Inside Thai Scoeity: An Interpretation of Everyday Life [3 ed.] 9742105111

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INSIDE THAI SOCIETY An Interpretation

of Everyday Life *

Niels Mulder

Editions Duong Kamol

677? '

Inside Thai Sodety An Interpretation of Everyday Life By Niels Mulder Third revised and expanded edition 1990 ISBN 9742105111 3UV1. 23/2533

Editions Duang Kamol Siam Square G.P.O. Box 427 Bangkok, Thailand ©1979, 1985, 1990 Niels Mulder wraimhulwi Misnuoauu 50/21-25

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Contents Acknowledgments ................................. v Preface to the third revised edition vi Note on spelling and the use of words and names viii Introduction ....................................................................... lx Chapter 1 Old'and New Ideas in a Changing Society 1 Chapter 2 The Ideas of Power and Goodness in the Thai Weltanschauung :.................................... 15 Chapter 3 Interpreting Action: reflections on presentation and power ........................................ 44 Chapter 4 Interpreting Action: reflections on trust, relaxation, and self 59 Chapter 5 Individual and Society in Modem Literature 77 Chapter 6 The Achievement Motive in Thai Society 89 Chapter 7 Avoidance and Involvement: the relationship between individual and society . ...... 105 Chapter 8 Buddhism, National Identity and Modernity 113 Chapter? Modern Times, Culture, and Development 133 Conclusions 155 Bibliography 161 Index ..............................................................167

fit

Acknowledgements

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The research presented.in thisbook was made possible by- the permission and the.effident administrative support of the National’ Research Council of Thailand .and also by the surplus salary that I enjoyed while working for the U.N. Economic. Commission for Asia and.the Far-East (now ESCAP) in Bangkok from 1971-3. Regarding the three years that are most pertinent to. this study (1975-8), Lgratefully acknowledge the kindness of the Thai people, thegoodcare of MalaiTongsu; the interestof my Thai colleagues, the sympathy of my parents, and the friendship of Fon Zwart..For fine hospitality and: help I rememberRolf and Helen von Bueren; Hans and Mareen van Leeuweh, and Theo and Laiad Meier. For intellectual stimulation, and for criticizing the manuscript in its various stages of ' development, I thank Jan Boeles, Katherine Bowie, Han ten Brummelhuls, John Cadet, Saeng Channgaam, SaowapaCharoenkwan,NarongsakChunnual,PramuanDickinson, Chamlong Disayanish, Hans Evers, Louis Gabaude, Narujohn Iddhlchiracharas, Kees van der Meer, Herbert Phillips, Akin Rabibhadana, Tatya Saihoo, Yut Sakdejayont, Francis Seely, Sulak Sivaraksa, Suthep Soonthornpasuch, Donald Swearer/ Anders Tandrup, BaasTerwlel, Dan Weisberg, and SonWimol.Ialsogratefiilly remember, my audiences at Chiangmai,/ Chulalongkorn, and* Thammasat Universities for their critical contributions in clarifying, my thinking. The opinions expressed in this analysis, however, are. entirely my .responsibility. » Lthank the editors of The Journal of Social Sciences (Chiangmai University), TheJournal ofSocial Sciences (ChulalongkornUniversity), the.Thai Journal of DevelopmentAdministration;and the Journal of the Siam Society for theirkind permission toreprintartides that appeared in their journals,-while l a m grateful to Editions Duang Kamolfor publishing this result of- my field investigations? in the present format. & Chiangmai, September 1978/2521

