Innovation and Experience in Early Baroque in the Southern Netherlands: The Case of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp (Architectura Moderna) 9782503523880, 2503523889

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Innovation and Experience in the Early Baroque in the Southern Netherlands The Case of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp

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ARCHITECTURA MODERNA Architectural Exchanges in Europe, 16th-17th Centuries Vol.6

Series Editors: Krista De Jonge (Leuven) Piet Lombaerde (Antwerp)

Advisory Board: Howard Burns (Vicenza/Pisa) Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann (Princeton) Jean Guillaume (Paris) John Newman (London) Konrad Ottenheym (Utrecht) Ulrich Schütte (Marburg)

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Innovation and Experience in the Early Baroque in the Southern Netherlands The Case of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp

Edited by Piet Lombaerde

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Cover illustrations: Above left: Pieter Huyssens. Detail of the bell tower of the St Ignatius church (Jesuit church), drawing, Antwerp, c. 1617. (London, Sir John Soane’s Museum, inv. n° vol. 111/1) Right: The façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church (currently St Carolus Borromeus church) (Photo: Wim Maes)

© 2008 Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium and the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2008/0095/68 ISBN 978-2-503-52388-0 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

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For the late Frans Baudouin

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Contents

Acknowledgements

page 9

Preface Dalibor Vesely

11

Introduction Piet Lombaerde

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón August Ziggelaar S.J.

31

Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer Bert Daelemans S.J.

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum libri sex Sven Dupré

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle Ad Meskens

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp during the Seventeenth Century Piet Lombaerde

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp: Representing the Church Militant and Triumphant Barbara Haeger

97

Light and Measurement. A Theoretical Approach of the Interior of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp Ria Fabri

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The Phenomenon of Day-Light in the Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit Church: towards a New Interpretation Nathalie Poppe

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration Léon E. Lock

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp Bert Timmermans

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Appendix I Architectural Treatises, Books and Prints in the Libraries of the Jesuits in Antwerp Ria Fabri and Piet Lombaerde

187

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Table of contents Appendix II The Temple of Solomon. Its Interpretation by the Jesuit Fathers during the Early Seventeenth Century and Its Architectural Reception in the Low Countries Piet Lombaerde

201

Plates

213

List of Illustrations

227

Bibliography

237

Abbreviations

253

Index

255

Contributors

263

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Acknowledgements

This volume started with an international colloquium on ‘Innovation and Experience in the Early Baroque in the Southern Netherlands. The Case of the St Carolus Borromeus Church in Antwerp’. This colloquium was held in Antwerp on 13 December 2005 for the purpose of examining the relationship between architecture and sciences as practised by the Jesuits in Antwerp, more particularly with reference to the construction of their new church, the St Ignatius Church, which, since the disbandment of the Jesuit Order in 1773, functioned as a parish church and was rechristened to St Carolus Borromeus Church. Lectures and discussions were held at the Rockoxhuis Museum in Antwerp, and the subject quickly proved of such great interest that the idea was conceived to further develop the theme and to publish the results in a volume as part of the series Architectura Moderna by Brepols. It is the first monograph about this extraordinary church and also the first on one specific architectural building to be published in this series. The reason why this work fits nicely into this series is that different authors demonstrate how the experiments conducted by the Jesuits – experiments which led to new theoretical scientific insights, particularly on the subject of Optics –, found within this church their material reflection and expression and were deemed very novel for the times. It is, indeed, a fact that a host of ideas and realisations that are related to the construction of this Jesuit church are the precursors of the innovations introduced during the Baroque period of Bernini and others in Rome and precede the latter by many years. The figure of the Jesuit father and scientist François de Aguilón, who was from the very beginning involved in the initial designs for the new church and at the same time had his monumental work on Optics published, is, from that perspective, of fundamental interest. Furthermore, the fact that Aguilón had a close relationship with Peter Paul Rubens, and that the latter in his turn furnished a number of different designs for the ornamentation of the church and received the commission to execute 39 ceiling paintings and two paintings for the high altar, makes a study of this church all the more fascinating. Many essays in this volume pay almost exclusively attention to the relationship that exists between architecture and the sciences. It is, indeed, the intention to have this book published as a separate monograph, to take its place beside the work of the late Frans Baudouin, who in the series of the Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard devotes an entire volume to Rubens and the Jesuit church in Antwerp. In this still unpublished work, the role played by Rubens in the construction and the decoration of the church is a central one. It is on these points that both monographs diverge significantly from one another. They are, in fact, complementary to one another and together may be viewed as forming one single entity. For the realisation of this work, support from two research funds was solicited and collaboration with the History Department at the University of Antwerp arranged. We are especially grateful to Guido Marnef for his support of this project. Within the context of this research, Bhumi Vanderheyden has performed especially interesting work in perusing most of the available archival inventories in Belgium. We further owe a special vote of thanks to Walter Geerts, Director of the Academia Belgica in Rome, for his kind welcome and for accommodating us in the eternal city in the context of our research for this publication. Els Van Hamme provided us with efficient assistance with archival research and with the study of a number of Roman churches. Many thanks go to Richard Foqué, former dean of the Higher Institute of Architectural Sciences Henry van de Velde, for his outstanding support. Marc Muylle, assisted us with the creation of a number of digital drawings, for which our heartfelt appreciation. A host of other people have, in their own individual ways, made their contributions to the realisation of this book. Amongst them, we wish to especially thank Marc Hesbain, the Administrator

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Acknowledgements of the St Carolus Borromeus Church, for his infinite patience and his willingness to offer us access to many hidden places in the church and, in particular, to the exceptionally valuable archival records. We wish further to express our gratitude to father Daniël Butaye S.J., who gracefully opened for our study the rich archival records of the Jesuits in Heverlee, and, in particular, for making it possible to consult the unique collection of drawings of the Promptuarium Pictorum. We are also grateful to Wouter Rombauts, for translating some Latin texts. Thanks are further due to the entire staff at the Rubenianum, in particular to Nora De Poor­ ter, former director of the Rubenianum, and to Marc Vandenven, staff member at the Rubenianum. We shall likewise not ignore the valuable efforts of all collaborators at the Plantin-Moretus Museum Print Collection, especially the assistance given to us by Dirk Imhof. To all of them, our sincere appreciation for their assistance with the research work. The Management of KBC, and, in particular Leo van de Gender, Communications Manager at KBC Bank, and Hildegard Van de Velde, curator at the Rockoxhuis Museum, deserve our recognition for the especially warm welcome extended to us at the Rockoxhuis on the occasion of the International Colloquium on the St Carolus Borromeus Church. Two exceptional individuals have through their comments, and as a result of a number of fascinating discussions, furnished us with quite an array of new approaches to, and perspectives on, the subject of this book. These are Werner Oechslin and Dalibor Vesely. In the course of one of his visits to the church and its archives, Werner Oechslin paid particular attention to a number of design drawings of the building. At some later time, on the occasion of the yearly Barocksommerkurz offered at the Stiftung Bibliothek Werner Oechslin in Einsiedeln, Dalibor Vesely demonstrated a lot of interest in the scientific experiments and the recourse to light and motion in the realisation of this church. He enthusiastically reacted to our request that he compose the Preface to this book, for which we owe him a great thanks. It further deserves mention that this book provides a perfect sequel to the last published volume in the series Architectura Moderna, entitled ‘Unity and Discontinuity. Architectural Relationships between the Southern and Northern Low Countries (1530-1700)’, (edited by Krista De Jonge and Konrad Ottenheym). By placing the focus of the study on one single architectural building, it has clearly been demonstrated how during the early years of the 17th century the Jesuits in the Southern Low Countries forged a direction that was particularly their own, to which the sciences, and especially mathematics and optics, in turn contributed in the form of the creation of a novel form of architecture. In the Northern Low Countries, Simon Stevin and, later on, Nicolaus Goldmann were the driving forces in introducing scientific principles into the practice of architecture, a practice that ever more increasingly would become subjected to mathematical principles. Piet Lombaerde Editor

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Preface Dalibor Vesely

The transformation of European culture in the age of the Baroque is traditionally associated with the origins of modern science. We still hear, even today, that modern forms of knowledge were formed in a conflict between the scholastic Aristotelianism, traditional cosmology and, generally, the inherited humanistic culture. This understanding obscures the fact that the new knowledge has its origins in the universalistic tendencies of the Baroque, manifested in the affinity of theology, metaphysics (prima philosophia) and universal mathematics (mathesis universalis). It was in this context that the main characteristics of the new knowledge were born. Some of the first, most important contributions to this development were made by religious institutions and clerics, mainly members of the Jesuit order. Apart from the main centre of the new knowledge in the Collegio Romano in Rome, some provincial centres such as the Jesuit colleges in Vienna, Prague, Antwerp and Leuven, among others, played a very important role in this development.1 Some of the best examples of the new situation were the activities of the Jesuits in Antwerp, who established not only an important centre of new knowledge, but built also a church reflecting some of the new, innovative ideas.The church of St Ignatius, dedicated later to Charles Borromeo, was designed by the member of the Antwerp house François de Aguilón in close collaboration with Peter Paul Rubens and a Jesuit architect-builder Pieter Huyssens. Apart from his commitment to architecture Aguilón was a professor of theology and mathematics and author of the most influential treatise on optics,2 The close link between architecture, theology and optics, treated as a mathematical discipline, has its origins in the post-Tridentine reaction to the sixteenth-century religious and cultural relativism and in the search for the new universal foundations of faith and truth. Such foundations were, at least temporarily, found in the universality of mathematics, (mathesis universalis) referred to at that time very often as the 'queen of sciences' (regina scientiarum), sometimes elevated to such terms as ars magna, ars divina or scientia divina.3 These lofty terms could not convince without supporting evidence from the physical world in which it became possible to speak of physics and metaphysics in the same terms and theological problems could be, by implication, treated as metaphysical and eventually as physical (theologia naturalis). Universal mathematics did lay claim to cover the same area of knowledge as traditional logic – in other words, the area of all possible knowledge. This is the background on which we can understand the compatibility of knowledge relevant to architecture, theology and mathematics. The prominent role of mathematics in the sphere of knowledge was for the first time fully recognised by Christopher Clavius (1538-1612), who created a specialised course of mathematical studies in the Collegio Romano (1564) and succeeded to include it as a permanent part of the Ratio Studiorum (1586).4 In the Ratio, it was proposed that Clavius should give private lessons in mathema­tics 1

  A. Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century, (Princeton, 1986). S. Toulmin, Cosmopolis: The Hidden Agenda of Modernity, (Chicago, 1990). 2   F. de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex philosophis juxta ac mathematicis utiles, (Antwerp, 1613). 3   G. Crapulli, Mathesis Universalis,Genesi di una idea nel XVI secolo, (Rome, 1969); D. Vesely, ‘The idea of mathesis universalis in the Baroque era’, in: Barock Wissensformen, (Sech-

ster   Internationaler Barocksommerkurs Einsiedeln, 2005). 4   J. M. Lattis, Between Copernicus and Galileo, Christopher Clavius and  the collapse of Ptolemaic Astronomy, (Chicago, 1994), pp.2-38; F.A.Homann, Church, Culture and Curriculum. Theology and Mathematics in the Jesuit Ratio Studiorum, (Philadelphia, 1999). W.A.Wallace, Galileo and His Source: The Heritage of the Collegio Romano in Galileo’s Science, (Princeton, 1984).

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Preface to eight or ten Jesuits, selected from all the different provinces of the Order to furnish the provinces with teachers in mathematics. Among the first followers and disciples of Clavius were François de Aguilón and Gregory of St Vincent who both ended up in Antwerp. In 1611 Aguilón himself established a school of mathematics in the Antwerp college, where many new talented students were educated and where Gregory continued teaching after Aguilón’s death in 1617. The written works of Aguilón and Gregory,5 praised today as a fundamental contribution to the development of modern analytical and projective geometry, the theory of exhaustion and calculus, far surpass what can be brought to visibility in architecture. 6 And yet the visible body of the Jesuit church in Antwerp would be incomprehensible without the theoretical contribution of the Jesuit scholars.Their first intervention took place in the debates about the overall concept of the church. Despite a good knowledge of the Vitruvian tradition, there was a strong tendency to look for Biblical precedents. The most obvious was at that time the reconstructed vision of the Temple of Solomon, available already in more than one version. Among the most complete and influential was the reconstruction, published by Juan Bautista Villalpando.7 His vision of the Solomonic temple was based on the description in Ezechiel and on the partly modified proportions taken from Vitruvius. The result was defined by a circular argument, based on the assumption, that Vitruvius is a mediating link with an older Biblical tradition, in which the basic principles and proportions of the Solomonic temple were preserved.8 The ambiguity of the Classical and Biblical traditions illustrates very well the cultural situation in Antwerp, situated on the boundary between the Protestant and Catholic reformations. The final project for the church was innovative partly due to the mentioned conditions and partly due to the highly imaginative interpretation of the chosen sources by the main authors, Aguilón and Rubens.The most explicit innovation is the plan, treated as a footprint of a processional space made of one broad nave, which culminates in the simple semicircular apse and is entered by a single triumphal door. The simplicity of the plan is part of the intention to create the best possible conditions for the innovative experiments with the distribution and direction of light in relation to the most important places in the interior of the church.The second main innovation is the treatment of the elevation using the most advanced optical principles. The use of new optical principles begins on the level of the city. Characteristic of the topography of the Baroque city is a tendency to treat streets as perspective axes that culminate in the open spaces, treated very often as theatrical settings. In such settings, the elevations of important buildings play the role of frons scaene inspired in some cases by book frontispieces.9 The Jesuits were particularly sensitive to this kind of organisation of urban space.Their scholars saw continuity between the movement of processions on the streets, the ceremonial movement in open spaces and the projective movement organising the depth of the church elevation. Movement represents most clearly what is new and what defines the nature of Baroque culture. The understanding and representation of the Divine, structured in the past around the power of the word (verbum Dei), around epiphany images and later around the philosophy and theology of light, was during the Baroque era transformed into a representation structured around the phenomena of infinity, universality and movement. It is only with great effort that we can comprehend the complexity and importance of movement in the seventeenth-century vision of reality. The enigma of creation, the manifestation of the 5   F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613; G. a Sancto Vincentio (Gregory of St Vincent), Opus geometricum quadraturae circuli et sectionum coni, (Antwerp, 1647). 6   C. B.Boyer, The History of the Calculus and its Conceptual Development, (New York, 1959), pp.35-38; P. Mancosu, Philosophy of Mathematics & Mathematical Practice in the Seventeenth Century, (Oxford, 1996). 7   Juan. Bautista de Villalpando y Jeronimo Prado in Ezechielem Explanationes et Apparatus Urbis ac Templi Hierosolymitani I-III, (Rome, 1596-1604).

8

  P. von Naredi-Rainer, Salomos Tempel und das Abend­ land:monumentale Folgen historischer Irrtümer, (Cologne, 1994). J. Fernández-Santos Ortiz-Iribas, Clavis prudentialis: ethicoarchitectural analogies and the Solomonic paradigm in Baroque Spain, (Ph.D dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2005). 9   See Barbara Haeger ‘The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp’ in this volume.

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Preface divine order in the terrestrial world, and the continuity of this order, were all related to the phenomenon of movement. Movement was seen not only as a universal principle of reality but also as the efficient cause of everything persisting in life.The divine origin of movement was not yet in doubt, nor was the tradition in which divine reality manifested itself as an eternal truth.10 It is characteristic that Leibniz, the most representative thinker of the Baroque era held firmly against Descartes, that motion and not extension (res extensa) defines physical bodies and the reality of the created world. In his Lexicon Mathematicum, astronomicum geometricum. which represents a summary of the 17th-century understanding of movement, Girolamo Vitale (1624-1682) writes: 'Nature may be defined as the totality of things which have a source of motion internal to themselves and of the constituent parts of such things'.Vitale defines motion as a simultaneity of 'passion, and the property of the celestial bodies'.11 He differentiates between three kind of movements: vegetative, sensitive or local movement and intellective movement, which is the 'soul of the world'. In the visual world of art and architecture, intellective movement can be found in perspective projections (anamorphosis) and in the projective transformations that can be performed particularly in the sphere of conic sections. The most obvious is a transformation of circle into ellipse, which dominated the whole of Baroque architecture. Similar transformations can be performed by the projection of three-dimensional bodies on a plane surface, by the construction of shadows etc. Vitale’s understanding of movement was anticipated by Aguilón’s optical interpretation of movement. According to Aguilón, there is an ascending motion from the perception of things through the incarnate, unborn (innata) light of the Sun, to the Creator.This is a motion that reflects the very dynamics of the Trinity and Incarnation. The ascending motion coincides with the descent of light, only understood imperfectly by human beings.12 It is in this context that Aguilón employs the expression pyramis luminosa, which entirely coincides with the visual pyramid (pyramis optica). Vitale's 'intellective' motion, shared by Aguilón, represents one end of the spectrum of Baroque representation of movement, while the other end is well represented by Vitale's understanding of movement as passion. I wonder if it is not the continuity of this spectrum, that could help us to understand better the nature of the creative cooperation of Aguilón and Rubens. Aguilón’s visual pyramid brings us back to the elevation of the church and its optical understanding. The distant view of the elevation of the church is made possible by the creation of an open space in front of it, allowing us to grasp the elevation in its simultaneity. In this view our sight is carried into the depth of the wall structured in relatively separate layers.The first is defined by the free standing columns, architraves and cornices, scrolls and pediments.The second layer is a projection of the first. In the projection columns are transformed into flat pilasters embedded and disappearing in the surface of the wall. In the last stage it is from the depth of the wall that the main figures of the program are appearing as epiphanies in their corporeal presence. The corporeal manifestation of epiphanies reveals and animates the meaning of ceremonial movement and the movement of processions on the streets. On the other hand corporeal movement returns its own mode of animation to the subtle reality of epiphanies as they appear on the surface of the elevation.The oscillation between the receptive and projective perspectivity of the elevation, reflecting the oscillation between the pyramid of light and pyramid of vision, demonstrates the new form of communication with the transcendental reality of the divine. What makes the communication new is the transformation of traditional religious experience in its objectivity into a personal experience based on meditative vision. This makes the Jesuit church in Antwerp not only innovative but brings it also to the threshold of the new historical epoch.

10

  D. Vesely, ‘The divine nature of movement in the baroque epoch’, in: Barock und Religion, (Fünfter Internationaler Barocksommerkurs Einsiedeln,  2004).

11

  G. Vitale, Lexicon Mathematicum, astronomicum geometricum, Digressio physico-theologica ad verbum sympathia, (Paris, 1668), p.297. 12   F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, Liber V, Def. VIII, p. 360D.

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Introduction Piet Lombaerde

Certain of the new edifices built in the Southern Netherlands during the transition from the sixteenth to seventeenth century are extraordinary realizations because they mark the crossroads of famous artists, architects, scientists and religious leaders. One of the most prominent projects in this field is the Jesuit church in Antwerp.1 This church was erected in the heart of the old city between April 1615 and September 1621.2 The church is, unlike any other building, an extraordinary realization because it is the result of the collaboration of various important artists and scientists (see Fig.1). Especially the relationship between the three protagonists – François de Aguilón, Peter Paul Rubens and Pieter Huyssens – proved particularly fruitful.3 The fact that the actual architect of the building, Aguilón, died when construction effectively began, did not prevent his knowledge and insights from being expressed in this unique monument in the Southern Netherlands, at a time when building activity was rather scarce because of the economic and political conditions. The bundling of new insights into architecture, fine arts, optics and geometry has contri­ buted to new experiments in the architecture of this church and has even given rise to innovative solutions. It is by no means evident that the Counter-Reformation and the Jesuits in particular were the driving force behind this extraordinary achievement. Rome in fact dictated to a large extent the activities in the various provinces, and all building plans had to be submitted for approval to the conciliaris aedificatorum in Rome. The modo nostro, launched by Jesuit father Everardus Mercurian in his Instructio from 1597, especially emphasized the merging of representation, expression and utility.4 The merging of utilitas and decorum appears to be essential in the architecture of the Jesuits.5 It is clear 1

  At the consecration of the church on September 12, 1621, it was named St. Ignatius church after the founder of the Jesuit order, Ignatius of Loyola, who was canonized one year later. From 1773, when the Jesuit order was abolished, the church served as a parochial church and was renamed as St Carolus Borromeus church. 2   About the Jesuit church in Antwerp, see in particular: J. Braun, Die belgischen Jezuitenkirchen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kamfes zwichen Gotik und Renaissance, (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), pp.151-71; J.H. Plantenga, L’architecture religieuse dans l’ancien Duché de Brabant depuis le règne des archiducs jusqu’au gouvernement autrichien 1598-1713, (The Hague, 1926), pp. 75-126.; A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas. – Etablissement de la Compagnie de Jésus en Belgique et ses développements jusqu’à la fin du règne d’Albert et d’Isabelle, (Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie van België voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten. Klasse der Letteren, 2 de reeks, 21, vol. II), (Brussels, 1927); M.M. Thibaut de Maisières, L’architecture religieuse à l’époque de Rubens, (Brussels, 1943); J. Snaet, ‘De bouwprojecten voor de Antwerpse jezuïetenkerk’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi Ingegni, Grandissimo Splendore. Studies over religieuze architectuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de 17de eeuw, (Leuven, 2000), pp.43-66; Id., ‘Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova and the Jesuit Churches of Antwerp and Brus-

sels’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.161-82; P. Lombaerde, ‘De architectuur van de jezuïetenkerk te Antwerpen’, in: H. Van Goethem (ed.), Antwerpen en de jezuïeten 1562-2002, (Antwerp, 2002), pp.23-24; F. Baudouin, The Jesuit Church of Antwerp, (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, Part XXII, 3), (Londen – Turnhout, forthcoming). 3   Even Rubens himself wrote about the extraordinary character of this and other edifices in the Netherlands; see his introduction ‘Al beningno lettore’ in: P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genovà, 2 vols., (Antwerp, 1622), vol.1, f°3r°. 4   For details, see: P. Pirri, Giovanni Tristano e i primordi della architettura gesuitica, (Rome, 1955), p.160 ff.; J. Terhalle, ‘…he della Grandezza de padre Gesuiti . Die Architektur um 1600 und St. Michael in München’, in: R. Baumstark (ed.), Rom in Bayern. Kunst und Spiritualität der ersten Jesuiten (Katalog zur Ausstellung des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums München), (Munich, 1997), pp.83-146; G. Sale, ‘Architectural Pauperism and the Jesuit Architecture’,“Vatra” Literary Review, 4, 2006, 83-88. 5   See K. De Jonge and J. Snaet, ‘Vera simmetria, ware proportie: ‘Vreemd gebouwd’ in de 17de eeuw’, in: J. Grieten (ed.), Vreemd gebouwd. Westerse en niet-westerse elementen in onze architectuur, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.113-35.

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Introduction

1. Joannes de la Barre (1603-68) (delineavit et sculpsit) : façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1644.

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Introduction that this controlling and often correcting attitude from Rome was not always conducive to creating an original architecture. Religious edifices first of all had to conform to the mission the Jesuits had set themselves, and in the area of architecture this mission was aimed primarily at the practical and utilitarian. Any luxury was avoided. In the case of the Jesuit church in Antwerp, there was from the outset a strong intellectual will to unite, within the framework of rigid religious ideas, innovative insights in the fields of sciences, arts and liturgy, into a new and modern symbiosis. In this publication, the focus will be above all on the integration of scientific theories, new liturgical regulations and ideas that were typical of the Jesuits. During the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the blending of these areas has exceptionally led to a material realization with the construction of the Jesuit church. This edifice ref lects both abstract and spiritual insights. To reach this interpretation, use was made of new ideas about perspective, light and geometry, which were emerging in Europe around 1600.6 In the field of visual perception, the Jesuits were convinced that the central perspective, whereby a projection is obtained with one eye on a f lat surface, could not be upheld because optics taught them that two moving eyes had to be taken into account, and that moreover, in addition to the perceived space, a rational space had to be built up, which is infinite, constant and homogeneous.7 Light played an essential part in this, and especially the incident sunlight in the church was used to come to an innovative spatial interpretation of architecture and of its spiritual meaning (see Figs.2, 3 and 4).8 This phenomenon must be brought into relation with the renewed interest from monastic orders in the relationship between sunlight, earth and God, more specifically the issue of heliocentrism. In a sense, this discussion was not new, as the Franciscans had been devoting special attention to the study of light already since the fifteenth century and had associated astronomy with light incidence in buildings in the sixteenth century. The two new orders that were founded in the middle of the sixteenth century, the Teatini Fathers9 and the Jesuits, would continue and further deepen these studies and their applications. It is in this context that the realization of the Jesuit Church must be situated and in which it occupies a particular place. As for architectural theory, an interesting point of discussion was the choice that had to be made between on the one hand a strict adoption of Vitruvius’s theory, or on the other hand a looser interpretation of it.10 In this respect, the discussion among the Jesuit fathers on the interpretation of the architecture of Solomon’s Temple and the relationship with Vitruvius’s theory is especially interesting.11 It is only in the second instance that the more traditional style analysis of buildings, e.g. 6

  D. Vesely, Architecture in the Age of Divided Representation. The Question of Creativity in the Shadow of Production, (Cambridge, 2004), in particular Chapter 4: The Age of Divided Representation. See also: A. Pérez-Gomez and L. Pelletier, Architectural Representation and the Perspective Hinge, (Cambridge, 1997). 7   F. Santillo, ‘Il Commento di Padre Orazio Grassi S.I. al Primo Libro sull’Architettura di Marco Vitruvio Pollione’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 69, 2000, fasc.137, 57-150, esp.p.92. See also: C. Chevalley, ‘L’optique des jésuites et celle des médecins. A propos de deux ouvrages récents’, Revue d’histoire des sciences, 40, 1987, 377-82, and also the essays by Sven Dupré and Ad Meskens in this volume. 8   See especially the essays by Ria Fabri and Nathalie Poppe in this volume. 9   The Convent of the Teatini Fathers was founded by Gaetano da Thieme in 1524. In the second half of the seventeenth century, their member and architect Guarino Guarini brought optics, geometry and astronomy into relation with light, and thus developed wholly new con-

structive solutions for spatial structures and domes. Fine examples include the Ss Sindonia chapel and the San Lorenzo church in Turin. See above all: E.C. Robison, ‘Optics and Mathematics in the Domed Churches of Guarino Guarini’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, L-4, 1991, 384-401. See also D. Vesely, o.c., 2004, pp.196214; and J.B. Scott, Architecture for the Shroud. Relic and Ritual in Turin, (Chicago, 2003). 10   The Jesuits were very much involved in Vitruvius’s theory on architecture. See the essays by Sven Dupré, Ria Fabri, Barbara Haeger and myself in this volume. 11   P. von Naredi-Rainer, Salomos Tempel und das Abend­ land, (Cologne, 1994), pp.155-99; J. Corral Jam, ‘Architectura y Canon, el Proyecto de Villalpando para el Templo de Jeruzalem’, in: Juan Bautista Villalpando. El Tratado de la Arquitectura Perfecta en La Ultima Vision del Profeta Ezequiel, (Madrid, 1990), pp.1-72; Fray Luciano Rubio, ‘El tratado de Villalpando : origin, vicisitudes y contenido’, in : Juan Bautista…o.c., 1990, pp.73-102. See also my essay in this volume.

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2. The altar of the Houtappel chapel, with ­statues of the Father and St Paul illuminated by indirect light, c.1636-38.

3. Gian Lorenzo Bernini: the Ecstasy of St Theresa of Avila, (Capella Cornaro, in S. Maria della Vittoria, Rome, c.1647-52).

4. Guarino Guarini: interior view of the dome of the S. Lorenzo church, Turin, 1668-80.

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Introduction through comparison with other or analogous architecture in Italy, more specifically in Rome, Milan en Genoa, is taken into consideration. According to this publication and also as a result of the choice of authors who have contributed to it, the innovative character of the creation of the Jesuit church in Antwerp resides in the spiritual and scientific domain, rather than in the materialization of a new style, notably the Baroque in the Southern Netherlands. However, also in the field of urban development, the Jesuits consciously pursued their own spatial planning policy. Their buildings were sited very carefully and are examples of strategic considerations.12 Their churches, Domus Professae and convents are preferably integrated into existing building blocks. Churches with their bell towers, if any, are preferably located in the geometric centre of the old city and in densely populated districts. They also seek to integrate their iconography on front façades and towers into a larger system of prominent buildings in the existing urban fabric. Visual axis lines are used and re-created. This also clearly applies to the Antwerp Jesuit church. That the situation in Antwerp was even exceptional as compared to that in other cities, where the Jesuits erected new churches with their associated college and Domus Professa, is due, among other things, to the creation of a School for Mathematics in 1617, the foundation of which had been laid in 1615 by father François de Aguilón, not coincidentally also the architect of the new church. In Rome, the Jesuits had always opposed the foundation of an academy for architecture and a school for mathematics.13 These new institutions would in fact risk developing their own insights in the field of architecture and sciences which would escape the control of the order’s rigid hierarchical structure. Moreover, when Borgia became Father General in 1565, he ordered that all projects for new Jesuit churches to be erected were to be submitted for approval in Rome.14 Superior General Father Claudio Acquaviva (Superior General from 1581 to 1615), by contrast, was favourable to the creation of the mathematics school in Antwerp and gave Aguilón permission to go ahead with the school.15 In this context, it is also interesting to note that the favourable combination of Aguilón, Rector of the Antwerp Jesuit College Carolus Scribani16 and Superior General Acquaviva in Rome, assisted by conciliaris aedificatorum Ferdinand Alber, allowed the unique realization of the Jesuit church in Antwerp to be completed successfully. The luxurious design and ornamentation, using groups of statues, series of paintings and various marble types, was also made possible by the support of the archdukes Albert and Isabella. Rome had criticized the exceptional luxurious finish already in 1613, because, according to conciliaris Alber, ‘no one was to take offence at the splendour of the building’.17 However, this excess of luxury was to lead in 1625 to Huyssens being discharged from his commission as architect, which was a direct result of the change in policy initiated by the new Superior General Mutius Vitelleschi in Rome from 1615 to 1645.18 12

  H. Schilling, ‘Urban Architecture and Ritual in Confessional Europe’, in: J.P. Paiva (ed.), Religious Ceremonies and Images: Power and social meaning, (Coimbra, 2002), pp.725; TH. M. Lucas, Landmarking. City, Church & Jesuit Urban Strategy, (Chicago, 1997). 13   F. Santillo, ‘Il Commento di Padre Orazio Grassi S.I. al Primo Libro sull’Architettura di Marco Vitruvio Pollione’, in : Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 69, 2000, fasc.137, pp.57-150. On the subject of mathematics teaching by the Jesuits, see: A. Romano, ‘Teaching Mathematics in Jesuit Schools: Programs, Course Content, and Classroom Practises, in: J. W. O’Malley et al. (eds.), The Jesuits II  : Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts 1540-1773, (Toronto, 2005), pp.355-70. 14   Vallery-Radot, l.c., p.6.

15

  For details see: Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome, Provincia Flandro- Belgica, n°3, 160, 180-181. Mentioned in: A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p.48. 16   Carolus Scribani was responsible for the projects of building the Domus Professa on the site of the Huis van Aken. He was in contact with many humanists and scientists of his time, as Justus Lipsius, Spinola and Miraeus. See: L. Brouwers, Carolus Scribani s.j. 1561-1629, (Antwerp, 1961). 17   F. Baudouin, o.c., (forthcoming). 18   A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas, (Brussels, 1927-28), p.556. Vitelleschi promulgated the ‘Ratio domiciliorum’, which does pay attention to the specific characteristics of the location where the building is erected; see e.g. F. De Dainville, ‘La légende du style jésuite’, Études, 287, 1955, p.16.

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Introduction Principal architects of the Jesuits in Rome have exerted their inf luence on the po­licy that was conducted from the central office in said city. In this context, the role of laybrotherarchitect Giovanni Tristano (from 1568 to 1584), who was strongly inf luenced by Sebastiano Serlio’s writings, and above all that of his successor, laybrother Giovanni De Rosis, is interesting. The latter had in fact elaborated a number of models for ground plans of new Jesuit churches to be erected in the provinces (see Fig.5). These model drawings included not only central-plan but also basilica-type buildings. These drawings may have inf luenced one of the first design plans of the Antwerp Jesuit church. On the other hand, a number of recommendations from laybrother-architect and painter Giuseppe Valeri5. Giovanni De Rosis: six alternative plans for Jesuit churches, ano (1542-1596) are conspicuously present in the 1580. case of the Antwerp Jesuit church.19 The construction of a rectangular square in front of the church façade, the location of the church in a building block and the use of galleries in the interior were recommended by Valeriano and are also present in the Jesuit church in Antwerp.20 That the church of the Gesù in Rome would have served as model for the new Jesuit Church in Antwerp is, however, less evident.21 Neither the ground plan nor the elevation show any distinct resemblance (see Figs.6 and 7). There is also a noticeable difference in the way the façade is executed. In the case of the Gesù, it is a very ‘f lat’ façade, whereas in the Antwerp example much attention is paid to relief and to the three-dimensional execution of the decoration. It is very well possible that P.P. Rubens is co-responsible for this marked three-dimensional aspect of the façade.22 Rubens’s predilection for a high degree of plasticity in the front façade appears, for example, from a partially incomplete correspondence between Constantijn Huygens and Rubens, which shows that Rubens associates the accentuation of relief in the façade with dignità (dignity).23 The abundant use of marble of different colours in the interiors of churches is, however, quite typical for many late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century churches in Rome and also for St Peter’s in the Vatican city (see Fig.8). The luxurious design and ornamentation of the Jesuit church in Antwerp is clearly based on numerous examples of Baroque churches in Rome and Italy, and has been praised by numerous visitors throughout the centuries, especially before the fire of 1718. 19

  Valeriano, who was conversant with Spanish architecture and Early-Baroque architecture in Naples, may also have passed on examples from these regions to the Jesuits in the Southern Netherlands. A fitting example is the project for the tower of Santa Maria del Carmine in Naples, which shows a marked resemblance with that of the Jesuit church in Antwerp; see also my essay in this volume. 20   J.S. Ackerman, ‘The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design’, in: R. Wittkower and Jaffé (eds.), Baroque Art : The Jesuit Contribution, (New York, 1972), 1972, pp.15-28, esp.p.26. 21   As to whether or not the Gesù church in Rome has

served as model for other churches, see e.g.: J.S. Ackerman, l.c., 1972, pp.15-28; for the Gesù church, see e.g.: P. Pecchiai and P. Tacchi Venturi, Il Gesù di Roma, (Rome, 1952); G. Sale, ‘Le projet du ‘Gesù’ de Rome. Brève histoire d’une collaboration difficile entre un maître d’ouvrage et le destinataire d’une oeuvre’, in: G. Sale (ed.), L’Art des Jésuites, (Paris, 2003), pp.47-64 ; Id., Pauperismo Architettonico e Architettura Gesuitica. Dalla chiesa ad aula al Gesù di Roma, (Milan, 2001). 22   F. Baudouin, o.c., (forthcoming). 23   K. Ottenheym, ‘De correspondentie tussen Rubens en Huygens over architectuur (1635-’40)’, KNOB Bulletin, 66, 1997, 1, 1-11, esp. p.9.

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6. Façade of the Gesù in Rome.

7. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit Church.

21

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Introduction One of the earliest testimonies of Antwerp’s ‘Marble Temple’ is that of Pierre Bergeron from 1619, i.e. before the church was completed: ‘Mais la plus belle et magnifique église est celle des Jésuites, où est leur collège. Elle n’est pas encore achevée, et ce sera un des beaux édifices de la Chrétienneté, tant pour son architecture exquise, que pour la quantité des marbres de toutes sortes qui y sont employées. Il y a plus de quarante colonnes de marbre blanc apportées de Gênes par mer, plusieurs autres grandes pièces de marbre grené; le reste est de grandes pierres grises, et des marbres de Dinant de prodigieuse grandeur. Le grand autel, outre sa belle structure, sera enrichi de pierres exquises et de dorures. On y travaille tous les jours et un père Jésuite est l’architecte et le conducteur de tout ce grand ouvrage’24 A very detailed and beautiful account was given by Jean Puget de la Serre in 1632. As well the façade of the church, as the interior and the abundant use of marble was described by the author: 8. Marble decorations in the S. Maria della Vittoria, ‘Sa faciade est de Pierre de taille blanche, où Rome, second half of the 17th century. l’on voit les trois ordres de l’architecture, Dorique, Ionique, & Composite, chacun dans son esclat & dans sa perfection, comme enrichis de leurs colomnes & de leurs corniches, remplis de diuerses figures en relief. Les frises du premier ordre ont leur ornement de triglifes, celles du second de brancages, & les autres du troisiesme de carteles. Mais la subtille main de l’artisan a gravé dans cet ouurage autant de merueilles qu’il a donné de coups de marteaux : de sorte que l’admiration se rend aussi inseparable de la matiere que la forme. Le dedans de l’Eglise est de marbre ; & la voute à compartimens, enrichie de trois cens roses de cuiure doré, qui sortent hors d’oeuure ; est assise dans les deux ordres de Dorique & de Ionique, sur quarante piliers de marbre blanc ; qui comme autant de glaces de miroir bien polies retenant les especes de tous les obiects qui leur sont presentez, rendent les corps ialoux de la beauté de leurs ombres. Ces piliers sont rangez l’vn sur l’autre en forme de double gallerie, & la plus haute a ses ballustres, & leurs sufites egalement ornées de tableaux de la main de ce nouueau Apelle, ie veux dire de Monsieur Rubens, auec des festons & des bordures surhaussez d’or, iettent vn esclat merueilleusement beau. Le grand Autel est de marbre de toute sorte de couleurs ; mais l’assemblage de leurs diuersitez a esté tellement apparente toutes se rapportent ensemble, pour representer à son iour la perfection de l’art. A chasque costé de l’Autel il y a une Chappelle de mesme matiere, où l’industrie tousiours feconde en ses inuentions se fait admirer des plus ingenieux. Sur le milieu de l’Eglise il y a aussi deux autres Chappelles, placées hors des espaces de son estenduë ; l’vne consacrée à la Vierge, & l’autre à sainct Ignace’.25 Balthasar de Monconys visited also the city of Antwerp during his ‘Voyage des Pays Bas’. He wrote in 1663: ‘De là nous fûmes aux Iesuites, dont l’Eglise est toute incroustrée de marbre ; la nef, qui est assez petite, est separée des ailes, qui n’ont point de Chapelles par huit arcades soûtenuës d’autant de colomnes de marbre blanc,

24   H. Michelant (ed.), Voyage de Pierre Bergeron ès Ardennes, Liège & Pays-Bas en 1619, (Liège, 1875), p.279. See especially the essay by Léon Lock in this volume.

25   J. Puget de la Serre, Histoire curieuse de tout ce qui c’est passé à l’Entrée de la Reyne Mère du Roy treschrestien dans les villes des Pays-Bas, (Antwerp, 1632), pp.50-51.

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Introduction & trois autres arcades au fond devant le Portail, d’un ordre Dorique. Sur les ailes en forme de Tribunes, il y a un second estage formé de mesme que le bas de huit arcades, soutenuës d’autant de colomnes de marbre blanc, d’un ordre Ionique : les murailles incroustées de marbre, & les plat-fonds des ailes hautes, & basses , avec le tableau du grand Autel peintes par Rubens. Dans les basses contre les murailles, sont des especes de monuments, dans lesquels il y a des Reliques de divers Saints. Le grand Autel est de marbre, composé de diverses colomnes & d’une balustrade de marbre découp » en feüillages, & en petits Anges. La voute de la nef, est en compartiments d’architecture blanchie, & dorée. Au costé droit de la nef, est une tres belle Chapelle toute incroustée de marbre, & l’Autel de mesme matiere. Le pavé aussi bien que celuy de l’Eglise, est de marbre blanc & noir’.26 A fine testimony just before the disastrous fire of 1718 is found in a description from 1716 by Leonhard Christoph Sturm, following his visit to Antwerp and many other cities in 9. Leonard Christoph Sturm, ( J. Wolff exc.): façade of the Antwerp France, the Netherlands and Germany (see Jesuit church (with corrections by the author) and ground plan, 1716. Fig.9): ‘Diese ganze Composition ist mit ihren Geländern ganz von weissen Marmor. Aber an dem Chor sind die Bände und der Boden mit allerhand schönen Sorten von Marmor beleget / sonderlich sind die Säulen an dem grossen Altar von einem gar kostbahren rothen Marmor. In den grossen Capellen bey C ind D (the St. Ignatius chapel and Houtappel chapel) ist auch alles gar reich von Marmor...’.27 But also the St Peter’s in Rome probably had a major inf luence on the creation of the Antwerp church, more specifically as regards the use of barrel vaults with coffering, the luxurious application of marble, the accentuation of traverse arches and the use of superimposed statues of Church Fathers in niches at the crossing columns (see Figs.10 and 11).28 This last element is also used in the Basilica of Novara. However, these examples of important new churches in the Cinquecento in Italy do not explain the liberties that are sometimes taken with the interpretation of architecture and ornament in the Antwerp case. The inf luence from post-Michelangelesque architecture is obvious, as witnessed by the use of the broken arch as in the Porta Pia or the broken pediment and the lavishly decorated segmental arches, or the use of garlands with Ionic capitals, etc. (see Fig.12). For the rich interpreta-

26   Iournal des Voyages de Monsier de Monconys, conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils d’Etat & Privé, & Lieutenant Criminel au Siege Presidial de Lyon, 2 vols, (Lyon – Paris, 1677), vol.2, p.102. 27   L. Sturm, Leonhard Christoph Sturms Durch Einen grossen Theil von Teutschland und den Niederlanden biss nach Pariss gemachete Architectonische Reise-Anmerckungen zu der Vollständigen Goldmannischen Bau=Kunst, (Augsburg, 1719), pp.40-41: Letter X, 3 August 1716. This publication by Sturm consists of a collection of letters, in which he

describes cities and buildings that he visited on this tra­vels (some of them fictitious) through various countries in Europe. The text on the Jesuit church in Antwerp dates from 1716, i.e. before the fire of 18 July 1718, in which the greater part of the interior was reduced to ash. 28   Concerning the use of marble and its different colours in Baroque Rome, see especially D. Gallavotti Cavallero, ‘I colori del barocco: l’arte dei marmi policromi’, in: M. Fagiolo and P. Porthogesi (eds.), Roma Barocca. Bernini, Borromini, Pietro da Cortona, (Milan, 2006), pp.288-93.

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Introduction

10. St Peter’s, Rome: view of the northeast transept pillar with monumental statues, late 16th and early 17th century.

12. Michelangelo: the Porta Pia, engraving (the original drawing was made c.1561).

11. St Peter’s, Rome: barrel vault with roses in octagonal incrustations, before 1575.

tion of these examples, however, we also have to consider the particularly free examples of painter-architect Pellegrino Pellegrini Il Tibaldi (1527-1596).29 In his projects for the Jesuit church S. Felipe in Milan (1569), the Collegio Borromeo in Pavia (after 1561) and the Basilica in Novara (1577 and later), he paid much attention to the magnificienza (magnificence) in the architecture (see Fig.13). He wanted to develop his own variants on the theory of Vitruvius and Alberti, especially as regards the application of the column orders and the frames of windows, doors and niches. This gave rise to a much looser interpretation of the architecture, which at the time strongly contrasted with that of della Porta and Vignola, as it is to be found in the Gesù in Rome. Some elements of Tibaldi’s architecture, such as the use of columns and 29   On Tibaldi, see in particular: A. Scotti, ‘Pellegrino Tibaldi ed il suo Discorso d’Architettura’, in: Fra Rinascimento Manierismo e Realta. Scritti di storia dell’arte in memoria di Anna Maria Brizio, (Florence,1984), pp.119-27; A. Peroni, ‘Il Discorso di architettura di Pellegrino Pellegrini, in: Omaggio alle lettere. Quaderni del Collegio Bomrromeo, (Pavia, 1960).

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Introduction pilasters that are linked to each other by horizontal bands, can also be found in the Jesuit church in Antwerp. But also the Oratorians brought innovation by resolutely returning to the ideas of Christianity as they had prevailed in EarlyChristian Rome. This also led church historian Cesare Baronio to conduct a thorough study of a number of Early-Christian basilica in Rome. A limited surface area had to accommodate a large congregation, a requirement that also applied in the densely populated Rome of the sixteenth century. The use of tribune galleries above the side aisles, as in the S. Agnese fuori le Mura and in the S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, was a welcome solution (see Fig.14).30 Other characteristics of these churches were the use of barrel vaults with a coffered ceiling and the erection of a high bell tower alongside the church. These characteristics were partly taken over and applied to the Jesuit church in Antwerp. Frans Bau­ douin proffers the hypothesis that the knowledge of this Early-Christian architecture was transferred via Rubens to Aguilón and Huyssens.31 The superimposition of two arched galleries, as found in S. Agnese fuore le Mura in Rome, can also be compared with those employed in the Palazzo Doria-Tursi in Genoa.32 The association with Rubens, who would have proposed this elevation for the Jesuit church in Antwerp, is based on a hypothesis of Anthony Blunt.33 The use of tribunes could possibly also be traced to German examples from the six-

13. Pellegrino Tibaldi: decorations at the exterior of the S. Gau­ denzio basilica in Novara, 1577 and later.

30

  For the possible inf luence of the tribune gallery of the S. Maria fuori le Mura on the Jesuit church in Antwerp, see: P. Parent, L’Architecture des Pays-Bas Méridionaux (Belgique et Nord de la France) aux XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècle, (Paris-Brussels, 1926), p. 76. 31   Rubens made three paintings for the Oratorians in Rome, more specifically for the main altar of the S. Maria in Vallicella orChiesa Nuova during his stay in Rome from 1605 to 1608. This church was erected on the site of an Early-Christian church. 32   F. Baudouin, ‘Peter Paul Rubens and the Notion ‘painterarchitect’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.15-36. 33   A. Blunt, ‘Rubens and Architecture’, The Burlington Magazine, 119, 1977, 609-21.

14. The tribune galleries of the S. Agnese fuori le Mura, Rome, 7th century.

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Introduction teenth century. As Dieter Großmann has pointed out, churches with tribunes were introduced already from 1540 in private chapels of German rulers converted to Protestantism.34 Among the Catholics, only the Jesuit order would have applied this custom, as, for instance, in the Neubaukirche in Würzburg (1583-91) and in the Sankt-Michaelkirche in Munich (1583-90). The reason for this would be that the order attached much importance to preaching – which was also very typical of Protestantism – which occasionally resulted in very lengthy services, and it was therefore decided to install pews.35 The wooden benches or chairs took up far more space, so that less people could enter the church. Tribunes offered the advantage that the capacity above the side aisles could be doubled. Also the fact that 15. Peter Paul Rubens: Saint Clara repels the Saracen armies with the new Jesuit church in Antwerp was to be sited the Holy Sacrament, oil sketch on panel. in an existing building block, and that some allowance was to be made for the existing streets and canals, may explain the use of tribunes. The surface area of the church was quite limited and the construction of a ‘storey’ was the only way to allow a greater number of worshippers to congregate in the church. Rubens’s actual share in the creation of this church has already been the subject of much discussion. Frans Baudouin has written a monograph on the subject which will be published posthumously next year as part of the Corpus Rubenianum series. Rubens’s contribution has also been the subject of many articles in books and magazines. In the period 1620-21, Rubens produced the series of 39 ceiling paintings for the side aisles and their galleries, as well as two paintings for the main altar (see Fig.15).36 All those paintings are characterized by motion and movement toward the choir and the painting above the high altar.37 This visual and optical effects were created by the use of multiple viewpoints, asymmetrical compositions and anamorphic representations of figures and objects. As Robert Harbison wrote: ‘An earlier stage in the conversion of Baroque extrovert expressiveness to Romantic inwardness is found in Rubens. One of his key ideas, that of seeing from below, is suggested in the first place by a commission to do thirty-nine ceiling panels for the great Jesuit church in Antwerp, among the most significant projects of his entire career. […] Rubens has been stimulated to find new spatial possibilities in the vertiginous approach, until figures in palatial settings

34

  D. Grossmann, ‘L’église à tribunes et les tribunes des églises en Allemagne au XVIe siècle’, in: J. Guillaume (ed.), L’église dans l’architecture de la Renaissance , (De Architectura, 7), (Paris, 1995), pp.257-66. See also: R. Wex, Ordnung und Unfriede. Raumprobleme des protestantischen Kirchenbaus im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert in Deutschland, (Marburg, 1984), p.247. 35   A painting by Neeffs -Vrancks, 1630, in fact shows the pew in the middle aisle. 36   See above all: J. R. Martin, The Ceiling Paintings for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp, (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, Part 1), (Brussels, 1968); A. Knaap, ‘ Seeing in

Sequence. Peter Paul Rubens’ Ceiling Cycle at the Jesuit Church in Antwerp’, in: Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 55, 2004, 155-95; Id.,‘Meditation, Ministry and Visual Rhetoric in Peter Paul Rubens’s Program for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp’, in: J. W. O´Malley et al. (eds.), o.c., (Toronto, 2005), pp. 157-81. 37   See especially: Ch. Göttler, ‘Actio in Peter Paul Rubens’ Hochaltarbildern für die Jesuitenkirche in Antwerpen’, in: J. Imorde and K. Krüger (eds.), Barocke Inszenierung. Der Moment in dauerhafter Erscheinung, (Emsdetten – Zürich, 1999), pp. 24–45.

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Introduction move like mountain goats, striding across chasms or leaning eerily over the empty space beneath them. He thus makes the void between them and us active, or brings into being the space in front of the picture’.38 In addition, seven sketches by or attributed to Rubens are known which show that his design is at the basis of the sculpture on the front façade, above the apses and for the crow­ ning of the high altar (see e.g. Fig.16).39 Rubens is also partly responsible for the Houtappel chapel with his design of the chapel’s ceiling. However, quite a few questions remain unanswered in the field of architecture. To what extent were the Aguilón’s designs inf luenced by Rubens? What was his role after the death of Aguilón and was Rubens the inventor of the eastern bell tower? To what extent was the rich iconography of this tower inf luenced by examples of Rubens? A treasure throve of information is preserved in the Promptuarium Pictorum. This collection of drawings, engravings and models, may in an initial phase have been compiled by Pieter Huyssens and his successor Guillaume Cornély, and later, in 1747, handed over by provincial Petrus Dolmans to the library of the Antwerp Domus Professa (see Fig.17). The collection of drawings and prints was presumably brought together in five volumes, which were disseminated upon the abolition of the Jesuit order in 1773.40 One volume is of special interest, because it contains numerous drawings related to the Antwerp Jesuit church.41 The bulk of this extraordinary collection is housed in the sacristy of the church. However, in the second volume of the Promptuarium Pictorum, in which a large number of drawings of gates and door and window frames are preserved, we notice that the fathers and laybrothers who participated in the designs, proceeded to a very rich and loose interpretation of column orders, pediments, arches and frames.42 Variations on pedimentwithin-pediment and on pediment-within-arch are very cha­ racteristic for the classical language of the Antwerp Jesuit church.

16. Peter Paul Rubens: drawing for a cherub. Model for the decoration of the archivolt of the entrance of the Antwerp Jesuit church.

38

  R. Harbison, Reflections on Baroque, (Chicago, 2000), pp.35-7. 39   See especially the essay by Barbara Haeger in this volume and Fig. 13 in her article. 40   B. Daelemans, ‘Het Promptuarium Pictorum als spiegel van de ontwerppraktijk der Vlaamse jezuïetenarchitecten in de 17de eeuw’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), o.c., 2000, pp.175-98. 41   An inventory with a short description of these drawings can be found in: Ch. Van Herck and A. Jansen, ‘Archief in beeld (2de deel). Inventaris van de tekeningen bewaard op het archief van de Sint-Caroluskerk te Antwerpen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis en Folklore, 11, 1948, 45-91.

42   S. Lemmens, Onderzoek naar de theoretische kennis en de ontwerppraktijk binnen de architecturale entourage van de jezuïetenorde in de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw in de provincie Flandro-Belgica, (unpublished dissertation KU Leuven), 2 vols., 1996; B. Daelemans, Het Promptuarium Pictorum volume II. Een studie van barokke architectuurtekeningen uit de Zuidelijke Nederlanden, (unpublished master thesis. K.U. Leuven), 2 vols., 1998; E. Van Hamme, Studie van de poorten altaarontwerpen van het Promptuarium Pictorum Volume II in relatie tot Rome, (unpublished master thesis K.U.Leuven) 2002, 2 vols.

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Introduction

18. François de Aguilón (?): project for the new ­Jesuit convent with church in Antwerp, c.1613 (not ­realized).

In addition, numerous plans are preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. 17. Giovanni Maggi: façade of the Gesù, Rome, 1609. These originally belonged to the records of the consiliaris aedificatorum in Rome, but after the French Revolution they were moved to Paris (see Fig.18).43 Fortunately, a large amount of correspondence is preserved in the archives of the ­Jesuits in Rome, which not only contains information on the way in which building plans were evaluated, but also on the Jesuits’s building activities in the actual provinces (see Fig.19).44 Part of this correspondence was also preserved in the public records offices in Antwerp and Brussels.45 Other important sources are the inventories of the libraries of both the College, the Domus Professa and those of the sodalities and the Library of the Bolandists. A separate contribution on this enormous book inventory is annexed to this publication.46 43   J. Vallery-Radot, Le recueil de plans d’édifices de la compagnie de Jésus conservé a la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris: suivi de l’inventaire du recueil de Quimper, (Rome, 1960). 44   Inventarium Archivi Romani Societatis Iesù Manuscripta Antiquae Societatis, Pars I. Assistentiae et Provinciae, (Rome, 1992): Provincia Flandro-Belgica, nrs 3, 4 (I and II), 50 (I and II), 51, 52 and 71. About the three different versions of the Historia Domus Antverpiensis, see: J. De Landsheer, ‘Historia Domus Anverpiensis. De jezuïeten te Antwerpen van vóór het prille begin tot het eerste kwart van de zeventiende eeuw’, De zeventiende eeuw, 14, 1998, 15-26. For Italy see especially L. Balestreri, ‘L’architettura negli scritti della Compagnia di Gesù’, in: L. Patetta et al. (eds.),

L’architettura della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia, XV-XVII secolo, (exhibition catalogue, Milan, 18 October – 30 November 1990), (Brescia, 1990), pp.19-26. 45   H. Callewier, Inventaris van het archief van de Nederduitse provincie der Jezuïeten (Provincia Belgica, vervolgens Provincia Flandro-Belgica) en van het archief van het professenhuis te Antwerpen 1564-1773, (Rijksarchief te Antwerpen. Inventarissen 59), (Brussels, 2006). 46   See also the inventory by Guillaume Cornély of 1660, the catalogue of the Collegium c.1730 and above all the Catalogue de livres, des bibliothèques de la Maison Professe, du collège et du couvent des ci-devant Jésuites d’Anvers, dont la vente se fera…le 26 mai 1779, (Leuven, 1779). See the essay by Ria Fabri and Piet Lombaerde in this volume.

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Introduction One of the greatest problems besetting the study of sources of the present church is the major damage caused by the fire of 18 July 1718, following a lightning stroke (see Fig.20). The wooden barrel vault completely collapsed and went up in f lames. Almost the entire nave was reduced to ash, together with Rubens’s series of paintings on the ceilings of both side aisles and both tribunes. The bell tower, the choir, the Houtappel chapel, the St Ignatius chapel and the front façade were largely spared, but it is safe to assume that the partially preserved original interior also incurred smoke and water damage. As a result, it is difficult today to figure out exactly what is still original in the church and what is not. Restoration was undertaken immediately under the direction of architect and ­sculptor Jan Peter van Baurscheit the Elder.47 The church was, however, reconstructed in a far more sober style, so that the ‘marble temple’, as it was previously known, became almost entirely a thing of the past, save for the choir, both side apses and the side chapels. Many descriptions from the eighteenth century referred to the disastrous

47

  F. Baudouin, Architect Jan Peter van Baurscheit de Jonge 1699-1768, (Liers Genootschap voor Geschiedenis, Jaarboek 4 – 1994), (Lier, 1995), pp.39-40.

19. First page of the Historia Domus Professa Societatis Jesu Antwerpia.

20. Pieter Bouttats: Booklet with the description and the illustration of the great fire of 18 July 1718.

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Introduction consequences of the fire and to the sobered reconstruction of the damaged church. Further restorations were carried out in subsequent centuries; thus, during the twentieth century, the nave, the front façade and only recently the bell tower were restored. This leaves us with a partly distorted view of what the Jesuit church in Antwerp once was: a unique realization emanating from the collaboration of special artists and scientists from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries: François de Aguilón, Peter Paul Rubens and Pieter Huyssens.

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón* August Ziggelaar S.J.

Two personalities feature in the title of this contribution: The two are combined into one story but how different they are: Who does not know Peter Paul Rubens, the world-famous painter? And who has ever heard about his contemporary François de Aguilón? Both are Flemish, though Italian inf luences mark the art of Rubens and Aguilón could be called a Spaniard from Brabant, his father was a noble Spaniard, his mother Anna Pels was a noble lady from the Netherlands, perhaps from Antwerp. Peter Paul Rubens Peter Paul Rubens (1577 – 1640) was the greatest Flemish painter and one of the most famous of the Baroque painters. He studied art in Italy and Spain from 1600 – 1608. Thereafter he settled in Antwerp as an artist at the court of the Archdukes Albrecht and Isabella and he opened his studio. Peter Paul Rubens was a fervent Catholic. In Antwerp he established relations and cooperation with the Jesuits, the new religious order which promoted the Catholic Church reform according to the Tridentine Council’s program. It had as its foremost representative the saintly Archbishop of Milan Carlo Borromeo, who died in 1584, only 24 years before Rubens came to Antwerp. Rubens became an eminent member of one of the Marian sodalities, led by the Jesuits in Antwerp, the Latin sodality of our Lady. For the chapel of the Sodality he painted a beautiful Annunciation.1 The artist Rubens also entered into other relations with the Jesuits on the occasion of their plans for building a church in Antwerp. The persons with whom he would have to deal were, of course the energetic rector of the Jesuits in Antwerp Carolus Scribani but also the Jesuit priest and mathematician François de Aguilón and the Jesuit lay brother, the architect Pieter Huyssens. Youth and education of François de Aguilón

2

François de Aguilón was born in Brussels, in January 1567. When he was ten years old he received the clerical tonsure in Brussels, which made him more or less destined for an ecclesiastical future. For three years he studied at the Jesuit Collège de Clermont in Paris, thereafter in Douai for two years. He studied philosophy with the Jesuits but interrupted this after eight months in 1586 in order to enter into the novitiate of the Jesuits in Tournai, on Monday 15 September 1586. On 12 August 1587 he returned to Douai to continue his course of philosophy. Before ending it, in 1589, he followed a course in mathematics that included what is now called exact science; mechanics, geometrical optics and astronomy. Aguilón must have profited from it; already as a boy he had shown a talent for the sciences. From 1591 to 1592 he himself taught the subject to students, mostly young Jesuits like their teacher. He constructed spheres, astrolabes and other scientific tools but one day found it all scattered and partly broken. Such a rude reaction is fortunately altogether unusual among

*

  Thanks to Charles Edwards S. J., Aarhus, Denmark, for linguistic and stylistic corrections. 1   A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S.J. (1567-1617). ­Scientist and Architect, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S.I., vol.44), (Rome, 1983), pp. 26, 72; M. Jaffé, ‘Rubens and Optics:

Some fresh evidence’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, 34, 1971, 362-6. 2   For the biography of François de Aguilón see: A. Ziggelaar, o.c., pp. 29-41 with references.

