related to public health spread throughout the settlement smoothly and widely as a number of locals had a high level of literacy. Leaflets distributed at a lecture on the prevention of malaria was filled with several long sentences; the leaflets were printed on the assumption that the majority of the residents would be literate. A strong sense of solidarity in the settlement worked as the other background in the voluntary preventive measures. Social structure, comprising the shared religious rituals and festivities, mode of living, and human relations formed over a long period, directed them to fight malaria, not to desert and leave their settlement. In the old settlements, solid human relations centered on utaki had been built since it had had a long history like the other settlements established by forced migration. However, the social solidarity also included a strict aspect of the members’ regulating behavior; thus, it is assumed that the preventive projects for malaria determined in the settlement have a strong mandatory force. Residents were frequently encouraged to exercise caution regarding the use of mosquito nets, tree-clearing machinery, drains, and medication and households without infected patients were commended. Cooperating with a series of preventive measures to fight malaria was a settlement’s strict rule, and to not to be infected by malaria meant an honor worth receiving a commendation. According to a document of the Iriomote Branch of Malaria Prevention Group Office, in 1922 the ratio of use of mosquito nets reached 100% for the first time in Sonai among all settlements in Iriomote-jima as a result of social controls. Use of mosquito net is an effective preventive measure, and it contributed to a decrease in the infection rate of malaria in Sonai where all the households strictly used mosquito nets.

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1.5 Summary In the modern Yaeyama Islands, malaria killed a great number of residents and destroyed many settlements. However, some of the settlements survived the period of desertion and continue to exist in modern times. They are characterized by their social structure and good living conditions for potentially reducing the malaria evil. Eight settlements that survived in the infected areas were all old settlements; specifically, Kabira and Hirakubo in Ishigaki-jima and Sonai (Wiimura) in Iriomote-jima are located in an important point in marine traffic and are rich in spring water and serve as good ports. As several water wells, blacksmiths, and utaki were found, all eight sustained settlements in the infected areas appear to have had a fully equipped living base. Utaki played an important role, not only as an object of religious faith but also as a space for enhancing social solidarity among the settlement’s residents. In modern times, this social structure provided the basis for a cooperation system in a series of preventive projects for malaria. In Sonai, the residents were determined to relocate within the settlement and not to move out to the uninfected settlements during the epidemic period. As a result, a number of settlements were deserted in the Yaeyama Islands. For the sake of securing well water, residents moved down to the lower land of Shimomura that had a higher risk of malaria infection. To reduce the risk of infection, the residents spontaneously reclaimed the rice paddy fields called Pisada—a breeding space of malaria-carrying mosquitos. In Sonai, the residents did not escape but fought head-on against malaria. An experience of environmental improvements in the settlement, learned from a spontaneous relocation, led them to voluntarily cooperate in the preventive projects to fight malaria. The motion to eradicate malaria in full force with the support of all of the settlement’s members reduced the number of malaria-infected patients. Moreover, the high ratio of literacy produced a number of national officials from the settlement and functioned as a background for generating a variety of strategies for the prevention of malaria. Shinako Takahashi (translated by Koki Takahashi)

2 Reconstruction Process After the Volcanic Eruptions of Mt. Oyama on Miyake-jima in 2000 2.1 Introduction Miyake-jima is located approximately 180 km south of Tokyo, forming a part of the Izu Islands (Fig. 3). Since Miyake-jima is in a convenient area for water transportation connected with mainland Japan, Honshu, it was also a sphere of human habitation in the Heian period (794–1185). Now the island is formally called Miyake Village, and it is under the jurisdiction of Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government.

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Fig. 3 Location of Miyake-jima and areal restrictions (Notes [1] Off-limits except for the entry by volcanologists and other experts. [2] Off-limits except for the entry by the personnel engaged in recovery works. [3] Off-limits in principle. Enter with certain conditions permitted only in case of necessity in living arrangement. Source Miyake Village [2005])

The islanders lived their lives on this volcanic island sharing and appreciating its benefits. However, in 2000, Mt. Oyama, the highest peak on Miyake-jima, erupted (hereafter “Eruptions in 2000”), which forced long-term evacuation of the islanders for a period of almost five years. The knowledge gained by experiencing the disaster and the five-year evacuation can offer numerous suggestions for how the evacuees of other disasters can return home after a long-term evacuation. Thus, this section clarifies, mainly in the industry aspect, the impact of the 2000 Eruption on Miyakejima and how the islanders returned home and recovered from the damage after the full evacuation that spanned almost five years.

2.2 General Description of Miyake-jima 2.2.1

Humanities of Miyake-jima

As of September 1, 2000, Miyake Village had a population of 3,829 and 2,007 households. Of these, 1,129 are elderly (65 years old and over), accounting for 29% of the total population. In 2005, when the evacuation of the entire island was lifted, 2,439 people and 1,404 households returned to the island. However, most of them were elderly, and the elderly population reached 919, or 37% of the total

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population. Compared to 1995, the population has recovered to 64% and the number of households to 82%. Regarding the industry composition of Miyake-jima in 1995, 1,287 people were engaged in tertiary industries, accounting for 63% of the total working population of the island. Among them, as many as 621 people were engaged in service jobs, including tourism. In the primary industries, one of the thriving sectors was the cultivation of plants favoring a warm climate such as the leather-leaf fern. This is because Miyake Village is near Tokyo, which is a mass-consumption city, and also because winter in Miyake Village is warm and mild. The village also have a flourishing fishing industry; sea life such as flying fish, marlin, or Japanese spiny lobster are mainly caught. Of the 440 employees in the secondary industries, 407 people worked in the construction industry. Most of the construction works in Miyake-jima were public works such as construction of roads or ports. Thus, the economy of Miyake-jima was mainly supported by tourism and secondly by agriculture and fishery.

2.2.2

Miyake-jima as a Volcano

Miyake-jima is a simple volcano, which reaches as high as approximately 1,600 m, rising up from the sea floor. The upper part of the volcano above sea level is called “Miyake-jima.” This upper part, “Miyake-jima,” is approximately 8 km in diameter and over 700 m above sea level. According to the analysis results of the volcanic ejecta, the history of the volcano “Miyake-jima” dates back to 7,000 years ago. Since the beginning of the recorded history, a total of 17 eruptions have been recorded and the oldest one dates back to 1085 according to the Mibu family tree. It is observed that the volcano “Miyake-jima” has a tendency to erupt every 20 to 70 years. It is characterized by three eruptions occurring almost every 20 years since 1962. One of the particular features of the Miyake-jima eruptions is “fissure eruption,” which belches lava from the slit reaching from the mountain slope to the shore. The characteristic landforms and sediments such as old craters, scoria cones, explosion craters, and traces of lava flow seen around the island show the accumulation of the fissure eruptions. The phenomena of the eruptions in 2000, characterized by a collapsed crater on Mt. Oyama, pyroclastic flows, and mass emission of volcanic gases, were peculiar and suggested that the eruptions were different from the previous ones.

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2.3 Impact of the Eruptions of Mt. Oyama on Miyake-jima in 2000 2.3.1

Process of Eruptions in 2000

The omen of the first eruption was the volcanic earthquake swarm detected on Miyake-jima in the late afternoon of June 26, 2000 (Table 2). A small eruption occurred the next day, June 27, on the sea bed west of Miyake-jima. In July 2000, several minimal earthquakes occurred right under the top of Mt. Oyama. On July 4, a noticeable tremor was detected. Following these detections, the municipal government of Miyake Village prohibited entry to the areas close to the top of Mt. Oyama. On July 8, a large pit formed on the top of Mt. Oyama, which finally extended to a caldera as large as 1.6 km in diameter and approximately 500 m in depth. On July 14 and July 15, 2000, white volcanic ash was shot up into the air. It was a significant feature of Eruptions in 2000 as the typical volcanic emissions observed in Mt. Oyama’s past eruptions had been black scoria. This white ash later turned out to be Table 2 The process of Eruptions in 2000 Date

Eruption status

Administrative responses

June 26, 2000

Observation of the volcanic earthquake swarm

Miyake village set up the headquarters for disaster control until June 30

June 27, 2000

July 8, 2000

The Tokyo Metropolitan Government set up the headquarters for disaster control until June 30 The first eruption. The caldera is formed at the top of Mt. Oyama

July 14 and July 15, 2000 The Eruption. Ash falls on the northeastern part of the island. It caused volcanic mudflows July 26, 2000

The massive volcanic mudflow disaster caused by the heavy rainfall

August 18, 2000

Maximum eruption occurs. Eruption column reached as high as 14,000 m in altitude

August 29, 2000

The eruption produced the Low-temperature pyroclastic flows

The Tokyo Metropolitan Government opened an on-site headquarters for disaster control

September 2, 2000

The mayor of Miyake Village instructed a full evacuation from the island

September 4, 2000

The full evacuation from the island has be completed

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one of the causes of the mudflows because it had the property of becoming impervious to water once consolidated. The heavy rainfall on July 26 caused massive volcanic mudflows, bringing huge damage to the go-around path and other infrastructure of the island. On August 18, 2000, Mt. Oyama had an eruption of the largest scale ever; the eruption column reached as high as 14,000 m in altitude. The high-temperature volcanic emissions fell directly onto the crater as there was no wind, causing no human damage. However, in another eruption on August 29, the eruption column fell onto the Kamitsuki and Tsubota areas, followed by low-temperature pyroclastic flows.

2.3.2

Features of Eruptions in 2000

The most significant feature of Eruptions in 2000 was the massive emission of volcanic gases over a long period. The volcanic gases contain sulfur dioxide, hydrogen sulfide, carbon dioxide, hydrogen chloride, a mist of sulfuric acid, and suspended particle matter. Once concentrated, any of the substances above may cause serious damage to human bodies, animals, plants, and other structures. Among these poisonous substances, sulfur dioxide was the most dangerous. When inhaled, sulfur dioxide may cause chronic respiratory difficulties, such as cough with sputum, or even asthma in small children. Sulfur dioxide emissions from Mt. Oyama amounted to over eight tons daily by the end of July 2000. Until 2001, tons of sulfur dioxide were emitted daily. Between 2003 and 2007, the daily emissions of sulfur dioxide decreased to thousands of tons and finally to less than 1,000 tons in 2010, and this trend still continues. The highly-concentrated volcanic gases brought death to the mountain forests of the island. A number of dead trees were swept down by the mudflows to the foot of Mt. Oyama, raising the risk of destroying the facilities, equipment, and structures of the island. Removal of the dead trees was difficult because of their number and several other reasons, and it still remains as one of the problems to overcome from a disaster-prevention point of view. The sweep of the trees, which removed mountain surface’s covering, allowed the mudflows to reach the foot of Mt. Oyama, hitting houses and farmland. Much of the infrastructure of Miyake-jima, mainly roads, were damaged by volcanic mudflows. Boats and ferries were prevented from full-tide berthing because of the ground subsidence in Miyake-jima port. Moreover, the airport was damaged by the mudflows and a part of the passenger terminal building became one of the “areas of highly concentrated volcanic gases,” which will be explained in more detail later. This is why the airport of Miyake-jima did not function properly even after the full evacuation instruction was lifted and the islanders returned.

Natural Hazards and Island Inhabitants

2.3.3

127

How the Municipal Government of Miyake Village Responded to the Disaster

Following the emergency volcanic alert issued by the Japan Meteorological Agency on June 26, 2000, the municipal government of Miyake Village set up a headquarters for disaster control (Table 2). On the next day, June 27, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government also set up a headquarters for disaster control. The municipal government of Miyake Village issued consecutive evacuation advisories to both the Ako and Tsubota areas on June 26 and to the Igaya area on June 27. However, on June 28, the Coordinating Committee for Prediction of Volcanic Eruption, administrated by the Japan Meteorological Agency, made an announcement that Mt. Oyama showed reduced volcanic activity and the possibility of another eruption that would affect either land or offshore was low. Following this announcement, the municipal government of Miyake Village fully lifted the evacuation advisories. On June 30, both the Tokyo Metropolitan Government and the municipal government of Miyake Village abolished their headquarters for disaster control. However, contrary to expectations, the volcanic actions of Mt. Oyama intensified again in August 2000. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government opened an on-site headquarters for disaster control on August 29. Thereafter, a massive amount of volcanic gases was emitted from Mt. Oyama; it began to seriously impact the islanders’ daily lives and industries of the island. The flow of the volcanic gases into Miyake area, which housed the central functions of the island such as the municipal government office or Miike Port, significantly hindered the efforts to take countermeasures against the volcanic disaster. Following an observation issued by the Coordinating Committee for Prediction of Volcanic Eruption on August 31, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government’s headquarters for disaster control decided on a full evacuation of the island, with the manpower necessary for disaster-control and lifeline-maintenance excluded from the scope. The mayor of Miyake Village instructed a full evacuation from the island at 7:00 a.m. on September 2. According to our interviews conducted in October 2013, many of the islanders said that they thought they would be able to return home by December 2000 or January 2001. Their hope was based on the experiences with the past fissure eruptions such as the one in 1985. The long-term evacuation of the island due to the massive emission of volcanic gases was the last thing they expected. Understanding and predicting how the volcanic activities would develop was beyond their knowledge even though they had experienced volcanic disasters.

2.3.4

Process for Returning Home

After the island was fully evacuated, infrastructure recovery work started. However, highly-concentrated volcanic gases stalled the progress of the work. On September 4 2000, the on-site headquarters for disaster control was shifted to “Katorea-maru”— a hotelship that had been anchored leeward to Miyake-jima. On October 7, it was shifted again to a lodge run by a village located on Kozu-shima, approximately

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30 km northwest of Miyake-jima. Owing to this move, the recovery work personnel for Miyake-jima began to commute from Kozu-shima (Table 3). In 2001, significant progress was made in the recovery of lifelines such as temporary repairs of main roads or power and water supply systems. In July 2001, dormitories equipped with desulfurization units were built to allow the recovery workers to stay overnight on the island. In September, the on-site headquarters for disaster control was shifted to the building of Miyake Branch Office of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, Kamitsuki, to enable on-site disaster control on Miyake-jima. In April 2002, the islanders were allowed to return to the island for brief visits to their homes. These brief visits were made 214 times until the evacuation instruction was lifted in 2005. For the recovery workers, retail shops stocked with daily necessities opened in the dormitory buildings. Liners started to call regularly at the port, once a week. In November, the municipal government of Miyake Village established Table 3 The process for returning home Date

Major events

September 9, 2000 The on-site headquarters for disaster control was shifted to “Katorea-maru”—a hotelship (until October 6) October 7, 2000

The on-site headquarters for disaster control was shifted again to Kozu-shima

2001

A significant progress was made in the recovery of lifelines

July 2001

A dormitory with a desulfurization unit was built so that reconstruction workers could stay on the island

September 2001

The on-site headquarters for disaster control was shifted to the building of Miyake Branch Office of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government

April 2002

The islanders were allowed to return to the island for brief visits to their homes The liners started to call regularly at the port, once week

November 2002

The municipal government of Miyake Village has established the “Miyake-jima Committee for Investigation the Process of All-Islanders-Return to the island”

January 2003

The frequency of the calling of the liners at the port increased up to three times a week

March 2003

The “Miyake Village Evacuation Shelter Against Active Volcano (Izu Shelter)” was completed

December 2003

Six guest houses equipped with desulfurization units were designated as accommodation facilities for the recovery workers who stayed overnight on the island

July 2004

The municipal government of Miyake Village announced the “Policy Concerning Return to Village”

December 2004

The Miyake village Council passed the “Ordinance Concerning the Measures for Protection Against Volcanic Gases”

February 1, 2005

The evacuation order was lifted

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“Miyake-jima Committee for Investigating the Process of All Islanders’ Return to the Island” to commence an effort to enable all the islanders to return home. For the islanders who made brief visits to their homes under “Miyake Village Evacuation Shelter Against Active Volcano (Izu Shelter),” facilities equipped with desulfurization units were built in Izu area in the northern part of the island in 2003. This allowed the islanders to stay overnight on the island when they made brief visits to their homes. The frequency of liners arriving at the port increased up to three times a week. Many road construction work projects that had stagnated in a state of temporary repair were brought forward and finished. In December, six guesthouses equipped with desulfurization units were designated as accommodation facilities for the recovery workers who stayed overnight on the island. After three years of efforts, returning to the island was becoming a reality. In July 2004, the municipal government of Miyake Village announced the “Policy Concerning Return to Village.” This announcement sparked actions in which the Tokyo Metropolitan Government and the municipal government of Miyake Village cooperated to realize the residents’ return to Miyake-jima. In December of the same year, the Miyake Village assembly approved the “Ordinance Concerning the Measures for Protection Against Volcanic Gases” for the purpose of arranging conditions for the islanders to return to the island. Finally, the full evacuation instruction was lifted by the municipal government on February 1, 2005. After four years and five months of efforts, the islanders were all allowed to return home. However, the emission of sulfur dioxide from Mt. Oyama still continued even when the islanders started to return to the island. The gas emissions amounted to 2,000–5,000 tons daily. Moreover, there was a concern about mud or debris flows. As an arrangement to make the return safer, the municipal government of Miyake Village stipulated several regulations: (1) installment of alarm systems to detect volcanic gases; (2) Tsubota and Ako areas to be designated as “high-concentration areas,” where the risk of exposure to the volcanic gases was considered high; and (3) obligation to carry gas masks at all times. The designation of the high concentration areas and the obligation to carry gas masks hampered the lives of the islanders, giving the impression that the eruption disaster of Miyake-jima was yet not over. As illustrated in Fig. 3, three kinds of areas—“restricted area,” “dangerous zone,” and “high-concentration area”—were defined according to the degree of concern about exposure to volcanic gases. The area around the crater rim was designated as restricted (off limits), and the cyclic part from the path (Hachimaki path) leading from the hillside of Mt. Oyama up to the crater rim was designated as dangerous. As high-concentration areas, “Tsubota area” (Mikoshiki, Miike, Okigataira) and “Ako area” (Usuki, Awabe) were designated. Those areas that did not satisfy the safety standard—which was specified in the district ordinance “Enforcement Regulations Concerning the Measures for Protection Against Volcanic Gases, Article 4, paragraph (3)—concerning the impact of gasses accumulated in human bodies—were taken into consideration for the high-concentration areas. Based on the calculations of sulfur dioxide concentrations, land features, and vegetation, these areas were defined and designated as high-concentration areas. Within the high-concentration areas, any entry (trespassing excluded) or habitation was prohibited in principle. The restrictions

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Fig. 4 Changes in the restriction regarding high concentration areas and obligation to carry gas masks (Source Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government 2013)

due to the high-concentration designation of Tsubota area made it difficult for the ferry terminal in Miike port, the passenger terminal building of Miyake-jima Airport, and even the Miyake Village municipal government to function consistently. Afterward, the concentration of volcanic gases decreased as the emission of volcanic gases lessened. The designation of high concentration areas was terminated and these areas became quasi-residential areas. Finally, all the restrictions on habitation or stay were abandoned (Fig. 4). For example, Ako area, one of the highconcentration areas, was designated as a “quasi-residential area” in September 2009 to be free of any restriction in April 2011. In quasi-residential areas, as specified in the forenamed enforcement regulations, habitation by people sensitive to volcanic gases or those under the age of 19 is prohibited. Habitation is allowed for those who are out of the above scope on the condition that their houses are equipped with desulfurization units provided by the Miyake Village municipal government. As for Tsubota area, Mikoshiki, an area located in northern Tsubota, was designated as a quasi-residential area in August 2010 and all restrictions were lifted in December 2012. The Miike and Okigataira areas of Tsubota, where residents were allowed to consistently stay as a special arrangement in April 2011, were designated as quasi-residential areas in July 2013. As a result, there was no high concentration area within Tsubota area. At the same time, the scope of the obligation to carry gas masks, which had been enforced on the entire island, was narrowed and limited to the restricted area and dangerous zone. In December, Miike area’s designation as a quasi-residential area was terminated, as was Okigataira area in September 2015. Thus, all the residence restrictions on Miyake-jima were abolished.

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2.4 Industries of Miyake-jima After the Full Evacuation 2.4.1

Changes in Industry Composition and Recovery Process

Even while the island was under the full evacuation instruction, many people involved in rehabilitating work such as infrastructure recovery or forest conservation and sediment control were on the island. In and before 2002, 15 local construction companies were engaged in rehabilitating work of the island. Besides, retailers and other dealers who provided their services to the recovery workers operated in the dormitories built in Miyake-jima. In December 2003, several guesthouses equipped with desulfurization units restarted their operations as dormitories for the recovery workers. The municipal government of Miyake Village announced the policy for returning to the island in July 2004. Afterward, from October 2004, the number of the companies or service dealers who restarted their businesses on the island increased, especially in the retail and service sectors. In February 2005, after the full evacuation measures were lifted, more companies and service dealers restarted their businesses with a view to prepare themselves for the Golden Week vacation—a collection of national holidays in early May on the Japanese calendar (Fig. 5). The municipal government of Miyake Village moved its office from Tsubota area, which was still designated as a high-concentration area, to Ako area in the buildings that used to be Ako Primary and Secondary School. The Miyake-jima Tourist Association also moved from Tsubota to Ako. As a result, the core functions of the village were transferred from Tsubota to Ako. Following these moves, the local construction companies that greatly depended on the public construction work also moved their operation sites. According to the interviews with the local companies that restarted their businesses on the island, they believed that they would be able to return and restart their businesses when they made brief visits to their homes while the island was still evacuated. This tells us that it is very important for the evacuees to have a chance to see the current situation and imagine what would it be like to be back home. They also said that they had difficulty in securing enough funds to recover their businesses. Some business owners drove themselves into overlapping debt to cover the debt they already had before the disaster.

2.5 Decrease in the Number of Tourists The transportation between Miyake-jima and Tokyo depends on airplane or ship. Regardless of the eruption disaster, access by ship has consistently been the primary mode of transportation. From the 1980s until the Eruptions in 2000, visitors by air occupied approximately 20% of the tourists on the island. Although some air routes restarted in 2008, the in-service rate declined to as low as 30% on average through

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Fig. 5 Monthly number of major industries restarting on Miyake-jima (Note *Businesses back on the island before January 2002 on demand of recovery work. Sources Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government [2013] and documents retained by Miyake Village Commerce and Industry Association)

the year due to volcanic gases and other reasons. This poor in-service rate resulted in the unavailability of air routes. There is also access by helicopter between the islands. However, they can only seat nine people and are not appropriate for mass transportation. In accordance with the great decline in the number of visitors by air, the total number of tourists on the island considerably decreased after the return in 2005. Approximately 70,000–80,000 tourists visited the island annually before the Eruptions in 2000. In 2005, the number of tourists decreased by nearly half to about 30,000. Although there was a small degree of recovery, the annual number of tourists has been consistently between 30,000 and 40,000 since then and has not reached pre-disaster levels. The decline in the number of tourists after the return in 2005 is associated with the capacity of the facilities providing accommodation (Fig. 6). Before the full evacuation of the island in 2000, there were 93 accommodation facilities with a total capacity of 2,257 people. Most of them were small guesthouses that provided accommodation all year round. However, in 2005, the number of facilities decreased and there were only 37 facilities accommodating 1,019 people. In particular, the number of year-round guesthouses decreased considerably. In 2008, the number increased a little and there

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Fig. 6 Yearly transition of number of visitors, accommodation facilities and accommodation capacities in Miyake-jima (1995–2012) (Sources Miyake Branch Office of Tokyo Metropolitan Government and Miyake Village Jurisdiction Overview [Edition of 1995–2012])

were 51 facilities accommodating 1,308 people. However, the number dropped again in 2012 and there were 41 facilities accommodating 937 people—fewer facilities than that right after the return in 2005. As seen in the transition described above, it can be said that the number of tourists decreased in accordance with the decrease in the number of accommodating facilities and their reduced capacities. The Miyake-jima Tourist Association listed the following three factors as the causes of the decreased number of tourists: Cause 1 is less media coverage of Miyakejima; cause 2 is the impression of the island as “hazardous,” given by tourist agencies; and cause 3 is competition with similar domestic and overseas tourist spots. As for Cause 1, media coverage has been reduced as time passes, pushing the memory of the Miyake-jima eruption disaster toward oblivion. As for Cause 2, the inconvenience brought by the high-concentration areas and the obligation to carry gas masks specified in the ordinance set in advance of the return made the travel agencies that serviced tourist groups avoid any tours to Miyake-jima. This avoidance caused the underperformance in the number of visitors. As for Cause 3, fares to reach Miyake-jima have become relatively expensive although transportation costs have been reduced due to the recent spread of discounted airline tickets and Low-cost Carrier. Although there liners call regularly at the port, it takes about six hours to cover the one-way distance between the island and Tokyo. This put Miyake-jima at a disadvantage. As a way to cope with the situation, Miyake Village and some non-profit organaizations joined together to hold events such as motorcycle or bicycle races on the island, distributing information extensively. They also incorporated the volcano into the

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island’s sightseeing resources, which had been primarily focused on sea and marine activities, and made efforts to train tourist guides to enhance the island’s attractiveness as a sightseeing spot. The obligation to carry gas masks was relaxed on July 1, 2013. This provided better conditions for the island to accept visitor groups. The Miyake-jima Tourist Association and local business owners have been arranging diving spots to make the island’s marine leisure more appealing. There are also some changes seen in public transportation. In 2008, All Nippon Airlines (ANA) restarted its regular flights (once a day). In April 2014, New Central Air service started to provide flight services three times a day. As for access by sea, Tokai Kisen started regular ferry service by launching “Tachibana-maru” (5,700 tons) in the end of June 2014, improving the availability of sea access to Miyake-jima. Many of the people engaged in the core functions of the island tourism have reached their fifties and have few successors. The declining population in the succeeding generations is said to have been one of the causes of the island’s full evacuation in 2000. One bright aspect is that many of the people in their 20s to 40s at U-turn have started their businesses on the island as ten years have passed since their return. The modern restaurants or cafes that they run are offering new colors to the view of the island.

2.6 Summary Now that the five-year long full evacuation is over, Miyake-jima is tackling a wide range of challenges in its reconstruction process after the eruption disaster. This section clarified the process of the islanders’ returning home from the time they evacuated the island. The recovery workers who were allowed to stay overnight on the island played an important role as advance returners. To spur local commerce, the municipal government outsourced the administration of retail shops providing services for the recovery workers to the local commercial enterprises, offering them a foothold for returning to the island. The municipal government also converted the local guesthouses into dormitories for recovery workers, enabling the local guesthouse owners and the people involved to return to the island. In this way, the range of people returning to the island was gradually increased to create appropriate conditions for realizing the return of all islanders. Moreover, utilizing the local commercial enterprises and guesthouse owners for recovery of the island supported them financially. Regarding tourism, the measures taken against exposure to the volcanic gases negatively affected the effort to attract visitors. Besides, the recent reduction in transportation costs put Miyake-jima into competition with similar domestic and overseas tourist spots. On a more positive note, the accessibility of the island has been improved by the launch of newly built ship and new air routes. The relaxation of the restriction against volcanic gas exposure and new businesses launched by U-turn people are the other proactive approaches to bring new energy to the island. Over a

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dozen years have passed since the islanders were allowed to return to the island. As described, the long-term evacuation distressed island residents and hindered operations, making apparent the negative impacts such as the decreasing population, aging problem, and reduced number of visitors. The reconstruction of Miyake-jima is still in progress. Akira Takagi and Masayuki Seto

3 Accommodation of People to Habu (Trimeresurus flavoviridis) in Amami Oshima: Focusing on Eradication and Segregation 3.1 Research Issues and Habu Ecology in Amami Oshima Bite injuries caused by the venomous snake, habu (Trimeresurus flavoviridis) in Japan have always been a problem on Amami Oshima and Okinawa. The Amami Islands have a subtropical climate and are suitable habitats for snakes, with habu inhabiting the islands of Amami Oshima, Kakeroma-jima, Uke-jima, Yoro-shima, and Tokuno-shima. Habu are endemic to Japan and belong to the class of Reptilia, order of Squamata, family of Viperidae, and genus Protobothrops. Habu and hime habu (Trimeresurus okinavensis) inhabit Amami Oshima. Habu venom is called hemorrhagic venom and has lethal, hemorrhagic, hemolytic, and necrotic effects. The bite causes marked swelling with internal hemorrhage, necrosis of muscle tissue, and sometimes death. Currently, the production of serum has almost eliminated fatal accidents, but a certain number of bite injuries by habu are reported every year. Research has been conducted mainly in the fields of medicine, epidemiology, and animal ecology due to habu bites. Serum was put into practical use in 1904, but in severe cases, its effectiveness was low. Therefore, research on improvement of serum, prevention with habutoxoids, and symptoms has continued (Sawai et al. 1968). The ecology and physiology of habu have also been studied to reduce the bite damage by population control based on their characteristics, including their behavior, food, and reproductive status (Hiraiwa et al. 1958; Sasa et al. 1972; Takenaka and Moriguchi 2013). Against this backdrop, a project to introduce the mongoose was implemented with the aim of reducing the number of habu by having small Indian mongoose (Herpestes auropunctatus) (hereinafter referred to as mongoose) eat the rats on which habu prey, but it ended in failure (Hattori 2002). However, Minakami et al. (1978) found a positive correlation between the number of habu captured and the yield of sugar cane. In addition, it is assumed that the size of the sugar cane harvest affects the number of mice that feed on it, which, in turn, influences the number of habu. It is necessary to consider the damage caused by the bite injuries of habu not only from the perspective of a natural disaster but also from the relationship between habu and human beings.

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However, there is less research on the relationship between habu and humans in the humanities and social sciences than in the natural sciences. This may be due to the difficulty in demonstrating a causal relationship between habu snakebite injury damage and human activity. Chiba and Onodera (1978), who studied the relationship between habu and humans from a geographical point of view, explained the regional differences in the incidence of bite injuries by habu in the 1950s and 1970s based on the differences in work conditions and industrial infrastructure at the time of the occurrence of damage. They explained that in low-income areas with economic recession, more habus are hunted to make money by selling habu as serum materials and commodities, leading to an increase in habu snakebites. However, the relationship between habu snakebites and human activities has not been examined since then, and empirical studies are required. In light of the foregoing, the purpose of this section is to clarify how the people of Amami Oshima accommodate habu from the viewpoint of eradication and segregation by focusing on the following: measures taken by the national and local government against habu, measures taken by local residents against habu from the viewpoint of the yojimbo, which is a stick used for self-protection, the relationship between the system of purchasing habu and semi-specialized capture, and the use of habu as a commodity. Eradication of habu refers to the removal of habu from Amami Oshima, and means the extinction of habu from the island. Segregation, on the contrary, is to remove habu from each settlement on Amami Oshima, and refers to the act of separating the habitation space of habu from the living space of human beings. Since habu are allowed to live outside the settlement, they have not gone extinct on Amami Oshima. In Amami Oshima, there are two types of countermeasures against habu: those being implemented by the administration and those being implemented independently by local residents. It is important to pay attention to both of these countermeasures. In the next sub-section, the history of the countermeasures taken by the administration of Amami Oshima for habu and the current efforts are summarized from the detailed examination of previous studies and the analysis of statistical data. This sub-section also examines the danger of capturing habu and the difficulty of eradicating them from the viewpoint of the examples of failure with the introduction of mongoose, the location of damage caused by habu, and changes in the work situation when damage occurs. Next, from the viewpoint of segregation, that is, separating the habitation space of habu from the living space of human beings, Sect. 3.3 analyzes the countermeasures taken by local residents in each settlement, taking the case of Uken Village, Amami Oshima. Section 3.4 examines the effects of the purchasing system of habu, the countermeasures taken by the habu hunter for segregation and the commercial use of habu as by-products. Based on Sects. 3.2 to 3.4, Sect. 3.5 clarifies the Amami Oshima people’s accommodation of habu.