.NielsMulder

< La

Preface to the third edition ’The main Improvement to the second edition was the rewritten introduction that clarified the theoretical and analytical framework of this study. The new introduction also subsumed the observations about methodology and my personal experiences that originally appeared in the concluding section. In rewriting two 'observations 1 were omitted and many people asked me.why. In the first edition I clearly stated that I found the 'interview-indepth' unrewarding and a difficult technique with- which to solicit’ partldpants'reflectlons and perceptions, In retrospect this inadequacy can only be expected inT haLculture, where the form of things is so important and where hon-intimate individuals prefer to interact ritually and superficially. Also, practlsingpsychiatrists often comment of the difficulty of penetrating into the -more personal levels of experience,- the disturbance of which is felt to be threatening- and confrontational. Consequently sources other than the depth interview became relatively more important in gathering the material than they had been, for instance, in my research in Java where I relied predominantly on interviewing (Mulder, 1978, 1989). (The.other, non-lnterview sources have been specified in the introduction.) The. second omitted observation was that I left the country without having gained a single Thai friend. I deleted this observation because of its.ambiguity. First, it merely reflected my state of mind after three years of continuous stay in Thailand. During that time! had grown thoroughly frustrated with Inevitably being pigeonholed as aucaon (onudjand farangfdij), that I was seemingly never accepted 1as simply 'Niels'- when associating with Thais. Even my companion, Malai, with whom I had been together for the better part of seven years, andwhohadfirst bestowed my Thai name (fir ej) had fallen into the habit of referring to me’as aacaan, a term of address which I experienced as less than stimulating. » Second, in retrospect I realized that not gaining any Thai friends must be expected since the Thai concept of friendship is different from mine. Whereas Thai seem to separate their roles positionally, meeting in well-defined relationships such as a relatives, classmates, partymembers, bosses, employees, or friends, myconceptofafriend vi

is somebody with whom I can be totally myself, mixing my various persona and opening up'any aspect of being Niels. For the Thais such role-mixing is bewildering to the extent of arousing anxiety; 'friend' is a particular role that normally excludes the other role identities that aperson may have. Moreover, theEuropean concept of friendship is always non-hierarchical and confidential, and therefore essentially confrontational. Thai’friendship seems to centre on mutual interests and pre-determined social positions and thushormaiiyindudes an element of hierarchy; it is not necessarily confidential In the sense of opening up to each other and tends to avoid confrontation. Consequently it was unfair' to observe that I had not gainedfriends because that statement failed to consider the Thai point of view at the same time that my being a farang excludes me from Thai-Thai intercourse. 1 The main improvements to this third edition are the conscientious editing of Richard C. Lair, a more precise title and the addition of two new chapters. The present Chapter Five is an abbreviated version of a chapter in Strategies and Structures in Thai Society (1984) and I thank the editors, Han ten Brumm elhuis and Jeremy Kemp, for their permission to have it reprinted. The chapter about avoidance and involvement in social relationships is a shortened version of the final chapter of my Java-Thailand: A comparative Perspective (1983). Intellectually these two chapters belong to the same period of exploration of Thai culture and society as the rest of this book. For the new and attractive format I would like to thank Khun Suk Soongswang of Editions Duang Kamol.

'

Niels Mulder

Bangkok, March 1990

1

I a m grateful to Hans-Dieter Bechstedt and John Cadet for discussions that clarified the Thai and European concepts of friendship.

Note on spelling and the use of Thai words and names , * < Generally, Thai words have-been transliterated in accordance with thephonetic system developed by Mary HaasJ 1964), excepting, however, some- familiar and time honoured romanizations of common Thai terms and names as well =as’some internationally common Sanskrit and Pali words. Personal names have been, written according to personal preferences. In order to help readers who read Thai to identify certain key concepts and names, these have-also been- written in Thai. Concerning.vowels, both Land a have beentranscribed aS;O, ;-o as oe, and u as ae.

viii

Introduction Thailand has often been called "The Land of Smiles", a sobriquet which sounds at once pleasant and mysterious. At the same time that a smile may normally suggest good humour, it is also one of the most enigmatic of expressions. A smile may be a sign of kindness, of forgiveness, or friendly inclinations; a smile may also be merely polite, a way to smooth interaction or a sign that one is willing tq listen. A smile may indicate agreement, or self-confidence, but it may • alsobe a means to gently express one's opposition or doubt. A person on the defensive may smile, and one may smile when sad,,or hurt, oreven insulted. It has been said that theThais have a smile for every emotion, and with somanynuancesolsmiling, thesmile often hides more than it reveals. If,- in betwcen all these nuances of smiling,. the smile still has.a basic meaning, it would be that it functions as a means of smooth and polite presentation of self. TheThais are masters of presentation and take great pains with their appearance. Things should appear to be in the best order; the body neatly dressed, the food nicely presented, the yard well-swept, the temple clean, everythingwashed, groomed, trimmed to make an orderly and pleasant impression. This is the ideal that the Thais cultivate among themselves and the image that they want to project of themselves and their society. In short, the way things appear and the way people present themselves is an extremely important aspect of life.