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August Ziggelaar S.J. young Jesuits, who live as brothers together. Perhaps the guilty were non-Jesuit students. It may reveal that either some students detested science, in particular the hard and dull subject of astrolabes or that François de Aguilón’s teaching was too tedious. Probably his teaching of science lasted only for one year. He came to Salamanca in Spain to finish his theological studies. He was ordained priest in Ypres on 13 April 1596. He moved to Douai and once more taught philosophy, probably also science. But already in 1598 he moved to Antwerp to hear the confessions of Spaniards and Italians. There must have been many of them in this world trade center. At the rear wall of the chapel of Our Lady in the church of St Charles Borromeo a confessional should stand or have stood dating from the sixteenth century, probably already in use in the first Jesuit church from 1575. Perhaps Father Aguilón used this confessional. It was not at all unusual in those days that a Jesuit professor was transferred to a pastoral task. Nevertheless there may have been a reason not only why Aguilón was given a pastoral task but also why he was re-moved from teaching. One reason might have been the asthma and catarrh from which he suffered for many years. Another his lack of success as a teacher. In Antwerp François de Aguilón got as his Superior Carolus Scribani (1561 – 1629). Scribani had been professor of philosophy in Douai while Aguilón was ’assistant’ teacher there in 1590. Scribani and Aguilón may have known each other as boys in Brussels, both lived in circles centred around the court of the Archduke. Scribani was however six years older than Aguilón. Jesuits had been in Antwerp since 1575, except for the years 1578 – 1585. The residence of the Jesuits there was the house of Aecken, at Korte Nieuwstraat. The commu­n ity counted about 40 Jesuits, half of them priests. Aguilón became Rector of the house in 1614 but only until 1616 because of his poor health. Just when he had become Rector, he started spitting blood. Soon he became continuously ill. In June 1616 he was relieved from all duties. On 20 March 1617 he died. Jesuits have been buried in the crypt of St Charles’s church since 1616 but I have not found Aguilón’s grave.3 Aguilón’s book on Optics: Opticorum libri sex Of the cooperation between Rubens and the Jesuits we have an eloquent docu­ment in Agui­ lón’s publication of 1613 Opticorum Libri Sex (see Fig.1). It is true that Rubens is not at all mentioned in the book. However, it is certain that he designed the famous engravings with which each of the six books begins.4 If Aguilón’s book is still known in our days, then because of these six engravings. Geometrical optics in those days belonged to mathematics. Indeed, Aguilón’s book is full of mathematical propositions which he needed for what we now call geometrical optics. However, it has been noticed that each of the six engravings displays activities belonging to the book which it introduces. Quite a performance if you see the nearly exclusi­vely mathematical approach of Aguilón. This is most evident in the last of the six books. Here Aguilón indulges in a completely mathematical description of astrolabes, astronomical instruments important in medieval astronomy but soon to be abandoned. Yet Rubens succeeds in presenting a vivid picture of the contents of this book by drawing a scholar producing a stereographic projection of a sphere (see Fig.7). Rubens was not only a master in drawing but most of all in painting, he created art not only with lines but also with colours. In spite of all Euclidean geometry Aguilón’s book also contains a treatise on colours (see Fig.2).5 It must have been a novelty then that Aguilón lists, apart from black and white, three elementary colours yellow, red and blue. But then Aguilón also presents a long list 3   I was told that in recent years another crypt has been opened, but heard also from other side that it only contains tombs from later years.

4

  A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p. 54.   F. de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex Philosophis iuxta ac Mathematicis utiles, (Antwerp, 1613), Book I, prop. 39.

5

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón

1. Theodoor Galle (after P.P. Rubens): title page of François de Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613.

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August Ziggelaar S.J.

2. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.1: first page of Book I: Liber Primus de Organo, Obiecto, Naturaque Visus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

3. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.105: first page of Book II: Liber Secundus de Radio Optico et Horoptere, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

of shades grouped under these three colours and the three composite colours. There are ten shades of yellow, nine of red and so on, 36 at all, each with a non-composite Latin name. So far only abstract theory. But Aguilón continues with remarks on materials: sealing wax, cinnabar and minium and how they have to be mixed with other materials so as to yield lively colours. Charles Parkhurst concludes: ´Obviously he has experimented. He had in some way become familiar with the problems of paint mixing’.6 Surely. But should not the ´way´ have been the painter Rubens? Aguilón’s book is mostly remembered for its introduction of the concept of the horopter. He does so already in his second book.7 When one looks at something, our mind makes its own picture of it projected on a plane surface. This is the horopter. Again it is very probable that the idea had its origin in the mind of the famous painter Rubens. He usually had to project the scene on his palette. This was his horopter.

6

  Ch. Parkhurst, ‘Aguilonius’Optics and Rubens’Color’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 12, 1961, 1, pp.35-49, esp. pp.42, 48.

7   F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, pp. 109-11; Book II, prop. 49, p.149; A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, pp. 77-79.

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón

4. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.151: first page of Book III: Liber Tertius de Communium Obiectorum Cognitione, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

5. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.195: first page of Book IV: Liber Quartus de Fallaciis Aspectus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

The fourth book starts with Rubens’s engraving of the horopter, or rather the use of it (see Fig.5). He represents the horopter as a vertical board – just the material essence of a painter´s canvas.8 The horopter has become a central concept in the physiology of vision. Under the hands of physicians and physicists it has changed radically, yet Aguilón’s optics remains renowned for the first presentation of the horopter. Then Aguilón enters into the problem of seeing with two eyes. We see objects double depending on the focusing of our eyes. Aguilón relates wrong explanations from before his time, e. g. by the great physician Claudius Galen and admits that he himself had been mistaken until he understood the nature of the horopter. He describes in a lively fashion how he would friendly invite Galen to look at a pillar and its background so as to convince him of his error. Does Aguilón here describe how Rubens reverently showed Father Aguilón his mistake, perhaps at a pillar in the church, and helped him out of error?9

8

  Ibid., pp. 77-79.

9

  F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, Book IV, prop. 136.

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August Ziggelaar S.J. Ancient authors on optics cherished the subject of fallacies of vision. Also Aguilón devotes all of his fourth book to this subject. It contains a criticism of architects who will tilt the pavement of churches upwars toward the altar. This only makes the approach more difficult for the faithful and withdrawal easier so minds are alienated from divine worship.10 Surely a pastoral concern, worthy of an author who himself was an architect, yet one might suppose Rubens’s skill behind this detail. Still more probable is the inf luence of Rubens on another passage in the same proposition. In 1612 Bernardino Baldi had published in Augsburg a booklet on ’scamelli’, the Latin name for small sections between a column and its base or architrave so that the column does not seem to sink down into its base or architrave.11 This makes Aguilón fill two folio pages on how human bodies have to be altered so as not to appear disproportioned when placed on top of pillars. Strange, not only that Aguilón would have been interested in this detail of only artistic value but also that he discovered a booklet published only one year before in Augsburg, when he did not even know of the optics of Johann Kepler, published in Frankfurt in 1604. Would not the obvious explanation be that the digression is an anonymous contribution by Rubens? Aguilón’s book has also the merit of having proposed the first photometer, the instrument with which one compares or measures intensities of light (see Fig.6). His fifth book is on ’ light and dark’, could we translate: shades of light? It thus deals also with attenuation of light with distance from the source. Here Aguilón introduces a novel instrument which only much later has been recognized as the first example of a photometer.12 An invention of Aguilón – or rather of Rubens? Rubens’s engraving at the start of this fifth book does not only present this first kind of photometer but shows it in use. It is striking that Rubens draws an exact picture of the use of the instrument, of the experiment and of the outcome whereas Aguilón in his text wrongly describes the experiment.13 This may reveal who is its main author. The last book of Aguilón’s six books on optics is all on projections (see Fig.7). It opens with Rubens’s engraving showing how even this purely mathematical subject could inspire the artist to a lively picture of two persons producing a projection of a sphere. But most interesting here is what Aguilón writes himself. He had promised that this sixth book would tell everything in the art of painting which belongs to projection of straight and circular lines on to plane surfaces. The entire book ends with a paragraph on the remarkable fact that the eyes in a portrait seem to look at us wherever we stand and on other aspects whereby he shows how related scientific work on optics is to the art of drawing and that of architecture. A final hint at the cooperation between Jesuits and artists, that must mean mainly between the two most active there in this field and at that time: Aguilón and Rubens. Evidently Aguilón is most interested in mathematics. Surprisingly at the outset the author assures that he had not stuck to the crude and tastless demonstrations of mathematicians and he calls euclidean demonstrations dull and dry.14 Nevertheless readers have complained about the overweight of mathematics in the text.15 One might see behind al this the effort of Rubens to draw Aguilón away from mathematics but without too much success. 10

  Ibid., Book IV, prop. 39   B. Baldi, Scamelli impares Vitruviani . . Nova ratione explicati., (Augsburg, 1612). 12   J.E. Morère, ‘Aguilon, François d’’, in : Dictionary of Scientific Biography, (New York, 1970), vol.1, p.81; E.C.Watson, ‘Reproduction of Prints, Drawings and Paintings of Interest in the History of Physics. 37. Rubens 11

as a Scientific Illustrator, American Journal of Physics, 16, 1948, 3, 183-84. 13   A.Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p. 88 14   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, pp. 58-59. 15   Ibid., p. 58 with reference to Klügel’s German edition of John Priestley’s History of Optics.

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón

6. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.356: first page of Book V: Liber Quintus de Luminoso et Opaco, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

7. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.452: first page of Book VI: Liber Sextus de Proiectionibus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens.

Aguilón’s big volume on optics should have been only the first of three volumes. Of the second volume, on ref lected light, we have a few manuscripts but they contain only sketches of mathematical proofs. It apppears that Aguilón was not able to fulfill his project because his health failed and he died soon, four years after having published the first volume. Even one might imagine that the causal chain also worked in reverse: the realization that he could not fulfill his task, could have weakened him. Certainly, Aguilón is the author of the volume on Optics but much of it, if not the best of it, may be due to the cooperation and inf luence of Peter Paul Rubens, hiding behind Aguilón by his modesty, generosity and dedication to the Jesuits. This should be taken into account as a background when evaluating the claim that Aguilón is the architect of the St Ignatius church in Antwerp. Aguilón rather than Peter Paul Rubens has been consi­dered the architect of the Jesuit church in Antwerp. Up to others to judge how just this opinion is but at least the preceding remarks may be taken into consideration.

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August Ziggelaar S.J. Plans for the Antwerp Jesuit Church

16

Most important for the Jesuit residence in Antwerp was their own church. In the very year when Aguilón had finished and published his large in-folio on optics, 1613, he started his plans for the new Jesuit church in Antwerp. A great artistic enterprise. It is hard to believe that the cooperation between the artist Peter Paul Rubens and the Jesuit François de Aguilón should suddenly have stopped here. On 23 August 1613 the General Superior of the Jesuits Claudio Acquaviva had in Rome received the first plans for the house of the Jesuits and they probably included the church. The main authority for this church building was the energetic Superior Carolus Scribani. Until he became Provincial Superior, on 23 November 1613, he had been Rector of the residence of the Jesuits in Antwerp and he stayed at the house when he had become Provincial Superior. He could leave the planning to his successor as Rector, Aguilón. He became Rector on 22 February 1614. Aguilón was the originator of the church. In 1614 laybrother Pieter Huyssens came to Antwerp as architect. On 5 June 1616 Aguilón was relieved from his office and from all duties. Then the building of the church had started. Between 1607 and 1617 Jesuits had built a church in Mons. The architect was the lay brother Hendrik Hoeymaker, a co-novice of Aguilón. Together they were called to Mons and had to design the church. It has been demolished but was mostly Gothic in style. On 4 April 1609 the first stone was laid for the church of the Jesuit novitiate in Tournai. The church was consecrated on 20 June 1612. The scholar Joseph Braun refers the plans for the church all to the year 1608. One of the four plans mentions Aguilón as designer of the church. The same idea is developed in another plan which came to execution. The building is Gothic in style, only the façade presents a sober Renaissance form. August 1613 plans for the church in Antwerp had already come to Rome. In 1614 Aguilón sent another plan to Rome. On 28 May 1615 he sent again another plan and mentio­ned that the old way of building had been changed. The first plans had included domes. The Roman auhorities cancelled them though many Jesuit churches had domes, so it was not for that reason. The last plans date from the time after the death of Aguilón but in the main lines the plans were fixed before Aguilón’s death, certainly as a result of cooperation between Rubens and Aguilón. Where had Aguilón found inspiration to break with tradition so that it could be said that Jesuits carried Baroque style to final victory in Belgium? The Jesuit church in Antwerp marks a definite turn in Aguilón’s practice from Gothic to Baroque style, and that most of all in the first projects which were rejected. Accor­d ing to Braun the final church in Antwerp is a mixture of Baroque style, in the decorations, and Gothic, in its basic structure. Some of the first plans show the inf luence of Sebastian Serlio’s Architettura, translated and published in Antwerp in 1606. In 1608 Peter Paul Rubens had returned from his eight-year sojourn in Italy. He settled in Antwerp and set up his studio in 1610. In 1616 he had his copy of Serlio’s Architet­tura and of Vignola’s book on architecture bound by the publisher Moretus.17 From Italy he had brought with him a collection of drawings he had made of Italian buildings. One figure in these drawings shows a double set of columns in two storeys, similar to the ones which separate the side naves of St Ignatius church from the main space. Other figures show similarities with the façade of the Jesuit church. The archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church contain a sketch by Rubens for the apse. The large shield with the monogram IHS over the door of the church is from a drawing by Rubens. Rubens published his collection of drawings in 1622.18 In the foreword he states:

16

  Ibid., pp. 20-27.   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p. 26

18

  P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genova, (Antwerp, 1622).

17

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Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón ´In these regions, little by little, the kind of architecture, called barbarian or Gothic is coming out of fashion. Some of the best minds introduce the very symmetry accor­d ing to the rules of the Greeks and Romans for the greatest splendour and ornamen­tation of our country; as appears in the famous churches, recently made by the venerable Society of Jesus in Brussels and Antwerp.’19 Only one testimony lacks. Modesty prevented Rubens from setting it forth; otherwise he could have said: I myself have exerted most inf luence on this change of attitude among the Jesuits in Antwerp. Two complementary personalities Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón are complementary personalities: Rubens was a genius of art; Aguilón was a mathematician. Aguilón was also an architect and Rubens knew mathematics. The two cooperated in a book on optics. Geometrical optics was in those days one of the departments of physics which could be studied mathematically. Rubens used optics in practice. Each of the six books of Aguilón’s optics begins with an engraving, created by Rubens, which shows the study of optics in practice. The two also cooperated in the planning of the Antwerp Jesuit church.

19

  Ibid., Introduction.

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Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer Bert Daelemans S.J.

Introduction The well-known splendour of the Antwerp Jesuit church, even after the fire of 1718, would not exist without the genius of a still underestimated Jesuit laybrother, Pieter Huyssens. Although history has tended to forget him, he should be considered as one of the most inf luential Flemish architects of the early 17th century. His churches in Antwerp, Bruges and Namur give proof of his outstanding practical knowledge and his ability to assimilate the new Baroque language – which he came to know without direct contact in Italy1 – in an innovative and inspiring way. He was not the first to introduce the new Baroque style in Flemish church architecture, but certainly he contributed to its expansion in the Low Countries. Unfortunately at this moment there is very little information about his person, works, plans, style and inf luence. This certainly contributes to the fact that people still do not spontaneously associate him with the Antwerp Jesuit church, in favour of Peter Paul Rubens and Father François de Aguilón. A skilled engineer and an inf luential architect Pending further studies on Huyssens, the few biographical facts2 that can be gathered are yet enough to highlight his engineering skills and the centrality of the Antwerp Jesuit church. Formation: before Antwerp (1577-1613) Pieter Huyssens was born in Bruges the 22nd of February 1577, the same year as Rubens.3 His parents, Jacob Huyssens and Cathelijne Boudens, were prosperous.4 Pieter was formed as a master1   The plans of these churches date from before his journey to Italy in 1626-1627. Only the church in Ghent can be situated after this journey and therefore be considered as his most ‘Italian’ church. 2   Biographical elements of Huyssens can be found in H. J. Allard, ‘Broeder Petrus Huyssens, S.J., Nederlandsch bouwmeester’, Dietsche Warande , 9, 1871, 138-41; J. Braun, Die belgischen Jesuitenkirchen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kampfes zwischen Gotik und Renaissance,( Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), pp. 105-12; W. De Roy, ‘Jezuïet-broeder en architect Pieter Huyssens (1577-1637)’, Jezuïeten, 1977, 10, 194-97; H. De Smet, Pieter Huyssens en de barokke bouwkunst in de Nederlanden, (unpublished master thesis, St. Lucas Brussels, 1979), pp. 7-14; F. Donnet, ‘L’architecte de l’église des jésuites à Anvers’, Bulletins des commissions royales d’art et d’architecture, 49, 1910, 30-31; J. L. Meulemeester, ‘Aanvullende biografische gegevens over broeder-architect Pieter Huyssens (1577-1637)’, Biekorf , 102, 2002, 21-25; Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, vol. II, (Paleis der Academiën), (Brussels, 1966), 357-360; C. O’Neill and J.M. Dominguez (eds.), Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, vol. II, (Institutum HistoricumUniversidad Pontificia Comillas), (Rome-Madrid, 2001),

pp.1986-87; P. Parent, L’ architecture des Pays-Bas Méridionaux (Belgique et Nord de la France) aux XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, (Paris – Brussels, 1926); J. H. Plantenga, L’architecture religieuse dans l’ancien duché de Brabant depuis le règne des archiducs jusqu’au gouvernement Autrichien (15981713), (The Hague, 1926), pp.89-96; A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas. – Etablissement de la Compagnie de Jésus en Belgique et ses développements jusqu’à la fin du règne d’Albert et d’Isabelle, (Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie van België voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten. Klasse der Letteren, 2de reeks, 21, vol. II), (Brussels, 1927), pp. 55759; A. Thibaut de Maisières, L’architecture religieuse à l’époque de Rubens, (Brussels, 1943). 3   But not the same month, as indicated wrongly Braun, Plantenga, Poncelet and the Nationaal Biograf isch Woordenboek. Cf. W. De Roy, l.c., 1977, p.194 and the Album Novitiorum Domus Probationis S.J. Tornaci I, Fo 306, Royal Library Brussels, n° 1016 (4543) quoted by H. De Smet, o.c., 1979, p.18. 4   W. De Roy, l.c., 1977, p.194 and J. L. Meulemeester, l.c., 2002, p.22.

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Bert Daelemans S.J. mason in his hometown, following the footsteps of his grandfather Jan and his father. On the 5th of October 1596 he entered the Society of Jesus in Tournai, where the novitiate of the Flemish province was situated.5 Here Pieter spent two years, at the end of which he was sent to Douai to help as technical advisor in the construction of the church for the college. This was the first Jesuit church in the Low Countries (1583-1591), built after a plan that was sent from Rome and that was inspired on the innovative plan of the Gesú (1568-1584) with only one nave, side chapels and a rectangular choir. But apart from this plan there was nothing too innovative in the construction.6 From 1598 to 1613 we meet Huyssens in Maastricht, where he worked at the construction of the college and the church.7 Contact with the Baroque: Antwerp (1613-1621) On April 15th, 1615, the first stone of the Jesuit church of Antwerp was laid by bishop Jan van Maldere.8 The designer of the plan, Father François de Aguilón (1567-1617), was a mathematician and a theologian. He had shown his architectural interests in the construction of the chapels of the college in Mons (1608-1617) and the novitiate in Tournai (1609-1612) with the help of laybrothers Hendrik Hoeymaker (1559-1626) and Jean du Blocq (1583-1656).9 For the church in Antwerp he sent four plans for approval to Rome, of which only the last was accepted after long discussions. Unfortunately Aguilón died on the 20th of March 1617, leaving the foundations in the capable hands of Huyssens. In Father Joseph Braun’s opinion Huyssens had already assisted Aguilón from the fall of 1613.10 Indeed, the same year, at the age of 36, the catalogue of the Antwerp Domus Professa lists him as architectus.11 During these years, he assisted Jacques Francart (1583-1651) in the construction of the Jesuit church in Brussels.12 In 1622 and 1624 started the construction of the two side-chapels, the first dedicated to St Ignatius, the latter to Our Lady.13 Trendsetter: his other accomplishments (1621-1637) In 1619 Huyssens designed the plan for the St Francis Xavier church in Bruges (now St Walburga) (see Fig.1) and in 1621 he started the construction of the St Ignatius church (now St Loup) in 5

  The first Jesuit community in Flanders was formed by eight Spanish Jesuits who f led from Paris to Leuven in 1542, due to the troubles between Charles V and François I. This was only the sixth Jesuit house in Europe since the foundation of the Society of Jesus in 1540. The second community in the Low Countries was founded by Father Bernard Olivier in Tournai in the year 1553. Both houses, together with the community in Cologne, formed part of the Souther German province with Olivier as Provincial. This province was split in 1564 to form the Rhin province and the Flemish province. In 1612, the latter split into the Flandro-Belgica and the Gallo-Belgica provinces. See A. Poncelet, o. c., 1927. 6   This church was demolished in 1772. 7   This church is now a theatre. Cf. J.H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.90; F. Baudouin, ‘Peter Paul Rubens and the notion ‘Painter-Architect’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.15-36, esp. p.31, fig.14. 8   It was the first church in the world dedicated to Ignatius, and the only one before his canonization.

9

  J. Braun, o. c., 1907, p.153.   Ibid., p.113. 11   J.H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.90. The laybrothers who occur in the catalogues as faber lignarius, cimentarius or murarius are the carpenters, masons and stonemasons who worked at the construction under the praefectus fabricae templi and his socius. In the Catalogus Triennalis of 1625 we read for Huyssens: “studia ante Societate: faber murarius”. See Rijksarchief Antwerpen, Archieven van de jezuïetenorde. Provincie Flandro-Belgica, nr. 963. 12   Huyssens’s necrology indicates his collaboration to the church in Brussels. See G. Dutremez, Historia Collegii Brugensis, vol. VII, 1976, p.108, quoted in H. De Smet, o.c., 1979, p.10. Also Plantenga indicates his collaboration with Francart, which inf luenced him certainly in the new style. Cf. J.H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.95. For Plantenga, the Brussels church was the prototype for the Jesuit churches in the Low Countries. The same plan can be found in Antwerp, Namur, Bruges and Mechelen. Cf. J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.118. 13   Ibid., p. 91. 10

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Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer

1. Willem Hesius: ground plan of the Jesuit College of Bruges, 1690.

2. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church of Namur, c.1620.

3. Jean du Blocq: ground plan of the Jesuit College of Luxemburg, 1613-21.

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4. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa; Antwerp, c. 1622.

Namur (see Fig.2), in the neighbouring Gallo-Belgica province. He designed plans for the Jesuit college of Kortrijk14 and for the diocesan seminary of Ghent.15 On the 15th of February 1625 a notice arrived from Father General Mutius Vitelleschi (1563-1645) that prohibited Huyssens from continuing to work as architect and even as director of the works.16 The construction of the church in Antwerp had been so costly that it nearly put the Flemish province into bankruptcy.17 Huyssens had to move to Bruges and laybrother Guillaume Cornély (1587-1660) followed him as architectus provinciae in 1625. The splendour of the Ignatius church in Antwerp did not only cause problems. It gave Huyssens his fame. Archduchess Isabella wanted him to design a new chapel for her palace in Brussels. Thanks to her help he could undertake his first and only journey to Italy from the fall of 1626 until the winter of 1627, together with laybrother Robert Melanthois.18 Huyssens also worked in the construction of the church of Our Lady and St Peter at the Benedictine monastery in Ghent. A pay-bill 14

  J. Gilissen, ‘Le père Guillaume Hesius.- Architecte du XVIIe siècle’, Annales de la Société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles: mémoires, rapports et documents, 42, 1938, 216-55, esp. p.245. 15   J. Rogiers, ‘Het Bisschoppelijk Seminarie te Gent (1569-1623)’, Handelingen der Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent, 17, 1973, 115-116, quoted in H. De Smet, o.c., 1979, p.7. 16   A. Poncelet, o.c., 1927, p.556.

17

  The common rule for a Jesuit Domus Professa to live without incomes was thus to be lifted temporarily in Antwerp. 18   He arrived in Rome on the 20 th of November 1626. Back in Brussels, he directed personally the works of the chapel. Cf. A. Poncelet, o.c., 1927, p.557. The chapel was destroyed together with the palace. Cf. J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.92. The count of Warfusée also asked him for his architecture skills. Cf. J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.109.

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Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer of 1627 describes him as engineer.19 He assisted Jacques Francart in the construction of the beguinage church of Mechelen, started in 1629. From the 4th of June 1633, he was again prohibited, now definitely, to work as architect.20 He died in Bruges the 6th of June 1637, at the age of sixty.21 Antwerp: a Baroque milestone for Huyssens (see Figs.3 and 4) The present contribution is not the first attempt to rehabilitate Huyssens as architect in the conception and construction of the Jesuit church in Antwerp. As early as 1910, Fernand Donnet investigated the specific role of Aguilón, Rubens and Huyssens in this project.22 He comes to the conclusion that, even if Aguilón was the author of the plan that was approved in 1615, only Huyssens should be considered as the architect of the church because he directed the works.23 But if Huyssens is really the architect of the church, where then did he learn the new Baroque style? Was it not through his contacts first with Aguilón and then with Rubens24 that he adopted a feeling for the Baroque? Is it then possible to attribute this church to only one architect? The necessary collaboration of two types of Jesuit architects In the early days of the 17th century, the concept of architect began to change radically. The medieval way of constructing was practical and based on a long and unquestionable tradition that the guilds cautiously kept secret.25 Huyssens was born in this tradition and followed his father and grandfather in the long chain of trustworthy practical knowledge of master-masons. One could say that this practical know-how was what made an architect.26 But a new trend from Italy made it possible 19   Only in 1864 could the church of Our Lady and St Peter in Ghent be attributed to Huyssens by A. van Lokeren, thanks to a pay-bill of 1627 in which can be read: “Item, betaelt aen Mter Pieter Huyssens, ingenieur van het maecken van de nieuwe kercke, over reysgelt ter cause van dien, met voyagien by hem ghedaen in de affairen van de voorschreven kercke, blijckende by seven quitantien, de somme van 47 ponden, 6 schellingen, 8 grooten.” See H. J. Allard, l. c., 1871, p.141. The term engineer emerges in the 16th century next to architect and in the beginning it seemed to have the same meaning, even if engineer was used more in a military context. See R. Meischke, ‘Het architectonische ontwerp in de Nederlanden gedurende de late Middeleeuwen en de zestiende eeuw’, Bulletin van de Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond, 6, 1952, 5, 161-230, esp. p.206. 20   J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.110 and J.H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.94. 21   Did he make the plans for the churches in Ypres, Cassel, Bailleul, Duinkerken? His necrology indicates his collaboration to these churches. Parent attributed the churches in Ypres (1620-1640), Duinkerken (1632-1635) and Bailleul (1632-1637) to Cornély. If it is not Huyssens who designed the plans, Cornély certainly worked in the same style. Gilissen attributed the plans for Cassel (1634-86) to Hesius. See P. Parent, o.c., 1926, 152; J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.172 and J. Gilissen, l.c., 1938, 247-254. 22   F. Donnet, ‘L’architecte de l’église des jésuites à Anvers’, Bulletins des commissions royales d’art et d’architecture, 49, 1910, 25-72. 23   ‘[…] le travail a été repris, remanié et reconstitué par le

Frère Huyssens, de telle manière qu’on peut affirmer que celui-ci est réellement l’architecte de l’église’, in F. Donnet, o. c.,1910, p.56. Also Plantenga came to this conclusion. It is only after the fire in 1718 that this church was attributed to Rubens alone. The most ancient attributions quote Huyssens next to Aguilón. See J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.107. 24   Aguilón could have brought Huyssens in contact with Rubens, starting a collaboration that continued certainly after the death of Aguilón. During the same period in Brussels (starting from 1614), Huyssens collaborated with Francart.This contributed certainly to Huyssens’s learning period in the Baroque. How they have influenced each other could be revealed by further studies on their collaboration. See also the essay of Barbara Haeger in this volume. 25   Disputes between the traditional guilds and independent architects continued until the 18th century. In Antwerp in 1543, the guild of master-masons accused carpenter Willem van Noort of drawing plans, a right that in medieval times only was attributed to the latter. But he won the case. See J. Offerhaus, ‘Pieter Coecke et l’introduction des traités d’architecture aux Pays-Bas’, in: J. Guillaume (ed.), Les traités d’architecture de la Renaissance , (De Architectura), (Paris, 1988), pp.443-52. 26   Other laybrothers formed as faber lignarius, cimentarius or murarius, such as Beegrandt,Verbessum, Hoeymaker and du Blocq, were also named architects in the catalogues. The catalogue of the college of Ghent describes laybrother Johannes Beegrandt in 1658 as faber cimentarius and in the Litterae Annuae of Liège we read Johannes Begrand, architectus novi templi. See J. Gilissen, l.c., 1938, p.229.

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5. Pieter Huyssens: project for the façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church.

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Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer to label as architects those who were able to design a plan, yet lacking practical formation, such as with architecture-lovers François de Aguilón, Willem van Hees (Hesius) and Antonius Losson. Certainly, these theoretically formed Fathers did not work alone.27 They did not even direct the works themselves, counting on a whole army of laybrothers capable – in the best case scenario – of making their innovative dreams reality.28 Luckily for Aguilón, Huyssens was a skilled craftsman and he was thus able to adapt his skills to the new style. Luckily for Huyssens, he was situated amidst a time of transition and innovation. It was certainly in Antwerp where he came into contact with the Baroque. We thus recognize that on the edge of the 17th century two types of Jesuit architects, the theoretically formed fathers and the practically formed laybrothers, not only coincided but also collaborated: they needed each other to build a Baroque church. Was Huyssens exceptional in adopting the Baroque style? In comparison, both his predecessor Hoeymaker and his colleague of the GalloBelgica province, du Blocq, also laybrothers formed in the traditional guilds, were not so innovative.29 In Luxemburg, du Blocq built a gothic church on a traditional three-nave plan (see Fig.3).30 It is striking that at the same time in Antwerp a Baroque church is born on a three-nave plan, fruit of the constructive encounter between the long rooted practical knowledge of the guilds and the new language brought from Italy.31 In this sense, the Antwerp church was decisive for Huyssens. Here he adopted specific elements that he repeated in further works. He was, for example, the first Jesuit architect to adopt the axial tower behind the choir (see Figs.4,5 and 6).32 After Antwerp, all his churches include the axial tower, as if it were his ‘personal touch’. This inf luenced not only his suc-

6. Pieter Huyssens: project for the bell tower of the Jesuit church of Antwerp. 27

  Already in the 16th century it was not exceptional that the designer of the plan did not inspect the works himself. See R. Meischke, l.c., 1952, p.165. There were many Jesuits involved in a building project for the Society of Jesus. The decision was made by the provincial and the rector, who appointed an architect, usually the architectus provinciae. It was the praefectus fabricae templi who supervised the works, assisted by a socius architecti. The work was done by laybrothers who were designated as faber lignarius, cimentarius and murarius. See P. Parent, o.c., 1926, pp.67-72 and J. Gilissen, l.c., 1938, pp.226-232. 28   When the new style could be adopted using the traditional techniques, as for groin vaults, it did not cause problems. Yet dome construction was more complicated. This required certain practical knowledge, which theoretically formed father Hesius and the traditionally formed laybrothers in Leuven unfortunately did not have. “Ce fut peut-être un avantage au point de vue de l’originalité de leur talent créateur, ce fut certainement préjudiciable à leur conception de la construction du type d’église à coupole qu’ils empruntèrent aux architectes du baroque

italien, en ne le comprenant qu’à demi”. See J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.176. 29   That was probably the reason why that neighbouring province asked Huyssens to design the church in Namur. See J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.116; J. Gilissen, l.c., 1938, p.227 and 229 and P. Parent, o.c., 1926, p.76. 30   This church, built for the Jesuit college of Luxemburg (1613-21) is now the Cathedral of Our Lady. 31   Before then, Jacques Francart and his brother-in-law Wenzel Cobergher (1560-1634), both after a learning period in Italy, had shown that they could build Baroque churches of great inf luence on a traditional three-nave plan. In the case of the Jesuit church in Brussels, before Francart had been appointed under inf luence of archduchess Isabella, Hoeymaker had started the construction in 1606 following a traditional scheme. 32   Braun mentions that it even happened “by accident”, because there was no space beside the choir. See J. Braun, o.c., 1907. In the Low Countries it was Cobergher who introduced the axial tower behind the choir in the Carmelite church in Brussels.

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7. Anonymous: drawing of a vaulted nave.

8. Sebastiano Serlio: method for drawing an interior with arches and columns.

cessor Cornély to place an axial tower behind the choir in the churches in Duinkerken and Ieper, but it also inf luenced in the placing of the tower of the Jesuit churches of Béthune, Nivelles and Liège, and of many 18th-century churches.33 What happened these early days of the 17th century in Antwerp was a fructiferous encounter between two cultures, represented by Huyssens, formed in the traditional guilds, and the innovative Renaissance oriented Aguilón. Aguilón needed the practical genius of Huyssens to realize his innovative dreams. For Huyssens, Antwerp was a milestone, and that became clear in all his later churches. Here he came into contact with the Baroque style, thanks to his contacts with Aguilón and certainly also Rubens. But there was yet another way of learning the new style. The Promptuarium Pictorum: an indispensable witness of the changing architectural process In Antwerp, especially, the Jesuits must have had a rich collection of engravings and Renaissance treatises on architecture.34 They owned the translation by Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1616) of

33   See B. Daelemans, J. Koninckx, S. Van Loo, ‘De verplaatsing van de klokkentorens in de 17-de eeuwse kerkarchitectuur’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi ingegni, grandissimo splendore. Studies over de religieuze architectuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de 17de eeuw, (Leuven, 2000), pp.67-78. See also the essay of Piet Lombaerde in this volume.

34

  Unfortunately, with the suppression in 1773, all the archives and libraries of the Society of Jesus were dismantled. Georges-Joseph Gerard, who made the inventory of the libraries, wrote the 22nd of June 1775: ‘Dans presque toutes les bibliothèques des ci-devant Jésuites, il s’est trouvé des livres d’Estampes; le plus grand nombre s’est trouvé à Anvers’. See M. Debae and C. Lemaire, ‘De Konink-

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9. Title page of the Promptuarium Pictorum, part II, 1747.

10. Anonymous: water mill.

the famous treatise on architecture by Sebastiano Serlio (see Figs. 7 and 8); the Premier Livre d’Architecture by Jacques Francart (1617) and surely also the treatises of Vitruvius and Alberti.35 Renaissance treatises on architecture and engravings of Italian models were not mere collector’s items. By their study, the Baroque style could be assimilated without direct contact in Italy.36 They contributed to a sort of globalisation in 17th-century church architecture.37 Being surrounded in Antwerp by humanists such as Aguilón and Rubens, and the study of the engravings of Italian models and the Renaissance treatises most likely contributed to the formation of Huyssens in the new style. Further studies of his plans and drawings may clarify this intuition. In the 18th century, Huyssens’s plans drafted for the Antwerp Jesuit church formed part of a collection

lijke Bibliotheek, historische schets 1559-1837’, in: Koninklijke Bibliotheek Liber Memorialis 1559-1969, (Brussels, 1969), pp. 1-84. 35   An inscription on the treatise of Francart in the Royal Library in Brussels reveals that it was owned by the Jesuit college of Antwerp: ‘Collegij Soc[ieta]tis Jesu Ant[verpiae]. B[ibliotheca] M[aior] 1664’. On the treatise of Coecke one reads: ‘Bib[liotheca] Domus Prof[essae] Soc[ieta]tis IESU Antv[erpiae]’. See Royal Library of Brussels, Kostbare Werken, VB 5321 C RP, Francart, Jacques, Premier Livre d’Architecture, Brussel, 1617, and VB 526 C, Serlio, Sebastiano, Het eerste boeck van de Architecturen overgheset uyt d’Italiaensche in Nederduytse sprake, door Pieter Coecke van Aelst, doen ter tijdt schilder der K. Majesteyt, Amsterdam, 1616. See also the Addendum l by Ria Fabri and Piet Lombaerde in this volume. 36   ‘Dès le commencement du XVIIe siècle, l’éducation d’un architecte pouvait se poursuivre et s’achever sans

qu’il entreprît le voyage de Rome’. See P. Parent, o.c., 1926, p.12. The necrology of father Hesius reveals that he surprised Father General Oliva with his broad knowledge of Italian architecture, without having been to Italy. In 1672, after the construction of the church in Leuven (1650-71), he made his trip to Italy. See J. Gilissen, l.c., 1938, p. 250. 37   For example, Serlian motifs, such as the serliana in the tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, can be encountered in churches in Goa and in a church in Ethiopia built by Pedro Paez S.J. in 1619-20. See G. A. Bailey, ‘ “Le style jésuite n’existe pas”: Jesuit Corporate Culture and the Visual Arts’, in: J. W. O’Malley et al., The Jesuits. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773, (Toronto, 1999), pp.3889; and D. M. Kowal, ‘Innovation and Assimilation: The Jesuit Contribution to Architectural Development in Portuguese India’, in: J. W. O’Malley et al., o.c.,1999, pp. 480-504.

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Bert Daelemans S.J. of at least four volumes, called the Promptuarium Pictorum (see Fig.9). It is one of the largest collections of architectural drawings and etchings of the 17th and 18th centuries in the Low Countries.38 The core of the Promptuarium Pictorum39 – storehouse of drawings – are the 17th-century building projects of Huyssens, Cornély and Hesius.40 Although the collection ref lects nearly 150 years of architectural design, bearing witness of the collector’s mind and the architectural interests of Hesius, at least we can say that it started with Huyssens.41 The Promptuarium not only contains technical drawings (see Fig.10), but brings together different aspects of the architectural process: plans and drawings from Jesuit colleges42; whole sets of engravings and drawings of Italian dome churches, façades, altars and door-

39

11. Bernardino Radi: title page of ‘Varie Inventioni per Depositi’, Rome, 1618.

38

  This collection, which consisted of at least four volumes and 777 drawings and etchings, was assembled in 1747 under the inf luence of Father Provincial Petrus Dolmans. The four volumes were kept in the library of the Domus Professa of Antwerp until the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773. Nowadays two volumes are kept in the Archives of the Flemish Jesuits in Heverlee; another volume, that contained Huyssens’s plans for Antwerp (currently in the Archives of St Carolus Borromeus Church), was dismantled in the earlier decades of the 20th century (certainly between 1910 and 1948); and the fourth (and fifth?) volume is kept in the Prentenkabinet in Brussels, Promptuarium Pictorum seu collection, VB 5434 99E. On the cover of these volumes we read: “Promptuarium Pictorum seu Collectio Variarum Delineationum et Iconum quam Bibliothecae Domus Professorum Societatis Jesu Antverpiae dedit R. P. Petrus Dolmans per Provinciam FlandroBelgicam ejusdem Societatis Praepositus Provincialis. MDCCXLVII.” See B. Daelemans, ‘Het Promptuarium Pictorum als spiegel van de ontwerppraktijk der Vlaamse Jezuïetenarchitecten in de 17de eeuw’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (ed.s.), o.c., 2000, pp.175-98. With Promptuarium we designate the two volumes kept in He­verlee.

  The two volumes of the Promptuarium in Heverlee are indispensable in any study of 17th century architecture because as a whole they ref lect what a drawing or plan in itself can not. They especially show the importance of different aspects of the architectural process. 40   Father Lamalle writes: ‘La collection […] s’est constituée autour des noyaux que formaient les albums du Fr. Pierre Huyssens (1577-1637), l’architecte le plus doué de la Compagnie de Jésus aux Pays-Bas, et de son successeur, le Fr. Guillaume Cornély (1587-1660). La collection fut continuée, jusqu’à lui faire comprendre l’ensemble des projets conservés aux archives de la Province FlandroBelge à Anvers’. See J. Vallery-Radot, Le recueil des plans d’édifices de la Compagnie de Jésus conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici SoI. Vol. XV), (Rome, 1960), p.400. 41   The only witness from the period before Huyssens, the Sketchbook of his predecessor Hoeymaker, present itself also as a storehouse, but ref lecting only the practical aspects of the architectural process. This Sketchbook was a collection of technical drawings of moulds for the columns of Hoeymaker’s churches. It was stolen during an exposition in Paris in the 1970s. A copy can still be consulted in the library of the University of Ghent, Handschriften en Kostbare Werken, G 6075. Braun attributed this sketchbook to Hoeymaker and dated it in the early 17th century. See J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.16. 42   The first volume contains the plans and drawings of Jesuit churches and colleges constructed in the 17th century (Tournai, Lille, Luxemburg, Maubeuge, Bailleul, Liège, Brussels, Bruges, Namur, Ieper, Leuven, Mechelen, Duinkerken, Lier).

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Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer frames (see Fig.11)43; drawn copies from treatises and own inventions, as forming part of an ‘exercise book’. Intriguing in the Promptuarium is the presence of the Italian models and the use of the Renaissance treatises. Some drawings were literally copied from the Dutch translation by Coecke van Aelst of Serlio’s treatise.44 The Italian models and the use of treatises not only show that the new style could actually be studied and assimilated without needing to go to Italy45 , but also highlight a new theoretical aspect in the until then mostly practical architectural process (see Fig.12). There remains one diff iculty. The Promptuarium is an 18th-century collection which contains many 18th-century engravings.46 How 12. Anonymous: the five architectural orders. can we affirm that it ref lects the architectural process of the early 17th century? For example, it is possible that Huyssens and Aguilón found inspiration in the collection of engravings of Italian church façades by Giovanni Maggi in 1609 (see Fig.13), but these engravings could also have entered into the possession of the Jesuits much later.47 A detailed study of this collection can bring light on its contributions to the architectural accomplishments in this period. At the moment we can affirm that the Promptuarium Pictorum bears witness to the growing importance of models and treatises in a period when the Low Countries are discovering their own Baroque. Furthermore, we can say that this process started with Huyssens in Antwerp. The generation of Jesuit architects before him and even his contemporaries did not turn to the Baroque, probably because it was in Antwerp where the inf luence from Italy were most noticeable.

43

  The second volume is most fascinating. It opens with a collection of engravings and drawings of Italian dome churches, showing the interest of this particular Jesuit architect (Huyssens or Hesius?) in constructing a dome. We know that Huyssens, after his journey to Italy, built a dome in Ghent and that Hesius tried to do the same, but not without difficulties, in Leuven. That was, unfortunately, before his journey to Italy in 1672. Intriguing in this second volume are also the more than 90 doorframes. These doorframes are not only copies or engravings from treatises but mostly proper inventions from Jesuit architects in the style of the 18 doorframes of Francart’s Premier Livre, the 50 inventions of Serlio’s Estraordinario Libro, and Radi’s Vari disegni de Architettura ornati de porte inventati da Bernardino Radi da Cortona in Roma, confirming the growing interest for this type of architecture. 44   For example Promptuarium Pictorum, volume II, PPII 20C, PPII 138B and PPII 133E. See B. Daelemans, l.c., 2000, pp. 192-93. 45   But were engravings really enough to have an accurate knowledge of the Baroque style? Archduchess Isabella sent

Huyssens to Italy not only to buy materials for her chapel, but apparently there was also the need to “familiarize” himself with the Baroque buildings, cf. J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p. 92. On the contrary, on the 2nd of August 1626, Father General sent a letter to Huyssens’s Provincial, Father Florent de Montmorency, in the meaning that a journey to Italy was not necessary and that engravings would be enough to build the chapel; and if Huyssens did not have them, they would send them to him from Rome. Cf. A. Poncelet, o.c., 1927, p.557. 46   Some engravings dated after 1747 prove that the collection continued after assembling, probably until 1773, the date of the suppression of the Society of Jesus. For example Heverlee, Archives of the Flemish Jesuits, Promptuarium Pictorum, volume I, PPI 44 is dated in 1760. 47   Nine of these engravings of the Le piante maggiore di Roma (the whole set contains 12 engravings) can be found in Heverlee, Archives of the Flemish Jesuits, Promptuarium Pictorum, volume II, PPII 24A, 24B, 24C, 24D, 25C, 25D, 26C, 26D, 27C.

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Bert Daelemans S.J. Conclusion The few biographical elements that can be gathered from Huyssens’s life are yet enough to ref lect his technical skills.48 Not every laybrother who was formed in the guilds received the title of architect in the catalogues of the Society of Jesus. Most likely due to his enginee­ ring skills he was called to Antwerp, which happened to be the beating heart of Renaissanceminded humanists. Therefore, the great shock that changed both Huyssens’s life and the skyline of the Low Countries was not his journey to Italy but rather the time he spent in Antwerp.49 Contemporaries to him, such as Hoeymaker and du Blocq, who did not have the opportunity of a ‘learning’ period in the Baroque, continued to build Gothic churches in the 17th century. On the contrary, all Huyssens’s churches express an accurate knowledge of the Baroque style, in such a way that he gave it even a personal touch.50 One could attribute this on the one hand to the 13. Giovanni Maggi: façade of the S. Atanasio dei inf luence of Aguilón and Rubens51 and to the Greci church, Rome, 1609. use of Renaissance models and treatises on the other, as ref lected by the Promptuarium Pictorum. In short, Antwerp seems to have been decisive for Huyssens’s formation as a Baroque architect. But his practical genius and his ability to quickly assimilate the Baroque language were equally decisive for the construction of the Jesuit church of Antwerp, especially after the death of Aguilón. Therefore, this church should not be considered as the fruit of only one architect, but as the result of the fructiferous encounter and the necessary collaboration between two types of Jesuit architects, a new reality on the edge of the 17th century.

48

  He worked as technical advisor in Douai, Brussels and Mechelen, and was named ‘engineer’ in Ghent. 49   In this sense I do not agree with Meulemeester dividing the works of Huyssens in a Flemish Baroque and a more Italian Baroque period before and after his trip to Italy. See J. L. Meulemeester, ‘Pieter Huyssens (1577-1637), een Brugse barokarchitect met faam’, Vlaanderen , 51, 2002, 24. I do not think with Plantenga that Huyssens modified his plans for Bruges and Namur after his journey, even if the works had not advanced much in 1628 (cf. J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p.119). Together with the church in Antwerp they are unique harmonious masterpieces of Flemish Baroque, not yet ‘contaminated’ by a direct contact with

the Italian Baroque. The church in Ghent that Huyssens built after his journey to Italy is certainly the most Italian in its façade and its dome but therefore I would not affirm with Plantenga that it is his most important and most characteristic work (cf. J. H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, p. 89). On the contrary, his genius appears more purely, more Flemish and therefore more intriguing, in Antwerp, Bru­ ges and Namur. 50   For example, the axial tower. Further studies may clarify if it is accurate to speak of a personal style in the case of Huyssens. 51   During this Antwerp period he probably was also inf luenced by Francart in Brussels.

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum Libri Sex Sven Dupré

Introduction In 1613, François de Aguilón published his Opticorum libri sex with the Plantin press in Antwerp. Aguilón’s book on optics was lavishly illustrated with engravings, designed by Peter Paul Rubens, for which the book is justly famous.1 However, with the exception of August Ziggelaar’s essay on Aguilón and his Opticorum libri sex, Aguilón’s optics has received scant attention from historians of science and optics. It has proved especially difficult to grasp how Aguilón conceived of the book as a whole. What did Aguilón understand the image of optics to be – the scope, aims and goals of optics? This question is related to other questions, which are likewise difficult to answer, regar­d ing Aguilón’s motivations to publish Opticorum libri sex. Why did Aguilón publish a book on optics? Which audience did Aguilón had in mind for his book? Why did he seemingly ignore Kepler’s recently published work on optics, the Paralipomena (1604) and Dioptrice (1611), as well as the newly invented telescope? In this essay I will attempt to shed light on Aguilón’s image of optics. I will single out three factors which shaped Aguilón’s optics, and which will also help us to partly answer the above questions. In section 1, I will show that Aguilón’s optics was deeply indebted to the perspectivist tradition, and that the structure of Opticorum libri sex is to be understood in the context of an Aristotelian theory of cognition. In section 2, I will discuss characteristics which could be considered typical for a Jesuit educational culture of mathematics, especially the use of instruments in mathematical education, which surface in Aguilón’s optics. Finally, in section 3, I will show in which way Aguilón’s architectural identity – I mean Aguilón’s interest in architecture and his reading of books on architecture rather than his actual work as an architect on the Carolus Borromeus church in Antwerp – was important to Aguilón’s image of optics promoted in Opticorum libri sex. I will argue that Aguilón’s Vitruvianism, in particular his adoption of the Vitruvian identity of the architect, was an important factor in the construction of Aguilón’s image of optics. I will be concerned, more precisely, with how the Vitruvian scope of architecture contributed to the shaping of the scope of optics in Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex, and with how the Vitruvian ideal of unity of theory and practice inf luenced Aguilón’s optics. The Aristotelian Framework of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex In his seminal introduction to Aguilón’s architecture and optics Ziggelaar characterized Opticorum libri sex as ‘a strange mélange of traditionalism and faulty opinions mixed with brilliant new insights’.2 He also argued that Aguilón was ‘seriously out of date with regard to the new facts in astronomy’ and that he ‘did not know about the optics of Kepler’.3 He attributed this ignorance 1

  A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S. J. (1567-1617): Scientist and Architect, (Rome, 1983), especially pp. 53ff. The collaboration of Rubens and Aguilón is also at the core of Ziggelaar’s investigation in this volume. See also Ch. Parkhurst, ‘Aguilonius’ optics and Rubens’ color’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 12, 1961, 35-49; M. Jaffé,‘Rubens and Optics: Some Fresh Evidence’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 34, 1971, 362-66; J. S. Held, ‘Rubens and Aguilonius: New points of contact’, The Art Bulletin, 61,1979, 257-64.

2

  A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p.102.   Ibid., p.61 and 90. Contrary to Ziggelaar, Isabelle Pantin has recently suggested that Aguilón’s solution to the problem of the pinhole camera (or camera obscura) shows Aguilón’s familiarity with Kepler’s optics. See I. Pantin,‘Simulachrum, species, forma, imago: what was transported by light into the camera obscura?’, Early Science and Medicine, 13, 2008, (forthcoming).

3

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Sven Dupré to the fact that ‘since Aguilón had left Douai, he lived far from academic centres, however inspiring the artistic life in Antwerp may have been’.4 In this section I will show that Aguilón adopted a – indeed traditional – Aristotelian and perspectivist framework. However, I also hope to argue convincingly that, since this framework made the new optics of Galileo and Kepler an epistemologically unattractive alternative, Aguilón’s silence about Kepler and the newly invented telescope is rather one of choice than one of ignorance. Moreover, as we will see, Aguilón’s real concerns, education and architecture, were not of the type to counteract the pressure of the traditional Aristotelian and perspectivist framework – rather the opposite. Unlike later Jesuit frontispieces which made use of the metaphorical properties of light, the frontispiece of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex refers more directly to the different topics discussed in the book.5 This makes the frontispiece informative of Aguilón’s image of optics.6 Rubens gathered together a variety of mostly mythological emblems suggesting vision or optical activity.7 The dominant female figure at top center is Optica herself. In her right hand she sholds a scepter with a radiant eye, symbolizing divine vision, while on her left leg she balances a pyramid. This pyramid represents the visual pyramid of rays radiating from the eye at the pyramid’s apex, to which Optica points with a finger of her left hand. This visual pyramid is at the basis of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex, which was limited to direct vision, although books on catoptrics (ref lection) and dioptrics (refraction) were planned, and partly survive in manuscript.8 To the right of Optica is a peacock, the emblem of Hera, with Argus’s eyes – a long standing symbol of the starry firmament – set in its tail. To her right is the Eagle of Zeus, representing the sense of sight, and an armillary sphere. This suggests the usefulness of optics for astronomy. On the left, Argus’s head with the eyes, which Hera scattered across the peacock’s tail, returns in the hands of Hermes, who personifies Reason. On the right Athena carries a shield with the head of Medusa, symbolizing the victory of Reason over the senses. These figures suggest an image of optics of which the ultimate aim was to understand cognition rather than sight as such. Around 1600 optics was a well-established body of knowledge which gathered together certain representative works, from Alhazen’s Kitab al-manazir to Witelo’s Perspectiva, in a so-called perspectivist tradition.9 To understand Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex – which took part in this perspecti­ vist tradition – it is important to realize that, unlike modern geometrical optics, perspectiva was not a science of light, but of vision. In short, its fundamental aim was to understand sight, not light. The ulterior concerns of the perspectivists were even epistemological. Therefore, perspectiva is to be understood to be a science of visual perception and cognition. The perspectivist account of vision is to be considered within the broader context of an Aristotelian theory of cognition of which the basis was established in Aristotle’s De anima.10 Perspectivists were interested in how, in Aristotelian terms, we come to a conceptual grasp of universals (or quiddities in a scholastic jargon) from physical particulars. As for Aristotle concepts were immanent in objective reality, cognition proceeded by induction. It

4

  Ibid., 61.   W. B. Ashworth, ‘Divine Reflections and Profane Refractions: Images of a Scientific Impasse in Seventeenth-Century Italy’, in: I. Lavin (ed.), Gianlorenzo Bernini: New Aspects of his Art and Thought:A Commemorative Volume (University Park and London, 1985), pp. 179-208. See also W. B. Ashworth, ‘Light of Reason, Light of Nature: Catholic and Protestant Metaphors of Scientific Knowledge’, Science in Context, 3, 1989, 89-107. 6   See Fig.1 in the essay by A. Ziggelaar in this volume. 7   For Rubens’s book illustrations for the Plantin offices, see J. R. Judson and C.Van De Velde, Book illustrations and titlepages, 2 vols. (London, 1978), vol. I, pp. 25-64. See also J. S. 5

Held, ‘Rubens and the Book’, Harvard Library Bulletin, 27, 1979, 114-53. 8   H. Van Looy, Chronologie en analyse van de mathematische handschriften van G. a Sancto Vincentio (1584-1667), ( Ph.D dissertation, KU Leuven, 1979), pp. 67-94. 9   The best introduction to the perspectivist tradition is D. C. Lindberg, Theories of vision: From Al-Kindi to Kepler (Chicago – London, 1976). 10   For the Aristotelian cognitive framework within which the perspectivist tradition should be considered, see A. M. Smith, ‘Getting the big picture in perspectivist optics’, Isis, 72, 1981, 568-89.

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum Libri Sex was fundamentally an act of abstraction taking place in three different and subsequent stages. The first stage consisted of the establishment of physical contact between the sense organ and an external object and the subsequent grasp of the proper sensibles or the proper objects for each sense. This sensory impression is abstracted from the sensory embodiment giving rise to it in the second stage of perception. At the third and final stage of apperception a conceptual grasp of external particulars is obtained by abstracting the intelligibilia or universals from their perceptible representations. These three stages of induction were understood as functions of the physical sense organ and the material soul. This material soul was endowed with faculties – common sense, imagination, reason and memory – which collaborated to abstract the intelligibilia from the raw sensibilia specific for each sense organ. The common sense also served as a conduit for the common sensibles, attributes which – unlike the proper sensibles – are not immediately accessible to sense. Common sensibles are, for example, magnitude, distance, figure, movement, rest. The structure of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex was derived from the framework formed by an Aristotelian theory of cognition. Book I discussed the physiology of the eye and the nature of vision in Aristotelian terms. Book II dealt with the visual ray (and the visual pyramid), the primal object of analysis in the medieval tradition of perspectivist optics in the footsteps of Alhazen. Isabelle Pantin has, recently, convincingly shown that Aguilón was most concerned with making Alhazen’s theory entirely translatable in Aristotelian terms.11 Book III was devoted to the cognition of the common sensibles and book IV to the fallacies in the cognition of these various common sensibles. Aguilón’s examples were primarily astronomical (as one might expect from the Eagle holding the armillary sphere on the frontispiece), but also architectural, as we will see. Only years before Aguilón published his Opticorum libri sex Kepler’s Paralipomena criticized the Aristotelian theory of light.12 Kepler also replaced the visual pyramid by bundles of light rays which projected an inverted image on the eye’s retina, after which Kepler, in his own words, left it to the philosophers to find out how the mind was to make sense of the inverted retinal image. It should be obvious that this was an epistemologically unattractive alternative to Aguilón. If Aguilón would have adopted Kepler’s new theory of vision, he would have been obliged to give up his Aristotelian theory of cognition. This option was especially unattractive for Aguilón, because this theory served to underpin his theory of projections, developed in book VI. Aguilón’s inclusion of a book on projections was not unoriginal. In the next section we will see that this is closely connected with ­Aguilón’s concerns with a Jesuit style of mathematical education – concerns which outweighed for Aguilòn the importance of up-to-dateness. In section 3 I will relate the likewise original inclusion of a book on light (book V) to Aguilón’s Vitruvianism. Aguilón’s Optics in the Context of Jesuit Education of Mathematics Ziggelaar has suggested that Aguilón published Opticorum libri sex with the idea of making a textbook on optics fit for the Jesuit mathematics curriculum.13 No Jesuit textbook on optics had appeared at the time of Aguilón’s publication. This situation was not remedied before Christoph Clavius published Maurolico’s optical works, which circulated at the Collegio Romano, also in 1613.14

11

  I. Pantin, ‘Species et pyramides: L’ optique traditionelle et ses impasses au temps des premiers instruments d’ optique’, in: D. Jacquart and M. Hochmann (eds.), Lumière et vision dans les sciences et dans les arts, de l’ Antiquité au 17e siècle, (Colloque E.P.H.E. & I.N.H.A. Paris, juin 2005), (forthcoming). 12   For Kepler’s optics, see D.C. Lindberg, o.c., 1976, pp. 178208. See also Id., ‘The genesis of Kepler’s theory of light:

Light metaphysics from Plotinus to Kepler’, Osiris, 2, 1986, 5-42; G. Simon, Archéologie de la vision: L’ optique, le corps, la peinture,(Paris, 2003), pp. 182-222. 13   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, pp. 57-59. 14   For Maurolico and the Jesuits, see M. Scaduto,‘Il matematico Francesco Maurolico e i Gesuiti’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 17, 1948, 126-41.