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3.2 Damage of Habu Bite Injury on Amami Oshima and Measures Taken by the National and Local Government for Habu Eradication The history of the damage caused by habu on Amami Oshima is long. In 1904, the manufacture of anti-habu serum began and the mortality rate from habu snakebites decreased. However, the ratio of bites per 1,000 population in the Amami Islands remained almost the same: 1.7 during the late nineteenth century, 1.6 during 1912– 1926, and 1.8 during 1926–1941 (Chiba and Onodera 1978). The administrative measures against habu in the islands started in earnest after the Act on Special Measures concerning the Reconstruction of the Amami Islands was enacted in 1954 by which the Amami Islands were returned to Japan. As a project to stabilize residents’ lives, the project to exterminate habu and pests was implemented as the Amami Reconstruction Project (Minamura 2002; Oshiro 2005). Around this time, the project of habu purchase to encourage their capture was started, and the number of habu to be captured was allocated to each settlement in the 1960s. In addition, since 1965, people have been vaccinated with habutoxoid until the Chiba Serum Institute was closed in 2002. In 1979, mongoose were introduced to Amami Oshima for the purpose of having them prey on rats and habu. Mongoose is an alien species that originally lives in Myanmar, Southern China, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran. This was intended to simultaneously reduce the number of habu by direct predation by mongoose and by the predation of their prey, rats. Biological control by such natural enemy animals is expected to have low residual toxicity and long-lasting effects because pesticides and other chemicals are not used. At the time, however, biological control was novel and its effects on native species other than habu were not adequately considered. Therefore, on Amami Oshima Island, rare native species such as lidth’s jays (Garrulus lidthi) became mongoose prey, which disrupted the ecological balance. Furthermore, in the 1990s, due to the spread of agricultural damage of vegetables, fruits, and poultry farming caused by mongoose, mainly in the former Naze City, mongoose were converted to the target of extermination. In 2000, the then Environment Agency started a project to exterminate mongoose in response to the fact that rare native species were being eaten by mongoose. Since 2005, to strengthen and enhance the work of capturing mongoose at the outer edge of the distribution area and in forests, the special occupational group “Amami Mongoose Busters” (AMB) has been organized and employed, and the extermination of mongoose is still ongoing. At present, the local government’s measures against habu consist of measures to exterminate habu, measures against habu snakebites, and educational programs to prevent habu snakebites. The government has implemented measures to eradicate habu, mainly by surveying the population fluctuation of habu, and measures against habu bites, such as “Purchase of living habu to secure crude venom” and “Purchase and deployment of the habu horse antitoxin (therapeutic serum).” The “Program of habu purchase to encourage the capture of habu” and “Habu Bite Prevention

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Educational Program” included in the measures for exterminating habu have been implemented by the prefecture. The prefecture-run “Program of habu purchase to encourage the capture of habu” was started in 1954 to reduce the number of habu and bite injuries by capturing them. In the project, the health center of the Amami Islands purchases living habu from the captors. Hunting of habu does not require a license and any resident can participate in the project. The number of living habu to be purchased per year is 24,000. This is larger than the planned number of 1,500 habu to be purchased by the “Purchase of living habu to secure crude venom,” which is implemented by the government as a countermeasure against habu bites. The purchase price per habu was 0.83 US dollars from 1954 to 1957 and 1.1–1.2 US dollars from 1958 to 1971. However, the purchase price per habu increased to 8.4 US dollars in 1979 and 13 US dollars in 1985. It soared to 48 US dollars in 1990, but was cut to 40 US dollars in 1994 and 30 US dollars in 2014. The number of habu bought in the Amami Islands between 1975 and 2014 was 2,401 in 1975 and reached 26,493 in 2014. In particular, the number of habu bought has increased significantly since 1990, when the purchase price increased significantly. In addition, the number of habu increased sharply in 2010 due to the effects of record heavy rains and warm winters in 2009. As a result, the number of habu purchased had remained around 20,000 each year until then, but increased to 38,843 in 2011 and 31,155 in 2012, exceeding 30,000 for two consecutive years. However, the number of habu bites decreased from 287 in 1975 to only 33 in 2014, down approximately by one ninth. This suggests that the increase in the number of habu purchased has led to a decrease in the number of habu snakebites. However, a certain number of bite injuries by habu still occur each year,. Changes in the locations of bite injuries by habu between 1954 and 2014 indicate that most of the damage occurred during outdoor work each year. In particular, the percentage of damage during habu handling increased from about 3% in 1968–1972 to about 27% in 2010–2014. It is considered that the capture of habu for obtaining serum or exterminating them increases the possibility of damage. As a result, the local government reduced the purchase price of habu in 2014. The Habu Measures Promotion Council, municipalities, and public health centers are working together to raise awareness regarding the prevention of habu bites. The Council publishes an informational magazine on habu called “HABUDAS” in March every year and raises awareness of the damage caused by habu. Moreover, the Council for the Promotion of Habu Measures holds a poster contest every year on preventive measures against habu bites for elementary school students on the islands of Amami Oshima, Kakeroma-jima, Uke-jima, Yoro-shima, and Tokuno-shima. Prizes for the best and second-best poster are distributed to municipalities, schools, and other related organizations and also published in “HABUDAS.” In addition, habu classes are held every year to teach how bite injuries are treated by medical personnel, how to prevent habu bites, and how to use portable poison evacuators.

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3.3 Countermeasures Against Habu by Local Residents in Uken Village from the Perspective of Segregation On Amami Oshima, the local government aimed to exterminate habu, thus introducing mongoose to eradicate them. However, the introduction of mongoose has failed, and the extermination of habu has not resulted in the extinction of habu because of the risk of damage during habu handling. Amami Oshima is now implementing segregation to remove habu from the settlements that are human living spaces. In this sub-section, the author focuses on the use of yojimbo sticks by local residents as a strategy for segregation from habu. As is well known from Akira Kurosawa’s movie “Yojimbo,” yojimbo means bodyguard in Japanese. In southern Amami Oshima, wooden sticks approximately 2 m long are placed here and there along the sides of the roads in the settlements. This is the yojimbo stick. The yojimbo stick is set up by inhabitants and is used to knock down habu when they are found in Uken Village (Fig. 7). The placement of yojimbo sticks is set up as a joint operation by the community. It is not clear when the yojimbo stick was first established. However, according to an interview with the mayor of Sanen settlement, it was established as a part of the reconstruction plan and the life improvement movement under the Act on Special Measures concerning the Reconstruction of the Amami Islands. In Uken Village, children are advised to kill habu when they find them, and the yojimbo sticks are set up in places where children and local residents are likely to encounter them. All the survey team members and I conducted the survey of the distribution of the Yojimbo sticks in all settlements in Uken Village from June 29 to July 4, 2015. We obtained information on the locations of the Yojimbo sticks using a GPS terminal; recorded their materials, length, thickness, etc. on a survey form, and photographed them. Eleven of the 14 settlements in Uken Village—Ashiken, Ikegachi, Uken, Kushi, Sanen, Suko, Taken, Nagara, Buren, Yadon, and Yuwan—had installed Yojimbo sticks (Fig. 8). The average number of Yojimbo sticks installed in all settlements was 23.6, but there were as many as 93 in Nagara. Ashiken, Sanen, Yadon, and Suko installed 34, 32, 30, and 29 Yojimbo sticks, respectively. In terms of the number of yojimbo sticks per person, Sanen has the most with 0.91 per person, which means that almost each resident has one yojimbo stick. Nagara and Yadon have 0.71 and 0.58 yojimbo sticks per person, respectively. If the installation of yojimbo sticks indicates the habitation of habu and a high level of interest in habu, these three communities may have a particularly strong relationship with habu. However, the numbers of yojimbo sticks in Buren, Ikegachi, Suko, Kushi, Ashiken, Uken, Taken, and Yuwan were all less than 0.30 per person. Furthermore, there were no yojimbo sticks found in the three settlements of Amuro, Ishira, and Heta. The yojimbo stick was not owned by an individual but was collected, manufactured, and installed by the community. In settlements where yojimbo sticks are installed, trees to make the wood sticks are cut down from the communal forests by youth groups. The youth groups set up the yojimbo sticks by adjusting the length of

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Fig. 7 Yojimbo stick (Photo by the author in July 2015)

the trees and marking them in each settlement. In recent years, as the population has aged, it has become difficult to cut down trees previously used to make yojimbo sticks in some settlements. Therefore, support for horticulture is used for yojimbo sticks in Sanen. Moreover, although yojimbo sticks were installed in Ishira until around 1965, they are no longer installed due to the decrease in the habu population and the existence of semi-professional habu hunters. The yojimbo sticks are mainly distributed in settlements, but in some cases, they are installed on roads connecting settlements. The yojimbo sticks are distributed on the roads between Yuwan, Taken and Ashiken, and on a part of the road between Heta

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Fig. 8 Distribution of yojimbo sticks in Uken Village (2015) and the number of the habu bought up in each settlement (2013) (Sources Field survey using GPS and Uken Village Office documents)

and Sanen. Elementary and junior high schools are located in Taken and children go to these schools from Suko, Yuwan and Ashiken. The parent teacher association (PTA) of Ashiken established the yojimbo sticks between Taken and Ashiken. A senior citizens’ association of Taken established the yojimbo sticks between Taken and Yuwan. From this, it can be seen that the residents of the village have systematically set up the yojimbo sticks on school routes to ensure the safety of children. Countermeasures against habu by the yojimbo sticks were based on settlement units. Private yojimbo sticks were installed in settlements where the number of habu was believed to be large. However, in settlements where the population was aging or where habu-hunters lived, the number of yojimbo sticks was small regardless of the number of habu.

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3.4 The Utilization of Habu as Resources The “Program of habu purchase to encourage the capture of habu,” launched in 1954, provides an incentive to exterminate them. Habu hunters using this system as a cash source appeared. The idea of habu hunting as a supplementary means of income has taken root among the general population, and many people keep a stick to catch habu and a cage to hold habu, in the trunk of their car. Regarding the current system to encourage inhabitants to exterminate habu, there are opinions supporting it from the viewpoint of public health policy and opposing it from the viewpoint of disturbance of ecosystems and the danger of bites (Chiba and Onodera 1978; Hattori 2002). To clarify the activities of habu hunters, interviews with three of them, SG (Yuwan), WH (Taken), and TS (Suko), and participant observation of habu capture were conducted from June 29 to July 4, 2015. Figure 8 shows the number of habu purchased in each settlement of Uken Village in 2013. In 2013, 1,785 habu were purchased in Uken Village and the population of Uken Village was 1,843; that is, the number of habu per population is 0.97. Among them, SG from Yuwan captured 406 habu and brought them to public health centers 118 times in 2013, according to documents from the Uken Village municipal office. SG also caught 26 habu between December 2013 and February 2014, when their activity declined. Since there are few of habu in the village around this time, SG goes to the mountains to catch them. SG earns more than 12 thousand US dollars a year from catching habu. In the Suko, Heta, Sanen, and Buren settlements, there were residents who captured about 100 habu by themselves, but their capture time was concentrated between March and July when habu become active. Their activities, along with cash income, might have been aimed at protecting the population from habu bites. TS was asked to capture habu by the ward heads of Suko and other settlements. TS captured habu around his home in the Suko settlement. TS drove around the village at night, exploring the area for about an hour around 20:00; after returning home, he went out again around 22:00. Based on his experience capturing habu, TS estimated the days habu will appear based on temperature and weather. In 2015, he captured 40 to 50 habu in about 18 days. According to TS, “We don’t have to run a risk in the mountains. We can catch a considerable number of habu around the village.” WH of Taken grew mangoes on the reclaimed land at the mouth of the Kawachigawa River and manufactured and sold processed habu. His objective was to secure raw materials for products. WH caught about 100 habu annually, mainly from April to June. The area of capture extended to Setouchi Town and Yamato Village. He hunted habu from 22:00 to 23:00 and estimated their behavior based on temperature, weather, and the tides. As a result of WH’s activities, the habitation of habu decreased leading to a decrease in the number of yojimbo sticks installed in Taken. Captured habu are purchased by public health centers, and some of them are used to produce habu serum, but the rest are sold off as a source of commercial habu products. The sale of habu products in Amami Oshima started around 1935, when merchants of the former Naze Town started to hunt habu as a side business and sold dried

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habu, powders, etc. to hotels (Koshima 2002). After Amami Oshima’s reversion to the Japanese administration in 1954, the habu purchase system was introduced. As people began to capture habu in earnest, habu product processing technology developed. Today, the public health centers sell habu to manufacturers of habu products at auction. There are certain conditions for participating in the bidding, and companies other than those based on Amami Oshima and Tokuno-shima are practically prohibited from participating. At present, there are only three manufacturers of habu products in Amami Oshima. A habu souvenir shop, which opened in 1948 in Nagata, former Naze City, and the Amami Habu Amusement Center, which was established in 1974 in Naze, Amami City, hold exhibitions and shows with living habu and function as a tourist attraction. The habu souvenir shop, Amami Habu Amusement Center, and W Farm in Taken, Uken Village produce and sell processed habu. The habu products produced by these manufacturers are accepted by tourists from the mainland as Amami-rich souvenirs, thus establishing themselves as handicrafts on Amami Oshima. In Amami Oshima, habu threaten the livelihoods of the islanders, but they also form the basis of industries centering on tourism. The commercial use of habu occurred as a by-product of the launch of the habu purchase program. However, once habu are extinct, they are gone. As a result, the number of manufacturers of habu products is limited; consequently, the catch and use are limited to an extent so that operations are sustainable.

3.5 The Accommodation of People to the Habu in Amami Oshima The relationship between habu and humans in Amami Oshima can be arranged as shown in Fig. 9. In the past, people actively engaged in forest work such as collecting cycads, cultivating them on a large scale, collecting firewood as fuel, and cutting down trees for construction materials, but these days, they hardly ever enter the forest. As a result, contact occurs between habu and humans mainly occurs in the settlements. The local government tried to eradicate habu through biological control by mongoose and the habu purchase program but failed. The introduction of mongoose destroyed the natural environment of Amami Oshima and caused crop damage; as a result, the AMB is removing them now. There is a high risk of being bitten by habu while capturing them, and it is difficult to eradicate them. As a result, the people of Amami Oshima removed habu from their settlements and chose segregation to separate the habitation space of habu and the living space of humans. The administration is making efforts to prevent habu bites by combining measures such as serum, workshops, and the purchase program. The habu purchase program has successfully reduced both the number of habu and their bite damage. However, a certain number of people are bitten by habu every year during habu handling, and the damage has not disappeared.

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Fig. 9 Relationship between habu and people in Amami Oshima

As usual, local residents consider habu to be scary, have set up yojimbo sticks as a means to segregate the living area of people and the home range of habu, and continue to eradicate habu that enter their living areas. Owing to poverty in Amami Oshima and the encouragement of capture under the habu purchase program, semi-professional habu hunters appeared. Habu captured by the habu hunters and local residents are purchased by the local government, some of which are used to produce serum. The rest are either sold to the tourism industry, which uses the captured habu as a commercial product, or to the manufacturers and distributors of habu products. The manufacturers offer their products and shows to tourists as the symbol of ‘Amami-like.’ As described above, measures have been taken for people’s accommodation of habu on Amami Oshima, including the segregation of the human and the habu living areas. However, there is a complex relationship of using habu as a source of economic profit. Since it was difficult to eradicate habu, the people of Amami Oshima chose spatial separation from habu by segregation. In addition, the commercial use of habu is a sign of the toughness of the people of Amami Oshima toward the natural environment, who would rather use habu that haunt the village if eradication is difficult. The number of habu decreases as commercial capture increases. Excessive harvesting of habu has been prevented by lowering the unit price of the habu purchase program, limiting their capture place to mainly around settlements and limiting their participation in the habu market to businesses in Amami Oshima and Tokuno-shimas. However, the ecological impacts of the reduction in the number of habu from habucatching operations are yet to be revealed. Furthermore, the failure of the introduction of the mongoose can be regarded as a warning against human intervention in the natural environment without considering the impact on the other native species.

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The analysis of habitation conditions and habitats of habu will continue to be an issue, and monitoring studies on the number of habu and the number of rats that feed on them should be continued. Misao Hashimoto

4 Conclusion Japanese islands have experienced various and numerous natural hazards, but islanders have responded wisely to the severe environment. Natural disasters cannot be completely conquered. Malaria was successfully eradicated in the Yaeyama Islands, but the islanders have no choice but to live with the volcano as long as they live in Miyake-jima. In Amami Oshima, the eradication of habu was attempted, but it was recognized that its eradication would disturb the ecosystem. As a result, the islanders gave up the attempt to eradicate the habu. The community-based unity of the islanders and the support of the local government played an important role in confronting natural threats in these islands. The settlements that have survived the threat of malaria in the Yaeyama Islands are all old settlements that originated before the eighteenth century. The older settlements were located in relatively dry areas where mosquitoes, which carry malaria, did not breed. In addition, there was a strong community based on ancestral rituals, which formed the basis for organizing the administrative malaria prevention program. The inhabitants worked together on the reclaiming of low-moisture land in the village. The evacuation of Miyake-jima was decided by the Miyake Village administration at the time of the eruption. The Miyake Village administration established a kind of “exile government” on the mainland and supported the evacuation for five years. The return to the island was carefully planned by the Miyake Village administration. In coordination with the on-site headquarters for disaster control set up outside the islands, such as a hotelship and Kozu-shima, the essential workers, with the infrastructure necessary for life on the island, first returned to the island. Next was the retail sector that provided consumer goods, followed by the guesthouse owners, who were necessary for the reconstruction of tourism. As a result, the population of the island in 2020 has recovered to about 70% of what it was just before the Eruptions in 2000. In Amami Oshima, the mongoose was introduced from Okinawa in 1979 to eradicate habu. However, the mongoose did not feed on the habu but on the endangered rare native species such as Amami rabbits. The islanders have chosen to coexist with the habu instead of taking steps to endanger the ecosystem of the island. The habu is a neighboring wild animal for the inhabitants of Amami Oshima. “Yojinbo” sticks have been installed not only in the villages but also on the school routes of children and around the cemeteries frequented by the elderly to scare away habu. These yojimbo sticks are installed by the community members in a cooperative effort. Semiprofessional habu hunters capture the habu in the forests around the settlements and prevent them from entering the community. The local government buys up the habu

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captured by the islanders and secures the raw material for the serum used to treat habu bites. As a result, the living areas of humans and habus have been separated and the number of bites caused by habu drastically reduced. Islanders are not just vulnerable to natural threats. They can avoid mosquitoes and snakes by the effective functioning of their rural communities. Furthermore, the hub in Amami Oshima Island not only brings a certain income to the habu hunters but also becomes a tourist resource by being processed into local products. The wisdom of escaping together when a volcano erupts was also demonstrated in the eruption disasters of Aoga-shima in the eighteenth century and Izu Oshima in 1986. Both islands are located in the Izu Islands, the same island as Miyake-jima. It is natural for people living on a volcanic island to return to the island after the eruption is over. The fact that this kind of action is possible is a proof of the effective functioning of the local community on the island. To respond to a natural disaster, an organization with the authority to unify the will of the people and the funds to implement it are necessary. On islands with small populations, the informal system of village communities and the formal organization of the local government are seamlessly connected. In other words, in island regions that have been continuously threatened by nature, countervailing organizations have been formed. This facilitates both unified and speedy decision-making. Satoshi Suyama

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Life Space on Islands Katsushi Shimizu, Tasuku Aso, Hitoshi Araki, and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This chapter shows that cases of three islands share a commonality in terms of acceptance of the outside world. The acceptance of the outside means not only to accept what comes from outside but also to take in what is brought to the island and incorporate it into the system of production and life on the island. Mitarai in Osaki Shimojima welcomed ships’ crews and passengers and formed an urban landscape with a concentration of amusement functions. Mitarai was tolerated precisely because the island was a different world to the mainland people. Many Catholic chapels and church-run schools have been established in the Amami Islands. However, in the 1930s, military fortifications were established and the exclusion of Catholics spread. Whether it was Catholicism or militarism, Amami Oshima was at the mercy of a foreign ideology. Suo Oshima has depended on the mainland for food supply. After the Meiji Restoration, the island’s economy was supported by the remittance income from immigrants. It was assumed that food would be supplied from outside. These examples show that there is an open channel on islands. The supply of goods and the acceptance of innovation from outside are essential to its existence. The association with other regions is not an island-specific characteristic in itself. However, for the island, to accept that which comes from outside is to accept a hierarchical order. Keywords Urban landscape · Red-light district · Catholicism · Exclusion · Food supply · Sustainability K. Shimizu Faculty of Education, Shumei University, Chiba 276-0003, Japan e-mail: [email protected] T. Aso Faculty of Literature, Nishogakusha University, Tokyo 102-8336, Japan e-mail: [email protected] H. Araki College of Gastronomy Management, Ritsumeikan University, Shiga 525-8577, Japan e-mail: [email protected] S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_6

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1 Formation and Change of the Port Town in Mitarai, Osaki Shimojima 1.1 Introduction The Seto Inland Sea is home to multiple islands with the largest concentration of islands in Japan. The islands of the Seto Inland Sea are suffering from depopulation, and with the exception of some islands such as Awaji-shima, Shodo-shima, and Suo Oshima (the suffixes “-shima” and “-jima” mean island), many of them have been designated as areas where remote island promotion measures are implemented. Figure 1, which shows the population distribution in 1891, shows that Hiroshima— the former castle town—had the largest population (85,000), followed by Matsuyama (33,000), Fukuyama (15,000), and Imabari (13,000). In contrast, on the islands of Kurahashi-jima, Eta-jima, and Ikuchi-shima, there are port towns with a population of more than 10,000 people. Other islands have populations of more than 3,000, which are not less than that of cities on the Honshu and Shikoku coasts. It is clear that the stagnation of the isolated island areas relative to the mainland areas is not super historical, but rather a phenomenon that arose in the process of modernization. In the Middle Ages, maritime traffic routes in the Seto Inland Sea were designed to navigate along the coastline, and port towns such as Takehara and Tadanoumi were

Fig. 1 Distribution of population in the Seto Inland Sea coastal area (1891) (Source Requisition Order List 1891)

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formed by targeting the mainland coastline. However, when the westward migration route was opened at the beginning of the Edo period, the route was changed to connect the central part of the Seto Inland Sea with places within shorter distances. On the islands that were blessed with favorable natural conditions for port calls, such as slow currents and windbreak mountains, there were several port towns, such as Kaminoseki in Nagashima, Jigemuro in Suo Oshima, Tsuwaji in Tsuwaji-shima, and Karoto in Kurahashi-jima. New port towns were then formed, such as Karoto, Sannose on Shimo Kamagari-jima, and Otabu on Otabu-jima. Mitarai (now Kure City, Hiroshima Prefecture) on the east end of Osaki Shimojima in the Geiyo Islands, was another port town that developed rapidly during the Edo period. The population of Mitarai in 1891 was approximately 4,000, including the adjacent rural community of Ocho, and the population density of the port town was remarkably high (Goto 1962). Mitarai was one of the most prosperous port towns in the Seto Inland Sea, thanks to the presence of feudal lords, the port of call of the Kitamae-ship between Hokkaido and Osaka, and the location of several geisha houses authorized by the Hiroshima Domain. In other words, Mitarai is a port town that symbolizes the image of the islands in the prosperous era of the Seto Inland Sea. This section traces the historical process from the formation of the port town in Mitarai to the present day. Through this work, we will consider the urban landscape and the function of the urban center on the islands.

1.2 Formation of the Port Town in Mitarai The word “mitarai” in Japanese means a place to wash and clean your hands at the entrance to a shrine. Sugawara Michizane, a famous aristocrat and scholar, dropped out of office in 901 and stopped by Osaki Shimojima on his way to Kyushu. Legend has it that when he dug into the ground, fresh water gushed out. This is how the place got it name. There are wells in the area that produce fresh water. The availability of clean water is one of the most important conditions for the formation of a settlement. The Mitarai land belonged to Ocho village until the beginning of the Edo period. In the seventeenth century, with the development of shorter travel distances through the central Seto Inland Sea and the arrival of ships along the coast of Osaki Shimojima, the Hiroshima Domain began to build a port at Mitarai in 1666 to supply their ships. Soon merchants from the village of Ocho and other places settled in Mitarai (Yutaka Cho Kyoiku Iinkai 2000). At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the northern coastline was reclaimed and the town was developed. During this period, geisha houses such as Wakaebisuya, Fuji-ya, and Ebi-ya—officially recognized by the Hiroshima Domain—were opened, one after another, and the hospitality business for sailors staying in the port town became increasingly popular. The number of houses in the town, which was about 100 in the mid-eighteenth century, tripled in the following half-century; Mitarai can be regarded as having developed significantly as a transit port during this period with the boom of the westward route.

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In 1828, the Hiroshima Domain expanded the town center with a seawall and dock on the southern coast (Tanizawa 1991). In 1830, Osaka’s wealthy merchant, Konoike Zenemon, and others donated the shrine of Sumiyoshi Shrine to the base of the Sensako Wharf. A variety of goods were traded. Many of the clans in the Kyushu and Shikoku regions stopped in Mitarai on their way to work in Edo. Kagoshima (Satsuma), Hagi, Nakatsu, Kokura, Fukuoka, Uwajima, Ozu, and other domains had their permanent lodgings in Mitarai town. Once a port town was formed in Mitarai, it functioned as a port of call. An economic zone of Mitarai, which included villages on the neighboring islands, was established. The economic sphere of Mitarai included Osaki Shimojima, which could be reached in a day by boat; and Toyo-shima, Itsuki-jima, Okamura-jima, Koge-shima, Kami Kamagari-jima, Shimo Kamagari-jima, and Kinoe (Osaki Kamijima) to the east, which had an economic zone of competitive size. In previous studies, it has been claimed that the function of the port town of Mitarai has declined significantly since the late nineteenth century. The reasoning behind this claim is that the change of attendance and the distribution of annual tribute rice, which existed in the Edo period, disappeared. With the advent of powerful ships and railroads, many of the ships that used to pass through the port of Mitarai are now directly connected to the ports of Kure, Takehara, Onomichi, and Imabari, among others. In addition, the introduction of commerce and industry to the surrounding villages within the Mitarai economic zone reduced the gap between Mitarai and these villages. However, Mitarai had many okiyas (geisha houses) and brothels before 1958, when the Anti-Prostitution Law was enforced. Moreover, the town had been flourishing as a commercial center for seafarers docked at the port. Here, I would like to trace the transformation of Mitarai in the modern era by examining the changes in the goods and business structure. I will focus on Mitarai after 1868 because the Meiji Restoration of 1868 was a major turning point in the modernization of Japan, when the country’s social system underwent a major transformation. What is noteworthy about the commodities brought into Mitarai in 1881 is that the proportion of rice was extremely high, accounting for 60% of the total. Of the 141 shops that constituted the Mitarai town at this time, 37 were rice shops—far more than inns and liquor shops. The status of rice, which had been an important commodity for Mitarai during the Edo period, did not decline rapidly after the late nineteenth century. In addition to rice, Mitarai also handled large quantities of wheat, soybeans, sake, salt, firewood, and vegetables, presumably to meet the needs of the ships entering the port and the neighboring villages. The main difference between 1907 and 1881 is that lumber for shipbuilding was the second largest commodity after rice, accounting for nearly 20% of the total. Wood for shipbuilding was produced in Kyushu and brought to Osaka and Kobe via the port of Mitarai. A shipyard was also established in Mitarai to repair sailing ships that called on the port, and some of the wood and iron were used to meet the demand for shipbuilding in the Mitarai Port. In addition, the amount of fertilizer handled also increased. This was due to the increased cultivation of citrus fruits in the village of Ocho and other surrounding villages.

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By 1938, the position of rice and shipbuilding timber was reversed, as the majority of the goods transferred to and from the port came from shipbuilding timber, and the port of Mitarai continued to function as a transit port connecting remote areas only with lumber and coal from the Chikuho coal fields in Kyushu. However, the increase in the number of goods that appear to have been consumed mainly within the town of Mitarai is also a characteristic of this period. In addition to a large amount of liquor, soy sauce, vinegar, and confectionery handled in Mitarai, foodstuffs such as beef, liquor, and soda, which were in high demand those days, also came into the country. Similarly, clothing such as textiles and footwear were imported from the Osaka and Kyoto areas, and most of them were consumed in Mitarai. Thus, it can be said that the Port of Mitarai enhanced the function of collecting and distributing commodities in Mitarai and the villages within the Mitarai economic zone.

1.3 Structure of Urban Space in Mitarai In 1886, there were 67 grocery stores in Mitarai, including 37 rice stores. There were also many inns, restaurants, liquor shops, blacksmith factories, clothing stores, jewelry stores, and fuel stores. Many of these types of businesses were specific to the city, which shows the high level of function of Mitarai as a port town or center of the city in the early Meiji Era (1868–1912). By 1927, the number of rice shops had decreased to seven, and the number of inns and fuel stores had also decreased significantly. However, there was an increase in the number of shops serving the seafarers at anchor, such as geisha houses, restaurants, and liquor shops. In 1927, Mitarai was a center of commerce, such as rice distribution. Although the decline is more pronounced, it can be noted that the hospitality industry for ships calling at the port and its centrality to the surrounding villages remained at a high level. Figure 2 shows the land use of Mitarai in 1929 when it was a prosperous port town. In Mitarai, there were various administrative institutions such as a court subbranch, a police station, and a post office, in addition to the town hall and an elementary school. Several financial institutions, including bank branches, were located in Mitarai, indicating that the town had a high degree of centrality in the region. Most of these institutions were concentrated in the northern part of the town, which became the commercial center of Mitarai after the eighteenth century. The presence of three clinics (one of them was a dentist) and four pharmacies was a unique feature of the town. There were many inns, geisha houses, and restaurants in Mitarai at that time, which indicates that the hospitality industry was very active in the town. Sailors had their own lodgings, and when they arrived there they would first take a bath and enjoy a drinking spree. Some sailors were entertained at the inns, accompanied by “bepping,” a type of prostitute who lived in geisha houses. The prostitutes traveled from the geisha houses to the inns and restaurants and were also received by small boats at the

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Fig. 2 Landuse of Mitarai (1929) (Sources Land-use map created by Mr. M. Yaegaki and interview survey)

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anchorage (Kato 2009). There was a concentration of geisha houses and restaurants along Tsukiji Street in the southern part of the city, forming an entertainment district. In addition, billiard rooms, movie theaters, and other entertainment facilities could also be found in the area. There were a large number of grocery stores that supplied foodstuffs such as rice, liquor, vegetables, meat, fresh fish, tofu curd, sweets, and various other daily necessities, not only to the townspeople but also to the sailors and residents of the surrounding area. A wide variety of shops were located mainly in the northern part of the city, including clothing and footwear stores, cosmetics and sundries stores, watch and clock stores, bookstores, stationery stores, photo shops, and laundry stores. Drapery and sundries stores, in particular, had an important customer base of prostitutes. The presence of a variety of shops in Mitarai shows both the prosperity of Mitarai and its centrality in the surrounding area. Mitarai also had more than a few manufacturers. These included food manufacturers, smithing shops, furniture stores, tatami mat shops, dye shops, and basket shops. At the north and south ends of the town, factories such as shipyards were located. The shipyard not only manufactured small boats but also repaired the boats in the harbor. Based on the above analysis, roughly speaking, Mitarai was divided into three areas: Ebisu District, where administrative, financial, and medical institutions were concentrated; Tenjin District, where retail stores for shopping and the nearest goods were concentrated; and Sumiyoshi District, where geisha hoses and restaurants were concentrated. On the outskirts of Ebisu District, the area of the town has been divided into three districts since the modern era. The area was made up of a number of industrial districts that were developed. Tenjin and Ebisu Districts, with their boulevards, were developed by the eighteenth century and had a strong character as the town center for the residents of Mitarai and the surrounding area. In contrast, Sumiyoshi District, which was developed together with the Chisago Hato (long breakwater) in the nineteenth century, is a town for travelers where the hospitality industry for passengers docked at the port is active.

1.4 Decline of the Urban Function and Transformation into a Tourist Destination In 1951, after the Second World War, there was a marked decline in the number of inns, restaurants, and liquor stores. The implementation of the Anti-Prostitution Law in 1958 dealt a decisive blow to Mitarai’s economy. The 14 geisha houses have all closed and the number of restaurants, clothing stores, and jewelry stores— all of which were closely associated with geisha—has decreased. However, various grocery stores and barbershops that provide daily necessities and services to the residents continue to thrive. Thus, it can be said that after the implementation of the Anti-Prostitution Law, Mitarai remained as a regional center.

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Figure 3 shows the land use in Mitarai in 1998. Compared to Fig. 2, the absence of administrative offices such as the town hall and court office, and financial institutions, such as bank branches, indicate a significant decline in the city’s function as a regional

Fig. 3 Landuse of Mitarai (1998)

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center. The hospitality industry, which used to be a typical industry in Mitarai, has also experienced a significant decline in the number of inns and restaurants, while the majority of shops that remained in operation until 1998 included two electronics stores, a watchmaker’s shop, a cosmetics store, and a bookstore, among others. The reason for the decline of Mitarai’s commerce is the decline of the industries closely related to prostitutes due to the Anti-Prostitution Law. It is believed that the industries that meet the demand of the residents of Mitarai and the surrounding villages are those that still exist. The reason for the decline of commerce in Mitarai is the emergence of ferryboats connecting Osaki Shimojima with Imabari City and Ehime Prefecture, in addition to the decline of the industries closely related to prostitutes due to the Anti-Prostitution Law. In recent years, Mitarai has been incorporated into the trade area of Imabari City (Shimizu 2009). The decline of urban functions in Mitarai since the 1960s, coupled with accelerated depopulation and aging of the outlying island areas during the period of high economic growth, has led to stagnation in the region. However, it has also resulted in the preservation of the landscape of the time when Mitarai thrived. In 1994, Mitarai was designated as a “Conservation Area for Historically Important Buildings,” which led to the conservation and beautification of the town and the installation of tourist information boards (Fig. 4). In 2002, a former movie theater, Otome-za, was restored as a museum of the history of the port town. In 2003, a park with an observation deck and a stone monument to the prostitutes who supported the town’s prosperity was built on the hill overlooking the port town. Residents are also working on community development by cleaning up historical sites, studying history, and guiding tourists through the preservation of the town. In 2008, the Toyo-shima Bridge connecting Kami Kamagari-jima and Toyo-shima was opened, and eight islands in the Geiyo Islands (Shimo Kamagarijima, Kami Kamagari-jima, Toyohama-jima, Toyo-shima, Osaki Shimojima, Hirarajima, Nakano-shima, and Okamura-jima) became connected to Honshu. This bridge

Fig. 4 Traditional buildings on Tsukiji Street and Chisago wave stop (2009)

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project is named “Aki Nada and Tobishima Kaido,” and islands along the route are promoting their tourist attractions and preparing parking lots. Since Osaki Shimojima, including Mitarai, was designated as the “Conservation Area for Historically Important Buildings” and the mainland was directly connected to it by land, many tourists visited. Mitarai’s fame has also increased due to its use as a motif in films and animations.