Cultural analysis It -is the aim of this book t o - penetrate? and look behind the projection of appearances- in order to appreciale .the .subjective importance that the Siamese; or Central Thais themselves attribute to their actions. Inpther words, this book searches for the/Iogic' that permeates everyday life in the historical heartland of present-day Thai society. However confusing. that "everyday life" may appear to the outside observer, .the participants seem to' take if for granted and to know their way; to them, the conduct of their lives appears regular and predictable, guided by a system of shared conventions. The lx

Inside Thai Society primary challenge in this study in cultural analysis is to investigate the system of shared conventions that makes life eminently orderly; 1 In doing research it is easy enouglvto acquire bits and pieces of such knowledge by simply asking why people do certain things; It i s more difficult, however, to gain access to the basic criteria which people use to perceive, classify, and interpret their world and their experience— the concepts that give structure and regularity t o their knowledge. Often the basic concepts are most pointedly expressed in mythology, theology, philosophy, and other' forms of openended creative thinking that serve to elucidate the relationships between man, life, world, and cosmos. That Weltanschauung (Un ■nrrvl) or symbolic universe reveals the 'Ultimate reasons o f Existence’ and the real nature of things. It i s no wonder that religious thinking and ritual may offer important clues in identifying basic conceptualizations. The basic conceptions that I have in mind are 'perceptions about time, knowledge, causality, power, sin, etc.; such ideas combine to structure a basic cognitive orientation. The ensuant basic cognitive orientation underlies and reinforces the shared world view (ihffml), that is, the practical view of life in a social context. This world view is a historical evolution from communal experience, a shared system of rationalization *and interpretation of the order of social life containing a cultural 'theory of action'. Because of its dialectical relationship with the -ever changing experience of everyday life, world views change over time, as is clearly illustrated by the different attitudes towards life between different generations. Evolutions in the content of a world view, however, always lag behind the actual changes in real life and consequently newly emerging social situations may for a long time be interpreted in terms of an 'outdated' world view. Yet, even if new interpretations present an apparently radically different content of * 1

The approach taken in this work Is inspired by Alfred Schutz, Collected Papers, I, The Problem of Social Reality (the Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1973); P. L. Berger and Th. Luckmann, The Social.Construction of Reality (New York; Doubleday Anchor Books, 1967), and C. Geertz,’ The Interpretation' of Cultures (New York: Basic Books 1973).

X

Introduction the world view, that 'new' world view often appears to be the same old wine In a new bottle because it is conceptualized with the same old tools of thought, that is, those core concepts that shape the culture's basic cognitive orientation. A world view that explains the actual order of social life inevitably suggests, if not codifies, rules for life, that is, a moral system that embodies the knowledge of how life is wisely lived and endured. Some of these rules consist of explicit normative prescriptions that coalesce into ethics that are often religiously reinforced. Other rules are less compelling and could rather be called 'common sense', or the pragmatic realism that offers a safe guide through life, a wisdom that Is often expressed in proverbs and folk homilies. Altogether these epitaphs and 'rilles’ give rise to a preferred and characteristicstyleof expression, of the shape of the social milieu and the ways in which, goals should be accomplished that is sometimes called an ethos. Practically, these rules for the conduct of life, because of their nearness to everyday experience; will change much more rapidly than the world view. If observed from the position of everyday life— which is, by definition, life 'taken for granted'— such rules are at the first level of reasons to explain actual behaviour and action, containingminor theoretical statements thatarerather immediately related.to concrete instances of life. For instance; when questioning concrete action, such as "Why do you showrespect to your father?", a researcher may typically get two types of answers in response, one ethical (such as "I should respect my father because he is good to me", or "It would hurt my father if I did not show respect to him"), and theother commonsensical, ("If I do riot show respect to him, he will hit me" or, "I show respect because he takes care of me"). Itisonly by delving into these answers again inasearch for deeper motivations that one may obtairrmanifestations of the theoretical level of aworld view, such asinformation about the hierarchial order of relationships in Thai society, the related system of reciprocal rights and obligations, the standing of the individual in relation to society,' and so forth. The roots of such manifestations are so deeply buried that they cannot easily bebrought to consciousness and only few participants are analytical or reflective enough Jo combine them into a cultural theory of action, world views being largely implicit in xi

Inside Thai Society a way of life. It is. the aim of this study in cultural the Thai world view. as explicit as possible.