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Sven Dupré

1. Analemma, from Christophorus Clavius, Gnomonices libro octo (Romae, apud Franciscum Zanettum, 1581), p.11.

2.The use of a quadrant to measure a height, from Christoph ­Clavius, Opera mathematica, 5 vols. (Moguntiae, sumptibus Antonij Hierat, excudebat Reinardhus Eltz, 1611-12), vol.2: Geometria practica, p.43.

However, at the moment of its publication no mathematics was taught at the Jesuit college in Antwerp. In a request to the city council to move the college to a larger building Carolus Scribani, the rector of the Jesuit college in Antwerp, promised that his school would from that moment on teach ­mathematics, a necessity – so Scribani argued – in a mercantile city such as Antwerp.15 However, although the college moved in 1608, it took another decade before mathematics became part of the curriculum. One should also question Scribani’s rhetoric, because – as we will see – the kind of mathematics taught by the Jesuits was of a different nature than that taught in schools for merchants who primarily needed arithmetic.16 Such differences are ref lected in the material making of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri six, with its costly visual program, and the higher price at which the book was placed in the market by Moretus, who was responsible for the publication following an earlier deal between the Jesuits in Antwerp and the Plantin press.17 Whatever the actual educational use of Aguilón’s 15

  The foundation of a Jesuit mathematics curriculum in Antwerp is summarized in A. Meskens, Joannes della Faille s. j.: Mathematics, modesty and missed opportunities (Brussels and Rome, 2005), p. 29. See also Id., ‘The jesuit mathematics school in Antwerp in the early seventeenth century’, The Seventeenth Century, 12, 1997, 11-22.This foundation narra­ tive was recently re-examined in A. De Bruycker, ‘De ­“wiskundeschool” van deVlaamse jezuïeten in de eerste helft van de zeventiende eeuw: Een herpositionering’, Handelingen van de Koninklijke Zuid-Nederlandse Maatschappij voor Taal-, Letterkunde en Geschiedenis, 58, 2004, 201-20. De Bruycker calls into question the mercantile impulse for the Jesuit mathematics curriculum. 16   For mathematics education in Antwerp around 1600, see A. Meskens, ‘Mathematics education in late sixteenth-century Antwerp’, Annals of Science, 53, 1996, 137-55. For the mathematical culture of Antwerp aound 1600, see Id.,

Wiskunde tussen Renaissance en Barok: Aspecten van wiskundebeoefening te Antwerpen 1550-1620 (Antwerp, 1994); G.Vanpaemel, ‘Science for sale: The metropolitan stimulus for scientific achievements in sixteenth-century Antwerp’, in: P. O’Brien, D. Keene, M.’t Hart and H. van der Wee (eds.), Urban achievements in early modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London (Cambridge, 2001), pp.287304. 17   A.Meskens, l.c., 1997, p. 21. For the price of the engra­ vings and woodcuts, see J.R.Judson and C.Van De Velde, l.c., 1978, appendix III. The book was offered for sale at the price of 6 guilders and 10 stuivers, or 7 guilders and 15 stuivers when printed on white paper. For selling prices of other ‘mathematical’ books published by Plantin, compare A. Meskens,‘De prijs van de wetenschap: Enkele prijzen van wiskundige en andere wetenschappelijke boeken in Plantijnse archivalia’, De Gulden Passer, 73, 1995, 83-106.

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum Libri Sex Opticorum libri sex in Antwerp, it is beyond doubt that it embodied an image of mathematics and optics characteristic for Jesuit educational culture, especially as it was developed by Clavius at the Collegio Romano. At the Collegio Romano Clavius deve­ loped a specialized academy for mathematics in the second half of the sixteenth century.18 It was aimed at the training of technical specialists, such as architects and surveyors, for the needs of the Jesuit order, at the education of instructors of mathematics for the growing number of ­Jesuit 3. Johannes Ciermans, Disciplinae mathematicae tradicolleges and at the training of missionaries who tiae (Lovanii, apud Everardum de Witte, 1640), needed sufficient technical skills at places where Mense Decembri, Opticae. they would be no specialists on which to rely. The audience for the specialized mathematics curriculum shaped the instrumental bent of the courses and research at the Collegio Romano. After the introduction of the telescope there was a group of mathematicians who specialized in the construction of instruments, but even at the time of Clavius instruments were central to teaching practice, as ref lected in the curriculum which included such subjects as the theory of measuring instruments, the theory and use of the astrolabe, gnomonics and practical geometry.19 For these courses Clavius also developed a new format of textbooks, such as Gnomonica (1581), Astrolabium (1593), and Geometria practica (1604). (see Figs.1 and 2) However, in these textbooks Clavius de-materialized the mathematical instruments. He only discussed the instruments for the mathematics (or projective geometry) they embodied. This was visualized in a considerable number of diagrams, specifically developed for the textbook. Before he moved to Antwerp Aguilón developed his mathematical course at the Jesuit college of Douai around the construction of instruments.20 The frontispiece and the vignettes showing putti who operate all kind of apparatus, which Rubens designed for each book of Opticorum libri sex, also strongly bring out this instrumental bent of Aguilón’s optics.21 Rubens established a style of visualization which would come to dominate the publications of the so-called Jesuit school of mathematics in the Spanish Netherlands in the first half of the seventeenth century (see Fig.3).22 At the bottom cen18   U. Baldini, ‘The Academy of Mathematics of the Collegio Romano from 1553 to 1612’, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters (Cambridge, Mass., 2003), pp. 47-98. 19   For the teaching of mathematics at the Collegio Romano, and the importance of local contexts in shaping differences between Rome and the provinces, see A. Romano, La contre-réforme mathématique: Constitution et diffusion d’ une culture mathématique jésuite à la Renaissance (1540-1640) (Rome, 1999). Recently, Romano also called our attention to the importance of manuscript evidence to study classroom practices, and especially the link between course and instrument. See Id., ‘Teaching mathematics in Jesuit schools: Programs, course content, and classroom practices’, in: J. W. O’Malley, G. A. Bailey, S. J. Harris, and T. F. Kennedy (eds.), The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773 (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 2006), pp. 355-70. 20   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p. 35.

21   See Figs. 1 to 7 in the essay by A. Ziggelaar in this volume. 22  The idea of a Jesuit ‘school’ of mathematics was first suggested in O. Van De Vyver, ‘L’ école de mathématique des jésuites de la province flandro-belge au XVIIe siècle’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 49, 1980, 265-78. De Bruycker has questioned the use of the term ‘school’, which suggests the establishment of an independent institute, the continuity of the teaching of mathematics, and a fairly large number of students and professors, none of which seem to apply to the Jesuit teaching of mathematics in the Provincia Flandro-Bel­gica. See A. De Bruycker, l.c., 2004. For the mechanical work of this ‘school’, see the essay by Ad Meskens in this volume. For the style of visualization of the Jesuit ‘school’ of mathematics in the Spanish Netherlands, see J. Dhombres, ‘Shadow of a circle, or what is there to be seen? Some figurative discourses in the mathematical sciences during the seventeenth century’, in: L. Massey (ed.), The Treatise on Perspective: Published and Unpublished, (Washington, 2003), pp. 177-211.

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Sven Dupré

4. Elliptical compass, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.476. 6. Measuring a depth, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Off icina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242.

5. Measuring a height, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242.

7. Measuring a length, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242.

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8. The use of an astronomical ring to measure a height, from Petrus Apianus, Cosmographie, oft Beschrijvinghe der geheelder werelt van Petrus Apianus. Derdwerf nu ghecorrigeert van Gemma Frisio (Antwerpen, Gregorius de Bonte, 1553), f° Ixxiii.

tre of the frontispiece Rubens gathered several mathematical instruments, like a pair of dividers, a square, and a quadrant, reminding ­Aguilón’s readers of the central importance of these instruments in Jesuit educational culture of mathematics around 1600. These engravings have received gene­ 9. The use of an astrolabe to measure a depth, from rous attention, but we should be as appreciative Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricale ususque astrolabii of the high number of woodcuts in this book, (Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), which Moretus had cut especially for Aguilón’s p.173. Opticorum libri sex at a time when woodcuts were used less than engravings at the Plantin-Moretus press.23 In the mid-seventeenth century the French writer on architecture and painting, Roland Fréart, applauded the intelligibility of Aguilón’s figures in his La perspective d’ Euclide (1663).24 Roland Fréart could appreciate an illustration. Fréart’s translation of Leonardo’s Trattato della Pittura (1651) was illustrated by Charles Errard on the basis of drawings of Nicolas Poussin.25 With the exception of a woodcut of a compass to draw ellipses (see Fig. 4), Aguilón’s woodcuts show mathematical diagrams in a style which is recognizable as typical for Clavius and the Jesuit mathematical textbook. Let me give two examples. First, in a proposition concerning fallacies 23

  L. Voet, The golden compasses: A history and evaluation of the printing and publishing activities of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1972), vol. 2, p. 206. For the use of illustrations in ‘scientific’ books published by the Plantin-Moretus press, see E. Cockx-Indestege and F. de Nave, Christoffel Plantijn en de exacte wetenschappen in zijn tijd, (Brussels, 1989). 24   ‘Le troisième Autheur [Aguilón] est un moderne de nostre siecle, qui ne me paroist point inferieur aux deux premiers [Euclid and Witelo]; et mesme ie trouve que son

Optique est d’ un plus bel ordre et mieux demonstrée, c’ est adire plus intelligible dans ses figures, et plus raisonnée que celles des autres: car il rapporte souvent des experiences curieuses et familieres qu’ il a observées pour éclaircir des demonstrations theoriques; ce quirecrée et instruit agreablement le lecteur’. R Fréart de Chambray, La perspective d’ Euclide (Le Mans, 1663), pp. 6-7. For Roland Fréart, see I. Pantin, Les Fréart de Chantelou: Une famille d’ amateurs au XVIIe siècle entre Le Mans, Paris et Rome (Le Mans, 1999). 25   Ibid., p. 100.

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10. Astrolabe on the stereographic projection, showing equator, tropics and almucantars, from Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricate ususque astrolabii (Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), p.9.

11. Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricale ususque astrolabii ­( Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), p.13.

of sight of magnitudes Aguilón demonstrated the principle of proportional triangles.26 He pointed out that this principle is at the basis of geodesy and he showed the application of this principle to the measurement of a height, a depth and a length (see Figs. 5, 6, and 7). Illustrations of applications of this principle, embodied in an array of mathematical instruments, are numerous in sixteenth-century manuals on surveying and practical geometry (compare Figs. 8 and 9). Aguilón stripped down the numerous practical applications to a mathematical principle, visualized in a geometrical diagram. The second example is presumably more telling. In the sixth and final book of Opticorum libri sex Aguilón discussed projections, of which he celebrated the usefulness for astronomy, cosmography, architecture, warfare and painting.27 In particular, this book dealt with the different types of projection on which mathematical instruments such as astrolabes or sundials (which show the projection of the celestial sphere – with its equator, tropic, ecliptic etcetera – on a plane of projection) are based. Johannes Stöff ler’s astrolabes were based on a stereographic projection with the south celestial pole as the center of projection and the plane of the equator as a plane of projection (see Figs.10 and 11).28 As a major drawback of such an astrolabe plate based on a stereographic projection was that it could only be used at the particular latitude for which it was designed, Juan de Rojas, a student of the Leuven mathematician Gemma Frisius, designed a so-called universal astrolable (fit for all latitudes) which was based on an orthographic projection – a projection along parallel lines – with the solstitial

26   F. de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antwerp, 1613), pp. 241-42. 27   Ibid., pp. 452-57.

28   J. Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii, (Paris, 1585), pp. 2-13.

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12. Astrolabe (back) from the Giusti workshop on the De Rojas projection, 1568, Inv.1285.

13. Analemma, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Ant­ verpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.522.

colure as the center of projection and the center of projection at infinity (see Fig.12).29 Again, like Clavius, under the inf luence of the Urbino mathematicians Federico Commandino and Guidobaldo del Monte, whose work was also familiar to Aguilón, Aguilón de-materialized the instruments.30 He only discussed their mathematical principles in a succession of demonstrations and diagrams (see Fig.13).31 Also perspective (as applied to painting) was only discussed for its mathematical principles.32 Aguilón borrowed diagrams from Simon Stevin’s Vande deursichtige (compare Figs.14 and 15), but he showed no interest in painters’s application of perspective.33 But why were such projections to be considered optics? Sixteenth-century mathematicians had developed an understanding of the projections on which astrolables and sundials were based as projections by sight. Again Gemma Frisius described what he did to the ordinary stereographic projection to make his astrolabum catholicum as moving the eye from the south pole to the spring equinox.34 Moreover, he also recognized that the projection of his student De Rojas was a projection by sight with the eye at infinity.35 Later in the sixteenth century, Guidobaldo del Monte doubted whether a

29   For the projection of De Rojas, see J. De Rojas, Illustris viri D. Ioannis de Roias Commentariorum in Astrolabium, quod Planisphaerium vocant, libri sex nunc primum in lucem edit, (Paris, 1550). F. Maddison, ‘Hugo Helt and the Rojas astrolabe projection’, Revista do Faculdade de Ciencias Coimbra, 39, 1966, 5-61. 30   For the role of Guidobaldo, see his Planisphaeriorum Universalium Theorica, (Pesaro, 1579). See R. Sinisgalli and S. Vastola, La teoria sui planisferi universali di Guidobaldo del Monte, (Florence, 1994). 31   Aguilón discussed the two types of projections (stereographic and orthographic) on which these instruments were

based, not their material making or their practical use. See F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, pp. 458-637. 32   Aguilón considered perspective or ‘scenography’ as a third type of projection besides the stereographic and the orthographic projection. See Ibid., pp. 637-84. 33   For Stevin’s perspective, see S. Dupré, De Optica van Galileo Galilei: Interactie tussen Kunst en Wetenschap (Brussels, 2001), pp. 103-22. 34   G. Frisius, De astrolabo catholico liber latissime patentis instrumenti multiplex usus explicatur (Antwerp, 1556), p. 8. 35   Ibid., p. 9.

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14. Rendering a given rectilinear figure in perspective, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.664.

projection with an eye at an infinite distance could be considered perspective proper, but such 15. Simon Stevin, Wisconstige gedachtenissen (Leyden, questions could of course only arise when the Inde druckerye van Ian Bouwensz., 1605-1608), orthographic projection was considered to be a Derde stuck: Vande deursichtighe, p.48. 36 projection by sight in the first place. Moreover, Aguilón removed the embarassement caused by Guidobaldo’s criticism by interpreting infinity as beyond any reasonable distance and by considering an orthographic projection as a projection along the parallel rays of the Sun.37 Thus, as he was familiar with the sixteenth-century mathematical literature, Aguilón made projections into an important part of a textbook version of optics. The mathematical instruments, which had thrived in the tradition of practical geometry, were thereby reduced to intelligible mathematical diagrams, in fulfilment of a standard set by Clavius. Rubens’s cherubs and Clavius’s diagrams established a style of visualization supportive of an epistemological position, namely realism in mathematics.38 For Clavius the study of mathematics was indispensable for understanding problems of a natural philosophical nature. 39 He considered ­mathematical hypotheses as true depictions of nature. Aguilón’s image of optics, celebrated to be useful for natural philosophy on the frontispiece, was derived from Clavius. Also for Aguilón, a 36

  G. del Monte, ‘Planisphaeriorum Universalium Theo­ rica’, in: R. Sinisgalli and S.Vastola, o.c., 1994, p. 140. 37   F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, p. 521. 38   J. Dhombres, l.c., 2003, pp.192-208.

39

  For the epistemological status of mathematics among Jesuits in the Spanish Netherlands, see G. H. W.Vanpaemel, ‘Jesuit science in the Spanish Netherlands’, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters (Cambridge, Mass., 2003), pp. 389-432.

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum Libri Sex mathematician was allowed to derive physical conclusions from optical arguments, an image of mathematics that was contested, especially in the wake of Galileo’s telescopic discoveries.40 Vitruvianism and Aguilón’s Image of Optics between Theory and Practice Let us now turn to the question of how Vitruvianism shaped Aguilón’s optics. Vitruvian ideals disseminated by Renaissance architectural writers in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries have been associated with the ‘scientific revolution’.41 Pamela Long has singled out, in particular, the printed editions, translations and commentaries related to Vitruvius’s De architectura as inf luential in the dissemination of Vitruvianism, first in Italy (with sixteenth-century editions and translations by Fra Giocondo, Cesare Cesariano and Daniele Barbaro), and then over the rest of Europe, including the Low Countries. In the Low Countries Vitruvianism was spread by Pieter Coecke van Aelst’s edition and (unauthorized) translation of book IV of Sebastiano Serlio, Generale Reglen der architecturen (1539) and Hans Vredemans de Vries’s Architectura (1577).42 In 1539 Coecke also published Die inventie der colommen, ‘a pocket-book Vitruvius excerpt heavily dependent on, amongst others, Cesare Cesariano’s 1521 Como translation of Vitruvius and especially on Diego de Sagredo’s Vitruvian dialogue, Medidas del Romano (Toledo, 1526)’.43 Piet Lombaerde and Krista De Jonge have argued that in the 1530s these Vitruvian source-texts of Die inventie must also have been readily available in Antwerp.44 Vitruvianism was also disseminated in manuscripts. In 1599 Charles De Beste, master-mason of the town of Bruges, finished a manuscript Architectura which contained excerpts from Vitruvius, Serlio and Vredeman de Vries.45 The discovery of De Beste’s manuscript has allowed Charles van den Heuvel to re-evaluate the influence of Vitru­ vianism in the Low Countries. While the treatises of Coecke and Vredeman de Vries focused on the architectural orders, Van den Heuvel has argued that De Beste’s manuscript shows that the inf luence of Vitruvianism was wider in scope.46 We will see that Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex offers evidence of this wider inf luence of Vitruvianism in the Low Countries. De Beste’s Architectura contained sections on fortification, perspective (beyond Serlio, taken from Jean Cousin), sundials and mathematical instruments, ref lecting the wide scope of Vitruvian architecture. Moreover, Van den Heuvel has argued, it would be wrong to reduce Coecke and Vredeman de Vries to writers of column books. Coecke and his widow, Mayken Verhulst, supplemented the Serlio translation of 1539 subsequently with further editions, with the aim of providing a complete survey of classical and Italian architectural theory.47 Finally, the fashioning of the identity of the architect, elevated above the traditional crafstmen and guild structures, was shared in manuscript and print. Coecke defined architecture in the Vitru40

  For the epistemological status of mathematics in the sixteenth century, see R. S.Westman, ‘The astronomer’s role in the sixteenth century:A preliminary study’, History of Science, 18, 1980, 105-47. 41   P. O. Long, ‘The contribution of architectural writers to a ‘scientific’ outlook in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 15, 1985, 265-98; Id., The Vitruvian commentary tradition and rational architecture in the sixteenth century: A study in the history of ideas, (Ph.D dissertation, University of Maryland, 1979). 42   P. Lombaerde, ‘Antwerp in its golden age’: ‘one of the largest cities in the Low Countries’ and ‘one of the best fortified in Europe’, in: P.O’Brien et al., o.c., 2001, pp.99127, esp.pp.112-14; K. De Jonge, ‘Vitruvius, Alberti and Serlio: Architectural treatises in the Low Countries, 15301620’, in: V. Hart and P. Hicks (eds.), Paper Palaces: The Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatises, (New Haven – London, 1998), pp. 281-296. See also Ch. van den Heuvel, ‘De

Huysbou’:A reconstruction of an unfinished treatise on architecture, town planning and civil engineering by Simon Stevin, (Amsterdam, 2005), pp. 36-38. 43   K. De Jonge, l.c., 1998, p. 284. 44   Ibid., p. 290 and P. Lombaerde, l.c., 2001, pp.112-13. 45   Ch. van den Heuvel, ‘De architectura (1599) van Charles De Beste: Een onbekend architectuurtractaat van een Brugse bouwmeester’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis, 131, 1994, 65-93; Id., ‘De architectura (1599) van Charles De Beste: Het vitruvianisme in de Nederlanden in de zestiende eeuw’, Bulletin Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond,1, 1995, 11-23. P. Lombaerde (ed.), Hans Vredeman de Vries and the Artes Mechanicae revisited, (Turnhout, 2005 ), pp.101-15, esp.pp.106-07. 46   Ch. van den Heuvel, l.c., 1995, p. 20. 47   For Serlio’s attitude towards Vitruvius, see V. Hart and P. Hicks, Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture, (New Haven – London, 1996), pp. xxi-xxiv.

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Sven Dupré vian tradition as ‘adorned with many arts and sciences, by whose judgement and rule the works of other arts are perfected’, a definition which was subsequently repeated in manuscript and print in the Low Countries.48 There are two elements in this definition which should interest us here. First, the elevated status of the architect obliged him to have knowledge of a wide range of disciplines. This is ref lected in the wide scope of Vitruvian architecture. Architecture included astronomy, clocks, sundials, and machines, among other things. Second, the Vitruvian treatises in the Low Countries were targetted at an audience of building masters, masons, stonecutters, carpenters, sculptors and ‘all lovers of architecture’ (as Vredeman de Vries advertised his Architectura). Long has argued that the Italian Vitruvian treatises also targetted a mixed audience of artisans and humanists. This was ref lec­ ted in their production of a shared ideal of the unity of theory and practice which was developed on the basis of Vitruvius’s definition of architecture as a discipline consisting of both practice (or fabrica) and reason (or ratiocinatio). While the Vitruvian treatises in the Low Countries contained practical and theoretical knowledge, Van den Heuvel has argued that it is impossible to consider these treatises exclusively from the point of view of application.49 To elevate the status of the architect above that of a craftsman, theoretical knowledge beyond the necessities of practical application was sometimes f lagged. Therefore, the ‘lovers of architecture’ would have found these treatises more of their liking than the craftsmen. The two following examples are characteristic of the spirit of these Vitruvian treatises between theory and practice. In his Vitruvian dialogue, Diego de Sagredo has the painter, who has just received instructions on how to narrow columns for optical effects, exclaim: ‘Now I know that it is necessary to the perfect architect to be not only a manual worker, but also a natural philosopher, for the reason that it is necessary for him to give and answer reason of the causes and passions happening in the work’.50 In another sixteenth-century Vitruvian commentary, the humanist Daniele Barbaro stressed the importance of practice as follows: ‘I wish to warn those, to whom things will seem difficult, that if they believe they understand them well, without making a test, they will be easily deceived. Nor is it necessary to say that they are written obscurely, because in every experience there is a difficulty where there has not been practice. And truly I can state that I have understood it, and this much more through making and experimenting, than through reading’51. Barbaro’s ‘things’ in this quote are clocks and sundials, ref lecting the wide scope of the discipline of architecture in the Vitruvian tradition. Optics was one of those disciplines – besides geometry, arithmetic, music, astronomy, philosophy, history – of which the properly educated Vitruvian architect needed to have knowledge. In a chapter on the importance of proportion and optics Vitruvius argued that ‘sight does not always produce true effects; indeed, the mind is quite frequently deceived by visual judgments. For example, in stage sets, one sees the projection of columns, the protusion of mutules, and the fully rounded figure of statues, when these surfaces are beyond doubt f lattened with a straightedge. …. Thus either from the impact of images on our vision or by action shed forth from our eyes, as the physicists would have it, for either reason it seems to be the case that the glance of our eyes may make false judgements. Therefore, if things that are true appear false, and many things are taken to be other than they are by our eyes, I think there should be no doubt that it is proper to make additions and substractions according to the natures and requirements of sites’.52 Aguilón subsumed the optical corrections taken

48   ‘Architectura (dats overboumeesterie) oft (als Cesarianus beghint) die scientie vanden Architect) is verciert met veel ander consten en geleertheden, doer wiens vonnis ende regel geprobeert worden alle werken die vande andren consten volmaeckt worden’. P. Coecke van Aelst, Die inventie der colommen met haren coronementen ende maten, (Antwerp, 1539), f. a.4.v

49

  Ch. van den Heuvel, l.c., 1994, p. 19.   Cited in Long, ‘The contribution of architectural ­writers’. 51   Ibid. 52   M. Vitruvius, Ten Books on Architecture, (edited by Ingrid D. Rowland, Thomas Noble Howe and Michael J. Dewar), (Cambridge, 1999), p. 78. 50

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Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum Libri Sex from architectural practice under the fallacies about distance, magnitude, place and figure. The most famous of such optical corrections – Aguilón reminded his readers – was Phidias’s creation of a disproportionated statue which however looked correct when placed on a pillar and seen from below.53 However, Aguilón did not present these optical corrections as a set of practical recipes. In his chapter on fallacies he gave the mathematical or optical principle (including demonstrations and diagrams in the same style as the one characterized above) and then derived architectural applications from it. To mention only a few examples, Aguilón demonstrated that (1) intervals seem to become smaller the farther removed they are from the eye, (2) of planes 16. Theorem: of planes under the eye the remote parts seem to rise under the eye the remote parts seem to rise higher, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, higher, and (3) objects which rise above the Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.258. height of the eyes seem lower the farther distant they are (see Figs. 16 and 17).54 Architectural applications of these theorems are that higher buildings and columns appear to recline and that architects should not tilt the pavement upwards from the entrance of the altar. On the whole, Aguilón’s treatment of architecture is not unlike his de-materialized discussion of surveying or mathematical instrumentation. This treatment clearly embodied the Vitruvian ideal of the unity of theory and practice. Aguilón’s architectural practice directed him to take his examples from architecture to illustrate his optical theory. Vitruvianism also 17. Theorem: of planes above the eyes the remote parts are seen allowed Aguilón to justify the scope of optics lower, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, developed in Opticorum libri sex. The justification Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.258. for the presence of book V on light was the image of the Vitruvian architect for whom optics was important, as it taught him how to bring light inside a building.55 Aguilón refers to Vitruvius’s chapter on the education of the architect, who should know optics, because ‘through knowledge of optics windows are properly designed so as to face particular regions of heaven’.56 The utility of the sixth book on projections was also partly justified by the architect’s need to be able to draw (in Vitruvian terms) an ichnography (or a plan), an orthography (or an elevation) and a scenography or a shaded perspective rendering of a building, Aguilón argued in a preface in which he repeated again Vitruvius’s opinion on the education of the architect, that the architect should not be ignorant of optics.57 53

56

54

57

  F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, pp. 262-63.   Ibid., pp. 258-62. 55   Ibid., p. 357.

  M.Vitruvius, o.c., 1999, p. 22.   Ibid., p. 456.

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Sven Dupré Moreover, the inf luence of Vitruvianism in shaping the scope of Aguilón’s optics is most clearly evident from Aguilón’s attention to the analemma. The analemma is an orthographic projection of the path of the Sun on the meridian plane for a place of given latitude and for the different seasons of the year. The contruction was discussed both in Ptolemy’s De analemmate and Vitruvius’s De architectura.58 It was the first step in the construction of a sundial, a practical application of the analemma only restored in the sixteenth century.59 Reconstructions of the Vitruvian analemma appeared in the works of Fra Giocondo and Giovan Battista da Sangallo, but it was eventually Barbaro’s edition of Vitruvius’s De architectura (1556-1567), informed by Commandino’s work on Ptolemy’s analemma and its application to the construction of sundials, that would prove most inf luential.60 At the end of the sixteenth century Guidobaldo recognized that the projection used by De Rojas for the construction of universal astrolabes was an orthographic projection like the Vitruvian analemma.61 It was this mathematical work, on which Aguilón relied, which would draw the orthographic projection and the analemma into the scope of optics. However, if gnomonics had not been part of architecture in the Vitruvian tradition, the analemma and the orthographic projection would not have received Aguilón’s attention. Conclusion In this essay I have argued that Jesuit educational culture of mathematics and Vitruvianism, both central to Aguilón’s mathematical identity, shaped his image of optics in decisive and mutually reinforcing ways. Central to Aguilón’s image of optics was the inclusion in the discipline of optics of bodies of mathematical knowledge centred around projection techniques, such as astronomy, cosmography, gnomonics, painting, architecture. Vitruvianism and the Jesuit educational culture of mathematics also shared an ideal of the unity of theory and practice. One should, therefore, be careful not to make too strongly an opposition between the kind of mathematics (or optics) promoted by Aguilón and the practical mathematics which had thrived in sixteenth-century Antwerp. On the other hand, it would likewise be problematic to look for an unmediated ref lection of architectural, painterly or craft practice in Aguilón’s optics. Aguilón’s style of visualization supports this position between theory and practice. The material characteristics of Aguilón’s Opticorum libri sex reinforce the impression that it was targeted to an audience of patrons rather than of practitioners. Finally, instead of considering Aguilón’s optics in terms of conservatism and innovation (with respect to Kepler’s new optics), we have identified a historically specific image of optics, shaped by a Jesuit educational culture of mathematics and Vitruvianism, which competed with other images of optics around 1600.

58

  R. Sinisgalli and S.Vastola, L’ analemma di Tolomeo, (Florence, 1992) provides an analysis and Italian translation of Commandino’s edition of Ptolemy’s De analemmate. 59   Commandino’s first edition of Ptolemy’s De analemmate (1562) was published together with the Liber de Horologiorum Descriptione of his hand to show how the analemma could be used to construct any horizontal, vertical or inclined sundial. See R. Sinisgalli and S. Vastola, La rappresentazione degli orologi solari di Federico Commandino, (Florence, 1994).

60

  M. Losito, ‘La gnomonica, il IX libro dei Commentari Vitruviani di Daniele Barbaro e gli studi analemmatici di Federico Commandino’, Studi Veneziani, 18, 1989, 177-237; Id., ‘Il IX libro del De Architectura di Vitruvio nei Commentari di Daniele Barbaro (1556-1567), Nuncius, 4, 1989, 3-42. 61   G. del Monte,‘Planisphaeriorum Universalium Theorica,’ in: R. Sinisgalli and S.Vastola, o.c., 1994, pp. 141-42.

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle Ad Meskens

The research topics of the Jesuit mathematicians ref lect the sixteenth-seventeenth view of mathematics. Their researches were not limited to pure mathematics, but were also concerned with optics, astronomy, architecture and statics. Jesuit mathematicians however were at the forefront of the theoreticalization of these subjects. In doing so they were able to find new and interesting results, pioneering new mathematical techniques and see vistas of things to come. Their researches also had practical applications. In this article we shall focus on Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio and his students who played a not unimportant role in the development of Jesuit mechanics. The year1598 was important for the Antwerp Jesuit College. A new Rector was appointed: the energetic, but choleric Carolus Scribani (1561-1629).1 The ailing, but highly competent mathematician François de Aguilón (1567-1617) was appointed as Confessor for the Portuguese and Spaniards residing at Antwerp.2 Both were to play an important role in the foundation of the school of mathematics. In 1615 plans for creating a school of mathematics were finally being put into practice. Aguilon was granted permission by Superior General Acquaviva to start a special mathematics school 'in the interest of the Academy of Church History'.3 By the end of 1615 Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio (1584-1667), a student of the well-known Jesuit mathematician Christopher Clavius, arrived at Antwerp to help Aguilón write the curriculum.4 By the end of 1617 the school of mathematics had opened. Aguilón unfortunately did not live to see it open its doors. Mathematics has always officially formed part of the Jesuit curriculum. The founder, Ignatius of Loyola, put mathematics among the subjects that could be taught, but he gave it no special attention 5 and the sixteenth-century Jesuit Fathers lacked enthusiasm. This situation changed only gradually. In 1586 mathematics was put on the Ratio Studiorum (i.e. the curriculum) and it gained in importance.6 While there were a number of reasons for the slow rise of mathematics as a subject to match physics and philosophy, one of the problems, which usually hit the smaller Colleges, was the lack of trained mathematics teachers.7 Mathematics did prove to have one great advantage over the other subjects: surprisingly enough, it often held the key to establishing overseas missions, especially in China. In consequence more Jesuit mathematicians and astronomers than might be expected were sent overseas. It was the scientific knowledge of Jesuits like Matteo Ricci, Adam Schall von Bell and Ferdinand Verbiest which allowed the Jesuits to operate in China.8 1   L. Brouwers, Carolus Scribani, s.j. 1561-1629, (Antwerp, 1961), p.43. 2   A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S. J. (1567 – 1617) Scientist and Architect (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. vol. XLIV), (Rome, 1983), p.37; the Catalogus Provinciarum describes him in 1615 as ‘infirma’. 3   O. Van de Vijver , ‘L’école de mathématique des jésuites de la province f landro-belge au XVIIe siècle’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 49, 1980, 97, 265-78, esp. p.266. 4   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p.49. 5   Ignatius more or less followed the modus Parisiensis, in which mathematics featured less than in the curricula of Italian and German universities. In the Jesuit College of Messina (founded in 1548), Jeronimo Nadal laid the

foundations of what was to become the Jesuit mathematical tradition, which included the study of Euclid, practical arithmetic, cosmography, trigonometry, optics, surveying and astronomy. 6   F. de Dainville, ‘L’enseignement des mathématiques dans les collèges Jésuites de France du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle’, Revue d’Histoire des Sciences , 7, 1954, 6-21, esp. pp.7-9. The formulation was still such that mathematics was not a main subject. 7   P. Dear, ‘Jesuit mathematical science and the reconstitution of Experience in the Early Seventeenth Century’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science ,18, 1987, 133-75, esp. p.135. 8   G. Schuppener, Jesuitische Mathematik in Prag im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (1556-1654), (Leipzig, 1999), p.47.

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Ad Meskens By the turn of the seventeenth century the building in which the Antwerp Jesuit school was housed had become too small for the number of students. Scribani wanted to move the College to the Huys van Liere, also called the Engels Huys ('English House') for which he needed the approval of the city council. In a request to the council he wrote that in a mercantile town such as Antwerp there should be a school where mathematics was taught. He promised that his school would henceforward be teaching theology and mathesis. His plea on behalf of mathematics was only one of his arguments in persuading the city council. He was, thanks to the support of mayor Hendrik van Etten, successful and the College moved in 1608.9 Scribani also had other reasons for founding a mathematics school: the members of the Academy of Church History had asked to be instructed in astronomy. Astronomy was important for chronology, a subject which the Academy itself studied.10 Its first professor was to be François de Aguilón. He turned out to be not only an able mathematician but also a gifted architect. In 1615 the first stone of the Ignatius church, now known as St Carolus Borromeus church, was laid.11 The impressive and richly decorated church would be finished a mere seven years later. The costs ran high: 500000 guilders, while the Jesuits had only been able to raise 95000 from legacies and donations. To build their church the Jesuits had, against the will of the Father-General, borrowed a huge amount of money. They intended that their church should represent the newly triumphant Catholicism.12 It was not the first church Aguilón had built; he had already designed, during his noviciate, the Jesuit churches of Mons and of Tournai. For the Antwerp church, Aguilón introduced the Baroque style, possibly inf luenced by Serlio's books on architecture.13 Aguilón would not live to see the finished church; he died on 20 March 1617. Pieter Huyssens and father Jacobus Tirinus (1580-1636) supervised the building of the church in the years that followed. Rubens helped with the ornamental parts of the church designing the apse and the ceiling paintings, which was carried out by pupils of Rubens, including Van Dyck. In 1613 the widow and the sons of Jan Moretus published de Aguilón’s magnum opus: Opticorum Libri Sex.14 The 684 page book is richly illustrated and has a frontispiece designed by Rubens himself. The etchings were done in the workshop of Theodoor Galle. This book has been adequately described by August Ziggelaar and we refer to his book for a detailed description of the contents. Opticorum treated only a part of optics. It becomes clear from the preface to the book that Aguilón intended to write another treatise about ref lection and refraction, but his untimely death prevented him from doing so. However he did start work on these books and a preparatory manuscript is kept in the Royal Library in Brussels. Although the manuscript never explicitly refers to optics it is clearly a logical continuation of Opticorum, to which it shows a close affinity. In the first part the classical trisections of an angle

9   L. Brouwers, o.c., 1961, p.102; Id., Het Hof van Liere, (Antwerp, 1976), p.27. 10   O. Van de Vijver, l.c.,1980, p.266. The ‘academy’ for Church history consisted of four members who had to find material which could be used in theological discussions. A very direct application of astronomy in the ecclesiastical year is the determination of the date of Easter, i.e. the first Sunday after the first full moon of Spring. 11   Unless otherwise stated the paragraphs on the St Carolus Borromeus church and the scientific work of Aguilón are based on A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, p.11-27.

12   A.K.L. Thijs, Van Geuzenstad tot katholiek bolwerk. Maatschappelijke betekenis van de Kerk in contrareformatorisch Antwerpen, (Turnhout, 1990), pp.79-80. 13   See the essays by Bert Daelemans, Barbara Haeger and others in this volume. 14   That the book was published by the house of Moretus comes as no surprise; in 1593 the provincial elders had given it the monopoly of the publishing of Jesuit books. For a detailed analysis of this book see A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983.

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle are discussed. The trisection of an angle is important in Alhazen's problem concerning convex mirrors. In the second part he studies harmonic quadruplets, which are necessary in solving problems concerning concave mirrors and linear perspective. The last part of the manuscript is devoted to the study of foci and diameters of an ellipse. These theorems are used to construct harmonic quadruplets on the diameters. Aguilón writes that they are necessary to study cylindrical, conical and spherical mirrors. It seems that he did not live to finish this part. It seems that large part of the subsequent research done by the Antwerp Jesuits originates in this work by de Aguilón. His work on conic sections is reverberating throughout Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio’s work and in that of his pupils. The focus of research however changes: optics is disregarded in favor of mechanics and pure mathematics. Gregorius15 was born on September 8, 1584 in Bruges. He was apparently the son of Gregorio a San Vicente (?- after 1616). This Gregorio was possibly a Judeoconverso, which may explain why Gregorius was so tacit about his youth16. Gregorius went to secondary school in Bruges, studied philosophy in Douai and joined the Society of Jesus on October 21, 1605 in the Santo Andrea noviciate at Rome.17 After two years of noviciate the Jesuit general had a post in Sicily in mind for Gregorius, but Christopher Clavius managed to have him stay in Rome to study mathematics. Although Clavius no longer held the chair of mathematics at the Collegium Romanum, it is very likely that Gregorius studied under him. During Gregorius’s stay in Rome, the Collegium organized an academic session with Galileo in attendance. Together with other of Clavius’s pupils, Gregorius became an adept of Galileo’s new concepts. Shortly after Clavius’s death Gregorius returned to the Low Countries. On March 23, 1613 he was ordained priest in Leuven and he held several posts in Brussels, ‘s Hertogenbosch and Kortrijk. He also seems to have been chaplain to the Spanish troops. In 1615 he arrived at Antwerp. Towards the end of 1615, or at the beginning of 1616, he asked 1. Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio. permission to go to China as a missionary and

15

  On Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio’s mathematical manuscripts see H. van Looy, Chronologie en analyse van de mathematische handschriften van Gregorius a . Sancto Vincentio (1584-1667), (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, K.U. Leuven), 1979, pp.94-200. 16   G. Bonte and F. Jongmans, ‘Sur les origines de Grégoire de Saint Vincent’, Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie van België, klasse der wetenschappen, 1998, pp. 295-326, have traced Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio’s lineage to Spanish Judeoconversos residing in Bruges for some generations. Judeoconversos were Jews who had been converted to Catholicism. The Spanish often called them marranos,

indicating they were false converts. Despite their Catholic religion, they were persecuted by the Inquisition. In Spain the Judeoconversos were literally wiped out, most of them f led, many to the Low Countries. Between 1594 and 1608 there was a ban on Judeoconversos in the Spanish territories joining the Society of Jesus. 17   Ibid., p. 310. They interpret the fact that Gregorius joined the Society in Rome, instead of a noviciate in the Low Countries, as another indication of his Jewish roots. In this way he was able to avoid the ban on ‘new converts’ joining the Society in Spanish territories.

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Ad Meskens on February 6, 1616 Father General Vitelleschi granted him permission, but Gregorius never embarked on the journey. From 1617 to 1621 he was mathematics teacher at the Antwerp Jesuit College. During the period that Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio was in Antwerp he wrote his first treatises, mainly on the parabola (De Parabola) and the hyperbola (De Hyperbola). A treatise about ellipses was written by Guilelmus Boelmans, one of his pupils. It also during this period that his attention is drawn to mechanics, or at least that it becomes apparent. In particular the determination of the centre of mass of a solid interests him. Calculating the centre of mass requires an integration, a technique which Gregorius was developing. Gregorius motivation for trying to determine the centre of mass is that it would lead to calculating areas and volumes and ultimately to the quadrature of the circle. At first Gregorius based his work on that of de Aguilón, but as he encountered more and more mathematical problems he resolutely chose to resolve them. He had a keen mathematical mind and his results are very impressive; he was indeed one of the founding fathers of Infinitesimal Calculus. The titles of his manuscripts are not representative of the content. In the manuscript on the parabola he treats the trisection of an angle, mean proportionals, conic sections, sequences, the logarithmic properties of hyperbolic segments, ductus figures and the determination of the volume of ductus figures. In the manuscript on the hyperbola he treats properties of conic sections, ductus figures and a special figure the ungula cilindrica. Ductus figures are figures for which, using a summation procedure with rectangles as infinitesimals, he could calculate the volume. His method amounts to the geometric equivalent of the b

integral ∫ y ( x).z ( x) dx 18. All his results were then rigorously proved using the exhaustion method. The a

comparison of volumes of several ductus figures gave him the impression he could solve the problem of the quadrature of the circle19. A large part of his later work would be devoted to this problem. His results were only published after Cavalieri had published a similar method, whereby Gregorius missed out on his priority. Laymen as well as students of the Jesuits could attend lessons in the school of mathematics. Unfortunately we do not have a register of attendance, which makes it impossible to identify laymen. The Jesuits instructed by Gregorius at the Antwerp College were Joannes della Faille (1597-1652), Philip Nuyts (or Nutius, 1597-1661), Ignatius (Abraham) Derkennis (1598-1656), Antonius Alegambe (1600-1668), Jacobus Durandus (1598-1644) and Joannes Cox (1597- c.1622)20. An important student, who attended Gregorius’s lessons after the school had moved to Leuven, was Theodorus Moretus (1602-1667), son of Petrus and Henriette Plantin. At the end of 1628 he left the Low Countries to take up several posts in Central Europe21. Yet it are two other Leuven students who our attention is drawn to: Walter van Aelst and Jan Ciermans.

18

  The method is analogous to Cavalieri’s indivisibiliamethod, but was developed independently. For a detailed description see also J.E. Hoffmann, ‘Das ‘Opus Geome­ tricum’ der Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio und seine Einwirkung auf Leibniz’, Abhandlungen der Preußischer Akademie der Wissenschaften 13,1941 and H. Van Looy, ‘A Chronology and Historical Analysis of the Mathematical Manuscripts of Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio (1584-1667)’, Historia Mathematica,11, 1984, 57-75.

19

  Note that in the seventeenth century a quadrature meant that the surface area within a closed curve could be calculated. It is not immediately connected with the classical problem of squaring the circle, which calls for a construction in which only ruler and compass are allowed. 20   H. Van Looy, o.c., 1979, pp.12-15. 21   Ibid., pp.17-18.

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle In 1624, when the Antwerp school of mathematics had transferred to Leuven, two theses were published on the statics of the inclined plane and the free fall. These theses were authored by Walter van Aelst and Jan Ciermans. Closer scrutiny reveals that both books contain the same text and the same figures. However, in the few extant copies, the order of the text and the figures differ. J. Dhombres and P. Radelet suggest that those theses have been inspired, if not authored, by Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio.22 Walter van Aelst (1603-1638) was ordained priest in 1634 and took his four vows in 1636. He died only two years later. The subjects he taught at the Jesuit colleges were not mathematical in nature: grammar, syntax and poetry. Jan Ciermans (1602-1648) entered the Society in 1619. He studied with Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio in 1623-24. He was a teacher at several colleges and had some of his students defend mathematical theses. In 1641 he travelled to Portugal en route to the China mission. Learning of his enginee­ ring talent the Portuguese Crown assigned him to supervise the construction or rebuilding of the Kingdom’s fortifications. He participated in several battles. Vitelleschi ordered him not to participate in any action which would compromise his neutrality. The King however gave him the rank of colonel and title of chief engineer, which led to his expulsion from the Society. In 1547 he was wounded and captured by the Spa­ niards at Elvas. A year later he was forced to join the Spanish Army which Philip IV sent to attack Olivença. There Ciermans was mortally woun­ ded and died on 20 June 164823.

2. Frontispiece of Problema Austriacum.

22

  J. Dhombres and P.Radelet, Une mécanique donnée à vour : les thèses illustrées de Grégoire de Saint-Vincent à Louvain en 1624, (Brussels, 2005), pp.9, 29 and 91. 23   D. Alden The Making of an Enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire and Beyond 1540-1750, (Stanford, 1996), p. 106, H. Van Looy, o.c., 1979, pp. 19-20, A. Meskens, Joannes della Faille s.j.,(Brussels – Rome, 2005), p.162.

3. Walter van Aelst Thesis.

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Ad Meskens It is one of the ironies of history that one of the military advisers on the Spanish side was another student of Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio: Joannes della Faille whom we shall encounter in one of the next paragraphs. The thesis24 published by van Aelst and Ciermans were very long in comparison to other theses published in the same period. It is an indication of the importance that was given to them. The first seven theorems of the thesis deal with equilibrium and the distinction between work and friction. An eight theorem explains that the kinetic energy (virtus) obtained by a body in free fall depends only on the height from which it is dropped.25 It is proposed that movement along an inclined plane will always be slower than in free fall.26 The free fall is, in a thought experiment, explained as accelerated motion. A body launched from an inclined plane is conjectured to have a curved trajectory, without however describing the resulting curve. The kinetic energy an object obtains allows it to reach the same height from which it was dropped, regardless of the curvature of the plane along which it moves. This is nothing else than stating the law of the conservation of energy in a gravity field in the absence of friction. Undoubtedly these theorems have been 4. Pieter van de Plas: The young Joannes della Faille. inf luenced, via Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio, by the ideas that were held by Galileo. Galileo’s manuscript on Mechanics, in which similar ideas about free fall were propounded, circulated widely in copies without the name of the author. Copies with Galileo’s name on it did not circulate before 1620 27. The early drafts for this manuscript were written as early as 1603 and it not unreasonable to suppose that at least part of its contents would have been known to Gregorius. The most important result in mechanics was obtained in 1632 by another of Gregorius’s students: Joannes della Faille28 , who attended the Antwerp school. In 1617, after the death of Aguilón, Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio began giving his mathematics lectures, which could also be attended by non-Jesuits as well. Joannes della Faille and Philip Nuyts (Nutius) were the first two Jesuits to

24   For a detailed analyses, with an emphasis on the iconography, see J. Dhombres and P. Radelet , o.c., 2005. 25   If the motion through the air is frictionless the EP + EK = 0. Therefore the maximum kinetic energy an object obtains equals the initial potential energy EP = mgh. 26   A similar theorem was proposed by Galileo. He added

it a note to his Mechanics in 1607. S. Drake, Galileo at Work, (Chicago, 1978), p.125. 27   Ibid., p. 250. The manuscript was finally published in translation by Marin Mersenne in 1634. 28   For a detailed analysis of della Faille’s work see A. Meskens, o.c., 2005.

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle take these classes in 161729. Joannes seems to have been the only one to follow the course for three consecutive years. In a letter to father Remigius Happaert, Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio writes about his pupil Joannes della Faille: ‘[...] He set about studying mathematics with great fervour and ­continued for three years. He successfully defended mechanics theorems more than once. When we said goodbye he had plenty of scientific notes made during his researches’.30 Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio mentions these theorems again in a letter of 1651 to Christiaan Huygens, saying that he lost his copy during his time in Prague.31 De Centro Gravitatis is the only book Joannes della Faille published. It is a small booklet of 55 pages and was published in 1632 by the Antwerp printer Joannes Meursius. The style of della Faille is modelled after the Greek classical examples, notably Archimedes. This is very apparent in his formulation, which closely follows the ancient tradition. Each theorem consists of four distinct parts The first is a formulation, sometimes very abstract, of the problem, also called protase; the second is a reformulation in which a drawing is referred to, the ecthesis; the third part is the actual proof of the theorem, while the fourth part, the conclusion, is a repetition of the protase. Thus the texts of the Ancients were still the model on which Renaissance scholars, and indeed the Jesuits, based their texts. There may 5. Projection from della Faille’s Architectura. be another reason why della Faille should have proceeded in this way. Formulating his propositions in this style would, in view of the disappointing experiences of his teacher Gregorius, undoubtedly have increased his chances of getting his book published. Della Faille’s book is concerned with a theorem which is in essence a mechanical theorem, dealt with in statics. Yet there is no reference to the mechanical background of the theorem. It is considered as a purely geometrical problem. This is in line with the so-called archimedean tradition.

29   The Elogium of Joannes della Faille mentions that he first attended classes with Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio in 1616. Both Nutius and della Faille attended the Mechlin Noviciate at the same time. In 1618 they are both mentioned as being in their second year of the mathematics course. Before the start of these mathematics classes, Nutius (Antwerp 1597- Mechelen 1661) had asked to be sent to the overseas missions, but this application was apparently rejected Nutius was sent to Prague and Madrid to teach mathematics. In 1652 he was sent to Sweden to try and convert Queen Christina to Catholicism. 30   Published in H. Bosmans, ‘Deux lettres inédits de Grégoire de St-Vincent et les manuscrits de della Faille’, Annales de la Societé Scientifique , 26, 1901, 1-19.

31   Christiaan Huygens,Oeuvres completes, 22 vols., (The Hague, 1888-1950), vol.1: Correspondance, 1638-1656, nr. 105, pp.158-59. In 1628 Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio was sent to Prague at the behest of Emperor Ferdinand II. Shortly after his arrival he suffered a stroke. In 1631 the Swedes pillaged Prague and set fire to several parts of the city. During this period Gregorius lost several manuscripts. Part of his library was spared, however, and brought to Vienna by father Rodericus de Arriaga (1592-1667) where it would remain for another ten years before it was returned to Gregorius. After the sacking of Prague Gregorius went to Vienna and Graz.

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Ad Meskens During the Middle Ages two mechanics traditions had emerged, one Aristotelian, the other Archimedean. In the Aristotelian view, statics problems could be resolved by invoking dynamic concepts, e.g. the equilibrium of a lever is explained by the forces which are exerted at the extremities. Another characteristic of this approach is the near total absence of mathematics in deducing the laws of nature, which are always qualitative. The other tradition is called Archimedean because it goes back to Archimedes’s Equilibrium of Planes. In this tradition no dynamic concept whatsoever is invoked; equilibrium is explained by the position of the weights on the lever and consequently the positions of the weights on the lever. A prime characteristic of this tradition is that the objects considered are geometrical objects and not material objects. In this way a purely mathematical treatment of the subject is called for. It is in this tradition that della Faille should be placed. In his book, della Faille, closely following his teacher Gregorius, never uses formulas, nor equations. Each proof is a running text without equations or even fractions. His exposé is purely synthetic. It is, while reading it, not always clear what della Faille is aiming at, although with hindsight no theorem is superf luous. On the contrary the work is of a seldom seen logic with but one aim: proving the grand theorem. Della Faille completely disregards interesting corrollaries or sidesteps not leading towards his goal. It seems highly likely that della Faille reached at least some of his results using other methods than the one he displays in his books. Perhaps those his teacher Gregorius used. In 1630 he explained to Father Grienberger that he had already found his theorem as a student of Gregorius. In this letter della Faille suggests that he did not find his theorem in a geometrical fashion, but with an ‘analytical method’ which is not revealed to the public at large. Should Father Grienberger object to his keeping this methods secret, then della Faille would refrain from publishing, despite the Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio’s insistence on publishing. He also asked Father Grienberger to assist him in getting approval for the publication of his book because he fears that it may be misunderstood by those who do not understand mathematics. Joannes also refers to another result he has obtained, the determination of the centroid of a cylinder-section, indicating that he was using the infinitesimal methods of his teacher. 6. Della Faille’s proof of the mass centre theorem.

The first 31 theorems are in fact lemmas leading up to theorem 32, which is still taught in any Statics course and which should rightly be called della Faille’s theorem. It reads: The centroid of a circle sector lies on the bissectrix at a distance d=

2 R chord α 4 R sin( α / 2 ) = 3α 3α

of the centre, in which R represents the radius of the circle, α the angle of the sector and chord α the length of the chord which is subtented by α.

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Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle Theorems 33 to 45 allow the determination of the centroids of sectors and segments of circles and ellipses. They would allow a construction of the centroids if one can construct a line segment equal to the given arc. Conversely they would allow one to find the length of an arc if the centroid is known. This condition means della Faille has to make a clear distinction between the existence of a figure and the possibility to construct such a figure. The idea that squaring the circle would be possible also hinges on this last presupposition, yet in his theorems della Faille only refers to the existence of ­f igures, which already becomes clear in his first theorem. It is possible that della Faille intended these theorems to solve the quadrature of the circle. It is suggested by the corollaries he published in his book. If the quadrature of the circle is known, all centroids of any sector can be calculated provided the ratio of their arc to the circumference of the circle is known. If on the other hand the centre of gravity of a circle sector is known its quadrature can be found. This opened new vistas to solve the quadrature of the circle; if it were possible to determine the centroid of a sector without invoking the quadrature of the circle, the quadrature could be calculated. Although the assertion is correct, time would prove that this cannot be done. To calculate the centre of gravity one needs the quadrature of the circle and vice versa. The circle quadrature would defeat geometers for the next 150 years. The results of della Faille for practical mathematics can however not be underestimated. The fact that his theorems are part of any elementary mechanics course is a case in point. Historians of science, when concerned with the history of mechanics, have devoted much attention to Galileo’s difficulties with the Inquisition. Therefore Galileo’s efforts have received a good deal of study. However, some of his results seem to have been less revolutionary than has been asserted. The efforts of the Jesuit-mathematicians, the Antwerp Jesuits and Paul Guldin among them, towards a mechanical theory indicate that by the beginning of the seventeenth century the time was ripe for a completely new view of mechanics.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp during the Seventeenth Century Piet Lombaerde

Introduction The way in which the first Jesuit foundation of church and Casa Professa took place in Rome from 1553 on, can be viewed as a genuine paradigm shift for the foundation of other Jesuit foundations, including that in Antwerp. The siting and construction of the Gesù church in Rome marked the first attempt to dominate the urban landscape. This has been convincingly demonstrated in the essay of Thomas Lucas published on the occasion of the exhibition ‘Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy’ at the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in 1990.1 Just as the city of Jerusalem was placed in the middle of the world on the Medieval ‘T-O’ maps, Ignatius of Loyola subscribed to the view that Rome was the Caput Mundi of Christianity: the new ‘Holy City’. At the same time, Ignatius searched for inspiration in the model of the military city, as it was defined in Cinquecento treatises on the city and on the Castrametatio, e.g. that of Maggi and Castriotto: in the centre of the city or military camp stands the residence of the commander or general, with in front of it a square (the encampment), to which all streets lead.2 An important statement of Ignatius is the advice he gives to his brothers to pay much attention to the site when choosing their new residence in cities: ‘to have special care to obtain a good site that is spacious, or that can be enlarged in the future, that is sufficiently large for a church and a residence, and if at all possible that is not far removed from the converse of the city, and having bought that, it will be a good beginning for all the rest’.3 The city was seen as an organism that could be revived by disassembling and reassembling its components. A careful study of the existing relationships, both physical-morphological, political and symbolic, even allowed a new or changing meaning to be added to the city as a whole.4 Thus, the fresco at the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana shows how the Gesù is sited in the modern Rome of the Cinquecento and on the map from 1610, called Roma Ignaziana, the Gesù, together with the Collegium Romanum, is depicted in the centre of the Eternal City (see Fig.1). This is a symbol of ‘sacred strategy’, with the Gesù complex taking its place amidst the people, the inhabi­ tants, between the Vatican and the capitol, in the middle of a densely populated district and along a major ceremonial route. At the same time, the old district is replotted and a new square replacing the existing piazzetta enhances the monumental aspect of the church’s richly ornamented façade. 1

  T. Lucas, ‘The Saint, the Site, and Sacred Strategy. Ignatius, Rome, and the Jesuit Urban Mission’, in: T. Lucas (ed.), Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy, (exhibition catalogue), (Rome,1990), pp.17-45. After three peregrinations, the Jesuits, led by Ignatius of Loyola, finally ended up in the centre of Rome, where during the years 1568 – 1575, the Gesù church was erected and, as of 1600, the Casa Professa beside it. Initially, the first Jesuits were able to use the small church S. Maria della Strada (Our Lady of the Wayside), which was not selected so much for its accommodations as, rather, for its location, being situated between the ecclesiastical papal centre and the civil centre. Through the intervention of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, the choice fell on a church with barrel vaulting instead of on a construction

with flat roof, and on a façade that is directly adjacent to a square, or piazza, situated alongside the Via Papale. Cf. T. Lucas, Landmarking. City, Church & Jesuit Urban Strategy, (Chicago, 1997), pp.85-105. 2   G. Maggi and G. Castriotto, Della fortificatione delle città, (Venice, 1583), pp.108v°-109r°. 3   Ibid., p.35. Cf. Epistolae et Instructiones S. Ignatii de Loyola et Eorum Directoria (Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu), (Madrid, 1903-11), vol. IV, 2861, cf. III, 1899. 4   P. Porthogesi, ‘Birth of the Baroque in Rome’, in: H.A. Millon (ed.), The Triumph of the Baroque. Architecture in Europe 1600-1750, (London, 1999), pp.33-55; esp. pp.3334.