1.5 Summary This section focuses on Mitarai, the most prosperous port town in the Seto Inland Sea in the Edo period, to present a concrete image of the isolated islands in the former prosperous period of the port town focusing on the function and form of the port town. The results are summarized as follows. In the modern era, Mitarai handled fewer items and less volume of goods, but maintained a certain function as a transit port for rice before the development of the railroad transportation network and as a transit port for lumber products that were not suitable for railroad transportation after the early 1900s. Before the beginning of the twentieth century, Mitarai had a red light district located around Tsukiji Street for sailors. It can be said that the prosperity of the entertainment district was not limited to restaurants, kimono, and sundry goods stores, which were closely related to the lives of the sailors, but extended to restaurants, liquor stores, food stores, and even to the entire town of Mitarai. In addition, Mitarai had a function of collecting and distributing goods to the surrounding villages called the Mitarai economic zone and was still an important center of the town for the inhabitants of this zone. From the above facts, it can be pointed out that Mitarai had been booming at least until 1958, when the Anti-Prostitution Law was enforced, while maintaining various functions after modern times. This shows that the transition from the early modern to the modern era was a turning point for Mitarai, but not the beginning of its decline. In contrast to the view that the decline of rural areas is generally considered to have progressed after the period of high economic growth, the fact that the enforcement of the Anti-Prostitution Law had a great impact on the decline of the area is one of the characteristics of a port town on a remote island that had a local prostitution district. The decline of urban functions in Mitarai since the 1960s accelerated the depopulation and aging of the population while the traditional landscape of the port town was preserved. This can be contrasted with the fact that many of the port towns on the coasts of Honshu and Shikoku have lost their traditional landscapes due to industrialization and residential development accompanied by reclamation. Today, the key to regional revitalization is to make use of the traditional landscape as a tourist destination. Katsushi Shimizu

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2 Catholicism and Regional Community on Amami Oshima: Frequently Changing Interpretation 2.1 Introduction On Amami Oshima, 14 Catholic churches existed in the modern times, and 31 remain today (Fig. 5). Given that less than 1% of the population are Christians, it is exceedingly remarkable that so many churches are located on one island in Japan. This section explains the history of Catholicism on Amami Oshima from the Meiji Era to post World War II—the process of missions, the history, and their relationship to people—and discusses the relationship between religious groups and the regional community. This section analyzes a number of local media reports, investment reports, and pictures that were taken in modern Amami Oshima, as well as pictures provided by St. Antonio Theological College.

2.2 Encounter Between Amami Oshima and Catholicism Table 1 shows the chronology of Catholicism on Amami Oshima. In pre-modern times on Amami Oshima, people were forced to cultivate sugar cane on plantations under by the feudal domain of Satsuma—one of the biggest lords that ruled southern Kyushu in pre-modern Japan—instead of stable food. Since modern times, Fig. 5 Study area

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Table 1 History of Catholicism on Amami Oshima Annual

Occurrence

1609

Satsuma domain invaded Ryukyu Kingdom including Amami Oshima

Seventeenth century

Amami Oshima was dominated by Satsuma domain until Meiji Era

Eighteenth century

Satsuma domain started sugarcane plantations

Nineteenth century

Meiji Era started Amami Oshima became a part of Kagoshima Prefecture The economics of Amami Oshima was exploited by modern Japanese Capitalism

1891

Missionary of Missions Etrangères de Paris came and began to preach

1893–1896

Conflicts between Catholics and traditional religious groups in Amami Oshima occurred

1921

Missions Etrangères de Paris alternated mission with Franciscan Province of Canada

1922

The chapel called “Renga-Mido” was completed in the center of Naze Town

1924

Oshima Girls’ High School was established in Naze Town One Catholic rejected to worship Shinto shrine concerned with Japanese imperialism

1926

Local media reported lose secret and military map of fortress as serious incident

1933

Movement of closure of Oshima Girls’ High School excited

1934

Oshima Girls’ High School was closed

1934–1939

Movement of exclusion to Catholicism excited Foreign missionaries were excluded from Amami Oshima (1934) Active officers of the Japanese Army asked residents to exclude Catholicism (1935) Some Catholics’ houses or shops were flashed water intensively by residents as an excuse of an anti-aircraft practice (1939)

1938

The “Renga-Mido” was converted to town office and town hall of Naze Town

1945

The “Renga-Mido” was broken by U.S. Army raid

1947–1955

Some priests helped to build library, kindergarten, or hospital (1947,1949 and 1950) Some priests asked Catholics around the world to send aid supplies to Amami Oshima (1947, 1953, 1954 and 1955) Naze Town became Naze City with the return of the Amami Islands to Japan (1953)

1955

Naze City was attacked by a large fire

1956

Ordo Fratrum Minorum Conventualium asked world regions to send donation to Amami Oshima

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people on Amami Oshima could not obtain financial support from the Japanese government; consequently, they had inadequate infrastructure. In addition, Amami Oshima’s economy depended on sugar cane and dealers bought sugar cane at unreasonably low prices. Such a situation where people were squeezed economically earned it the nickname, “Ireland of the Orient.” With so many people living in poverty, the public prosecutor on the island invited representatives of the Christian faith for the social, economic, and cultural modernization of Amami Oshima, to which the Missions Etrangères de Paris responded. In December 1891, missionaries of Missions Etrangères de Paris came and began to preach. Many troubles occurred initially as the traditional religious groups opposed Catholicism. On one occasion, Catholics destroyed a Buddhist temple and used the Buddha statue as a stepping-stone in a village. However, as many people in Amami Oshima were very poor, they expected Catholicism to emancipate them from poverty and to contribute to improving their education, medical treatment, and general welfare. As a result, the number of Catholic believers increased rapidly. In the 1920s, when the population of Amami Oshima was 103,862, 4,057 people were baptized. Thus, about 4% of the total population in the island became Catholic. After the end of World War I, Missions Etrangères de Paris alternated their mission to the Franciscan Province of Canada in 1921. Amami Oshima almost consists of steep mountains and hills, so the major settlements are located along the coastline. Missions Etrangères de Paris and Franciscan Province of Canada built churches and evangelized the main villages located on the northeast corner of the island and simultaneously provided social welfare services in the villages. For example, in Ogasari Church, which is in one of the main villages in Amami Oshima, the Father wrote and sent a letter to Franciscan Province of Canada’s head as follows: “We are planning to build a hospital and make some young Catholics study nursing in Tokyo.” Accordingly, this Father and nurses took care of 5,000 patients for free and made provisions for 260 patients’ home medical care in Ogasari. In 1924, the Franciscan Province of Canada established the Oshima Girls’ High School owing to the demands of local influential people, including the local assembly of Naze Town (Hirayama 2007). The plan was to make girls’ secondary education a fulfilling prospect on Amami Oshima, and Catholics responded to them. The building was made of concrete. Figure 6 is the chapel called the “Renga Mido,” which was built in 1922 in the center of Naze Town and was a large-scale, modern building in Amami Oshima. The chapel and buildings of Oshima Girls’ High School and the few modern facilities in modern Amami Oshima were the symbols of Catholicism (Fig. 7). The Catholic mission has contributed and entered into a relationship with the regional society through social welfare services, including the provision of medical supplies. However, the local media reported negative news about Catholicism on Amami Oshima. The news that one Catholic rejected to worship the Shinto Shrine owing to Japanese imperialism is one example. Local media suspected that missionaries of Franciscan Province of Canada were spies of the U.S.A. because the media thought that the missionaries were involved with an incident involving the theft of the

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Fig. 6 Chapel called “Renga Mido” in center of Naze Town (1930) (Source St. Anthony Seminary Library Collection)

military map of a fortress. From these reports, the relationship between Catholicism and local society has deteriorated. The existence of Koniya Fortress, located in the southwest corner of island, is one of the main backgrounds. After the end of World War I, Amami Oshima became an important military base and the Japanese army started the construction of Koniya Fortress. However, it was stopped in 1921 because of the Washington Disarmament Conference. This resulted in several suspicions among the people that the missionaries of Franciscan Province of Canada were spies of the U.S.A., and these were reported as incidents of a breach of confidence.

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Fig. 7 Naze Town (1930) (Source Aso 2018: 179)

2.3 Exclusion of Catholicism From 1933, people excluded Catholicism in earnest, which gave rise to the opportunity to close the Oshima Girls’ High School. The Franciscan Province of Canada had built the school building on rent-free land from Naze Town office and founded Oshima Girls’ High School. It is said that at that time, a “Memorandum” and an “Additional Memorandum” were prepared between the Franciscan Province and the Naze Town Office, in addition to the contract, at the request of the Naze Town Office. In July 1933, the local media reported that the memorandum was lost in Naze Town Office, and that some Catholics had stolen it. A series of rumors spread in Amami Oshima portraying this as “a serious incident of betrayal.” In August, when local journalists held a resident meeting, they desired to exclude Catholicism from Naze Town and to close down Oshima Girls’ High School. In September, “the loss of the memorandum” was discussed at the Naze Town assembly, and local media reported that the education provided at Oshima Girls’ High School was anti-nationalistic and disrespectable to Japanese imperialism. The closure of Oshima Girls’ High School was resolved in the assembly of Naze Town for the time being. The Mayor and some assembly members visited the Kagoshima Prefecture office, the Ministry of Education, and the Department of Army requesting to suspend the establishment of Oshima Girls’ High school. At this time, the local media reported suspicions that the

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Canadian Priest was a spy and many posters calling for the exclusion of Catholicism were put up in Naze Town. One Catholic believer and some graduates from Oshima Girls’ High School opposed closing the school, but the public opinion in favor of shutting it down was much stronger; as a result, Oshima Girls’ High School was forced to close its doors in 1934. A part of the graduates and one Catholic opposed the closure of Oshima Girls’ High School by Naze Town office. However, the Franciscan Province of Canada decided to shut the school due to strong public opinion. The ownership of the buildings of Oshima Girls’ High School shifted from the Franciscan Province of Canada to Kagoshima Prefecture, and they were used as buildings of the Prefectural Amami Senior High School. This conversion was based on a contract as follows: “If the Franciscan Province of Canada closes Oshima Girls’ High School without legitimate reason, the Franciscan Province of Canada should transfer all buildings to Naze Town.” The exclusion movement against Catholics calmed down temporarily, but flared up soon thereafter. From late 1934 to 1939, people started to exclude Catholics again among many parts of Amami Oshima. For example, active officers of the Japanese Army who were stationed in Koniya fortress lectured that people should exclude Catholics from Amami Oshima based on patriotism and Japanese imperialism. Confiscated Catholic equipment was burned or buried in beach by the nonCatholic people in Amami Oshima. The lectures inspired the Veterans Association and younger groups to organize “a special lecture on the exclusion of Catholicism” and to force Catholics to abandon their faith. In a particular case, residents of a village involved in the movement of the exclusion of Catholics forced a group of them to be on a coast surrounded by ropes until they surrendered their faith. In another case, a young group in a village confiscated Catholic festival equipment from believers and burned and buried it on the coast (Miyashita 1999). The series of movements to exclude Catholics was clearly systemic because a copy of the list of confiscated Catholic festival equipment and a religious conversion notice—an oath of surrendering Catholicism—were made and used. Most of the Catholics hoped that many residents would finish their campaign after the banishment of the missionaries who were suspected as spies. Some Catholics hoped the missionaries would stay strong. Through correspondence to the exclusion movement, Catholics conflicted with each other. Minor Catholics gathered in church and prayed secretly in the situation of banishment of missionaries and intensification of the exclusion movement. Over the course of time, inhabitants who excluded Catholics systemically prohibited Catholics from gathering at church. Catholics were forced to worship alone. Some Catholics were shifted to relatives’ houses in Kyushu for evacuation. In addition, houses of the believers who did not give up their faith were intensively thrown water by the residents under the excuse of an anti-aircraft practice. In a few years, the entire Catholic community on Amami Oshima collapsed. After the Franciscan Province of Canada contributed their estates to Kagoshima Prefecture, they were sold off separately to towns and villages in Amami Oshima. Most of them were used as public facilities, including the town office and town hall, until the end of World War II (Aso 2016).

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However, some people did not necessarily agree with exclusion and the exclusion that Catholics suffered differed in degree. For example, a Catholic was persuaded by the head of a ward who was his childhood friend to surrender his faith. This Catholic attested that the head cried and persuaded him that some people took part in the practice of exclusion unwillingly. Another believer who was threatened by the reservists that “if you would not surrender your faith, you would be killed” made his family evacuate and shouted “banzai” three times, wearing cooking pan on head and gripping a cross in his right hand when his store was targeted of water discharge in an air-raid drill. It is clear that some people in Amami Oshima sympathized with him because some spectators said “He was so poor” and “They didn’t have to do that to him.” Another interesting case is that of an assemblyman of Naze Town, who was Catholic and ran a pharmacy in Naze Town. He contributed his land to the Franciscan Province of Canada for Oshima Girls’ High School and opposed the closure of the school. Later, he gave up his faith due to harassment and attacks on his pharmacy. He had been introduced as a local celebrity in a local magazine “Amami” in 1936. However, his shop was intensively targeted with water by residents using the excuse of an anti-aircraft practice in 1939. After the end of World War II, he became a delegate of a foundation named “Amami Tenshu-kokyokai,” which was organized by Catholics on Amami Oshima and engaged in the restoration of Catholic properties. A person who was a maternity nurse in Naze Town and an earnest believer of Catholicism strongly opposed the closing down of Oshima Girls’ High School in the resident meeting. Later, she was persecuted in a series of exclusionary measures to Catholicism. She was also sent a threatening letter (Left of Fig. 8). The summary of this Japanese sentence means “Military police want to talk to you, so you should come to the hotel in Naze Town at 1 p.m.” Military police may have intended to persuade her to abandon her faith. Later, she discovered that her family’s tomb had been broken (Right of Fig. 8), and her house was intensively targeted with water by residents using the excuse of an anti-aircraft practice. In spite of such persecution, she did not surrender her Catholic faith. On the other hand, she continued to work as a maternity nurse even in 1935. This fact is written in a local history book of Naze Town; therefore, it is inferred that the local society trusted her. She recalled two deeply sorrowful episodes in her life. One was when Catholics decided to exclude all missionaries from Amami Oshima, and the other was when the cross on the top of the chapel “Renga Mido” was removed and replaced with the Japanese national flag. In later years, she said that the pain she experienced at that time was the greatest in her life and could not be forgotten. After the end of World War II, she became a member of a foundation named “Amami Tenshu-kokyokai,” which was organized by Catholics on Amami Oshima, and administered the reconstruction of Catholicism on Amami Oshima. After this controversy most of the Catholic properties were converted into public facilities. In Naze Town, the chapel located in the center of the town was used as the town office and town hall in 1938. When the chapel was converted, Naze Town’s mayor, who was once an active officer of the Japanese Army stationed in Koniya fortress, made residents exclude Catholics. He gave a speech that he and all residents

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Fig. 8 Threatening letter sent to one Catholic (left) and broken tomb of her family (right)

of Naze Town together can convert the Catholic building into the town office by a sheer dint of effort to exclude Catholicism. As a result, the cross on the top of the chapel was gotten rid of and the Japanese national flag was put there instead. In the process of conversion, the Renga Mido was given the mantle of Naze City’s future prosperity and became the symbol of Japanese Imperialism and its justification of the exclusion of Catholics from Amami Oshima and Japan. In addition, plural contexts or discourses about the exclusion of Catholicism were based on local or national scales; those contexts were implanted in the chapel. As a result, the chapel reminded the residents of the narrative about the exclusion of Catholicism. In this act, the symbol of the Renga Mido was changed from Catholicism to Japanese Imperialism while generating “landscapes of exclusion.” It is related to the situation of Amami Oshima, which was an unstable borderland in a modern nation. The Renga Mido was burned down during the U.S. Army raid in April 1945 and a new chapel was built on the same site after World War II (Aso 2011). Hereinbefore, Catholicism gained the local society’s trust, not only through a direct mission but also using social welfare measures including medical or educational practices and the opening of Oshima Girls’ High School. Nevertheless, some of the local people believed the educational contents of Oshima Girls’ High School to be against Japanese imperialism and the local media reported allegations of missionary spies. Thus, Catholics were excluded by various people in Amami Oshima. As a result of a series of exclusions, most of the Catholic communities perished. As missionaries

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came to Amami Oshima after World War II, Catholicism and the regional society made a new relationship. In the next section, I would like to focus on this point using the case of disasters on Amami Oshima.

2.4 The Community of Amami Oshima and Catholicism After World War II After the end of World War II, Catholic officials rescued people who were injured by war disasters, natural disasters, or economic predicaments in Amami Oshima, which was under U.S. military rule. The economic condition was severe and war damage reconstruction was not quite smooth. At that time, the missionaries helped to build a library, a kindergarten, and a hospital. In addition, they often secured and rationed aid supplies by calling the Catholics around the world to help Amami Oshima. This is one example about a village called Nishi Amuro located in Kakeroma-jima, adjacent to Amami Oshima. From 1954, missionaries appeared in Nishi Amuro; however, most of the residents opposed Catholicism. When this village was damaged by a typhoon, three missionaries brought many aid supplies (including food, clothes, and house building materials) and distributed these to both believers and unbelievers. As a result, the residents’ perspective and recognition of Catholicism changed: 88 out of the 500 residents converted to Catholicism the following year. In December 1955, a large fire occurred in Naze City. The fire spread almost all over the city of Naze due to a strong wind. Miraculously, there were no casualties. However, 1,365 buildings worth approximately 4.4 million US dollars were burnt down and/or damaged. In this incident, the fire spread to the southeastern part of the city and the land and buildings of the Naze Seishin Church (the name means Naze Sacred Heart Church) stopped the fire. After the war, the Naze Seishin Church was rebuilt in the center of the city, retaining its position from before the war. Before World War II, the Renga Mido, which was converted to the town office, was located at the same site. According to a local newspaper article immediately after the fire, a foreign priest of the Naze Seisin Church held Sunday’s mass at the burnt church library. This site of the Naze Seisin Church was returned from Naze Town in 1948 because a foundation named “Amami Tenshu-kokyokai” organized by Catholics in Amami Oshima asked Amami Oshima’s local governments including Naze Town to return the Catholic real estate. As a result, a new chapel was built at the same site the following year. Japan’s defeat and Amami Oshima’s situation of being placed under U.S. military control may be the reason that most of the Catholic real estate that was effectively confiscated by the exclusion movement of Catholicism were returned to the Catholic monastery through a series of restoration measures. If Catholic real estate was not returned and not built at the same site in Naze Town, the area affected by the Great Fire of Naze may have been further expanded. Catholicism contributed to regional society in Amami Oshima through not only helping to build a library, a kindergarten, and a hospital, ration supplies, or calls to Catholics around the world to

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help Amami Oshima but also, coincidentally, through the location of chapel itself. A series of facts illustrates the importance of Catholicism as an influence on the regional society in Amami Oshima. Until now, the relationship between Catholicism and regional society has been changing constantly through poverty, a series of exclusion, post-war U.S. military rule, and many serious disasters. This section has provided an overview of the history, situation, and facts about Catholicism on Amami Oshima. The background of acceptance of Catholicism by the regional society was the natural environment, history, politics, society, economics, or ideology concerning Amami Oshima. The relationship between Catholicism and regional society in Amami Oshima gives us important suggestions while examining the interaction between religious groups and communities. Catholicism has overcome many difficulties, built interrelationships with the local communities, and been accepted in recent times. However, due to the aging of believers and the shortage of priests and missionaries in most churches, problems regarding the maintenance and survival of each church are gradually becoming apparent. The reason may be the population decline and the aging population on Amami Oshima. As a result, it will be difficult to pass on the faith of Catholicism to the next generation. This problem is common with other religious groups whose faith and philosophy have been inherited for generations, and it can also be seen as a microcosm of Japan’s overall problem. However, Catholicism on Amami Oshima may see another historical return. Tasuku Aso

3 Sustainability of Life and Food Supply on an Outlying Island: A Case Study on Suo Oshima 3.1 Introduction For a long time, rural life was characterized by self-sufficiency. This is because people could produce the food to sustain their own lives. That was the major premise of self-sufficiency. It could be said that this rural image continued up to the period of rapid post-war economic growth. In basic terms, if one is able to secure the food one eats at a given location, then it is possible to live there. In this context, one could also say that the level of food production determines the richness of living. It is true that the volume of rice production has long been an important index. This is because the greater the food production, the greater the carrying capacity. On the other hand, in regions where it is impossible for the people to produce enough food to maintain their own lives, it is necessary to procure food from elsewhere. A city would be a typical example. Cities do not have food-production capacity, but have been able to secure enough food from elsewhere to support large populations through trade, or by having influence (Fujita 1993; Ponting 1991).

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Fig. 9 Food supply between rural and urban areas

This relationship between food self-sufficiency and external dependence is determined by the circumstances. In times and places where there is little interaction with other regions, the level of food production is directly linked to richness of living, and agriculture serves as an important economic base. On the other hand, in circumstances such as those of today, where there is vigorous interaction with other regions, agriculture will not necessarily form a powerful economic base in a given area. When it becomes possible to implement a plentiful supply of food from other regions at low cost, the importance of holding the capacity to supply food internally diminishes. In such circumstances, how can we understand the current relationship between urban and rural areas? I would like to present the framework in Fig. 9. The upper level shows the conventional understanding: a framework assuming rural areas to be self-sufficient, with their surplus supplying urban areas. Urban food supply may have carried on in this fashion for a long period of human history. On the other hand, the author has drawn the lower level due to doubts as to whether the current urban–rural arrangement in Japan fits within such a framework. First of all, rural areas today cannot be described as being self-sufficient when it comes to food. As a matter of fact, the majority of people living in rural areas depend on a significant external supply of food. In modern life, regardless of whether one resides in an urban or rural area, many foods go through urban plants and distribution systems before reaching the table, and one depends on overseas supply for many of our daily ingredients (such as bread and coffee). Second, with aging progressing in rural areas, an aging agricultural workforce means that self-sufficiency is on the verge of disappearing. It must be noted that rural areas are characterized by having become not only unable to bear a sufficient food supply function, but highly dependent on other regions for food supply. In other words, not only is agriculture being lost as an economic base, but it is impossible to maintain a level of agriculture whereby the amount of food required for local consumption can be produced in nearby farmland (even if produce is not being shipped to outside areas); it is becoming more common for vegetables for which a region had once been self-sufficient to be secured through purchase in stores. This can be seen as a structure in which rural areas are receiving food supply from urban areas. I would like to point out that the framework reflected in the upper level of Fig. 9 is insufficient for an understanding of rural areas in Japan today.

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Given these circumstances, in this section, I would like to consider the nature of life on outlying islands. This is because outlying islands generally have a weak food production (agricultural) base, and also have sub-optimal access to other areas, and because an outlying island could be described as a typical example of a rural area matching the conditions set out in the lower level of Fig. 9. I thought that investigating the sustainability of life on an outlying island in such conditions would provide a discussion with implications not limited to outlying islands, but extending more broadly to rural areas within the scope of the lower level of Fig. 9.

3.2 Suo Oshima The subject of research is Suo Oshima (Yashiro-jima), which has an area of 138 km2 and population of 16,561 people (April 2018 Basic Resident Register). Located in the western Seto Inland Sea (Fig. 10), the island has a scarcity of open fields. Agricultural productivity outside of the northeast region is limited; the kokudaka (the Edo period measure of rice production) was only half that of other areas within the fudal domain. Nevertheless, the island was densely populated; according to the Bocho Fudo Chushin’an, a local journal compiled from the early 1840s, the population of the island exceeded 56,000 people at that time. It has been pointed out that, in order to be able to support such a large population on an island with a weak agricultural base, there was a large amount of cash income from non-agricultural employment such as shipping and cotton production (Araki 2015). On the other hand, the region is characterized by having sent out a high volume of overseas emigrants from the Meiji Era onward. It is thought that immigration policy was implemented to support the dense population during the changing industrial structure of the time. Meanwhile, population decline and aging are remarkable in recent years. Suo Oshima itself has been aging from an early stage, and the population aging rate (percentage of the Fig. 10 Location of Suo Oshima

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population aged 65 or older) was 51.9% in the 2015 Population Census, despite having been 42.5% in the 2000 Population Census. Suo Oshima is therefore positioned as a typical aging island, and could be described as facing the serious difficulties described at the outset of this paper in terms of sustainability of life on an island. In the following sections, I would like to investigate how life can be sustained on this island.

3.3 Current Economic Base In 2015 the Suo Oshima Town General Affairs Department Policy Planning Division compiled a booklet titled Suo Oshima Cho Jinko Vision (Suo Oshima Town Population Vision), in which future estimates are given on the basis of the background and current situation. I would like to present the current situation of Suo Oshima below, according to this booklet. First, looking at population changes on the island by age: the proportion of people aged 65 or over was 24.3% in 1980, reached 47.7% in 2010, and is now over 50%. The proportion of people aged 65 or over approximately doubled over a period of 30 years, and the level was already quite high in 1980 compared to the fact that the proportion of people aged 65 or over nationally was 9.1%. Turning to the island’s current economic base, according to Table 2, which shows the number of workers engaged in different industries: the sector with the largest number of workers is Agriculture and Forestry, followed by Medical and Welfare, then Wholesale and Retail, Construction, Manufacturing, and Fishing. However, approximately 90% of those engaged in Agriculture are aged 60 or over, and Agriculture cannot be described as constituting a robust economic base. Of the industries shown in the table, those with a coefficient of specialization greater than 5 can be described as forming the islands current economic base: Agriculture and Forestry (with a coefficient of specialization of 2 for men and 5.1 for women), Fishing (21.3 for men and 13.2 for women), and Combined Service Industry, including Post Office and Cooperatives (5.1 for both men and women). Looking once more at age composition, more than 50% of workers in the Fishing industry are aged 60 or over, which means that although there are not many younger people, the industry cannot be described as aging in Suo Oshima, where over half of the population is aged 65 or over. In contrast, because there is a mandatory age retirement system in the Combined Service Industry, including Post Office and Cooperatives, it is no surprise that over 80% of workers in that industry are under 60 years of age. Further, although there are many workers in Medical and Welfare, the coefficient of specialization is only 2.1 for men, and 1.5 for women. In fact, the number of women (982) engaged in the Medical and Welfare sector far surpasses men (350), and this sector provides a not insignificant number of employment opportunities for women within the island, but that does not necessitate a prominent coefficient of specialization. Wholesale and Retail, which follows Medical and Welfare in terms of the respective numbers of workers, has a coefficient of specialization of 0.7 (for both men and women), and

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Table 2 Number of workers by industry (2010) Classification of industry

Men

Women

Total

Composition ratio: %

Coefficient of specialization: men

Coefficient of specialization: women

Agriculture and forestry

916

628

1,544

12.4

6.2

5.1

Fisheries

324

78

402

4.4

21.3

13.2

2

0.0

0.9

0

Mining and quarrying of stone and gravel

2

Construction

453

98

551

6.1

1.0

1.0

Manufarturing

163

241

404

2.2

0.2

0.6

Electricity, gas, heat supply and water

20

4

24

0.3

0.7

0.7

Information and communications

5

5

0.1

0

0

Transport and postal activities

127

33

160

1.7

0.4

0.4

Wholesale trade and retail trade

400

506

906

5.4

0.7

0.7

19

31

50

0.3

0.2

0.3

Real estate agencies, real estate lessors and managers

8

2

10

0.1

0.1

0

Scientific and development research institutes and professional and technical services

44

14

58

0.6

0.3

0.2

Accommodations, eating and drinking services

140

244

384

1.9

0.9

0.8

Living-related and personal services and amusement services

72

91

163

1.0

0.7

0.5

School education and miscellaneous education, learning support

235

239

474

3.2

1.8

1.2

Finance and Insurance

(continued)

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Table 2 (continued) Classification of industry

Men

Women

Total

Composition ratio: %

Coefficient of specialization: men

Coefficient of specialization: women

Medical services and social welfare

350

982

1,332

4.7

2.1

1.5

Compound service

126

114

240

1.7

5.1

5.1

Miscellaneous service, N.E.C

169

104

273

2.3

0.7

0.6

Government service, except elswhere classified

277

100

377

3.7

1.6

1.4

23

12

35

0.3

0.1

0.1

3,873

3,521

7,394

52.4

Industries unable to classify Total

Source Population Census

Construction has a coefficient of specialization of 1.0 (for both men and women), meaning that they do not constitute promising economic bases on the island. Meanwhile, Suo Oshima Cho Jinko Vision also presents the results of a survey of the residents of the island undertaken in order to formulate the policy document. The survey targeted a random sample of 2,000 people aged 18 and over, taken from the Basic Resident Register, and the response rate was 50%. The results of this survey, as shown in the booklet, are very interesting in terms of concerns about the convenience and future of life on the island. I will introduce a portion of these results. Residents were asked “Do you feel a sense of inconvenience or dissatisfaction when using these institutions?” in relation to each of (1) use of medical institutions, (2) daily shopping, and (3) everyday use of financial institutions and post offices. The respondents answering, “I feel a sense of inconvenience or dissatisfaction” for any of these institutions was at most 20%, with close to 80% responding either, “I do not feel a sense of inconvenience or dissatisfaction” or, “I feel a certain sense of inconvenience or dissatisfaction, but not so much as to be a problem.” The situation would therefore appear to be that daily life generally not inconvenient at present, or that even if there is some inconvenience, this has not yet manifested into a problem. In contrast to this, when residents were asked to select multiple responses to identify “Aspects of life which you find problematic, or about which you are concerned, now and ten years from now,” high levels of concern (identification by over 20% of respondents) were seen in relation to both damage caused by vermin (27.4%) and natural disasters such as typhoons and earthquakes (20.4%) as current problems. In particular, a quarter of people claimed to have suffered from damage caused by vermin. The next most commonly raised concerns were that “emergency medical institutions are far away, and transportation takes time” at 19.6%, and that “it is not possible to purchase food and daily necessities nearby” at 17.9%. Meanwhile, among items raised as problems in ten years’ time, “nursing care for my parents or myself”

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was identified by a remarkably high 41.2% of respondents. This was followed by “it is impossible to purchase food and daily necessities nearby” at 25.6%, and “emergency medical institutions are far away, and transportation takes time” at 24.7%. As concerns ten years from now, damage caused by vermin, the most pressing current concern, reduces to 20.7%, and concern about natural disasters remains at about the same level (21.2%). This shows that there is a high level of anxiety about nursing care, emergency medical care, and the purchase of food and daily necessities. Additionally, when the 108 respondents who were considering moving out of the island were asked about the reason that they are thinking about moving, 32.4% cited searching for employment, and 10.2% cited changing employment, meaning that the working environment was raised in total by more than 40% from that group. The next most commonly cited reason was going to college, at 13.9%. Meanwhile, the most important environmental factor cited when changing employment was “convenience of transportation/commute” (cited in 54.6% of cases), followed closely by “convenience of daily shopping, etc.” (53.7%). It is very interesting that these factors are cited more often than “there being a place to work” (49.1%). On the other hand, although nursing and medical care are a real concern for residents of the island, only 37.0% cited “convenience of using welfare/medical facilities,” placing it relatively low as a reason for moving. In terms of the current situation of the island that emerges from the above, one can point to the following characteristics: many people are engaged in agriculture, which has a high coefficient of specialization, but many of these workers are elderly and thus making this a weak industrial base; although Fishing constitutes a core industry for the island, fewer than 5% of all workers are engaged in this industry; similarly, the Combined Service Industry, including Post Office and Cooperatives also accounts for fewer than 3% of all workers; and, although there are a certain number of workers in the Medical and Welfare and Wholesale and Retail sectors, there are not so promising as to make these core industries. On the other hand, it is notable that many of the island’s residents do not feel a sense of dissatisfaction or inconvenience about life at present. There was seen to be anxiety about damage caused by vermin and natural disasters, but such concerns are by no means limited to sparsely populated and aging rural areas (although there are ways in which underpopulation or aging may amplify them). Damage caused by vermin is becoming more widespread in urban areas, and urban areas are also more vulnerable to natural disasters. Meanwhile, nursing care was the most commonly raised concern for the future, followed by daily shopping and emergency medical care. It should be recognized here as well that nursing care is not a problem specific to sparsely populated and rural areas either. Daily shopping and emergency medical care can be identified as elements of concern characteristic of life in sparsely populated and rural areas.