Organization

of the study

analysis to make


ai tpivdhr, imunairiuJuniRifcnJrciTirtTnnffaw, tjnnTMrifnjKgnlvnlKinfllna. M.A. thesis, Chulalongkorn University 2526/1983. 1

11

Inside Thai Society standards and who are basically self-sufficient (khonmii, nuS;phoojuuphookin, xoofroffy), but some 50% of rural people can be classified as poor to very poor (Krongkaew and Cheonslri, 1976). This last group generates migrants who. contribute to the growth of the dty, a vast number of novices and monks, a vast number of prostitutes, and many social problems. They are the people who have but a small stakein the system and who live a hand-to-mouth existence. In their once whole communities the perception of themselves as a classhas not yet developed: they still see themselves as part of the unified ritual community and they live In a dependent relationship on those who are better off and who still provide them with some income. Their interests, at least as seen from within their communities, still coincide with those who have and produce a surplus and upon whom the poor must depend (Turton, 1976), thus still reinforcing the vertical direction of Thai perceptions of social relationships* (Jumbala, 1974). Yet many rural communities arebeginning to show consciousness of socio-economic polarization and, especially there where tenants depend onabsentee landlords, thegeneral exploitation of the rural population may provoke political action. This potential . has been amply demonstrated by the rapid rise of the Farmers Federation of Thailand and other rural protest movements (Turton, 1978). In opposition to the strategic group of the aware, humanistic intellectuals we find a group whose strategic Impulse lies in their own self-interest and conservatism. They admire everything that comes from abroad, slavishly follow the Trends of fashion and consumerism, and they are indifferent to societal ills that do not affect them. In thelrway ofthinking they arenot alienatedbut rather form a group that coincides perfectly well with modern urban perceptions. They are guided by self-interest, that’ is, the pervasive tuakhrajtuatnan 'egoism') mentality, and are nearly always apolitical and thus irresponsible. They stick to themselves and want to be left alone. They are a part of the upwardly mobile middle class; the 'silent majority' that prefers to remain ignorant of the realities of both their own and other people's situations. Yet, because of their reactionary potential they must be considered as a latent strategic group. 12

Cid and New Ideas in a Changing Society There are many more analytical lines that can be drawn through the Thai system on basis of position, of resources and of Ideology. Thesedivisions neither coincide withnorproduce clear classifications; they crosscut each other and create different perspectives for individuals and groups, resulting in the image of society as a complex of conflicting value orientations that generate both tension and cohesion. It is not simply economic conflicts or differences of interest that give direction to the social process. That process is far more complicated and its dynamics are fed by both structural and ideational oppositions and complementarities that need to be researched. A very useful analytical outline of these problems has recently been published by Turton et al. (1978). 1

* Foran exhaustive survey of Thai and foreign interpretations of the development of the Thai economy and its social formations, see C. J. Reynolds, and Hong Lysa, "Marxism in Thai Historical Studies’, Journal of Asian Studies, XLIII/1 (November 1983).

13'

•o

Inside Tiiai Society

1

14

5

Chapter 2 THE IDEAS OF POWER AND GOODNESS IN THE THAI WELTANSCHAUUNG

Analysis The basic thrust of the Thai Weltanschauung may rather simplistlcally be sketched as follows: Buddhism deals essentially with virtue and wisdom that can liberate people from the common order of life. Buddhism shows the way out of the fetters of samsaric (subject to the cycle of rebirth, inhffjtmiji) existence. It relates to the trustworthy order, of morality and goodness that Is symbolized by the home, the mother, and the female symbols of Mother Earth and Mother Rice. Both the Buddha and also these latter three female entities are considered to have the highest phrakhun ("goodness", TOEqa ) towards us, its beneficiaries; together they constitute ' the domain of moral goodness, or what I call the ‘khuna farm) dimension of existence*. » * Next to this domain we find the realm of supernatural power and, first, the area thabthe Thai classify.as saksit.(rfrwSns)- This realm is much . less trustworthy and does -mot necessarily have moral, characteristics; It represents the tenuous order outside the home. It is the subject of the most intensive religious preoccupation—of loss' and gain, danger and protection—arid there are-very clear; almost* mechanical rules for dealing with it. Beyond the area of saksit power we find the area of chaos and extreme unreliability represented by 15

Inside Thai Society the fearsome spectre of pure wickedness and immorality. Together these latter two kinds of power form the decha (imn) dimension of existence. In between the khuna and decha dimensions of existence we find an area of interminglingthat affects the safety and continuity of the group. Schematically all this can be ordered as follows: f

order Pure order 1 Order of goodness Symbol The Buddha. The mother Quality Pure virtue; J Deeply moral stillness I

1 |

Safety

Decha ('powers Interpenetration

Khuna ('moral goodness J

Tenuous order | Saksit power < Amoral !