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Piet Lombaerde This essay will demonstrate how this typical process of Early-Baroque town planning was practised also in Antwerp through the erection of the new Jesuit church. Three elements play a crucial role in this process: - the development of a new site in the centre of the city; - the relationship between the new church’s façade and the Town Hall; - the visual significance of both western towers and especially of the slender eastern tower in the city landscape.

1. Cornelis Galle: Map of Rome with the Gesù church in the centre of the city, c. 1610.

The street-block as impetus of Baroque urban planning

The sola gratia of the Protestants ensures that the ecclesiastical activities are being reduced to religious duties and pastoral care. For that reason, Protestant cities feature less diversity in functions, hence, also fewer religious buildings. In such a case, it is also self-evident that the existing quite extensive terrains of the Catholic monasteries are too large and lose some of their purposefulness. Therefore, they can be partially sub-divided and split up more readily in lots. This then happens in numerous cities in the northern and southern Netherlands whenever a Calvinist administration takes office. During the period of Calvinist rule (1578-85) in Antwerp, many monastery grounds intra muros were intersected by new streets and the adjoining grounds were divided into lots.5 This resulted in a densification of the urban fabric and a better opening up of the various districts through the development of the existing road infrastructure. The Counter-Reformation after 1585 brought the large-scale restoration of the traditional building block in Antwerp.6 Monasteries again adopted an ‘island’ character, thereby putting a drastic end to the densification of the urban fabric. This restoration of street-blocks, or in some instances the creation of new ones, could be seen already at an early stage in a number of Western European cities. The Jesuits played a key role in this process. In Rome, already from 1553 onwards, the foundation of the Jesuits’s Domus Professa, with the addition of the Gesù church, resulted in the combination of a number of streets and smaller building blocks to allow the new foundation to develop across a largely-conceived street-block. The first design of architect Nanni di Baccio Bigio, preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, shows how the monumental new church with the then still modest Domus Professa extends across an existing street and square.7 On the anonymous plan of c.1578-82, the street-block is further extended by the addition of two adjacent blocks. The church is now oriented differently, so that it perfectly connects to a new

5

  See esp. P. Lombaerde, ‘Overzicht van de opzoekingen over de Antwerpse vestingbouw, de architectuur en het urbanisme’, in: D. Stocklet and D. Coutereels (eds.), 400 Jaar scheiding der Nederlanden, 1585-1985, (Antwerp, 1990), pp. 45-66; J. De Vylder, De straten- en verkavelingspolitiek in Antwerpen tijdens het Calvinistisch gezag, 1577-1585, (non

published master thesis, Higher Institute of Architectural Sciences Henry van de Velde), (Antwerp, 2003). 6   H. Schilling, ‘Urban architecture and ritual in confessional Europe’, in: J.P. Paiva (ed.), Religious Ceremonies and Images: Power and social meaning, (Coimbra, 2002), p.14.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp square.8 In Munich, for instance, a large block of houses was made available during the erection of the new Jesuit church of St Michael and the entire complex was inaugurated in 1593.9 By means of this approach, in the ­Catholic areas of Western Europe, a type of urban deve­ lopment was promoted that harkens back to the late Middle Ages, when the ‘prayerful’ orders are erecting their monasteries and accompanying churches within precincts, such as, for instance, happened in numerous cities in the Netherlands, Germany, and Italy.10 The essential question here is whether these Counter-Reformation interventions were confined to restoring the traditional building block structure and thus sought to perpetuate the church’s power in the city, or whether they also brought about actual innovations in the urban space as early examples or prototypes of Baroque town planning. It is against this backdrop that we will take a closer look at the siting of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp.

2. Detail of the map of Antwerp by Joris Hoefnagel, with the first Jesuit church (longitudinal church with a tower beside the western nave), c.1592. The Korte Rui is situated at the right part of this detail of the map.

The Huis van Aken with its large garden, which was owned by Gaspar Schets, counsellor and treasurer-general to the king of Spain, was to be converted to the first Jesuit college with church in the city of Antwerp. With financial aid from the Spanish nation, the large house was purchased in 1574 for 34.000 florins and the first Jesuit church – a single-nave chapel, 100 feet long and 64 feet wide – was built the same year in six months’ time in the garden of this patrician mansion.11 At the rear of the nave, a pentagonal choir was situated.12 To the side of the nave, a tower was erected, as depicted on the map of Joris Hoefnagel, published in 1592 in the volume on cities by Georg Braun and Frans Hogenberg (see Fig.2). After the Calvinist rule (1578-85) the Jesuits returned to Antwerp and esta­ blished their college at the Hof van Liere in the Prinsstraat. It was, however, the Huis van Aken that would serve as Domus Professa of the Lower German Province. The Jesuits’s first plans to build a new church with annexed Domus Professa on the site of the Huis van Aken date from 1613. If we project the three central building projects and the first basilical ground plan sketch (these are the earliest ground plans for the church and the Domus Professa), preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, onto the existing district and the pattern of streets around the Korte Rui (the later Jezuïetenrui), we see that all these variants are situated within the contours of the existing

7

  M. Lucas (ed.), o.c., 1990, p.148.   Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Hd-4 d, f°82. 9   J. Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship. Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany, (Princeton-Oxford, 2002), pp. 57-75. 10   H. Schilling, l.c., 2002, p.15. 11   A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. 1, 8

pp.227-28; F. Prims, Geschiedenis van Antwerpen, (Antwerp, 1982)), vol. 6 B, pp.559-60 ; M.-J. Marinus, ‘Kampioenen van de contrareformatie 1562-1773’, in: H. Van Goethem (ed.) Antwerpen en de Jezuïeten 1562-2002, (Antwerp, 2002), pp. 7-70; esp. p.14. 12   J. Braun, Die belgische Jesuitenkirchen, (Freiburg, 1907), p. 343 ; Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes, Hd-4c 8.

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Piet Lombaerde building block between the Kattevest, the Korte Nieuwstraat, the Sneppenstraat and the Spuistraat (see Introduction, Fig.18).13 After 1614-15 two new projects were drawn up, as the Jesuits had come in possession of the houses Drie Sneppen and Blauwe Hand, both located along the Kattevest (St.Kathelijnevest). By analogy with the Gesù at Rome, a substantial extension of the original site was made possible by the purchase of a significant number of houses in the Wijngaardstraat, and by the arching of the Korte Rui (the later Jezuïetenrui), from the Kattevest up to Het Brugsken, which would later be continued into the Nieuwe Straete or Bloemstraat (the later St.-Petrus- en St.-Paulusstraat).14 The site extending from the Huis van Aken to this street was also to be added to the new convent grounds. The church was to be erected across the to-be-arched Korte Rui, which at the time involved complex foundation works.15 The purchase of twenty-two houses and the revision of the building lines allowed the construction of a new square, three sides of which were taken up by the Jesuit Order (see Fig.3).16 The entire south part of the Wijngaardstraat between Het Brugsken and the Kattevest will, together with the Jezuïetenrui, be sacrificed in order to make it possible to create a square for the church and likewise to build the latter. Near – Het Brugsken –, expropriations would follow in order to create space to construct buildings for the newly founded Sodality Houses. In total, 3. Project of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp, situduring this urbanisation project, three streets are ated across the to-be-arched Korte Rui, c.1615. being abolished, namely: the Sneppestraat, the Spuistraat, and one side of the Wijngaardstraat up to the Het Brugsken17. As a result of all of these expropriations and the redrawing of the alignment lines it became feasible to create the new square.

13   Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des estampes, Hd-4c, 9, 10, 11, 12. Cf. J. Vallery-Radot, Le Recueil de plans d’édifices de la Compagnie de Jésus conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris: suivi de l’inventaire du recueil de Quimper, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. vol. XV), (Rome, 1960), esp. pp.289-91. 14   Cf. F. Baudouin, ‘De toren van de Sint-Carolus-Borromeuskerk te Antwerpen’, Academiae Analecta, 44, 1983, 3, 13-56, esp. p.21. 15   Stadsarchief van Antwerpen (SAA), Iko. 53/216. 16   D. Papebrochius, Annales Antverpiensiae ab urbe condita ad

annum 1700 collecti ex ipsius civitatis monumentis, (Antwerp, 1845-1848), 5 vols.. Papebrochius explains in his description that the church should be much lager and that the towers should probably be placed next to the nave, if more parcels were expropriated. But at that time no regulations existed in the Low Countries regarding expropriation for common use. See also F. Prims, De Geschiedenis van Antwerpen, (Antwerp, 1982), vol. 5, pp. 395-6. 17   SAA, Iko, 53/216; see also Rubens House, Archives, Inv. No. RH.D.031: Summary account book of the Jesuit church of Antwerp.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp The new plans for the church, approved in Rome on 15 April 1615, would also ensure that the façade of the church connected perfectly with the square. On a plan that has been kept in the archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, and which, according to Frans Baudouin may be dated to circa 1617, we can distinguish the new situation quite clearly (see Fig.4).18 The architecture of the façades of both the Domus Professa and the Soda­lity Houses manifests a uniform construction, which thus presents around three sides of the square a unifying picture. This harmonious Early-Baroque square architecture is clearly represented on the plate of Jacques ­Neeffs (see Fig.8). Important in this context is the inaugural text for the official inauguration of the church in 1621.19 The places particular emphasis on the urban development dimension of the entire pro­ ject and especially the creation of a square on which the ‘temple’ is erected. In actual fact, this site was distinguished by the presence of ‘uncooperative soil and an hostile sea, when at first there was no available space unless built up with merchant homes in very close proximity with one another, a street and a canal, which cut through the whole lot and had a double foundation’.20 And further: ‘But dismissing Neptune’s objections, parts of the foundations were cast into the centre of the water, since the stones rather cluster together with each other than remain lying on firm soil. The old streets were sealed off and replaced with new ones that offered a more beautiful view. Because of their favourable location they were easily accessible, and they changed the place to such an extent that no other square in the city is more harmonious than this one. Having overcome these difficulties, the most noble of temples was erected at the centre of this very noble city’.21

18

Archief van de St. Carolus Borromeuskerk, nr. 2. See inventory of Ch. Van Herck and A. Jansen, ‘Archief in beeld. Inventaris van de teekeningen bewaard op het archief van de St.-Caroluskerk te Antwerpen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis en Folklore, 11, 1948, , pp. 45-91 For the presumed dating , see F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p. 21. 18   See the inventory of the drawings conserved in the archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, as mentioned in: Ch. Van Herck and A. Jansen, l.c., 1948, pp. 45-91. For the dating, see: F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p.21. 19   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome,

4. Pieter Huyssens (?): General plan of the new Jesuit church, the Domus Professa and the two Sodality Houses, with the creation of a new square (Plaetse voorde kercke) and a new street (Nievwe Straet), c.1617.

Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°480-492, esp.490r°-492v°. For a transcription of this text, see: J. Snaet, ‘A Case Study: Rubens Palazzi di Genova and the Jesuit Churches of Antwerp and Brussels’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems. (Architectura Moderna, vol.1), (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 161-82. 20   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B. Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°490 r° and v°. 21   Ibid., f°490v°.

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Piet Lombaerde In this way, the Jesuits tried above all, simultaneously with the realisation of their convent in the centre of the city, to set an example in the field of urban development. From this text we may conclude that, in the area of urban development, the three categories proposed by Vitruvius and Alberti were taken into consideration, these being: the acts of stabilizing and fortifying (firmitas, necessitas), rendering an area in the city’s centre incommoded by canals usable again (utilitas, commoditas), and achieving a sense of decorum in the public area (venustas, voluptas). In addition, attempts were made to achieve the state of concinnitas (the text states the following about the square : ‘…iam nullus tota urbe concinnior sit futurus.’) being a state of perfect harmony, as described by Alberti, also with respect to cohesion and coherence between the square and its architecture. In this manner, the Jesuits specifically tried, simultaneously with the establishment of their convent within the city centre, to set an example with respect to urban development.The fact that rhetoric as a liberal art, so characteristic of Jesuits, and the decorum of Vitruvian architecture, went hand in hand in this process, was typical for this new urbanisation.22 The central position of the Jesuit Church in the city During the early seventeenth century, an increasing number of churches was built in cities where the administration underwent the influence of the Counter-Reformation. The architectural focus increasingly shifted from the Town Hall to large noble palaces and to the church. The latter occupied a prominent place in the city landscape and increasingly determined the city’s iconography. The Jesuits played a special role in this process. In Antwerp, too, the foundation of the new church with the adjacent Domus Professa constituted one of the major buildings realised in the inner city during the seventeenth century. As for the specific location in the city, the Jesuit foundation was situated strategically between on the one hand Our Lady’s cathedral and the St Jacob church (then the richest parish in Antwerp), and on the other hand the church was located on the continuation of the front façade of the Town Hall. Moreover, the Jesuit property was located at the crossroads of Antwerp’s two main approach roads: the St.-Kathelijnevest as continuation of the Lange Gasthuisstraat and the Huidevetterstraat, and the Korte Nieuwstraat as continuation of the Lange Nieuwstraat (see Fig.5). This central position of the Jesuit church was also remarked by Jean Puget de la Serre and described in 1632 in his book ‘Histoire curieuse de tout ce qui c’est passé à l’Entrée de la Reyne Mère du Roy trèschrestien dans les villes des Pays Bas ’. He wrote: ‘Son assiette est au milieu de la Ville, pour en rendre l’abord & plus frequent & plus commode à tout le peuple’.23 In the Baroque period, the building looses its plastic independence and was integrated into a higher system. Space between buildings became part of an urban development plan. Basic elements of the system were a number of monumental buildings that radiate to the larger environment or where the radii meet.24 Monuments became focal points, preceded by large squares with a simple geometric ground plan, and bordered with a uniform architecture. Giuseppe Valeriani, architect and painter in the employ of the Jesuits in Rome, wrote a book in which he set out the rules for the construction of Jesuit convents: Jesuit churches always had to be located in the immediate vicinity of squares, so that they were readily accessible to the people, but they also had to fall within the building block of the convent.25

22   Cf. Jesuiten und Bauvorschriften, 2. Grundbegriffe frühneuzeitlichen Architekturlehre, (Marburg, 2005), p.5. 23   J. Puget de la Serre, Histoire curieuse de tout ce qui c’est passé à l’Entrée de la Reyne Mère du Roy trèschrestien dans les villes des Pays Bas, (Antwerp, 1632), p.56. 24   C. Norberg-Schulz, ‘The Baroque and its Buildings’, in:

H.A. Millon, o.c., 1999, pp. 57-79; esp. p.75. 25   Mentioned in: J. Ackerman, ‘The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design’, in: R. Wittkower and M. Jaffé (eds.), Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution, (New York,1972), pp.15-28, esp. p.26. See also J. Vallery-Radot, o.c., 1960, pp.7, 68-75.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp In the Early-Baroque city, topography permitting, straight streets appear as connecting lines between major buildings and squares. This is perfectly illustrated by Rome during the successive reigns of popes Sixtus IV, Julius II, AlexJesuit Church ander VI, Leo X, Paul III, Pius IV and above all Sixtus V.26 Many other cities, however, do not have such monumental axes in their urban fabric, e.g. on Sicily at Ragusa Ibla, reconstructed after the earthquake in 1693, where the hilly urban landscape allows the spectator to shift his view from one Baroque church façade to the other: a virtual system of axes thus governs, as it were, this busy and built-up city located amidst the hills.27 5. Location of the new Jesuit church in the geometrical centre of In fact, not all cities were transformed into Antwerp. Baroque cities via monumental axes during the 17th century. Space perception could also be transformed in a more virtual manner, via optical axes. The Jesuit church in Antwerp, where the landscape is completely flat, constitutes an early example of a Baroque town planning intervention where visual axes reinforce the connection between new and already existing buildings. This is determined above all by two elements: the façade of the church and the three towers. The privileged relationship between the Town Hall and the Jesuit Church In the inaugural text of 1621, on the occasion of the inauguration of the Jesuit church (St Ignatius church), special attention is devoted to the relationship between the new church and the Town Hall (see Figs.6 and 7). With reference to the pediment of the façade, the following can be read: ‘On either side curtains are raised by the service work of angels, with in between the hallowed Queen of the Heavens in full majesty and conspicuously wearing a golden diadem. She is seated and embraces the Child Jesus on her lap. Her eyes are pointed at her alter-ego, – if I may say so –, she is greeting her image at the highest top of the Town Hall, installed in 1587 through the efforts and zeal of father Franciscus Costerus, of blessed memory, then Provincial of the Belgian Province. The distance between both statues, across the tops of the buildings in between, amounts to a few hundred yards’.28 Again the decorum clearly plays a communicative role and ethics and aesthetics are linked. Form and content are fused together, thereby further emphasising the rhetoric character of this Baroque architecture.29 At the same time, a ‘sacred strategy’ is brought about in the urban space, across the buildings and consequently over a larger distance. There is also a political message: it aims to strike a 26

  See e.g. M. Fagiolo and P. Porthogesi (eds.), Roma Barocca, (Milan, 2006); and recently P. Stephan, ‘Rom unter Sixtus V. Stadtlandschaft als Vergegenwärtigung der Heilsgeschichte’, in: Heilige Landschaft/Heilige Berge (Achter Sommerkurs der Stiftung Bibliothek Werner Oechslin 8.-12. Juli 2007), (forthcoming). 27   Institut d’études et de recherche en architecture et urbanisme, Urbanistique et Société Baroques, (Paris, 1977). 28   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome,

Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°490 v°:‘…sedet augustissima caelorum Regina, puerum IESUM complexa sinu, oculos conijciens in alteram se, ut ita dicam, in summo cacumine curiae Senatorum olim anno 1587 opera, et studio piae: memoria Reverendi Patris Francisci Costeri…’.   29   The rhetoric character of Baroque architecture is treated in: M.A. Holly, Past looking. Historical Imagination and the Rhetoric of the Image, (Ithaca, 1996), esp. Chap. 4: Imaging the Baroque.

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6. The statue of Our Lady, placed on 28 February 1587 by Jesuit Father Franciscus Costerus on the upper part of the façade of the Town Hall.

7. The statue of Our Lady, situated within the pediment of the façade of the Jesuit church.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp balance between church and Town Hall, and even to propagate the figure of the Virgin as patroness of both institutions. This second aim is realised in a particular visual manner, as the upper section of the façade of the Jesuit church is clearly visible both from the Market Square (Grote Markt) and from the large hall in the centre of the Town Hall. It is, in fact, possible to draw a perpendicular visual axis from the central risalite of the Town Hall to the façade of the church. No other church, even from a distance, dominates the panoramic view from the Town Hall towards the Market Square as does the Jesuit church. The view towards the towers of Our Lady’s Cathedral falls completely outside this axis, namely on its right-hand side. This visual axis is actually also an optical one. In the late afternoon the light shines right on to the church’s façade, of which the entire decorum is elaborated in white stone and sculpted. The east-west axis has a symbolic meaning even within the church, for at sunset, when the weather is bright and the sun’s rays shine through the window in the western wing on to the high altar, crowned by the Virgin Mary, a band is created between God, from where the sunlight originates, and the Virgin. At that time the three Maria statues also lie on the same east-west axis. Around the beginning of the seventeenth century, heliocentrism received much attention, also in Jesuit circles and from François de Aguilón.30 Because the sun’s rays run parallel, they meet in infinity, i.e. with the Creator. An interesting feature of the façade of the new church is the manner in which the central part en saillie achieves a relationship with the planes to the side of it. Already in the architecture of Carlo Maderno, such as, for example, on the façade of the S. Susanna (Rome), the distinction drawn between the central part and the sides received less of an emphasis as separate entities. Only a gradual ‘advancement’ was worked out, so that greater unity could be achieved across the entire plane of the façade.31 This solution is very comparable to that of the Jesuit church in Antwerp.32 A progression from the sides towards the centre is realised by the use of pilasters at the side and free-standing columns between the western towers and the central piece tending towards the centre.33 Pilasters are positioned on the central piece, so that this part of the church does not project too notably vis-à-vis the sides of the façade. This solution thus stands in shrill contrast with Antwerp’s Renaissance Town Hall. In the latter case, there is still clear question of a central part en saillie that is emphasised vis-à-vis the building’s wings to the side. Furthermore, the Town Hall represents an independent erection on the Market Square and forms its own entity vis-à-vis the façades of the surrounding dwellings. In the case of the Jesuit church, all façades around the square are lying in each other’s continuation and together form one harmonious entity. Also striking in the treatment of the church façade is the fact that, more than is the case with the Gesù in Rome, attention is given to the building’s plasticity of construction. As Dalibor Vesely emphasises in the ‘Preface’ for this volume, three different layers are evident, demonstrating a confrontation between the interior (the statuettes of the saints) and the exterior (the observer) at the façade. This very clearly distinguishes the Jesuit church in Antwerp from the Gesù in Rome. In the latter church, full attention has been given to achieve on the façade a quasi-perfect harmony between all of its individual parts (concinnitas), and it is primarily the symmetria, as defined by Vitruvius, that is stressed to the utmost: decorum versus ordinnatio.

30   See the essays by Dalibor Vesely, August Ziggelaar and Sven Dupré in this volume. 31   P. Porthogesi, l.c., 1999, p.36. 32   Braun remarks that the central part of the façade is marked by only a ‘weak’ projection: ‘Die mittelere Partie bildet einen schwachen Risalit und baut sich in drei Geschoffen auf…’. See J.Braun, o.c., 1907, p.355.

33   Cf. K. Ottenheym in: K. De Jonge and K. Ottenheym (eds.), Unity and Discontinuity. Architectural Relationship between the Southern and Northern Low Countries (1530-1700), (Turnhout, 2007), pp.127-28: ‘The Column in the Niche’.

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Piet Lombaerde

8. Jacques Neeffs: view of the Jesuit church, the Domus Professa, the Sodality Houses and the square as they were just constructed in 1621, etching, c. 1680.

The towers as perspectivistic beacons The Antwerp Jesuit church has three towers: two western stair towers and one eastern bell tower. This is a large number for the Jesuit churches that were then being built in the Southern Netherlands. The Jesuit church is also a comparatively small church, which further adds to the relative importance of the towers. Just as on the first plans for the Gesù church in Rome, both western towers already appear on the first drawings for the Antwerp Jesuit church. They are located on the outside of the three-nave church and contain the complete staircases (see Figs. 8 and 9). The inaugural text says: ‘On both sides of the front façade stands a twin tower of medium height. They provide easy access to the temple’s higher galleries. The towers are covered with copper, and crowned with gilded pineapples, which, together with other ornaments, protrude at the top of the temple. Thus, when looking from a distance, the construction is perceived in the same way as many palaces are’.34 In this context, reference can be made to Hans Vredeman de Vries’s comment in the Architectura (1577), in which he writes that towers should be located outside the building volumes and accommodate the stairs. According to this author, towers are primarily ornamental elements for palaces.

34

  Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp

9. Pieter Huyssens: project for a lantern with gallery on the upper part of the southern west tower, Jesuit church of Antwerp.

10. Martino Ferrabosco: proposal for a western bell tower on the façade of the St Peter’s, Rome, c.1620.

For what concerns their design, reference may be made to the engravings by Ferrabosco for the bell towers of the St Peter’s at the Vatican (see Fig.10).35 On the engravings, we also note column orders as colossal pilasters continuing across two levels. Also the western towers of the S. Maria Assunta di Carignano in Genoa make identical use of these colossal pilasters. The lanterns of these towers likewise display a large resemblance with those of the Jesuit church in Antwerp.36 Although of modest form and height, the western towers occupy a remarkable place in the street landscape. From the corner of the Kaasrui and the Melkmarkt – part of the course of the Joyous Entries in Antwerp – one of both towers is clearly visible in its full glory. It is in fact located on the axis between the Town Hall and the Jesuit church. The most important tower is doubtless the eastern bell tower (see Fig.11 and Plate 14). In the inaugural text from 1621, much attention is once again being paid to this tower: ‘But there remains the most important tower, containing four bells of fitting size, in the other part of the temple that adjoins the choir and that, no less than the rest of the building, is worthy of our admiration, either from the point of the architecture or

35

  See S. McPhee, Bernini and the bell towers. Architecture and Politics at the Vatican, (New Haven and London, 2002) , p. 32-4. 36   See P. Lombaerde, ‘The Distribution and Reception of Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova in the Southern Netherlands:

a Status Questionis’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.99120, esp. pp. 108-09.

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Piet Lombaerde of the variety of ornamentation and decorative designs. For, indeed, these are not in any way inferior to those on the front façade’.37 This tower belongs to the second generation of bell towers used in Jesuit churches. Initially, there were one or two bell towers next to the choir, but from the early seventeenth-century preference was given to the construction of a single bell tower in continuation of the choir.38 After the Council of Trent, of course, much attention was paid to the holy sacrament of the Eucharist.39 By placing the tower as close as possible to the choir, and therefore also to the altar, it could, metaphorically speaking, even be considered as a ‘tabernacle in the city’.40 It could thus, as it were, disseminate the Eucharist all over the city and its community. The charmingly ornamented tambour with its serliana motif (see Plate 15) and the added lantern above it thus function again, in a metaphorical sense, as beacons above the city. This tower is clearly visible from the River Scheldt and the Left Bank amongst the host of other and smaller house towers; it is especially noticeable because of its slender shape and monumental lantern. Of special significance is the tower’s perspectivistic position as part of the course of Joyous Entries and processions. The tower can clearly be seen, together with other towers, on a plate of Theodoor Van Thulden, representing the entry of Cardinal Infant Ferdinand, from the citadel to the Keizerspoort (see Fig.12). The tower, somewhat fancifully drawn, is displayed between the tower of Our Lady’s Cathedral, the tower of St Jacob’s and that of O.L.V. Broeders at the Meir. The tower also lies in the extended visual field of the course of the Joyous Entry from the corner of the Lange Gasthuisstraat with the Huidevettersstraat. It is as if from that point the procession continues right up to the tower, over the Meirbrug, along the St Katelijnevest, up to the corner with the Lange Nieuwstraat. There the procession continues along the Domus Professa in the Korte Nieuwstraat. The significance of panoramic views in processions has already been frequently documented. Thus, Richard Kagan describes the symbolic meaning of the silver mountain in the Bolivian city of Potosi. The statue of the Virgin Mary is placed atop of the mountain, so that it constantly reappears before the eyes of the pilgrims throughout the course of the procession.41 These towers were also used on festive occasions for playing music or even shooting fire arrows. The theatrical spectacle, organised by the Collegium Romanum in Rome, served as a model.42 In an account of father Michiel de Gryse (Grisius) from 1622 this is described as follows: ‘from the three towers resound37

11. Joannes de la Barre (160368) (delineavit et sculpsit) : engraving of the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1650.

  Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°. 38   B. Daelemans, J. Koninckx and S. Van Loo, ‘De verplaatsing van de klokkentorens in de 17de-eeuwse kerkarchitectuur’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi ingegni, grandissimo splendore, (Leuven, 2000), pp.67-78. 39   See: J.Waterworth (ed. and trans.), The Council of Trent, (London, 1848), esp. pp.75-84. 40   As such described by F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p.23. 41   Mentioned in: H. Schilling, l.c., 2002, p.21. 42   Cf.M. Fagiolo, ‘La Scène de la gloire: le triomphe du Baroque dans la Théâtralité des Jésuites’, in : G. Sale (ed.), L’Art des Jésuites, (Paris, 2003), pp.207-22.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp ed alternating music of trumpets and flutes, and at a given moment fire arrows shot down along invisible wires that subsequently struck a wooden construction, placed in the centre of the square, symbolising the citadel of envy. From this ‘castrum’ a firework was shot off that ended with an invocation, composed of the letters of fire: Sancte Ignatii, ora pro nobis’.43 Vitruvius and the dimensioning of the bell tower In many travel stories and also in numerous contemporary and later publications, the eastern tower is praised for its harmonious appearance. The inaugural text from 1621 reads as follows: ‘What else will tell you those who travel through the world’s different countries and testify that they have not seen a single similar tower of Vitruvian make that compares to ours’.44 And many centuries later, Max Rooses referred in 1903 to the tower as: ‘the most beautiful to have been produced by 17th-century architecture in our regions’. 45

12. Theodoor Van Thulden: detail of the Joyous Entry of Cardinal Infant Ferdinand in Antwerp, 1635, representing the bell tower of the Jesuit church.

As noted by Frans Baudouin, this tower was not, however, part of the original design, since it is not listed on the earliest ground plans. Likewise, reference is made to a passage from an early Historia Domus Professae Antverpiensis in 1625 sent to Rome, wherein we may read: ‘The design for this temple was drawn by Father François Aguilon, whose knowledge of mathematics is clearly demonstrated to all learned men by his excellent treatise on optics, as well as by the ingenuous plan of this beautiful church. This plan was executed later, with the addition of a 13. A mascaron on the bell tower. large tower and of some other sections by Pieter Huyssens, coadjutor temporalis of our order, as he was called upon to perform that task, being placed in charge of the entire construction, from the foundations to the crowning completion’.46 For what concerns the ornamentation, a good many sculptured pieces between the columns allude to the River Scheldt and the sea, these being sea demons, sirens and dolphins (see Figs. 13, 14 and Plates 15, 16). In addition to the latter, we find a great number of night owls and of figures from antiquity. In the actual bellower, there are three

43   (M. Grisius), Honor S. Ignatii de Loyola…habitus a Patribus S.I. domus professae et collegii Soc. Iesu Antverpiae, 24 iulii 1622, (Antwerp, 1622). Mentioned in: F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p.20; A. Poncelet, o.c., vol.1, pp.465-66. 44   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°.

45   M. Rooses, Rubens’ Leven en Werken, (Amsterdam-Antwerp-Ghent, 1903), p.239. 46   Mentioned in: J. Braun, o.c., 1907, p.168; J.H. Plantenga, L’Architecture Religieuse dans L’Ancien Duché de Brabant depuis le Règne des Archiducs jusqu’au Gouvernement Autrichien (1598-1713), (The Hague, 1926), p.106; F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p.22.

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Piet Lombaerde

14. A sea-cherub and a dolphin as ornaments on the lower part of the lantern (bell tower).

small niches with figures of Christ the Savour, and of two angels carrying the Passion Instruments. The section above the peristilium has a rounded form and is made up of a combination of small slender columns, which to observers from every side gives it the appearance of an open tambour. The combination of a tall tower with the Early-Christian basilical type for the nave part can be inspired by the design Arias Montano made in his famous Polyglot Bible, especially in part 7, and published in 1572. There we see the same juxtaposition of a bell tower and the nave, and above all a compartimentation of nearly five equal parts forming the bell tower. Only very few examples of this use of equal parts in the construction of bell towers are known. One of the most extraordinary examples is the campanile of the church of the Carmelite complex in Naples (see Fig.15).47 This tower was made by Giovan 47   G. Cantone, ‘L’Architettura’, in: Civilta dei Seicento a Napoli, (exhibition catalogue), (Naples, 1984), pp.49-75, esp.pp.55-62.

15. Giovan Giacomo di Conforto: bell tower of the Carmelite church in Naples, c.1615- 22.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp Giacomo di Conforto (1569-1630) between 1615 and 1622, the same years when Huygens built the eastern tower of the Jesuit church in Antwerp. The entire structure of the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church rests upon a Vitruvian arrangement of columns (Tuscan at the bottom, followed by Doric, Ionic and Corinthian; but the Composite order is missing). The construction has a slender appearance and a highly harmonious structure. However, the eventual design did not come about by itself. To date, five variants of the bell tower are known (see Fig.16).48 1. – the two oldest variants are drawings, in which the tower still has a mainly medieval design, with influences from the Renaissance as far as the ornamentation and the use of orders is concerned. Thus, these early designs feature the Venetian arch or bifora and the various floors and columns are elaborated rather flat. Only the lantern receives an open elegant structure with rounded arches. This tower shows some similarities with the projects of Christoforo Rocchi (c. 1488) for the towers of the San Martino cathedral in Pavia.49 2. – a third project shows a stronger Vitruvian influence.50 The tower is narrowed and on the ground floor provided with sides, which are at the top connected to the tower shell via wing sections with compact volutes. The ends are topped by obelisks, as they appear on the plates of Hans Vredeman de Vries.51 The column orders are more accentuated and used in their correct relative proportions. The ground floor is, however, provided with a large decorative portico in rustica. The central window with chamfered corners at the top is similar in form to the arch of the Porta Pia in Rome, designed by Michelangelo and applied by Rubens in the central bay of the portico of his residence at the Wapper. Typical are the horizontal bands and rings used to connect the Doric and Ionic order columns and pilasters at the four corners of the floors (see Figs. 17 and 18).52 This sort of arrangement can be found already in 1577 in the Architectura by Hans Vredeman de Vries (1577), while Peter Paul Rubens makes ostentatious use of it in the portico of his house with studio on the Wapper, which was built between 1614 -18. Rubens will again make use of these coupled columns, connected with bands and rings, in his design for the triumphal arch to be erected in honour of archduchess Isabella, and which figured in the Pompa Introïtus of Cardinal Infant Ferdinand in 1635 in Antwerp.53 Remarkable is the position of a pediment as a coping stone for the three lowermost sections. We find such a solution, and likewise the use of coupled columns, recurring also on the wooden model (1539-46) that Antonio da Sangallo designed for the St Peter’s in Rome.54 Both bell towers demonstrate also a transition from a tetragonal ground plan towards a polygonal upper construction, but the latter is worked out rather in step-form. Da Sangallo in his turn also used coupled columns at the corners of the various sections in his tower for the S. Maria di Biagio in Montepulciano (1518-29).55

48

  J. Braun, o.c., 1907, pp.357-359; J.H. Plantenga, o.c., 1926, pp. 107-12 and esp.F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, pp. 26-40. 49   A. Bruchi, ‘Religious Architecture in Renaissance Italy from Brunelleschi to Michelangelo’, in: H. Millon (ed.), The Renaissance. From Brunelleschi to Michelangelo. The Re­ presentation of Architecture, (London, 1999), pp.123-81, esp. p.123. 50   See e.g. D. Papebrochius, o.c., 1845-48, p. 208. And recently: K. De Jonge and J. Snaet, ‘Vera simmetria, ware proportie. Vreemd gebouwd in de 17de eeuw’, in: J. Grieten (ed.), Vreemd gebouwd. Westerse en niet-Westerse elementen in onze architectuur, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.113-35. 51   F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, p.30.

52

  The same structural composition can be remarked in the elaboration of the upper part of the bell tower at Averbode (c.1701). See F. Baudouin, l.c., p.47. Perhaps the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church served as example. 53   G. Gevartius, Pompa Introïtus Ferdinandi Austriaci Hispaniarum Infantis […] a S.P.Q. Antwerp, (Antwerp, 1641), p.94, fig.24. 54   H. Millon, ‘Models in Renaissance Architecture’, in H. Millon (ed.), o.c., 1999, pp.19-73, esp.p.35. Zie ook: S. McPhee, o.c., 2002, pp.34-5.Different projects from Martino Ferrabosco can be compared with this design by Huyssens. 55   Cf. F. Baudouin, l.c., 1983, pp.35-6.

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Piet Lombaerde

A

B

C

D

E

F

16. Five different projects for the bell tower of the Jesuit church and one undefined sketch for a tower (see D.): A. Pieter Huyssens: first project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1617. B. Pieter Huyssens: second project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1617. C. Pieter Huyssens: third project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, after 1617. D. Anonymous: project for a tower with arched ­entrance opening on the first floor; with very doubtful mention of the name of Rubens. E. Pieter Huyssens: final project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, after 1617. F. Joannes de la Barre: engraving of the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, 1650.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp

18. Horizontal bands and rings connecting the Doric columns and pilasters at the four corners of the second floor of the bell tower; detail of Pieter Huyssens’s third project, after 1617.

On an engraving from 1613 by Mattheus Greuter, depicting the façade of the St Peter’s 17. Christ with standing cross, situated on the second following a design by Carlo Maderno, not only floor of the Antwerp Jesuit church, towards the St.are colossal order columns placed inside the bell Kathelijnevest. towers, but, moreover, we note a pediment above a serliana elevation, and, still above it, an open lantern with analogous free pending spandrels, of the type that are also to be found on the small lantern in the Jesuit church in Antwerp (see Fig.19).56 Likewise, the already previously mentioned designs of Martino Ferrabosco from circa 1620 depict a number of comparable elements, such as, for instance, the use of coupled columns, resorting to a pediment, and so forth.57 As Baudouin justly remarks, the serliana motif on the coping stone of a tower is already evident with Sebastian Serlio, more specifically in Book V about the temple. In addition, Huyssens worked out a separate design for the cupola tower that fits in extremely well with the execution of the whole (see Fig.19).58 3. – a fourth anonymous design, preserved at the Hermitage in St Petersburg, is quite special in that it resembles the final design quite well, although the ground floor is interrupted by a rustic monumental arch (see Fig.16).59 Beneath this arch an open space appears to be present, together with stairs that possibly lead to an entrance gate to the church. 4.- the fifth is the final design and is preserved at the John Soane’s Museum in London (see Fig.16).60 Joannes De la Barre made a large engraving of it, with indication of the dimensions (see Fig.11). It differs from the third design in that the obelisks crowning the ends of the groundfloor sides

56

  McPhee, o.c., 2002, p.16.   Ibid., p.33. 58   Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church,, inv. n° 21. 59   St Petersburg, Hermitage Collection, Library, n°14741, f°41 57

60

  London, Sir John Soane’s Museum, Inv. n° Vol. 111/1. Much attention is spend to this drawing because ‘two hands’ could be found on it, namely of Pieter Huyssens and perhaps also of Rubens. Cf. M. Jaffé, ‘Rubens’ Drawings at Antwerp’, The Burlington Magazine, 98, 1956, p.314, note 5 (b).

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Piet Lombaerde are omitted (they are replaced with ornamental pots), as are the pediment and the associated frieze with scroll motifs. In common with the anonymous fourth design, the second floor has a recess with a figure in it (Christ figure with standing cross, see Fig.17). Some publications also make reference to a sketch that is preserved at the Plantin-Moretus Museum.61 This sketch indeed provides some evidence of similarities with the eastern tower of the Jesuit church in Antwerp, for instance, the four-levelled stratification of the tower, the flan­ king of the corners on each of the floors by order columns and the presence of a slender lantern. The accompanying ground plan of the church, however, is totally alien to that of the Antwerp church. Furthermore, this drawing deals with a centrally located western tower. As it is, this element may be compared to the solution that is presented on the drawing preserved in St Petersburg.62 The inaugural text states that Aguilón made calculations for the temple that were based on perfect dimensions and that were subsequently used for the execution. In respect of the design plans for the Antwerp Jesuit church, which he saw on a travel in 1619, Bergeron observes that the edifice was constructed in accordance with the perfect proportions as used in Solomon’s Temple, described by Villalpando in his ­comment on Ezekiel.63 These observations probably also 19. Pieter Huyssens: project for the lantern of the bell apply to the dimensions and proportions of the tower of the Jesuit church of Antwerp, with serliana eastern tower. What is actually quite remarkable motive, after 1617. are the integer numbers that govern the relationships in the monumental eastern tower: 10, 5, 4 and 2. In fact, the tower is 200 feet high and consists of five equally high levels, each 40 feet high (see Fig.20). The result is a highly harmonious distribution among the five orders: Tuscan on the groundfloor, followed by Doric, Ionic and finally Corinthian. The Composite order is not represented, its place is taken by the cupola of the tambour, raised with a lantern. Huyssens appears not to have used any irrational numbers in the structure and dimensioning of the construction.64 61

  Museum Plantin Moretus, Prentenkabinet, Inv. n° A XLIV.4 (533). 62   See note 59. 63   H. Michelant (ed.), Voyage de Pierre Bergeron ès Ardennes, Liège & Pays-Bas en 1619, (Liège, 1875), p.279. J.Del Prado and J. Villalpando, Explanationes in Ezechielis et apparatus urbis ac templi Hierosolymitani, (Rome, 1596-1604). This books belonged also to the libraries of the Antwerp Jesuits, see:

Catalogue de livres, des bibliothèques de la Maison Professe, du collège et du couvent des ci-devant Jésuites d’Anvers, dont la vente se fera…le 26 mai 1779, (Leuven, 1779), 3 vols, vol. 1, p.39 nr. 472. 64   Rudolf Wittkower mentions that the use of irrational numbers is not common during the Renaissance. See R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, (London, 1977), pp.158-61.

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The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp Whereas, according to the theory of the orders, the orders become increasingly elegant from Tuscan to Corinthian and their longitudinal measure increases proportionally from bottom to top, we see that in Pieter Huyssens’s final design the orders are somewhat shortened towards the top, but that also larger pedestals or more complex cornices are used. In this way, he manages to ensure that the overall composition of cornice, column order with capital and shaft, base and pedestal, is maintained at an equal length of 40 feet for each order. This principle is to be considered an innovation in the use of the theory of the orders in the erection of a complete tower. From a functional viewpoint, it allows a relatively large and spacious tambour to be obtained, which becomes the central point of attention. It can thus be considered as a free interpretation of Vitruvian theory of the orders.

Conclusion

A

40 feet

B

40 feet

C

40 feet

D

40 feet

E

40 feet

Total height: 200 feet 200 ffeet feet

20. Measurements of the different vertical elements of the bell tower, indicated on the engraving by Joannes de la Barre.

The Gesù church in Rome in many respects served as a prototype for the realisation of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp. Half a century later, a virtually analogous process was to lead to a development north of the Alps which, although not innovative in itself, contributed to the transformation of part of the urban centre of Antwerp, based on typical Baroque urban development principles: the demolition of part of the old inner city, the ex novo creation of a building block, the realisation of new infrastructure works together with the construction of a new square and the adoption of a rigorous unifying architecture for the newly created public space in the city. Special attention was paid to the church’s towers and façade, because they attempted, from a ‘sacred strategy’ caused both by their harmonious structure and their visual and optical relationship with surrounding monuments and symbols of power, to occupy a new inevitable position in the historic urban fabric of the city. It is clear that these realisations involved a number of experiments in the field of architectural design and urban development. Whether they also constitute an actual innovation is, however, less evident. Unless the entire building operation can be regarded as the very first attempt at Baroque town planning in Antwerp.

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1. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp: Representing the Church Militant and Triumphant Barbara Haeger

On September 12, 1621 Bishop Jan Malderus consecrated the newly completed church of the Domus Professa in Antwerp and dedicated it to the founder of the Jesuit order, Ignatius Loyola, and to the Virgin Mary, the patroness of the city of Antwerp.1 The Virgin holding the Christ Child is shown enthroned in the pediment of the façade, while a bust of Ignatius is represented beneath her (see Fig.1). Like the dedication to Ignatius, who would not be canonized until the following year, there is much about the church’s façade that is unprecedented. Although clearly indebted to Italian prototypes, particularly the Jesuit churches in Rome and Genoa, it includes unusual features. Among these are: an additional story, a remarkable profusion of independent and relief sculpture, a single entrance into the church proper, and the use of freestanding columns to mark the outer limits of the façade. These features, I will claim, are evidence of an extraordinarily inventive and multivalent program, 2 one that articulates the liminal zone through which one passes from secular to sacred space. It thus both addresses the city, representing the Jesuit presence within the urban fabric, and prepares one for the interior, defining the threshold and announcing what lies beyond both physically and figuratively. It is the latter that is the focus of this essay, which argues that the architectonic and sculptural elements of the façade are inventively orchestrated to represent the mediating function of the Church, to show that the redeeming benefits of Christ’s sacrifice and his victory over sin and death are available solely through the Holy Roman Church. In other words, the façade demonstrates that it is only by entering the Church Militant, by becoming a faithful member of the Catholic community, that one can enter the Church Triumphant, that is the Kingdom of Heaven. This making visible of the mediating function of the Church articulates not only a key tenet of Catholic belief, but the essence of Ignatius’s theology of the cosmos of the middle, according to which the middle is the Church and in the middle is Christ the Mediator who breaks down the wall between above and below, between heaven and earth. Before exploring the latter or indeed any aspect of the façade’s program, it is necessary to consider briefly the role of the structure within the urban fabric.

I am grateful to Charles Scribner III for reading an earlier draft of this essay so attentively. I have benefited greatly from his incisive comments and helpful suggestions. 1   On the ceremonies accompanying the consecration, see: A. Poncelet, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les anciens Pays-Bas, (Memoires de l’Academie royale des Sciences, Lettres et Beaux-Arts de Belgique, 21), 2 vols. (Brussels, 1927), vol. 1, pp. 461-63. For additional references, see: J. Snaet, ‘A Case Study: Rubens Palazzi di Genova and the Jesuit churches of Antwerp and Brussels’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems. (Architectura Moderna, 1), (Turnhout, 2002), p. 162 (note 4). 2   There has been no analysis of the program of the façade or the way that it was intended to function. Indeed, the existence of a program has escaped notice, and, while an

explanation for the inclusion of a third story has been proposed by Anthony Blunt, among others (see below, notes 17 & 18), none has been put forth to account for the freestanding columns or the single entrance; A. Blunt, ‘Rubens and Architecture’, The Burlington Magazine, 119, 1977, 61718. Like Blunt, scholars generally have sought Italian sources for particular features or have considered the façade only very briefly in the context of discussions attempting to sort out the various roles played by François de Aguilón, Pieter Huyssens, and Peter Paul Rubens. For a summary of the literature and the most recent discussion, see: F. Baudouin, ‘Peter Paul Rubens and the Notion Painter-Architect’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems. (Architectura Moderna, 1), (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 15-36, esp. 16-17.

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Barbara Haeger The Church within Antwerp In 1622, Peter Paul Rubens wrote that the Gothic or barbaric style was gradually being replaced by structures that displayed symmetry and otherwise conformed to the rules of the ancient Greeks and Romans and thereby lent glory and splendor to the fatherland. He then cited, as examples of the trend, the Jesuit churches in Antwerp and Brussels and noted that the Jesuits rightly ‘were the first to adopt the innovations in accordance with the dignity of their divinely inspired offices’.3 Rubens’s statement that the Jesuits led the way in what Jeffrey Muller has called a revolution in style that requires an historical explanation is a significant one. Muller 2. View of the Antwerp Town Hall in Renaissance style. remarks that the Archdukes Albert and Isabella also propagated the Italianate style through their patronage of ecclesiastical architecture and notes that the Jesuits effected a similar, radical change in style in their churches in Poland. While he underscores the role of patronage in both regions, Muller asserts that the impetus for the sumptuousness of the Jesuit church in Antwerp came from within the Society of Jesus itself,4 a subject to which I shall return. My interest here is in what seems to be Rubens’s association of the classical style with the renewal of the Catholic faith in his country. The role played by the Society of Jesus in the restoration of Catholicism in the Spanish Netherlands was a crucial one, and it was particularly evident in Antwerp. The Jesuits, who had left the city rather than compromise their faith by submitting to a Calvinist allied government, returned in triumph with Alessandro Farnese in 1585. They immediately set about strengthening the belief of the faithful by establishing religious sodalities and by making visible the city’s return to the True Faith.5 As is frequently noted in the literature, an instance of this practice was their drive to replace the statue of Brabo on the Town Hall with one of the Virgin Mary, the patroness of Antwerp. Led by Franciscus Costerus, provincial head of the order in the Southern Netherlands, the Jesuit Marian sodality spearheaded the campaign, which was supported by the city magistrates and crowned with success in 1587.6 The significance of the installation of the statue of the Virgin Mary on the city’s center of secular authority is obvious. What is less obvious, at least what seems to have received little attention,

3

  P. Lombaerde, ‘The Significance of the two Volumes of Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova for Architectural Theory’,in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems. ( Architectura Moderna, vol.1), (Turnhout, 2002), p.78. 4   J. Muller, ‘Jesuit Uses of Art in the Province of Flanders’, in: J.W. O’Malley, S. J. et al., The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts 1540-1773 (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 2006), pp. 130-33. 5   On the Jesuits and the Counter-Reformation in Antwerp, see: A.K.L. Thijs [cat. exh.] De Jezuïeten en het Katholieke Herstel te Antwerpen na 1585, (Antwerp, 1985); A. K. L. Thijs, Van Geuzenstad tot Katholiek Bolwerk: Maatschappelijke

betekenis van de Kerk in contrareformatorisch Antwerpen , (Turnhout, 1990), pp. 61-96; M.J. Marinus, De contrareformatie te Antwerpen (1585-1676): Kerkelijk leven in een grootstad. (Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België. Klasse der Letteren, 57), (Brussels, 1995), pp.155-71; M. J. Marinus, ‘Kampioenen van de contrareformatie 1562-1773’, in: H. Van Goethem (ed.) Antwerpen en de Jezuïeten 1562-2002 (Antwerp, 2002), pp. 7-70, esp. 16-50. 6   A. Thyssen, Antwerpen vermaard door den Eerdienst van Maria: Geschiedkundige aanmerkingen van de 500 Heiligen beelden in de straten van Antwerpen , (Antwerp, 1922), pp. 148-51; A.K.L. Thijs, o.c., 1990, pp. 107-11.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp is that this substitution marked a return to the past. Antwerp’s old town hall, replaced by the current structure in 1564, also displayed a statue of the Virgin Mary. In 1564, the Virgin was displaced by Brabo as the old Gothic structure was replaced by a classical one. 7 This ‘new’ Town Hall is an exemplary manifestation of Vitruvian principles, as Koen Ottenheym noted when he pointed out that when crediting the Jesuits with introducing the excellent ancient style Rubens overlooked the city’s Town Hall (see Fig. 2).8 Here I wish to suggest that, like Brabo, the building itself was associated with a past, with a government and events that led to revolt and rejection of the True Faith, a past that the current Catholic regime wished both to replace and erase. 9 By installing the Virgin Mary, the personification of Church,10 in the uppermost niche of the Town Hall, the Jesuits not only celebrated Antwerp’s return to the fold and subordinated secular to sacred authority but laid claim to the classical tradition. 11 In Antwerp, as in Rome, the style of the Greeks and Romans became that of the Church. As inaugurated by the Jesuits and propagated by the Archdukes, the style of antiquity became the new face of the Holy Roman Church. Just as the Papacy transformed the humanist image of Rome into that of the New Jerusalem, emphatically mapping a sacred itinerary on the city and crowning its monuments with crosses and with statues of Peter and Paul, so secular and sacred authorities transformed Antwerp.12 The Jesuits participated in the transformation of Rome and their awareness of the importance of location within the urban environment is demonstrated by the strategic site they managed to procure for the Gesù, their mother church. As Thomas Lucas has explained, Ignatius and his followers worked hard to get a site that placed the order in the heart of Rome. Situated on an open piazza and visible

7

  The appearance of the old Town Hall is recorded in a painting by Gilles Mostaert (Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten); Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Catalogus Schilderkunst-- Oude Meesters (Antwerp, 1988), p. 260. A.Thyssen, who refers to Mostaert’s painting, also cites written descriptions, see: A. Thyssen, o.c., 1902, p. 147. 8   K. Ottenheym, ‘Peter Paul Rubens’s Palazzi de Genova and its Influence on Architecture in the Netherlands’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), p. 84. 9   The new Town Hall was built during a time of tension and mounting antagonism toward Philip II and his policies, and Guido Marnef states that in this context the building with its statues and symbols should be seen as an expression of Antwerp’s struggle for freedom; Antwerp in the Age of Reformation: Underground Protestantism in a Commercial Metropolis, 1550-1577 (Baltimore – London, 1996), p.22. Just two years after its completion the iconoclastic riots that inaugurated the revolt against Spain erupted and countless works of art were destroyed as the city’s churches were ransacked. The restoration of the churches and the Catholic faith were central to the policy of the Archdukes Albert and Isabella who sought to unify the provinces of the Southern Netherlands by establishing a single religious identity. They were ably supported in this endeavor by the religious orders, especially the Jesuits (see above, note 5). L. Duerloo, ‘Archducal Piety and Habsburg Power’ in: W. Thomas and L. Duerloo (eds.), Albert and Isabella, 1598-1621. Essays, (Turnhout, 1998), pp. 267-84. 10   The identification of the Virgin with the Church was of longstanding tradition. See, for example, C. J. Purtle, The

Marian Paintings of Jan van Eyck, (Princeton, 1982), pp. 6-8, 9-10, 146-47. An example of the widespread nature of this identification is its employment in the Jesuit Liturgy of Loreto, which Pope Clement VII sanctioned for general use in 1587; J. Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship; Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany, (Princeton, 2002), p.145. On the Virgin as the patroness of Antwerp, see: A. Thyssen, o.c., 1922 and B.Haeger, ‘Abbot Van der Sterre and St. Michael’s Abbey: the Restoration of its Church, its Image and its Place in Antwerp’, in: K. Van der Stighelen and H. Vlieghe (eds.), Sponsors of the Past. Flemish Art and Patronage 1550-1700 (Turnhout, 2005), p. 165. 11   On the connotative aspects of the classical style of the Antwerp Town Hall, see: W. Kuyper. The Triumphant entry of Renaissance Architecture into the Netherlands, 2 vols., (Alphen aan den Rijn, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 154-60. 12   On the transformation of Rome into the New Jerusalem and the forging of connections with the Early Christian past by reconstructing its churches and sites, see: S. Ditchfield, ‘Reading Rome as a Sacred Landscape, c. 1586-1635’, in: W. Coster and A. Spicer (eds.), Sacred Space in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2005), pp.167-92, esp. 168, 190-92. G. Scavizzi, The Controversy on Images From Calvin to Baronius, (Toronto Studies in Religion, vol. 14), (New York, 1992), p.242. On Antwerp, see: J. Muller, l.c., 2006, pp.130-33. Joris Snaet, who is among those who discusses the resemblance between the Antwerp church and Early Christian basilicas, underscores the propagandistic character of both the design and its ornate splendor; see J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp. 170-71.

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Barbara Haeger from a distance, one block from both the papal residence in the Palazzo S. Marco and the city government, the Gesù was at a place where traffic slowed and civic and religious processions paused.13 The site for the church of the Domus Professa in Antwerp was not so happily aligned. Indeed, the constricted space in which it is placed restricts the view one can have of the magnificent façade from the adjacent streets. One feature of the façade, like the church’s tower, 14 however, transcends this limitation: the pediment crowned by a cross and displaying the relief of the Virgin and Child. Like her counterpart on the Town Hall, toward which she faces, the enthroned Virgin rises above the surrounding buildings, an elevated position commented upon at the time. The 1621 description of the façade sent by the Antwerp Jesuits to their headquarters in Rome states that the Virgin enthroned in majesty casts her eyes on her other self whom she greets above the rooftops.15 The following year, the Jesuit Father Grisius wrote a poem in which he makes a similar observation. He says, as Jeffrey Muller notes, that the Virgin on the church surveys the Town Hall ‘so that she might protect it without cease’. Muller adds that the connection between the buildings establishes ‘a corridor of charged sacred space’, which he sees as part of a larger project to sacralize the urban environment.16 It is, I submit, this desire to make the church more prominent in the urban landscape that accounts for the inclusion of the third story on the Jesuit façade. The deviation from the two-story Italian models occurs also in the Jesuit church in Brussels, built at the same time, where it gives Jacques Francart’s design a verticality characteristic of Flemish architecture.17 The addition of the third story in Antwerp, however, does not produce quite the same effect. While it gives a greater verticality to the façade proper, the presence of the recessed stair towers adds unusual breadth. Indeed, Blunt considers the façade’s proportions to be wider and heavier than those of the Italian prototypes. 18 Thus, it would seem that initial impetus for the addition may well have stemmed less from a desire to give the façade an indigenous character than from the need for greater visibility and a wish to link secular and sacred authority: the third story provided the opportunity to add the sculpture of the Virgin and Child so as to establish a dialogue between the Town Hall and the Jesuit church.19 Here it is worth underscoring the importance of the relationship between Church and State. This relationship is explicitly celebrated on the façade of the church by the coats of arms and inscriptions. As described in the letter of 1621, the escutcheons of Philip IV and Isabella were to be installed on either side of the central window, while the coat of arms of the city appeared already above the chronographic inscription that

13

  Th. M. Lucas, ‘The Saint, the Site, the Sacred strategy: Ignatius, Rome and the Jesuit Urban Mission’, in: Th.M. Lucas (ed.), Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome, and Jesuit Urbanism (Rome, 1990), pp. 30-31. 14   See Piet Lombaerde’s essay in this volume. 15   The author goes on to note that the statue was installed on the Town Hall in 1587 by the provincial head of the order, Franciscus Costerus of pious memory. The letter is reproduced as an addendum to J.Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp.17982, esp. p.180. I am most grateful to Christopher Brown of the Department of Greek and Latin at The Ohio State University for translating all the Latin sources that I have used in this study. 16   A. Thyssen, o.c., 1922, p. 273. J. Muller, l.c., 2006, p.129 (note 50). 17   J. Muller, l.c., 2006, p.131 and J.H.Plantenga, L’Architecture Religieuse dans L’Ancien Duché de Brabant depuis le Règne des Archiducs jusqu’au Gouvernement Autrichien (1598-1713), (The Hague, 1926), pp. 63-64. 18   Blunt observes that the Antwerp façade displays a general similarity to Vignola’s rejected design for the Gesù but

that the entablatures do not project forward continuously as the bays approach the center. Instead, ‘the entablatures break forward and then back as in the actual façade by Giacomo della Porta. However, the Antwerp church is distinguished from both those models and other Roman churches by its profusion of figural and decorative sculpture and its wider and heavier proportions, despite the addition of third story’; A. Blunt, l.c., 1977, p. 618. 19   Although Muller sees Grisius’s poem as evidence that the connection between the two buildings was planned from the beginning, this does not seem to be the case; see J. Muller, l.c., 2006, p. 129, note 50. The existence of a drawing by Pieter Huyssens of the façade showing the Hebraic letters in a blaze of glory in the pediment, however, indicates that the plan to include the Virgin must have evolved over time. Huyssens’s drawing, in the archives of St.-Carolus Borromeus church, is reproduced in Plantenga, plate 105 and in J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, fig. 5. I am grateful to Marc Hesbain for his assistance in showing me the drawings in the church archives and in supplying me with relevant information.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp surmounted the entrance. The latter states that the Senate and people of Antwerp at their public and private expense desired to establish this temple to Christ God, the Virgin Mother of God and the Blessed Ignatius Loyola the founder.20 The connection between the Town Hall and the Church reinforces the message of a united Catholic community. Moreover, the two structures create a mutually reinforcing representation of the triumphant Church – as an institution on earth and as the gateway to the Kingdom of Heaven. Visual Splendor Reinforcing the message of triumph is the magnificence of the façade of the Jesuit church, a magnificence that is both striking and unusual and that is described at great length in the Jesuit letter of 1621.21 No other early modern European church displays such a profusion of sculpture or lavish ornament.22 Indeed, the employment of sumptuous ornament and the construction of elaborate ecclesiastical structures was a controversial topic within the Jesuit order. Those who supported it, like the Jesuit Johannes David, whose books for the laity were printed in Antwerp, argued that such ornamentation honored God and was justified because the churches were to look like heavenly places on earth. 23 Joris Snaet, who points this out, also notes that the visual splendor created by the profusion of ornament gave expression to the triumph of the renewed Catholic faith.24 Surely, the singular richness of the façade was intended to celebrate this renewal in Antwerp by displaying at its apex the Virgin

20

  ChrIsto Deo VIrgInI DeIparae/ B. IgnatIo LoIoLae/ SoCIetaIs aUtorI/ SenatUs popULUsqUe AntVerpIensIs/ PUbLiCo et prIVato/ aere ponere VolUIt. The letter is included as an addendum to J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp.17982. 21   The letter pays great attention to the materials out of which the façade is created, describing decorative features at some length. It identifies the subjects of the reliefs and statues but says little else beyond describing the materials from which they were made. The only exception is the more detailed description of the Virgin enthroned in majesty in the pediment. This kind of account seems to be typical of those written at the time. See, for example, the description of the high altar of St Michael’s Abbey given by its abbot. Johannes Chrysostomus Van der Sterre, Echo S. Norberti triumphantis, (Antwerp, 1629), pp. 58-62. 22   In his invaluable study of Jesuit churches in Germany, Jeffrey Chipps Smith comments on the lack of sculptural ornamentation on Jesuit church façades, which he finds surprising in light of the order’s predilection for pictorial display (p.123). An exceptional case is that of St Michael’s in Munich. While this Jesuit church displays a large number of sculptures, its appearance is radically different from the one in Antwerp. The vast majority of figures in the niches on the rather austere façade are secular. As Smith explains, the façade celebrates the church’s patron Duke Wilhelm V and his ancestors as defenders of the faith, while underscoring the subordination of state to Church; J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, pp. 60-65. 23   J. David, Het Bloem-hof der kerckelicker cerimonien, (Antwerp, 1622), pp. 9, 26, and 70. On the adornment of Jesuit churches, see: Evonne Levy, ‘‘A Noble Medley and Concert of Materials and Artiface’. Jesuit Church Interiors in

Rome, 1567-1700’, in: T. M.Lucas (ed.), Saint, Site and Sacred Strategy: Ignatius, Rome, and Jesuit Urbanism, (Rome, 1990), pp. 46-62. The magnificence that predominated in Roman Jesuit churches after 1660 was certainly championed earlier, especially in Antwerp and Genoa, but nonetheless remained controversial. Christine Göttler has demonstrated that the richness of decoration of the Jesuit church in Genoa was not only believed to honor God but was understood as contributing to the donor’s salvation. Alms given for the foundation and decoration of the house of God were considered a species of good works and the donation of earthly treasure represented the donor’s trust in the heavenly treasure earned by the gift; see Ch. Göttler, ‘Nomen mirificium. Rubens’s Beschneidung Jesu für den Hochaltar der Jesuitenkirche in Genua’, in: K.Reichert (ed.), Zeitsprünge: Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, 1, 1997, 3 /4, Sonderheft, “Aspekte der Gegenreformation”, V. von Fleming (ed.), pp.796-844, esp. pp. 804 and 822-23. Finally, Thomas M. Lucas, citing a document of 1558, states that churches were specifically exempted from the demand for spartan utility, strength, and simplicity that were to characterize Jesuit houses; see Th.M. Lucas, l.c., 1990, p. 40. The splendor of the Antwerp church provoked both positive and negative responses but fulfilled its function in drawing crowds of visitors. That even heretics came and were favorably impressed is recorded in both 1651 and 1648; M.J. Marinus, l.c., 2002, pp. 27-28. Finally, the value of rich materials in attracting attention was recognized by the Jesuit order. As Muller writes, the belief that external splendor will make learning attractive was a central principle of Jesuit teaching, rhetoric, and art; see J. Muller, l.c., 2006, p.121. 24   J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp. 169-70.