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3.4 Food Supply on the Island Accordingly, I looked at daily shopping, and at food products in particular. As pointed out at the beginning, survival would be threatened by an interruption to the supply of food products, and a weak food supply leads to a decline in the quality of life for residents of a given area, as pointed out in the discussion of food deserts (Iwama 2011, 2017). Looking at the current food supply situation for the island, as described above, aging is progressing and the Agriculture, Forestry, and Fishing industries are unable to support food self-sufficiency on the island. There are many aspects in which the island depends on outside food-supply, as shown in the lower level of Fig. 9. The situation is such that the island is part of a wide food distribution network, and it is grocery stores (such as supermarkets) that undertake the procurement of island residents’ everyday food products. Figure 11 presents the distribution of food handling stores on the island, with (1) showing supermarkets and convenience stores (including A-COOP, supermarket of Japan Agricultural Cooperatives), (2) grocery stores, and (3) stores handling individual food items (such as rice stores and fishmongers). A telephone directory was used as the basis for the creation of this table, after which I also carried out a field survey (March, 2015). First, from Fig. 11 (1) it can be seen that supermarkets and convenience stores (other than A-COOP) are concentrated in the north of the island (excluding the east).

Fig. 11 Distribution of food handling stores (Note “A-COOP” is the supermarket operated by Japan Agricultural Cooperative. Sources Telephone directory and field survey)

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Because the stores shown in (2) and (3) are also scattered, one would think that there are no serious problems purchasing food products in these areas. Meanwhile, although there is only a limited number of supermarkets and convenience stores in the eastern and southern parts of the island, there are A-COOPs in the Agenosho and Hirano districts, which could be said to be serving the function of supermarkets. Next, (2) shows grocery stores: in addition to there seeming to be a relative concentration in the Agenosho district, one can see a scattered distribution in the eastern region of the island. Indeed, it could be said that there are relatively more sites in areas where the supermarkets and convenience stores are seen to be absent in (1). Turning to the individual single-product stores shown in (3), a certain degree of agglomeration of each variety of store was seen at various points in the island. It would appear that at present these stores are generally able to supply the food on the island. Having said that, however, the content presented in Fig. 11 is based solely on the information recorded in the telephone directory. When I checked the on-site operational conditions of these stores, a significant number of them (especially among the categories shown in [2] and [3]) were not open, even though it was a Sunday. Among them were stores with damaged signs and awnings, and stores where it was impossible to confirm whether there were products on the shelves; while some of the stores had clearly been closed for a long time, there were others which may well have had limited opening times (open only for a limited number of days each week, or a fixed number of hours per day). I will not give details here as to the circumstances of particular stores, but it can be pointed out in any case that the food supply on the island, which has been functioning to this point, is in a state of gradual decline. At present, food supply could be described as functioning in an area centered on the western region of the island’s north side, where supermarkets are located. However, food supply in the eastern region, or the south side, depends on the type of grocery store shown in (2), or on driving to a supermarket located in the western region. However, the operating conditions of the type of store shown in (2) could be described today as in a state of decline. This means, therefore, that people will have to use stores in the western region. Residents are aging, however, and their access to food products will seriously deteriorate when using cars becomes difficult. In fact, at the time of this investigation, only five buses went back and forth each day, traversing the island between east and west. The anxiety about being able to purchase food and daily necessities ten years in the future (a concern raised in the Suo Oshima Cho Jinko Vision survey) is becoming a reality.

3.5 Summary Suo Oshima’s weak economic base and consequent low food supply remain unchanged since long ago. This was more significant in the Edo period, when rice production was the basis of economic strength, than today. However, the island of Suo Oshima also had a population more than able to make up for low food selfsufficiency by relying on a non-agricultural economic base including industries such

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as shipping, fishing, and cotton-weaving (Araki 2015). It has also been pointed out that remittances from overseas emigrants supported the island from the Meiji Era (Miyamoto and Okamoto 1982). Considering the island history and background, we might have a different picture of the island, which is typically seen as having a fragile economic base, and struggling with aging. It is clear that agricultural workers on the island are aging, and that there is no strong economic base. However, agriculture has never been a major industry on the island. Even in periods when we take self-sufficiency for granted, the island had a large population that it could not provide for internally. Similarly, even from the Meiji Era the island’s agricultural base was weak, and the island was supported by remittances from outside the region. Miyamoto and Okamoto (1982) point out in Towa Choshi (Chorography of Towa Town) that, “the idea of setting up a home in Towa Town but building the foundation for one’s life elsewhere had permeated the people of Towa Town since before people moved to Hawaii or America, that is to say, from before the Meiji Era.” This is very interesting when considering the island’s society even today. What problems might the island face today, when looked at in such a way? The island’s economic base—with an aging and weak agricultural industry, and limited employees in the fishing industry and specific service industries—is not the issue. To reiterate, the island has never supplied its own food from a strong agricultural base of its own. The island has always secured food by engaging with the external economy. In that sense, the economic position of the island has not significantly changed. Life on the island has carried on unbroken, despite its low food self-sufficiency. So, after considering what has changed between the past and the present, I focused on the physical medium of food supply. In our lives today, it is grocery stores and supermarkets that physically supply food. In the previous sub-section, it was shown that the existence of such stores on the island—the existence of the medium of food supply—has been steadily fading. This might be a serious problem, unfolding right before our eyes. Conversely, if these stores are able to survive, then people will be able to live on the island, despite its weak economic base and the progress of aging. When we looked at Suo Oshima in the context of its dependence on outside areas for food, and the economic base that supports the island, we saw that the island has never been food self-sufficient. Even in the Edo period, when rural areas are thought to have been highly food self-sufficient, the island only had a limited capacity in this respect. Nevertheless, the island supported what could be described as an excessive population. The present situation is similar, in terms of the island carrying a population in excess of its capacity for food self-sufficiency. Is the capacity for food self-sufficiency at the heart of the problem? In fact, life on the island has been maintained through mechanisms for receiving external supply, and the operation of cash income and remittances, even with an insufficient economic base. It is thought that the island’s ability to support a large population despite its weak agricultural base in the Edo period was also due to reliance on the external economy. Today, on the other hand, the island’s economic base is far from prominent. However, is that the essence of the problem? Might not the real problem be that grocery stores, which

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presently carry out the function of supplying food from outside, are failing on the ground? In other words, the more essential issue when considering the sustainability of life on the island is how to maintain the daily food supply. Hitoshi Araki

4 Conclusion In this chapter, the character of the islands as a living space was discussed. From the discussion of Osaki Shimojima, Amami Oshima, and Suo Oshima, it is clear that these islands share a commonality in terms of acceptance of the outside world. The acceptance of the outside world means not only to accept what comes from outside the island but also to take in what is brought to the island and incorporate it into the system of production and life on the island. Mitarai, on the island of Osaki Shimojima, received the crew and passengers and the various goods carried on cargo boats. Mitarai possessed a central place function and formed the Mitarai economic zone. Despite being on an island, Mitarai formed a unique urban landscape and presented it with a remarkable concentration of amusement and wholesale functions. It must have been as lively as the caricature of Hayao Miyazaki’s animation movie, “Spirited Away.” The urban landscape dedicated to amusement is clearly different from that of an ordinary city on the mainland. It is precisely because an island cut off from the mainland is a different world to the people of the mainland that a city like Mitarai was tolerated. Catholicism was a new religion brought to Amami Oshima at the end of the nineteenth century. In the Amami Islands, there were some religions based on ancestral worship, but no religion was recognized and institutionalized by a political power. The Amami Islands were the virgin land of religion and their missionary activities were the same as those in Africa and the South Pacific. The missionary movement expanded like wildfire. Chapels were built in many settlements and church-run schools for girls and hospitals were established. However, in the 1930s, Amami Oshima, where a military fortification had been built, saw widespread ostracism of Catholics. Catholics in Amami Oshima experienced the same kind of suppression as seen in the prohibition during the Edo period. The exclusion of Catholics is not an autogenous phenomenon on the island, but rather a product of the nationalistic ideology on the Japanese mainland. Amami Oshima was tossed about by the ideology from across the sea, whether Catholic or militaristic. Suo Oshima has been dependent on external forces, especially the mainland, for food supplies since the modern times. Many islands in the Seto Inland Sea have developed non-agricultural sectors such as shipping, fishing, and cotton weaving, and many of them have had excessive populations. After the Meiji Era, the economy of the islands was partly supported by remittances from the immigrants to Hawaii and the U.S. mainland, and partly by the income from the migrant workers to Manila, as discussed in the Chap. 4. In other words, until then, self-sufficiency in the islands

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on the Seto Inland Sea was not an important survival strategy as food was supposed to be supplied from outside. At present, almost all the islands are dependent on external sources for food and consumer goods. This does not mean, however, that the economic base of the islands is weakening. Islands are by nature dependent on external supplies. The three examples discussed in this chapter illustrate the existence of open channels on the islands. In the Amami Islands, flotsam is prized as a yurimun in dialect. Yurimun is unique concept to the islands, and means that they stimulate and enrich island life. Therefore, they are rarely excluded from the island. The supply of goods and the acceptance of innovation from outside the island were essential to its continued existence. Is this acceptance of goods and things from the outside world an essential part of the island character or insularity? In today’s world, there is no such understanding of an island as a region without any negotiation with the outside world. In that context, it cannot be said that association with other regions is a peculiar characteristic of islands. However, when an island is associated with the outside world, especially with the mainland, a context of domination and subjugation is formed. The islands are often on the subjugation side, and in extreme cases, they are even oppressed, as in the case of the Catholics of Amami Oshima. On the one hand, there is a sense of gratitude for yurimun, but it is anchored in the hierarchical relationship between the mainland and the island. Acceptance of various things that come from outside means that the island accepts a hierarchical order. Satoshi Suyama

References Araki H (2015) Sustainability of remote islands form the view point of food supply. In: Proceedings of the general meeting of the Association of Japanese Geographers, No 87. Nihon University, Tokyo, 28–30 March 2015 Aso T (2011) Exclusion of catholics on Amami Oshima in the 1930’s and the formation of “landscapes of exclusion.” Jpn J Hum Geog 63(1):22–41. https://doi.org/10.4200/jjhg.63.1_22 Aso T (2016) The landscapes of exclusion concerning Christian groups in modern Japan: The case of two incidents in the 1930’s. E-J GEO 11(1):219–243. https://doi.org/10.4157/ejgeo.11.219 Aso T (2018) Kagoshima ken Amami Oshima no katorikku to chiiki shakai: Sono memagurushii sogo kankei no henka (Catholic and community: Changes of their interaction). In: Hiraoka A, Suyama S et al (eds) Rito kenkyu VI (Research into people, life and industry of the Japanese islands VI). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 175–188 Fujita H (1993) Toshi no ronri (Logic of cities). Chuo Kouron Sha, Tokyo Goto Y (1962) Setouchi Mitarai minato no rekishi (History of Mitarai Port in Setouchi). Committee to Compile the History of Mitarai, Yutaka Hirayama K (2007) A background of the abolishment of Oshima Girls’ High School: A movement to change the system and the founder of Amami Girls’ High School. Bulletin of Kagoshima Junshin Junior College 37:25–53 Iwama N (2011) Food deserts: the product of indifferent societies. Norin Tokei Kyokai, Tokyo Iwama N (2017) Food desert issues in city centers: the actural condition of urban food deserts due to reduction of social capital. Norin Tokei Kyokai, Tokyo

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Kato H (2009) Osaki Shimojima Mitarai ni okeru hanamachi no keikan to seikatsu (Landscape and life in hanamachi in Mitarai, Osaki Shimojima). Field Stud Hist Geogr 13:101–111 Miyamoto T, Okamoto S (1982) Towa choshi (Chorography of Towa Town). Kinki Nihon Tourist Kanko Bunka Kenkyusho, Tokyo Miyashita M (1999) Seidou no Hinomaru (Hinomaru on a cathedral). Nampo Shinsha, Kagoshima Ponting C (1991) A green history of the world. Sinclair-Stevenson Limited, London Shimizu K (2009) Kaisen kikouchi Mitarai cho no hanei to sono nagori (The prosperity of Mitarai Port Town and its Remnants). Field Studies of Historical Geography 13:77–100 Tanizawa A (1991) Setouchi no machinami: Minato machi keisei no kenkyu (Townscape of Setouchi: Research of the port town development). Miraisha, Tokyo Yutaka Cho Kyoiku Iinkai (2000) Yutaka choshi (History of Yutaka Town). Yutaka Town Board of Education, Yutaka

Production Space on Islands Go Fujinaga, Kohei Oro, Masakazu Yamauchi, and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This chapter focuses on the production base of the islands. On the three islands discussed here, sustainable primary industries have been developed by skillfully combining local resources. Section 1 examines the subsistence production activities on Kikai-jima. Inhabitants sensitively recognize the diversity of the environment: from the plateau to the coral reef. Moreover, they have constructed subsistence bases by skillfully combining resources. Section 2 analyzes beef cattle breeding based on traditional communal pastures in Chiburi-jima. The beef cattle breeding on the island has realized low-cost and labor-saving grazing. However, its management is a sideline to supplement the income of self-employed people. The fisheries on Orono-shima, described in Sect. 3, are the result of the islanders’ decision to stabilize the population and the conservative use of local resources rather than population growth and economic expansion. Due to being a small-scale production base isolated from large markets, islands are not suitable for commercial production. However, the islanders have a deep understanding of the diversity of the island’s environments, which helped them acquire various products and construct a sustainable production base. Small scale, diverse, and complex resources are the source of islands’ sustainability. Keywords Sustainability · Self-sufficiency · Production · Makihata paddocks · Small-scale commercial fishery · Combination of resources

G. Fujinaga Faculty of Human Sciences, Seinan Gakuin University, Fukuoka 814-8511, Japan e-mail: [email protected] K. Oro Faculty of Economics, Oita University, Oita 870-1192, Japan e-mail: [email protected] M. Yamauchi Faculty of Education and Integrated Arts and Sciences, Waseda University, Tokyo 169-8050, Japan e-mail: [email protected] S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_7

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1 Life Spaces and Utilizing Environment on Kikai-Jima in the 1930s and 1940s 1.1 Kikai-Jima Overview Kikai-jima (the suffix -jima means island) in Kagoshima prefecture is a remote island formed due to elevated coral reef (Fig. 1). Currently, its main industry is the agricultural production of sugar cane; however, in the past, a variety of crops were grown and livestock was also raised in each house. People in coastal villages would also often engage in fishing, known as okazu-tori (food-gathering activities). Additionally, fuel, fertilizer, animal feed, and construction materials were procured as necessary by various other tradesmen for use in different aspects of daily life. These activities, including the minor subsistence ones, were complex in nature. In this section, by examining the connection between these livelihoods and place, we will use the settlement of Aden on the island of Kikai-jima to consider how people use their surrounding environment and how they developed a life space in the 1930s and 1940s. Interviews were conducted with men born in 1923, 1926, 1930, and 1932.

1.2 Content and Spaces of Various Subsistence Activities in Aden The western side of Kikai-jima has a gentle, terraced terrain, but the eastern side has a steep cliff with an approximately 200 m difference in elevation from Hyakunodai Plateau; beneath it stretch long, slender lowlands and beaches with limestone reefs. Aden is located toward the south on the eastern coast of the island (Fig. 1). In 2013, there were 37 households consisting of 84 people living there with an average age of 62.8 years. Prefectural Road Route 619 follows the coast and connects to the major residential areas on the island. A road extending from the north side of the current community center (general education center) acts to divide the center of the hamlet; to the northeast lies Shirumate and to the southwest lies Mete. Within Aden, narrow roads form a mesh and coral stone walls surround the residential area. Figure 2 presents rough information concerning places and spaces in Aden in the 1930s and 1940s, based on aerial photography from the U.S. military in 1947 and interviews. At the boundary of Aden and Gamou to the southwest are Wiichida, Taccha, and Ichiyama in koaza (subdivision names of small places in a hamlet). There is a large rock on the coast near Ichiyama called Manussadi, which at the time was recognized as a practical boundary between the two settlements. On the other side, on the border with Kadun in the northeast, the upper subsections of the settlement are Ishidinwi and Ichajo, although the people of Aden have also cultivated land even further to the northeast in Kadun-baru. On the northeastern coast of Kadun-baru, a wooden marker called Shirubuttu is used as an indication of the border with Kadun.

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Fig. 1 Kikai-jima site and Aden overview (Sources 1:50,000 topographical map “Kikai-jima” [revised 1997 × 0.35] issued by the G.S.I. Japan and complete map of Kikai-jima 5 [photographed in 1994 and surveyed in 1995 × 0.37] issued by Kikai-cho)

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Fig. 2 Places and spaces related to subsistence activities in Aden (1930s and 1940s) (Note Each place and space of activity has had its approximate location and range indicated based on interviews, and naturally will not be completely accurate. Sources Interviews by author and aerial photograph “USA-M1002-50” [taken by U.S. Army in 1947] issued by the G.S.I. Japan)

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There is arable land to the rear of the settlement, which the people of Aden either called Shima-baru or simply Haru. Additionally, land was dispersed on the plateau and was known as Wi-baru. In other words, from Manussadi in the southwest to Shirubuttu in the northeast—the coastline to the top of the plateau—lies shima as a life space that is Aden’s substantial territory. According to Ishihara (2006), who surveyed Yoro-jima of the Amami Archipelago, the three meanings of shima are (1) the village or hometown to which one belongs to, (2) the entire topographical island, and (3) the life space centered on the village. The Shima used in this text is close in concept to (3), as it refers to the whole living area where various spaces are brought together to procure the necessary food and materials/supplies.

1.2.1

Activities and Spaces Pertaining to Agriculture and Livestock

Precipitation on Kikai-jima exceeds 2,000 mm per year, but because it seeps into the limestone ground, it is difficult to secure water for agricultural endeavors (Kikai Choshi Hensan Iinkai 2000). For this reason, agriculture on Kikai-jima has relied on upland cropping; in particular, in modern times, the island’s economic base has been supported by the cultivation of sugar cane and production of brown sugar. However, the terrain and water conditions vary slightly from hamlet to hamlet and crops other than sugar cane have also been grown for self-sufficiency. As can be seen in Figs. 1 and 2, the arable land in Aden from Shima-baru and Kadun-baru was spread over a narrow, long stretch of lowland between the hamlet and the cliff. Using the springwater below the cliff behind the hamlet for irrigation, it was possible to cultivate rice in fields totaling approximately a quarter of the total area of arable land. Kaichiro Koshirae, who was in Aden at the time, stated that “good agricultural land that would suffice for rice paddy fields accounts for likely less than 30 percent of the total arable land” (Koshirae 1990). Additionally, according to Yatani (1973), who investigated documents inherited in Aden from 1896, among others, Aden had approximately 5 hectares of rice paddies before World War II. The water source was more prominent below the cliff to the southwest, and paddy fields were also concentrated more around that area. Hissa, Fukka, and Ishichinja predominately constituted paddy fields, and the upper half of Hata, Ukumashi, Wiichida, and Ichiyama also had some. Additionally, there were said to be a few paddy fields in nearby places. In the remaining areas of Hiramashi and Arabai to the northeast and the lower half of Hata and Garase to the south, the land cultivated was only used for farming other crops; of these, one-third cultivated sugar cane and the remaining two-thirds were used to raise Japanese sweet potatoes. In other words, half of the land cultivated in Aden was used for Japanese sweet potatoes. As water was scarce, rice cultivation would be expectedly insufficient in the less arable land of Aden; moreover, since sugar cane was a valuable cash crop, it needed to be cultivated, making Japanese sweet potatoes a staple food on which they depended. Fortunately, sweet potatoes grow fast. Also, by using staggered planting times and performing multiple harvests, people could ensure stable food supply.

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Rice cultivation was based on two crops per year. Rice was first planted in midMarch to be harvested at the end of July or early August. Immediately following that, they would start planting rice again and harvest at the end of November. Before planting the rice would come plowing and irrigation, and the soil along the edges of fields would need to be worked and hardened while cycad leaves called tutida were cut and chopped up to be used as fertilizer. These leaves grew not only on the edges of fields but also well up the slopes in Wi-baru. The people of Aden described these slopes as yama (generally means hill or mountain). Some cycads grew there naturally, but since they took root easily, many were planted around Shima-baru; therefore, their number increased. Cycad leaves were also put into paddy fields as markers for sowing seeds and walking paths. Banyan (Ficus microcarpa) was also used as fertilizer. After the banyan on the premises were pruned, their branches were put in the paddy fields. When the leaves rotted and fell, they were pulled up, dried out, and turned into fuel. Broad beans also became valuable green manure. Aden had been using two harvest seasons, but in places with little water, broad beans would be sowed at the end of October and the seeds would be harvested only before the rice was planted in March of the following year; in some cases, leaves and stems were plowed into the fields along the way. In addition, manure from livestock and people was used as compost. In many cases, post-harvest work, such as threshing and drying straw, was undertaken out on the hama (coast) in front of the settlement. Current sugar cane production involves two crops in spring and summer, but in Aden in the 1930s and 1940s there was only a single crop. Planted mainly in early February up to March, the harvest began in December and continued until around March. The harvested sugar cane was taken to the hama by horse. On the hama, a hut for sugar production called sataya was set up, where the sugar cane was processed. The base and walls of the hut were made of piled coral stone collected from the corals that accumulated on the coast due to typhoons and breaking of the coastal reef; an iron bar called a seiranbou was used for this. Horses were used for hauling, and if there were large stones, two to six people would carry them. For beams and pillars, trees such as dekunya (Japanese wild cinnamon: Cinnamomum japonicum) and parahi (sweet viburnum: Viburnum odoratissimum) were grown on the mountains. Roofs were covered with kaya (Japanese pampas grass: Miscanthus sinensis), which was also carried from Wi-baru by horse. In front of the huts, a press with iron gears called kunmanso would be placed, and it was run by a horse tied to a wooden pole. The kunmanso was typically dekunya but sometimes pine. The sugar cane liquid squeezed by this press was boiled and stirred in the hut. The fuel used was mainly made from kaya and cycad leaves, which could be used to easily adjust the heat, and was cut in Wi-baru and Shima-baru. In some cases, sugar cane hakama (dead leaves) was used to start fires. Moreover, alongside the huts, a simple work hut thatched with kaya would be added where, along with stripping and cutting sugar cane leaves, sugar cane and fuel (kaya and cycad leaves) would be placed. When sugar making was completed, the work hut was removed and only the sataya remained. Since sugar making was undertaken at the same time as the sugar cane harvest, sataya were repaired and a working hut was built by New Year’s Day at the latest. Sugar production and shipping would, at most, continue until May.

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At the time of shipping, a wooden barrel known as a hyakkin would be filled with brown sugar, and about two of these (120 kg) would be taken by horses to Somachi. During the 1930s and 1940s in Aden, though they were few in number, on the Mete side, there were at least three sataya alongside the Aden elementary school, one on a personal plot, and seven on the Shirumate side, totaling 11 sataya (Fig. 2). These huts were shared by two different groups of sugar producers: the first was a regional group made up of friends called Magumi (approximately 6–7 people, mainly men), and the second was a familial group called Harouji (approximately 3–4 houses of 6–8 people with 2 couples). The sataya on the Mete side built on personal land were controlled by Magumi. However, the sataya on the Sirumate side were owned by Harouji. Regarding the item “sugar hut sites” in 1927, the historical record known as the record of Aden’s society states that “for payment of rent of the coastal space within the Aden governmental borders … after payment, the past owner of the sugar production hut site will receive the space rent free in perpetuity (omitted)” (Iwakura 1940). In other words, the hama on the Shirumate side was national land, but after payment became part of Aden. The owners of the sugar production hut were like a kind of vested interest; therefore, they used it with the permission of the village. However, the hama was a community shared space, as verified by the phrase, “the space following the sugar production period will be used in compromise” indicating the hama as a shared space for activities other than sugar production was to be maintained. Rush—used as the raw material for tatami mats and other woven mats—was also produced primarily in Tamichi of Wiichida (Fig. 2). Tamichi was a waist-deep swamp that also functioned like a small reservoir. It was a communal space with an area of approximately 5,500 m2 and, around 1935, it was said that about 50 m2 would be given to each house until there was no land remaining (Yatani 1971). The soft rush harvested here after being dried at the hama in July and August was processed at each house. Additionally, taum (Colocasia esculent), a kind of taro, was also grown at Tamichi. Taum was used as an ingredient of taro cakes called umumucchi, which are made at festival held in March each year, and the stem, called fuwai, became a summer food. Wheat, millet, soybeans, sesame seeds, etc. were also grown and soy sauce, miso (soybean paste), sesame oil, etc. were made. In all cases, since they were made to be consumed individually rather than commercially, production amounts were low. In Aden during the 1930s and 1940s, horses were indispensable livestock used for the transportation of goods and most homes had one. Originally, Kikai-jima had a small, native species called the Kikai horse; they were raised in Aden, and in the 1930s and 1940s, cross-breeding with larger species from outside the area seems to have been taking place. Their feed consisted of grasses and banyan leaves that had been cut and taken from Shima-baru. Some people also used the grassy areas between the village and the hama as grazing land for their horses. As for livestock other than horses, most houses had about one pig and five goats. The pigs were fed boiled and crushed sweet potatoes and potato vines, and the goats primarily fed on the grasslands. In Aden, the majority of livestock was produced for subsistence. On special days when there was an event or guests, foodstuffs were split

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at the hama and eaten. Chickens were more often kept for their eggs than their meat. Seven to eight birds could usually be found on a house’s premises, and eggs were sometimes sold within the island.

1.2.2

Activities and Spaces Related to Gathering

The people of Aden used kaya procured from Wi-baru for roofing material and fuel. There were two ways to reach Wi-baru, either by ascending Mete-hira from the Mete side or Shirumate-hira from the Shirumate side (Fig. 2). Mete-hira passes through villages such as Gusuku, leading to the bay at the center of the island, and is used for shopping, among other activities; however, prior to the war, it was too narrow for horses to pass through. Therefore, when going to Wi-baru by horse, the Shirumatehira route was taken. It should be noted that Hira indicates the steep slope that extends from Wi-baru. However, when collecting cycad leaves, this slope was called Yama. In other words, the people of Aden topographically recognized the slope as Hira, but as a space where some sort of subsistence activities such as gathering were performed, it was perceived as Yama. In Wi-baru, the land of neighboring hamlets was mixed and the properties owned by the people of Aden were scattered. Consequently, it was easy for trouble to arise between different settlements over lands and crops and a watchman was installed to oversee disputes. Kaya farms were spread among the majority of land owned by the people of Aden on Kadun-baru, on the northeast side near Shirumate-hanta. “Hanta” means the boundary between Wi-baru and Hira. One informant stated that around 20 kg of kaya would be brought to change the roof of one house by four horses over 7–8 roundtrips to the farm every day of the week, although this number varied depending on the size of the house. In contrast, between Shirumate-hanta on the southwest side and Mete-hanta, although the total area of the land belonging to other settlements was relatively large, the kaya native to embankments seems to have been largely cut and used freely. Horses were used to haul, and during the sugar-producing season, they traveled between Wi-baru and Hama 6–7 times a day. In Kikaijima Aden-mura Tatech¯o, descriptions of Wi-baru’s communal land can be seen for 1928, 1934, and 1898 (Iwakura 1940). However, informants have also stated that Wi-baru was not communal land and kaya was also cut from individually-owned land. In this way, there is a gap between the written description in the record and the informants’ perceptions, and there are many unclear aspects about Wi-baru’s societal position as a common form of resource management involving kaya. However, at least when viewed as a life space, Wi-baru’s position as a whole can be understood to some extent as a place for collecting fuel and materials. Besides Wi-baru, Yama was also an important space for acquiring fuel and other materials. The vegetation of Aden’s Yama covered up to around 70% of the area, including bamboo, dekunya, parahi, cycads, pines, banyans, etc.; additionally, toward the top, there were kaya and sparse cycads. Dekunya and parahi were used as pillars in houses and sugar-making huts; the same dekunya and pines were also used as materials for kunmanso, and cycad leaves were used for fertilizer and fuel.

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As a major fuel, bamboo was not only used in every home but was also an indispensable material used in making baskets, containers, and fishing gear. Furthermore, it was also used for fixing the kaya used in roofs and in various other aspects of life. Notably, there was plenty of high-quality bamboo around Hissa’s Yama while Kadun-baru was said to have had lower quantities. In principle, people procured various fuels and materials from Yama on their own land in this manner; on land borders, coral stones were piled and various markers such as planting cycads were used. In addition, coral stones taken from hama became the material used for stone walls surrounding residences. The people of Aden gathered wild grasses and other flowers everywhere and used them as ingredients. For example, on the embankments in Shima-baru, micchupa (Japanese hornwort: Cryptotaenia canadensis), sunka (Brassica campestris L.), futu (Japanese wormwood: Artemisia indica), etc. were picked, while at Hama, amana (a type of daisy) was picked. However, there seem to have been relatively few wild grasses and flowers that Aden people regularly ate. Besides crops, cycads became an important food item. Cycad nuts of cycads were collected at Shima-baru and Yama as a raw material for miso, and porridge could be made from the starch (Koshirae 1990). Above all, this became a valuable food when the sweet potatoes went bad. Cycads could also be used as fuel; for the people of Aden, it was an important plant that supported their daily lives. As a result, cycads were planted on the field embankments in Shima-baru and at Yama to increase their number to ensure that they would always be available for use.

1.2.3

Activities and Spaces Related to Fishing

On Kikai-jima, catching seafood is referred to as “do isu” (Iwakura 1941); “isu” refers to fishing in general. However, from the 1900s to the 1930s and 1940s, the majority of fishing work on Kikai-jima was undertaken by Itoman fishermen who emigrated from Okinawa, and full-scale fishing performed by the native islanders did not develop (Kataoka 1989; Koshirae 1990). Catching fish, octopus, and shellfish as okazu-tori and self-sufficient fishing activities were fundamental. Figure 3, shows locations of these minor subsistence fishing activities. The prominent parts of the coast, coves, and fissures in the coral rock where complex, intricate reefs are given various place names. Kurudumai is a cove located to the south of the Aden Elementary School and was the only place in Aden where ships could be moored. Before World War II, there were three boats here; of those, two belonged to Aden and one was owned by Gamou hamlet. Although limited to a small section, in the waters near Aden’s coast, they would fish from boats using three harpoons to “sara isu” (spearfish for Spanish mackerel) from March to October (Iwakura 1941; Koshirae 1990). These sara (Japanese Spanish mackerel: Scomberomorus niphonius) were distributed to everyone to use at home. As you can tell from the names Nanbana, Fonbana, and Nashinbana, the name hana (that converts in longer names to ~bana) indicates a part of the coastline that

190 Fig. 3 Places related to traditional fishing activities in Aden (1930 and 1940s) (Note Since fundamentally the coastal landforms have not changed significantly since the early Showa period, this is based on recent aerial photography with sharper images. Also, each place of activity has had its approximate location and range indicated based on interviews, and naturally will not be completely accurate. Sources Interviews by author, aerial photograph “KU-90-5X-C10-5” [taken in 1990] issued by G.S.I. Japan and Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport)

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protrudes into the sea. Kubi is right at the entrance of Kurudumai, and the terrain is made up of coral rocks that jut out to either side. Yareransa, Yundi, and Nasachi face the sea as if they are bulging out into it. In these places, gai (crab) and small fish are caught using bait and bamboo rods. Fishing is an important means of securing food and, simultaneously, serves as a form of relaxing entertainment for young people and children. In contrast, Sube, Ussachi, Tuduruchi, etc. catch fish using nets called uchiami and goami in coves and coral rock crevices. Uchiami nets are approximately 5–10 m long, with a net length of 1.5–2.5 m; a float at the top is attached to a stone weight at the bottom. Goami are nets with an ovoid bamboo ring about 30–60 cm in diameter. Uchiami are used for coves and broad furrows and goami are used for narrower furrows. To place the nets, a rope made from the fibers of the skin of banyan tree roots and yuna (Sea hibiscus: Talipariti tiliaceum) is twisted. The main prey are irabuchi (Japanese parrotfish: Calotomus japonicus) and ibi (Japanese spiny lobster: Panulirus) caught at night as the water rises during high tide. The nets are set during low tide around noon. On the following day, they wait for the tide to rise and pluck out the nets. Nets were set up freely, but as a rule, only one net would be set per inlet. Apart from this, various small fish, like fusuku (Striated surgeonfish: Ctenochaetus striatus) were cought from land. In relatively large cracks and inlets on the reef, there were also those who used a type of night fishing called wariyabushi to try and catch bigger fish, such as nibari (Groupers: Epinephelinae) and hachi (Large parrotfish). They prepared a thick bamboo pole using small fish, squid, or gai legs for bait and cast in the night to catch fish. Additionally, in Yarera, Tagama, etc., they used an ao (cylindrical bamboo fishing basket) to catch fish. In these places, there was a shallow spot in a cave of about 20 m connecting with the open sea, and since the flow of the seawater was relatively calm, the ao was easy to put in place. In Aden, a myriad of seafood was caught along the seacoast and shore. In particular, fumui (tide pools) were places where women could easily and safely catch fish with their children. Around March and April, micchai (Blue pimpernel: Anagallis foemina) was picked from around the fields in Shima-baru and ground with a mortar, and the liquid produced could be poured into the fumui to poison the fish. In the ledger for 1897, there is a statement concerning banning the poisoning of fish. However, at the seasonal festival held on March 3, 1897, there is a legend that if you do not cook and eat seafood that day, you will go deaf, and the poisoning of fish for catching was permitted only on this day (Iwakura 1940). From around October to November, at night, harpoons would be used to spear muttubi (Mudskipper: Periophthalmus) sleeping in the fumui. In the early mornings of winter, fumui with cold water would cause the fish to move slowly, and they could be caught with a sadi (dip net). Further, women would catch gai using a keja (iron hook). Squid tentacles would be attached to the ends of these keja, and it was said that they would lure out the gai by whistling, only to catch them when they came out of a hole or crack. Children would catch subi (a kind of cowry: Cypraeaidae) in the fumui and boil and eat them, using the shells to play marbles afterward. Further, innyumigaya (Haliotis varia), kunma (Acanthopleura japonica), tukkami (Silver-mouth turban: Turbo argyrostomus Linnaeus), etc.