Chaos Evil Immoral

Potential danger

Domesticated area of existence

Decha j

Domesticated power Poweristhemost spectacular,beguiling; and central manifestation of Thai life; its cognitive elaborations and the way power is accommodated reveal the essentially animistic substratum of 'the Thai mentality. An understanding of saksit power will provide us with an ordering principle against which other classifi cations can be understood? Power is -primarily vested.in sing saksit (holy objects, such as Buddha images, stupas (cetiya , nKtlJ, temple buildings, amulets, holy words, holy water (namuion, ifiwuip,- the spirits and the gods (theewadaa, and in the shrines that they animate. Sometimes power-is also vested in strange natural manifestations such as white elephants- or , deformed babies. Saksit power also manifests .Itself very abstractly in the positlonof the king as devaraja, and as a matter of principledn everything that has mysterious qualities. This power ispotentially beneficent and potentially harmful;, it lies all around us like.the atmosphere, and whenit concentrates in

16

The Ideas of Power and Goodness in the Thai Weltanschauung places or objects it results in sing saksit. People have to accommodate this sphere of power and must approach it on Its own terms according to the laws that guide it. The power of sing saksit can be tapped for personal purposes, .its protection may be sought, and its vengeful manifestations can be neutralized. In almost every house compound there is the small and attractive spirit shrine of the phraphuum (vnsJjij). Phraphuum is the 'lord of the place’ fcawthii, that is, the local ruler whose presence should be recognized and respected. Just as all goods have their owner, all placeshave their local lordnotbecauseofahigher order of legitimation but as a matter of fact, and natural right. The incidental human occupants of a compound therefore need to pay respect to the local potentate in order, to be safe and to avoid its wrath which can be provoked because- of negligent or nonrespectful behaviour. If respected, well-treated, and occasionally feasted, phraphuum will be protective in return and care for the safety of the place. If untoward incidents still continue to happen, such incidents cannot be the fault of phraphuum and in such cases the causes need to- be sought elsewhere. i Phraphuum ls not the only local lord: in a village one will find at least two others, the phiibaan (fltfw), that is, the ruler and protector of the village territory and also the phiiwad, or syawad (iSla-fo), that is, the protective spirit of the temple compound. These lords should also be respected and honoured, and their, beneficial protection needs be sought periodically; Similarly, the. wider territory of the province has Itssaksit ruler and protector, that is, .the phiimyangor syamyang that resides;in or at the city pillar or lakmyang (uffniflnj) (Tcrwlel,.1978):. ( ; While the above might suggest that there is a hierarchy among the local lords, there does not appear to be any strict order among these potentates, and there is certainly no suchthingas vassalage among them. They all want, to be respected and they all need to be supplicated in order to ensure the welfare of the human beings in their territory. The little phraphuum of one'sjhouse compound, being nearest, jnay easily be the most important of all since he is directly in charge of .the protection of those who Jive in his -immediate surroundings. A phraphuum is certainly not satisfied wlth respect 17

Inside Thai Society pale! to the syamyang or the phiibaan but wants to be respected in its own right Because of its nearness, fts subjccts had besbrespect Its wishes. These guardian spirits are basically local rulers who have no power outside of their respective territories; in. other places one needs to deal with other local potentates. But, their power, too, Is very much localized to their respective shrines, or ritual centres. To supplicate them or to tap their power one needs to go to their place; withJncreasing distaricefrom their shrines, their power dissipates accordingly and they have no influence outside the borders of their realm other perhaps than' 'by* recommendation'; Sometimes the’ protective blessingof these theepaarak(imrrfniS)orphiiaardk (guardian spirits) is sought for safety 'during a journey, oftenfagainst the vow to give something upon a safe return; some university students may seek success in examinations at the shrine of the phrapkuum of the university compound. In* principle, however, their power and Influence Is local arid hasto do with the guardianship of the place. There is little use in seeking their protection or blessing when one’is outside their sphere of influence. In other words, it is not* very practical or politic for a traveller to remain devoted to the guardian spirit of his village when he is away. As soon as he steps outside his village boundaries he enters the realm of another local ruler that must be respected and worshipped. An additional technique for dealingwlth unknown or threatening power Is embodied In magically charged amulets or tattoos as well as in spells or .protective Buddhist texts (khaathaa, mm/ By such strategies the traveller surrounds himself with ambulatory protective power that is concentrated in amulets and powerful words. White gardian spirits that care for the general peacefulness and protection of their territory are localized by definition, there are other powers which see, for instance, to the growth of rice and the falling of fain; these theewadaa regulate and have power over specific activities. But however widespread their activities may be, these powers should be addressed at the right “time arid place, if their blessing is to be invoked. There Is little use in seeking the protection or the curative properties of the miraculous relicof the Buddha at Doi Suthep Temple In Chlangmal without going there, and one does not 18