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Barbara Haeger

3. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail of entrance.

enthroned in glory in the pediment facing her counterpart on the Town Hall. Moreover, the celebratory effect created by the sumptuous character of the façade was reinforced by specific motifs, such as, the triumphal arch entrance, the trumpeting winged-victories (see Fig. 3), and the crown of laurel being placed on the head of Ignatius (see Fig. 4). Another crown, one supporting palms of martyrdom, surmounts the insignia of the Jesuits inscribed on a cartouche which it is being born aloft by cherubs (see Fig. 5). Thus the celebration of the triumph of the Church is clearly linked with distinctly Jesuit symbols. The visual splendor of the façade also provides a fitting frontispiece for the church interior that signifies the Heavenly Jerusalem.25 Suited to this function are the motifs of victory concentrated in the central bay that signify both Christ’s triumph over sin and death, thereby conveying the promise of everlasting life, and the Church’s victory over heresy. These two themes were reinforced by the program of the interior where they were developed in Rubens’s ceiling paintings.26 Furthermore, the

25

  J. David, o.c., 1622, pp. 9 and 70.   On Rubens’s paintings, see: J. R. Martin, The Ceiling Paintings for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp, Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, part I, (New York and London, 1968); A.C. Knaap, ‘Meditation, Ministry, and Visual Rhetoric in Rubens’s Program for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp’, in: J. W. O’Malley et al. The Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences and the

26

Arts 1540-1773 (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 2006), pp. 157-181 and A.C. Knaap, ‘Seeing in Sequence. Peter Paul Rubens’ Ceiling Cycle at the Jesuit Church in Antwerp’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 55, 2004, 155-96, esp. 161. See also, Knaap’s dissertation: Seeing in Sequence: Rubens and the Jesuit Church in Antwerp (Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2007).

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp

4. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail showing angels crowning the bust of St. Ignatius Loyola.

5. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail showing cartouche with the Jesuit Insignia being borne aloft by cherubs.

centrality of these themes at the time, particularly to the Catholics of Antwerp, and the familiarity of the signs of victory would surely have made these meanings of the façade accessible to most beholders. The structure, however, addresses a wide range of the faithful, one that ran the gamut from illiterate Antwerp citizen to learned Jesuit theologian, and responses to it would have been similarly varied and nuanced. To arrive at these responses, it is necessary to explore the significance of the figural and symbolic elements within the structure of the façade – to examine the way that links are established, images are framed, and space is experienced. This examination reveals that the inventive integration of sculptural and architectonic elements prompts a variety of associations and makes visible a rich conception of the authority of the Church and its mediating function, while simultaneously addressing Jesuit issues of mission, identity, and theology. That such complexity of signification is intentional is evident in the unique architectural and pictorial qualities of the façade. Structure and Framework The dominant feature of the façade is the central bay; it is here that both pictorial and plastic features are concentrated and a sense of crescendo – in accordance with common Italian practice – is achieved. In the Antwerp church, as in its Italian prototypes, this visual climax is accomplished by the increasing dissolution of the planar surface of the bays and a simultaneous increase of the architectonic and sculptural elements as one approaches the center. Significantly, this type was first given form in the façade of the Gesù, the Jesuit mother church in Rome designed by Giacomo della Porta and

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Barbara Haeger

7. The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa: elevation of the façade. (From: P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genova, Antwerp, 1622, vol.2, Chiesa XXIII, Figura 66).

completed in 1575.27 However, while the central bay of the façade of the Gesù, as built, steps for6. Vignola. Final project for the façade of Il Gesù (1570). Mario ward and concentrates plastic elements within the Cartaro Engraving (c.1573). bay, the latter is framed by pilasters, not columns.28 It was Vignola, who, in his rejected design for the Gesù engraved in 1573 (see Fig. 6), emphasized the bay as a whole by employing engaged columns and by breaking the raking cornice. He thereby also underscored the central salient feature in the pediment that bears the Jesuit insignia.29 The central bay is further enhanced in the Antwerp church by the quantity of the sculptural features and their very high relief as well as by the unique employment of freestanding columns.

27   J. S. Ackerman, ‘The Gesù in the Light of Contemporary Church Design’, in: R. Wittkower and I.B. Jaffé (eds.), Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution , (New York, 1972), p. 25. On the relationship between the Antwerp church and those in Rome and Genoa, see: P. Parent, L’Architecture des Pays-Bas Meridionaux (Belgique et Nord de la France au XVIe, XBIIe, XVIIIe Siècles (Paris and Brussels, 1926), esp. pp. 48-54, 127 ff. F. Baudouin, ‘De toren van de Sint-CarolusBorromeuskerk te Antwerpen’, Academia Analecta, 44, 1983, 3, 15-56, esp. p.38; J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp.176-79; Id., ‘De bouwprojecten voor de Antwerpse jezuïetenkerk’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi ingegni,

grandissimo splendore: Studies over de religieuze architectuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de 17de eeuw, (Leuven, 2000), pp.43-66. 28   Columns are employed only in the aedicule that frames the entrance and thus makes the latter the climactic focus of the façade. 29   It is worth noting that the angels that crown the pediment in Pieter Huyssens’s drawing of the façade appear to have been inspired by those in Vignola’s engraving. Indeed, the angel in the center who kneels and embraces the cross is nearly identical. See above, note 19.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp While the central bay is given greater prominence as a whole in Antwerp than in the Roman prototypes, the bays immediately adjacent are given a greater independence. These bays not only include niches containing freestanding sculpture but are distinguished by being defined by single pilasters, which, unlike the two designs for the Gesù, do not overlap with orders demarcating the central bay. In other words, although they are visually subordinated to the central bay, the two bays that frame it possess a defined identity and integrity that is not impinged upon by the former. This feature, which I shall argue is essential in the construction of the façade’s central argument, appears to derive from two interrelated sources. One is the Jesuit church in Genoa, the façade (see Fig. 7) and cross section of which were reproduced by Rubens in his Palazzi di Genova.30 Here, as in Antwerp (see Fig. 1), the flanking bays include niches which are placed between pilasters. The latter both define the bay at each level and establish a link with the bays above and/or below. In other words, the flanking bays establish a frame for the center, an effect that is enhanced in the Genoese church by the unusually recessed middle. The arrangement may have been intended to suggest a gateway, a form appropriate to the significance of the façade’s threshold function. In the Antwerp façade, however, the flanking bays are less emphatically defined. Nonetheless, their framing function is 8. Jerome Nadal, Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia, third ediapparent as they maintain their architectural tion, (Antwerp, 1607): title page (engraved by one of the Wierix integrity and independent identity, an identity brothers -Hieronymous?). made explicit by the statues they contain. These point to the second work that seems to have played a role in the genesis of the façade. This is the title page for Jerome Nadal’s Annotations and meditations on the Gospels (Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia) first printed in Antwerp in 1595 (see Fig. 8), an important and influential Jesuit work.31

30

  The first volume was printed in Antwerp in 1622. There is some dispute about whether the second volume also was printed then or somewhat later, around 1626; P. Lombaerde, l.c., 2002, p.55. The Jesuit church of Genoa was one of four churches whose façades are reproduced in Rubens’s book, and it is not the only one to display similarities to the Antwerp structure. As Piet Lombaerde and Joris Snaet have noted, the octagonal arcades of the towers that crown the staircases at either side of the Antwerp façade resemble the towers of S. Maria Assunta di Carignano; see P. Lombaerde, l.c., 2002, pp.107-09; J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, p. 177.

31

  On Ignatius’s Spiritual Exercises and Nadal’s work, see: D. Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response, (Chicago – London, 1989), pp. 161-91, esp. 179-83; W. S. Melion, ‘An Introductory Study: The Art of Vision in Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationis et meditationes in Evangelia’, in: Jerome Nadal, S.J. Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels, Frederick A. Homann, S.J. (trans.), vol. 1: The Infancy Narratives (Philadelphia, 2003), pp. 1-96; J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, pp. 29-54, esp. pp. 41-44. On the early printing history, see below, note 37.

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Barbara Haeger The Frontispiece: Title Page and Church Façade Each of the bays that frame the center of the Jesuit church façade contains three statues. On the lowest level, flanking the triumphal arch of the entrance, are Peter and Paul, and above them are the four evangelists (see Fig. 9). While the Prince Apostles are included with some frequency on church façades, the four evangelists are not. Indeed, like the profusion of sculptural ornament, the presence of the gospel writers in the form of freestanding figural sculptures appears to be unprecedented. Consequently, their inclusion on Nadal’s title page, another Jesuit work produced in Antwerp, is significant: as on the church façade, the evangelists are depicted with their attributes,32 presented on an architectural structure, and displayed one above the other on the piers that frame the center. An examination of the title page reveals several additional similarities. A number of these – the winged cherub heads, garlands, and flaming pots or torches – appear with such frequency in the art of the 9. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: deperiod as to be inconsequential. Indeed, they are tail. all present on the Jesuit church in Genoa where some occupy the same position that they do in the Antwerp structure (see Figs.1 and 7).33 Others, however, are sufficiently prominent and distinctive so as to suggest an influence. Along with the four evangelists, these include the reclining angels and the broken pediment on which they appear. The angels are shown supporting the Jesuit insignia on Nadal’s frontispiece and crowning the bust of St. Ignatius on the façade (see Fig. 5). Given the similarities of both particulars and structure Nadal’s title page warrants further consideration. According to Marc Fumaroli, who has examined Nadal’s frontispiece in the context of the title pages of other Jesuit treatises concerning sacred oratory, the four evangelists, like the four principal Latin Church Fathers represented on the base that supports them, appear as ancestors and guarantors of the eloquence sacred to the Society of Jesus. They are included within an elaborate architectural framework whose rich ornament and celebratory character underscore the panegyric nature of the text and proclaim the universal power of Christian, specifically Jesuit, eloquence. The object of their praise, Fumaroli explains, is presented in the center of the pediment surrounded by signs of celestial and terrestrial glory: angels, garlands, and pots of incense. This is the Holy Name of Jesus above three nails shown in a blaze of glory, the insignia and rallying cry of the Jesuit order.34 32

  On the façade the winged sign of each evangelist appears beneath the pedestal on which he stands. 33   The flaming and smoking pot, which is in the center of Nadal’s structure, appears in a variant form at the ends of the pediment in both church façades. A winged angel head is visible in the uppermost story of the Antwerp Church (above Ignatius Loyola) and in the same location in Genoa, where it is also included in the center of the lower story.

Finally, in both Genoa and Antwerp, winged angel heads, flanked by garlands, are shown in the frieze between the capitals of pilasters of the uppermost bays beneath the pediment. 34   M. Fumaroli, ‘Sur le Seuil des Livres: Les Frontispices Gravés des Traités d’Éloquence (1594-1641)’, in : L’École du Silence: Les Sentiment des Images au XVIIe Siècle, (Paris, 1994), pp.424-25. I am grateful to Anna C. Knaap for bring-

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp The insignia of the order, which appear in the center of the Antwerp façade between the four evangelists, are here placed above their heads and directly over the title of the work within the architectural structure. The latter Fumaroli describes as encasing the inscription, commenting on it, and presenting a visual discourse that is in harmony with the text that follows.35 In this regard, Nadal’s frontispiece is typical of the title pages of Jesuit texts of this period that concern sacred oratory. As Fumaroli writes, these title pages are conceived of as ephemeral arches that punctuate a sacred itinerary; they serve as devices that orient the space of the book at its most sensible point. In other words, they can be considered thresholds that give access to the contents within by preparing one to enter with the appropriate state of mind.36 Fumaroli has demonstrated that Nadal’s title page serves as the threshold between ordinary, colloquial speech and sacred eloquence, one which both represents the object toward which that eloquence is directed and those who guarantee it: the evangelists and Church Fathers who are the spiritual ancestors of the Jesuits. While Fumaroli shows how the page prepares one for the sacred oratory of the text, I would like to consider its connection to the title page of the work’s companion volume, the Evangelicae historiae imagines (see Fig. 10) , which contains the illustrations of the gospel narratives, images to which Nadal’s annotations and meditations are keyed.37 The title page for the Imagines, which shows the resurrected Christ in glory, makes visible the promise of salvation as it envisions the glorious news of the gospels. In other words, while the title page of the text volume represents the Holy Name as the object of praise of the

ing this essay to my attention during the early stages of my research. 35   Ibid. 36   Ibid, p. 421. 37   The volume of images was printed in Antwerp in 1593 and the text volume in 1594. Although each volume could be employed in aiding meditation by itself, the two were conceived to work together and were printed this way in 1595; J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, p. 212 (note 64). A third edition appeared in 1607; W.S. Melion, ‘An Introductory

10. Jerome Nadal, Evangeliae Historiae Imagines, second edition, (Antwerp, 1596). Title Page (engraved by Hieronymous Wierix after Maarten de Vos).

Study: The Art of Vision in Jerome Nadal’s Adnotationis et meditationes in Evangelia’, in: Jerome Nadal, S.J. Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels, Frederick A. Homann, S.J. (trans.), vol. 1: The Infancy Narratives (Philadelphia, 2003), pp. 1-96, esp. p.1. For an English translation of the text that integrates text and images, see: Jerome Nadal, S.J. Annotations and Meditations on the Gospels, Frederick A. Homann, S.J. (trans.), vols. 1 & 3: The Infancy Narratives (Philadelphia, 2003, 2005), vol. 2: The Resurrection Narratives (forthcoming).

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Barbara Haeger evangelists, the Latin Church Fathers, and, by extension, the Jesuits who were their successors as preachers and exegetes, the frontispiece for the volume of images makes visible the promise of salvation inherent in that name.38 Thus, the title page for the text prepares one for that of the images and the latter conveys the truth that is arrived at via the activities of the evangelists and the Church Fathers, via preaching and exegesis. Understood in this way, the title page for the text volume also presents an explicitly Counter-Reformation argument, one which was particularly relevant in Antwerp at this time. According to this argument, the Church Fathers who support the Evangelists can be understood as exemplifying the Church that interprets the word of God – the necessary intermediary between the scriptures and the believer. As Franciscus Costerus states, the true understanding of the Scriptures can be found only in the Holy Church.39 In keeping with this reading, the architectural framework signifies the Church. It is the Church that makes the Word accessible as it glorifies the redemptive powers of the Holy Name. The striking resemblance between the title page of the Imagines and an altar retable, see, for example, the high altar of the Jesuit church (see Fig.18), supports this interpretation. Here the resurrected Christ appears in glory, bathed in celestial light and encircled by angels. The framework that surrounds him marks the threshold between this world and the next and thus reminds of Christ’s statement that he is the door and all who enter in by him shall be saved (John 10:9). That this door is accessible only through the church, however, is indicated by the placement of the image above an altar.40 Moreover, the portrayal of Christ as standing in the heavenly empyrean and displaying the marks of his sacrifice draws a connection between salvation and the Eurcharistic rite. Indeed, the image recalls the language of the Council of Trent, which describes the Holy Sacrament as the re-presentation of Christ’s sacrifice in which by ‘shedding his blood he redeemed and delivered us from the power of darkness and translated us into his kingdom’.41 Like Nadal’s frontispieces, the façade of the Jesuit church underscores the intermediary role of the Church as it celebrates Christ as Savior. The joyous message of the gospels is made visible in the triumphant images of the central bay, while the Church’s mediating role is represented by the framing bays. Although the visual resemblance between the frontispiece for Nadal’s text volume and the façade is close enough to suggest a direct influence, it is the conception of these title pages that provides the key for understanding the design of the façade and that explains its unique profusion of sculptural ornament. As has been discussed, Jesuit title pages of the period function like church façades; they mark the threshold and prepare one for what lies beyond, and they employ architectural frameworks to make this apparent. The employment of such architectural frameworks on title pages was by no means unique to the Jesuits. Indeed, by the time Nadal’s work was printed it had become extremely common as had

38

  See below, note 53.   One of the chief concerns of the Counter-Reformation Church was the reaffirmation of its authority and intercessory function. In direct opposition to the claims of the Reformers, the Catholic Church insisted that the true meaning of the Scriptures was not directly accessible to all; based on the authority of the exegeses of the Church Fathers and established by tradition, it was determined by the Church alone. This is clearly stated by Costerus in his commentary on Colossians 4:3-4 in which, citing both Jerome and John Chrysostom, he attacks as heretical the statement that one can read and understand the scriptures for oneself; Het Nieu Testament onses Heeren Jesu Christi met uytlegginge der plasetsen die duyster luyden, (Antwerp, 1614), p. 701. Elsewhere he writes that all claims to a proper understanding must be supported by another sign and only Catholics have this. It is the unbroken succession apostolic teaching; Het 39

Nieu Testament onses Heeren Jesu Christi met korte uytleggingen, (Antwerp, 1594), p. 689. 40  The inscription beneath the image, however, is from Matthew not John, as Jeffrey Chipps Smith notes. It states:‘Come unto me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest’ (Matthew 11:28); see J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, p.42.The choice of text is appropriate to the function of the work, which is to assist those who are seeking Christ through prayer and meditation. Significantly, Smith likens the experience of the worshipper at the threshold of the choir in St. Michael’s in Munich to that of the meditator during the fourth week of Ignatius’s Spiritual Exercises. He describes this experience as an encounter with ‘the post-Resurrection Christ and the rewards offered to the individual who truly gives himself or herself over to God’ (p.91). 41   H.J. Schroeder, O.P. (trans.), Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, (St. Louis and London, 1960), p. 145.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp the employment of pictorial elements that prepared one for the nature of the text and often made visible the latter’s central meaning. As Julius Held has demonstrated in his discussion of Rubens as a designer of title pages, by the early seventeenth century a tradition had been established that necessitated presenting in allegorical terms and in severely limited space a condensation of the contents of the book or ‘at least a pictorial equivalent of its basic message’.42 It is this tradition that inspired the design of the Antwerp façade. Like a title page, the façade of the Jesuit church presents a message. Moreover, like the frontispieces for Nadal’s volumes, it employs a profusion of sculptural ornament to articulate that message, while drawing upon Italianate models to create a framework which provides a spatial dimension to help deliver the desired meaning. In other words, it appears that the designer of the façade was led by contemporary title pages -- and specifically by Nadal’s frontispiece -- to conceive of the façade in the spirit of medieval churchman and builders. Like the portals of Romanesque and Gothic churches, the Antwerp façade unites a profusion of sculpture and an architectural framework to mark the threshold between secular and sacred space, to symbolize the Church and to represent its interce­ ssory role as the Gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem.43 The Jesuit church, however, not only employs a new, classical architectural vocabulary but presents a specifically Counter-Reformation argument, one that simultaneously makes visible the Church as an institution on earth and identifies it as being the sole access to the Heavenly Jerusalem. The Church Militant That the bays framing the center signify the Church Militant, the Church as an institution on earth, is reinforced by the sculptures that adorn them. These represent Peter, Paul, and the four Evangelists (see Fig.1 ).44 Peter and Paul, the Prince Apostles, are frequently employed to represent the Holy Roman Church and the orthodoxy of its doctrine. They are the historic defenders of the true faith.45 Peter, the rock on whom Christ founded his Church and to whom he gave the keys to the Kingdom of Heaven – the keys that signify the power to loose and to bind, to save and condemn – ­traditionally represents the authority of the papacy and the powers of the clergy bestowed through the apostolic

42

  J. S. Held (ed.), ‘Introduction’, in: J.S. Held, Rubens and the Book: Title Pages by Peter Paul Rubens, (Williamstown, Mass., 1977), p. 5. 43   The significance of the sculptural programs of the entrance portals has been frequently noted and discussed in detail in the literature. However, here it is perhaps worth citing C.B. Kendall, The Allegory of the Church: Romanesque Portals and Their Verse Inscriptions, (Toronto, 1998), especially “ ‘I am the door’: Typological Allegory and the Design of the Romanesque Portal”, pp. 51-68. 44   Thyssen believes that the six statues were executed by Robrecht de Nole whom he also states did the relief in the pediment. In his discussion of the damage done to the façade during the French Revolution and the restoration of 181820, he notes that while the Virgin and Child and the statues of Luke and John were restored and returned, those of Mark, Matthew, Peter, and Paul, along with the bust of Ignatius, had to be replaced. Statues of Peter and Paul that had stood at the entrance to the Jesuit courtyard were moved to the façade, while new sculptures of the other figures were carved; see A. Thyssen, o.c., 1922, pp.272-73). 45   Ruth Wilkins Sullivan notes that the joint authority of the two apostles and their status as guarantors of the ortho-

doxy of the Roman Church was established already in the first century and writes that Irenaeus of Lyon directly links ‘the primacy of the Roman Church with its joint foundation by the martyr apostles Peter and Paul’; see R. Wilkins Sullivan, ‘Saints Peter and Paul: Some Ironic Aspects of their Imaging’, Art History, 17, 1994, 59-80, esp. p.64. The Counter-Reformation Church employed monumental representations of the pair to assert its claim to being the true heir to the divine foundation of the Early Christian Church, as André Chastel argues in ‘Two Roman Statues: Saints Peter and Paul’, in: W. Stedman Sheard and J. T. Paoletti (eds.), Collaboration in Italian Renaissance Art , (London – New Haven, 1978), pp. 60-62. On Peter and Paul and orthodoxy in the Southern Netherlands in general, see J. B. Knipping, Iconography of the Counter Reformation in the Netherlands, II, (Leiden, 1974), pp. 481-82 and M. Westermann, ‘A monument for Roma Belgica: Functions of the oxaal at ‘s Hertogenbosch’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 45, 1994, p. 417. See also: B. Haeger, ‘The Choir Screen at St. Michael’s Abbey in Antwerp: Gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem’, in: K. Van der Stighelen (ed.), Munuscula amicorum: contributions on Rubens and his colleagues in honour of Hans Vlieghe, 2 vols., (Turnhout, 2006).

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Barbara Haeger succession.46 Paul, on the other hand, exemplifies the authority of the Church in defining doctrine, for his epistles form the foundation of Church dogma. He is known as the apostle to the Gentiles and specifically in Jesuit images personifies ‘the apostolic Church charged with carrying the message of Christ throughout the world’.47 The placement of Peter and Paul on either side of the triumphal arch, which opens into the sacred space of the interior that symbolizes the Heavenly Jerusalem, indicates, as Costerus writes in his discussion of Christ’s giving the keys to Peter, that the only way into heaven is through the Church.48 Above this pair are the four evangelists whose gospels proclaim the joyous news of redemption. They also symbolize the apostles who went forth to preach and to heal, the apostles and evangelists who constituted the early Church and to whom the Jesuits, like all clergy, likened themselves.49 They are commonly referred to as the foundation of the Church, and Costerus explains that this is so because they taught faith in Christ and invested the Church with this faith. Moreover, they established its doctrine, which Peter and Paul supported with their blood.50 While the sculptures identify the flanking bays as representing the authority of the Church and its doctrine, those in the center – each one including angels and symbols of triumph – depict the celestial realm, the Kingdom of God that is exemplified by the church interior. Thus, the façade makes visible its function. It marks the liminal zone51 between its urban surroundings and that which lies

46

  See, for example, the works of the Jesuit theologians Johannes David and Cornelis à Lapide. In his lengthy explanation of the significance of the keys in his commentary on Matthew 16:17, Cornelis à Lapide, professor of Holy Scripture at Leuven between 1596 and 1616, says: ‘The sense then is this – I, Christ, will give to thee Peter as a Pontiff, and consequently to all the other Popes who come after thee, the keys of the kingdom of heaven, by which I mean supreme authority to rule the universal Church dispersed throughout the whole world, that by the keys, i.e. by thy power in opening or shutting, the Church to men, thou mayest open or shut heaven to them’; see C. à Lapide, The Primacy of Peter. Is it Scriptural? The argument for and against, trans. Thomas W. Mossman, (London, 1893), pp.15-16. The text can also be found in The Great Commentary of Cornelius à Lapide: St. Matthew’s Gospel Chapters X-XXI, trans. Thomas W. Mossman et al, (Edinburgh, 1908), p. 212ff. J.David, o.c., 1622, p. 87. 47   J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, pp. 139-40, 88. 48   This statement is part of his commentary on Matthew 16:19; Het Nieu Testament, 1594, p.47. If Joannes de la Barre’s engraving of c.1644 accurately represents the façade (see Fig.1 in the Introduction by Piet Lombaerde), Peter and Paul originally would have flanked the Holy Name rather than the entrance. This, however, does not affect my interpretation as the implication is the same. They provide access to the means of redemption as is made visible in the other images in which the Jesuit insignia appears between the Prince Apostles. See, for example, Jan Sadeler’s 1586 engraving after Maarten de Vos (H. 716). 49   The framing bays represent the Church Militant but can also be understood specifically as reminding the Jesuits of their ministry. Nadal defined the Jesuit vocation as an imitation and revivification of the lifestyle of the first disciples, and he used the word apostolic in defining the order’s mission to signify and abandonment of worldly attachments and a

d­ edication to preaching and healing; J. W. O’Malley, The First Jesuits, (Cambridge, Mass. – London, 1993), p.73. The four evangelists in this context could be understood as exemplifying the order’s emphasis on preaching, a vocation to which the Jesuits felt particularly called. In each pair, one figure appears as contemplative, while the other is engaged in an act of oratory. Thus, they could be taken to represent the spiritual journey, the inner experience of the Word, that serves as a basis for decision and sacred oratory; J. W. O’Malley, ‘The Society of Jesus’, in: R. L. De Molen (ed.), Religious Orders of the Catholic Reformation: In Honor of John C. Olin on his 75th Birthday, (New York, 1994), pp. 144-47. Below the evangelists are Peter and Paul. Peter represents the Pope who the order was dedicted to serve and who had the authority to send its members anywhere at anytime; H. Rahner, Ignatius the Theologian, Michael Barry (trans.), (New York, 1968), pp. 120-21. Paul, as John O’Malley writes, personifies the Jesuit Ministry; see J.W. O’Malley, o.c., 1993, p.73. 50   He makes these statements in commenting respectively on Ephesians 2:13 and John 14:25; Het Nieu Testament, 1594, pp.658 and 335. 51   As Edmund Leach explains, liminal zones partake of the character of both the contrasting territories, and they serve to connect as well as separate. They are made visible by physical and ceremonial markers, and the rites connected with them serve to facilitate the transition from one spatial and temporal area to the other. He explains the relationship, using the accounts in Exodus and Leviticus of the sacred precincts of the Tabernacle and the Holy of Holies to illustrate his discussion, in his chapter ‘The Logic of Sacrifice’. The liminal zone, he explains, partakes of the qualities of both This World and The Other World and mediates between the two by means of sacrificial rituals; see E. Leach, Culture & communication: the logic by which symbols are connected (An introduction to the use of structuralist analysis in social anthropology), (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 81-93. The rites that

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp within by appearing as the gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem. The framing bays represent the Church Militant, which acts in the world, and the central bay signifies the Church Triumphant, to which the former provides access. The sculptures in the central bay not only evoke triumph but specifically signal transcendence, the promise of everlasting life, and reveal the means by which believers are saved. It is this allegorical, pictorial content that makes the façade unique and which can be fully understood only by exploring it within the context of Jesuit thought and theology. The Cosmos of the Middle: The Central Bay and Ignatian Theology The central bay serves to display Christ’s humanity and links his visibility with that of the Church. Since the Word became flesh, Ignatian theology asserts, all immediate contact with the Father is mediated by Christ’s humanity.52 While Christ’s humanity is represented in the pediment, his divinity is made apparent in the gold letters of the monogram of the Holy Name which appears along with the three nails that together constitute the Jesuit insignia (see Fig. 5). The Holy Name possesses miraculous properties, as noted by Paul, who in Romans 10:13 states that all who call upon it shall be saved.53 These properties are underscored by Nadal, who discusses the etymology of Jesuah, the Hebrew name for Jesus. As Walter Melion writes, Nadal’s explication of Jesus can be read as a condensation of the statement: ‘The Lord has been made savior and salvation’. Melion also notes that Nadal interprets the biblical account as indicating that the name Jesus that bears the promise of salvation was given by the angel before Christ was conceived in the Virgin’s womb.54 However, for the promise to be fulfilled the Word must become flesh and the divine power of the name bound to the human form of the sinner. This is celebrated in the ritual of the Circumcision, the moment when Christ first shed blood, a feast day of singular importance to the Jesuit order.55 That the insignia on the Antwerp façade are triumphantly borne aloft by a crowd of cherubs, who lift them toward the martyr’s crown, is, I believe, intended to make apparent Christ’s divine nature and the promise of salvation inherent in the golden letters of the Holy Name. Supporting this interpretation is the relationship between the façade and Rubens’s 1605 painting of the Circumcision for the high altar in the Capella Maggiore of the Jesuit church in Genoa. The Circumcision (see Fig. 11) is part of a richly ornamented ensemble, which is reproduced in an engraving in Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova (see Fig. 12), and which displays similarities with the Jesuit façade, especially its lowest level.56 The triumphal arch entrance to the church closely resembles

are performed upon crossing the boundaries between differently defined territories or spaces are rites of passage, as articulated in Arnold Van Gennep’s seminal work, Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle Caffee (trans.), The Rites of Passage, (Chicago, 1960). On Van Gennep’s classification of rites, see, pp. 1-14; on portals and thresholds and the attendant rites of transition, see especially, pp. 15-25. 52   Costerus makes this clear in his commentary on Ephesians 2:13; Het Nieu Testament, 1594, p.657. 53   Ch. Göttler, ‘Nomen mirificium. Rubens’s Beschneidung Jesu für den Hochaltar der Jesuitenkirche in Genua’, in: K. Reichert (ed.), Zeitsprünge: Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, vol. 1,1997, Heft 3 /4, Sonderheft, “Aspekte der Gegenreformation”, Victoria von Fleming (ed.), p.841. As indicated below, calling on the Holy Name was understood to confer the power to learn and find forgiveness in the Church. See note 58. 54   W. S. Melion, ‘Cordis circumcisio in spiritu: Imitation and the wounded Christ in Hendrick Goltzius’s Circumcision of

1594’, Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek, 52, 2001, p.53. For Nadal’s explication, see: J. Nadal, o.c., 2003, pp. 146-48. See also: Ch. Göttler, l.c., 1997, pp. 837-39. 55   C. Scribanius, Christelycke Oeffeninghe ende Meditatien, (Antwerp, 1620), p.210. Like the Circumcision, the insignia of the Jesuit order connects Christ’s mortal suffering, symbolized by the cross and the three nails, with his divine nature. In the insignia, however, the divine power of the Holy Name is given prominence. 56   Above the painting in the Capella Maggiore is a winged cherub head and over the statues of Peter and Paul are the palms of martyrdom crossed within a crown. While the former appears above the bust of Ignatius on the church façade, the latter is placed over the cartouche bearing the Jesuit insignia that include the Holy Name. Although Rubens’s painting was installed in 1605, work on the decoration of the chancel did not resume until 1615 ( p.841), the same year that the cornerstone for the Antwerp church was laid.

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Barbara Haeger the Genoese retable, and both are flanked by niches containing statues of the Prince Apostles. As Christine Göttler explains in her illuminating discussion of the painting in its religious and physical context, Peter and Paul, who respectively worked miracles through the name of Jesus and taught that all who call upon it shall be saved, appear as part of a program that celebrates a specifically Catholic understanding of the power of the Holy Name in direct opposition to Calvin’s interpretation of it. 57 Catholics, like Franciscus Costerus, argued that belief in the name of Jesus did not redeem one but rather gave one the power to learn to be a child of God and showed one that forgiveness of sins is to be found in the Holy Church in the sacraments. 58 This link between the sacraments, specifically the Eucharist, and the redemptive powers of the Holy Name is made in the sculptures of the church façade and the painting, both of which present the incarnate Christ in a sacramental manner and celebrate the Holy Name as a golden image encircled by cherubs. Finally, both were the work of Peter Paul Rubens, who is credited with designing the sculptural decoration of the façade and whose drawing for the cartouche bearing the Holy Name (see Fig.13) is among those by his hand that survive.59 Consequently, it is worth exploring the significance of the Circumcision. Göttler demonstrates that the gold Hebraic letters of the Holy Name, displayed in

11. P. P. Rubens. Circumcision (1605). The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa.

57

  Ch. Göttler, l.c., 1997, pp. 796-844, esp. 821-25.   Costerus explains this repeatedly. See, for example, his commentary on John 1:12 Het Nieu Testament onses Heeren Jesu Christi met korte uytlegginge door Franciscum Costerum, (Antwerp, 1614), p. 268. See, also, his commentary on Romans 10: 13. Het Nieu Testament, 1594, pp.516-17. 59   According to L. Burchard and R.A. d’Hulst, these drawings include the cartouche in London, two drawings (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library) of the trumpet-blowing 58

angels that appear in the spandrels of the entrance arch, and a drawing of an angel holding a spear and three nails (London, Collection L. Burchard), which was one of three once intended to crown the pediment but never executed. The last, as the authors note, appears at the left side in the drawing of the pediment executed by Pieter Huyssens (see Fig. 15); see L. Burchard and R.A. d’Hulst, Rubens Drawings, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1963), vol. 1, pp. 184-87. The drawings of the angels and cartouche are discussed by John Rowlands, who dates them 1617-1620 and states that the relief was probably executed by Colyns de Nole; see J. Rowlands, Rubens. Drawings and Sketches: A Catalogue of an exhibition at the Department of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum, (London, 1977), p. 95. Julius S. Held also dates the London and New York drawings between 1617 and 1620. However, he notes that J. Leyssens, adhering to a well-established tradition attributes the reliefs to the De Nole family: Andries the Younger, Robrecht, and Jan; see J.S. Held, Selected Drawings, 2 vols., (London, 1959), vol.1, pp. 149-50, 165.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp

12. The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa: transverse section looking to the High Altar. (From: P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genova, Antwerp, 1622, vol.2, Chiesa XXIII, Figura 66).

the heavens in a blaze of glory and worshipped by angels appear as an icon and command as much attention as the historical Christ.60 The divine power of the name is as apparent as the humanity of Christ whose blood is being shed as he is named Jesus. As Göttler indicates, the great Jesuit theologian Cornelis à Lapide discusses the 13. P.P. Rubens. Drawing for the sculptural relief: cartouche with paradox of the granting of the name of Jesus, the Jesuit Insignia being borne aloft by cherubs. Drawing, pen and meaning the savior who heals us of all sins, after brush and brown ink over underdrawing of black chalk and heightChrist is cut, after Christ, although free from sin, ened with white bodycolor and squared for transfer (c.1617-20). has assumed the human form of a sinner. This underscores that in Christ lowly and elevated, human and divine, are bound.61 In his person, the wall is broken down and above and below are bridged. Rubens makes this visible both in the Circumcision and, I contend, in the central bay of the Jesuit church, where, paradoxically, above and below appear to be inverted, the historical Christ represented in the pediment above the icon of his Holy Name born aloft by cherubs. The aim of the two programs is the same. They celebrate the Holy Name, the imago agens, to use Göttler’s words, of the Jesuit order. Specifically, they make apparent the miraculous powers of the name, which are not perceptible to physical sight, and connect them with the historical, sacrificial Christ.62 They present Christ as the mediator between heaven and earth. Beneath the monogram on the façade, the nails symbolize Christ’s suffering, while his historical being is depicted in the pediment

60

  Ch. Göttler, l.c., 1997, p. 834. For an explanation of the significance of the use of Hebrew and how it underscores that the name is revealed here as an image created by God, see: pp. 837-39 and 820-21.

61

  Ibid, pp. 820-21.   Ibid., p.798.

62

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Barbara Haeger above where he is presented by the Virgin in a manner that prefigures his sacrifice on the altar. While the placement of the Christ Child rather than the monogram in the pediment is necessary in order to link the Virgin with her counterpart on the Town Hall, it also provides the opportunity for making visible the miraculous powers of the Holy Name. The cartouche bearing the monogram is shown ascending toward the martyr’s crown amidst a cloud of cherubs, thereby signifying that it can open the gates of heaven. This power is clearly described by Carolus Scribanius, the rector of the Jesuit College in Antwerp. In his meditation on the Circumcision and the ritual naming, Scribanius writes that the name of Jesus, which means Savior and Redeemer, makes us children of God and opens heaven, which had been closed through sin.63 Finally, in between the images of the divine power of the Holy Name and of Christ’s humanity is the bust of Ignatius (see Fig. 4), whose theology celebrates the visible and who argues that the spiritual must be verified by visible authority, that is, by the Church.64 Here it is worth suggesting that for the Jesuits the central bay may have been seen as presenting Ignatius as the ‘icon of indivisibility’, to use Hugo Rahner’s term.65 Following Rahner’s explanation of Ignatius’s theology, the central bay reliefs can be understood as showing the cosmos of the middle – the above and below that are bound up in the mediating activity of the one mediator – the Word made flesh.66 It is Christ who breaks down the wall, for he is both divine majesty and humanity, as is evident in the Jesuit insignia, which include both the Holy Name and the signs of Christ’s human suffering. As Rahner writes: ‘Between the ‘above’ of immediate consolation and the ‘below’ of the world crying out for redemption there stands the ‘middle’: the Church and, in the Church, the Mediator. The wall between ‘above’ and ‘below’ has been broken down, in Christ two things have been made one (Eph. 2:14)’.67 In other words, I believe that the central bay represents Christ as the Mediator and the Church as the middle where he is located – the Heavenly Jerusalem exemplified by the sacred space of the church interior. Christ is two things made one and is at once in heaven and here below, as Costerus writes of the Church,68 here personified by the enthroned Virgin. That the façade makes this visible can be demonstrated further by considering the pediment in the light of Johannes David’s explication of the Marian epithet the Tabernacle of God with Man (Tabernaculum Dei cum hominibus) in which he considers the various places where God dwells with man. Chief among these tabernacles of God with man, which range from the individual’s soul to the New Jerusalem, is the Virgin Mary in whose womb the Word became flesh.69 Her placement in the center of the accompanying image atop a gateway (see Fig. 14), which opens into a hall through which divine light flows toward the believers in the foreground, makes visible her role and likens her to the Church. She is shown holding the Christ Child just as the Holy of Holies contains the Ark of the Covenant and the tabernacle holds the Host. These images represent the means by which God shows his mercy, which is cause for thanks, as the text asserts. It then states: ‘Behold the tabernacle of God, the mansion of God, the dwelling [place of God], the city of God with man, in man and for man; for salvation, for exaltation, for eternal glorification. Is not it most clear that this is true of the Holy Church? Is not it likewise equally true of the Holy Blessed Sacrament of the body of our Lord?’.70

63

  Christelycke Oeffeninghe ende Meditatien, (Antwerp, 1620), p.210. 64   H. Rahner, o.c., 1968, pp. 214-15, 233ff. 65   Ibid, p.14. 66   Ibid., pp.11-12. 67   Ibid., p.10. 68   Het Nieu Testament, 1594, p. 902. 69   J. David, Pancarpium Marianum, (Antwerp, 1618), pp. 140-42.

70

  Ibid., p. 141: ‘Ecce, tabernaculum Dei, mansio Dei, habitatio, civitas Dei cum hominibus, in hominibus, & pro hominibus, in salute[m], in exaltationem, in glorificatione[m] sempiternam. Numquid de Ecclesia sancta verum id esse, clarissimum est? Numquid similiter æquè verú de sacrosancto Dominici corporis Sacramento?’.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp The above text explains what is depicted in the pediment of the Jesuit church, shown here in a drawing after Rubens (see Fig. 15).71 The curtains are pulled aside to reveal Christ enthroned in the Virgin, the Holy Sacrament in the Church. This interpretation is reinforced when we consider the pediment in the light of the engraving accompanying David’s discussion of the Virgin as the Throne of Solomon (see Fig. 16). The accompanying text repeatedly underscores the Virgin’s intercessory role and explains that all that God wished to give mortals is given through his throne.72 And David writes, ‘You our Lady, gate of life, doorway of salvation, entry of reparation… vessel and temple and safety of all, you showed your son to the world; you exhibited to the world its own creator in visible form’.73 The close resemblance between the sculptural relief in the pediment and the illustrations accompanying David’s text confirms the way the image would have been understood. However, it is the way that the relief relates to the bays beneath it that not only reminds the believer of those familiar meanings but makes them physically apparent. The image is emphasized by the cornice that juts forward above it and aligns with the curtains of 14. Johannes David, Pancarpium Marianum (Antwerp, the baldachin that form the backdrop of the relief 1618): Plate 34. and define its limits. Held by the venerating angels, the folds of the curtains fall in alignment with the columns,74 which are thus linked to one another so as to emphatically frame the central portion of the façade. As a result, the Virgin and Child in the pediment are connected with the triumphal arch of the entrance to the church. Moreover, as these are the most salient features of the façade, a visual equivalency is established between the architecture and the imagery, which reinforces the iconographic connection. This reinforcement not only establishes that the church is the gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem but also underscores that in the ‘middle’, which is the Church, is to be found Christ the Mediator, in whom two things have been made one. Above the entrance is the Holy Name of Jesus, the promise of salvation written in gold and surrounded by a celestial cloud of cherubs which emphasizes his divinity, while in the pediment his sacrificial nature (symbolized in the Jesuit insignia) is made manifest -- the Word made flesh in the womb of the Virgin, the tabernacle of God with man. 71   The drawing is described as being by Pieter Huyssens and an unknown hand after designs by Rubens, one of the original drawings by Rubens is preserved; see H. Van Goethem (ed.) Antwerpen en de Jezuïeten, (Antwerp, 2002), p. 25. Michael Jaffé incorrectly, I believe, attributes the drawing to Rubens and states that Huyssens rendered the architectural lines and added the blue wash; see M. Jaffé, ‘Rubens’ Drawings at Antwerp’, The Burlington Magazine, 98, 1956, p.314 (note 5). 72   Pancarpium Marianum, pp. 72-75.

73   Ibid., p. 75 The complete passage is as follows: ‘Tu verè itaque Domina, porta vitæ, ianua salutis, aditus reparationis, aula vniuersalis pietatis, generalis reconciliationis portus, vas, & templum, & salus vniuersorum. Tu ostendisti mundo Dominum suum, quem nesciebat; tu visibilem exhibuisti mundo suum creatorem, quem priùs non viderat’. 74   At the top the columns are nearly freestanding; as they descend, they increasingly come away from the wall and appear as freestanding at the ground level. This is a very subtle progression and is only perceptible from the side.

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15. Pieter Huyssens and an unknown hand after designs by P.P. Rubens (c.1620). Study for the Pediment. Drawing pen and brown ink with brown and blue wash. (Rubens’s original for the left angel is still extant; however, none of the angels crowning the pediment were executed).

16. Johannes David, Pancarpium Marianum (Antwerp, 1618): Plate 17.

17. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: ­Detail including freestanding columns marking the limits of the façade proper at the right.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp Moreover, the link between the relief in the pediment and the entrance reminds the faithful believers that Christ is the door and that, in the words of Cornelis à Lapide: ‘there is no entrance into the Church, militant and triumphant, except through Christ’.75 The Visible Church, Gateway to the Kingdom of Heaven The sculptures of the central bay reveal the means by which the believer is saved, while the triumphal arch at its base symbolizes the Marian epithet ‘Gate of Heaven’. The connection between the sculptures and the entrance proclaims that by entering the church one enters sacred space, one enters the House of God in which Christ is eternally present in the Holy Sacrament as he is in Heaven. In other words, the Church provides access to the divine and to the means of salvation. As Costerus and David repeatedly write, no one can enter into heaven except through the Church.76 This is the point of the façade wherein the bays are both distinguished from one another and yet united. While the sculptural program establishes their particular identities, the structural parallels reveal that there is only one Church on heaven and here below. A visual connection is drawn between the form of the central bay and that of the façade as a whole, and both share a single entrance. The sole entrance into the church interior is the triumphal arch in the center. The other two doorways do not provide access to the nave or aisles but open into the staircase towers, structures that are set back from the façade proper (see Fig.1 and Plate 2). The inclusion of a single entrance in a fivebayed façade is extremely unusual, perhaps unique. Consequently, it is surely significant. This significance is enhanced by the observation that, although the central bay is distinguished from the framing bays by its character, profusion of ornament, and emphatic framing, its form echoes that of the façade as a whole. The curves formed by the curtain as it is suspended between the baldachin and the angel’s hands, from which it falls to the columns below, echo the sweeping volute-like forms that connect the pediment to the outer edge of the façade proper (see Figs.1 and 9). Each of the volute forms begins with the head of an angel shown in profile and terminates in a scroll motif. Most significantly, both the façade proper and the central bay are framed by freestanding columns of dark stone, which stand out from the rest of the façade. Finally, both are crowned by the cross, presided over by the Virgin and Child in the pediment, and include in the center the same triumphal arch. As I have argued, the central bay signifies the Church Triumphant, the Heavenly Jerusalem that lies beyond the façade both physically and figuratively. It is embedded within the larger structure, reflects its form, and shares the same single entrance in order to make apparent the connection between the Church in heaven and the Church on earth below. That the designers intended the façade to be understood as the Gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem and all that it entails is reaffirmed by the way that it not only serves as a frontispiece for the church but indeed represents the Church. This is evident in the way that the boundaries of the structure are defined as well as in the sculptural program. At the outer edges, the façade proper is delimited by the freestanding columns, the independent and architectonic character of which is made conspicuous by the way that the wall behind them has been scooped out (see Fig. 17). This foregrounding of the columns combined with their unprecedented placement at the boundaries of a façade suggests that they are symbolically significant. The column or pillar – the words are used interchangeably by David and Costerus77 – is used frequently as a metaphor for both the Church and its supporters. It is the former that is of central importance here. Nonetheless, it is worth pointing out that, in his exegesis of Revelations 3:12, Costerus describes at some length the way that the material columns in the physical church support and adorn it and he draws a parallel between them and the saints that adorn the Church 75

  The Great Commentary of Cornelius à Lapide: St. John’s Gospel: Chapters I-XI, trans. Thomas W. Mossman et al, (Edinburgh, 1908), p. 363.

76   F. Costerus, Het Nieu Testament, (Antwerp, 1594), p. 47 (Matthew 16:19); J. David, o.c., 1622, p.70.

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Barbara Haeger Triumphant. Moreover, commenting on the words ‘He who overcomes, I will make him a pillar in the temple of God’, he writes that the temple of God is the Holy Church of which there is only one in heaven and on earth.78 This Church is the Holy Roman Church, ‘the true Church of Christ’, which as David writes, ‘is the column and ground of truth’.79 This metaphor for the Church, which derives from I Timothy 3:15, is used by the Church Father Irenaeus in his treatise Against Heresies, an authority cited repeatedly by Costerus. Significantly, the Church Father employs it to describe the connection between the Church and the gospels. He writes that it is right that there are four gospels because there are four zones of the world and four principal winds. The Church, he continues, is scattered throughout the world ‘and the ‘pillar and ground’ of the Church is the gospel and the spirit of life; it is fitting that she should have four pillars, breathing out immortality on every side, and vivifying men afresh’.80 The metaphorical image of the Church presented in Irenaeus’s text is made both visible and tangible in the Antwerp façade where four columns define the boundaries of the structure and where the sculptural program represents the promise of immortality proclaimed in the gospels and offered through the Church. The Church is called the pillar and ground of truth by St Paul in a passage in which he describes both the Church and the mystery that it contains in terms recalled by the Antwerp façade. Paul states that he is writing to indicate how one should conduct oneself ‘in the house of God, which is the church of the living God, the pillar and ground of truth./ And evidently great is the mystery of godliness, which was manifested in the flesh, was justified in the spirit, appeared unto angels, hath been preached unto the Gentiles, is believed in the world, is taken up in glory’ (I Timothy 3: 15-16). Of particular interest here is Costerus’s exegesis of the two verses, which he invokes to assert the visibility and authority of the Church and to attack the beliefs of heretics, specifically their rejection of the intercessory power of the Church and of the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, the Holy Sacrament of the Altar. Costerus refutes the heretics’ claim that the Church is an invisible community of saints, asserts that it is the institution governed by Peter’s successor, and defines ‘the house of God’ as the Christian community within which God resides. He then discourses upon the ‘pillar of truth’, noting that just as the pillars of the material church support it, so the Church is a pillar on which the truth rests and in which it is found. Here he cites Irenaeus’s statement that the truth is found only in the Church81 and presents a number of arguments as evidence of the authority of the institution. He returns to the ‘house of God’, which he says contains a great mystery. This is Christ, the son of God revealed in the flesh, justified by the Holy Spirit, seen and venerated by angels, received by the world through the preaching of the apostles, and taken into heaven where he sits on the right hand of God. Significantly,

77

  For example, in his 1614 edition of his commentary on the New Testament (Het Nieu Testament onses heeren Iesu Christi. Met korte uytlegghinghen door Franciscum Costerum), printed in Antwerp, Costerus uses the word column (kolumne) in the scriptural text but pillar (pilaer) in his commentary (p.762). 78   F. Costerus, o.c., 1594, p. 902. Although space does not allow a discussion of of this verse, it is worth noting that it describes the rewards received in the next life in ways that must have made it particularly appealing to the Jesuit order and the parallels drawn by Costerus in his commentary may have been called to mind by some of his bretheren as they contemplated the façade. Moreover, the latter may well have seen a parallel between the six statues representing the apostles, who constitute the foundation of Church (see above, notes 49 & 50), and the six freestanding columns that support the Marian personification of the Church enthroned in the pediment. This in turn might have reminded them

of their roles as supporters of the Church, which as Thomas Aquinas writes is supported through the true exegesis of the scriptures and the sacraments. 79   Christelijcken bie-corf der H. Roomscher kercke, (Antwerp, 1600), p. 70: ‘…de ware Kercke Christi die colomne ende vasticheyt de waerheyt is’. 80   A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (eds.), Ante-Nicene Christian Library. Translations of the Fathers, vol. 5: A. Roberts and W.H. Rambant (eds.), The Writings of Irenaeus. (Edinburgh, 1868), p. 293. 81   F. Costerus, o.c., 1594, p. 733. Costerus gives no specific citation, but he must be referring to chapter four in Book III of Against Heresies in which Irenaeus states: ‘The truth is to be found nowhere else but in the catholic church, the sole depository of apostolic doctrine. Heresies are of recent formation, and cannot trace their origin up to the apostles’; see A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (eds.), o.c., 1868, p. 264.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp Costerus then states that all that is said of Christ is true of the Holy Sacrament of the Altar, the focus of the rest of his commentary. He discusses the Holy Sacrament’s redeeming power, provides evidence testifying to the Real Presence, and notes that angels see Christ in the Sacrament and adore him there as they do in heaven. Finally, he concludes by stating that Christ is simultaneously here in the Holy Sacrament and in heaven, and these are all wondrous things that are beyond human understanding and therefore heretics cannot comprehend them. 82 Thus, it is clear that I Timothy 3:15-16 and the commentaries on it played a key role in the program for the Antwerp façade, which represents the Church as a visible institution, as the pillar and ground of truth and as the house of God within which is the living God who is always present in the Holy Sacrament. The Façade and the Interior Beyond the façade lies the light-filled83 and sumptuously adorned sacred space of the church interior, which is the Kingdom of God on earth (see Fig. 18). It is the house of God and the great mystery it contains is enshrined in the choir and sanctuary, the most glorious and most sacred part of the church.84 Although a discussion of the program for the choir lies outside the scope of this essay, some observations should be made, especially as Katherine Freemantle, who argues 18. Jesuit church in Antwerp. Interior: view from nave to choir that the ensemble of triumphal arch and altar was and High Altar. designed by Rubens, discusses the sculptures on the high altar in conjunction with those on the façade.85 The choir, like the central bay of the façade, signifies the Church Triumphant that can be entered only through the Church Militant. It lies at the end of the nave, which is the realm of the laity, and is framed by a triumphal arch that is distinguished from both the preceding and succeeding spaces by its color and unique Roman coffering. Four statues of Jesuit saints adorn the niches of its inner face. 82

  Ibid.   On the role of light in transforming the interior spaces, see the essays by Ria Fabri and Nathalie Poppe in this volume. 84   J. David, o.c., 1622, p.15. 85   K. Freemantle, The Baroque Town Hall of Amsterdam, (Utrecht, 1959), pp. 128-33, esp. p. 130. On the sculptures of the church interior and Rubens’s role in their creation, see Léon Lock’s essay in this volume. Here it should be noted that there are significant differ83

ences between the choir today and its appearance in the seventeenth century. The description of the choir given in the Jesuit letter of 1621 makes no mention of the gilded Jesuit insignia now a key feature in the apse and instead mentions the coat of arms of the Archduke Albert; J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, p.181. Rubens’s paintings of St. Ignatius Loyola and St. Francis Xavier for the altarpiece, which alternately were displayed over the high altar, were sold in the eighteenth century and are now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.