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were used as ingredients in dishes; these were captured by older women with a certain level of skill. Aden’s fishing activities included diverse methods, such as octopus fishing using a to-keja (iron hook for octopuses) in fumui or on the coast, spearing sleeping hachi at night using a hachi-idai or a three-pronged harpoon in somewhat deep inlets like Ussachi and Sube, catching small fish while swimming along the coast using tungaiisu (catching fish while treading water) in summer, and picking asa (Sea lettuce: Ulva) from the reefs. Unlike the mainland on Kikai-jima, where hunting was not undertaken because there were few small animals, seafood was a valuable source of protein, and most fish were caught for that day’s “Okazu” (side dish).

1.2.4

Activities and Spaces Related to Salt Production

In Aden, the salt industry reached its peak in July and August of each year when sugar production was completed. The salt fields were artificially flooded above the high-tide mark, and were primarily constructed around the sataya on the hama. This was done because horses would be used to press the sugar cane in front of the sataya, and their footsteps would leave a slightly concave imprint that was suitable for salt fields. People would also walk around the sataya. Therefore, the distribution of salt fields almost overlapped with the hama’s sataya (Fig. 2). Salt making differs from sugar making and involves small groups of one or two people working together. On the northeast end of Kadun-baru, the people would carry in sand from the hama directly beneath the spot where the shirubuttu stood and expand it into a square approximately 10 m in length per side. Here they would draw seawater, pour it onto the sand, and let it dry. This process would be repeated several times, and the highly concentrated saltwater would come out through a downspout under the salt field to be stored in a tub; it would then be boiled down to just table salt. The fuel was bamboo and cycad leaves taken from Yama and Shima-baru, along with banyan branches from home. The resulting salt would be exchanged for money and food at Onotsu and Shitooke, and other similar places.

1.3 Life Space and Utilizing the Environment in Aden As can be understood from the chapter thus far, the people of Aden focused on agriculture while developing interwoven subsistence activities that combined gathering from the plateau and slopes behind the settlement and the seacoast and shore in front, along with fishing and other activities. These subsistence activities depict the actual manner in which people worked in relation to their environment to procure the food and materials necessary for their daily lives. Figure 4 illustrates the arrangement of Aden’s life spaces in terms of the relationship between making use of the environment and the work undertaken daily. The spaces are each arranged from the central places of residence and the foundation of life—shima (village)—to Shima-baru in the

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Fig. 4 Composition of life spaces from the perspective of Aden’s subsistence activities (1930s and 1940s)

northwest (continuing to Kadun-baru in the northeast) with Yama and the Wi-baru and to the southeast with the hama (coast) and the umi (sea). Shima-baru and Kadun-baru cultivated the land that spread between the shima (village) and Yama, and this space was important for producing foods such as rice, wheat, and sweet potatoes, as well as commercial crops like sugar cane. At the same time, this space provided a place for collecting cycad leaves (fertilizer and fuel), weeds and flowers (feed for livestock), and various wildflowers (for use in food). Shima-baru, while playing the role of a reservoir, was also a common area for cultivating rush and taum; in other words, Tamichi was also present there. The Yama was a slope extending from Wi-baru where fuel and materials, such as bamboo, dekunya, parahi, pine, and cycad leaves, could be procured. In particular, bamboo used for roofing, along with being processed into various agricultural and fishing tools, was closely intertwined with the lives of the people of Aden. There were several water sources at the foot of the mountain where the water that seeped into the limestone would spring back out and could be used for irrigation. Further, the Yama was topographically recognized as a Hira, and the road on the slope allowed for movement in Wi-baru (between Mete-hira and Shirumate-hira). Wi-baru was a flat plain that spread over the plateau and was mainly a space for collecting kaya. The hama in front of the village was characteristically a public area; its sandy areas became primarily a place where agricultural work was conducted. Salt fields and huts for the production of sugar were also constructed, and they brought with them valuable monetary income. Furthermore, on the coast where the reef stretches out, coral stone was broken off and taken to be used as walls for residences and sugar

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production huts. The hama had various other uses, such as for the butchering of pigs and goats. The hama and umi acted as fishing grounds, and the coast/shore with its hama, inlets, fissures in the reef, fumui, etc. allowed for various fishing methods that allowed fish to be caught and collected to be used as food for self-subsistence. These activities contributing to everyone’s livelihoods developed in each space of the plateau, slope, lowlands, coast, and sea according to the terrain. The people of Aden moved between these areas, making them functionally tied to each as places necessary for living. In other words, the various subsistence activities were organically connected in each of the myriad aspects of life, and this formed a unified life space as a singular system, namely, the structure of the shima.

1.4 Summary Unlike when it became specialized in the sugar cane industry after the war, Aden before the war involved a wide number of subsistence activities that contributed to people’s livelihoods. Aden’s subsistence activities, apart from a small amount of earnings from brown sugar and salt, were based largely on self-sufficiency, and there was a broad, complex system of side and leisurely pastime jobs woven together. At the same time, the supply of materials necessary for living was highly integrated. As Uda (2003) stated, the characteristics of Aden’s complex way of living were understood “as a strategy for getting the maximum out of potential productivity.” In practice, in a situation of extreme isolation on an island with a small usable land area, it was necessary for ensuring a living and to maximize the potential of the environment as a limited resource on the island and use it effectively by combining all activities. Flipping this around, these diverse, complex subsistence activities can be said to have possibly been established as a result of a set of myriad spaces, such as Aden’s plateau, slope, lowlands, coast, and sea. When considering the use of the environment and the life spaces created based on it and the usage regulations and resource management, etc. (local commons and wise use), it is necessary to examine the social relationships and practices inside and outside the village. In the future, the task will be to work toward reconciling the content of the remaining historical materials and actual circumstances of living, including the residents’ actual habits and gaps in perception. Go Fujinaga

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2 Development of Wagyu Cattle Operations in Chiburi-Jima in the Oki Islands 2.1 Introduction When one visits isolated islands far from the Japanese mainland, it is usual to see landscapes with cattle pastures. There are many wagyu cow-calf operations (hereafter, wagyu operations), in which breeding cows are reared and their calves sold, in extremely isolated areas with few employment opportunities. Wagyu is a breed of beef cattle that has been traditionally raised in Japan and is recognized worldwide for the marbling and tenderness of its meat; as a result, wagyu operations have been growing on certain isolated islands in Japan. The research questions underlying this section are “What factors have driven the growth?” and “What are the possibilities offered by the growth for the remote communities under the harsh social and environmental conditions?”. Generally, wagyu operation is exceptional as an agricultural sector in that its location in a remote area has a comparative advantage. First, wagyu operation is an “extensive” land-use industry in which a constant supply of fodder such as grass is important; therefore, it makes sense for such operations to be located in remote areas with significant tracts of unutilized or underutilized land. Second, remoteness from consumer markets is not as disadvantageous for wagyu operations as it is for other agricultural sectors. Unlike dairy products and vegetables, there is no need to maintain freshness of the product, that is, speed and accuracy of distribution are not essential. Calves are traded at auctions held locally either on a monthly basis or several times a year; daily shipment is, therefore, not necessary. Third, wagyu is competitive in the domestic market in terms of meat quality, even under international competition in which tariff cuts continue. The communities in remote areas have long been threatened with rapid population flight and aging since Japan’s high economic growth period. Wagyu operation is one of the very few promising industries in such areas and one that actually benefits from being located in a remote area. Against this background, it is important to discuss the circumstances surrounding its expansion, with a focus on the local communities and resource use. This section focuses on the “household strategy” that individual households, embedded in their local environmental and social circumstances, adopt to make their living. Each household makes its living by combining several income sources, and their attitude to wagyu operations should be interpreted in this context. Furthermore, small communities, such as those on islands and in mountain villages revolve, are centered around close territorial and family networks, and farmers sometimes make use of these in their wagyu operations. This section intends to identify these networks and considers the dynamics of the expansion of wagyu operations and its future. Chiburi-jima in the Oki Islands is the subject of this section. As in other regions, wagyu operations on Chiburi-jima have tended to exist on a small scale, with extensive grazing. On the Oki Islands in particular, there used to be a framework for joint

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land use, known as “makihata,” and the past framework impacts on the current wagyu operations. Chiburi-jima is a suitable example when considering the development of small-scale traditional wagyu operations in a remote area using extensive grazing.

2.2 Community on Chiburi-Jima and Wagyu Cow–Calf Operations Chiburi-jima is an island with a population of 615 people and an area of 13.68 km2 . It is part of the Oki Islands located approximately 50 km off the northeast coast of the Shimane Peninsula in the Sea of Japan; it is the smallest inhabited island in the archipelago and 40% of its population is elderly. As a result, it is only directly connected to the mainland by one ferry a day. There is no high school on the island and almost all children leave at the end of junior high school. It is all but impossible to commute to somewhere off the island, and tourism consists only of visits from keen anglers. Besides wagyu operations, the island’s main industry is fishing, which has been in notable decline in recent years as a result of depletion of fish stocks and poor fish prices. It is impossible to explain wagyu operations in the Oki Islands without mentioning the makihata land-use method or production system, which has a long history, having been practiced from before the medieval times to just after World War II. The makihata (literally, pasture field or grazing field) system received considerable attention from researchers before World War II because of the peculiarity of its land use. According to Mitsuhashi (1969), the makihata system is “crop-grazing rotation agriculture in which there is a rotation between crop production and grazing, with crops being grown in certain seasons and livestock put out to graze in other seasons.” However, more narrowly defined, the term refers to “fields in which the makihata crop-grazing rotation system is carried out.” (Hereafter, makihata in italics will be used to refer to the broad definition, and makihata in orthography will be used to refer to the narrow definition). The makihata system has a four-year cycle in which all the open land on an island is divided into four paddocks by fencing and crop-planting and livestock-grazing are rotated between them. Figure 5 shows the system used on Chiburi-jima with four paddocks Nishi-maki (west paddock), Higashi-maki (east paddock), Naka-maki (middle paddock), and Ijima-maki (island paddock). Each parcel of arable land within the paddocks belongs to an individual household in the same way as with ordinary fields, and each household plants and harvests its own crops independently. However, livestock were grazed across the whole makihata paddock without regard for land ownership rights; that is, everyone on the island held equal grazing rights, with the grazing of draft cattle carried out with the cooperation of everyone on the island. This production system was essential for Chiburi-jima to be food self-sufficient despite having thin topsoil and limited flat land. However, as a result of the spread of the commodity economy in the post-war period, food self-sufficiency became less essential and there was a rapid decline

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Fig. 5 Pastures in Chiburi-jima (Sources Hasegawa 1989 and Chibu Village administrative data)

in subsistence crop production such as wheat and potatoes in makihata paddocks. Crop cultivation therein stopped completely in 1967. Covering around half of the island, the large makihata paddocks became one large common pasture used solely to graze wagyu cattle. The decline of the arable sector was not limited to the makihata paddocks. Figure 6 shows trends in the area under cultivation on Chiburi-jima. Even the fields considered to have high productivity were small and on steep slopes, making it hard to introduce mechanization, and planting stopped on the most inconvenient sites first. Soybeans completely disappeared from the island in 1982, sweet potatoes in 1983, paddy field rice in 1987, and wheat in 1989, with the relevant fields being used to grow fodder instead. Thus, in recent years, agriculture on Chiburi-jima has been carried out by wagyu breeders with no arable interests.

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Fig. 6 Changes in the area of crops in Chiburi-jima (1965–2000) (Source Census of Agriculture and Forestry)

In recent years, wagyu operations on Chiburi-jima have been growing. Although the number of farms has continued to decline gradually, the head of cattle has increased consistently since 1990, with the number of cows per farm, which was below 5 in 1990, standing above 15 in 2010, significantly above the national average. To explain this growth, it is necessary to first outline the characteristics of wagyu operations. First, earnings from wagyu operations are not stable. Calf prices are subject to sharp fluctuations nationwide and because the scale of the market in Chiburi-jima is particularly small, the price there fluctuates by almost 1,000 US dollars per cow depending on small changes in the number of livestock dealers attending the auction. Furthermore, earnings are rendered unstable by technological complexity, including individual cattle management and feeding programs. For example, hundreds of US dollars are lost through failure to monitor the fertility of each cow each month. The death of a calf as a result of disease or a fall while grazing leads to the loss of ten times this amount. Second, it takes a long time for the operation to see a return on capital. Having bought a female calf with the intention of embarking on wagyu operations, the operation must wait at least two years for it to grow to adulthood and produce a calf that is sent to market; no income can be expected from wagyu operations during that time. Third, in addition to essential daily management tasks, such as checking the cows’ fertility and identifying sick animals, immediate action is also required when a calf

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that becomes seriously ill or a cow gives birth. Therefore, wagyu breeders need to be available to respond promptly and flexibly in the place where the cows are being kept.

2.3 Household Strategies of Chiburi-Jima’s Wagyu Operations The growth of wagyu operations in the whole region is an accumulation of changes in production activity in individual households. Therefore, to fully understand the dynamics of the growth, it is necessary to explain the activities of individual farmers. Intensive interviews were carried out with all 36 farmers on Chiburi-jima. Details of individual households with cattle are shown in Table 1, and we investigated what type of household has been behind the expansion in scale. When the aforementioned households are divided into two groups according to the age of the cattle owner, clear differences are visible between the 22 households where the owner is aged 60 or over and the 14 households where the owner is aged below 60 (hereafter, the elderly farmer group and the working-age farmer group, respectively). The far-right column in Table 1 shows the head of cattle being reared by farmers in 1989 and 1998, and the changes in these numbers. All members of the workingage group increased the number of their cattle over the period, with quite a few households displaying large-scale expansion of over 10 or 20 animals. Meanwhile, in the elderly group, although specific households expanded significantly, the majority of households showed little change in either direction. Whereas the overall increase for the elderly group was 40 head of cattle, or 1.9 animals per farm, that for the working-age group was 139 head of cattle or 9.9 animals per farm. There is also a significant difference in the timing of entry into wagyu operations on the part of the two groups. Table 1 shows that around two-thirds of households in the elderly group started breeding in or before 1975, whereas in the working-age group 11 of the 14 households started in 1985 or later. In other words, the sharp expansion in scale has been driven by the working-age group, most of whom have gradually started breeding since the latter half of the 1980s. Large differences can be seen between the elderly and working-age groups in terms of their circumstances, values, and business strategy and the way they define these characteristics. Most of those in the elderly group no longer need to pay their children an allowance and they are able to maintain themselves with their pensions and hobby-scale fishing even when calf prices slump. Furthermore, they are the generation who were involved in cultivation under the makihata system from an early age and who maintained self-sufficiency, rearing two or three heads of cattle even during the turmoil of World War II. Even nowadays, many married couples are rearing cattle together, and they shed many a bitter tear when old age stops them from keeping their beloved cattle. Thus, the elderly group sees “cattle rearing” as part of their lives. They have a strong attachment to it and do not really see factors

Year of start operation

C

75

74

70

70

70

68

66

66

66

66

65

65

64

64

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

B

C

A

C

C

A

C

B

B

C

C

C

A

C

77

Elderly farmer 1 group 2

Fishing

Village councilor, fishing

Fishing

Fishing

Welfare center

Agricultural cooperative

Fishing

None

Fishing

None

N/A

None

N/A

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

None

N/A

Wife

Husband

Householder’s age

Type

No.

Off-farm employment of family members

Households

Table 1 Surveyed farms

◯ ◯ ◯

●

◯

●

2

5

2

3

12

● ◯

4

◯

◯

●

6 2

◯

●

3

●

●

●

4

3

8

4

14

10

6

6

5

20

2

2 18

● ●

2

3

2

2

’98

●

●

N/A

2

4

’89

2

●

●

Others

4

4

6

3

9

9

7

6

17

’05

Number of bleeding cows

●

N/A

● N/A

Wife

Husband

Labor force

2

−2

6

1

2

6

4

0

2

2

0

−1

2

0

−2

’89–’98

Changes

(continued)

0

1

−2

−1

−5

−1

1

0

−5

−3

−2

−2

−2

−2

−2

’98–’05

200 G. Fujinaga et al.

Year of start operation

Working-age farmer group

56

54

54

49

27

28

60

22

26

60

21

25

62

20

57

62

19

24

63

18

59

64

17

23

64

16

B

A

A

A

C

B

A

C

C

C

A

C

C

Agricultural Cooperative

Plasterer

Fishing

Fishing

Petrol provider

Propane gas provider

N/A

Carpenter

Village councilor

N/A

None

None

Fishing

None

None

None

Part-timer

None

N/A

None

None

None

None

Guest house

None

None

Wife

Husband

Householder’s age

Type

No.

Off-farm employment of family members

Households

Table 1 (continued)

●

●

◯

●

◯

◯

●

●

◯

●

5

4

10

7

3

● N/A

●

N/A

2

●

◯

3

6

27

7

’89

●

◯friend

Others

11

14

3

7

39

25

4

3

4

3

5

41

6

’98

10

23

13

40

2

6

3

4

37

8

’05

Number of bleeding cows

●

N/A

●

●

◯ ●

Wife

Husband

Labor force

6

10

3

7

29

18

1

1

1

−3

5

14

−1

’89–’98

Changes

(continued)

−1

9

−3

6

1

−25

−2

−3

2

0

−1

−4

2

’98–’05

Production Space on Islands 201

Year of start operation

48

47

47

44

42

41

34

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

A

Commerce association

None

None

Local medical office

Waste processing

Fishery cooperative

Tatami mat craftsman, fishing

None

Ferry Ferry terminal staff terminal staff

Plasterer

Agricultural Cooperative

Carpenter

Village officer

Carpenter

Plasterer

2 15

◯brother ◯part-timer

◯

●

9

●

3

9

6

’98

2

27

17

13

20

◯

2

2

’89

●

◯mother

Others

5

◯

Wife

7

46

39

13

47

1

12

9

’05

Number of bleeding cows

◯

◯

●

Husband

Labor force

2

12

15

4

17

5

7

4

’89–’98

Changes

5

19

22

0

27

−4

3

3

’98–’05

Notes Year of starting operation A = after 1985, B = 1975–1984, C = before 1974 Labor force on farm ●: work on farm daily ◯: work on farm more than tridaily (less than daily). Sources Chibu Village Village administrative data and interview by author in 1999 and 2006

48

29

Wife

Husband

Householder’s age

Type

No.

Off-farm employment of family members

Households

Table 1 (continued)

202 G. Fujinaga et al.

Production Space on Islands

203

such as low calf prices or the need for detailed individual management as reasons for pulling out. However, they do have little intention to expand to a significant degree, and their attitude is that they will continue rearing cattle as they have in the past as long as they have the physical capacity and will to do so. In contrast, very few of the generations of islanders who were born after the 1940s have experience of the makihata system. These generations are mainly at the stage of supporting a family and almost all have given up on subsistence farming that does not generate a cash income and wagyu cattle, for which prices were in a slump. They took up other employment on the island, including in the local government, agricultural cooperatives, and the construction industry. Others went into the carpentry, plastering, or the fishing industries, which were doing well at the time. This generation forms the working-age farmer group. Notably, while they lack a strong attachment to “cattle rearing,” they do have sharp minds for business, awareness of payment for their labor, and a focus on profitability. For them, the increased attractiveness of wagyu operations as a business, which was a result of the sharp rise in calf prices in the second half of the 1980s, was a direct trigger for beginning or expanding such operations. However, wagyu operation is currently only carried out by a limited subset of the island’s households headed by someone under age 60. First, no farmers are engaged in wagyu operation full time. Most of the working-age farmers have to bear the cost of raising children and are, thus, in need of a stable income as wagyu operations involve sharp fluctuations in earnings and no expected income for the first two years. Therefore, the risk associated with giving up their current occupation to return to their home village and start or expand as full-time wagyu breeders is too great. As a result, all members of the current working-age farmer group are farmers whose main livelihood is employment in another industry. In addition, few of these farmers are committed to regular working hours such as in civil engineering or in a public service industry such as the local government. Because wagyu operations require flexible and prompt attention to the tasks involved in rearing cattle, anyone intending to run it as a side business will find it difficult unless their main profession is in an industry where business trips off the island are rare and some flexibility with hours and holidays is provided. Therefore, the working-age farmer group basically consisted only of households rearing wagyu cattle in combination with work such as self-employed builder or plasterer, dealer in gas or gasoline, or fisherman (Fig. 1). The fact that there was rapid growth in entry into wagyu operations or in the expansion of such operations by the working-age farmer group is largely attributable to the livelihood-related factor—that is, their intention to compensate a slump in their main profession with income from wagyu cattle. The main professions of such farmers (gas and gasoline sales, carpentry, plastering, etc.) have been experiencing a gradual decline in demand as the island’s population continues to fall and age. The decline in the fishing industry has already been mentioned. With a lack of other employment opportunities, as calf prices rose, wagyu operations surfaced as an attractive business sector.

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2.4 Production System that Enabled the Expansion What type of resource use and production method facilitated the entry into, or expansion within, wagyu operations achieved by the group of farmers with this household strategy? Our discussion focuses on feed procurement methods as a factor that enabled the expansion of wagyu operations on Chiburi-jima. On the island, cattle are reared on pasture in the summer but are brought inside and fed on hay and other fodder in the winter when there is not enough grass for grazing. Therefore, having focused on common grazing land in the summer and procurement of fodder for winter quarters, we first examine the rapid increase in individual grazing plots in recent years as a result of the new use of fields in which fodder was formerly grown.

2.4.1

Maximum Utilization of Common Grazing Land

The common grazing land that has survived as a legacy of the makihata system based on the harsh ecological and socioeconomic conditions on Chiburi-jima covers half of the surface area of the island and represents an extremely important source of fodder in the summer. This source currently facilitates the entry of farmers into cattle rearing and their expansion of such operations due to the following three factors. First, conditions for usage of the common grazing land are extremely beneficial for farmers poor in terms of sources of fodder. According to customs dating from the era of the makihata system, all households on the island have equal grazing rights, regardless of location, profession, years lived on the island, or ownership/non-ownership of land. In addition, because regulations regarding the paddocks previously used for rotation have all but disappeared, farmers can graze as many cows for as long as they like, and in whatever paddock they like. In addition to the continued existence of these beneficial usage conditions, fees for using the grazing land are only 20 US dollars per annum per head of cattle. Considering that the average usage fee for common grazing land nationwide is around 2 US dollars per day, this is extremely cheap. Generally, to completely supply one’s own fodder needs, approximately 1 hectare of grazing land per head of cattle is required; even when cattle are kept inside all year, 0.3 hectares of field are required per head of cattle to grow fodder. Farmers intending to increase the head of cattle being reared by expanding their land would need to procure a large amount of land on a small island; this implies that rapid expansion in scale is impossible. Second, the common grazing land is maintained by government subsidy and the farmers using it bear no costs. As previously mentioned, although parcels of the makihata paddocks are owned by individual households, these are loaned to the village free of charge on a semi-permanent basis and their maintenance and management is entrusted to an agricultural cooperative. The agricultural cooperative takes on the grazing land and fully maintains it. Most of the maintenance and enhancement tasks for the common grazing land such as repair of paddock fences and removal of excessive scrub, which used to be entrusted to the communal efforts of all the

Production Space on Islands

205

farmers, have been replaced by large-scale maintenance by the authorities with the intention of promoting livestock rearing. Figure 5 shows the locations where grassland improvement has been carried out by subsidy of the national or prefectural government. The grassland is improved and new facilities such as tracks and fencing are installed using these subsidies, which would otherwise cost several hundreds of thousands of US dollars a year. However, the cost to individual farmers using the grazing land is zero, with the village bearing the full cost. Annual maintenance of the fodder base essential to wagyu operations is, therefore, completely external to the individual operations. Third, there is excess grassland, with the head of cattle grazed on the communal pasture being considerably lower than its carrying capacity. As grassland improvement on the common grazing land has progressed, excess carrying capacity has continued to exist. Under a usage system that allows anybody to graze any head of cattle, individual farmers have been able to enter wagyu operations or expand the scale of their operations without any consideration of limitations in terms of fodder base. In addition to these favorable conditions regarding the procurement of fodder, communal grazing land has also played a significant role in terms of a significant reduction in labor input. Grazing is a labor-saving rearing method. Unlike rearing cattle inside, there is no need for disposal of manure or feeding, and basic management can be achieved by merely checking on the cows in the morning and evening. It was, therefore, a suitable rearing method in terms of the strategies of the working-age farmer group—who are aiming to expand with limited labor input—and the elderly farmer group, who are hoping to continue rearing cattle even as old age reduces their capacity for physical labor. In recent years, to make maximum use of the grazing land, many farmers have introduced the initiative of increasing the period of summer grazing on common pasture as much as possible and decreasing the winter period inside to around 100 days.

2.4.2

Purchasing Winter Fodder

Farmers must individually secure fodder for the whole winter period spent inside, during which it is not possible to rely on grazing. In 1985, this requirement could be met by fodder grown on the island. As already shown in Fig. 6, the island’s arable fields had rapidly come to be planted with fodder crops instead of subsistence crops and, on the assumption that the area of fodder field needed to rear one cow for 120 days is 0.1 hectare, the island was more or less in a position to supply itself at that time. However, the production of fodder requires sowing, fertilizing, and harvesting. In particular, a considerable amount of time and effort is required to harvest grass, and that labor time must be concentrated during the day. Grass must be harvested in sunny weather to keep it dry and the task cannot easily be completed by putting in hours at the weekend. For the working-age farmer group who has other main professions with

206

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significant time constraints, supplying their own winter fodder entails a fairly heavy burden. For them, buying fodder produced overseas became an attractive option. Meanwhile, because the elderly farmers are almost completely specializing in wagyu operations, it is more logical for them to invest labor into supplying their own fodder. Moreover, having experienced the makihata system, the elderly farmer group is emotionally resistant to letting the fields that were so valuable at that time become overgrown. Therefore, they are willing to put in the work involved in fodder production to maintain the arable land. As this group has retired, the abandonment of cultivation of the fodder fields has been noticeable. The area planted with fodder crops halved (Fig. 6) in the ten years after 1985 and wilderness can be seen everywhere on the island. To summarize, the working-age farmer group achieved expansion in scale as a result of resource use and labor input (i) in which they make maximum use of communal grazing land, allowing them to enjoy a large source of fodder with the input of only a small amount of money and labor, and (ii), in which they dispense with labor-intensive production of fodder in favor of actively buying it for the period when the cattle are inside in the winter.

2.4.3

The Switch from Fodder Fields to Individual Grazing Plots

The term “individual grazing plots” refers to the arable fields outside the communal grazing land that are converted by individual farmers into small grazing areas enclosed by fences. Such grazing areas are a means of fodder procurement that increased rapidly in the 1980s. Hasegawa (1989) reported upwards of 30 such individual grazing plots on the island in 1988. The author’s 1998 survey revealed that there were upwards of 70 such plots on the western side of the island alone, with an area of upwards of 30 hectares, underlining the fact that individual grazing plots had increased rapidly since the 1980s. In many cases a farm uses multiple individual grazing plots, but they are not used for long-term grazing as the average area per plot is just below 0.4 hectares. Individual grazing plots are important in farmers’ household strategies for the following two reasons. First, they enable grazing time to be extended. Individual grazing plots are found in comparatively low-lying locations and are highly productive. Therefore, even in the winter after the grass in the communal grazing land has gone, the use of the individual grazing plots for a short while allows grazing with low labor input to continue, facilitating a reduction in the length of time spent inside. Second, they enable intensive individual management while still using the grazing format. Cows who are becoming ill, cows about to calve, and calves soon to be sent to the market require short-term intensive monitoring. Previously, they were brought from the communal grazing land into the cowshed for intensive monitoring. However, the task can be achieved by just moving them to a nearby individual grazing plot, greatly reducing the labor involved. The background to the rapid increase in individual grazing plots is the disappearance of even fodder as a crop in the fields. Subsequently, a trend appeared for them to be enclosed with fencing and used as individual grazing plots. A desire on the part

Production Space on Islands

207

of the land owners to maintain it as arable land contributed deeply to this conversion in land use, as did the close communal and familial relationships that crisscross the island. To avoid the field from becoming deserted, the island’s landowners, one by one, rented their arable fields as individual grazing plots to farmers rearing cattle at no cost and via verbal contracts. When renting out their land, they prioritized close relatives such as cousins, in-laws, or siblings as tenants. However, if no relative wants to use the land because of its poor condition, it is rented out to unrelated farmers, again free of charge. In this case, while priority would be given to those with a particular friendship connection, in principle, any farmer could rent it, even without any such connection. There are strong relationships of mutual trust within the small island community and a strong common understanding that the more livestock farmers there are, the smaller the burden of shared tasks such as sending cows to market and fence repair. Therefore, there is a notable attitude of cooperation, even with unrelated farmers, including the renting of unused resources in the shape of land and cowsheds. Overall, more than 30% of the land is rented from close relatives, but the proportion procured from unrelated households has also reached almost 30%; that is, three-quarters of the individual grazing plot acreage in use on the island is land rented from unrelated parties (Fig. 7). Thus, many farmers on Chiburi-jima have made active use of the existence of close social connections to achieve low-cost fodder procurement with low labor input in a short period of time.