The Ideas of Power and Goodness in the Thai Weltanschauung ensure good luck by .praying to the Four Faced Brahma (Thaaw MahaaPhrom, tfTnnnwTWJ) housed at the Erawan Hotel in Bangkok while one Is upcountry. The supplicant had better go to its shrine to propitiate a powerful spirit of good luck if one wants to feel any assurance. AH these powers, be they guardian spirits' or rulers of certain realms of activity, arebasically localized andtheirprotectibn should be sought at their particular shrines. 1 However saksit power is incorporated, in order to invoke its benevolent attention the worshipper must initiate the transaction by paying respect and making a small offering. The supplicant then offers his terms of contract: if the saksit power will fulfil his wishes, he will return and offer a feast, a pig's head, flowers, or perhaps even a theatrical performance. Most saksit powers have known likes and dislikes: the Buddha .image Phra Chinaraad in Pitsan uloke likes pig heads,Phra Kaew Morakoi (The Emerald Buddha, vnsufainnn) loves hard boiled eggs, the spirit of the dty pillar in Bangkok is fond of lakhon chaatrii (asnmrfl) performances, and the four-faced Brahma at the Erawan Hotel appreciates flower garlands; elephant statues, anda donation to the Erawan hospital foundation. Female spirits (cawmae, tinni) have a marked predilection for phalli. The ritual of the( invocation is always the same: one first pays respect and makes a small offer of burning Incense in order to attract attention, then- one makes a vow, and, finally, after being granted one's wishes, redeems the vow. According to Phya Anuman (ikjei-j. Trittin), "If a theewadaa does not want to give what it has been asked for, but the ceremonial way in which it has.been supplicated was correct, then it must without reservation fulfil that wish" -(1972/ 2515:309). The contract between a supplicant and a good protective spirit or theewadaa, or any other thing classified as sing saksit, is largely mechanical, for a specific purpose, and of relatively short duration; Moreover, such contracts are never fully reliable. 1

Some Thais, especially those who travel abroad, hold the view that they can Invoke the protective blessing of powerful saksit Images; such as the Emerald Buddha, when they are far away. They may a sk for safety or success In an examination and, if their wish Is granted, they promise to redeem the vow upon return Ing to Thailand, preferably at the place of, worship of the sing saksit concerned.

19

Inside Thai Society The saksit power must respond to a correct ceremony, and those ceremonies are well-known. When a proper rainmaking ceremony has been held, rain should follow. If rain doesnot fall, the ceremony may be repeated and carefully scrutinized in order to verify its ritual correctness. If rain is still not forthcoming, or whatever wish remains unfulfilled, then it must be supposed that other, more powerful causes are thwarting the contract. Or--perhaps the power being addressedhas been insulted by behaviour outside the ceremony and cannot respond, or other powers may Intervene and thwart the scheme, whether by manifesting as a supernatural force or a plain, 41 natural phenomenon. Basically, t he saksit powers respond to presentation, such as right ceremony, proper words, appropriate movements and formulae. The contract's aremechanical, and people generally knowhow to perform their side of the contract. In such manipulative contracts, power is never seen as being inherent in man himself but rather in his knowledge of the correct form -that makes saksit powers respond. These saksit powers may therefore be considered to be domesticated: people have clear ideas on how to handle them and are familiar with their behaviour; in this sense the powers are reliable and predictable. The-same predictability is expected of the human participant in the contract. When the blessing of a saksit power has been sought against a promise, thatpower may become very irritated and dangerous if the vow is not redeemed in the correct manner and according to the terms of contract. In such cases1protective power turns vengeful and will punish negligent behaviour. Insult to saksit powers is by no means sinful (baab, rndj, but merely stupid. One does not activate karmicretributiori by defaulting on a businesslike contract, but in the manner of a civil lawsuit the problem will be settled between parties. In relation to these saksit powers, we could observe that to honour the terms of contract is beneficial, while the stupidity of not doing so will result in revenge, disaster, shame and loss of face. Saksit powers are highly sensitive about their power, rank, and prestige; they are easily insulted, yet also easy to satisfy by a show of respect, an offer, or a bribe. Summarizing, we find 1that the concept of safaiLpower has the following attributes. The human life situation is encompassed by a 20