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Barbara Haeger Like the evangelists and the apostles, who appear on the framing bays of the façade, the Jesuit saints – Ignatius Loyola, Franciscus Xaverius, Franciscus Borgia, and Aloysius Gonzaga86 -signify the Church’s apostolic mission and intermediary function. Thus, like their counterparts on the façade, they represent the Church Militant and make visible its mediating role. The triumphal arch marks the threshold to the choir, the realm of the clergy, and frames the high altar. Together arch and altar form an ensemble and in this context the presence of the Jesuit saints celebrates the role of the clergy who administer the sacraments through which the faithful receive the redeeming benefits of Christ’s sacrifice. The dominating feature of the choir is the high altar designed by Rubens in collaboration with Pieter Huyssens.87 Here, as in the pediment of the façade, kneeling angels flank the Virgin, the personification of the Church, who is shown presenting the Christ child to the believer below. The sculptural group, carved after a design by Rubens, represents the mystery in the house of God, the incarnate Christ who is spiritually and physically present, simultaneously in heaven and in the Holy Sacrament. The sculpture is in the niche of the retable as the Host is in the tabernacle on the altar below. It is here at the altar that the final threshold between this world and the next is ritually crossed in the celebration of the Eucharist, which is defined by the Council of Trent as the re-presentation of Christ’s sacrifice in which by ‘shedding his blood he redeemed and delivered us from the power of darkness and translated us into his kingdom’.88 Finally, it is worth noting that the gabled niche containing the Virgin and Child not only breaks the retable’s pediment but rises up above the boundary between the dark marble below and the white background of the apse that is filled with light from the oculus above, thereby, perhaps, reminding that Christ is the True Mediator who breaks down the barrier between above and below.89 Rubens: The Designer of the Façade Frans Baudouin has convincingly argued that of the three men considered in conjunction with the architecture of the Antwerp church – François de Aguilón, Pieter Huyssens, and Peter Paul Rubens – only Rubens was able to give the church the Italianate Baroque splendor that marks its appearance. While he supports his assertion in a number of ways,90 Baudouin also notes that a number of Huyssens’s drawings display significant modifications by Rubens, which indicates that the elaboration of various projects for the church, such as the design for the high altar, appear to have resulted from what he describes as a dialogic process. This process, in which other members of the Jesuit community may have participated, might well, Baudouin postulates, have been the basis for the design of the entire church.91 This, I believe, is the most plausible explanation for the evolution of the façade in which Rubens, Huyssens, and one or more Jesuit theologians evidently collaborated. Despite the lack of documentary evidence, it seems clear to me that Rubens contributed far more than just the drawings 86

  Freemantle notes that the statues of the Jesuits were completed only after Rubens’s death; K. Freemantle, o.c., 1959, p.130. The sculptures of Jesuit saints are identified by F. Huybrechs, who dates them 1656-1659 and attributes them to Artus Quellinus the Elder and Hubert van den Eynde; see F. Huybrechs, Kunst in St.-Caroluskerk te Antwerpen, (Milan, 1987), p.11. Juliane Gabriëls, also believes that Quellinus participated in their creation but suggests a member of the Duquesnoy family, rather than Van den Eynde, as the other sculptor; see J. Gabriëls, Artus Quellien, de Oude: ‘Kunstryck Belthouwer’, (Antwerp, 1930), pp.156-57. 87   F. Baudouin, l.c., 2002, p. 33. On Rubens and Aguilón, see also the essay by August Ziggelaar S.J. in this volume. 88   H.J. Schroeder, O.P. (trans.), Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent , (St. Louis – London, 1960), p. 145.

89   Significantly, Rubens includes a similar oculus in his painting of the Last Supper for the church’s ceiling (Martin, plate 52). He also includes one – for practical purposes – in the sculpture gallery that he designed for his house, a structure whose resemblance to the church’s apse has been noted by others. 90   Frans Baudouin supports his assertion with a discussion of the previous structures designed by each. He concludes that Rubens possessed a unique familiarity with Italianate forms and motifs, particularly the Genoese features that influenced the structure. Moreover, his paintings reveal a thorough knowledge of the legacy of antiquity, pp.30-32. 91   F. Baudouin, l.c., 2002, p. 33. See also the essay by Bert Daelemans S.J. in this volume.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp for the sculptures that adorn the structure. 92 Indeed, I believe that he played the key role in the conception and the design of the façade. As I have demonstrated, the façade functions like the title pages that Rubens and his contemporaries designed; it employs architectonic and sculptural elements to present a message. Here, it is important to stress that the sculptural and architectonic forms are completely integrated. Not only are the latter – the triumphal arch and the independent columns – employed, like the sculptural features, to convey meaning, but the architectural framework participates in structuring the pictorial argument and in physically reinforcing its significance. It is this integration of the pictorial and the structural that makes the façade unique and that indicates that Rubens played the paramount role in designing it. While Huyssens, who directed the construction,93 was an accomplished architect, neither he nor Aguilón, had any experience in employing pictorial forms to convey arguments and propagate beliefs. Rubens, on the other hand, was a master of the art. Moreover, by the time the Antwerp Church was being planned, the painter had demonstrated this capability in creating works for polemical ensembles commissioned by the Jesuits in Mantua94 and Genoa, as discussed above. Furthermore, it was precisely at this time that Rubens was thoroughly engaged in other architectural projects – in completing the splendid additions to his house and in producing the Palazzi di Genova, a work which, as we have seen, includes engravings of structures displaying features that resemble those of the Antwerp façade. Finally, it is Rubens’s work as a designer of the title pages that offers additional evidence and perhaps even establishes the first connection between the artist and the Jesuits in Antwerp. Rubens supplied the drawings for many of the engravings that appeared in the Vita Beati P. Ignatii Loiolae (1609), an anonymously printed work, devised as part of a campaign orchestrated to promote Ignatius’s canonization.95 Julius Held, who also attributes the title page (see Fig. 19) to Rubens, argues that the images were designed in Antwerp and sent to Rome for publication. Moreover, he suggests that Rubens may have been prompted to undertake the work in order to gain the patronage of the Antwerp Jesuits.96 By the time he started work on the Antwerp façade, Rubens had designed numerous title pages, many of which display an emphasis on architectural constructions, while several are based on portals or gateways. Indeed, scholars have noted that this emphasis is the most prominent feature of Rubens’s early title pages and have connected them with his active engagement with architecture around 1615-20.97 More specifically, Hans Gerard Evers connects the title page of Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex with Rubens’s designs for his house as he notes a number of similarities.98 While space here precludes a thorough examination of the relationship between these title pages and the church, it should be noted that, like the façade, these title pages all employ the same symbolic,

92   The Jesuit letter of 1621 praises the sculptural ornamentation of the façade at great length, but never mentions Rubens, whose drawings served as the basis for these reliefs. Consequently, its omission of Rubens’s name can hardly be taken as evidence that the painter did participate in the conception and design of the façade. For a text of the letter, see: J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp. 79-82. 93   Plantegna, like many others, notes that Huyssens directed the construction, and while he is quite emphatic in arguing that Rubens was not the architect for the church, he does state that the artist played a role in the design of the façade (p. 102). 94   On Rubens’s works for the choir Jesuit church of S.S. Trinità in Mantua, see: I. von zur Mühlen, Bild und Vision. Peter Paul Rubens und der ‘Pinsel Gottes’ , (Frankfurt am Main, 1998), pp. 81-138. 95   J. S. Held, ‘Rubens and the Vita Beati P. Ignatii Loiolae of 1609’, in: J. R. Martin (ed.), Rubens before 1620, (Prin­

ceton, 1972), pp.93-134, esp. p. 104. J. Richard Judson and Carl Van de Velde, while questioning the attribution of the title page, appear to accept Rubens’s involvement in designing a number of the book’s engravings; see J.R. Judson and C. Van de Velde, Book Illustrations and Title-Pages, 2 vols., Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, pt. 21, (Brussels, 1977), vol. 1, p. 44 (note 17). 96   J.S. Held, l.c., 1972, pp. 104-07, and 126. If this was his aim, he appears to have been successful. One of his first commissions in Antwerp was an Annunciation (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum) painted for the Jesuit Marian sodality. 97   J. W. Stamper, ‘Compositional Types and Developments’, in: J.S. Held (ed.), Rubens and the Book, (Williamstown, Mass., 1977), pp. 199-200. 98   H.G. Evers, Rubens und sein Werk: Neue Forschungen, (Brussels, 1944), p.173. 99   J.S.Held, ‘Introduction’, 1977, p.11.

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19. Anonymous,. Vita Ignatii (1609): Title Page (engraving after P.P. Rubens?).

100

  For example, Stamper (p. 202) points out that several of the features on the title page for the Biblia Sacra printed in 1617 appear elsewhere in Rubens’s work. He draws attention to the figure placed within a niche crowned with a scallop shell and the curving arcs of the segmental gable that terminate in volutes. Both of these features appear on the Jesuit church façade above the head of Ignatius. Moreover, the scrollwork ornament flanking the window beneath the saint recalls the similar features in the framework encasing the title page of the Biblia Sacra, in J.S. Held (ed.), Rubens and the Book, 1977.. For a reproduction of the title page, see: J.R. Judson and C. Van de Velde, o.c., 1977, vol. 2, plate 136. The title page of the Vita Beati P. Ignatii Loiolae, like the façade of the Jesuit church, includes an image of

allegorical, and figurative language derived from antiquity and favored by all Latin writers inclu­ ding the most devout Jesuit poets.99 In addition, both exhibit a thorough knowledge of ancient and modern Italian architecture, and reveal several specific similarities to one another.100 Some of these are apparent in title pages for Jesuit works, including Cornelis à Lapide’s commentary on the Pentateuch (1617) and François de Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex of 1613, both of which, like the 1609 frontispiece, exhibit the ‘principles of the muscular Early Baroque in Rome’.101 The style, figural and symbolic language, and the emphatic framing of the recessed or open center of these works are repeated in the Jesuit façade. Given the relationship between the unprecedented articulation of the Antwerp façade – a relationship of conception, form, and function – and the treatment of the title pages designed by Rubens, especially those for the Jesuits, I think it is safe to conclude that Rubens designed the church façade in consultation with Jesuit theologians with some assistance from Huyssens and, perhaps initially, Aguilón (d. 1617). As Held has shown, Rubens had a gift for devising programs that in a succinct and intelligible and engaging way communicated the concepts and ideas of others. In addition to drawing upon particular passages in the text and, where relevant, on his own often extensive knowledge of the subject, Rubens was adept at collaboration, responding to input from both the authors and the publishers.102 That Rubens was stimulated by the artistic and intellectual challenge is indicated by the comments of his friend the publisher Bal-

Ignatius within a gable whose segmental ends terminate in volutes and on which venerating figures recline. 101   See Fig.1 in the essay by A. Ziggelaar in this volume. J.S. Held, l.c., 1972, p. 104. For a reproduction of Cornelis à Lapide (Cornelis Van der Steen’s) Commentaria in Pentateuchum Moses, see: J.R. Judson and C. Van de Velde, o.c., 1977, vol. 2, plate 121.. 102   J. S. Held, ‘Introduction’, 1977, pp. 20-21 and J.S. Held, ‘Records taken from the Correspondence of Balthasar Moretus Concerning Title Pages Designed by Rubens’, in: J.S. Held (ed.), Rubens and the Book, (Williamstown, 1977), pp. 40-45. One clear example of collaboration is that between publisher and artist which affected the design for the Brevarioum Romanum.

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The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp thasar Moretus, with whom he worked.103 This ability to create a fitting frontispiece was precisely what enabled Rubens to give visual form to the ideas and beliefs of the Jesuit Fathers in a façade that inventively integrated architectonic and sculptural elements to present beliefs and to structure an argument. As I have demonstrated, the façade is an effective piece of Counter – Reformation propaganda that conveys the Triumph of the Holy Roman Church and demonstrates its crucial intercessory role, while at the same time celebrating Christ as savior in terms reflecting Ignatian theology. This basic program and its more nuanced readings must have resulted from discussions between Rubens and Jesuit theologians such as those cited above, all of whom were published in Antwerp during this period and two of whom, Lapide and Scribanius, had Rubens design title pages for their works. The program for the ceiling paintings appears similarly to have evolved from such discussions between Rubens and his Jesuit patrons.104 Here it is worth noting that two of these Jesuits were particularly active in Antwerp and elsewhere as articulate promoters of the cause of the Counter-Reformation: Franciscus Costerus and Carolus Scribanius. Although best known for his book on the character and conduct desirable in princely rulers, Politico Christianus, for which Rubens designed the title page in 1624, Scribanius published a variety of works, including two small books on Antwerp printed in 1610. In his discussion of Scribanius’s interest in art, Held points out that the one (Origines Antverpiensium) displays the author’s interest in architecture, while the other (Antverpia) concludes with a description of the staunch adherence of Antwerp’s citizens to the Catholic faith.105 It seems likely then that Scribanius and Costerus, who was even more visible than Scribanius as a promoter of the Counter-Reformation in Antwerp and whose writings clearly and repeatedly present its key arguments, are the most logical candidates for developing a program to which Rubens could give structure and visual form. Both men were not only theologians who were also concerned with the role of the State in supporting the Church, but they both understood the importance of architecture to the face of the city. Indeed, as has been noted, Costerus celebrated the return of the Antwerp to the Catholic faith by transforming the Town Hall in a way that the new Jesuit church would respond to, as cited in the Jesuit letter of 1621.106 On the other hand, it was Scribanius, the praepositus (superior) of the Domus Professa in Antwerp, who co-signed the contract for the ceiling paintings with Rubens and who provided the impetus for the planning of the Jesuit church, which was carried out by Aguilón.107 While Costerus and/or Scribanius may well have conceived the theological program, it was Aguilón, the expert on Vitruvian principles, who is said to be chiefly responsible for the intellectual design of the basilica, 108 and who began to work with Rubens just at the time that the preliminary plans were being completed. Rubens not only provided the title page but produced six illustrations for Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex. 109 Surely, Aguilón as architect must have discussed the church he was building with the artist who possessed such a profound knowledge of architecture and who had served the Jesuit order so effectively in Mantua and Genoa. In any event, Held has argued that there is evidence that Aguilón admired Rubens’s talent and capabilities, and it is with this thesis

103

  J.S. Held, ‘Introduction’, 1977, pp. 2-5.   The contract for the ceiling paintings provided an incomplete list of subjects and several changes were made in the choice of subjects as the program developed over time. The contract was signed by both Jacobus Tirinus and Carolus Scribanius. On Tirinus’s role as a potential contributor in devising the program see: A.J. Knaap, l.c., 2004, pp. 168 and J.R. Martin, o.c., 1968, who briefly describes the relevant scholars in the community (pp.23-24), suggests that Tirinius and Heribertus Rosweyde were the most likely candidates for the roles of Rubens’s advisors (pp.210-212) and includes the contract and the appended list of subjects (pp. 213-219).

104

105

  J. S. Held, ‘Carolus Scribanius’s Observation on Art in Antwerp’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 59, 1996, pp. 174-75. 106   J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, p. 180. 107   M. Konrad, ‘Antwerpener Binnenräume in Zeitalter des Rubens’, in: P. Clemen (ed.), Belgische Kunstdenkmäler, 2 vols., (Munich, 1923), vol. 2, p. 206. Snaet mentions Scri­ banius’s correspondence with Rome during the planning process; see J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, p. 162. 108   K. Ottenheym, l.c., 2002, pp. 84-85. 109   On these illustrations and the relationship, see the essay by August Ziggelaer, S.J. in this volume.

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Barbara Haeger that I would like to conclude. Held connects a letter written by Rubens in 1621 in which the artist states that his talent is best suited ‘to large undertakings’ with a passage in Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex that draws a correlation between the nature of an artist and the character of his work. Here Aguilón writes ‘those whose temperament is spirited and bold paint large shapes [figuras], noble gestures, profuse vestments, and render everything with greater power and energy’.110 Held, noting that the paragraph is not naturally integrated with preceding and following passages, suggests that it may have been his discussions with the ‘brilliant young artist recently returned from Rome’ that prompted Aguilón to add it to his text. While Held considers the statements in the context of the relevant literature on artistic theory, the hierarchy of the genres, and artistic temperaments, 111 I am interested in Aguilón’s description of an artist of Rubens’s type and the connection that the two men draw – more emphatically than any others, Held suggests – between the physical size of the work on the one hand and the elevated nature of the theme and the nobility of the artist’s aspirations on the other.112 Rubens describes his own nature in the letter referred to above. Held, like others who have commented upon those memorable words, understands them to have been written by the artist with reference to his recently completed ceiling paintings for the Jesuit church. This interpretation is reinforced by the belief that when Rubens wrote to the British agent, William Trumbull, he was hoping to gain another commission for ceiling paintings (the Whitehall ceiling). The artist wrote: ‘As for His Majesty and His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, I shall always be very much pleased to receive the honor of their commands; and regarding the hall in the New Palace, I confess that I am by natural instinct better fitted to execute very large works than small curiosities. Everyone according to his gifts; my talent is such, that no undertaking, however vast in size or diversified in subject, has ever surpassed my courage’.113 Rubens did, indeed, receive the commission to create the ceiling paintings for Whitehall in London many years later, but at the time the building – Inigo Jones's Banqueting House – was still under construction and would not be completed until the following year. Consequently, Rubens may have had something more in mind than a commission for a series of paintings, and here it is important to note that he wrote the letter on September 13, 1621, that is one day after the consecration of the Jesuit church in whose construction and adornment he had been involved in so many ways. Surely the very date is itself significant, as Martin Konrad has argued.114 It seems likely to me that in Rubens Aguilón recognized a kindred spirit, one who would share his vision for a splendid marble temple with fitting decorations and a magnificent frontispiece. That Aguilón, who was engaged in gaining approval for exceedingly ambitious plans for the Jesuit church in Antwerp,115 expressed an appreciation for an artist of Rubens’s virtuosity and linked the physical size of a work with noble aspirations is surely significant. Is it not possible that the large-scale nature of Rubens’s ambitions is one more piece of evidence in support of the argument that the design of the façade was primarily his conception and a justifiable source of pride?

110

  J. S. Held, ‘Rubens and Aguilonius: New Points of Contact’, The Art Bulletin, 61, 1979, p.263. 111   Ibid., pp.263-64. 112   Ibid., p. 264. 113   R. Saunders Magrun (trans. & ed.), The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, (Evanston, Illinois, 1991), p.77. J. S. Held, l.c., 1979, p.262. 114   Konrad notes the significance of the date in the course of arguing that Rubens must have taken part in shaping the

structure and spaces of the church; see M. Konrad, l.c., 1923, vol. 2, pp. 204-15, esp. p.206. 115   On the ambitious nature of Aguilón’s plans and the difficulties he had in gaining the approval of Rome, see: A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S.J. (1567-1617) Scientist and Architect, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S.J. vol.XLIV), (Rome, 1983), pp.15-27; see also J.  Snaet, l.c., 2000, pp.45-47 and J. Snaet, l.c., 2002, pp.166-68.

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Light and Measurement. A Theoretical and Symbolical Approach of the St Ignatius Church in Antwerp Ria Fabri

Is the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Ignatius church) an original creation in which experiment and doctrine are woven into one another? This essay will try to give a subtle answer to this question. An answer based on a few written sources1, on original drawings2 and especially on hypotheses. When writing the text, it became clear that only two aspects could be dealt with, namely light and measurement Light and its meaning in the Antwerp Jesuit church When entering the St Ignatius church, one’s eye is immediately caught by a particular luminous effect. Because of the radical alterations after the fire in 17183, this effect must be detected hypothetically, especially with regard to the reflection of the polished marble columns in the nave (see Fig.1 and Plate 7). The fact that Jesuit fathers attached great importance to ‘light’ explains why in the Ignatius church attention was paid to it. In his writings, Ignatius himself attached importance to the senses.4 During meditation, the faithful had to use their senses and according to Ignatius the sight was the most important sense. It’s quite obvious that ‘sight’ and ‘light’ were definitely connected. Father François de Aguilón devoted his energy to the erection of the St Ignatius church. He stayed at Antwerp in the Domus Professa and being an excellent mathematician he was charged with drawing up the plans which were to be sent to Rome for approval.5 It was commonplace that mathematicians instead of qualified architects dealt with drawing up the plans. This was especially the case in the German provinces.6 Even at the famous office of the ‘consiliarius aedificiorum’ in Rome it was a mathematician who reviewed the plans. 1

  The description of 1619 by Pierre Bergeron can be found in: H. Michelant (ed.), Voyage de Pierre Bergeron ès Ardennes, Liège & Pays-Bas en 1619, (Liège, 1875), p.279; Rome, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Inventarium Archivi Romani Societatis Iesù Manuscripta Antiquae Societatis, Pars I. Assistentiae et Provinciae, Rome, 1992, Provincia Flandro-Belgica, 50, II, pp35-37; M. Grisius, Honor S. Ignatii de Loyola…habitus a Patribus S.I. domus professae et collegii Soc. Iesu Antverpiae, 24 iulii 1622, (Antwerp, 1622); see also the description by Godefridus Henschenius in Acta Sanctorum, part 16, (Antwerp, 1640). 2   Drawings of the Ignatius church can be found in the archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, see the inventory by Ch. Van Herck and A. Jansen, ‘Archief in beeld (2e deel), Inventaris van de tekeningen bewaard op het archief van de S. Caroluskerk te Antwerpen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis en Folklore, 11, 1948, 45-91; see also the drawings in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, cf. the inventory in: J. Vallery-Radot, Le Recueil de plans d’édifices de la Compagnie de Jésus conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris: suivi de l’inventaire du recueil de Quimper, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. vol. XV), (Rome, 1960), pp.287-91.

3

  P. Bouttats, Klaegende-dicht over het onverwacht en schrickelijck verbranden totten gronde, van den overschoonen en vermaerden tempel Godts van het Huys der Professien van de Societeyt Jesu binnen Antwerpen den 18. julii, (Antwerp,1718). 4   Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, Monumenta Ignatiana, Constitutiones et Regulae Soc. Iesu, 4 vols., vol.1 (Rome, 1934) Const.250-251; cf. P. de Chauvigny de Blot, Ver­ nieuwing van organisatie in een chaotische omgeving door vernieuwing van de mens. De organisatievisie van Ignatius van Loyola. Een case studie, (Ph.D dissertation, Universiteit Nyenrode), (Breukelen, 2004), pp.212-241. See also J. Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship. Jesuits and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany, (Princeton, 2002), pp.35-39. 5   B. Daelemans, ‘Het Promptuarium Pictorum als Spiegel van de ontwerppraktijk der Vlaamse jezuïetenarchitecten in de 17de eeuw’, in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos and J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi Ingegni, Grandissimo Splendore. Studies over religieuze architectuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de 17de eeuw, (Leuven, 2000), pp.175-98. 6   J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, p.108.

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Ria Fabri 1. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior view of the­ St Ignatius church, Antwerp, painting, 17th century.

2. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior of the St Ignatius church, oil on marble, c.1650.

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Light and Measurement It is tempting to recognize in the luminous effect in the church an influence of de Agui­ lón’s famous work on optics Opticorum libri sex as well as of other publications on optics, mathematics7 and astronomy. One glance at their voluminous library, – thanks to the inventories – proves that Christopher Clavius’s works were well represented.8 Is it possible that his De lumine et umbra (1613)9 as well as the theoretical writings of the famous father Orazio Grassi, De iride disputatio optica (1617), would have been inspiring?10 It’s quite obvious that the Jesuits informed themselves as good as possible. What is so special about the light in this church? On entering the building, the abundance of light catches the eye although hardly any luminous source is to be observed (see Figs.2 and 3). The beams of light coming in through the windows of the apse, the groundfloor, the galleries and the dome always appear to run parallel. This is a proposition Aguilón gives much careful thought to in his writings. He is the first to make a difference between two kinds of ligh: 3. Johannes Baptista van Coukercke, S.J.: Interior of the St Ignatius sunlight composed of parallel beams and artificial church, early 18th century, drawing. light and candle-light, coming from one single point source.11 It is, of course, not our intention to reconstruct the calculations.12 Hypothetical explanations for certain incidences will be searched here. Successively, the light of the apse and nave will be analysed. The light in the apse coming in through two windows and the dome is different in location and intensity during the course of the day and throughout the year. In his concept, Aguilón undoubtedly took account of the changing phases of the sun. By the way, the library was well-provided with works on mathematics and works on orbits of celestial bodies.13 Direct incidence as well as reflection caused by the highly polished marble slabs of the apsidal walls bring about a dynamic effect. This incidence undoubtedly emphasized the altar and Eucharist intensely. This was quite important to the propaganda of the frequent Communion.14 The vivacity of the incidence was supported by the subject 7

  P. Dear, ‘Jesuit mathematical science and the reconstitution of Experience in the Early Seventeenth Century’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science ,18, 1987, 133-75. 8   See the essay by R. Fabri and P. Lombaerde in this volume (appendix I). 9   J. Dhombres, ‘Shadow of a circle, or what is there to be seen? Some figurative discourses in the mathematical sciences during the seventeenth century’, in: L. Massey (ed.), The treatise on Perpsective: Published and Unpublished, (Washington, 2003), pp. 177-211, esp. p.202. Inf luences by Clavius could also be brought of by Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio. During his last years, Aguilón was assisted by Gregorius. 10   Cf. A. De Backer and C. Sommervogel, Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, 11 vols., (Paris, 1890-1930).

11

  See the essay by A. Ziggelaar S.J. in this volume.   See the essay by Nathalie Poppe in this volume. 13   Books on astronomy and astrology in the possession of the Jesuits were e.g. G. Bianchini, Luminarium Atque ­planetarum motuum tabulae Blanchini, (Basel, 1553); L. Croppet, Theses astronomicae, (Würzburg, 1598); G. Ubaldi, Problemata astronomica, (Venice, 1609); T. Brahe, Astronomiae instauratae Mechanica, (Nuremberg, 1602); Ch. Grienberger, Catol. Imaginum coelesticum, (Rome, 1612), etc. 14   M.J. Marinus, De contrareformatie te Antwerpen (15851676): Kerkelijk leven in een grootstad, (Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België. Klasse der Letteren, vol. 57), (Brussels, 1995), p.279. 12

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Ria Fabri matter of Rubens’s paintings representing Ignatius and Franciscus Xaverius in which the ‘actio’ was the centre of interest.15 By means of an ingenious mechanism, these paintings were interchangeable, so even more action was added.16 Not only the Eucharist was provided with lively light during the course of the day and throughout the year. The statues placed in the niches of the transverse arch are alternately illuminated by beams of light. Consequently, the four represented active Jesuits were eyecatchers for the faithful at definite periods of the year.17 For example, the statue of Ignatius was illuminated in December, the month of his birth and especially in July, the month in which he died (see Fig. 4). Is this still coincidence or absolute calculation? The fathers who had access from the Domus Professa to both oratoria in the apse could perceive from there the light shining on the ­statue of St Ignatius.18

4. Artus Quellinus the Elder (?), The statue of St Ignatius in the choir illuminated by sun rays, marble of Carrara, c.1656-59.

15   Ch. Göttler, ‘Actio in Peter Paul Rubens’ Hochaltarbildern für die Jesuitenkirche in Antwerpen’, in: J. Imorde and K. Krüger (eds.), Barocke Inszenierung. Der Moment in dauerhafter Erscheinung, (Emsdetten – Zurich, 1999), pp. 24–45. 16   X. Van Eck, ‘De jezuïeten en het wervende wisselaltaarstuk’, De zeventiende eeuw, 14, 1998, 1, 81-94. 17   Already in Romanesque churches we can find special light intrusions in the interior and exterior on sculptures of saints at specific hours during the day or during well defined periods of the year. The fathers do not only had publications and writing on calculations about the calendar in their libraries, but Jesuits were at that time well known for making calendars. In their libraries in Antwerp, the next books on time calculation could be found: Repardi magnum & perpetuum almanach, (Basel, 1551); Astronomica veterum scripto,

Let us analyse the light in the nave, particularly as it was in the years prior to the construction of both chapels.19 At that time the windows went the length of the nave and continued in the lower aisles. The light creates a diffuse effect in the church. The sun- and daylight enter directly through the windows of the ground – and upper floors. And in this way, both direct incidence and reflection cause a bright effect. Especially the highly polished columns, as so many mirrors, create a good reflection of the beams of light, which are refracted to all sides.

isagogica, graeco & latina, (Genève, 1589); Ch. Clavius, Romani calendari explication, (Rome, 1603); Guidi Ubaldi e Marchionibus montis problematum astronomicum libri septem, (Venice, 1609); G.A. Magini, Theorica caelestium orbium, (Mogunt, 1608); Id., Tabulae novae astron., (Bologna, 1619). 18   G. Galli Bibiena, Architectural and perspective designs, (Vienna, 1790). The author compares the directions of vision in churches with those in theatres and describes the special effects of the spectator from the boxes. 19   B. Timmermans, ‘The 17th century Antwerp Elite and Status Honour. The presentation of self and the manipulation of social perception’, On the Edge of Truth and Honesty. Intersections. Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 2, 2002, 14965. See also his essay in this volume.

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Light and Measurement This effect was observed in 1632 by Jean Puget de la Serre: ‘Le dedans de l’Eglise est de marbre ; & la voute à compartimens, enrichie de trois cens roses de cuiure doré, qui sortent hors d’oeuure ; est assise dans les deux ordres de Dorique & de Ionique, sur quarante piliers de marbre blanc ; qui comme autant de glaces de miroir bien polies retenant les especes de tous les obiects qui leur sont presentez, rendent les corps ialoux de la beauté de leurs ombres’.20 Moreover, the beams of light slowly move up during the hours of the day, namely from the entrance towards the apse. They show, so to speak, the way to the altar. In the nave, the light enters through the windows of the side-aisles; both on the ground floor and on the galleries. This creates a much more diffused dispersion in the middle-aisle. Some areas remain in the shadow and are consequently much darker. As it happens, large parts of the interior are withdrawn from incidence during the changing phases of the sun. Puget de la Serre was one of the first authors to keep our attention on this ‘gloominess’ of the interior: ‘Ce beau Temple ialous de ses propres magnificiences, ne permet point au Soleil d’y entrer à toutes les heures du iour: & quoy qu’il y face iour pourtant, la lumiere en est vn peu sombre ; comme si tous les precieux obiects qu’on y admire, disputant auec elle mesme la lueur & l‘esclat luy en ostoient vne partie, ne pouuant gaigner le prix’.21 Would Aguilón have chosen this luminous effect on purpose as a visual help during meditation or veneration of the Eucharist? Keep in mind that in the church Confession22 was heard frequently and that examination of conscience and meditation in darker and brighter places were important elements in Ignatius’s doctrine as explained in the Spiritual Exercises.23 It may not be precluded that in Antwerp, during the Counter-Reformation, father Aguilón put his knowledge at the service of the Jesuits’s doctrine. The Ignatius church was initially intended for both the divine services of the Domus Professa and those of the faithful. This afforded the Jesuits at that time, to test the actual optical knowledge and to associate it with their founder’s spiritual thoughts. As already mentioned, the daylight in the nave causes parallel beams of light. It was the famous Jesuit father J.B. Villalpando himself who compared the parallel rays of light with the infinite divine light.24 Aguilón was one of the first scholars who made a difference between the heavenly light of the sun and the light coming from one artificial source and he explained it on a scientific way in his Opticorum libri sex.25 So, it was of course, the divine light that entered the Ignatius church. Also, is it too farfetched to presume that the architects, while figuring out the incidence, were also thinking of the mystic, anagogic and allegoric meaning of light?26 Perhaps Aguilón knew of Beda Venerabilis’s symbolic explanation concerning the structure and luminous effect of the temple.27 This text was known during the 17th century by different editions, e.g. by that of Laurentius Beyerlinck28, and could well be associated with the meaning of the window construction in the Ignatius church (see Fig.5).

20   J. Puget de la Serre, Histoire curieuse de tout ce qui c’est passé à l’Entrée de la Reyne Mère du Roy treschrestien dans les villes des Pays-Bas, (Antwerp, 1632), p.56. 21   Ibid., p.57. 22   M.J. Marinus, o.c., 1995, p.278. 23   Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, Monumenta Ignatiana, Exercitia S. Ignatii…, (Madrid, 1919). Ex.114ff. 24   H. Prado and J.B. Villalpando, In Ezechielem explanationes et Apparatus Urbis, ac Templi Hierosolymitani/ commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distinctum, 3 vols., (Rome,1596-1604), vol.2, cap. VII. 25   F. de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antwerp, 1613), Book VI. 26   L. Beyerlinck, MagnumTheatrumVitae Humanae, hoc est rerum divinarum humanarumque syntagma catholicum, philosophicum,

dogmaticum, 9 vols., (Cologne, 1631), vol.7, book 18: Liber Decimus Octavus , Continens Literam T., DI.7., pp.63-64: Ornatus Templi Mystica, anagogica, et allegorica significatio. 27   Beda Venerabilis, Opera, (Basel, 1563) or Id., Opera quotquot repiri notverunt omnia…, ( Cologne, 1612), cap.7. 28   L. Beyerlinck, o.c., 1631, vol.7, p.64: ‘Fenestrae templi (vt ait Beda cap.7) doctores Ecclesiae sunt, qui dum fidei mysteria & facienda docent, per eos lux ad reliquos ingreditur. Ideo dictum est Matth.5. Vos estis lux mundi. Fenestrae obliquae sunt, (eodem auctore) quia nimirum necesse est, vt quisquis iubat supernae contemplationis vel ad momentum perceperit, mox finum cordis amplius castigando dilatet, atque ad maiora capessenda solerti exercitatione praeparet, &c. Suunt etiam introrsum latiores, quia esti magna latitudo caritatis cerni in eis debet exterius, maior

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Ria Fabri

5. Fragment of L. Beyerlinck’s passage on the symbolic meaning of windows.

6. Window of the south tribune.

According to the text, the windows can be compared to the Fathers of the Church (Cf. the ceiling paintings by P.P. Rubens). They teach the faithful the mysteries and virtues of their faith. In this way, the light, to be understood as the divine light, could reach them all. The shape of the windows is symbolical too. They ought to be smaller on the outside than on the inside which is quite noticeable in the church. The reason for this, is that one should have deep love on the outside. But inside, in the heart an even deeper love should prevail. Furthermore, the windows are linkened to Christ’s stigmata which again are a sign of love. Inside his heart, love is even ­deeper. Moreover, the windowsills ought to be bevelled to enable the entry of even more heavenly light; which is noticeable in the church (see Fig.6). Symbolically, this means that also the faithful are enabled to observe the heavenly brightness. And with the neccesary exercise, they can reach a higher spiritual level. The same author suggests to put windows in all floors because all people need the light of the sun of Justice. Because the quoted works of Beda Venerabilis and Beyerlinck were present in the Jesuits’s library it is plausible that both architects read these texts and took account of the interpretation.

intus debet in corde feruere. In corpore Christi fenestras interpreteri possumus vulnera, que cum magnam ostendant caritatem, multo tamen maior erit in eius corda intus. Erant autem fenestrae in tribus lateribus templi, id est, in omnibus, praeterquam in Orientali, & in omnibus contiquationibus, quia omnium conditionum homine, lumine solis iustitiae indigent, quod per Doctores Ecclesiae, & per spirituales viros diffunditur. Latus Orientale, quia magnam habet ianuam, & Orientis solis radiis plenissime perfunditur, fenestris non indiget ; quia pars illa Ecclesiae, quae plenè à Deo illuminatur in beatitudine, non necesse habet ab hominibus doceri ; Apoc.21. Et civitas non eget sole, neque luna, vt luceant in ea : nam claritas Dei illuminavit eam, & lucerna eius est agnus’.

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7. Pieter Neeffs and Sebastiaan Vranckx: Interior of the St Ignatius church, oil on panel, c.1630.

Measurements and harmony (see Fig.7) In the second part of this essay, the dimensions of the Ignatius church will be examined. Both ground plan and elevation will be dealt with. Notice that Jesuits wrote few treatises on architecture. This doesn’t mean they weren’t interested in the matter. In some mathematical works, as from A. Possevino’s Bibliotheca selecta architectural problems are treated in which Vitruvius is referred to.29 In 1605, Etienne Martellange published the Mémoires pour la construction d’églises. In this respect, the works of the famous father Juan Bautista Villalpando who published the ‘Notes sur Vitruve’ in 1608 may not be forgotten. Earlier in 1596 he wrote Ezechielem explanatione... dealing with Solomon’s and Ezekiel’s temple.30 Probably, well known treatises on architecture inspired the architects of the Ignatius church. too. In the Antwerp library, Vitruvius’s standard work was to be found. Alberti’s important publication – including Jean Martin’s translation from 1553– and Serlio’s, Palladio’s and Vignola’s illustrated publications, all to be found on the book-shelves, enriched the knowledge even more. Baldi’s booklet on

29

  A. Possevino, Bibliotheca selecta qua agitur de Ratione Studiorum, in Historia, in Disciplinis, in salute omnium procuranda. Cum Diplomate Clementis VIII. Pont. Max., (Rome, 1593), book 9, cap.2, p.251: ‘…ilud est quod in rectangulo, triangulo, lateriangelo recto oppositum quadriatum aequale pro-

bator duobus reliquarum. Laterum quadratis six igitur deus ex Platonis sententia mundum est fabricator’. 30   H. Prado and J.B. Villalpando, o.c., 1604, book II, cap. XVIII, pp.80-83. See also Appendix II in this volume.

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8. Fragment of the description of the church by Grisius, with reference to Vitruvius.

9. Jean Martin, ground plan of a temple with le parquet en cause, 1553. (From: J. Martin, L’architecture et art de bien bastir du Seigneur Leon Baptiste Alberti, Gentilhomme Florentin, diuisée en dix liures, Paris, 1553, p.150).

10. Ground plan of the church, with grid pattern.

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Light and Measurement column parts wasn’t lacking either.31 Regulations coming from ecclesiastic publications as Carolus Borromeus’s Instructionem Fabricae, were also well known to the architects of the Antwerp Jesuit church.32 We also can wonder what early seventeenth-century written sources mention about the architecture of the Ignatius church. In their descriptions, Henschenius, Grisius and Bergeron, often referred to Vitruvius (see Fig.8). Formulations such as ‘templi...secundum Vitruvianus praeceptiones’, or ‘hoc igitur adeo nobile Vitruvianae fabricae seu exemplum’ or even ‘je crois que le père architecte s’est formé des doctes écrits de Villalpando’ refer to Vitruvius or Villalpando. These references are important considering the discussions at that time within the Society of Jesus between advocates and opponents of the slavish imitation of Vitruvius. People like Aguilón, Huyssens and, of course, Villalpando seemed to be defenders of a Christian Vitruvianism33, unlike the fathers Grassi34 and Valeriano35, defenders of a more moderate imitation. Before and during the elevation of the Ignatius church, both Grassi and Grienberger36 alternately, were ‘consiliarius’ in Rome and this could have had an influence on the execution. Probably Aguilón took account of Vitruvius’s advice, also recorded in Alberti’s work. It mainly concerns the directives on the type of temple with le parquet en cause or with a choir (see Fig.9).37 Which directives from the book are to be found in the Ignatius church? As can be seen on the ground plan, the width of the church can be divided into four sections (see Fig.10). The middle-aisle consists of two sections.The side-aisles, however, each consist of one only. Moreover, the entire ground plan fits into two squares. The length of the church can also be divided into four sections. This time the module is twice as large as the one of the width. This results in the proportion ½. As for the elevation of the building, Vitruvius and Alberti put attention to the nice symmetry of the arcades of the columns, clearly visible in the church.38 On top of the capital of the columns, there’s a square abacus. According to Alberti, this abacus, of the same width as the capital, has a height of 1/5 of the diameter of the column. Much attention is paid to this abacus. Even Aguilón, in his Opticorum libri sex, went into the matter, of the scamilli impares.39 The architrave, the frieze and the cornice are accentuated throughout the church, which brings about a smooth connection between these elements. Not only Vitruvian influences are to be found in the church. Let us again take a closer look at the measurement throughout the building, especially at the elements starting with the bay. The height of the arcade of the gallery equals twice its width. The height of the balustrade equals 1/5 of the height of the arcade. Each bay consists of 11 balusters and 5 triglyphs etc. Another striking element in the elevation is the transverse arch between the nave and the apse. The height equals three times the width and the height of the upper cartouche is 1/3 of the height of the niche below.40

31

  B. Baldi, Scamelli impares Vitruviani…Nova ratione explicati, (Augsburg, 1612). See also Appendix I in this ­volume. 32   On Carolus Borromeus and his building regulations, see : C. Borromeus, Instructionm Fabricae, 2 vols., (Milan, 1577). 33   J. Chipps Smith, o.c., 2002, pp.54-55. 34   O. Grassi, In Primum Lib. De Architectura M. Vitruvii et In Nonum Eisdem Brevissimi Tractati…, 1622 (ms.). This manuscript essay is discussed in G. Rotondi, ‘Due Trattatelli inediti del P. Orazio Grassi’, Rendiconti del R. Istituto Lombardo di Scienzia e Lettere, 1929, 62, 261-66. 35   P. Pirri, Giuseppe Valeriano S.I., architetto e pittore (1542-1596), (Rome, 1970).

36

  Ch. Grienberger, Problema. Datis excessibus quibus diameter Quadrati aut figurae alteria parte longiaris, excudit latera ; ipsum Diametrum ac Latera efficere nota, (Rome, c.1601), (ms.). 37   J. Martin, L’architecture et art de bien bastir du Seigneur Leon Baptiste Alberti, Gentilhomme Florentin, diuisée en dix liures, (Paris, 1553), Book 7, pp.149-50. 38   Ibid., f°151, r°. 39   A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón S. J. (1567 – 1617) Scientist and Architect, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. vol. XLIV), (Rome, 1983), p.82. See also note 29 in this essay and Appendix I in this volume. 40   R. Wittkower, Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, (London, 1973), pp.101-54.

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11. Pieter Huyssens: composition of the nave, the tribune and the apse, drawing, c.1617.

In the apse, the height of the window equals two times its width (see Fig. 11). In the window itself two squares can be inscribed. The oratory can be enclosed within a larger square. This time, the dimensions of the sides of the square equal the diagonal of the squares in the transverse arch. In this way, a harmonious connection between the dimensions of the transverse arch and the apse could probably be obtained. Worth mentioning is that the pacing and expanding of dimensions are systems of the Euclid geometry41, definitely used in the church. If one compares the dimensions of the ground plan, it seems that a unit of 3 feet was used for the length and width of the nave and the apse. It is also remarkable that in the proportions the numbers 2, 3, and 5 recur on a regular base. These numbers are an arithmetic progression and are better known as the Fibonacci series. In a letter of 1621 from Antwerp to Rome reference is made to ‘all the numbers of the perfect measurements’.42 It’s possible that the author of this letter referred by this description to the series of numbers as men-

41

  Various publications on Euclid geometry could be found in the Jesuit libraries in Antwerp, e.g. E. de la Roche, Larismétique et geometrie, (Lyon, 1538) ; Euclides elementorum libri XV, (Cologne, 1585) ; S. Stevin, Problematum Geometricorum, (Antwerp, 1583) ; and on geometry and fortification: G.

Kröl, Tractatus geometricus et fortificationis, (Arnhem, 1618).   J. Braun, Die belgischen Jezuitenkirchen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kamfes zwichen Gotik und Renaissance, (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), pp.168-69.

42

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12. View of the apse and the arch of the St Ignatius church.

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13. Peter Casteels (attributed to): detail of the interior of the St Ignatius church: the choir, drawing, 17th century.

tioned above. Because it would lead us too far to look for numerical proportions and measurements throughout the church, in next step only the apse will be analysed. The height of the apse up to the base of the dome equals 3. The width between the transverse arches equals 2. According to the famous Jesuit author Villalpando, the proportion 2/3 also recurs in the height and width of Solomon’s temple.43 During Aguilón’s activities, Villalpando’s work was available for consultation in the library. Did Aguilón have Villalpando’s writing in mind? Now let us put all numbers aside and examine the mouldings in the apse (see Figs.12, 13 and Plates 8, 9). All horizontal mouldings catch the eye. They form a double marble grid on the backwall of the apse. In accordance with Della Porta’s and Vignola’s plans, a similar pattern was also to be found in the older Gesú church.44 The use of this grid seems to be more an experimental application rather than an innovation. By the way, Rome justified the reiteration of existing ideas.45 What analysis does this grid allow? When drawing lines through the marble accentuations, the presence of the colonnade seems to be of crucial importance for the division and even the width of the moulding (see Fig. 14).46 The apse can be divided into two parts. The dividing line lies between 43

  Cf. Appendix II in this volume.   Concerning the Gesù church, see e.g.: P. Pecchiai and P. Tacchi Venturi, Il Gesù di Roma, (Rome, 1952); G. Sale, ‘Le projet du ‘Gesù’ de Rome. Brève histoire d’une collaboration difficile entre un maître d’ouvrage et le destinataire d’une oeuvre’, in: G. Sale (ed.), L’Art des Jésuites, (Paris, 2003), pp.47-64. 45   J. Chipps Smith, o.c., pp.50-51. 44

46

  Cf. Archieven van de St.-Carolus Borromeuskerk, inv. nr.34. See also: J.H. Plantenga, L’Architecture Religieuse dans l’Ancien Duché de Brabant depuis le Regne des Archiducs jusqu’au Gouvernement Autrichien (1598-1713), (The Hague, 1926), p.103 ; F. Baudouin, ‘Pieter Huyssens. Ontwerp voor het hoogaltaar van de Jezuïetenkerk te Antwerpen’, in : Tekeningen uit de 17de en 18de eeuw. De verzameling Van Herck, (Brussel, 2000), pp.86-89.

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3

6

2 3,5 Virtual symmetry axis of the tribunes

1 5 0,5 3

Division between the tribune and the ground floor with the accentuated border line

3

6

Symmetry axis of the ground floor

1 6

3

14. The proportion lines of the different parts of the apse: a reconstruction.

the cornice of the ground floor and the base of the gallery. In the lower part of the church, the sequence b a, a b, or a mirror symmetry, a typical Baroque effect, can be perceived underneath and above the axis, running on a level with the Doric capital.47 In the upper half lies the virtual axis on a level with the moulding that starts at 2/3 of the column of the gallery. The sequence of this half is b’ a’, b’’ a’’, also called proportion symmetry. Furthermore, an optical correction is noticeable in the dimensions of the upper half. The measurement is 3 and 5 to 3, 5 and 6. Once again, could it be that Aguilón or Huyssens based themselves on theoretical works by Sebastiano Serlio, Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola and Egnatio Danti,48 as far as the use of optical correction

47

  G.L. Hersey, Architecture and Geometry in the Age of the Baroque, (Chicago, 2000), pp.99-108. The following publications on symmetry for the 16th and 17th century were in the libraries of the Antwerp Jesuits: A. Dürer, De Symmetria libri IV, (Paris, 1557) and B. Baldi, o.c., 1612. See also:

Appendix I in this volume.   S. Serlio, Il Secondo Libro di Perspettia, (Paris, 1545); J.B. Vignola and E. Danti, Le due regole della prospettiva pratica, (Rome, 1611). 48

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16. Perspective view of the arched nave of a church, with pavement, drawing, 17th century. This drawing was inspired by S. Serlio, Book 2: On Perspective, f°45r°. 15. Different patterns of pavements, drawings, 17th century.

or ‘perspectiva artificialis’ is concerned?49 Those publications were to be consulted at the Jesuits’s library. Could Aiguilón have calculated the optical correction by means of a protractor as pictured in the illustrations?50 They seemed to have worked with optical angles of 4° and 5° and possibly stood at the base of the opposite wall. Aguilón in his Opticorum libri sex paid also special attention to the pavement in churches.51 From an optical point of view he prefers an orthogonal pattern for the paving in the central nave – it means with parallel lines to the observer – , because the approach to the apse becomes more easy and the attention of our mind will not be alienated from the high altar (see Figs.15 and 16).

49

  Concerning the ‘perspectiva artificialis’, see : A. PérezGómez and L. Pelletier, Architectural representation, (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), esp. pp. 97-104 : Scenographia and optical correction from Vitruvius to Perrault. 50   A. Dürer, Underweysung der messung mit dem Zirckl richt scheyt in Linien…, (Nüremberg, 1525), plate 9. See also the description of such instruments in: K. Van Cleempoel, ‘Hans Vredeman de Vries and scientific apparatus’, in:

P. Lombaerde (ed.), Hans Vredeman de Vries and the Artes Mechanicae revisited, (Turnhout, 2005), pp.187-95. 51   F. de Aguilón, o.c., 1613, Book IV, prop.39; see especially the discussion by A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, pp.81-82. In the archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church and in the two volumes of the Promptuarium Pictorum (Heverlee) , numerous projects and designs of pavings for churches can be found.

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17. Reconstruction line on the painting of St Ignatius.

So the experiment in the Ignatius church consisted of the application of theoretical models for optical correction in the linear decorations of the apse. Moreover, it seems that with the choice of this geometric decoration more than ‘filling up the planes’ was meant. Would it be too farfetched to look for a symbolical representation of the actio of the Jesuits’s purpose? The sequence in the geometric ornaments provides the moulding with movement and ­vivacity. The connection between apse and nave is visualised both harmonically and rhythmically. Rubens’s paintings of the altar, representing Ignatius and Xaverius disseminate the actio. When the lines of the moulding are produced right through the painting, the main figures are emphasized (see Fig.17). Is this only coincidence or well-considered intention? Another possible explanation could be put forward concerning the presence of the accentuated moulding between the ground floor and the gallery. In the French translation of Vitruvius, there is a woodcut explaining similar mouldings (see

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Ria Fabri Fig.18).52 The voice of the speaker, in this case the preaching father or the singers, is better heard when a similar moulding is present. Lower tones tend to hover below, higher tones ascend and reflect on the ceiling. Conclusion One could say that the Antwerp Jesuit church was in a certain sense a laboratory where various scientific experiments were conducted. Important is the possible influence of different aspects of the ‘septem artes liberales’. In the light effect, elements of astronomy and possibly dialectics concerning the contrast of light and dark can be noticed. In the measurement, elements of geometry and arithmetic can be found. In the architecture, influence of rhetoric or decorum , musica and grammar can be indicated as far as the use of rules is concerned. The attention for these artes belongs to Ignatius’s ideas. Even importance was attached to these disciplines during the Jesuits’s training.53 Futhermore the luminous effect in the Antwerp church seemed to be at the service of Confession and Communion. In this way light and measurement contribute as well to the support of Ignatius’s initial ideas, as to the aims of the Counter-Reformation in general.

18.Vitruvius: accentuated border line.

52

53

  J. Martin, Architecture ou Art de bien bastir de Marc Vitruve Pollion Auteur, (Paris, 1547), f°70r°.

  Cf. W. Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus, (St.Louis, 1972), pp.60, 112 and 189.

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The Phenomenon of Day-Light in the Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit Church: towards a New Interpretation Nathalie Poppe

Introduction During the 17th and 18th centuries, a scientific revolution flooded Europe. More than ever before, applied sciences gained ground. Experimental research laid the foundation of new ideas and achievements, which were also eagerly used in other fields. In no time, science and arts went hand in hand and caused intellectual tours de forces in many disciplines. Likewise, experiments with perspective, geometry and optics influenced the architecture. A new style was born: the Baroque. Although this new style was often considered to be a godless, sinful one, nothing is further from the truth. Indeed, a lot of the church’s principles had been shaken by the scientific developments. The common ‘17th-century’-man was torn apart by an amount of new scientific theories, diametrically opposing the ones of the church. Everything he ever believed in became unsteady and insecure. In this atmosphere quite a few new religions, strengthened by the latest scientific discoveries, cropped up and melted away even faster.1 The few Catholics who had indefatigably held on to their faith, shunned this new architectural style. Wrongfully, as we know now, as this Baroque style had no other goal than to reunite the Catholic Church.2 The newest applied sciences were used by Baroque architects to allude to the visitor’s senses. In a most experimental way, they created a frenzy of mysticism in the church interior to convince man to believe again.3 Although Italy can be considered as the cradle of Baroque architecture, the city of Antwerp possesses one of the most beautiful examples of true Baroque church design: the Jesuit church. The Antwerp Jesuit church was designed in the early beginning of the 16th century (see Fig. 1). In those days, Antwerp was a rising centre of sciences, thanks to the Jesuits who settled in the city. One of them was the Jesuit father François de Aguilón, the supposed architect of the Antwerp Jesuit church. Aguilón, born in Brussels on 4 January 1567, studied Latin and sciences in Paris and philosophy in Douai. He settled in Antwerp around 1598 and made a career as a teacher in theology and rector of the Antwerp Jesuit College. Meanwhile he occupied himself with sciences in every possible way. He was interested in architecture and several church designs are attributed to him. Besides that, his major interests were optics. In 1613, Aguilón published a treatise on this matter Opticorum Libri VI philosophis iuxta ac mathematics utiles. Although his work is particularly based on mathematics, the title of this book unites for the first time in history physics, mathematics and philosophy under one science: Optics. Important parts of it consist of hypotheses and experiments.4 Aguilón used some of his findings in the design of the new Jesuit church. At least a Latin text of 1621 gives us every reason to believe so.5 1   F.L. Nussbaum, The triumph of science and reason, (New York, 1953), pp. 179-90. 2   J. Hallez,Grondslag van de godsdienstige bezieling in de barok, (Antwerp, 1937), pp. 5, 7, 36. 3   J. Chipps Smith, Jesuits and the art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany. Sensuous worship, (New Jersey 2002), pp. 35-56. 4   A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón s.j. (1567-1617) Scientist

and Architect, (Rome, 1983), pp. 22-25.   Letter of the Archivum Romanum S.I., Fl. B. Hist., 50, II. (anno 1621), fol. 490 – 492. For the Latin version see J. Snaet, ‘Case study: Rubens’s palazzi di Genova and the Jesuit churches of Antwerp and Brussels’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 179-82.

5

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Nathalie Poppe Optical experiments, concerning light and shade in particular, were often used in Baroque churches. Like no other, these tools created mysticism in the interior, ideal to convert its visitors. Analysis of the light effects in the Antwerp Jesuit church makes it possible to reveal the intensity of this church’s Baroque spirit. But therefore, it will be necessary first to understand the goals and meaning of the typical Baroque play of light and its spatial meaning.6 Daylight in Baroque churches As mentioned in the introduction, the Baroque style was often misunderstood and portrayed as an eccentric, exaggerated style, heathen 1. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus and evil. Only a few dared to look through this church). prejudice and discovered the true Baroque spirit. They no longer saw the Baroque as a political, Contra-Reformation style without inner truth, but as one of reconciliation. More than any style before, the Baroque style is a spiritual one, rooted in the Catholic dogma. The Baroque must be interpreted in the light of these understandings, ever aware of its target: the union of human and divine. Any single motion, any strange form is a well-considered intervention to achieve this goal. If one enters a Baroque church and feels the irresistible force to walk towards a certain object or direction, none of this may be seen as coincidence. It is the result of a well-thought-out use of space. Even in the first rough sketches of a church design, these thoughts can be encountered. As the use of daylight is inextricably bound up with the internal arrangement of a church, the shape of the ground plan was the first problem which the Baroque architect had to deal with. Hereby, it was the architect’s job to unite two divergent spatial elements: the longitudinal axis and a circular space. To understand this problem, one has to fall back on the central theme of the Baroque: union of human and divine. Translated to the use of space, there were two possibilities to express this theme. First of all, the architect could position the altar in such a way that it immediately got the visitors attention. Like that, the presence of God would be obvious to every visitor. The longitudinal ground plan is perfect to achieve this aim. The altar can easily be placed in the choir, so that it catches the immediate attention of everyone who enters the church. On the other hand a central-dome construction was ideal to create an overwhelming feeling of safety, the feeling of God’s presence. So, both the longitudinal as the central shape were necessary to express the union of heaven and earth. Because of this duality a new shape of ground plan was designed by Baroque architects: the ellipse. The advantages of this form are immense. Both the embracing feeling of the central-dome construction, as the pointing movement towards the altar of the longitudinal plan are present. In addition, this shape of ground plan lends itself, like no other, to be vaulted with a cupola, which creates the most beautiful division of light on the interior. Most unfortunate, the ellipse ground plan was not often used in reality. In most areas the architects didn’t know how to build such a difficult construction. They rather chose to stick with traditional forms.

6

  About Baroque architecture in general, see especially: H. Millon (ed.), The Triumph of the Baroque. Architecture in Europe 1600-1750, (London, 1999).

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The Phenomenon of Day-Light in the Interior Next to these pure Baroque architectural interventions, decoration played a very important role to control the interior. Its dramatic beauty was used to show the symbolic link between heaven and earth. Painted ceilings were often used to arouse an illusion of great depths and heights. Creating such optical illusions was a devil of a job, in which colours, cupolas and light fulfilled an important role and possible failure was never far away. Within this story of Baroque division of space and decoration, the use of daylight in church designs is of great importance. Two golden rules were applied. First of all, daylight was only allowed to descend where it was desired to. In such a way that it completed the architecture and decoration, contributing greatly to the overall picture. Practically spoken the daylight had to illuminate the special parts of the interior (altar, paintings, sculptures etc.). As a second condition, daylight was not supposed to distract the visitor from what he needed to see. The main method to fulfil this double target, was the use of indirect light in combination with diffuse light. Important windows were hidden behind pillars or statues, concealed in side-isles or placed high above in cupolas and lanterns. The typical Baroque interior, with its hidden light sources and its internal arrangement is often related to the world of theatre, in which the stage fills the position of an altar. Without a doubt, solving the question of daylight, must have been the main issue to every Baroque church architect. Factors like orientation of the building, elevation of the sun, shape and size of the windows, must have been taken into account to make the visitor enjoy the action of light. In that way an East-West oriented church, will throw a mysterious golden glare on the interior, which evokes richness and luxury. A North-South orientated church, on the other hand, will expose a marvellous bright action of light.7 The exterior of a Baroque church is a matter of minor importance, compared to its interior. After all, the church’s secret is to be found inside. The façade is nothing else than an invitation to enter. The glaring contrast between the out-and inside is, once more, nothing less than a symbolic reminder to the contrast between materialism and spirituality, body and soul. An architectural style, well-thought-out like the Baroque church design, is quite unique. Certainly given the lack of academic education for architects. Constructing was a specialisation which could be achieved from several angles, like drawing, painting, woodwork, stonemasonry, surveying … The only common starting point were mathematics, Their only sources of architectural understanding the 17th-century treatises on architecture, like those of Palladio and Scamozzi, based on mathematics. The thorough control on space- and lighting effects in Baroque architecture must thus be owed to the rise of interests in mathematics and experimental science.8 Daylight in the Antwerp Jesuit church: an empirical and digital study The Antwerp Jesuit church was most probably designed by François de Aguilón, a Jesuit father and scientist. He was closely related to Peter Paul Rubens who, by then, already had been in touch with the Early-Baroque architecture in Italy. Aguilón wrote a treatise on optics for which Rubens made the engravings.9 Exactly because of these facts one may assume the play of daylight in the Antwerp church to be Baroque. Entering this Jesuit church, the diffuse division of light strikes immediately (see Fig.2). It seems like its whole interior bathes in a glow of light, although no light sources can be detected at first sight. The middle nave shows not a single window without decrease of light, compared to other Baroque churches. The most important diffuse light sources in typical Baroque churches are situated high above 7

  About the orientation of churches, see especially: H. Nissen, Orientation. Studieën zur Geschichte der Religion, 3 vols, (Berlin, 1905-10).

8

  K. A. Ottenheym, ‘Mathematische uitgangspunten van de Hollandse bouwkunst in de 17de eeuw’,Cultuur in de Nederlanden in interdisciplinair perspectief, 7, 1991, 1, 52-55. 9   A. Ziggelaar, o.c., 1983, pp. 59-70.

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Nathalie Poppe

2. Interior of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 10 August 8pm with very low intruding sunlight, enlightening partly the cupola of the apse.