Fig. 7 Farms’ individual grazing plots and its landowner (Notes 1. Farms in the western villages are not surveyed [Farms 2, 3, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 22, 36]. 2. Four farms do not use individual grazing plots [Farms 23, 30, 31, 35]. 3. “Close relatives” include parents, grandparents, siblings, uncles/aunts and cousins. 4. “Distant relatives” means relatives other than “close relatives.” 5. Thick-frame boxes in each individual farm indicates plots of land. Source Interviews by author in 1999)

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2.5 Summary The expansion in wagyu operations on Chiburi-jima since the second half of the 1980s is attributable to the entry of and expansion by the island’s self-employed fisherman, carpenters, plasterers, and so on as a secondary source of income to make a living. Currently, wagyu operation is an important industry for the local community in that it supports the livelihood of the numerous self-employed islanders in industries that seem destined to decline. These breeders built up an efficient production system within a short time. They did this by (i) making maximum use of the legacy of the community grazing framework for land usage and (ii) using close social connections to mobilize the island’s land resources in the rearing of wagyu cattle and by employing many new ideas in fodder procurement and rearing methods. As a result, wagyu operations in Chiburi-jima have overwhelmingly lower costs and labor input than the intensive shed-rearing operations on the mainland. However, the current production system is based on many assumptions about external conditions, and the fact that these may change in the future must be borne in mind. The common grazing land is maintained by many subsidized businesses and there will be a cost to maintaining the grazing land if these subsidies disappear. Furthermore, the ongoing purchase of imported fodder by present-day farmers in the winter is supported by the uncertain assumption that it is possible to secure sufficient earnings from wagyu operations even when fodder is bought because it is comparatively cheaper. In addition, in the medium to long term, there is likely to be a lack of new selfemployed businesspeople capable of taking up wagyu operations as an additional profession. The expansion of wagyu operations in Chiburi-jima was led by households engaged in the fishing industry, carpentry, and plastering, among others, in which it is easy to set working hours based on one’s own discretion. However, in recent years, these industries have been on the decline. The only option for young people returning to the village is to take up employment in sectors supported by government spending with regular working hours such as working for the government, agricultural cooperatives, fishing cooperatives, or the post office. Maintenance of the current number of households that rear cattle will be hard without the active entry of such people employed in public service industries and civil engineering. However, considering that both daily monitoring and urgent ad hoc tasks are essential to breeding operations, it is currently hard to imagine large-scale participation from wage-labor sectors where working hours are not flexible. In addition, such workers will have little need to participate in the livestock industry to make a living because they already have a comparatively stable high income. In view of this, with its current status as the source of an additional income for many households in Chiburi-jima, it is possible that wagyu operations lose their significance for local people after the generation that is currently supporting it retires. Assuming a future outlook for wagyu operations wherein it is actively pursued in this region, it may not follow the same trajectory as the existing business strategies

Production Space on Islands

209

or production systems. It may instead, for example, take on the format of corporate business using an employed workforce with upwards of a 100 cattle per farm or contract grazing land run by the village. Looking ahead, it is necessary to take note of how wagyu operations are able to re-root themselves in Chiburi-jima. Kohei Oro

3 Small-Scale Commercial Fisheries and the Sustainable Communities of Orono-Shima 3.1 Introduction The population of Japan increased after World War II. In 1955, ten years after World War II ended, Japan’s population was 90.077 million; by 2010, it had increased by 42% and reached 128.057 million. When we look at the regional population changes during this period, the population growth rate was significantly high in large cities, whereas it was low or negative in small- and medium-sized cities and rural areas. In particular, mountainous areas and islands experienced a steep population decline. For example, of the 258 islands that fall under the Remote Islands Development Act of 2016, the population declined by 62% between 1955 and 2010 on 250 islands, based on available data. As shown above, islands have been experiencing population decline for decades. However, the mechanism of population decline has changed drastically. In the 1960s and 1970s, population decline was caused mainly by negative net-migration rates whereas the young population with high fertility rates ensured positive rates of natural increase. The number of out-migrants, mostly young people moving to cities in search of employment, tended to considerably exceed that of in-migrants. After the 1990s, population decline was caused not only by negative rates of net migration but also by negative rates of natural increase. The number of deaths tended to exceed that of births, and this gap widened as the older population with low fertility rates became more considerable. In the 2010s, Japan’s population began to decline, which is expected to continue (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research 2017). It is difficult to pursue population expansion and economic growth in all areas under such circumstances. Therefore, it is important for islands to develop strategies to build a sustainable relationship between population reproduction and the effective use of local resources for the economy. According to Suyama (2003), who classified 259 Japanese islands based on their socio-economic characteristics, many of the islands whose economic bases were comprised of small-scale fishing, agriculture, and tourism were self-reliant by making use of their local environmental resources. In addition, some of the islands did not undergo a major population decline after World War II. Table 2 shows the population of those 14 islands in 1995 and 2015 whose population growth rates from 1955 to

210 Table 2 Population changes from 1995 to 2015 for islands with a population growth rate of −20% or more from 1955 to 1995

G. Fujinaga et al. Name

Prefecture

Population 1995

2015

Ie-shima

Hyogo

5,647

2,693

Oshima

Miyagi

4,243

2,522

Ike-shima

Nagasaki

3,543

130

Boze-jima

Hyogo

3,110

2,165

Himaka-jima

Aichi

2,285

1,896

Kozu-shima

Tokyo

2,276

1,891

Watakano-shima

Mie

502

219

To-shima

Tokyo

317

337

Hatsu-shima

Shizuoka

286

333

Mikura-jima

Tokyo

275

335

Orono-shima

Fukuoka

226

192

Naga-shima

Nagasaki

175

116

Uni-jima

Nagasaki

78

64

Wakamiya-jima

Nagasaki

17

14

Sources Yamauchi (2003) and Center for Research and Promotion of Japanese Islands (2019)

1995 were −20% or more. Although there are islands like Ike-shima whose population dramatically decreased as a result of the closure of its coal mine in 2001, there are also islands whose population did not decrease much despite having a population size smaller than 1,000. Orono-shima is one of these islands having approximately maintained its population size since World War II. In this section, I explore the development process of population reproduction and the fishing industry on the island. The goal of this section is to shed light on the current situation and development process of smallscale commercial fishing, which is Orono-shima’s self-reliant economic base, and to discuss their relationship with population reproduction.

3.2 Study Area Orono-shima is located in the Genkai-nada Sea, approximately 40 km from Hakata Port (Fig. 8). The island is 3.3 km in circumference and 0.43 km2 in area. It primarily consists of sloping land with a small flatland in the south of the island. A ferry service connects the island to mainland Japan. Ferries run on a regular basis between the island and Meinohamain Fukuoka City once a day, three days a week, and twice a day, four days a week. The village is on the flatland in the south of the island. It started with 12 people: five households that moved to the island from Nishiura (which is now Nishiura,

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Fig. 8 Location of Orono-shima

Nishi-Ku, Fukuoka City) in mainland Kyushu in 1645 (Takada 1998). Very smallscale farming and fishing were the primary economic base until the 1950s. As will be described later, fishing subsequently developed and is the primary economic base today. According to the 2015 Population Census of Japan, the island had 64 households and 192 residents. The workforce by industry shows that fishers were the most common, accounting for 50.0% of the workforce, followed by school teachers at 19.8% and staff of the regularly operated ferries and power plant at 9.3% (data calculated after excluding the industries that could not be classified). However, school teachers were mostly temporary residents on the island; they would transfer to schools on the mainland after working on the island for a few years. There are limited facilities for public and private service sectors on the island. There is one store where limited daily necessities can be purchased, an elementary school, and a junior high school, but there are no clinics. People living on the island take the ferry to the mainland to visit Fukuoka City when they need to shop for goods other than daily necessities or to see a doctor. Children who wish to pursue higher education after graduating from junior high school need to leave their homes and live near the school in which they enroll.

3.3 Population Changes The population of Orono-shima declined by 15% from 1995 to 2015 (Table 2). A close examination of the population change that took place during this period reveals the following characteristics (Fig. 9). First, population decline was seen in

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Fig. 9 Population pyramid of Orono-shima (1995 and 2015) (Source Population Census of Japan)

both men and women, while it was most considerable in those aged 0–14 years. The population decline of those aged 0–14 years is associated with the considerable population decline of those aged 30–44 years. When we calculated the ratio of those aged 0–14 years to 30–44 years, it was 0.8 for both 1995 and 2015. Second, there are differences in population proportions among different age groups. The population of those aged 15–19 years was particularly small in both 1995 and 2015, and this is due to the pursuit of higher education (e.g., high school). Other differences in population proportions among different age groups, for instance, include the population of men aged 30–34 years being twice that of men aged 35– 39 years in 2015. This was due to the fact that the total population size of the island, which is approximately 200, was small. Third, which is particularly notable among men, is that once people had settled on the island after graduating from school, they tended to continue living there. When we calculated the cohort change ratio for the population of those aged 20–44 years in 1995, the ratio remained at about 1.0. This is because, in most cases, the eldest son of each household on the island settles there, engages in fishing, and starts a family after graduating from high school. In some cases, a man born outside the island and married to a woman born on the island settles there and engages in fishing. Fourth, the population of those aged 20–39 years was small compared to that of those aged 50–69 years in 2015. This suggests that households without a successor are present on the island. As discussed by Yamauchi (2000), although the number of households increased with the growth of the fishing industry by the end of the 1990s, there were households without a successor because the heads of the households grew old without getting married or because their children moved out and started a life in other places, leaving some households only with elderly individuals. The 2015 Population Census of Japan shows that there were several households consisting of only elderly individuals.

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These characteristics suggest that the population reproduction of the island is not in a critical state and that the population is considered to be maintained at a certain level in the future, although it declined recently.

3.4 Profiles of Small-Scale Commercial Fisheries Fishing is a key industry in Orono-shima; in 2017, the fishery production was 819 tons in weight and 3.05 million US dollars in revenue (Fukuoka City 2018). Although details remain unclear as comprehensive data has not been available in recent years, a large part of the fishery production comes from purse seine fishing and gillnet fishing in which young and middle-aged male fishers are engaged, while the rest comes from elderly male and female fishers. For reference, in 1999, purse seine fishing, gillnet fishing, and other fisheries accounted for 49, 43, and 8% of the revenue from fishery production, respectively (Yamauchi 2003). On the island, all young and middle-aged fishers are involved in the joint management of purse seine fishing. Managers responsible for decision-making regarding day-to-day operations are selected based on the consensus of the fishers. Operations take place between May and December. During this period, all young and middleaged male fishers engage in purse seine fishing. The revenue is evenly distributed among the fishers except for a small amount of managerial allowances. Purse seine fishing takes place at night with two fleets for targeting pelagic fish, including horse mackerels, mackerels, and sardines. Each fleet consists of one seine boat and four or five fishing boats that search for schools of fish and transport the caught fish. Fishing grounds are located in the coastal waters of Orono-shima. The caught fish is directly shipped to Fukuoka Fish Market, a large-scale marine products market on the mainland. Gillnet fishing, another major form of fishing, takes place between January and April when it is off-season for purse seine fishing. According to a study conducted in 1999, there were 16 management organizations comprising all young and middleaged male fishers with a few old-aged ones (Yamauchi 2000). Most of them consisted of two to three fishers from two households while there were management organizations that consisted of five fishers from four households and three fishers from one household (father and two sons). The fishers from different households that made up a management organization were related by blood (e.g., brothers, uncles, and nephews). The reason different households make up a management organization is that gillnet fishing on the island requires a workforce of several people. In particular, the process of removing the caught fish from the fishing nets and packing them in boxes requires many people; the wives, children, and elderly parents of the fishers are also often engaged in this work. Although there are differences among management organizations in their fishing revenue, the income gap from gillnet fishing among fishers was small (Yamauchi 2000). Each management organization conducts gillnet fishing with one fishing boat targeting demersal fishes, including flounders and right eye flounders. The fishing

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grounds are located on the coast of Orono-shima. Fish packed in boxes by each management organization are loaded on to a carrier boat owned by the cooperative association for fishing consisting of fishers of the island. They are shipped altogether to Fukuoka Fish Market on the mainland. Elderly male fishers are involved in pole-and-line fishing almost year round. All elderly fishers are self-employed. They engage in fishing in the surrounding waters of Orono-shima on small fishing boats to restrain costs. They each pack the caught fish in boxes and ship them to Meinohama Fish Market using the ferry that connects Orono-shima to Meinohama. Female fishers engage in dive fishing. They wear wet suits and skin dive to catch abalone and horned turbans living in the shallow waters on the coast of Orono-shima. Dive fishing takes place between June and October. Female fishers engaged in dive fishing are all self-employed. The caught shellfish are sold to merchants who visit the island from nearby Ikino-shima to buy them. The amount earned varies widely from person to person.

3.5 Development of Small-Scale Commercial Fisheries and Population Reproduction Fishing engaged by young and middle-aged male fishers—those at the core of Oronoshima’s fishing industry—has undergone gradual changes leading up to what it is today. When looking at these changes, it becomes clear that fishery production has grown as a result of the introduction of new fishing gear, fishing methods, and frequent changes in management organizations (Fig. 10). As far as I was able to confirm, new fishing gear and fishing methods have been introduced several times since the 1950s. For instance, regarding gillnet fishing, fishing nets made with a string much finer than the conventional string were introduced to catch flounder in the early 1980s and fishing nets for catching right eye flounder were introduced the following year. These fishing nets became widely used as a result of innovative fishers giving them a try after learning about them from relatives and acquaintances living outside the island and companies selling fishing gear; subsequently, their use spread to other fishers on the island. Prior to the introduction of purse seine fishing in 1966, independent management organizations that consisted of fishers from some households were engaged in fishing all year round, as is the case with gillnet fishing nowadays. At that time, the catch and production value of fishing was low and fishers were only able to earn a low income. In such a setting, the male fishers on the island came together frequently for discussions about fishing development, and with the recommendation from the local government they decided to introduce purse seine fishing. It was then that a joint management system—in which all young and middle-aged male fishers participate in the management and work, as described in the former sub-section—was adopted. The adoption of this type of management system was reasonable because a large

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Fig. 10 Trends in catches and production values of Orono-shima’s fisheries and development in fishing gear and methods (Source Yamauchi 2003)

Fig. 11 Trends in ratio of average worker’s household income in Fukuoka City to average fishery household income in Orono-shima (Source Yamauchi 2003)

workforce and many fishing boats and facilities were required for the operations and each fisher had limited financial resources. As a result of the introduction of new fishing gear and fishing methods and the restructuring of management organizations, the catch and production value of fishing increased and the fishers were able to earn higher incomes. Figure 11 shows the ratio

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of the average worker’s household income in Fukuoka City to the average fishery household income in Orono-shima. A ratio greater than one indicates that the average worker’s household income in Fukuoka City is higher, while a ratio less than one means that the average fishery household income on the island is higher. The ratios show that the average fishery household income on the island was considerably lower than the average worker’s household income in Fukuoka City in the 1950s and 1960s, while the former gradually exceeded the latter after the 1970s. These high incomes generated by fishing supported the reproduction of fishers. In many cases, the reproduction of fishers takes place as a result of the eldest son of a fisher taking over and engaging in fishing. Although some of them choose occupations other than fishing, the high income provided by fishing is an incentive for the eldest sons to take over (Yamauchi 2000, 2003). In addition, service providers necessary for daily living, including ferries that run on a regular basis and power plants, were gradually developed as they were required for the residents to live a stable life on the island. These service providers not only made life better on the island but also provided employment to the children of the fishers. The combined effect of these changes led to the population reproduction of the island without its population declining drastically.

3.6 Summary In this section, the small island named Orono-shima in the Genkai-nada Sea, whose population size has been approximately consistent after World War II, was taken as an example to investigate the relationship between the development process of fishing and population reproduction. On the island, reproduction of fishers in particular, and the population in general, was achieved as the catches and production values of fishing increased. Fishers realized high incomes as a result of introducing new fishing gear and fishing methods and the flexible restructuring of the management organizations. These proactive and continuous efforts made the island a sustainable society. Population decline began in Japan in the 2010s, and, unlike in the past, it is becoming difficult to pursue population growth and economic expansion in all areas. As in the case of Orono-shima described in this section, building a sustainable society—even with a small population—by making effective use of local resources is a feasible and important direction for development strategies dealing with rural areas, including islands. Masakazu Yamauchi

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4 Conclusion Since the island is surrounded by the sea, the available land area is limited. What we can draw from observations of the production space and production activities on the island is the wisdom of the islanders to make efficient use of the limited resources. The islanders skillfully combine and sustainably use their diverse environments. In other words, environmental diversity, combined subsistence and sustainability, characterize the production space of the island. From the example of Kikai-jima, I found that the islanders discriminate in detail from the plateau at 100 m above sea level to the slope, the coastal plain, the limestone coral reef coast, and the sea. Even for the same coral reef coastline, they distinguish between them by the slightest difference in conditions and by assigning different place names. A settlement is a complex of diverse land resources with different characteristics. By combining them, subsistence/commodity production can be implemented. The carrying capacity is small due to the limited land area available. However, the diversity of products made it possible for them to lead a subsistence lifestyle. In the Oki Islands, including Chiburi-jima, there was a pastoral custom of rotating pasture and cultivation on common land. This practice was a means of efficient cultivation of fields and pastures on the limited land. Beef cattle breeding in Oki Island is now practiced by using the pasture field as a common grazing ground. This reduces the feed cost and enables them to compete with other livestock breeding areas by shipping lightweight calves. However, there are few full-time livestock farmers and many producers combine livestock production with self-employment such as fishing and carpentry. On the island, not only do they combine land resources but also their jobs. Production that depends on a simple land use or a single management is efficient and can be more profitable at scale. However, based on the resource base of the island, a rational combination of small jobs to make a household’s livelihood viable builds an island-like production space. Island life is like marquetry, made up of small parts. It is the sea that offers greater possibilities for the islands as a production space. While land alone does not provide sufficient carrying capacity, the use of marine resources, that is, the combination of fisheries, can diversify island production. In particular, the adoption of new fishing methods and the catch of high quality fish make it possible for even small-scale, self-employed fishermen to earn a high income. Island fisheries products are highly valued in the market due to their new value of freshness, cleanliness, and rarity. Accordingly, the unique advantage of the islands’ ability to combine land and sea should be reevaluated. The islanders are well aware of the fact that the island is a small space. They have continued their production activities on the premise that their resources are limited and that their unregulated use will destroy the resource base. Although sustainability is recognized as a political and economic issue in Japan, a successful model for it can be found on an island off the Japanese mainland. To maintain sustainability, it is necessary to keep production activities at an appropriate scale. The idea of excessive

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production expansion and economic growth is not present on the island. We should learn the wisdom of enjoying “all the happiness we can hold in our hands” from the islands. Satoshi Suyama

References Center for Research and Promotion of Japanese Islands (ed) (2019) Shimadas (Guide for islands in Japan). Center for Research and Promotion of Japanese Islands, Tokyo Fukuoka City (2018) Fukuoka-shi tokeisho dai 56 kai (Heisei 29 nenban) (2017 Statistical handbook of Fukuoka City). Fukuoka Hasegawa T (1989) Oki makihata no henbou. In Ukita N (ed) Nippon no nosangyoson to sono hen-yo. Taimeido, Tokyo, pp 355–370 Ishihara K (2006) Amami Yoro shima no ‘sumai’ to ‘kukan’ (Housing and Space Yoro-shima in Amami). Daiichi Shobo, Tokyo Iwakura I (1940) Kikai-jima Aden mura tatecho. Attic Museum, Tokyo Iwakura I (1941) Kikai-jima gyogyo minzoku. Attic Museum, Tokyo Kataoka C (1989) Amami Oshima to Kikai-jima no Itoman gyogyo (senzenki) (Itoman Fishing (prewar period) on Amami Oshima and Kikai-jima). In: Nakatate K (ed) Nihon ni okeru kaiyomin no sogokenkyu gekan: Itoman-kei gyomin (Comprehensive Study of Maritime People in Japan). Kyushu University Press, Fukuoka, pp 357–379 Kikai Choshi Hensan Iinkai (2000) Kikai choshi (History of Kikai Town). Kikai Koshirae K (1990) Kikai-jima fudoki (Kikai-jima topography). Heibonsha, Tokyo Mitsuhashi T (1969) Oki makihata no rekishiteki kenkyu. Minerva Shobo, Tokyo National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (2017) Population projections for Japan: 2016 to 2065 (Appendix: Auxiliary projections 2066 to 2115). http://www.ipss.go.jp/ppzenkoku/e/zenkoku_e2017/pp_zenkoku2017e.asp. Accessed 28 Mar 2020 Suyama S (2003) Tosho chiiki no keiryoteki chiiki kubun (Typology of Japanese Islands). In: Hiraoka A (ed) Rito kenkyu I (Research into people, life and industry of the Japanese islands I). Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 9–24 Takada S (1998) Genkai-nada ni ikita hitobito (Lives in areas along the coast of the Genkai-nada Sea in Edo Period). Kaichosha, Fukuoka Uda S (2003) An ecological study of the RYOTENBIN household in Otohama, Chiba (Environment and life). Bulletin of the National Museum of Japanese History 105:123–158 Yamauchi M (2000) Fukuoka-ken Orono-shima gyogyo comyuniti niokeru setai saiseisan mekanizumu (The mechanism of household reproduction in the fishing community on Oro Island). Geographical Review of Japan 73A:835–854. https://doi.org/10.4157/grj1984a.73.12_835 Yamauchi M (2003) Orono-shima no jinko iji to gyogyo no jizokusei (Population maintenance and sustainability of fishery in Oroni-shima) In: Hiraoka A (ed) Rito kenkyu I (Research into people, life and industry of Japanese islands I), Kaiseisha, Otsu, pp 167–182 Yatani Y (1971) Michinoshima shakai no kenkyu (2): Kikai-jima oaza Aden kenkyu josetsu (Michinoshima society studies (2): Introduction to Aden, Kikai-jima research). Kwansei Gakuin Sociology Department Studies 22:303–315 Yatani Y (1973) Study of Michinoshima society (3): On the record of Aden mura. Otemon Gakuin University Faculty of Letters Review 7:114–124

Tourism Development in Islands Hisamitsu Miyauchi, Keisuke Matsui, Takehisa Sukeshige, and Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This chapter focuses on three islands that have made a relatively smooth progress in tourism. The population of Zamami-jima has been increasing due to the development of marine leisure activities. Zamami-jima is a successful model of endogenous development. Small businesses arose from the islanders’ cooperation with each other to establish a mechanism to share the income. The World Heritage Tourism in the Goto Islands tells us that the Church, which used to be just an object of local faith, has changed as it has been recognized as having “outstanding and universal value.” Registration as a World Heritage site has allowed for the rediscovery of a faith that had been buried in history. The increase of South Korean tourists in Tsushima Island was brought about by its exquisite location and based on the unstable relationship between Japan and South Korea. The essence of the island’s tourism is to “sell what is not on the mainland.” The source of the island’s tourism resources may be the “island as a strange place.” These resources need to be processed into something that can be understood and consumed by the tourists from the mainland. If the island aspires to tourism development, it needs to accept the outside gaze and separate its tourism resources from the island’s local context. However, there is a great self-contradiction. The identity of the island, which attracts tourists, may be lost by the gaze of outside the island.

H. Miyauchi Faculty of Global and Regional Studies, University of the Ryukyus, Okinawa 903-0213, Japan e-mail: [email protected] K. Matsui Faculty of Life and Environmental Sciences, University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba 305-8577, Japan e-mail: [email protected] T. Sukeshige Faculty of Contemporary Society, Toyama University of International Studies, Toyama 930-1292, Japan e-mail: [email protected] S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_8

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Keywords Marine leisure · Off-islanders · Hidden Christians · Religious tourism · Inbound tourism · Borders

1 Transformation of Zamami-jima Into a Tourist Destination and the Management Style of Marine Leisure Shops 1.1 Introduction Most of the islands in Japan have experienced a significant decrease in population since the 1960s, and the declining birth rate and the aging population is a social problem nowadays. To overcome the situation, many islands strive for regional development by tourism. These islands are attractive places for tourists because of their rich natural environment, unique history, and culture. The Act on the Development of Comprehensive Resort Areas (resort law) of 1987 played a role in the emphasis on the islands as a place of recreation and resort. As more and more tourists came to visit the islands, the traditional industries, such as agriculture and fishing, were structurally transformed into industries centered on tourism. According to Tsuruta (1994), one of the characteristics of tourism geography in Japan is that many studies pursue the formation and development process of individual tourist areas. In other words, the mechanism of island tourism and how the island responds to changes in social and economic conditions is an important research subject. In addition, the trend of tourism operators is an essential factor in the formation and development of tourist areas. In this section, I examine how the island became a tourist destination from various perspectives, taking the case of Zamami-jima (the suffix -jima means island) in Okinawa Prefecture, which has been visited by many tourists since the late 1980s, as an example. I also consider how the island’s tourism industry has changed in response to the social and economic changes of the last 30 years, both in terms of the form of tourism and the management style of tourism operators. Zamami-jima belongs to Zamami Village in Okinawa Prefecture and is located in the East China Sea, approximately 40 km west of Naha City, the prefectural capital (Fig. 1). According to the 2015 Population Census of Japan, it is a small island with 278 households and 564 people living in three settlements on the islands of Zamami, Ama, and Asa. The number of employed persons on the island who are 15 years old and over is 335. Looking by industry, 112 people, the largest number of respondents (33.4%), are involved in “Accommodations, Eating and Drinking Services.” Following this, 46 respondents (13.7%) are engaged in “Living-related and Personal Services and Amusement Services” such as diving instructors. These two tourism-related industries alone make up about half of the employed persons on the island. In other words, Zamami-jima is a tourist island.

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Fig. 1 Zamami-jima

1.2 Conversion to a Tourist Destination of Zamami-jima and Its Factors Zamami-jima had been a thriving bonito fishery since the Meiji era (1868–1912). The Kerama Islands, which include this island, are the pride and beauty of the archipelago and have been known as a scenic sea area since ancient times. In 1952, the Kerama Strait around Zamami-jima was selected as one of the “New Eight Views of Okinawa” by the local newspaper Ryukyu Shimpo. At that time, however, there were few tourists on the island and the only industry on the island was fishing and subsistence farming. According to the History of Zamami Village (1989), the island’s tourism industry was kickstarted in 1957, when a private shipping company connecting Zamami-jima and the main island of Okinawa tried to increase passenger traffic by offering day tours from Naha. At that time, there was no accommodation for tourists on Zamami-jima. Therefore, throughout the period of U.S. military rule after World War II (1945– 1972), tourism on the island continued in the form of day trips by Okinawans to swim in the sea and walk in the villages.

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Since Okinawa’s return to Japan in 1972, Zamami-jima has seen an increase in the number of Okinawans who come to swim in the sea and tourists from mainland Japan due to the boom in remote islands. In response to this, the residents, especially women on the island, started to progressively open guesthouses (minshuku). As a result, tourism on the island has changed from a traditional day trip to a stay-at-home type. In the 1980s, Zamami-jima became known in Japan as a sacred place for scuba diving. The residents of the island only saw the sea around Zamami-jima as a “place of fishing.” It was diving enthusiasts from mainland Japan who “discovered” and “recognized” that this area was suitable for scuba diving. Some of them opened a diving shop on the island and made a profit by offering guiding services to diving tourists from all over the country. In this section, I consider the reasons why diving on Zamami-jima became popular after the 1980s from multiple perspectives. First, in terms of the natural environment, there are four main points. The waters around Zamami-jima are called “Kerama Blue,” which is a beautiful sea with crystal clear water. The average seawater temperature in February is 21 degrees Celsius, making it possible to dive all year round. There are many different types of dive sites around the island that can be enjoyed by both beginners and advanced divers. At the dive site, there is a wonderful coral reef and many different types of sea life to observe in different seasons. Second, regarding society and economy, the following three points can be made. Around the 1980s, people began to take root in the habit of enjoying their leisure time, and an increasing number of young people took up scuba diving as a hobby. In 1988, a movie about Zamami-jima was screened nationwide and became a hit, raising the island’s profile and awareness of its wonderful natural environment. Since the latter half of the 1980s, Japan’s economic boom, known as the “bubble economy,” made it possible for people to economically afford to dive on the southern islands. The third concerns the improvements in the geographic location’s accessibility. Zamami-jima is only 40 km away from Naha City and is easily accessible from Naha. Prior to Okinawa’s reversion to Japan, only one ferry service from Naha to Zamami-jima was available, but in 1982, the Kerama Airport was opened at Fukajishima (the suffix -shima also means island). This allowed tourists from the mainland to come to the island via the Naha Airport. Furthermore, in 1991, a high-speed boat service to the village was launched, and the travel time from Naha was reduced to one hour, greatly shortening the time compared to a ferry. In this way, accessibility to the village has been further improved. Zamami-jima is blessed with good transportation, and it can be said that the improvement of the transportation system played a major role in the formation of the island’s tourist destinations.

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1.3 The Development of Tourism in Zamami-jima As mentioned above, in the 1980s, Zamami-jima began to attract many tourists as a sacred place for scuba diving. Figure 2 shows the number of annual tourists who visited the Island after 1985. According to it, the annual average number of tourists during this period is approximately 54,000. However, the number is not constant and varies greatly from year to year. This is in response to changes in the natural environment and the social and economic environment surrounding the island. The annual number of tourists increased from 35,000 in 1985 to 60,000 in 1988, thanks to the influence of a film about the island. Moreover, in 1991, at the height of the bubble economy, the number reached nearly 80,000. After the bursting of the bubble economy, the number of tourists decreased to around 50,000, but with the boom in Okinawa in the late 1990s, the number of tourists began to increase again and recovered to 75,000 in 1999. In the 2000s, the natural environment and economic conditions caused a series of severe events, including the massive outbreak of sea starfish in 2001, the SARS epidemic in 2003, the Lehman shock in the fall of 2008, the 2009 swine flu pandemic, and the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami. Each time such events occurred, there was a self-restraint on tourism and the island experienced a decrease in the number of tourists. In 2009–2011, the annual number of tourists fell below 50,000. However, in the 2000s, the excellent natural environment of Zamami-jima and the surrounding sea area got a series of high appraisals both at home and abroad.

Fig. 2 Changes in the number of tourists on Zamami-jima (1985–2020) (Source Compiled from RITO KANKEI SHIRYO for each year)

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For example, in November 2005, the Kerama Strait was registered with the Ramsar Convention. In 2009, it received two stars in the Michelin Green Guide Japon. In addition, on March 5, 2014, Zamami-jima was designated as a national park. In the late 2010s, inbound tourism also flourished, and after 2015 the annual number of tourists returned to 60,000. After the collapse of the bubble economy, the island’s tourism, especially marine leisure, has become more diversified. In the 1980s, the island’s tourism specialized in scuba diving, but in the 1990s whale-watching was added. Since the whales appear in the Kerama Strait in the winter, many shops offer scuba diving services in the summer and whale watching services in the winter. In the 2000s, new marine leisure activities such as kayaking and stand up paddle surfing (SUP) became popular on Zamami-jima. The islands are also home to a number of marine leisure activities, such as snorkeling and fishing, and specialty shops have been set up. In brief, the tourism of Zamami-jima has developed from a beach for Okinawans to a holy place for scuba diving that attracts the attention of the whole nation, to an international and comprehensive marine leisure tourist destination where anyone can also enjoy kayaking, SUP, and fishing.

1.4 Management Style of Marine Leisure Shops In the village of Zamami-jima, which has a high reputation for tourism both at home and abroad, there are many guesthouses, hotels, restaurants, and marine leisure shops for tourists and the tourism industry is flourishing. In this section, I focus on the management style of marine leisure shops, which is the core of the tourism industry on the island. As of September 2015, Zamami Village’s official website listed 39 shops as marine leisure businesses on Zamami-jima. Of these, 34 shops that were operating at the time of the survey were surveyed regarding their management style (September–October 2015). Questionnaires were collected from 32 shops (Valid response rate of 94.1%). The results of the questionnaire are shown in Table 1. First, based on the year of establishment, the marine leisure shops were classified into three groups: established before 1992, established in 1993–2002, and established after 2003. Looking at the hometowns of the managers, 13 of them were from Zamami-jima and 19 were from off-island. Of those who were from off-island, 18 were from outside Okinawa Prefecture. In other words, people from mainland Japan run just under 60% of the marine leisure facilities on the island. The breakdown of those from off-island was large, with six from Osaka. This was followed by Hokkaido and Fukushima, with two people each. In Group 1, which has a long history of management, eight out of the 12 managers were from Zamami-jima. In the 1970s, diving enthusiasts from mainland Japan brought a new marine leisure activity called scuba diving to the island. In response, fishermen from the island changed their businesses to diving services, and children

G r o u p 2

G r o u p 1

1996

1990

12

18

1989

11

1996

1988

10

17

1987

9

1995

1986

8

1995

1985

7

16

1984

6

15

1984

5

1994

1983

4

14

1980

3

1994

1978

13

1976

2

Opening year

1

No

Shizuoka

Hokkaido

Nagasaki

Osaka

Saitama

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Fukushima

Zamami Is

Hokkaido

Zamami Is

Osaka

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Yamaguchi

Birthplace

53

44

49

50

54

49

52

59

55

—

60

66

58

67

64

65

64

62

Age

1996

2012

1980

1985

2000

1984

1994

1975

1985

◯ ◯

◯ ◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

◯

(continued)

(1)

(2)

(1)

(2)

(2)

(1)

(1)

(2)

(2)

◯

◯ ◯

◯

◯

◯

(1)

◯

◯ ◯

◯

◯

◯ ◯

◯

◯

(1)

(2)

◯

◯

◯

(1)

◯

(2)

(2)

◯

◯

◯

◯

(1)

◯

◯

Body surf

(1)

◯

Fishing

◯ ◯

Kayak

◯ ◯

SUP

(1)

◯

Whale watch

Type

◯

◯ 1976

Snorkeling

Scuba diving

Guesthouse

Restaurant

Marine leisure services

Opening year of the attached facility

Table 1 Management type of marine leisure shops

Tourism Development in Islands 225

2003

2003

2003

2005

2005

2008

2010

2011

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

2001

23

2003

2001

22

25

2000

21

24

2000

20

Kyoto

Fukushima

Osaka

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Zamami Is

Osaka

Kagoshima

Osaka

Nagano

Osaka

Okinawa

Group 1: established before 1992 Group 2: established in 1993–2002 Group 3: established after 2003 Source Field survey

G r o u p 3

2000

19

Table 1 (continued)

34

33

43

46

44

54

40

55

48

42

47

63

45

46

2003

2011

2013

2007

2008

◯

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from their parents’ innkeepers have returned from outside the island to start their own diving services. In the second group, only one person out of 11 was from the island. This was because in the late 1990s, the number of people from Zamami-jima who were able to set up a shop decreased and instead people from off-island who had worked as instructors at Group 1’s offices continued to open their own shops. In the third group, four out of nine were from Zamami-jima and the number of managers from the island was increasing again. Next, I take a look at the types of marine leisure provided by the establishments. Twenty-seven shops offered the largest number of scuba diving guide services. This was followed by snorkeling (21 shops), whale watching (12 shops), SUP (7 shops), canoeing/kayaking (5 shops), fishing (4 shops), and body-surfing (1 shop), with the average number of services provided per shop being 2.4. All of the shops opened before 1999 offer scuba diving guiding services; however, five of the shops that have opened since 2000 do not. Specifically, no. 20 was a specialized snorkeling shop, no. 21 was a whale watching shop, nos. 23 and 26 were general marine leisure shops other than scuba diving, and no. 29 was a fishing shop. In particular, SUP is a new marine activity that was introduced to Japan in the 2000s. It is also sometimes provided by Group 1 shops, such as no. 10, which was established in 1988, but tends to be provided by Group 2 and Group 3 shops established within the last 20 years, such as no. 15, no. 17, no. 23, no. 24, no. 26, and no. 31. Of the seven shops that offer SUP, only two are from Zamami-jima; the rest are from off-island locations. Marine leisure shops on Zamami-jima can be divided into three types: (1) shops devoted to scuba diving guide services; (2) shops that offer a wide range of marine leisure activities such as whale watching, SUP, kayaking, and fishing while also offering scuba diving guide services; and (3) shops that offer marine leisure activities other than scuba diving guide services. The percentage of shops devoted to scuba diving guiding services, such as in (1), relatively decreased for the group with a more recent opening year. This was followed by an increase in the number of shops such as (2), which offer a wide range of marine leisure and (3), which do not offer scuba diving guide services. Since the 2000s, the marine leisure industry on Zamami-jima has been diversifying its services by incorporating new marine leisure activities such as SUP and kayaking into the industry rather than simply providing scuba diving guides. There are two possible reasons for this. First, it is probable that some new entrants to the business differentiated themselves from the existing shops by offering marine leisure services other than diving guide services. Second, the needs of visitors to Zamami-jima have diversified. In the 2000s, in addition to tourists who wanted to enjoy new marine leisure activities such as SUP and kayaking, Zamami-jima began to be visited by general tourists other than for diving purposes due to external evaluations such as Ramsar Convention registration and 2 Michelin stars. In response to the diversification of tourists’ objectives, marine leisure shops have also diversified their services. Of the 32 shops, 11 have accommodation facilities such as guesthouses. There are three advantages to having a guesthouse. First of all, it can generate income

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from both the marine leisure and accommodation divisions. Second, it can generate income associated with the accommodation of general tourists even during the winter off-season. Third, it offers the flexibility to set meal times and rest periods so that you can dive more in a limited amount of time.