The Idea's of Power and Goodness in the Thai Weltanschauung realm of nature and supefnature in which power is vest'ed. Humans need that power for protection, for blessing, for safety and auspiciousness, and for success in’thelr personal and communal pursuits. In places, such aslocalities, shrines, etc., and in objects such as amulets power is concentrated. Concentrated power becomes addressable and manifests itself as saksit power. By knowing the proper method, such as the useof rituals, ceremonies, orincantations these powers can be Induced to work for the needs of the human supplicants. Consequently, these powers may be considered t o b e domesticated. Contracts with saksit powers are defined by their purpose, have a relatively- short time perspective, -and need to be periodically renewed. Saksit powers are potentially benevolent and protective, but can be dangerous, jealous and vengeful if they feel slighted. ‘ * * Another characteristic o f both diffuse and concentrated saksit power is’that it does not appear fo derive from a centre or an ultimate source of legitimation. Power is simply there. In its concentrated forms i t has a natural right to exercise rule; and’to demand offerings and respect. These powers represent the tenuous order outside the home or community. They are jealous o f b t h e r powers and never fully reliable; they are high-handed minor or m a j o r potentates which need t o be both respected and bribed t o be good. In spite of these characteristics, humans feel the need to depend on them and seek their favour. To do so, the human partner must b e the one to initiate the transaction Basically, safoif power is amoral, because i t does not concern itself with motives *and serves the good and the wicked alike. It is unprincipled andreacts tomechani cal manipulation andan outward show of respect. It is hot concerned with right or wrong, of with the constraints of moral goodness. Contracts with saksit powers are guided by a businesslike logic, arid there i s no higher moral principle that guides these; Moreover, these contracts are never fully reliable. If insulted, saksit powers may turn dangerous and seek revenge, but that revenge Is escapable i f I t s victim places himself under the protection of other; more powerful saksit agents, takes refuge in the monkhood, or simply leaves their sphere o f influence. Therefore, to take advantage of saksit power by, for instance, failing t o redeem a

21

Inside Thai Sodety vow is not considered to be sinful or subject to, the moral law of Karma. In such cases one merely exposes.oneself to revenge, which Is stupid, and may cause loss of face. f J Nondomesticated

5 power.

.
kindness, 47 ’ king, 29, 120, 147 Kirsch, A. Thomas, 162 Kittiwutthod Bhikkhu, 121? knowledge, 100, 116, 124, 141 Korff, H. R., xii, 11 kreengcaj,56, 61, 65, 67/71, 90, 96, 97, 99, 109 kreengklua,56, 61, 67, 97— Kroekkiat Phiphatserithani, xvii Krongkaew, Methee,42, >162 Kukrit Pramo); 123 Kulaab Saajpradit, 77' Laaw Khamhoom, 82 ' leader, 62 a legitimation, 17, 21/40, 120 Llm So Jean, 163 literature, 62, 77 *

loose structure, 43, 61, -88, 155 Luckmann, Th., x >• _ < machismo, 53 » majpenraj, 73, 74 < ; male, 27 H McClelland, D„ 89, 104, 162 Meesok, A,, 59,-162 mental health, 51 Mentzer, E, Hollis, 163 merit, 4, 23, 28, .37, 107, 115, 119, 122 r method, xiv’ u q 51 middie'class; emerging, 104 modern times,-133 t modernity, 39, 51/99,424 money, 54, 56, 95 * monkhood, 113, 120, 124,128 Montri Chenvidyakarn, 9, 162 moral goodness, 25, 26 moral order, 27 • morality, 28, 37/41, 62 Mosel, James N;, 162 * » -i mother, 25, 61, 62, '64, 86 Mulder,. Niels, vi; 40; 61, 85, 100, 118, 121, 130, 140, 162 nabthyy, 61 z. ; nagleeng,54, 55 nagtham, 116; 123,.141 Nakahara/Jdyce/10/163■ Nat Suphalaksahasyksaakon; 81 nation, 41, 120, 147 * national identity/113 nationalism,4 b Nimid Phuumthaawon, 83, 86 1 novels, 77 obligation, 26, 44, 45, 49, 63, 65, 95, 107, 145 169