3. S. Gesù e S. Maria church in Rome. The windows in the vault are partly hidden by statues.

in the vault. These windows were the toughest to hide. Mostly they are worked in or hidden behind structural elements or statues (see Fig.3). Since the Jesuit church does not show any window in the vault, the diffuse light in the Antwerp church must be caused by the windows in the side-aisles and the window in the façade. This means that the windows in the side-aisles fulfil the function of the windows in the vault, shown in almost every longitudinal Baroque church. The idea to get rid of the windows in the vault by replacing them by windows far back in the side-aisles fits perfectly in the typical Baroque play of light. While most other Baroque architects struggled to build the vault windows into the construction or to hide them behind sculptures, the architect of the Jesuit church simply did not place windows in the vault. This most pure solution to place windows that fulfil the same function somewhere else in the interior is quite unique. And in addition the windows could easily be hidden from the visitors’s sight. It must be mentioned that an abandonment of all light sources from the middle nave, like in the Antwerp church, is exceptional. In Italy the earliest examples of such an intervention go back to circa 1635. Quite astonishing, given the fact that the Jesuit church was designed in 1613. Not only the distribution of diffuse light makes one suspect the true Baroque spirit of this church, also the directional actions of light are at first sight strongly influenced by the Baroque models. The interior of the Houtappel chapel exhibits some beautiful effects of directional lighting, well matched by Italy’s most cheered examples. By placing the vault transversely above the altar, a small sidelong place becomes free to place a hidden light source which illuminates the altar. On the right of the altar a deep niche, with the statue of St Paul, is built in (see Fig.4). At its turn the statue is illuminated by a hidden window in the back of the niche.10 This action of directional light, caused by a hidden window is one of the most beautiful examples of Baroque lighting. It may well be compared to High Baroque 10   P. Lombaerde, ‘De architectuur van de jezuïetenkerk te Antwerpen’ in: H. Van Goethem (ed.), Antwerpen en de Jezuïeten 1562 – 2002, (Antwerp, 2002), pp. 23 – 24.

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4. Statue of St Paul in the Houtappel chapel.

examples like the illumination of the St Theresa of Avila statue of Bernini in the church of Santa Maria della Vittoria in Rome.11 The empirical assumption that the Antwerp church is truly permeated of a Baroque spirit, can only be proved by a digital study. Especially for this, a digital reconstruction of the Antwerp church is made in Ecotect12, a software package which makes profound examinations on light division possible (see Fig.5) The 3D model was built after the original plans of the church. This means the Houtappel chapel is left out, as this chapel was added later on to the church. A few chosen calculations and details on the church, to what extent they are valuable for the Baroque theory of light, tell us more about the play of light in the interior. Without a doubt the use of highreflective materials in the interior is of great importance in the Baroque play of light and shadow. Directional beams of rays get reflected much more intensely throughout the interior. On places like the cupola or the side naves in the Antwerp Jesuit church, where the ceiling is illuminated by reflection of daylight on the marble

5. 3D model of the St Carolus Borromeus church-model.

11

  See Fig.3 in the introductory essay by Piet Lombaerde to this volume. 12   Ecotect is a software package developed by the Australian Company Square One research. Ecotect is a complete

building design and environmental analysis tool that covers the broad range of simulation and analysis functions required to truly understand how a building design will operate and perform.

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Nathalie Poppe pillars, the choice of materials causes undoubtedly a huge difference. Ecotect gives the possibility to assign material properties to different parts of a 3D model. Unfortunately, the materials used in the Antwerp Jesuit church were not admitted to Ecotect’s library. Of course it is possible to import the right material properties yourself, but therefore you need samples of the materials to obtain a realistic result. To the 3D model used for the digital study on the daylight in the Antwerp church, no particular material-properties were assigned. However, this does not spoil the results of the calculations. We may assume the findings would only be strengthened if the right reflection properties were assigned to the different materials. Concerning the typical role of directional light into Baroque churches, a small detail catches the attention in the Jesuit church. The large windows in the side-aisles show bevelled windowsills at the bottom (see Fig.6) This detail could be an important one, as this can be an indication to the directional working of these windows. It could well be possible that this little detail causes a double functioned light source. 6. Bevelled window sills on the windows in the side On the one hand the diffuse distribution of light aisles of the St Carolus Borromeus church. into the nave, on the other hand a directional light towards the ceilings of the tribunes, where once – before the fire in 1718 – Rubens paint13 ings used to hang. Bevelled window sides were also, although very rarely, used in Italian examples to bring additional directional light into church interiors. The directional light effects on the interior, caused by this little detail, were analysed in Ecotect. For a random selection of days and hours, the digital model showed the effects in the interior, caused by the bevelled windowsills. Comparison of these results with an identical study on the church-model without the bevelled windowsills, shows a surprising outcome. The model without bevelled windowsills caused much more directional light towards the ceiling than the first model (see Figs. 7 and 8) So, the windowsills were not placed for this reason. But then for what other reason could they have been placed? It seems unbelievable for such a detail to be meaningless. And indeed, further study shows how the sunrays brake down onto the windowsills to be reflected towards the opposite side aisle. A glance at the orientation of the building explains the importance of this – at first maybe ordinary – incident. For the side-aisle, where the reflected rays of daylight end up, lies on the northern side of the church. If the bevelled windowsills had not existed, daylight would rarely occur here. Does this result have a baleful influence on the Baroque light effects? Not really. After all, the beams of light, broken by the bevelled windowsills, collide on their way to the opposite side with quite a few objects. In such manner that they cause a

13   J.R.Martin, The Ceiling Paintings for the Jesuit Church in Antwerp (Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard), (Brussels, 1967), pp. 44-53.

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7. Study of directional light on the model of the St Carolus Borromeus church with bevelled window sills on 21 April at 3pm; model.

8. Study of directional light on the model of the St Carolus Borromeus church without bevelled window sills on 21 April 3pm; model made in Ecotect.

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9. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 November at 11am.

10. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 November at 2 pm.

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The Phenomenon of Day-Light in the Interior diffuse distribution of light in the other side-aisle. The little amount of daylight in this side gets strengthened. This way, the northern part of the interior doesn’t stick out as a dark spot against the bright nave. In the choir of the Antwerp church, two other hidden windows and a lantern can be discovered. The construction between the middle nave and the churche’s choir is worked out in such a way that, from a visitor’s perspective, neither the choir windows nor the lantern could not be seen unless you approach the choir real close. This intervention to hide windows in the choir, is prevalent in Baroque churches. Unfortunately, the trick to hide the lantern failed a little bit in the Antwerp church. The construction between nave and choir does not jut out enough to hide the lantern completely. A small part of it stays visible when entering the nave. On the two hidden choir windows, bevelled windowsills can also be found. When the daylight enters through the lantern and the hidden windows into the choir, the beam of rays lands at the bevelled windowsills. Here, the rays are broken and reflected towards the cupola above the choir, with a play of reflected rays on the gold leaf towards the choir as a result. This means that the side-windows in the choir, in relation to the lantern in the cupola, provide both a directional as a diffuse light effect. Most probably this unique intervention was made to intensify the diffuse distribution of light in the choir. After all, the altar was the most important place in the interior. According to the Baroque rules, it had to be illuminated more than any other spot in the church interior. And, given the enormous amount of diffuse light in the nave, additional windows were necessary to realise this demand. Nevertheless this hypothesis can not be proved by a digital study. The model in Ecotect shows no difference in distribution of diffuse light whether the model is provided with or without bevelled windowsills. Yet it would be wrong to conclude that the bevelled windowsills do not have any influence on the diffuse distribution of light in the choir. After all, the calculations in Ecotect are not detailed enough to perceive little details. But these choir-windows do fulfil another important directional function. The beam of rays entering through these windows illuminates by part important elements in the choir: the archducal seats, the sculptures in the four sidelong niches and the painting behind the altar. Figure 9 for example shows how the sunlight enters through the window on the right, reflects on the sculpture at the upper left-hand towards the sculpture in the niche right below. Random study in Ecotect to find out which objects in the choir got illuminated and how much, produces an amazing result that perfectly completes the study of the side naves. It is striking how, during the winter months, various objects in the choir get illuminated while the painted ceilings in the side naves receive almost no light. In the summer months, the sunlight enters through the lantern in the cupola, almost perpendicular on the altar. This causes a bright glow of light on the painting behind. But most of the time the daylight enters at an angle through the lantern, reflects on the gold leaf of the cupola and goes down. By this event, the statue of Our Lady above the altar, right beneath the lantern, rarely gets illuminated (see Figs.10 and 11). Figures 12 and 13 show how the most beautiful illumination of this statue is not caused by the lantern, but by the window in the middle of the façade. Study in Ecotect reveals that the façade windows cause the most astonishing effects at sunset. At that very moment, if the sun is positioned in line to the longitudinal axis of the church, the daylight enters the church perpendicularly. The middle nave now functions as a tube of light, creating a true explosion of light high above in the cupola. This effect can only be seen when the two conditions mentioned above are fulfilled. If not, the windows in the façade only cause a diffuse glow of light in the first part of the building (see Figs. 12 and 13). Next to the Baroque play of directional light, the diffuse distribution of light is of great importance. This type of light illuminates large surfaces in a subtle, solid way, without harming the effects of the directional light. Indeed, seen with the naked eye, this kind of light causes no remarkable effects but it is essential to the Baroque play of light in the interior. Ecotect calculates the amount of diffuse light based on the sum of a few important factors: the sky component, the externally reflected component and the reflected component. If the Antwerp Jesuit church really exhibits a Baroque play of

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11. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 13 June at 2.20 pm.

12. Directional light through the façade windows towards the statue of the Virgin in the St Carolus Borromeus church on 10 March at 6.30 pm.

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13. Directional light through the façade windows in the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 April at 2 pm.

light, the altar should be the most illuminated place of the interior. And indeed, study in Ecotect shows a much brighter distribution of diffuse light than in the remainder of the church interior (see Figs.14 and 15). The grid that shows the distribution of diffuse light in the nave at 1, 5 m height, in combination with the grid of the choir at the same height, reveals a new finding: a hidden path of light from portal towards the altar. This glaring path of light, in the midst of the nave, is caused by the windows above the tribunes and draws, unnoticeably, the visitor’s attention towards the altar. Yet again by this intervention the visitor is led towards God (see Fig.16). This whole play of diffuse and directional light in the interior of the Antwerp Jesuit church reminds one of a theatre. The interior is as it were one big scene on which different objects get directionally alternating illuminated. Every other day, another composition can be discovered, another story is being told. And yet there is one central theme: the union of the human and the divine. In a subtle way, the diffuse light contributes to this theme. It causes not only a brighter diffusion of light on the altar, with a hidden path of light it also guides the visitor towards this most important part of the interior, the pivot of it al: the altar, the divine. All of this fits perfectly into the Baroque idea of discovery and experience. The play of directional end diffuse light, the lack of visible windows when entering the church, the hidden illumination of the statue of St Paul; they are one by one elements contributing to the Baroque spirit. This Antwerp church exhibits without a doubt a true Baroque spirit. One may assume this church was quite ahead of her time, and considering the lack of visibly shown light sources when entering the church, most probably even ahead of the Baroque evolution in Italy.

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14. Plan of the diffuse light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on the 21 April at 1 pm.

15. Plan of the diffuse light in naves of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 April at 1 pm.

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16. Hidden path of light in the St Carolus Borromeus church.

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration1 Léon E. Lock

Rubens has been heralded as the painter responsible for the introduction of Baroque conceptions in the monumental marble sculpture of the Low Countries. Although he produced designs for sculpture on a wide scale, his most famous and probably most influential work for contemporary production was what he designed for the Jesuit church of Antwerp, the most expensive2 new building project of its kind in the Counter-Reformation Spanish Netherlands. In a previous article,3 I discussed the design process of the Jesuit church high altarpiece, on the basis of the four extant drawn or painted stages and of the Houtappel chapel and contrasted this with that in the Marian church at Scherpenheuvel. Through complex design procedures, Rubens is generally seen, to quote Frans Baudouin, as the ‘inventive creating artist’ and the Jesuit father Pieter Huyssens the ‘architect-technician who had to attempt a translation of the new ideas and motifs into realisable architectural constructions’ and this ‘obviously in dialogue with the sculptor Hans van Mildert’ who eventually erected the high altar and produced its sculptural decoration.4 This synthetic view of the individual contributions may not mean much outside the Jesuit church sculpture commissions because it excessively delineates them. This view does stress the power structure, with Rubens at the top of the hierarchy. It also shows that the integration of the three arts does not happen gradually, but in Rubens’s mind, from the beginning. Huyssens in this remains the underrated quantity,5 supposedly working under Rubens’s aegis, though his inventiveness, as seen in the few remarkable drawings by his hand in the Jesuit church archives,6 may disprove any assumed hierarchical relationship. The interest in coloured marbles, imported from Rome, discussed below, may be another reason for doubting Rubens’s exclusive authorship. This essay will not attempt further elucidation of authorship. Instead, it focuses on the business environment in which sculptors worked and the practical means of production of sculptural and marble decoration. On this enlarged basis, going beyond connoisseurial or documentary analysis, we can then assess the importance of the sculpture and marble decoration in the former Jesuit church of Antwerp.

1

  Research in situ was gracefully facilitated on a number of occasions by Marc Hesbain. The author is deeply grateful to him as well as to Stephen Conrad, Piet and Ria Lombaerde-Fabri, Michel Maupoix and Francis Tourneur for critically reading and commenting upon the manuscript of this article. Any failings and inaccuracies however remain the author’s sole responsibility. 2   It cost over 535.000 guilders, see J. Braun, Die belgischen Jesuitenkirchen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kampfes zwichen Gotik und Renaissance, (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), p. 156; J. Snaet, ‘Case Study. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova and the Jesuit Churches of Antwerp and Brussels’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp.161-82, esp. pp.170-71; and Summary account book, Rubenshuis, RH.D.031, f°237, for an incomplete list of expenses amounting to 438.743 guilders by

January 1624, while Scherpenheuvel’s cost is estimated between 220.000 and 300.000 guilders, see A. Boni, Scherpenheuvel. Basiliek en gemeente in het kader van de vaderlandse geschiedenis, (Antwerp -Brussels – Ghent – Leuven, 1953), p. 74. 3   L.E. Lock, ‘Rubens et le retable sculpté à Anvers’, Art Sacré, 25, 2008, (forthcoming). 4   F. Baudouin, ‘Het door Rubens ontworpen hoogaltaar in de kerk der Geschoeide Karmelieten te Antwerpen’, Me­dedelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Schone Kunsten, 51, 1991, 1, 19-60, esp. p.36. 5   Cf. Bert Daelemans’s essay in this volume. 6   E.g. C. Van Herck and A. Jansen, ‘Archief in beeld (2e deel), Inventaris van de tekeningen bewaard op het archief van de S. Caroluskerk te Antwerpen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis en Folklore, 9, 1948, 45-91, cat. 43.

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Léon E. Lock To be lavishly decorated with the most expensive materials, it is quite obvious that for the first major Jesuit church, designed to proclaim the Catholic faith in the most northern part of the Habsburg dominions, it would be no simple production. The first designs for the church’s architecture were sent to Rome for approval by the general of the Jesuit Order. Unfortunately, but understandably, nothing in these plans is said about the painted, sculpted and marble decoration of the church. One may assume that the architecture was seen as the determining factor, since Jesuit churches were meant to be simple and undecorated. This is proven by a criticism of Huyssens once the church was covered with lavish decoration made of the most expensive mat­ erials, coloured marbles in particular.7 It should not be forgotten that the interior of the Gesù in Rome was then still relatively bare compared to what we see today, as it took more than two centuries to complete that interior’s cladding with marbles. Although the Jesuit church eventually received a plan that was less Italianate, despite initial ideas that would have made it more similar to Scherpenheuvel, we should not underest­ imate the Roman input in the Jesuit church's sculptural decoration. The massive use of coloured 1. High altarpiece of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Bormarbles was a novelty in the Low Countries but romeus church). by the late 16th century it was standard in the most luxurious churches in Rome. At Scherpenheuvel (and earlier projects as for instance the royal Danish tombs by Cornelis Floris) there is already a substantial use of different types of marble, principally white (Carrara), black (Namur/Dinant/Theux8) and red (Rance9), but in the Jesuit church, the high altar predella and especially the Houtappel chapel boast an unsurpassed collection of mainly foreign marbles. Apart from black and red marble from southern Belgium (Namur/Dinant/Theux and Rance), most marbles are marbles used in Roman antiquity and imported from Italy as spolia. Some marble is from the Pyrenees, although arguably also spolia, and of course the white statuary marble from Ca­rrara was a standard import via Genoa. The Jesuit church high altarpiece (see Figs.1 and 2), for its main part, only uses three types of marble: white Carrara (statuary and carved decoration), black from Namur/Dinant/Theux (mouldings) 7

  J.H. Plantenga, L’architecture religieuse du Brabant au XVIIe siècle, (The Hague, 1926), pp. 91-92. 8   The three main sources of black marble in Europe are Namur (including the villages of Golzinne and Mazy), Dinant and Theux. Only a petrographic study under microscope can determine the exact origin. This type of destructive investigation is obviously out of reach in most cases. Cf. F. Tourneur, ‘Les cheminées marbrières du château de

Modave’, Décors intérieurs en Wallonie, (Liège, 2005), vol. 3, pp. 57-62, esp. p. 58. 9   For a brief history of Rance marble, see P. Ducarme, ‘Le marbre de Rance, son histoire et ses traces dans les monuments anversois sur les pas du peintre Pierre-Paul Rubens’, Congrès de Mons, 24-27 août 2000, (Mons, 2002), vol. 4, pp. 815-26

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2. Hendrick van Steenwijck (?), Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit church, oil on panel, monogrammed HVS and dated 1617 (?), private collection (last sold Sotheby’s London 26 April 2001 lot 57).

3. Detail of the predella.

and red Rance (the four fluted columns). It is only at the level of the two predella panels, both painted on alabastro fiorito and representing Christ appears to Mary Magdalen and The Entombment, that a luxurious array of marbles is used in regular geometric shapes set in white marble mouldings. The lower part of the predella area is surrounded by portoro marble on the front (and bleu belge on the sides, probably as a cheaper substitute and possibly a 1720s or even 19th -century restoration10). The frames of the predella panels (see Fig. 3) are arranged symmetrically with, starting from the corners and going upwards and downwards, verde antico,11 pink Verona marble, Belgian black and white imitating bianco e nero antico,12 green from the Aosta valley13 and alabastro fiorito14 in the centre. Horizontally, from the verde antico in the corners, breccia dorata15, portoro, rosso levanto (that is here green) and alabastro fiorito in the centre.16 Left and right of the altar as well as on the lower storey of the apse, several types of Belgian red marble are curiously juxtaposed. The relief medallions of Christ (left) and the Virgin (right) are not only in a style that is unlike all the other 17th-century statuary in the church,17 but also illogically placed 10   The fact that a number of areas lower down are decorated with petit granit « blue stone », polished to be as black as possible, rather than fine-grained and fossil-less black marble, also suggests that there must have been substantial replacement of the marble cladding after the 1718 fire and/ or in the 19th century. 11   G. Borghini (ed.), Marmi antichi, (Rome, 1998), pp. 29293. See also R. Gnoli, Marmora romana, (Rome, 1986), which reproduces many of the same images, but with very different colours due to printing conditions.

12

  Ibid., pp. 154-56.   J. Dubarry de Lassale, Identification des marbres, (Dourdan, 2000), pp. 196-97 calls it ‘vert Patricia’. 14   Also called onyx. See G. Borghini, o.c., 1998, pp. 142-45. 15   Ibid., pp. 170-71. 16  The vertical sides of the cut-off panels, placed at right angle to the predella panels, have the same choice of marbles. 17   Cf. e.g. the two early 17th-century reliefs in the Houtappel chapel and the one of Christ alone in the passage to the sacristy at Scherpenheuvel. 13

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5. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Ca­ rolus Borromeus church): back wall.

from a liturgical and theological point of view, under the high altar painting. The reliefs themselves are applied onto a larger base decorated with a cartouche and probably date from the 18th 4. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus century, possibly after the dissolution of the Jesuchurch): altarpiece wall. its in 1773, when the church became a parish church. An important distinction must be made between more or less local marbles (Belgian) and white Carrara marble on the one hand, used in substantial quantities and in large pieces, and ‘foreign’ marbles on the other hand, notably southern French and Italian, some of which must have been antique Roman spolia imported from Rome. This last was used in relatively small, thin and flat pieces, without any mouldings or ornaments, for cladding walls. This distinction is also clear in the Houtappel chapel (see Figs. 4,5,6 and 7), where horizontal bands of red marble (Rance) alternate with a white architectural grid that is continued at ceiling level, with the principal lines of the white stone vault. Nearly none of these bands have any mouldings. The white grid is interrupted by the black marble cornice moudings. Within the white gridwork, black painting or panel frames are richly moulded in the same manner as contemporary giltwood frames. Like numerous late 16th-century Italian examples,18 one painting, the Assumption of the Virgin by Cornelis Schut,19 is immediately surrounded by a rich speckled marble, here rouge royal, but it should be noted that this painting was inserted at a later date, probably in the late 18th century and the rouge

18

  For instance the Cappella della Madonna in the Gesù, Rome, decorated in marble by Bartolomeo Bassi in 158487, see A. Di Castro, P. Peccolo & V. Gazzaniga, Marmorari e argentieri a Roma en nel Lazio tra Cinquecento e Sei-

cento. I commitenti, i documenti, le opere, (Rome, 1994), fig. 90, p.318. 19   G.Wilmers, Cornelis Schut (1597-1655) : A Flemish Painter of the High Baroque, (Turnhout, 1996), pp. 134-36.

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6. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): left wall and ceiling.

7. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): left wall.

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8. ‘De Nole & Co.’, St Susanna, Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration royal (together with the lower border in green from the Aosta valley)20 merely fill a gap left by a smaller painting that replaced the original one by Gerard Seghers. The alternative is a frame in black marble mouldings (with a slim giltwood baguette), such as that around the The Holy Family with Saints Elisabeth, John the Baptist and Angels by Cornelis Schut. Around this black frame, the background is in red Rance marble. The statues, placed on richly ornamented carved consoles in white marble, are given depth with the use of a black filling within the white marble frame behind them (see Fig. 8). Similarly ingenious and well-balanced is the choice to use the most ornate frames for panels of marble rather than for paintings. The panels in the lunettes are the most conspicuous in this respect (see Figs. 9 and 10). The marble frame of the altar painting (formerly by Rubens, now a copy) is also restricted to two colours: white and black, leaving colour for the predella area, as was done for the church’s high altarpiece. It should be noted that the black marble cladding facing the spectator in the apse is replaced by polished Belgian blue stone (petit granit, from Soignies or Ecaussinnes) around the corner. This is hardly noticeable as the blue stone is highly polished to resemble black marble. The remainder of the white and red gridwork is filled with a spectacular collection of fifteen ‘antique’ types of marble, in addition to two types of alabaster and the three customarily-used marbles (white, red and black). The most remarkable panels are shown as if they were figurative pictures and surrounded by ornamental white or sometimes black marble frames (see Fig. 11). Most are carefully cut à livre ouvert, in either two or four panels, placed next to each other or symmetrically within the composition. This also stresses that the amount of the precious types of marble was limited, often to one block. Other panels, on the three sides of the choir, immediately around the altar table, are painted on by Hendrick van Balen, often making use of the alabastro fiorito’s motifs for the background. We can thus list the following (see Plate 13): – incarnat turquin,21 strong red with white and grey veins, used for the double cross-shaped panels with carved white marble reliefs in the centre; – brocatello,22 behind the inscriptionless cartouches that are above the preceding; – giallo di Siena, often with red/purple veins, for instance as background in the panel below the incarnat turquin panels; – africano23 marble in panels below the four statues on consoles; – rouge des Pyrenées24 marble in squares placed on their points in socle area panels on both the window wall and the wall opposite; – Skyros25 (Greece) marble for the four corner triangles around the preceding rouge des Pyrénées ­marble; – Sarrancolin,26 as background to the medallions of Christ and the Virgin; – breccia corallina,27 the small polygonal panels in the centre of the socle area below the medallions of Christ, the Virgin and the arms above; – verde antico,28 in the panel surrounding the preceding breccia (the other panel, nearest the altar is painted); – fior di pesco29 or brèche violette (from Seravezza, near Carrara),30 the round part in the socle panel below the choir balconies;

20   J. Dubarry, o.c., 2000, pp. 196-197. Dubarry calls it ‘vert Patricia’. 21   J. Dubarry, o.c., 2000, pp.106-07. 22   G. Borghini (ed.), o.c., 1998, p.198. 23   Ibid., pp.133-35; J. Dubarry, o.c., pp. 232-33 (brèche africaine).

24

  Ibid., pp. 82-83 a lighter version, rosé vif des Pyrénées.   Ibid., pp.210-11. 26   Ibid., pp.104-05, 108-09, 218-19. 27   G. Borghini (ed.), o.c., 1998, pp. 166-67. 28   Ibid., pp. 292-93. 29   J. Dubarry, o.c., 2000, pp. 164-65. 25

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9. Pieter Huyssens, design for a lunette in the Houtappel chapel, archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp.

10. Lunette in the Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration – Belgian grey veined with white and pink (region Rance-Philippeville), four quoins surrounding the latter; – unidentified breccia, the central element in the lower panels of the door surround to the church; – a variety of lumachella (?),31 the central lobed element in the socle area panel below the paintings by Van der Borght and Schut; – cipollino rosso, the four elements around the previous; – lumacchella,32 the three large panels below the painting by Van Opstal. Certain panels are in alabastro fiorito, one of the most lavish materials used, particularly prized in Roman 16th-century pietra dura table tops, of which it often forms the central circular or oval piece.33 Two splendid examples in the chapel are in the lunettes above the painting 11. Marble panel under the statue of St Catherine in the Houtappel by Schut and above the door to the church, chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). both in only two pieces each. The arched entrance to the chapel ­houses the most spectacular pieces of alabastro fiorito (top and bottom parts of the top panel), with a piece of alabastro egiziano34 between them. The lower panel displays further pieces of alabastro fiorito, with different shapes and concretions, around the piece of unidentified breccia mentioned above. The fact that the most precious pieces of alabaster, both fiorito and egiziano, all cut à livre ouvert, are shown in the door surround of the chapel, may suggest that this private chapel, as was customary in Italy, was always closed to the general public. By placing the most precious marbles near the entrance, the richness of the chapel beyond was clearly indicated to the beholder. From the point of view of the iconography of the chapel, the most important was necessarily placed near the altar. The painted predella panels, by Hendrick van Balen,35 are all on alabastro fiorito or white marble. They represent stories from the life of the Virgin, from left to right: The Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple (marble), The Virgin of the Annunciation (alabastro fiorito), The Flight into Egypt (alabastro fiorito), The Adoration of the Shepherds (alabastro fiorito), The Adoration of the Magi (alabastro fiorito), The Visitation (alabastro fiorito), The Angel of the Annunciation (alabastro fiorito), The Presentation of Christ in the Temple (marble). It should be noted that there are no thin white marble borders between the coloured panels, as for instance on the Chiesa Nuova high altarpiece and numerous other Italian 16th and 17th-century pietra dura decorative projects. Surprisingly, the step in front of the altar does make use of such white marble borders (see Fig. 12). It is a rectangle filled with circular, four-lobed, heart-shaped and starshaped elements in the same varieties of marble as those described above. 30

  Ibid., pp. 172-73, 176-77.   Similar to the one illustrated under No. 148 by C. Napoleone, I marmi del trattato di Faustino Corsi, (Rome, 2006). 32   G. Borghini (ed.),o.c., 1998, pp.239-45. 33   Several examples in A. Gonzalez Palacios, Las colecciones reales españolas de mosaicos y piedras duras, (Madrid, 2001), pp. 65-73. 31

34

  G. Borghini (ed.), o.c., 1998, pp. 140-141.   B. Werche, Hendrick Van Balen (1575-1632): Ein Antwerpener Kabinettbildmaler der Rubenszeit, (Turnhout, 2004), cat. B8a to B8h. NB. her ordering of the paintings is inaccurate as is her indication that all the panels are painted on marble. 35

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12. Step in front of the altar in the Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

13. Axial chapel to the right of the high altar, dedicated to St Joseph, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration 14. Axial chapel to the left of the high altar, dedicated to St Francis Xavier, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

Similarly, the marble decoration in the small chapel to the right of the main apse, dedicated to St Joseph and the Virgin (see Fig. 13 and Plate 11), uses white marble borders in-between the coloured marbles. Its pair of decorative panels on either side of the column-cum-pilaster in a Belgian variant of bianco e nero antico36/grand antique37 are of a different type, combining small pieces in symmetrically arranged compositions (both horizontally and vertically) within a single panel. The chapel dedicated to St Francis Xavier (see Fig. 14 and Plate 10), that is symmetrically placed to the preceding, has two columns and pilasters framing the middle picture in the unusual Belgian marble brèche de Waulsort. The lower part of the wall decoration is much damaged and one may wonder whether this was red marble that got burnt in the 1718 fire. The black mouldings above were clearly renewed afterwards, as they are too polished for the context. Immediately above, a horizontal band of grand antique (from Roisin?). As the first documented pietra dura work in Antwerp, the question is where the ideas for these decorations came from. Major Roman examples include the late 16th-century Cappella Sistina (designed by Domenico Fontana) and early 17th-century Cappella Paolina (designed by Ponzio), both at S. Maria Maggiore, as well as the Cappella Aldobrandini at S. Maria sopra Minerva (designed by Giacomo della Porta and Carlo Maderno).38 There, too, a collection of colourful marble panels is shown as if these were pictures fitted into the classical architectural setting. In all the literature on the architectural history of the Jesuit church there is speculation about the paternity of the Roman novelties introduced in the Low Countries: Aguilón, Huyssens, Cobergher or Rubens. The question may also be asked about the sculptural and marble decoration. Although 36

  G. Borghini (ed.), o.c., 1998, pp. 154-56.   From Aubert, Ariège (F), see J. Dubarry, o.c., 2000, pp. 234-35. 37

38   H. Hibbard, Carlo Maderno and Roman architecture : 1580 – 1630, (London, 1971), pp. 134-35; S. Pressouyre, Nicolas Cordier. Recherches sur la sculpture à Rome autour de 1600, (Rome, 1984), pp. 375.

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15. Peter Paul Rubens, Tullio Solaro et al., high altarpiece, S. Maria in Vallicella, Rome.

16. Willem Ignatius Kerricx, upper part of the high altarpiece formerly in the Sint-Bernardusabdij of Hemiksem, Sint-Andrieskerk, Antwerp.

Rubens evidently designed most of the sculptures in the Jesuit church, some of the overall ideas may first have been taken north by Cobergher or Huyssens. Apart from the ideas for the designs, questions about practical methods used by the trade and the execution of the decorations also remain unanswered due to the near absence of church archives about the construction of the building.39 From an isolated summary account book, we only know the names of two suppliers of marble for the church (and the sodality building) during its years of construction (i.e. excluding the later Houtappel chapel): Cornelis Lanslodt (or Lanscot) and Sr Paolo ende Davidt Bustancy.40 The first supplied important quantities of marble,41 which is occasionally described as coming from Genoa, or from Genoa on the schip Jona with a certain Cornelis Claessens or Mr Jan de Bodt,42 sometimes with a mention that the trade happened via Hollandt43 or dordrecht.44 Little is known about Cornelis Landschot: his epitaph below the statue of St Paul on a pillar of St Jacob’s, Antwerp, dated 1639, ascribed to the De Nole workshop, merely suggests a business relation.45 The Bustancy, on the other hand, are only referred to in a summary of debts: they were owed the not insubstantial sum of 5360 guilders. The other reference to them concerns their gift of a silver lamp for the chapel of St Ignatius valued at 800 guilders. A purchase of marble from Dinant (i.e. most likely black) is mentioned separately, without the name of a supplier.46 39   Cf. F. Baudouin , P. P. Rubens, (Antwerp, 1977), pp.16264. 40   Kasboek, Rubenshuis, inv. Hs D.31, for Lanslodt regularly between f°37 and f°208; for Bustancy, f°187, 208, 224, 239. 41   For instance payments which are nearly monthly from August 1616 to March 1617: 1200, 1800, 1370, 500, 1000, 1500, 1000 guilders. Ibid., f°63-77.

42

  Ibid., f°109, 125, 175.   Ibid., f°99, 125. 44   Ibid., f°49. 45   M. Casteels, De beeldhouwers de Nole te Kamerijk, te Utrecht en te Antwerpen, (Brussels, 1961), p. 199. 46   Kasboek (see note 40), f°80. 43

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration To return to the question of Italianate design ideas, if the marble surround of Rubens's high altar painting at S. Maria in Vallicella (see Fig. 15) was also conceived by Rubens, as some of the literature inconclusively pretends,47 the similarities with the Jesuit church high altar in Antwerp are striking. Despite a less colourful effect in Antwerp, particularly due to the exclusive use of white, red and black marble for the upper parts, without any form of marble intarsia (and without white marble borders, as stated above), the general proportions and structure of the Jesuit church high altarpiece are very similar. In Antwerp, however, the height of the lower edge of the altar picture is explicable, where the three paintings that are not shown are stored.48 In Rome, instead, there seems never to have been the plan for exchangeable altarpiece paintings. Therefore, not surprisingly, the insertion of a tabernacle in that space was perceived as difficult and many attempts at designing it failed on aesthetic grounds, until Ciro Ferri came up with a solution some 70 years later.49 The crowning of the two altarpieces is clearly different, however, and it should be noted that the two angels at the top are a Cortonesque addition of the mid-17th century. Today, the highly colourful marble decoration of the Jesuit church stands out as extraordinarily luxurious and truthful to materials compared with later sculptural production in Antwerp. However it should be realised that it was principally matters of taste that affected sculptural conceptions in the second half of the 17th century, rather than the cost or availability of these materials. Antwerp productions by this time were fully three-dimensional, most forms of painting having been eschewed and the central space of altarpieces being filled with marble sculptures in fully illusionistic compositions (see Fig. 16). The most incredible technical feats were carried out in order that the huge weights of marble could be lifted, as if these were flying in the air. This was accompanied by a clear preference for black and white marble, making use of Namur, Dinant or Theux black marble, combined with the usual white statuary marble from Carrara. In Rome, on the other hand, the colourfulness of altarpieces continued to enjoy favour. For example the Cappella Alaleona at SS. Domenico e Sisto by Bernini and Raggi used an architectural surround for the sculptural and painterly stage set. At the top of the Roman hierarchy, patinated and gilt bronze was copiously added to the colourful marbles, such as in Andrea Pozzo's St Ignatius chapel at the Gesù. At ceiling level in the Jesuit church colourfulness was achieved with the remarkable series of paintings by Rubens that were lost in the 1718 fire. These were all placed in the smaller and flat horizontal ceilings of the side aisles and the galleries. The central vault, instead, was simply decorated with coffers, much in the tradition of Venetian ceilings à la Sala del Consiglio of the Doges’ palace. This ceiling was decorated in stucco on a wooden structure, with many elements gilded. This is what we can see in a number of paintings showing the interior of the Jesuit church before the fire (see Fig. 17), as well as from a drawing in the church archives (see Fig. 18)50 that more than probably dates from immediately after the fire, but redraws the design of the ceiling before its destruction. The current ceiling, produced shortly after the fire, bears no relation to the original one. The ceiling above the apse (see Fig. 19), on the other hand, seems to have been preserved 47   E.g. E. Lavagnino, G.R. Ansaldi and L. Salerno, Altari barocchi in Roma, (Rome, 1959), p. 61; whereas G. Incisa della Rocchetta, ‘Documenti editi e inediti sui quadri del Rubens nella chiesa nuova’, Atti della Ponteficia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, III, Rendiconti, 35, 1962-3, pp. 16183, does not publish any document that might indicate Rubens’s authorship of the marble surround’s design; the only reference (p. 175) to the marble surround is a payment of 11 October 1608 to Tullio Solaro for a piece of ‘marmo giallo e nero’ for the ‘cornice’ (frame).

48   In Antwerp, it was unwise to build the paintings storage under the floor level of the church as ruien (canals) run underneath the church and would cause damp, if not flooding. See Fig.3 in Piet Lombaerde’s essay on the church towers in this volume. 49   J. Montagu, Gold, Silver and Bronze. Metal Sculpture of the Roman Baroque, (Princeton, 1996), pp. 56-62 and note 41 (with further literature). 50   Ch. Van Herck and A. Jansen, l.c., 1948, cat. 38.

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17. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit church, (Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België).

18. After Pieter Huyssens, drawing of the nave ceiling of the Antwerp Jesuit church, (Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp).

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19. Detail of the painted, gilt and sculpted apse ceiling of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

20. Attributed to Peter Paul Rubens, cartouche design, archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp.

completely, or possibly only mended marginally after the fire. Its much richer decoration includes a number of figurative elements such as torchères, angels holding garlands and cherubs, all amidst vigorous strapwork. Apparently with superficial iconographic links to the high altarpiece, this ceiling does function as a transition between the high altarpiece and the nave on an aesthetic level, in terms of the level of figurative parts, the materials used (gilded details, such as the sheaf held by the marble angel atop the altarpiece) and the principal colour (white). All this seems to have been the wish of Rubens, as a drawing attributed to his hand is preserved in the church’s archives (see Fig. 20).51 Much the same can be said of the drawing by Rubens (and another hand52) for the vault of the Houtappel chapel. This ceiling (Fig. 6) has gilded details, but its background is white and reflects the formal vocabulary of the white marble gridwork below the black marble cornice (see above). Once again, the more or less figurative ceiling decoration acts as an aesthetic transition between the fully figurative altarpiece (The Assumption of the Virgin by Rubens), via the sculpted God the Father above her and back to the coloured marble wall decoration and the statues placed on consoles flanking marbleframed paintings.

51

  Ibid., cat. 45.   Cf. E. Mitsch, Die Rubenszeichnungen der Albertina: zum 400. Geburtstag, (Vienna, 1977), cat. 34. The two small representations of a sacrificial altar and the Old Testament 52

Ark of the Covenant in squares at either end are in a different hand and a different technique, but were produced on the ceiling. See Fig.5. in the essay by Bert Timmermans in this volume.

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21. Trees, anonymous fresco painting, at the back of the high altarpiece ‘stage’ of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

Despite the integration of the Houtappel chapel’s constituent parts, these are largely characterised by two-dimensional surfaces. This seems to be the single most important aspect of this chapel and serves to remind us of its designer, the painter Rubens. Indeed, on closer scrutiny, the formal integration is only partial. The integration achieved by Antwerp sculptors from the second half of the 17th century is truly three-dimensional and implies practical knowledge of the skills of the trade. Rubens, by not being trained as a sculptor, would not have produced pieces of technical bravura like the Borghese statues by Bernini. Instead he concentrated his efforts on other matters, especially on iconographic integration and truthfulness to materials. In this respect the high altarpiece of the Jesuit church seems even less integrated than the Houtappel chapel. The altarpiece’s painting bears no direct iconographic relations to the surrounding sculptures. There is no sculpted God the Father calling the painted Virgin below (see Fig. 4). This, however, is a consequence of the wish to have several altarpiece paintings. The altarpiece contained four paintings, including two by Rubens, which were shown alternatively and changed according to the liturgical season or special occasions by a mechanism hidden behind it.53 In this, the altarpiece painting starts to resemble a stage set, with its own laws of perspective on stage and with two balconies on either side of the stage, reminding one of the frequent productions performed by the Jesuits.54 On very special occasions, all four paintings were stored and a small stage allowed the creation of a tableau vivant. The summary fresco painting representing greenery (see Fig. 21) and a Trinitarian delta with the eye of God surrounded by light (the latter painted on canvas, nailed and glued on the wall) still survive (see Fig. 22).

53

22. The Trinitarian delta with the eye of God surrounded by light, ano­ nymous painting on canvas, nailed and glued on the back wall of the high altarpiece ‘stage’ of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

  X. Van Eck, ‘De jezuïeten en het wervende wisselaltaarstuk’, De zeventiende eeuw, 14, 1998, 1, 81-94, esp. p. 88. 54   See e.g. G. Proot, ‘Het schooltoneel van de jezuïeten in de Provincia Flandro-Belgica tijdens het ancient regime (1575-1773), in: L. van Heteren et al. (eds.), Ornamenten van het vergeten, (Amsterdam, 2007), pp.119-22.

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration The whole is, however, far away from the sharp and instantaneous surprise effects Bernini often sought. Instead, the changing of the altarpiece paintings functions as an invigorating aesthetic and liturgical renewal. The church as a whole functions on the same principle as the high altarpiece. On penetrating the piazza in front of the church, the visitor discovers a façade (see Fig. 23)55 with a complex iconographic programme,56 displayed on a single essentially flat surface. That Rubens was closely involved in the design of all this sculpture has amply been proven, notably by the preparatory drawing at the British Museum (for the central cartouche),57 the two at the Pierpont Morgan Library (for the trumpeting angels of the main entrance spandrels)58 and the one formerly in the Ludwig Burchard collection (for the cherub heads and foliage of the main entrance arch).59 Unlike the overall spatial concept of the Houtappel chapel, but like the architectural concept of Cobergher’s church at Scherpenheuvel, the Jesuit church façade follows the Roman ‘High Renaissance’ system of ‘going to and leading through’ it.60 Thus the façade in the piazza is in essence a first stage set, followed by the high altarpiece inside the church. Each ‘stage set’ develops a rich but unified iconographic message, principally conveyed by the figurative elements, sculpted on the façade, ­painted and sculpted on the altarpiece. The visual link between these two ‘screens’ is a corridor of sculptures: at Scherpenheuvel with the four Evangelists in the vestibule; at the Antwerp Jesuit church with four statues on two levels in the apse.61 As such, these two ‘meaningful screens’ are of a totally different concept compared with the fully sculptural ensembles of the later 17th century mentioned above. It is the richness and colourfulness of the used materials, combined with the theological content of the iconographic programme, that was to accompany and strengthen the rituals of the Catholic liturgy, rather than an approach designed to stimulate emotions. The second ‘flat screen’ was to contain a synthesis of the entire iconographic message: the painting of the high altarpiece. As has been seen, the first two of the series of four were painted by Rubens, who kept much of the work in his hands. We know from his involvement in the high altarpiece for the cathedral of Ghent that he rejected any altarpiece with a central piece that was sculpted and not painted.62 Italian precedent, and particularly a Venetian one as at S. Giorgio Maggiore, with Gerolamo and Giuseppe Campagna filling the central part of the altarpiece with their sculpture, was not a reason for Rubens agreement that his art be considered unnecessary or even inferior on the high altar, the central focus of any Catholic church. This can also be seen from other well-documented altarpiece designs by Rubens, for instance, that for the cathedral of Freising, where Rubens, on being hired for the altarpiece painting, had some of the sculpture removed from Hans Krumpper’s proposal,63 relegating the wooden statuary and sculpted ornament to the frame.64 55   Fig. 23 was identified as by Gaspar O’Kale (i.e. Gaspar Occhiali, or van Wittel, known as Vanvitelli) in the 1765 William Blathwayt sale and more recently it was attributed (orally) by Michael Jaffé to Anton Gheringh. The picture Ye faciata of ye Jesuits (160 florins) appears in a Note of Pictures Antwerp signed by Jan Siberechts in 1693. The current attribution to Willem van Ehrenberg is more convincing. With all my thanks to Alastair Laing for these details. 56   See Barbara Haeger’s essay in this volume. 57   E.g. F.Baudouin, o.c, 1977, pp. 146-47. 58   Ibid. pp. 144-45. 59   F. Baudouin, ‘Peter Paul Rubens and the Notion ‘PainterArchitect’’, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions

and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), p. 33 fig. 16. See Fig.16 in the ‘Introduction’ by Piet Lombaerde in this volume. 60   One could even say ‘trumpeting through’ with the two angels in the spandrels around the main door. 61   The four were executed after Rubens’s death. It should be noted that Rubens’s ceiling paintings were hardly visible from the nave, so these are not counted in the link between the two ‘screens’. 62   Further discussed in L. Lock, l.c., 2007, (forthcoming). 63   L. Weber, Die Erneuerung des Domes zu Freising 16211630, mit Untersuchung der Goldenen-Schnitt-Konstruktionen Hans Krumppers und zum Hochaltarbild des Peter Paul Rubens, (Munich, 1985), p. 81. 64   Ibid., ill. 96.

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23: Attributed to Willem van Ehrenberg, Façade of the Jesuit Church of Antwerp, Dyrham Park, The Blathwayt Collection (The National Trust).

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Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration The high altarpiece formerly at the abbey of St Michael in Antwerp was of a similar kind, with a triumphal-arch-shaped frame around his altarpiece painting, with three sculptural groups above that proclaimed with Rubens’s painting a complex and complementary theology.65 These sculptures were executed by Hans van Mildert, the trusted and frequent collaborator of Rubens, just as with the sculptural elements of the high altarpiece in the Jesuit church of Antwerp. We have seen with Scherpenheuvel and the Jesuit church Houtappel chapel how there were important differences in concept and style within the oeuvre of a sculpture workshop, depending on who was responsible for the design of a particular sculpture, the sculptor himself or an outside architect or painter.66 At St Michael’s, the important changes in composition between the two extant oil sketches by Rubens67 and two of the three sculptures68 as executed, can be explained on two levels: iconography and composition. The change in iconography between St Norbert holding a monstrance or a chalice has amply been explained by Barbara Haeger.69 The changes in composition (and to a certain extent in style), on the other hand, are linked to the placing and function of the final work, an over life-size alabaster statue placed at considerable height. The background vegetation and the ground on which the heretic Tanchelm is being trampled by St Norbert make no sense in Rubens’s design if he had only been thinking of designing a free-standing statue. Tanchelm’s attitude is one of trying to escape while scratching the floor with his right hand and looking up at St Norbert so as to choose the right moment to do so. In the statue, Tanchelm is turned in such a way that he can no longer escape and his face, turned towards the viewer, reveals his acceptance of this fact. The turning of Tanchelm’s body to show him lengthwise also implies a greater visibility from below. Whether all these changes were decided by Rubens, by Hans van Mildert or by both ­together, with or without input from the patron, is not documented. It does show that Rubens conceived ­statues in a painterly setting (a landscape) and without thinking too much about the final destination of the statue – nor about the practicalities in translating a two-dimensional surface design to a three-dimensional piece of stone with all the practical problems that that implies. The changes in style between the modello and the statue also stress how little sense it makes to analyse this in the context of a sculptor’s oeuvre, if we do not even know who was responsible for the stylistic choices. The differences between the modello for the St Michael and Van Mildert’s statue are even greater. Not only has Lucifer, in the same way as Tanchelm, given up the battle, but the Archangel has substantially risen in size and visibility. St Michael’s wings have become giant ones, now complementing the shape of the pediment below, his shield is larger, and his face rendered masculine and his hair aggressive in its abundance and curliness. Lucifer’s body is also turned to face lengthwise in order to have an increased visual presence. The whole effect of this adapted composition is an increased power conveying the iconographic message of triumph over heresy. On a lesser note, much the same can be said of the crowning angels on the high altarpiece of the Jesuit church. The fact that the angels changed place several times in the designs for the high altarpiece, though sometimes hardly changed in shape or composition, reveals Rubens’s painterly approach to composition: he moved parts of the composition about on his two-dimensional support. The drawing of the angel for the Jesuit church high altarpiece now in Berlin70 is the clearest example of this working procedure. The angel is cut out and stuck on a sheet by a different hand, on which a partial 65

  B. Haeger, ‘Rubens’s Adoration of the Magi and the program for the high altar of St Michael’s Abbey in Antwerp’, Simiolus, 25, 1997,1, 45-71. 66   L.Lock, l.c., 2007, (forthcoming). 67   J.S. Held, The Oil Sketches of Peter Paul Rubens. A Critical Catalogue, (Princeton, 1980), pp. 576-78; St Michael, private collection, most recently sold Christie’s London, 7 December 2006 lot 10; St Norbert, American private collection. 68   Moved to St Trudo, Groot Zundert (NL), in 1802.

69

  B. Haeger, l.c., 1997, p. 64.   Cf. H. Mielke and M. Winner, Peter Paul Rubens: Kritischer Katalog der Zeichnungen. Originale, Umkreis, Kopiën, (Berlin, 1977), cat. 25 and F. Baudouin, l.c., 1991, p. 36. It also documents how Rubens worked together with another draughtsman, as he completed the flames at the top only after the cut out design was stuck on another piece of paper. 70

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Léon E. Lock outline of the central aedicule survives. On the altarpiece, the angel is placed lower down. It must be stressed, nonetheless, that in the case of the Jesuit high altarpiece the statuary could not perform the same iconographic function as that at St Michael’s abbey. Not only because there were several altarpiece paintings there, which means that only a generic iconography of the frame statuary could be chosen to complement each of them, but moreover, the iconography of the high altar paintings did not have the same level of theological complexity as St Michael’s. Conclusion Before the late 17th-century fully sculptural and, in Rubens’s would-be eyes, ‘preposterous’ altars, one may see developments in Low Countries sculpture stylistically led by Rubens’s painterly conceptions of the Baroque by ‘making architecture, sculpture and painting speak with one voice’,71 particularly regarding the iconographic content and in true honesty of materials. Whether we term this phase of sculptural production ‘Early Baroque’, following famous art historians like Julius Held and Rudolf Wittkower, is a choice acceptable for reasons of convenience, though it contains a negative value judgment about a stylistic development that would mark a pause between the ‘High Renaissance’ and the ‘High Baroque’ and is therefore not fully accomplished. In any case, it is clear from a formal perspective that sculpture in the Jesuit church played the role of a mediator per se, particularly on a material and iconographic level, somewhere between architecture and painting. It is therefore a ­Gesamtkunstwerk of a totally different kind from later fully three-dimensional and illusionistic compositions by a Hendrik-Frans Verbrugghen or an Artus Quellinus the Younger. The term ‘Early Baroque’ then becomes only useful to distinguish these two artistic conceptions. Interestingly, the partial reconstruction and redecoration following the 1718 fire fully respected the Rubensian truthfulness to materials in the new and high-quality sculpture. All the renewed church furniture by Michiel van der Voort the Elder and Jan-Peter van Baurscheit the Elder was in solid and unpainted oakwood and therefore completely truthful to materials, as was the case in Rubens's time.

71   K. Fremantle, The Baroque Town Hall of Amsterdam, (Utrecht, 1959), p.131.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp Bert Timmermans

Research into the phenomenon of the family chapel in the 17th-century city in Brabant is fairly scarce. Apart from the publications by Christine Göttler1, hardly any attention was paid to the social context, either. Nevertheless, the phenomenon is worth being studied closely, as several dimensions come together in the capital-intensive patronage that was the foundation of a family chapel. In this essay, I will try to chart the social context of the family chapel, covering the following aspects: the legitimation of the chapel foundation; the status of the family chapel and its spatial implications; its funding, the artistic dimension and the opportunities for representation. The proliferation of the religious institutions and the devoutness market The damage caused by the iconoclasm initiated a large-scale building and redecoration campaign after 1585. Altars, sculptures and other works of art were supposed to restore the sacral space to its former glory, all in line with the post-Tridentine reforms.The aim was to make the liturgy more impressive, in order to increase the flock’s involvement.2 The resulting material adaptations enhanced the popularity of certain church furniture and the use of precious materials for interior decoration.3 In the first half of the 17th century, Catholicism regained its position of monopoly; this resulted in a policy of expansion. Within a few decades, an invasion conventuelle –the foundation of several monastic communities– was clearly noticeable in Antwerp. The number of regular communities increased from 16 before 1585 to 33 in 1678. Moreover, work on church buildings that had been stopped, was resumed. If religious and charitable institutions are counted on the Antwerp city map of 1678, the result is about eighty. They cover the entire spectrum, from a cathedral over parochial and abbey churches to large and small chapels. Not only did the building offensive offer numerous opportunities for architectural innovation, but the social and spatial implications were equally wide-ranging. In order to cover the high costs of building and refurbishment, the Church tried to encourage the wealthy Antwerp citizens to act as contributors and buyers of religious services. Foundations and

1

  Ch. Göttler, ‘Securing Space in a Foreign Place: Peter Paul Rubens’s Saint Teresa for the Portuguese MerchantBankers in Antwerp’, The Journal of the Wallace Art Gallery, 57, 1999, 133-51; Id., ‘Religiöse Stiftungen als Dissimulation? Die Kapellen der portugiesischen Kaufleute in Antwerpen’, in: M. Borgolte (ed.), Stiftungen und Stiftungsswirklichkeiten. Von Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart, (Berlin, 2000), pp. 277-305. 2   A. Blunt, Artistic Theories in Italy 1450-1600, (London, 1964), pp. 107-27. Charles Borromeo’s 1577 tract contained instructions concerning the refurbishment of the church interior, and new places for, for instance, the altars: M.L. Perer, ‘Cultura e socialtà dell’altare barocco nell’antica Diocesi di Milano’, Arte Lombarde, 42-43, 1975, 11-66; A.D. Wright, ‘The altarpiece in Catholic Europe: post-Triden-

tine transformations’, in: P. Humfrey and M. Kemp, (eds.), The Alterpiece in the Renaissance, (Cambridge-New York), 1990, p. 243. 3   P.F.X. De Ram and J.F. Van de Velde, Synodicon Belgicum, sive acta omnium ecclesiarum Belgii a celebrato concilio Tridentino usque concordatum anni 1801, Dl. 1, Nova et absoluta collectio synodorum tam provincialum quamdiocesanarum archiepiscopatus Mechliniensis, (Mechelen, 1828), pp. 369, 372, 374, 382, 384 and 387; H. Bussers, ‘De beeldhouwkunst’, in: Antwerpen in de XVIIde eeuw, (Antwerp, 1989), pp. 293-306; M.J. Marinus, ‘De financiering van de contrareformatie te Antwerpen (1585-1700)’, in: E. Put, M.J. Marinus and H. Storme (eds.), Geloven in het verleden. Studies over het godsdienstig leven in de vroegmoderne tijd, aangeboden aan Michel Cloet, (Leuven, 1996), p.239.

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Bert Timmermans artistic projects had always been linked with liturgical service by the church institutions.4 An art foundation involved the transaction of an entire package.5 The family was guaranteed any future church services; for the church institutions, commemorative art was of considerable economic importance, due to the financial transactions related to the funereal and commemorative worship.6 Commemorative art encompassed several functions, one of which was to remind the heirs of their duty to plead the salvation of the soul of the departed through the celebration of masses.7 Another function was to encourage the viewer into personal contemplation on life, death and salvation.8 Piety and attention for the salvation of the soul were thus linked to continued remembrance. Campaigns were launched to persuade potential financiers to provide money for the salvation of their souls. The Church stressed the fact that support for building and refurbishment projects counted as care for the common welfare (bonum commune). As such, it could be presented as a special category of alms (genus eleemosynae).9 From this point of view, the founder was signing a contract with God. In return for payment, in the shape of religious art foundations, prayers and masses, he created a Lösegeld für die Sünden. 10 The 17th-century devoutness market showed a significant lay demand for services and church space. This development strongly resembles what J. Bossy described as: ‘…a sort of enclosure movement in the territory of the dead, destined to accommodate the claims of family worship…’.11 The material culture linked with this practice tended to generate its own dynamism, mainly as a result of the interaction between demonstration effect and sensitivity for representation. The revival of the family chapel in 17th-century Antwerp Because the church institutions had the most extensive communication network within the city, they offered an excellent platform to influence perception and the social memory.12 A church building was not just a liturgical space, in which the mystery of the faith was experienced and where works of art, as religious artifacts, were the objects of devotion and prayer; it was also, of old, a col-

4

  Cf. G. Jaritz, ‘Zur Sachkultur österreichischer Klöster des Spätmittelalters’, in: Klösterliche Sachkultur des Spätmittelalters, (Vienna, 1980), pp.147-68; Id., ‘Religiöse Stiftungen als Indikator der Entwicklung materieller Kultur im Mittelalter’, in: Materielle Kultur und religiöse Stiftung im Spätmittelalter, (Vienna, 1990), pp. 13-35. 5   W. Schmid, Stifter und Auftraggeber im spätmittelalterlichen Köln, Cologne, 1994, pp. 499-500. 6   C. Miller-Lawrence, Flemish Baroque Commemorative Monuments 1566-1725, (New York-London, 1981), pp.4142; B. Timmermans, ‘Barokke vroomheid en familiaal prestige. Beeldvorming, mecenaat en het commemoratieve monument in het zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpen’, De zeventiende eeuw. Cultuur in de Nederlanden in interdisciplinair perspectief, 16, 2000, 2, pp. 89-99. 7   M. A. Coutts-Dohrenbusch, Untersuchungen zu Ikonographie und Gestaltung der Antwerpener Gemäldeepitaphien im 16. und 17. Jh , (Diss. Phil. Rheinische Friedrich-WilhelmsUniversität Bonn), (Bonn, 1989), p. 65. 8   E. Mâle, L’Art Religieux après le Concile de Trente, (Paris, 1932), p. 216. 9   Ch. Göttler, Die Kunst des Fegefeuers nach der Reformation. Kirchliche Schenkungen, Ablaß und Almosen in Antwerpen und Bologna um 1600, (Mainz, 1996), pp.17-18, 126, 128, 140143, 170-72.