1.5 Distribution and Changes in Marine Leisure Shops and Guesthouses After Okinawa’s reversion to Japan, many marine leisure shops such as diving services and guesthouses were located on Zamami-jima, especially in Zamami, the central village of the island. Figure 3 shows their distribution within the Zamami settlement in 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2015. In 1980, a total of 17 guesthouses were distributed on the southwest and east sides of the village hall. As mentioned earlier, those were established to accommodate the growing number of beach-goers and anglers in the 1970s. Many of these were run by Zamami-jima residents only during the busy summer season and were a sideline for households. Only two marine leisure shops—one from Zamami-jima and one from outside Okinawa Prefecture—were operated. This was the dawn of marine leisure tourism. By 1990, the number of marine leisure shops and guesthouses increased to accommodate the growing number of diving customers. In particular, throughout the 1980s, people from Zamami-jima who used to run guesthouses tended to open diving guide services. This stage can be said to be the stage of the development of marine leisure tourism. The number of marine leisure shops increased to 16 and 25 by 2000 and 2015, respectively. In particular, the number of shops run by people from outside the prefecture increased to 7 and 15. As a whole, the settlement has been filled with shops for tourists. It can be said that this is the time when marine leisure tourism was being enhanced. Many of the marine leisure shops owned by people from Zamami-jima also provide accommodation. They are widely distributed inside the settlement, especially on the south side of the settlement near the harbor. Meanwhile, in the 1980s and 1990s, marine leisure shops of off-islanders were established in vacant lots facing the road at the northern and western ends of the village. It can be read that since the 2000s, they have also been established on vacant land on the east side of the settlement. Both are in the outside of the settlement, not within it. This is because the residents of the island do not like to sell or rent out the vacant houses and land inside the settlement to people from outside the island.

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Fig. 3 Location of marine leisure shops and guesthouses in Zamami settlement (Source Field survey)

1.6 Summary As described above, this chapter describes how Zamami-jima in Okinawa Prefecture has been transformed into a tourist destination by marine leisure, and the management style and distribution of marine leisure shops. After World War II, tourism on Zamami-jima started as a day trip for Okinawans, and after the reversion to Japan, it became a holy place for scuba diving, attracting tourists from all over Japan after the 1980s. Furthermore, since the 2000s, the island has developed into a world-class comprehensive marine leisure tourist site with a growing international reputation.

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Zamami-jima is characterized by three major features of tourism. First, the island’s tourism is not exogenous development by big off-island capital but rather endogenous development that has been sustainably developed by the island’s administration and residents on their own initiative. The island’s administration has improved the shipping route between Naha and Zamami-jima and is also in charge of tourism promotion for the island. Many of the marine leisure shops, guesthouses, and hotels are run by the island residents with a small amount of capital. Second, when we look at the management of the marine leisure shops, it is diversified, such as having a guesthouse, restaurant, and fishery business. Third, the off-islanders who run the marine leisure shops are well accepted by the island’s residents. The reason for this is that businesses from off-island backgrounds are providing economic benefits to different types of island residents on different occasions. For instance, land and buildings for businesses run by people from off-island are rented from island residents and their rents are paid to island residents, boats are rented to island fishermen for diving guides during the busy season and their rents are paid to island fishermen, and customers who come for marine leisure are introduced to island residents’ guesthouses and hotels. The case of Zamami-jima, which has achieved such endogenous development, will serve as a model of success for other islands. Of course, there are problems: in the late 2010s, as the number of tourists increased, it was often impossible to book boats and accommodations. In addition, the communication environment on the island is not sufficient and Wi-Fi is slow. At the same time, the increasing number of tourists has become a burden on the natural environment and has exceeded the capacity of Zamami’s ocean. In 2020, tourists stopped coming due to the spread of the new coronavirus infection. Following the declaration of emergency by the Japanese government and Okinawa Prefecture, all marine leisure shops on Zamami Island were closed and reopened. The business environment has undergone an unprecedented drastic change. Based on the above, it can be said that as of 2021, tourism on Zamami Island will face the following problems: in the short term, compatibility between coronavirus infection and tourism activities; in the medium term, compatibility between infrastructure development, such as transportation and communication environment, and village finances; and in the long term, compatibility between ocean use and environmental conservation. Hisamitsu Miyauchi

2 World Cultural Heritage and Christian Tourism in the Goto Islands 2.1 Introduction Nagasaki Prefecture is located in the western part of the Kyushu Island. It has the oldest history of Catholicism in Japan, approximately 470 years since St. Xavier’s

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Fig. 4 Distribution of churches and sacred sites in Nagasaki

missionary work at the Hirado Island. The Catholic faith has been worshipped the most in this region. Many churches located in the Sotome area in Nagasaki City, the Hirado Island, and the Goto Islands were established by “hidden Christians” who escaped religious oppression and migrated to these areas after the practice of Christianity was authorized. In recent years, the number of tourists visiting the churches in Nagasaki, which quietly stand at the tip of the cape or in villages deep in the mountains, has been increasing. Especially in the Goto Islands, located 50 to 100 km west of the Kyusyu Island, Christian tourism has been promoted since the churches in Nagasaki were added to the Tentative List of World Heritage Sites in 2007 (Fig. 4). The Goto Islands consist of 18 inhabited islands and approximately 120 uninhabited islands, including the five main islands from the south: Fukue, Hisaka, Naru, Wakamatsu, and Nakadori Islands (Matsui 2014). The Goto Islands can be divided into the Shimo-Goto area, centered on the Fukue Island in the southwest; and the Kami-Goto area, centered on the Nakadori Island in the northeast. The topography of the Goto Islands is mountainous and lacks flat plains, and a rias coastline has developed here. Influenced by the Tsushima Current, which flows through the East China Sea, the annual average temperature is 16.8 °C (Fukue Island); however, the annual rainfall is high (2,310 mm/year) because of typhoons (Matsui 2014). As mentioned above, the Goto Islands are in the westernmost part of the mainland of Kyushu, and because of their geographical location, they have been historically significant in Japan since the ancient times. Kukai, one of the most famous monks in Japan, and other delegates to the Tang Dynasty, accessed China from here, via a difficult sea route. The Goto Islands were an important place for hidden Christians in the early modern period. Christianity was introduced to the Goto Islands in 1566 by two priests, Almeida and Lorenzo (Kataoka 1970). There were already 2,000

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Christians in the Goto Islands at the time. After that, however, Christianity was severely suppressed by the administrators. Until the 1620s, many became martyrs, and the Christian practice declined in the Goto Islands. It was not until 1797, when Christians from the Omura feudal domain started to migrate to the Goto Islands, that the Christians of Goto were on the stage of history again. Because of the severe suppression of Christianity by the feudal lord of Omura, a part of the Nagasaki Prefecture, and the request to emigrate from the feudal lord of the Goto Islands, Christians from the Sotome area started to migrate to the Goto Islands. They were forced to live in mountainous areas with little cultivated land, or they were scattered on the seashore where it was inconvenient for them to fish. Therefore, they suffered from poverty and social discrimination. For the migrants, the Goto Islands were initially an island of hope where they could have freedom of religion. They said, “To Goto, to Goto, everyone wants to go.” Yet, the Christians were strictly inspected by the officials. After the end of the nineteenth century, the freedom of religious belief was established. Thus, churches were built in the islands by believers who returned to Catholicism. At present, there are 50 Catholic churches in the Goto Islands. Some of these churches are now highly valued as cultural properties. In January 2007, the churchrelated heritage of the Nagasaki region, including the Goto Islands, was inscribed as a Tentative World Cultural Heritage Site in Japan. In this section, I describe the socioeconomic background of the transformation of the Catholic Church and Christian cultural heritage into tourism resources in the Goto Islands and consider the challenges regarding the commodification of local religious culture by the movement of actors who registered it as World Heritage.

2.2 The Goto Islands and Christian Tourism In February 2007, the local government of the Kami-Goto area formulated a vision to promote tourism, with the following theme and concept: “Kami-Goto Island, an island where people can encounter the future world heritage sites.” In this vision, new programs have been planned, such as an official guided pilgrimage tour certified by the Nagasaki Archdiocese, a cruise tour of the church, church concerts, and Christmas illuminations. In the Kami-Goto area, it is difficult to expect an influx of I-turn and U-turn residents; increasing the population of interaction by promoting tourism is an important measure for maintaining the community. The churches registered on the Tentative List of World Heritage Sites comprise the most important tourism contents in this area, given the deteriorating socio-economic conditions surrounding the islands, such as reduced investment in public works, the low birthrate and aging population, and a weak industrial base. Japan has been making vigorous efforts to promote tourism by utilizing the unique religious and cultural resources of these islands, such as the Catholic churches and the martyrdom sites from the era of the hidden Christians. There are high expectations from Christian tourism in these remote islands where there is no significant industrial base (Matsui 2014).

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Hidden Christian culture, including some churches and settlements in the Goto Islands, was registered as a World Cultural Heritage Site in June 2018 as “Hidden Christian Sites in the Nagasaki Region” after a review of its composition and story. Four of the relevant 12 assets are distributed in the Goto Islands. The local government has developed a strategy of tours in the Goto Islands, targeting a relatively small group of middle-aged and elderly people by combining historical and cultural assets related to latent Christians with the specialties of the Goto Islands, such as camellia oil and Goto udon noodles. The churches and historical sites of hidden Christians on the island are connected by cruises or taxis. Church visits accompanied by efforts of local communities is not the only way to promote religious tourism. Catholics have also been promoting religious tourism to visit churches and martyrdom sites to promote Catholicism to non-believing tourists, as long as it does not disturb the religious life of believers, as observed in masses and ceremonial occasions. For example, in 2005, the Catholic Archdiocese of Nagasaki published “The Complete Guide to the Churches and Pilgrimage Sites in Nagasaki and Amakusa” as a guide for pilgrims to visit sacred places. This guidebook of the Catholic churches in Nagasaki and Amakusa (the Kumamoto Prefecture) not only introduces the architecture and history of the churches but also numbers the churches to guide the pilgrimage to the sacred places (Matsui 2014). In the latter half of the book, the Archdiocese introduces the sites of martyrdom, monuments, cemeteries, gravesites, seminaries, etc., as a guide to the pilgrimage sites in memory of the martyrs. This pilgrimage was created to invite religious tourism. “The Nagasaki Pilgrimage” attempts to create an official “Nagasaki Pilgrimage Route” by revalidating the value of tangible and intangible Christian properties in the Nagasaki Prefecture, in consultation with the Catholic Archdiocese of Nagasaki. As such, this new route of pilgrimage, authorized by Catholicism, promotes tourism in the Nagasaki Prefecture. The package tour by the Kyushu Shipping Company (Kyushu Shosen) is an example of the commodification of the Nagasaki Pilgrimage. It provides a route connecting the Goto Islands and the Nagasaki Port. Since 2012, this shipping company has been offering a total of four two-day and three-day tours as the Nagasaki Pilgrimage. Two- and three-day courses start and end at the Nagasaki Port. There are two courses; one visits the two islands, and the other visits the four islands. Similarly, a three-day and a four-day course arrive and depart from the Nagasaki Port or the Sasebo Port. These courses are centered on the Nakadori Island and the Kami-Goto area and make a pilgrimage to the sacred sites on the Nakadori Island and the Wakamatsu Island. Taxis on the islands cost about 375 to 415 US dollars (per person in a group of two) for two days and about 567 to 633 US dollars (per person) for three days. All courses are accompanied by a pilgrim guide certified by the Archdiocese of Nagasaki. Considering the price setting, these are small group guided tours targeting baby boomers and are part of thematic tourism, mainly educational and study-oriented. The official tour guide explains the history of the church and the tragedy to the tourists (Fig. 5). The churches and sacred sites of martyrdom in the Goto Islands are a resource for such alternative tourism.

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Fig. 5 Guide tour at Dozaki Church in Fukue-jima

It is well known that many of the remote islands, where public works have been reduced, are trying to increase interaction by promoting tourism. The Goto Islands are no exception. Nowadays, efforts for tourism utilizing the unique religious and cultural resources of the islands, such as the Catholic churches and martyrdom sites of the hidden Christians, are vigorously promoted. Especially in the Kami-Goto area where the population size is small and the industrial base of the island is weak, there are great expectations from tourism that utilizes Christianity as part of the growing world heritage movement. Catholics account for only 0.35% of the population of Japan, but of the approximately 60,000 people in the Goto Islands, 15% are Catholic. Especially in the Kami-Goto area, Catholic believers comprise a quarter of the islanders, the highest percentage of Catholics in Japan. Islanders have high expectations from the Catholic churches and related cultural heritage, which have been nurtured by the history and cultural climate of the Goto Islands, as a unique resource. Recently, the number of tourists visiting churches in the Goto Islands has been increasing. Although they have no definite destination church like Santiago de Compostela, there is no end to the number of people who visit one or two churches as if they were on a pilgrimage to some sacred places. Why are those visitors to the churches in the Goto Islands increasing? There have always been people who visit churches for religious purposes. For Catholic pilgrims, the churches in Nagasaki and the Goto Islands have a special significance because they are buildings that tell the history of Christian oppression, hiding, and resurrection that their ancestors suffered. For this reason, many Catholic pilgrims answer, “I am on a pilgrimage to all the churches in the Goto Islands,” when asked to visit a church in Goto. On the other hand, there has been an increase in the number of tourists who do not have such religious motivations. Some of them stop by churches by chance and are impressed by the beauty of the buildings and the

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location, but more and more people are touring Nagasaki’s churches on their own, based on information obtained from various pamphlets and travel guidebooks as well as package tours from travel agencies. It can be said that a new boom in pilgrimages to sacred sites is truly underway.

2.3 Move to Promote Heritagization, and Its Major Actors The movement to register Nagasaki’s churches and sacred places as a World Heritage Site began in 2001. This movement was originally motivated by the desire to preserve and protect them, but also to publicize their value to the masses. In this paper, I consider this movement toward World Heritage Site registration as heritagization. Heritagization is a process in which heritage is used as a resource to achieve certain social goals, and at the core of heritage tourism (Poria and Ashworth 2009). This trend of pilgrimages to sacred sites does not occur by chance. There are active efforts by the governments of prefectures, municipalities, and tourism federations that have churches and martyrdom sites that are considered sacred places. In Nagasaki Prefecture, the “Nagasaki History Discovery and Dissemination Project,” which started in 2005, is promoting tourism by utilizing the history and culture of Nagasaki Prefecture. The project is unique in that the Nagasaki Prefectural Board of Education and the Tourism Division are working together to create a new attraction that will make people want to visit the many historical and cultural heritages that remain in the prefecture. The project is unique in that it is being carried out jointly by the Nagasaki Prefectural Board of Education and the Tourism Division. Based on the historical theme set by the “Promotion Council,” which is composed of experts from inside and outside of the prefecture as well as people from the business world, the “Story Creation Subcommittee (Board of Education)” will create a story about the historical and cultural heritage. It is intended to create a historical brand for Nagasaki Prefecture by linking the region’s unique resources of history and culture with the promotion of tourism. At the same time as the World Heritage registration movement, Nagasaki Prefecture planned the “Nagasaki Pilgrimage” as religious tourism to Catholic churches and Christian-related heritage sites. This was an attempt to reevaluate the value of the tangible and intangible Christian-related cultural assets remaining in various parts of Nagasaki Prefecture and to create an official “Nagasaki Pilgrimage Route.” In July 2006, the Catholic Archdiocese of Nagasaki and Nagasaki Prefecture launched the “Nagasaki Pilgrimage Study Council” to formulate guidelines for the conversion of churches and related sacred places of Christian hiding places into tourism resources for religious tourism. The strongest request from the Catholic side was how to protect places of prayer as religious spaces. Pilgrimage guides were the most important factor to ensure the coexistence of tourism and religious life such as mass, weddings and funerals. The concept of the “Nagasaki Pilgrimage” was to provide guided tours that would familiarize visitors with the etiquette of visiting churches

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and other sacred places, as well as with the doctrines of Christianity and the history and culture of the region. A guidebook for pilgrims is indispensable in the construction of the “Nagasaki Pilgrimage.” A series of guidebooks for pilgrimages to sacred sites were published between 2005 and 2008. All these guidebooks were supervised by the Nagasaki Archdiocese. The guidebooks introduce the architectural structure of churches, the history of churches, martyrdom sites, monuments, cemeteries, tombstones, and seminaries, as well as the lifestyle and culture of the region, to guide the pilgrims to the sacred places. With the inclusion of these sites in the World Cultural Heritage list, the production of guidebooks has become more active. An official guidebook for general readers, “Exploring Nagasaki Churches,” was published around the time of the World Heritage registration. At the study meeting, the creation of pilgrimage routes and the selection of pilgrimage sites as well as the training of pilgrimage guides were considered urgent. Therefore, the Nagasaki Pilgrimage Center was established in 2007 (and became a non-profit organization in 2008). The center holds the “Nagasaki Pilgrimage Guide Training Course” and the “Skill Up Course” for more advanced pilgrimage guides to train them. In March 2020, a textbook and DVD (both not for sale) were published as teaching materials for pilgrimage guides. The textbook and DVD (both not for sale) will be published in March 2020 as teaching materials for pilgrimage guides, and will include tips and techniques for guides, the story of the World Heritage site as a whole, and what must be conveyed at each site, as well as the historical background and the values stated in the nomination document at the time of World Heritage registration. What is created by the Nagasaki Pilgrimage? The substance of the Nagasaki Pilgrimage comprises the construction of a pilgrimage route, a logo, and an official guide. Simultaneously, they have been promoting the pilgrimage style to travel agencies and have been trying to commodify the Nagasaki Pilgrimage. However, it is more important to construct a “pilgrimage story” such as the basis of the pilgrimage style in Shikoku. Official guidebooks justify the historical value of Christians and the cultural value of church architecture, and they mythologize the story of martyrdom. The Nagasaki Pilgrimage establishes pilgrimage value and produces a story of the sacred place to be consumed. It is important not only for Catholic pilgrims but also for tourists to create value surrounding the churches and Christianity in Nagasaki and to depict a meaningful story. The tourists visiting the area expect to consume the story of the history and cultural climate of the Church and the people of Nagasaki who have nurtured the Christian culture, as a symbolic representation of what they expect from a tour of the Church in Nagasaki. The culture and history of Christians in Nagasaki are inextricably linked to the landscape of the rural villages in which it is located, forming the cultural landscape of Nagasaki. The focus of tourism in the Nagasaki Prefecture has traditionally been

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on hot springs, theme parks (Huistenbosch), and other attractions in the city. In contrast to this “point and line” tourism, religious tourism focuses on the “surface,” the neglected cultural landscape of the rural villages.

2.4 Problems Regarding the Heritagization and Commodification of Sacred Places This section indicated that the commodification of the group of churches in Nagasaki is basically the commodification of the unique history and culture of the region, and thus, the commodification of the “memory of sacred places.” The commodification of culture can be largely classified into the following two perspectives (Ohashi 2001). The first perspective recognizes the commodification of culture as a process of transformation, loss, and destruction of an inherent culture, thereby emphasizing the negative aspect of tourism. For example, when tourism gets involved, a transformation takes place in traditional ethnic ceremonies. However, the second perspective recognizes that the commodification of culture can be used to protect, reform, and recreate a declining traditional culture. This perspective highlights the positive aspects of tourism and argues for the recreation of a traditional culture via tourism. Thus, the commodification of culture has both positive and negative aspects; what is important is to consider the problems of the commodification of sacred places rather than disproportionately emphasizing either perspective. Ogawa (2002) pointed out that anything can be cultural heritage in modern society even though they might not have been established as such from their beginnings and that things, therefore, become cultural heritage through signification. According to Ogawa, protection and publication are the most important efforts in establishing cultural heritage. Protection efforts strongly reflect the values of the relevant society, and through the process of protection and publication, things become separated from the local context on which they depend and are then reorganized into a new abstract with a universal context. Elaborating on the argument made by Ogawa results in the heritagization of a group of churches, simultaneously meaning that the churches will be replaced by such things as history and heritage as they are separated from their religious and local contexts. This objectifies religion, and objectified religion faces the risk of being distributed, consumed, and finally discarded (Fig. 6). Hirai (2017) summarizes Poria and Ashworth (2009) and points out the following four characteristics of heritagization. First, cultural heritage is not a real thing, but a process of being used as a resource. Second, the past on which it is based is selective and is sometimes created or covered up for some social goal. Third, the purpose of using cultural heritage as a resource is to achieve some social group goal, such as the development of social order and a sense of solidarity. Fourth, cultural heritage is commodified. It is a double-edged sword to crown religion as cultural heritage. It is an effective way to enable people to discover something of value and hand it down to later

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Fig. 6 Discarded Church in Fukue-jima

generations. However, registration as a cultural heritage also means bestowing new values on individual religious beliefs and local cultures. It is the act of adding artistic, aesthetic, economic, historic, and cultural values to the spiritual value inherent in religion. Church buildings are built as religious spaces for use in ceremonies and as social spaces for the followers, unconcerned with artistic or historic values. The addition of such secular values results in a secular hierarchy, irrepressibly brought into the world of churches. Such cultural categories as a church of national treasure, important treasures of the state, cultural heritage designated per prefecture; and nondesignations regarded as the valuation of a local religious culture face problems of objectification and commodification. However, heritagization does not only involve such negative aspects. The World Heritage Convention that creates the global criteria used in valuations bestows local religious cultures with universal value. Yasuhuku (2000) states that tourism was an important factor in determining the social image formation of a “field” in the latter half of the twentieth century; he pointed to the significance of registering cultural heritages as World Heritage Sites as a global reinforcement of the significant universal value of a culture that was previously unique to the region or country, or even the world. Christians are a social minority in Nagasaki. Therefore, the value in the religious and local culture of Nagasaki represented by the hidden Christians and martyrdom is authorized via “churches as World Heritage” and “historical sites as World Heritage;” and the hidden Christian culture in remote history reveals a positive meaning. Thus, the group of churches in Nagasaki as a World Heritage Site is on the main stage of the

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region and serve as symbols of the “tradition” and “history” of Nagasaki when their stories are told, thus assimilating the religious and local culture of Nagasaki onto the global stage through their “significant universal value.” Christianity thus contributes to the pride and identity of believers and embodies historic and experienced memory (Yamanaka 2007). Hamada (2006) suggests considering the impact of the transformation and reversal of previous values in connection to newly added values. He focuses on the fact that a folk movement involves transforming the value of goods without having any significance in industrial promotion. The group of churches in Nagasaki has received public attention as “a group” by having formed a pilgrimage network of churches. In the heightened World Heritage campaign, the movement of Catholic churches and other actors has become active, and churches and martyrdom sites have been formulated as sacred pilgrimage destinations. The individual churches and martyrdom sites remain the same; however, their significance has been transformed, and they have received a certain amount of public attention, adding new value to them, leading to their inevitable reorganization. “Our church will be a World Heritage Site.” This implies the discovery of the culture and value of an object undergoing conversion. Churches given the ultimate value of being World Heritage Sites were therefore seen by external people as having universal value, and, as Ota (1998) stated in an article on the objectification of culture, they were also objects that could be manipulated by insiders. Self-transformation of a culture via the receipt of attention from others gives rise to the issue of consumption in such places. The value of becoming a World Heritage Site bestowed upon the religious and local culture of the churches in Nagasaki could result in the tumult of fierce commodification. Commodification generally necessitates that something is exchangeable or separated from its context. As such, the churches could become separated from the context of local life, which has been maintained in the acquisition of basic employment, the cultural climate, and history. Furthermore, the place could then be produced and consumed as a piece of information. The concept and philosophy of World Heritage Sites are provided by the wisdom of human beings; however, heritagization’s impact on the region could extend into other areas depending on the degree of ties to the heritage site within the region. Keisuke Matsui

3 Development and Problems of Inbound Tourism in Tsushima, Nagasaki Prefecture 3.1 Overview of Tsushima Tsushima consists of Tsushima Island and 107 dependent islands. Tsushima Island is a long and narrow island, 18 km from east to west and 82 km from north to south. The coastline is mostly a ria coast, including Aso Bay, which is famous for a typical

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drowning valley (Fig. 7). The coastline extends for 915 km. The area of Tsushima is 696 km2 (708 km2 including associated islands), which makes it the third largest remote island in Japan after Sadoga-shima and Amami Oshima. Of the total land area, 89.4% of Tsushima Island is covered with forests. Mt. Tatera, Mt. Shiratake, and Mt. Mitake are primeval forests that have been designated as a national natural treasure. In addition to the Tsushima wildcat, which is a national natural treasure, there are many plants and animals that can only be seen in Tsushima, along with continental flora and fauna. It is one of the world’s best places to observe wild birds because it is a relay point for migratory birds. The mountains approach the coast and, until the 1950s, there was no road connecting Kami Tsushima in the northern part of the island and Shimo Tsushima in the southern part of the island. In 1968, the present National Route 382 connecting Kami Tsushima and Shimo Tsushima was completed, enabling people to travel between the two areas by car. The administrative district consisted of the six towns of Izuhara, Mitsushima, Toyotama, Mine, Kamiagata, and Kamitsushima. On March 1, 2004, all the towns were merged to form Tsushima City. The population of Tsushima City peaked in 1960 at 69,556 and then continued decreasing to 41,230 in 2000 and 31,457 in 2015. In 2015, the percentage of the population aged 65 or older was 33.9%, which is higher than the Nagasaki prefectural average of 29.6%.

3.2 Trends in Transport to Mainland Japan and Travelers in Japan Tsushima is connected with the mainland of Japan by ship (ferry and jetfoil) and airplane. As of 2020, ferries operate three round trips a day between Hakata and Izuhara, one round trip a day between Hakata and Hitakatsu, and jetfoils operate two round trips a day between Hakata and Izuhara. Since July 2018, the jetfoil “Beetle” connecting Hakata and Hitakatsu, Japan and Pusan, South Korea has partially been used for domestic passenger service between Hakata and Hitakatsu. As of 2020, airplanes operate five round trips a day between Fukuoka and Tsushima and three or four round trips a day between Nagasaki and Tsushima. While they used to use B737-500 (126 passengers) between Fukuoka and Tsushima, all of them were operated with propeller planes DHC-8-Q400 (74 passengers) as of 2020. In addition, it operates between Nagasaki and Tsushima by propeller plane DHC-8–200 (39 passengers) or DHC-8-Q400. Passengers using public transportation connecting Tsushima with the Japanese mainland (including islanders and business travelers) increased since the latter half of the 1980s and reached 500,000 in 1991. The number continued to increase in the 1990s, reaching 576,000 in 2002. However, the number has been on a declining trend since 2003, falling below 500,000 in 2008. In the 10 years from 2009 to 2018, the number remained almost the same at the 460,000–490,000 level.

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Fig. 7 Tsushima Island

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3.3 Development of Japan–South Korea Exchange and Rapid Increase in South Korean Tourists 3.3.1

Active Exchange between South Korea and Tsushima

Tsushima was a passage for Chosen Tsushinshi (the Korean Emissary) in the Edo period, showing a close relationship between South Korea and Tsushima. Izuhara Port was designated as an important port in September 1951. One-way trade between Japan and Korea started around 1952, and in 1960, at its peak, exports and imports reached about 272 million and 61 million US dollars, respectively. There were more than 20 trading companies in Izuhara. However, this trade decreased sharply after the “5.16 Military Revolution” in 1961, and exchange with South Korea stagnated (Nagasaki Prefectural Tsushima Promotion Bureau 2016). Exchanges between South Korea and Tsushima resumed in the 1980s. In 1986, the “Agreement on Administrative Exchange” was concluded between Tsushima Island and Yeongdo-gu in Pusan Metropolitan City, and an Exchange Administration Seminar was held alternately each year in Yeongdo-gu and Tsushima. In addition, “Tsushima Chingu Festival” and “Border Marathon in Tsushima” were held by Japanese and South Korean musicians, and many people from both countries participated. Exchanges among students have also become active. Three high schools on the island have conducted school trips to South Korea since 1989. Further, in 1993, an extracurricular class of Korean as a second foreign language began to be held once a week at Toyotama High School, and the International Cultural Exchange Course was installed in 2003 in the general course of Tsushima High School. Tsushima was recognized by the government as the “Shima-exchange Population Expansion Special Zone” on November 28, 2003. As a result, the government has decided to simplify visa applications for group tourists and students on school trips and to increase the number of credits acquired for the Tsushima International Cultural Exchange Course “Korean studies” beyond the number of credits required under the Courses of Study. Starting in 2004, an orientation for freshmen at Pusan Foreign Language University was held in Tsushima. In addition, South Korea hosted shortterm homestays for middle and high school students and university students. Meanwhile, students from Pusan Foreign Language University and Tsushima residents cleaned up garbage that drifted ashore, stimulating sports and cultural exchanges between middle and high school students from both the countries.

3.3.2

Rapid Increase in Korean Tourists due to the Opening of Regular International Shipping Routes

In Tsushima, as exchanges between residents in the Pusan area and those in Tsushima became active, calls for the establishment of international sea routes between Japan and South Korea increased. In 1989, a small passenger ship started irregular service

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between Hitakatsu and Pusan. A regular international ferry service between Izuhara and Masan of South Korea was launched in 1993, but ceased operation just four months later. Since then, due to the economic crisis in South Korea, no companies have entered regular international shipping routes. However, in December 1997, the International Terminal at Izuhara Port was completed and a welcoming ceremony was held for South Korean tourists visiting the island by Beetle II. In July 1999, the high-speed vessel Sea Flower by Daea Express Shipping started irregular service between Izuhara and Pusan, which became regularized in April 2000. In April 2001, two routes were established: one between Izuhara and Pusan, and the other between Izuhara and Hitakatsu. Since the opening of the regular international route, the number of South Korean tourists has increased year by year. The number of South Koreans who entered Japan was 7,551 in 2000 and reached 72,349 in 2008, twice the population of Tsushima City (Fig. 8). In 2009 and 2011, the number of South Koreans entering Japan decreased to 40,000 due to the global recession and the temporary suspension of sea routes caused by the Great East Japan Earthquake. After the resumption of service, however, the Beetle of JR Kyushu Ferry and the Cobby of Mirai connected Tsushima and Pusan. Moreover, in 2012, Daea Express Shipping launched the large high-speed vessel Ocean Flower (Fig. 9), which intensified fare competition among companies and brought the number of South Korean arrivals to 150,836.