Inside Thai Society moral, 67 patronage, 4, 7, ,55, 60, 67,79, 82, 94, 95, 99 * t peasants, 11 Peltier, Anatole-Rogier/39, 130, 163 j * / perception, 2/3/ 82, 83, 85, 146 animistic, xiii; 5, 34-37,» 135, 136, 139/147 * of culture, 146 ' of individual, 81, 87, 144 r of knowledge, 140 » of modern times, 150 ,.i i of social reality, T38r of the outer world, 135 persons r " distant, 47 ? . .. t near,. 90 in non-intimate; 50, 52, 90 , Phaibun Chaangrian, 46 Phaltun Khryakaew, 46, 91, « Phillips, Herbert P., 43, 49, 59, 97, 98; 163 Phiphatseritham; Kroekkiat,\ 163 Phra Rajavaramuni, xvii,, 127, 163 phrakhun, 15, 25, 64, 147 phrakhun and phradeed-,.29, 147 phraphuum, 17, 18 phuujaj, 48, 143, 145 phuunooj, 48, 90 Phya Anuman Rajadhon, 19, 163 Piker, Steven, 43, 60, 97, 98, 163 r\ position, 144 I ( 170

plukphra, 3 9 , 126 ' i Power, xili; 7; 16; 39, 43, 49, 53, 54; 56,158 amoral, 38, 40, 82, 135 of Buddhism,, 23, 28; competition; 50 domesticated, 16 of goodness, 23- * idea of, 15 % immoral, 38, 40, 82 * . Nondomesticated,. 22> * of money, 8, 39,95, 150x political, 38, 40 * quantity, 38 1 saksit, 19/20, 27 n.. .'Supernatural, ,45 < pragmatism, 37, 67, 146 Prajuab Thirabutana, 62,-84 Prathumphon Wadcharasathian, 84 presentation, ix,,43/47, 49, 51, 57, 62, 87/109, 111, 140, 157 prestige, 91, 96, 115 * privacy, 73 problems personal, 70, .71 n.4 progress, 147, 150 proletariat, 11 prostitution, 54 psychology Thai, 56, 59, 63 ; Puey Ungphakom, xvii, 100, T Punyodyana, Boonsanong/9, 44, 100, 163 , Rabibhadana, Akin, 9, 38,163 Rajaretnam, M., 163 J Rakvijit, Somchai, 163

Index q Rama VI, 55; 113 ' • sanug, 71, 111 rank, 91 Sarit Thanarat, 83,’123< 2 i reciprocity; 4, 64*65, 67; 107 Schutz, Alfred, xrejection Seenil Sawwaphong, 11, -46/ 77, fear of, 69 81,86 ’ ** self-reliance/ 74, 97 reformers, 125 * « * refuge, 28, 67 i self-respect, 68, 107 Sensenig, Barton, 45, 60, 63, a relaxation, 70, 71 r 1 * relationship i * 164/165 bunkhun, 27, 44, 64, 67,. 68 Siffin, William J., 162 dosed personal, 44/67 Siibuuraphaa, 11, 46, 77, 78, ‘distant-person, 75 ‘ “ r 80, 82, 86/87 formal, 44 sin, 21,-26, 106 near-person, 741- *' ' Sivaraksa, Sulak, 140, 164 r * Skrobanek, Walter, 120, 164 of unequal" power,' 67 1 sodal, 4, 69, 106-108 smile, x, 50, 47, 110 ’ smoothness, 48 ’ religion, 147 a » » Snit Smuckafri; 59' ' - 5 dvic, 29 ’ r 1 * Thai, 30 social control, 68; 107 respect, 49, 54; 64 serialization, 61, 89, 102 revenge, 50, 53, 56 society r Reynolds, CraigJ., 13, 38, 142, ' affllative,-60 11 J * 164 post-traditional; 40, 133 1*7 f' Reynolds, Frank E., 29, 164 ■» Theravada, 31;