Fig. 8 Changes in the number of Koreans entering Japan (1999–2019) (Note Immigration officers stationed in Izuhara Port had traveled to Hitakatsu Port to conduct immigration inspections from 2001 to 2003, therefore the number of people entering from Hitakatsu Port was included in the number of people entering from Izuhara Port. Source Tsushima City Commerce and Tourism Division)

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Fig. 9 High-speed vessel Ocean Flower anchored in the port of Hitakatsu

In 2016, the new international terminal at the port of Hitakatsu was completed, and the Nina of Mirai and the Aurora of Hanil Express started service between Hitakatsu and Pusan in 2016 and 2018, respectively. As a result, the number of South Koreans entering Japan reached 410,309 in 2018. The number of foreign visitors (total number including non-Koreans) in Hitakatsu Port in 2018 was 314,599, which ranked 8th place following Narita Airport, Kansai Airport, Haneda Airport, Fukuoka Airport, Naha Airport, New Chitose Airport, and Chubu Airport, and 1st place in seaport, far ahead of the 2nd place Hakata Port (143,673 people) (Table 2). The number of foreign nationals entering the two ports combined came to 413,251, ranking 15th at Izuhara Port with 98,652 (the third in seaports).

3.3.3

Administrative Organization and Tsushima Tourist Products Association to Establish a Reception System

Taking advantage of its proximity to East Asia, the Kyushu and Okinawa regions have made various efforts to attract foreign tourists since the mid-1990s; as a result, many South Korean tourists now visit Kyushu and Taiwanese tourists visit Okinawa (Sen 2007). However, in addition to foreigners’ image of “far away, the price is high” and poor access to Japan, the Japanese people’s distrust of foreigners and excessive concern about the deterioration of public order were also factors that prevented foreign tourists from visiting Japan (Mizoo 2003). With this in mind, the city of

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Table 2 Top 20 ports and airports by number of foreign arrivals in Japan (2018) Ranking (2018)

Port and Airport

Prefecture

Foreign Arrivals 2010 (a)

2018 (b)

(b/a)

1

Narita Airport

Chiba

4,196,291

8,563,006

204.1

2

Kansai Airport

Osaka

1,745,355

7,646,304

438.1

3

Haneda Airport

Tokyo

750,831

4,082,250

543.7

4

Fukuoka Airport

Fukuoka

483,651

2,414,946

499.3

5

Naha Airport

Okinawa

140,080

1,757,176

1,254.4

6

New Chitose Airport

Hokkaido

362,597

1,694,590

467.3

7

Chubu Airport (Centrair)

Aichi

506,636

1,452,271

286.6

8

Hitakatsu Port

Nagasaki

18,010

314,599

1,746.8

9

Kagoshima Airport Kagoshima

18,572

168,194

905.6

10

Hakata Port

276,959

143,673

51.9

11

Kitakyushu Airport Fukuoka

22,339

139,071

622.5

12

Takamatsu Airport Kagawa

6,139

115,152

1,875.7

13

Fujisan Shizuoka Airport

Shizuoka

65,063

108,840

167.3

14

Okayama Airport

Okayama

23,451

99,130

422.7

15

Izuhara Port

Nagasaki

41,170

98,652

239.6

16

Sendai Airport

Miyagi

55,003

96,432

175.3

17

Hiroshima Airport

Hiroshima

37,182

96,091

258.4

18

Saga Airport

Saga

330

93,782

28,418.8

19

Hakodate Airport

Aichi

36,973

90,349

244.4

20

Komatsu Airport

Ishikawa

24,161

86,969

360.0

Other ports and airports

632,903

840,625

132.8

Total

9,443,696

30,102,102

318.8

Fukuoka

Source Ministry of Justice “Immigration Statistics”

Tsushima and the tourist products association paid attention to removing language and cultural barriers between Japan and South Korea. Before the merger, the town of Kamiagata, the town of Mitsushima, and the town of Izuhara invited South Koreans to participate in international exchange programs. The exchange staff played an active role in a wide range of activities, including translating exchange related documents, interpreting during courtesy visits by South Korean guests, giving lectures in Korean for residents and high school students, participating in exchange events held by private organizations, creating information boards (to be described later), and creating brochures for the Tsushima Tourism and

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Products Association. Even after the merger of Tsushima City, one person each was stationed at the head office of the city hall and the branch office of Kamiagata. The Tsushima municipal government has been trying to set up information boards in foreign languages. Guide signs and information boards for villages and tourist spots were designed in Japanese, Korean, English, and Chinese. The explanations on the origins of various landmarks and the natural environment on these boards are translated from Japanese into other languages so that tourists from other countries can receive the same quality and quantity of information as Japanese tourists. The Tsushima Tourist Products Association (hereinafter referred to as “Tourist Products Association”) started accepting South Korean tourists in fiscal year 2001. In March 2002, with the cooperation of international exchange staff from the town of Izuhara, a “Korean Tourist Hospitality Handbook” was created for hotels and restaurants on the island. This booklet contains an explanation of South Korean society, culture, and lifestyle, how to write in the Korean alphabet, basic conversation in Korean for customer service, and common troubles and how to deal with them. In addition, the “Japanese interpreter guide system” was launched in FY 2002. In this system, when a phone call is made between a Korean and Japanese person, an operator enters the conversation and interprets. Some South Korean tourists use the service to make reservations and inquiries to the Tourist Products Association. The association has also been making efforts to produce a Korean version of the pamphlet. In principle, the Korean version offers the same amount of information with the same specifications as the Japanese version. For example, the Korean version of “travel across a border island,” an eco-tour pamphlet, is designed to convey information of the same quality and quantity to South Koreans by standardizing information, photos, maps, and map symbols in the Japanese version.

3.4 Accepting South Korean Travelers and the Challenges 3.4.1

Changes in Intra-Island Behavior of South Korean Travelers and Their Impact

The main purpose of South Korean tourists visiting the islands is to visit places related to the Chosen Tsushinshi (Korean Emissary dispathed by Yi Dynasty), climb Shiratake—the highest mountain on the island, and fish. Many of them visit the islands because they are attracted by the beautiful natural environment. Bird watching, sea kayaking in Aso Bay, and scuba diving are also becoming popular. The fact that the ferry fare from Pusan to Tsushima (Korean fare) is cheaper than a discount flight to Cheju Island, the most popular fishing spot in South Korea, is attracting more tourists. In the case of fishing, the number of group tourists is small, and individuals and small groups are the mainstream. The Sea Flower only entered Izuhara Port when its regular service was started. Many South Korean tourists visiting the island took a bus from Izuhara to the South Korean observation deck, located at the northern end of the island, where they stayed

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overnight. However, since 2001, when the Sea Flower also began to call at the port of Hitakatsu, many of the group tourists entered Japan from one port and left from the other port. Group tourists who arrived in Hitakatsu started to take a bus to the Korea Observation Deck right after entering the country, and stayed in Izuhara after going around the island. On the contrary, group tourists who came from Izuhara stopped by the Korean observatory at the end of their tour and left the island as soon as they arrived at the Hitakatsu port. As a result, the Izuhara-Mitsushima area benefited greatly from not only accommodations but also restaurants, large supermarkets, and “100 yen shops,” while the Kamitsushima area, including the port of Hitakatsu, did not. Since 2011, several shipping companies entered the route, and the number of services between Pusan and Hitakatsu, which required less time, increased. In addition, competition among taxi companies over discount fares intensified. This has made it easier for the South Koreans to visit Tsushima. The number of South Korean tourists who leave the country for a day or overnight and shop at duty-free shops around Pusan Port and Hitakatsu Port has increased. In addition, there are some nonKorean travelers who arrive in South Korea in the morning to extend their visas, eat and shop around the port until the procedures are completed, and fly out in the afternoon. As a result, the Kamitsushima area including Hitakatsu Port came to receive a greater economic benefit than the Izuhara and Mitsushima areas.

3.4.2

Problems and Solutions for Accepting South Koreans in Accommodation Facilities

In Tsushima, the number of accommodations that actively accept South Korean tourists has increased, while some facilities have refused to accept them. According to a survey conducted by the author from 2004 to 2005, 30 of the 38 accommodations had accepted South Korean guests but eight had not. Of the 30 hotels that had accepted South Koreans, 22 had continued to do so, while eight had stopped accepting them because of problems with their accommodations. From the beginning, accommodations that actively accepted South Koreans were hotels with relatively large capacity in downtown Izuhara. Some of these companies obtained licenses to operate chartered buses and taxis and provided transportation and bus tours for South Korean tourists. Hotels that are actively accepting guests often sign contracts with South Korean travel agencies and accept tours with Japanese speaking tour guides. Since these hotels were unable to maintain their business even if they depended on Japanese tourists, it is considered that they actively accepted Korean visitors as a big business opportunity. Some small accommodations, such as inns and minshuku (private homes that provide room and board), accepted Korean individual guests and small groups, but generally with reluctance. In particular, accommodations where Japanese regular business and construction workers stay for a long period of time often do not accept Koreans.

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Differences in social customs and customs between Japan and South Korea are also a major factor in the reluctance of small accommodations to accept Korean tourists. In particular, the difference in accommodation rates was the biggest obstacle to their acceptance. In contrast to the Japanese inns and minshuku, Korean minbak calculate the rates based on the rate per room without meals. Many Korean travelers want to stay overnight without meals and bring in food, but Japanese inns often do not agree because they benefit from serving food. Last minute cancellations were also a serious problem. Even if you cancel a guesthouse stay in South Korea, there are many cases where you do not contact them in advance to apprise them of the situation. However, in the case of inns and minshuku in Japan, if they are canceled without permission, the prepared ingredients will be wasted and a great loss will be incurred. Differences in the use of toilets and bathing customs are also factors that confuse those operating accommodation facilities. In Japan, it is customary to take a bath at night, but in South Korea, it is customary to take a bath after getting up. If the angler does not take a bath before going to bed, the smell of fish or the tide often sticks to the bedding and cleaning costs are incurred each time. The difference in the use of the toilet clearly shows the difference in the social custom. Japanese flush toilets have strong water pressure and use water-soluble toilet paper; you can, therefore, flush the toilet paper. On the contrary, in many countries, it is customary to throw toilet paper into the trash bin due to water conditions and paper quality. Despite this, Tsushima did not set up trash cans and some hotels refused to accept the large amount of toilet paper thrown out of the toilet, which they felt was inappropriate. At the accommodations that accept guests, they tried to prevent trouble by explaining Japanese customs through Korean posters and putting garbage receptacles in the toilets. Many of the tour guides in South Korea heard complaints and requests from the accommodations and conveyed them to the guests. The number of hotels in South Korea that charge cancellation fees and the installation of toilets that can flush toilet paper have increased. As a result, in recent years, troubles caused by differences in social customs and customs have almost disappeared.

3.5 Exposed Inbound Vulnerabilities and Exploration of New Tourism Forms The increase in the number of South Korean tourists since 2000 has greatly contributed to the improvement of Tsushima’s worsening economy. Especially after 2011, the number of South Korean tourists sharply increased due to the increase of regular international flights and the depreciation of the yen caused by the government’s “Abenomics Policy” and inbound tourism flourished. During this period, not only accommodations and commercial facilities but also various tourism-related

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businesses such as sightseeing buses and rental cars were booming and employment on the island increased. However, Tsushima has often been at the mercy of country risk. In 2005, the Shimane Prefectural Assembly enacted “Takeshima Day” while the Masan City Assembly claimed Tsushima was a part of South Korea and enacted the “Tsushima Island Day” Ordinance. In 2012, two cultural heritages were brought to South Korea from Tsushima by some South Korean thieves. The thieves were arrested in South Korea and one statue was returned. However, the other statue has not yet been returned because a South Korean temple claimed its ownership and a court granted an injunction against its return. Enactment of the “Tsushima Island Day” Ordinance, the Buddhist statue thefts, and purchase of land by South Korean investors in Tsushima worsened the sentiment of the islanders, but this did not directly lead to a decrease in the number of South Korean tourists. However, the antagonism between the two governments stemming from the South Korean Supreme Court ruling on forced labor (October 2018) became even more serious when Japan tightened its export controls on three semiconductor materials to South Korea (July 2019) and when South Korea announced the annulment of the Japan–South Korea General Security of Military Information Agreement (August 2019). As a result, the number of South Korean tourists visiting Tsushima began to decline sharply in July, fell from 10% in September to 262,166, for the year as a whole, down 36.1% from the previous year. According to Tsushima City’s calculations, the island’s consumption by South Korean tourists was 830 million US dollars in 2018, but from July to September in 2019 it incurred economic losses of about 150 million US dollars, or 350 million US dollars annually. The number of international flights between Tsushima and Pusan has also been decreasing. In 2020, partly due to the spread of a new coronavirus (COVID-19) infection, few South Korean tourists visited the island; all flights were suspended on March 9. In Tsushima, with no prospects for inbound tourism in sight, some are exploring new tourism options. One of them is attracting domestic tourists. In 2019, using national subsidies under the “Manned Remote Islands Act,” travel agents developed strategies to attract tourists in Japan, such as selling round-trip tickets from Fukuoka and inexpensive package tours combining handicraft and nature experiences at Tsushima, “Tsushima no Shima Tabi.” As a result, the number of passengers using public transportation crossed 500,000 for the first time in 12 years and reached 517,111. However, the number of tourists from all over Japan has not yet increased when they come to Tsushima from areas other than Fukuoka, since it takes time and money to travel to Fukuoka. After regular international flights are resumed, the government is considering promoting the use of low-cost carriers from Narita and Kansai airports and international flights to the island via Pusan in the Tokyo metropolitan and Kansai areas. “Ghost of Tsushima” PlayStation 4 game software, was released in July 2020 by SONY Interactive Entertainment. The theme of “Ghost of Tsushima” is an invasion of Japan by the Mongolian Empire in 1274. Although the story and characters are fictional, images of historic sites in Tsushima and Mt. Shiratake are seen in various

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scenes of the game. Nagasaki Prefecture’s tourist portal site “Nagasaki Travel Net” has a collaboration site between Tsushima City and “Ghost of Tsushima.” The site also introduces Tsushima’s tourist attractions and food culture. At present, the requirements for resuming inbound tourism are shifting to the prevention of infection with COVID-19 rather than the improvement of Japan–South Korea relations. As of the end of July 2020, only one island resident had been infected with the coronavirus. In the case of islands, it is possible to eliminate the virus by performing PCR tests on all passengers before boarding a ship or plane and blocking infected persons. In addition, the population density of Tsushima at 44.4/km2 (2015 Census) is very low, compared with 333.3/km2 in Nagasaki Prefecture as a whole, and it is far from being dense. In both the “Post-Coronavirus” period and the “With Coronavirus” period, the most important way to explore new tourism is to provide a program for people who are spending their “daily routine” in Japan’s mainland or South Korea to experience the “unusual” in a safe and natural environment. Takehisa Sukeshige

4 Conclusion This chapter focused on three islands of Japan that have made relatively good progress in tourism. The population of Zamami-jima was increasing due to the development of marine leisure such as scuba diving. It was a successful model of internal development in which the island administration and the islanders have achieved tourism development without any large capital from outside the island. All the businesses were small scale and each of them run a complex of related industries such as guesthouses, hotels, and marine shops. In addition, off-islanders running marine shops created a way to share profits with the islanders by renting land from them and employing them during the high season. An island with small carrying capacity could accept limited numbers of tourist, making large-scale resort development by off-island capital like Okinawa Island unrealistic. It was prudent to create a mechanism for small-scale businesses, mainly led by the local residents and capital, to share the tourism income brought from off-island by cooperating with each other based on the island community. The Christianity of the Goto Islands had a history of prohibition and revival. The registration on the World Heritage List meant that the Church, which represented a symbol of local faith, has been recognized as having “outstanding universal value.” The value of the Churches and other related sites on the World Heritage List was formed in a local context, but once they were uplifted as World Heritage sites, they were separated from their local context. There was no room for religious values, and the secular act of tourism consumed the “unique architecture” and “hidden Christian original history.” The rediscovery of historically buried beliefs and the interest of many people in the islands’ region could be an incentive for tourists to visit the islands as a result of its World Heritage registration. However, without understanding the local context of Nagasaki’s Christian heritage, visitors to the churches, which were

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its constituent assets, would not be able to deeply understand the meaning of their architecture or how the hidden faith has maintained its lifeblood in the Goto Islands, which could be said to be one of the most remote areas in Japan. This separation from the local context was a necessary process for the globalization of culture. However, it was also a contradiction in terms as it has distanced people from the intrinsic value of the cultural heritage. The increase in the number of South Korean tourists on Tsushima island has been brought about by its just right location between Japan and South Korea and the relationship between the two countries. South Korea experienced 36 years of colonial rule by Japanese imperialism, and even after the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1965, problems have been raised incessantly. The increase in the number of Korean tourists in Tsushima since the 2000s has been brought about by the policy of depreciation of the yen. For Koreans, Tsushima, which was only a few hours away from Pusan by ferry, was the same as Andorra for the French and Hong Kong for the Chinese, and shopping was the biggest attraction. The unexpected increase in the number of inbound tourists has led to the development of tourism in Tsushima. However, it was based on the unstable relationship between the two countries. In the case of Tsushima, we could point out the boundary nature in addition to the island nature of Japan’s islands in general. It was not possible for a small island to determine international relations. Therefore, here too, islands could not make up their own minds but were affected by the uncontrollable wave of international relations. The essence of island tourism is to “sell what is not on the mainland or continent.” Since the Middle Ages, curious island products such as pepper and spices have been prized on the mainland and the continent, which developed into the plantation production of imperialism and continues to the present day. These were moved to the place of consumption, but in tourism, consumers moved to the place of production. People moved to see and experience things that did not exist on the mainland or the continent. There was a difference between the movement of things and the migration of people, but there was no difference in what was consumed by the movement. However, from the point of view of the island, it was more efficient to invite people who consume things to visit the island than to move things to the place of consumption by themselves. Here, there was room for tourism. The source of the island’s tourism resources might be the “island as a strange place.” First of all, the island itself was not on the mainland. The island had its own history, culture, and landscape that were different from those of the mainland. All of them could be resources for tourism. However, those resources needed to be processed into something that could be understood and consumed by the mainlanders. Raw fish and rice side by side would not be perceived as food. However, if a skilled chef served sushi, everyone would love the dish. A tourism resource was not a commodity as it was. There are oceans everywhere in the world that are just beautiful. However, if you could not offer the opportunity to explore the underwater scenes with a diving tank on your back or take pictures of the beautiful coral reefs, you would not attract tourists. In the Zamami Sea, we could do that. To turn a tourism resource into a

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tourism commodity, it was necessary to remake it into a form that consumers could understand. This required two tasks: one was the introduction of an external gaze and the other was a separation from the local context. The gaze from the outside brought new value. The islanders had not yet noticed the beauty of the Zamami Sea and the positional characteristics of the Tsushima Islands. For the islanders, the Zamami Sea was only a place to supply food resources and Tsushima Island had been an uninteresting trade route. However, it was people from outside the island who made the islanders aware that they had other values. In Zamami, people from outside of the island opened a marine shop to support the island’s economy. In this way, the gaze from the outside changed the values of the islanders. Nagasaki’s World Heritage Tourism told us that separation from the local context was also essential for the commodification of tourism. The churches of Nagasaki have 300 years of passionate history. Despite the fact that the Christian churches of the world have their own histories, the World Heritage Site selected only those of “outstanding universal value” from among them. In other words, local cultures were measured on a scale of relative standards of value. The object that got the best score among them was designated as a World Heritage Site. This was not an act of finding the intrinsic value of a culture but only of a relative ranking. Each culture and place was then treated as a single piece of information and subjected to consumption. Ranked cultures were placed on a display stand and subjected to “competition” with the other cultures. This process would be a kind of rite of passage through which all tourism or tourism sites would have to pass. If an island aspires to be a tourism destination, it must also embrace this process. We would like to note, however, that there is a great self-contradiction in this process. The identity of the island, which is an element that attracts tourists, may be lost when it is exposed to the gaze of people from outside the island. Satoshi Suyama Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my colleagues for their useful comments. Section 2 is supported financially by the Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research B, JSPS, 2019-22, 19H04379.

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Conclusion Satoshi Suyama

Abstract This book focused on several islands in Japan with the aim of identifying their regional characteristics. In the pre-modern era, islands formed a world of their own and were different from the mainland. In a self-contained space, a unique community was constructed. The small community self-determined its way of being. Since modern times, the islands were placed on the periphery of the country. The peripheralization of the islands occurred with the formation of modern Japan. This “opened up” the closed islands, but at the same time subordinated them to the mainland. The insularity of modern Japanese islands can be summarized in two points. The first is the coexistence of historically formed self-containment and the openness brought in after modernity, and the second is the periphery that has been formed and reproduced in the process of modernization. Self-containment can also be rephrased as closedness, which appears to be a contradictory property to openness. However, the diversity of the island is maintained through their use. On the contrary, peripherality is a characteristic that has been given to the islands since modern times. Despite being an object to be overcome, the peripherality has been reproduced and is now rather a factor in forming the uniqueness of the islands. The peripheral nature of the islands brought an open character to the islands, but this open character is more of a factor in preserving their periphery. Keywords Peripherization · Openness · Closure · Self-determination · Dependence · Reproduction of periphery

1 Peripherization of Islands This book focused on several islands in Japan with the aim of identifying their regional characteristics. Globally, the islands covered in this book are unevenly distributed both in terms of region and size. Although Japan is itself an island nation, the five largest islands—Hokkaido, Honshu, Shikoku, Kyushu, and Okinawa—are S. Suyama (B) Department of Geography, Komazawa University, Tokyo 154-8525, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 A. Hiraoka et al. (eds.), Insularity and Geographic Diversity of the Peripheral Japanese Islands, International Perspectives in Geography 18, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2316-6_9

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generally regarded as the mainland and not as islands. Although it is obvious that the whole of Japan is an island from the continental point of view, the Japanese who live on the mainland are less aware of the fact that they live on an island. The attitude of the Japanese is a dual standard with regard to islands. In that context, this book may not be based on sufficient material to make a general discussion of the common characteristics of the islands of the world. This dual standard, however, has given a unique character to the geographical study of islands in Japan. The islands discussed in this book are “islands in an island nation.” Therefore, when discussing the islands of Japan, the islands are not considered as isolated spaces but are always considered in relation to the neighboring mainland. The generalization of this kind of perspective on the islands in Japan allows us to focus on the relationship between the islands and the mainland. The discussion on the “relation between the islands” has a certain universality. Figure 1 schematically shows the characteristics of the islands elucidated by the analysis in this book. In this figure, the wavy line represents the sea, with the islands on the left side and the mainland on the right. From top to bottom, the characteristics of the islands are arranged according to the passage of time from pre-modern to modern times. It is clear from the discussion in Sect. 1, chapter “Conventional Studies of Japanese Islands” that the characteristics of islands were pointed out in the 1950s in Japanese geography. They were represented by words such as “sea-enclosed,” “isolation,” and “smallness,” which, as it were, only described the physical geography of the island. Furthermore, the only common characteristic of all the islands was that they are seaenclosed. Isolation and smallness were factors that vary according to the location and size of each island. The analysis in Sect. 3, chapter “Positioning of Islands in Modern Japan” showed that the isolation of islands has been reduced since the end of World War II owing to the improvement of transportation infrastructure, namely, ships and airplanes.

Fig. 1 Insularity of Japanese islands

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Furthermore, the sea-enclosed nature, which was the source of insularity, has been eliminated in some islands by bridge building. Among the above three insularities, smallness was the only one that remains unchanged even today.

2 Intersection of Gaze Between Islands and the Mainland The characteristics of an island appeared in different ways depending on the gaze. Islanders and mainlanders had very different views of the islands. The gaze concerning the island included (1) the gaze from the island to the island, (2) the gaze from the mainland to the island, and (3) the gaze from the island to the mainland. The gaze from the island to the island (1) was the gaze with which the islanders recognized their living space. The gaze from the mainland to the island (2) implied how the mainlanders perceived the island, and the gaze from the island to the mainland (3) meant how the islanders perceive the mainland. Through the interplay of these gazes, the space of the island was transformed from a self-contained microcosm into an open space with a stronger relationship to the outside world. In the pre-modern era, the islands and the mainland were treated as separate spaces, although not all of them were. The mainland and islands were rarely aware of each other. The islanders made good use of the island and its surrounding sea to complete most of their lives on the island. From the spatial utilization of the islands described in chapter “Production Space on Islands”, it was clear that the islanders have combined a diverse natural environment based on the sea, plains, and mountains to form a complex livelihood base that went beyond agriculture and fishing. Its use corresponded to the reproductive capacity of the resource and was sustainable. By establishing such a system, the population of the island was maintained at a stable level. Such a world was formed by the gaze from the island to the island (1). In a self-contained space, a unique community was constructed—the community, which was based on a settlement or island that self-determined its way of being. In the context of being able to determine their own communities and groups, island societies could be seen as having had a higher degree of autonomy than today. The right to self-determination has created a unique island response to the natural environmental threats the island faces. The islanders’ way of treating hazards showed that they not only had the wisdom to coexist with their environment but were also well versed in the natural environment of the island. The closed environment of the island was formed by the characteristics of the sea-enclosed physical nature. The people of the mainland paid little attention to a place separated from them by the sea. After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, however, as Japan began to step forward as a modern nation, the gaze from the mainland to the islands changed as the territory of the nation was established and expanded. The mainland cast a new gaze on the islands, which had been indifferent until then. This was the gaze from the mainland to the island (2). As a “late imperialist” nation, Japan could only expand its territory in East Asia and the western Pacific. Territorial

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expansion into the Pacific meant, in effect, the annexation of the islands of these areas into the country. The islands incorporated into Japanese territory were placed on the periphery of the country. The term “periphery” was applied not only to the newly incorporated islands but also to the islands of the coast along the mainland and the Nansei Islands, which had been associated with the mainland since before the modern era. The peripheralization of the islands occurred with the formation of modern Japan. The gaze from the mainland to the island “opened up” the island, which until then had maintained a self-contained and closed ecosystem. The islands do not exist on their own but have begun to transform into a place that exists in relation to the mainland. The transformation of the island in acceptance of various external innovations and impacts has been described in detail in chapter “Life Space on Islands”. As indicated in Sects. 6.1 and 6.3, the present island exists on the basis of supply from outside the island. However, the self-contained world of the island has not been drastically replaced by an open system. The traditional island world survives even today and continues to give the islands their unique character. The island has a dichotomous character of closedness and openness that coexist. This shows that the mainland’s gaze has not radically transformed the island’s structure. The gaze from the mainland to the island treated the island as, on its surface, the same region as the mainland. Since the mid-twentieth century, the Japanese government has advocated the elimination of regional disparities between the islands and the mainland, enacted special legislation, and promoted policy-based income transfers. However, those measures made the disparity between the island and the mainland more apparent. The administrative organization was integrated into a vertical structure with the state at the top and the island’s autonomy was positioned at the bottom. The structure of governance, which depended on financial support and allocation of funds from the government, led to the subordination of the island to the mainland. As time passed, the presence of the mainland grew in the gaze of the islanders. The mainland, with its rapid economic growth, was flooded with things and opportunities that were not available on the islands and attracted a young population from the periphery of the country, including the islands. Integration into the mainland consumption market disrupted the island’s traditional livelihood base and the local industry that guaranteed the island’s economic independence was lost. The population outflow from the islands, which had strengthened their ties with the mainland, continued. Depopulation and aging of the population became a major regional problem. The elimination of “backwardness” advocated by the mainland was not realized; rather, regional disparities widened. The gaze from the island to the mainland (3) promoted the subordination of the island to the mainland. The mainland’s gaze forced the peripheralization of the island. However, the islanders accepted the peripheralization and tried to adapt to it. For the island to survive, it was rather necessary to emphasize its differences from the mainland. The island’s unique commodity production, fostered by its self-containment, was an example of this strategy. By commercializing its original regional resources, the island has responded to the gaze of the mainland.

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The method of selling what was not available on the mainland was the island’s answer to the mainland’s gaze. In the past, the island’s unique resources, such as albatross feathers, guano, dried bonito flakes, and sugar cane, became the island’s strategic materials. Additionally, since the late twentieth century, the island’s environment itself has been commodified, that is, the commodification of the region through tourism. However, tourism was not a valid commodity on all islands. As detailed in chapter “Tourism Development in Islands”, the island had to understand the gaze from the mainland and process and direct the resources of the island into a form that could be consumed by customers from the mainland. At the same time, they had to emphasize that the island was a different world as seen from the mainland and give the mainlanders the satisfaction of visiting a different land. Furthermore, the islands had to compete with each other in the tourism market. The island, opened by the gaze of the mainland, threw back the gaze on the mainland by emphasizing its difference. Considered in its historical context, this means that the islands that have been peripheralized by the mainland are now reproducing their own peripherality. As a result, the island was fixed in its position as a periphery of the mainland. Peripheralization was brought about by the mainland’s gaze, fixed by the legal system and promotion policies constructed by the mainland, but continues to be reinforced and reproduced by the islanders’ gaze on the mainland. The status of the island as a “periphery” is a construction dually created by the mainland and the island. However, this does not mean that the island remains crammed into a corner of the country. The I-turn analyzed in Sect. 3, chapter “Population Flow from/to the Islands” and the inbound tourism seen in Sect. 3, chapter “Tourism Development in Islands” were good examples of the advantages of being in the periphery.

3 Sustainability of the Peripheralized Islands It is not realistic to expect that the current situation on the islands, which have been peripheralized by the national system, can be significantly reformed. Politically and economically, the islands have been placed at the margins of the national system and the only thing they can do is to avoid further dependence on the mainland. In order to do so, it is necessary to build an independent industrial and living basis. The promotion of the islands by taking advantage of their peripheral status has already been attempted. Tourism is a good example of this. However, the small size of the island does not allow for a large influx of tourists. In addition, the islanders would find it difficult to accept tourism that is divorced from the island’s local context. Therefore, instead of mass tourism, alternative tourism, which is the opposite of it, is more suitable for the islands. Tour guiding and dive guiding, which involve observing wildlife and ecosystems, have the potential to grow into highly profitable industries. The guide industry has a low environmental impact. It also does not deviate from the context of the island through over-direction. Furthermore, it will be able to play

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a role in educating tourists about the natural environment, history, and culture of the island. There is also potential for the development of agriculture and fisheries that take advantage of the unique natural environment. Particularly in the Okinawa Islands and the Amami Islands, subtropical fruits that are rarely distributed in the mainland are cultivated. In addition, complete cultivation of tuna, which had been considered difficult, has been achieved. The development of LCCs and subsidies for airfare have dramatically reduced transportation costs. Despite being on the periphery of the mainland, accessibility to the mainland has improved, and agricultural and marine products that can fully compete with mainland production areas have been developed. The living environment on the island is good, with time flowing at a leisurely pace and close human relations. Couple I-turners with small children can raise their children with the help of their neighbors, and retiree I-turners can spend their days doing what they like. Since the late 2010s, an increasing number of I-turners have been coming to the islands that are warm and have urban infrastructure. They can become the new leaders in community management. However, there is no need for thousands of I-turners to come to an island. Islands are small. For an island with a population of 1,000, even 10 I-turners can have a sufficient impact. All of these possibilities for sustainable development are formed by the island’s otherworldly character (Fig. 2 in chapter ‘Cultural and Social Overview of Japanese Islands’). The gaze to the periphery is imbued with a longing for the otherworld, as life on the mainland, especially in metropolitan areas, becomes more managed and has less tolerance for others. By responding appropriately to this gaze from the mainland, sustainable development of the islands will be possible. However, the peripheral status of the islands should not be uncritically affirmed. Along with economic independence, islanders need to acquire the right to political and social self-determination. For example, most of the subsidies provided to the islands by the government have a predetermined use. It is necessary to establish a system that leaves the use of these funds to the self-determination of the islanders. The islanders also need to develop human resources who are capable of making various policies and starting businesses.

4 Insularity of Japanese Islands When this is observed, the insularity of modern Japanese islands can be summarized in two points. The first is the coexistence of historically formed self-containment and the openness brought in after modernity, and the second is the periphery that has been formed and reproduced in the process of modernization. Self-containment can also be rephrased as closedness, which appears to be a contradictory property to openness. However, the diversity of the island has been maintained through the use of these two channels. Even on the same island, closed and open characteristics have been coexisted to varying degrees in various aspects. On the contrary, peripherality has been a characteristic that has been given to the islands

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since modern times. Despite being an object to be overcome, the peripherality has been reproduced and is now rather a factor in forming the uniqueness of the islands. The peripheral nature of the islands, which was formed with modernization, brought an open character to the islands, but this open character was more of a factor in preserving their peripherality. Royle (2001) and Ratter (2018) compared the island to the continent. This was probably the general gaze on islands in world geography. From a European perspective, with its history of colonialism, the island remained an object of domination. From this point of view, a scheme of continents (large countries) and islands (small countries) could be formed. However, in Japan, where the entire country is an island, the illustration of the mainland–island relationship has been established. Although their frameworks are seemingly different, they share a common regional composition with a background of domination and subordination. The position of the islands in Japan is, so to speak, a smaller copy of that of the islands in the world. Therefore, it is possible to read the Japanese mainland in this book as a continent on a world scale. These characteristics found for the Japanese islands are universal and applicable to all the islands of the world. Satoshi Suyama

References Ratter BMW (2018) Geography of small islands: outposts of globalization. Springer, Cham Royle SA (2001) A geography of islands: small island insularity. Routledge, London