10

  S. Blum speaks of a “contractual agreement with the Godhead”. See S. Blum, Early Netherlands Triptychs, Berkeley (Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 1-2. See also: Ch. Bec, Les marchands écrivains. Affaires et humanisme à Florence 1375-1434, (Paris, 1967), pp. 110-11, 277; M. Greilsammer, Een pand voor het paradijs. Leven en zelfbeeld van Lowys Porquin, Piëmontees zakenman in de zestiende-eeuwse Nederlanden, (Tielt, 1989), pp. 24-25; E. Vavra, ‘Pro remedio animae: Motivation oder leere Formel, überlegungen zur Stiftung religiöser Kunstobjecte’, in: Materielle Kultur und religiöse Stiftung im Spätmittelalter. Internationale Round-Table-Gespräch. Krems an der Donau. 26 September 1988, (Vienna, 1990), pp. 123-56. 11   J. Bossy, Christianity in the West 1400-1700, (OxfordNew York), 1985, pp. 33-34. Cf. S.K. Cohn, Death and Property in Siena 1205-1800. Strategies for the Afterlife, (Baltimore, 1988), p. 97. 12   Since social perception is the result of conscious or unconscious processes of selection, interpretation and distortion, it can be manipulated or influenced in many different ways. M. Merleau-Ponty, The Phenomenology of Perception, (London, 1962). See also: B. Timmermans, ‘The 17th-century Antwerp Elite and Status Honour. The presentation of self and the manipulation of social perception’, On the Edge of Truth and Honesty. Intersections. Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 2, 2002, 149-65.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church lective space13, in which the social order was reproduced and experienced.14 As such, works of art and their spatial dispositions were allowed to become the vocabulary of political and economic dominance and aspirations.15 Families from the Antwerp elite were often responsible for several art foundations, spread over several locations: the parish church, the church of a religious order they had a special affinity with, the church of the rural community where they had their villa rustica. Sometimes they went even further and funded the infrastructure, a chapel, which offered the accommodation for tombs and works of art with a commemorative dimension. The family chapel experienced a revival in 17th-century Antwerp, and the Houtappel family chapel may have been the most important example, though not the first one. At the end of the 16th century, Canon Gaspar Van der Cruyce had already founded a chapel in the cathedral.16 But it was another chapel foundation that received more acclaim and inspired more imitation. On 15 March 1615, the foundation stone of a side chapel at the Calced Carmelites was laid. Jan de Gaverelles, the then city secretary, commissioned and funded the building and decoration works.17 With the building of this chapel, and especially the way of financing it, the Calced Carmelites and Jan de Gaverelles set the trend. A few years later, the Houtappel family had the chapel of Our Lady in the Antwerp Jesuit church erected and copiously decorated (see Figs.1 and 2). The chapel of St Joseph in the same church would be a foundation of the Loways, a merchant family.18 This chapel was decorated with an altarpiece by Rubens, donated by Nicolaas Rockox.19 Rockox himself also founded a chapel in the church of the Minorites in 1620.20 At the Discalced Carmelites, two choir chapels and the main altar were financed by Portuguese bankers’ families in the second half of the 1620s.21 During the 1630s, several more families took the step to this capital-intensive form of patronage. 1636 saw the foundation of the grand chapel of St Joseph at the falcontinnen convent by Lodewijk De Roomer. But especially St Jacob’s church thought chapel foundations to be a solution for the expensive building work of the choir. This led to families receiving the ius patronatus in St Jacob’s church, provided they would finance the completion and decoration of a chapel assigned to them.

13

  Recently, theoreticians such as Solà-Morales have refined the difference between the public and private categories by accepting the notion of the collective space. This notion refers to meeting spaces in the city, which – although private property, and in that sense sometimes exclusive – nevertheless function as a stage for public activities. M. de SolàMorales, ‘Openbare en collectieve ruimte. De verstedelijking van het privé-domein als nieuwe uitdaging’, Oase, 33, 1992, pp. 3-8. 14   In the case of Antwerp, F. Verleysen noticed a correlation between the positions of the trade groups in the procession, the location of the guild’s altar in a specific church and the political participation of the guilds. F. Verleysen, ‘Pretense Confrerieën’? Devotie als communicatie in de Antwerpse corporatieve wereld na 1585’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 26, 2001, 153-74. 15   Cf. B. Roeck, ‘Motive bürgerlicher Kunstpatronage in der Renaissance. Beispiele aus Deutschland und Italien’, in: B. Kirchgässner and H.P. Becht (eds.), Stadt und Mäzenatentum, (Sigmaringen, 1997), pp. 45-64.

16

  P.J. Goetschalckx, Geschiedenis der Kanunniken van O.L.V. Kapittel te Antwerpen (1585-1700), (Antwerp, 1929), pp. 100-07. 17   F. Prims,  Jan de Gaverelles, een figuur uit de Katholieke Renaissance (1579-1645), (Antwerp-Utrecht, 1946), p. 9. 18   F. Peeters, Une visite à l’église Saint-Charles à Anvers, (Antwerp, 1924), p.31. 19   R. Mannaerts,  De artistieke expressie van de mariale devotie der Jezuïeten te Antwerpen (1562-1773). Een iconografisch onderzoek (unpublished master thesis, KU Leuven, 1983), vol. 1, p.137. 20   H. Van Cuyck,  Levensschets van Nicolaas Rockox den jongere, burgemeester van Antwerpen in de XVIIde eeuw, (Antwerp, 1882), pp.75-77; S. Schoutens, Geschiedenis van het voormalig Minderbroedersklooster van Antwerpen (1446-1797), (Antwerp, 1894), p.242. 21   Ch. Göttler, o.c., 1996, pp. 218-19, 224; Id., o.c., 1999; Id., o.c., 2000, pp. 288-94.

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Bert Timmermans

1. Interior of the Houtappel chapel, view towards the altar.

Among these foundations were: the Chapel of the ‘Three Saints’ by the Lange-Scho­ liers family (1630); the Chapel of St Ivo by Laurent Biel (1636) 22; the Chapel of the Visitation of Our Lady by the Lopes Franco-y-Feo family (1636); the Chapel of the Resurrection of Christ by Jan Vincque (1642); the Chapel of St Charles by the Carenna family (1651); and the Chapel of Sts. Peter and Paul by the Bollaert family (1651). Husband and wife Francisco Lopes Franco-y-Feo and Maria Franca also put down their names for the Portiuncula Chapel in the north transept of the church of the Minorites in 1649-1650.23 The chapels in St Jacob’s church were decidedly smaller and cheaper than the Houtappel family chapel. The Rubens chapel, at 7 x 5.3 m (23 x 17 ft) was the largest of the eight radiating chapels, but the Houtappel chapel measured 17 x 7.5 m (55 x 25 ft). This was reflected in the price. The foundations in St Jacob’s were between ƒ 3,000 and ƒ 5,00024, whereas the construction work of the De Roomer chapel and the rights linked to the foundation were over ƒ15,000.25 The Houtappel chapel was even more expensive. A number of elements emerge after a social screening of chapel founders. While old patrician families are missing, the list of families with a mercantile background is impressive: Van der Cruyce, Loway, Nunes d’Evora, De Roomer, Vincque, Carenna, Bollaert, Lopes Franco-yFeo. The Houtappel family also belongs to this group. They were all merchant families who had made tidy profits in spite of the slumping econ-

2. Interior of the Houtappel chapel, view towards the west.

22   V. Jacobs, Uit het verleden van de Antwerpse balie. De confrérie van Sint-Yvo en haar jaarfeest, (Antwerp, 1916), pp. 21-22, 59-62. 23   S. Schoutens, o.c., 1894, pp. 236-38. 24   The cost of decoration and the placing of the stained-glass windows was not included in the price. P.Génard, ‘La première épitaphe de Rubens. Une question d’histoire’, Rubens Bulletin, 4, 1888, pp.260-70; C. Miller-Lawrence, Flemish Baroque Commemorative Monuments 1566-1725, (New York – London, 1981), pp. 41-43; U. Söding, Das Grabbild des Peter Paul Rubens in der Jacobskirche zu Antwerpen, (HildesheimZürich-New York, 1986), p. 222. 25   Rijksarchief Antwerpen, Falcontinnen, 81, Register Voor de Capelle vanden Heylighen Ioseph, f° 20.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church omy in the last quarter of the 16th century, or who had taken full advantage of the revival of the economic climate in the early 17th century. They gradually limited their high-risk activities and consolidated their fortunes by investments in real estate. In order to glamorize their life of rentier, they often aspired to an aristocratic title. Several of the families mentioned above acquired an aristocratic title immediately before or after a chapel foundation: Van der Cruyce (1626), De Roomer (1650), Carenna (1655), Bollaert (1656). Other peers were Rockox, De Gaverelles and Scholliers (1631), leading figures in city politics.26 In more than one case a great fortune benefited some church or other, when it transpired that a rich and influential family would die out because of a lack of male progeny. Jan de Gaverelles, Nicolaas Rockox, Lodewijk de Roomer and the Portuguese banker Francisco Lopes Franco-y-Feo died without heirs.27 Godfried Houtappel, too, died without male descendants. The foundation of a chapel was legitimized by the model of Christian patronage. The attraction of this model was that it reconciled the lofty religious and the more down-to-earth motives of the founder. The foundation of a chapel, in the context of the time, did not only constitute a material proof of religious devotion, but also showed a grand gesture by the individual towards the community.28 The solidarity with the community was also expressed in the dedication ceremony. The importance of this ritual was underlined by the presence of dignitaries such as the bishop and city magistrates.29 Apart from that, there were also commemorative and publicity motives. The management of a chapel or an altar in one of the city churches offered opportunities to show family pride and identity. In the context of the private chapel, the memoria was ensured by inscriptions, family coat of arms and images stressing the right of patronage. In this way, private appropriation of the church space was realised through emblematic means. In a society with a high rate of illiteracy, coats of arms and signs organized space and made explicit rights and boundaries.30 Also, publications like Jacques Le Roy’s Le Grand Théatre Sacré et Profane du Duché de Brabant (1734) and Franciscus Sweertius’s Monumenta sepulchralia et inscriptiones publicae privataeque Ducatua Brabantiae (1613) paid extensive attention to the wellto-do families and their commemorative and funereal monuments31, which were sometimes mentioned in travel guides as well.32 A dedication could also provide the occasion for publicity in the shape of printed papers, etchings, medallions. In this way, the founders ensured a place for themselves in the city history. The Houtappel chapel in the Antwerp Jesuit church (or St Ignatius church) The involvement of the Houtappel family with the Jesuits With the families De Smidt, Van der Cruyce, Van Hove and Van den Steene, the Houtappel family was part of the Cologne connection. This group of families came from the elite of the Antwerp business circles and took a particular stance during the Calvinist rule in Antwerp, between 1578 and

26   Based on P. Janssens,  De evolutie van de Belgische adel sinds de late middeleeuwen, (Brussels, 1998). 27   H. Pohl,  Die Portugiesen in Antwerpen (1567-1648), zür Geschichte einer Minderheit, (Wiesbaden, 1977), pp. 97-98, 368. G. Wilmers,  Cornelis Schut (1597-1655). A Flemish Painter of the High Baroque, (Turnhout, 1996), p. 156; Ch. Göttler, o.c., 2000, pp. 294-99. 28   M. Greaves, The blazon of Honour. A Study in Renaissance Magnanimity, (New York, 1964); Ch. Göttler, o.c., 1996, pp. 175-78. 29   U. Söding, o.c., 1986, pp.15, 223.

30  W. Heinrich, ‘Das Wappen als öffentlichen Zeichen’, in: Symbole des Alltags. Alltag der Symbole. Festschrift für Harry Kühnel, (Graz, 1992), pp. 295-307; G. Althoff, ‘Zur Bedeutung symbolischer Kommunikation für das Verständnis des Mittelalters’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 31,1997, 370-89; L. Burkart, Die Stadt der Bilder. Familiale und kommunale Bildinvestition im spätmittelalterlichen Verona, (Munich, 2000), p. 11. 31   C. Miller Lawrence, o.c., 1981, pp. 44-52. 32   Cf. Ph. Ariès, Het uur van onze dood. Duizend jaar sterven, begraven, rouwen en gedenken, (Amsterdam-Antwerpen, 2003), p. 235.

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Bert Timmermans 1585. During that period, the families avoided all political participation and fled to Cologne.33 Once there, they continued their trade as well as they could, sharing the same uncertain fate and testifying to a militant Catholic faith.34 Religious institutions – in particular the Society of Jesus with its extensive network of sodalities – appear to have played a crucial role in the emergence of this group.35 The Antwerp families held weekly meetings at the St Maximilian convent ‘in order to pray to God Almighty for prosperity and peace in the Netherlands’.36 Through mergers and marriages the families of the Cologne connection ensured mutual obligations. The network capital gathered in Cologne made it possible for them to take up influential positions on their return, both in the Antwerp city government and in the management of religious institutions. The families of the Cologne connection showed a particular preference for the Antwerp Jesuits. The family group Van der Cruyce-De Smidt-Van den Steene-Van Hove, for instance, donated at least ƒ 226,000 – 904 times the yearly income of a skilled labourer – to the Society at the turn of the 17th century.37 Each of the families, moreover, had a number of their offspring enter the order. Also Godfried Houtappel and Cornelia Boot had begun to appreciate the Jesuits during their exile in Cologne. Possibly, the death of their five sons and two of their daughters at a young age pushed the couple to find solace in their faith. Anyway, Godfried Houtappel tightened the links with the Jesuits, while three of his daughters – Maria, Anna and Christina – chose a life as geestelijke dochters, as did their cousin Anna 's Grevens. This implied that they took on a semi-religious status under the spiritual guidance of a monastic.38 In this case, the eminent rector Carolus Scribani took them under his protection. The Jesuits did well out of this close contact. Between 1617 and 1674 the Houtappel and ‘s Grevens families supported the Society to the tune of at least ƒ 304,00039 – 1216 times the yearly income of a skilled labourer. Status of the family chapel and spatial implications When a family embarked on such capital-intensive patronage as the foundation of a chapel, it expected certain rights, which allowed them to appropriate the space of the chapel.40 This created tension, however, between the church institution and the founder.

33

  F. Donnet, Les exilés anversois à Cologne (1582-1585), (Antwerp, 1899), pp. 11, 15-16. 34   When the later Bishop Torrentius stayed with François Van der Cruyce in Cologne for a week in 1584, he found – so he said – this kind of atmosphere there. M. J. Marinus, De Contrareformatie te Antwerpen (1585-1676), (Antwerp, 1995), p.159. 35   J. B. Kettenmeyer, Die Anfänge der Marianischen Sodalität in Köln 1576-1586, (Münster, 1928). 36   F. Donnet, o.c., 1899, p.35. 37   Rijksarchief Antwerpen, Jezuïeten, Vlaamse Provincie L 600, Donations of the families De Smidt and Van der Cruyce. 38   Their position also allowed them to live with their family and possibly help them out around the house or in the business. They could also live in groups of two or three – without forming a community – and devote their lives to caring for the sick or the education of girls. F. de Smidt, Van den salighen staet der gener die in de werelt de reynicheyt beloven, (Antwerp, 1650), pp.175-76; A.K.L. Thijs, Van Geuzenstad

tot katholiek bolwerk. Maatschappelijke betekenis van de Kerk in contrareformatorisch Antwerpen, (Turnhout, 1990), pp.70-73; E. Duverger, ‘De Antwerpse geestelijke dochter Suzanna Forchondt (1637-1711)’, in: Cultuurhistorische caleidoscoop opgedragen aan Prof. Dr. Willy L. Braekman, (Ghent, 1992), pp.167, 173; M. De Vroede, “Kwezels en “Zusters”. De geestelijke dochters in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden. 17de en 18de eeuw, (Brussels, 1994), pp.14-15, 21, 38-47, 55; H. Deneweth, ‘Spanningen tussen geestelijke dochters, families en geestelijke leiders te Brugge (17de en 18de eeuw)’, Handelingen van het genootschap voor geschiedenis, 141, 2004, pp.102-06. 39   Rijksarchief Antwerpen, L 1438, donations of the Houtappel-family (1674). 40   It is impossible to do justice to the judicial aspects of foundations within the scene of church institutions, at least in brief. The issue is far too complex for that. An overview of the issue can be found in: M. Borgolte, ‘Die Stiftungen des Mittelalters in rechts- und sozialhistorischer Sicht’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung, 74, 1988, pp. 71-94.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church The tension between autonomy and dependence translated into the half-open, hybrid character of the family chapel. On the one hand, acquiring the ius patronus of a chapel was linked to the ius sepulturae (burial rights) and the ius inscriptionis (the right to symbolically confirm the possession by displaying the family coat of arms).41 Moreover, the foundation was legally and liturgically isolated. On the other hand, the chapel was still part of the overall church space, even though it could be more or less separated.42 From an architectural point of view, the chapel had to conform to the overall structure.43 Furthermore, it needed a connection to allow the coming and going for the services. Finally, the chapel was, in practice, also dependent on the church institution for liturgical services.44 In the case of St Ignatius's church, the two side chapels were separate entities, even though they were linked to the main building. The south chapel of Our Lady (or Houtappel chapel) was reached through the central bay of 3. Sculpture of the Virgin, sculpted from the oak tree the south aisle. It was entered through a monuof Scherpenheuvel. mental porch, crowned with a black marble archivolt. As with other chapels45, the porch marked the boundary between the church building and the privatised space of the family chapel. The rectangular floor plan of the chapel measured 17 x 7.5 m (55 x 25 ft), with cut-out corners on the eastern side to create a small choir. There was also a crypt attached to the chapel, in which deceased family members found their final resting place. A large white marble memorial stone in front of the altar kept the memory of the benefactions of the founders alive.46 Because they were such important benefactors of the Jesuits, the geestelijke dochters Houtappel were granted special privileges. They were able to have their mentor, Carolus Scribani s.j., buried in the family crypt. Moreover, the sisters had the grave marked with a plaque extensively praising Scribani – against the custom of the order.47 The masses celebrated on the birthdays of the Houtappels and Anna 's Grevens could be attended all morning by the faithful, who were also attracted by the devotion for Our Lady’s Presen41

  U. Söding, o.c., 1986, p.13; S. K. Cohn, Death and Property in Siena 1205-1800. Strategies for the Afterlife, (Baltimore, 1988), pp. 237-38. 42   A. Höger, Studien zur Entstehung der Familienkapelle und zu Familienkapellen und –altären des trecento in Florentiner Kirchen, (Diss. Phil. Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, 1976),p. 7. 43   U. Söding, o.c., 1986, p.11. 44   Ch. Göttler, o.c., 1996, p. 232. 45   The sculptor Hendrik Frans Verbrugghen, for instance, made an arch in white and black marble with monumental sculptures for the Venerable Chapel in the Antwerp Cathedral. Cf. Ch. Van Herck and A. Janssens, ‘Archief in beeld.

De niet meer bestaande kerken en kapellen. De kloosterkerken en abdijen van Antwerpen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis en Folklore, 21, 1958, 3-112, esp. pp.37-39; S. Grieten, ‘De geschiedenis van het gebouw: De kathedraal in de 17de en de 18de eeuw’, in: W. Aerts (ed.), De Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekathedraal van Antwerpen, (Antwerp, 1993), p.138. 46   Monumentum/d. godefredi houtappel/domini in ranst: fundamentoris hius sacelli/et piis. conjg. d. cornelia boot/ filiarumque virginum: mariae annae christinae lucretiae/ et cognotae annae sgrevens/ a quibus confundatum in hac urbe/ collegium societatis iesu./ retribuere dignare domine. 47   A.K.L. Thijs, o.c., 1990, p.72.

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Bert Timmermans tation. This devotion was centred around a polychrome and richly decorated sculpture of the Virgin, sculpted from the oak tree of Scherpenheuvel, a place of pilgrimage (see Fig.3). It was a donation by the archdukes to the Antwerp Jesuits.48 It also played a role in the processions of the sodalities of Our Lady. It was not unusual for family chapels in the city to try to enhance their attraction for the faithful in such a way. The chapel of St Justus at the Annunciates monastic community contained a relic of St Justus49, whereas the chapel founded by Franco-y-Feo at the Minorites was renowned in the whole of Antwerp for its Portiuncula indulgence.50 As a rule, the founders opened up the liturgical space reserved for them on the occasion of a patron saint's day, or permanently, be it for a sodality, be it for the entire community. In this way, the founders created the opportunity for communal prayer, making themselves deserving according to the tractates of the time. In addition, the prospect of having people pray for their salvation must have seemed very attractive.51 The artistic dimension

4. View of the altar of the Houtappel chapel, with an Assumption after Rubens.

The Houtappel chapel impressed with its rich decoration with all kinds of coloured marble, its paintings and gilded stucco. “[…] Il n’y a rien dans cette chapelle qui ne soit très précieux[…]”, the French Jansenist Jules Lemaître wrote in his travel account in 1681. The space dwarfed the chapel of St Ignatius across from it, and in some

travel accounts even outshone the rest of the church.52 Because the founder's family carried the financial burden, they were allowed to decorate the chapel as they saw fit53. This obviously did not preclude advice by the Jesuits. Thanks to the financial strength of the Houtappels, eminent artists could be engaged, allowing them, too, to leave their mark.

48

  R. Mannaerts, o.c., 1983, vol. 2, pp. 176-178, 181183. 49   F. Baudouin,  ‘Balthasar I Moretus, “gheestelyck vader”, en zijn verwanten, begunstigers van de Antwerpse annuntiaten’, in: F. De Nave and M. De Schepper (eds.), Ex Officina Plantiniana Moretum. Studies over het drukkersgeslacht Moretus, (Antwerp, 1996), pp.131-57. 50   Ch. Göttler, o.c., 1996, p.296.

51

  Cf. C. Schleif, Donatio et Memoria. Stifter, Stiftungen und Motivationen an Beispielen aus der Lorenzkirche in Nürnberg, (Munich, 1990), p. 91; Ch. Göttler, o.c., 1996, pp. 42, 85, 247. 52   J.A. Goris, Lof van Antwerpen. Hoe reizigers Antwerpen zagen van de XVde tot XXde eeuw, (Brussels, 1940), p. 80; R. Mannaerts, o.c., 1983, vol. 2, p.175. 53   U. Söding, o.c., 1986, pp. 29-31.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church

5. P.P. Rubens and P. Huyssens (?), project for the vault of the Houtappel chapel.

6. View of the vault of the Houtappel chapel.

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Bert Timmermans

7. Andries (?) de Nole: statue of St Joseph.

54

  A. Poncelet., Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus dans les Anciens Pays-Bas. Etablissement de la Compagnie de Jésus en Belgique et ses développements jusqu’à la fin du règne d’Albert et Isabelle, (Brussels, 1927-28), vol.1, 479-82. 55   P. J. Visschers, Iets over Jacob Jonghelinck, metaelgieter en pinningmeester, Octavio Van Veen, schilder in de XVIe eeuw en de gebroeders Collyns de Nole, beeldhouwers in de XVe, XVe en XVIIe eeuw, (Antwerp, 1853), p. 95; A. Jansen,  ‘De beelden van de O.-L.-Vrouwkapel in St.-Caroluskerk te Antwerpen’, Jaarboek van de Koninklijke Oudheidkundige Kring van Antwerpen, 14, 1938, pp.50-58; Id., ‘Documentatie over Antwerpsche beeldhouwers’, Jaarboek Antwerpen’s Oudheidkundige Kring, 16, 1940, pp.115-16; A. Jansen and Ch. Van Herck, ‘De Antwerpsche Beeldhouwers Colyns de Nole’, Jaarboek Antwerpen’s Oudheidkundige Kring, 19, 1943, pp.72, 87-88; M. Casteels, De beeldhouwers de Nole te Kamerrijk, te Utrecht en te Antwerpen, (Brussels, 1961), pp. 185-87, 414-15 . 56   F. Baudouin, ‘Altars and Altarpieces before 1620’, in: J. R. Martin (ed.), Rubens before 1620, (Princeton, 1972), p.88. Here, too, V. Herremans’s remarks concerning multimedia

After the completion of the structural work in 1621, a building stop was imposed by the general of the Jesuits.54 It appears that as a consequence, the really large-scale decoration work only started in the 1630s. The theme was Our Lady. In 1635, Maria, Christina and Anna Houtappel and their cousin Anna 's Grevens signed a contract with the sculptors Robrecht and Adries Colyns de Nole. Their workshop undertook to decorate the chapel with marble and six monumental sculptures. They received ƒ 21,000 for the entire project. However, Robrecht and Andries died – in 1636 and 1638 respectively – before the completion of the project. Sebastiaan de Neve and Jacques Couplet finished it, as they took over the workshop Colyns de Nole including its unfinished commissions. The project was completed just after 1640.55 Frans Baudouin attributed the concept of the decoration mainly to Rubens.56 It is certain that Rubens made the altarpiece, an Assumption of Our Lady57, and designed the chapel ceiling (see Figs.4,5, 6 and Plate 12).58 The stucco on the ceiling was made by the Colyns de Nole workshop, which also did the altar.59 If the altar was the climax of the decoration campaign, the chapel still had more treasures to offer60, such as the ten paintings on marble in the niches either side of the altar table, depicting scenes from the life

projects seem to be to the point. V. Herremans, ‘Vroomheid verbeeld. Iconografie van de zeventiende-eeuwse ZuidNederlandse retabelsculptuur: de rol van de opdrachtgevers’, in: H. Vlieghe and K. Van der Stighelen, (eds.), Sponsors of the Past. Flemish Art and Patronage 1550-1700, (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 184-85. 57   Peter Paul Rubens, The Assumption of the Virgin, oil on wood, 458 x 297 cm, 1611, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, inv. 518. D. A. Freedberg,  Rubens. The Life of Christ after the Passion, (London – New York, 1984), pp.147-51. 58   L. Burchard and R.-A. d’ Hulst, Rubens’ drawings, (Brussels, 1963), vol.1, 69-70 (n°. 70); F. Baudouin, Rubens en zijn eeuw, (Antwerp, 1972), p.105. 59   P.J. Visschers, o.c., 1853, p. 99; A. Jansen and Ch. Van Herck, o.c., 1943, p. 72; F. Prims, De kunst- en kunstenaarskerk Sint Carolus Borromeus, (Antwerp, 1947), p. 46. 60   This paragraph is based on R. Mannaerts, o.c., 1983, vol. 2, pp. 190-97, 207-25, who reconstructs the then arrangement of the paintings on the basis of old descriptions of the interior.

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The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church of Mary and painted by Hendrick I van Balen. Also other, larger-scale paintings mainly treated themes from the iconography of Our Lady. In particular, there were two monumental canvases by Gerard Seghers, under the south wall windows61, and a long rectangular canvas by Cornelis Schut, which covered the west wall.62 On the north wall, there was a Madonna and Child, with a garland of flowers painted by Daniël Seghers s.j. and the figures possibly by Rubens.63 Of the six monumental sculptures in the chapel, Andries Colyns is thought to have made two: a Virgin and Child (with a height of 178 cm – 5 ft 10 in.) and a St Joseph (175 cm – 5 ft 9 in.) (see Fig.7).64 They took up important positions on both sides of the choir, where they were placed in large recesses, above the small doors to the sacristy and the crypt. The other four sculptures were the work of the Jacques Couplet and Sebastiaan de Neve workshop, who made a St Anna and a St Christina (see Fig. 8), and a St Susanna and a St Catherine of Alexandria .65 Because of a change in the plans – a St Catherine replaced a St Joachim found in earlier plans66 – and because the statues of the four maidens represent the patron saints of the three Houtappel sisters and Anna 's Grevens, several authors have come to interpret the statues as portraits of the founders.67 Some recognized the likenesses of Cornelia Boot and Godfried Houtappel in the statues of Mary and Joseph.68 In addition, Cornelia Boot and Godfried Houtappel were also thought to appear in the Holy Family painting by

61   Both the first (Gerard Seghers, Jesus appearing to the Virgin Mary, oil on canvas, 155 x 236 cm, Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten) and the second (OnzeLieve-Vrouw die de communie ontvangt van Sint-Jan de Evangelist, olie op doek, 158x 242 cm, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, nr. 2624) depicted an apocryphal theme from the iconography of the Virgin, which was defended by Jesuit authors. R. Mannaerts, o.c., 1983, vol. 2, pp. 207-15; D. Bieneck, Gerard Seghers 1591-1651. Leben und Werk des Antwerpener Historienmakers, (Lingen, 1992), pp. 207-09. 62   Cornelis Schut, The Circumcision, oil on canvas, 200 x 420 cm, Sint-Carolus Borromeus, Houtappel-Chapel, Antwerp. G. Wilmers,  Cornelis Schut (1597-1655). A Flemish Painter of the High Baroque, (Turnhout, 1996), pp. 109-11. 63   The work was mentioned one final time in the 1777

8. View of the altar of the Houtappel chapel, with statues of St Susanna and St Catherine.

auction catalogue that was made for the sale of the Jesuit patrimony. R. Mannaerts, o.c., 1983, vol. 2, p.219. 64   It appears from a document dated 16 September 1639 that of the six statues on order (for ƒ1000 each), two had already been made, viz. the statues Virgin and Child and St Joseph. A. Jansen, l.c.,1938, pp.53-54, 57; M. Casteels, o.c., 1961, p.184. 65   F. Peeters, Une visite à l’église Saint-Charles à Anvers, (Antwerp, 1924), pp. 46-47; M. Casteels, o.c., 1961, pp.189-90. 66   P.J. Visschers, o.c., 1853, p. 98; A. Jansen, l.c., 1938, p.55; M. Casteels, o.c., 1961, p.190. 67   F. Peeters, o.c., 1924; S. Leurs, Barokkerken te Antwerpen, (Antwerp, 1935), p.31 ; F. Prims, o.c., 1947, p.45. 68   B. Linnig, Oud Antwerpen. I. Kerken en kloosters, (Antwerp, 1923), p. 17.

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Bert Timmermans Gerard Seghers that used to hang above the entrance to the crypt.69 However, there are no conclusive arguments for these identifications (and the portrayal of well-known figures in a religious context remained a thorny issue). Whatever the truth may be, there were certainly references to the founders in the chapel. Just as in other chapels, the family coat of arms would also have been applied to silverwork and textiles in the Houtappel chapel. Apart from that, the patron saints took a pre-eminent position in the decoration, as we have mentioned, and a white marble memorial plaque kept the family name alive. Also, the arcade above the choir was capped in the middle by Anna Grevens's coat of arms, and the tympanum of the west wall boasted the Houtappel family coat of arms flanked by two standing angels (see Figs.1, 4, and Plate 12).

69

  Fonds Droeshout, Maison professe, vol. 3, 35.

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Appendix I Architectural Treatises, Books and Prints in the Libraries of the Jesuits in Antwerp* Ria Fabri and Piet Lombaerde

Introduction Jesuit libraries are particularly important, not only because of the large volume of books they contain, but also because a number of these works devote special attention to the subject of architecture. Indeed, the Jesuits were the great disseminators and defenders of the Counter-Reformation and of Baroque architecture that evolved during the period. Within their own order they could boast of their own architects who designed many churches, Domus Professae, colleges, and other buildings. In order that they might design these new constructions in the most current styles, these architects had available to them an extensive array of publications on architecture as well as on the sciences that were associated with it and served a useful purpose. The Vitruvian interpretation about the principles of construction was undoubtedly adopted by the Jesuits as they attempted to maintain as close as possible a relationship with the origin of the architecture. But because of these Vitruvian ideas, architecture was experienced as part of a complex building process that embraced a host of different, and likewise important, sciences such as, for instance, mathematics, the study of perspective, astronomy, and others. Also this aspect would find expression in the composition of their libraries. Furthermore, the Jesuits are well known for their sense of orderliness and classification, attributes that contributed to their ranging the sciences, and consequently also the volumes in their libraries, in an orderly and systematic fashion. In this respect, the model for the library at the San Lorenzo Monastery de El Escorial, developed on commission from King Philip II by the Jesuit father Arias Montanus, is, in fact, relevant for the significant position assigned to architecture amongst a host of other ­sciences.1 Also his recommendations to build a library with an East-West orientation, that is to say, the same orientation as churches and thus also facing in the direction of Jerusalem, are important and are being followed in numerous Jesuit libraries. A justification for this is sought in the treatment of the incidence of light in the volume ‘Architectura Libri Decem’ by Vitruvius. The Jesuit father and diplomat Antonio Possevino will appropriate the classification of the ordering system of Montanus in ‘La Bibliotheca selecta de ratione studiorum in Historia, In Disciplinis, in salute omnium procuranda’, published in Rome in 1593 (with reprints in 1603, 1607 etc.). At the same time, he will make this system correspond to the typical Jesuit educational programme, the Ratio Studiorum. The models of the ideal library of Arias Montanus and Possevino are adopted by the Jesuit father Claude Clément from Lyon. He would in 1635 author the standard work about the organisation and arrangement of libraries, entitled ‘Musei, sive Bibliothecae tam privatae quam publicae…’ (see Fig.1).2 In his work, he recommends that the volumes be arranged in bookcases, ordering them first by language and then by subject. He further recommends

*   This essay is a more elaborated version of an article to be published in: O. Medvedkova (ed.), L’Europe des bibliothèques : les bibliothèques d’architecture, (Paris, forthcoming). 1   Montanus may possibly have been familiar with the work of Conrad Gesner, Bibliotheca Universalis, (Zurich, 1545), wherein, for the first time, classifications according to the sciences were worked out.

2

  On this subject, consult especially A. Sanchez Manzano, ‘La Biblioteca de El Escorial según la descripción del P. Claude Clement, S.J.’, in : La Ciencia en el Monasterio del Escorial. Actas del Symposium (1/4-IX-1993), (Madrid, 1992), pp. 617-47

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Appendix I arrangements by liberal arts, aside from law, philosophy, and medicine. Architecture was to take its place beside geography, history, painting, and rhetoric. In this essay, no further mention is made of these classification systems as drawn up by the Jesuit fathers. But a study is made of the possession and the use of books on the subject of architecture in one of the largest Jesuit libraries in the Netherlands, namely the library of the Jesuits in Antwerp.3 Their College in Antwerp was foun­ ded in 1562.4 Through analysis of the libraries that were part of the convent complex of the Jesuit order in Antwerp, an attempt will be made to arrive at some insight into the manner in which architectural treatises could be found in these collections. The use of inventories and sales catalogues used in auctions plays herein a special role. The Libraries of the Antwerp Jesuits: the Sources In order to gain an insight into the volume of the books held in possession of the Antwerp Jesuits, a collection that was voluminous, we have today recourse to only a few written sources. Not to be overlooked is the fact that the Jesuits in Antwerp had access to a general library in the Domus Professa ( Professed House), with an added library for the Bollandists and one for the Hagiographers. There was likewise a library in the College and the residential centre and the six Sodality Houses also had their own library.5 Of all these sundry libraries, or sections of them, only sporadically have some inventories been preserved. A first document that appears suitable for finding out information about the presence of architectural books is the handwritten inventory of the works of father Guillaume Cornély, assembled in the Antwerp Domus Professa (see Fig.2).6 Although the document, consisting of one folio, with text on both sides, is neither dated nor signed, it may possibly have been drawn up around 1660; this is the year of Cornély’s death. This Jesuit was, furthermore, closely in touch with architecture, he being the successor to laybrother Huyssens, the co-architect of the Ignatius church in Antwerp. 1. P. Claudius Clemens: Musei, sive Bibliothecae, tam privatae quam publicae Extructio, Instructio, Cura, Usus. Libri IV…, Lyon,1635. The title page is similar to the title page of Aguilón’s ‘Opticorum Libri Sex’, except the text.

3

  During the 16th and the 17th centuries, Antwerp figured as a very important book printing centre in Europa and could boast of a large number of active publishers. The printing house Plantin-Moretus was granted the honour by the archdukes Albrecht and Isabella to print the books written by Jesuit authors. 4   Cf. H. Van Goethem (ed.), Antwerpen en de jezuïeten 15622002, (Antwerp, 2002). 5   For information on the Jesuit libraries in Antwerp, see B.

Op de Beeck, Jezuïetenbibliotheken in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden, (Ph.D dissertation KULeuven, forthcoming). With a vote of thanks to doctoral candidate B. Op de Beeck, who gave us permission to read a chapter of his dissertation. See also: J. Machiels, Van religieuze naar openbare bibliotheek, (Brussels, 2000). 6   Rijksarchief Antwerpen, Archief van de Nederduitse provincies, no. 2048, loose document.

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Appendix I The inventory list, entitled: ‘Libri Architectonici’ consists of references to forty volumes. Generally, the author and the title, or part of the title, are mentioned. The year and location of the publication are missing, as well as any indication of sizes. All of this hardly points to a professional approach to this inventory and presumes only the in-house use of it, without thoughts of commercial purposes. Aside from works in Latin, (15) and French (9), there are also Dutch (8) and Italian(8) volumes listed. Notable is the fact that, under the heading Architecture, there are further publications on perspective, geometry, mathematics, mechanics, etc., thus harking back to the Vitruvian ideas. Even though this interesting and important document sheds some light on the possession of books on architecture, one has to be circumspect in drawing conclusions. The list does in no wise reflect the complete complement of architectural volumes present in the Domus Professa. For, indeed, in the collection of the Royal Library in Brussels one comes, amongst other volumes, upon a work by S. Bosboom, ‘Cort onderwijs van de vyf colomen’, Amsterdam 1657, inscribed as follows: ‘Bibliotheca Domus Professae Soctis Jesu Antverpiae’. This will serve as one of the examples. In 1730, the Antwerp notary public J. B. Bervoets draws up an inventory containing, amongst other data, a portion of the volumes possessed by the College. This happens following the death of the rector of the College, father M. 2. First page of the inventory of the architectural books in the possession of Guillaume Cornély, c.1660. Hennessij.7 This notary public marked down the information on twenty-seven folios, but generally only the title of the volumes and, sometimes, also the name of the author. Location and date of publication, and also the sizes of the volumes are totally absent; it appears that Bervoets did not call upon professional assistance. Amongst all of the volumes that were present in the library, some two hundred in number, sporadically a book was found treating disciplines related to architecture. For instance, we find the work about military instruments by ‘H. Putiani’(Puteanus) and that of ‘J. de Sacro Loco’ (Bosco), Sphera, on the bookshelves, together with the treatises by Gaspar Schottius S.J.8 Yet, also in this case, this is not to say that no other books on architecture were present at the College. For instance: one reads on the title page of a convolute edition kept in the Royal Library Albert I in Brussels: Collegij Soc[ieta]tis Jesu Ant[verpiae]. B[ibliotheca].M[ajor]. 1664, which tells us that this second document also ought to be treated with all due circumspection.

7

  SAA (Stadsarchief Antwerpen), Notariaat 257, f° 201 ff.

8

  See further in this essay: The Architectural Books and Treatises.

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Appendix I A third and very expansive document concerns the printed sales catalogues of the libraries in the Domus Professa, the convent, the College, the Sodality Houses of the Antwerp Jesuits, et alii, composed as a result of the disbandment of the order.9 This inventory, consisting of two parts and bundled together into three tomes, was started already in 1775 by Georges-Joseph Gerard and Des Roches in collaboration with two copyists (see Fig.3).10 By 1778, the inventory was already in print and, on 28 May 1779, the public sale by auction started in the auditorium on Prins­ straat. The catalogue now counts sixteen thousand six hundred and fourteen works that are bundled according to size, starting with folio size, followed by quarto, octavo, and so forth. Next, the volumes were classified under different headings, for instance : ‘théologie et ecclésiastique’ (included bibles, livres de sermon et de dévotion), ‘jurisprudence canonique et civile’, ‘philosophie, médecine, mathématique, arts et science’, ‘historiques et géographiques’, ‘belles lettres, grammaires, dictionnaires, histoire littéraire, œuvres mixtes ‘, ‘livres défendus’,  ‘livres non définis’ and ‘livres de l’enfer’. A number of appen3. Title page of ‘Catalogue de livres des Bibliothèdices are annexed to this classification under the ques de la Maison Professe, du Collège et du Couheading ‘livres omis’. Most of the works on archivent des ci- devant Jésuites d’ Anvers’, Louvain, tecture were listed under the heading ‘philosophie, 1779’. médecines, mathématiques, arts et science’. However, the second part of the catalogue is not as orderly; nonetheless, here also we can find works about architecture and related subjects. No fewer than two hundred volumes under the heading ‘philosophie…’ consisting of sixteen hundred and nine items, deal with the subjects of architecture, perspective, geometry, etc., this representing 12.3 % of the total. But out of the entire complement of books, this represents only 1.2%. Once again, we note that the volumes have been composed in diverse languages such as, for instance, Latin, French, Dutch, German, English, Italian, and Spanish. Works written in Portuguese, Arabic, Greek, and Hebrew do not appear under this heading. It further needs to be mentioned that, amongst the print books and loose plates that came to the attention of Gerard when he was assembling the afore-mentioned catalogue, more than likely there were architectural illustrations or print series, which suggests that the number of architectural works was likely larger. The public auction proved rather impressive. According to some documents of the sales conditions, at least four hundred books changed ownership daily and the volumes could only be sold to ‘des personnes connues par leur état et leurs lumières, ou qui ont la permission de les lire’11 , meaning to buyers of known suitable social status and who possessed the proper knowledge to understand them, or who 9

  Catalogue de livres des Bibliothèques de la Maison Professe, du Collège et du Couvent des ci- devant Jésuites d’ Anvers… , 3 vols., (Leuven, 1779).

10

  B. Op de Beeck, o.c., see note 5.   See note 9, vol. 1, p. 3.

11

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Appendix I

4. Jacques Neeffs: the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa (detail). The Library was originally situated on the second floor of the building beside the new church. As Neeffs indicated on his engraving of c.1660, he gives a bird’s eye view of the Jesuit church, Domus Professa, Sodality Houses and the square, as it was in 1621. He adds that afterwards important new works were executed.

were given permission to read them. Nevertheless this catalogue isn’t complete, because Gerard made separately an inventory of prints and drawings.12 In a letter written in 1781 by the Jesuit father Aston to Gerard, an important number of books regarding architecture, civil and military engineering as well as the art of gardening, was reclaimed for the library of the Bolandists.13 The Library Buildings As to our getting a general overview on the libraries of the Antwerp Jesuits, the data to assist us in gathering that information are equally scanty. As an iconographic source, we know of an engraving by Jacques Neeffs dating from c.1680 which depicts the entire Jesuit complex, including the library at the Domus Professa just after it was built c.1621 (see Fig. 4).14 According to the legend on the print, identified by the number 7, this library was originally located on the first floor of the building that stood beside the St Ignatius church. 12

  Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Brussels, Ms., Ms.21.583 - C, f°186r° and f°188r°. 13   Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Brussels, Ms., Ms. 14966, f°26r° and f°27v°. This letter was written only two years after the public sale. 14   J. Neeffs, Gezicht op de Sint- Ignatiuskerk, het Professenhuis en de aanpalende kloostergebouwen, c. 1680, etching, (340 mm

x 486 mm), Antwerp, private collection. The titel of the print is: ‘Templum Domus Professa Soc.tis Iesu Antverpiae. Templum inchoatum A°1614 absolutum 1621 et Reliqua subsequentibus annis’. This means that after 1621 many alterations happened to this complex but those changes were not illustrated on this print.

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Appendix I

5. Willem Hesius: detail of the general plan of the Domus Professa with project for the construction of a new aula recreationis and refectorium, with a new library on the second floor. This long building was situated on the northern site of the church, along the cloister’s garden. This construction was probably realised. The project dates from 1641.

Judging from that perspective, we note that the library in the Domus Professa had eleven windows and the space was oriented along an east-west axis, which meant that the light fell inside via the northern side. However, we can only venture a guess as to the interior composition of this library. In some travelogues dating from the second half of the seventeenth century, the library of the Jesuits is mentioned.15. But the question here is: which library is meant? In the account of the Dutchman Georg Ratteler Doubleth, who in 1654 visited the library, presumably the library inside the Domus Professa, much attention is being paid to the perspectivistic impact of the space. The library consisted of five rooms whose walls were entirely occupied by bookcases. Visitors noted that all leather-bound volumes had acquired a rusty-brown colour and were decorated with an array of gilded bands. The librarian himself, father Henschenius, drew the visitors’s attention to the beautiful perspective of the consecutive rooms, accentuated by the increasingly broader central doors. De Monconys visited during his stay in Antwerp in July 1663 probably the same library and wrote in his ‘Voyage des Pays Bas’: ‘La Bibliothèque est composée de quatre petites chambers de suite, à doubles Armoiries basses, & hautes. De là nous fûmes nous promener au Cours dans les rues’.16 This last sentence

15   J. A. Goris, Lof van Antwerpen : hoe reizigers Antwerpen zagen van de 15de tot de 20ste eeuw, (Brussels, 1940), p. 8283.

16   Iournal des Voyages de Monsier de Monconys, conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils d’Etat & Privé, & Lieutenant Criminel au Siege Presidial de Lyon, 2 vols., (Lyon – Paris, 1677), p.102.

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Appendix I is important because it means that this specific library, visited by de Monconys – and probably also by Georg Ratteler Doubleth – was situated along the square in front of the church.17 According to the account of the British traveller Philipp Skippon, the library of the Jesuits consisted of four rooms with galleries all the way to the top. However, it is not possible to ascertain for sure whether the English traveller visited the library of the Domus Professa, or of the Bollandists, or the one inside the College on Prins­straat. None of the visitors made any detailed mention of the bookcases on which the volumes were displayed. There is also a drawing of 1641 by Willem Hesius (1601-90)18, on which we can find not only a description of a new library of the Domus Professa, but also a cross section of this projected building. On a detail of this general plan of the Domus Professa with project for the construction of a new aula recreationis and refectorium, we can imagine the new library to be erected on the second floor, above the new aula and refectorium (see Fig.5). This long building was situated on the northern site of the church, along the cloister’s garden.19 On a very detailed section plan of this library, one can see the new system Hesius proposed for arranging the books along a wall in the new library (see Fig. 6). Conform the Latin text20, Hesius plains about the inconvenience in many libraries of using long ladders to reach the highest points of the bookshelves. In this case the danger persists of falling down. In his opinion all the books of a library can be disposed along four galleries, each five feet large and going upwards in gradation parallel to the wall.

17

  Cf. the print by Jacques Neeffs, c.1680. See note 14.   On Willem (Guillielmus) Hesius, see: J.H. Plantenga, L’Architecture religieuse du Brabant au XVIIe siècle, (The Hague, 1925), pp.173-195 ; and esp. J. Gilissen, ‘Le père Guillaume Hesius.- Architecte du XVIIe siècle’, Annales de la Société royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles: mémoires, rapports et documents, 42, 1938, 216-55. 19   Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 13 20   The Latin text is as follows: ‘Quia Bibliothecae ingens incommodum est, quod ad summa scalis quis eniti debeat ut isthic libros quaerat et inde auferat cum periculo lapsus, illam ita struendam iudico, ut per 4 transitus latitudinis V 18

6. Willem Hesius: detail of a general plan with the new buildings planned by him to enlarge the Domus Professa. On this section one can see the new system he proposes for arranging the books on a wall in the new library, Antwerp, 1641.

pedum gradatim adscendentes libri disponantur, ita ut ad dexteram hinc adspicientibus in perspectivam suprapositam in quovis transitu sit scrinium librorum altitudinis 8 pedum, ad cuius summum loculamentum pertingi poterit manu; ad sinistram vero podium 4 pedum quod efficitur a scrinio transitus proxime sequenti, quod serviette loco pulpiti vel mensae perpetuae; qua dispositione locus et magnus erit et commodus ad situm et usum plrimorum librorum. Locus I sub duplici supreme librorum tractu erit ambulacrum, Locus L pro inferno lumine in hoc transmisso per ambulacrum serviette. Locus M pro recondendarum rerum, quae apparere non debent, receptaculo, versus infernum locum […] aperto per ostiola varia’.

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Appendix I Every bookcase is 8 feet high and every one can take very easily books from the highest bookshelves. On the other side of the galleries an elevated border can be placed, serving as a reading table and as balustrade. Thanks to this system many books can be placed in the library and can be consulted very easily and safety. There is an ambulatory under the galleries, with windows in the wall. Thanks to this windows the space under the galleries can catch daylight and the storage under the first gallery, consisting of boxes with sliding doors and of drawers, is also illuminated. In this hidden places the forbidden books and the ‘books of hell’ can be assembled. On a later project (1674) by Hesius, the library is situated on the second floor of a building with belvedere, but this monumental construction was never realised.21 The Architectural Books and Treatises From the above-mentioned inventory of architectural books from c.1660 in the possession of Guillaume Cornély, architectus provinciae of the Jesuit order and successor to Pieter Huyssens, as well as from the sales inventory of 1780, we may deduce that a broad assortment of – especially 17th-century – architectural volumes was kept at the library of the Domus Professa. Apparently, it is especially during the construction activities by the Jesuits that architectural treatises were acquired and that, once the building project was largely completed, the purchase of new works was no longer pursued. The erection of the new church as of 1613 until 1622, and the subsequent construction of the Domus Professa, with library, which continued into the middle of the 17th century, the construction of the Sodality Houses and the new College inside the Hof van Lyre (Prinsenhof), were thus assiduously pursued in order that one might become thoroughly acquainted with the art of architecture and its related arts and sciences. From the nature of the available books, it is evident that especially architectural treatises by Italian architects that were well known at the time were purchased: for instance, the works of ­Vitruvius, Alberti, Serlio, Palladio, Scamozzi, and Vignola. These works even appeared in several ­copies and also in translations. As the Jesuits were, with respect to the discipline of architecture, devoted disciples of Vitruvius, the latter’s work was in a number of various editions present in the libraries of the Antwerp Jesuit Society. For instance, the ‘De Architectura libri decem’ dating from 1586 and published by J. Tornesium, and the publication by Daniele Barbaro of ‘M. Vitruvii Pollionis De architectura libri decem, cum commentariis Danielis Barbari’, with comments, released in Venice in 1567, were found in the library of the Domus Professa. From Leon Battista Alberti we have the Paris edition of 1553, entitled ‘L’Architecture et Art de bien bastir’. Also Sebastiano Serlio was well represented with his five volumes on architecture. Of particular interest is the presence in the Jesuit library of Serlio’s work ‘Extraordinario libro di architettura … nel quale si demostrano trente porte di opera rustica’, published in Venice in 1560. In this special book by Serlio, we find representations of 30 types of gates that possibly may have served as models in the construction of their churches and monasteries. But also rather rare publications about the more minute and detailed points of architectural theory were represented in the Jesuits’ library. For instance, there is a minor work about the use of ‘scamilii’ on columns and which is mentioned by François de Aguilón in his publication about optics.22 It is written by the mathematician Bernardino Baldi and entitled ‘Scamelli impares Vitruviani…nova ratione explicati’, published in Augsburg in 1612. But the crowning glory belongs to Vignola. Three copies of ‘Règles des cinq ordres d’architecture’ written by Jacopo Barozzio da Vignola are represented. The German translation ‘Regel von der Architecture von

21

  Archief St.-Carolus Borromeuskerk, inv. nr 31: Orthographia sive exacta Descriptio Quarterii Majoris Domus Professa Antverpia designata a G H 1674. Many thanks to Daniël Butaye S.J. and to prof. dr. Dirk Sacré for the translation of this ‘corrupt’ Latin text.

22

  See more on this subject in: A. Ziggelaar, François de Aguilón s.j. (1567-1617). Scientist and Architect, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici s.i., 44), (Rome, 1983), pp. 82 and 136.

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Appendix I Vignola’, published in Augsburg in 1735, and the Dutch publication of 1664 were present in the library. Also Vignola’s quadrolingual work, ‘Regles des cinq ordres d’architecture par Jac. Barozzio de Vignole en Français, en Italien, en Flamand & en Allemand’, published in Amsterdam in 1617 in folio, belonged to the library collection of the Domus Professa and was consulted by Cornély. The work by Andrea Palladio, ‘Quattro libri dell’architettura’, published in Venice s.d., was in the library. And the work ‘Idea della Architettura Universale’ by Vincenzo Scamozzi, published in Venice in 1615, surely was not absent from the collection of either library. But likewise striking is the presence of the architectural publications from the Low Countries. For example, the work ‘De Architectura’ by Hans Vredeman de Vries, with Dutch commentary, published in Antwerp in 1581, was present in the College’s library, together with the ‘Premier Livre d’Architecture’ of the court architect Jacques Francart (see Fig.7). His ‘Pompa funebris optimi potentissimiq. Principis Alberti…’, Brussels, 7. Title page of Jacques Francart’s Premier Livre 1623 was also present in the library.23 Also the d’Architecture, belonging to the library of the Jesuit translation in the Dutch language of the works College in Antwerp. of Sebastiano Serlio by Pieter Coecke van Aelst, more specifically the re-print of 1616 in Amsterdam, was to be found in the library of the Domus Professa. The practical and unpretentious little volume of the Amsterdam carpenter Symon Bosboom, entitled ‘Cort onderwys vande vyf Colommen’, published in Amsterdam in 1657, was part of the library collection at the Domus Professa. Two Dutch copies of Vignola were present in the libraries of the Antwerp Jesuits: these are ‘Reghel van de vijf ordens der Architecture’, published in 1638 in Amsterdam, and an edition dating from 1664. Important French architectural treatises dating from the end of the 16th and beginning 17th centuries are certainly to be found in the libraries of the Domus Professa and the College. Foremost in the library of the Domus Professa figured the ‘Livre d’architecture’ by Jacques Androuet Du Cerceau, published in Paris in 1582. Then there is also the work ‘Livre d’architecture’, by Alexandre Francini, published in Paris in 1631, to be found in their libraries. Moreover, the Jesuits themselves appear to have authored a number of treatises on architecture, volumes that were generally part of the collections in their libraries. Of these, one of the most important is the work by the French Jesuit father, architect and mathematician, François Derand, entitled ‘L’architecture des voûtes, ou l’art des traits, et coupes des voûtes’, published in Paris in 1643. Because of the book’s marked success, it was republished in 1743 and 1755. This classic work about stereometry was indeed to be found in many an architect’s library, especially for what concerns the 18th-century editions. Derand to a degree opposes the profusion of architectural publications that are primarily con-

23

  Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Brussels, Ms., Ms. 21.583-88C.

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Appendix I cerned with the column orders and their ornamentations. In his introduction, he plainly states as follows: ‘Entre les arts libéraux, que les hommes doctes & curieux ont illustré par leurs écrits, l’Architecture semble en quelque façon emporter le dessus, pour tant de Livres à Volumes qui traitent de son sujet, qu’il y e auroit quasi assez pour en faire des Bibliothèques entières […] Il n’y a l’art des Traits & de la coupe des voûtes, qui pour les grandes difficultez qu’il enferme, semble avoir étonné les plus courageux, jusqu’à être abandonné presque de tous ; nonobstant qu’ils sçussent très-bien, qu’aux rencontres les plus facheuses & importantes des Bâtimens, il n’y a moyen de s’en tirer avec honneur, que par l’aide de cette science, par les adresses qu’elle donne & par les pratiques qu’elle enseigne. Philibert de Lorme est le premier, que je sçache, & à vrai dire, l’unique, qui jusqu’à présent, peut-être dit avoir traîté de ce sujet’. However, no publications from the hand of the known architect and theoretician Philibert De L’Orme have been discovered in the Antwerp libraries of the Jesuits. For what concerns the second half of the 17th century, only few treatises on architecture were found. On the contrary, for the 18th century until the year 1773 when the Jesuit Community in Antwerp was disbanded, the acquisition of architectural books remains quite high. We can cite the next volumes: Bernard-Forest de Bélidor, ‘La science des ingénieurs’, Paris 1729 ; the French translation of the book by the Dutch artist and architect Pieter Post ‘Les Ouvrages d’architecture’, Leiden 1715 ; of Marc-Antoine Laugier, there was the edition of 1753 of his famous ‘Essay sur l’architecture’ ; Pierre Panseron, ‘Éléments d’architecture’, Paris, 1776; the standard work ‘Théorie et pratique du jardinage’, of Jean-Baptiste Le Blond, published in 1722 was part of the library of the Bollandists.24 Known German architectural books, primarily on the subject of the column orders and their ornamentations, are those by Wendel Dietterlin, ‘Architectura. De quinque Columnarum Simmetrica distributione et variis earundem ornamentis’, Strasbourg, 1593, one of the volumes also found in the collection of Cornély, and two illustrated books by Gabriel Krammer, ‘Schweiff Buchlein, Mancherley Schweiff, Laubwerck Rollwerck, perspectif, und sonderliche gezierden’, Cologne, 1611, and ‘Architectura von der fünff Seulens amt iren ornamenten und zierden’, Cologne, 1611. Also the title ‘Künstbuchlein darin etliche Architectischen Portasen’, Strasbourg, 1596 by Andreas Helmreich was present in the library. Only a few English treatises and books on architecture could be found in the inventories of the Jesuit libraries in Antwerp, e.g. ‘The Builder’s Dictionary: or, Gentleman and architect’s Companion’, edited by A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch in 1734 in London. Aside from the presence of numerous architectural treatises, there was further the addition of the unique collection of the Promptuarium Pictorum. This collection of plans, drawings, and engravings consists mainly of design drawings for the numerous Jesuit monasteries and churches, such as those in Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Leuven during the period 1620-70.25 It consisted of no fewer than 777 illustrated plates and drawings that were bundled into four albums by the then Father Provincial Petrus Dolmans and donated as a gift to the library of the Antwerp Domus Professa of the Jesuits in 1747.26 It appears that this collection was quite remarkable, for Georges-Joseph Gerard, who as of 1775 had been placed in charge of drawing up the inventories of the Jesuit libraries in the Southern Netherlands, wrote that: ‘Dans presque toutes les bibliothèques des ci-devant Jésuites, il s’est trouvé des livres d’Estampes; le plus grand nombre s’est trouvé à Anvers’.27 Another remarkable set of drawings was the early 17th-century

24

  Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Brussels, Ms., Ms. 14966. 25   Cf. B. Daelemans, ‘Ontwerppraktijk der Vlaamse jezuïetenarchitecten in de 17de eeuw’, in: K. De Jonge et al., o.c., 2000, pp. 175-98. 26   Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Ms., Ms. 14966: letter dd. 15 February 1781 of Gérard. In this letter he mentions that the counsellor D’aquilar had five volumes of engravings,

plans and drawings in his possession. It is possible that those volumes can be identified as the collection of the Promptuarium Pictorum. 27   B. Daelemans, l.c., 2000, p. 188; M.Debae and C. Lemaire, ‘De Koninklijke Bibliotheek, historische schets 1559-1837’, in Koninklijke Bibliotheek Liber Memorialis 15591969, (Brussels, 1969), pp. 1-84.

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Appendix I sketchbook of architect Hendrik Hoeymaker S.J. (1559-1626), containing numerous drawings of stone cutters’ moulds.28 In the area of civil architecture, the splendid work by P.P. Rubens ‘Palazzi di Genova’, published by Jan Van Meurs in 1622, must undoubtedly have been present. This work may possibly have been a gift from the painter himself to the Jesuits, since Rubens was involved in the construction and the decorating of their new church.29 It appears that Cornély still had it in his collection at the time of his death, as we can ascertain from the inventory dating at around 1660. In addition to books on the subject of civil architecture, the libraries of the Jesuits in Antwerp also featured a number of works that dealt with the subjects of ecclesiastic and sacral architecture. As the construction of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp closely adhered to the interpretations and notions about the temple of Jerusalem, it is not at all surprising then that the standard work ‘Explanationes in Ezechielis et apparatus urbis ac templi Hierosolymitani’ by the Jesuit fathers Jerónimo Del Prado and Juan Bautista Villalpando was present in the library. This monumental work, composed on commission from the Spanish King Philip II, and the last volume of which appeared in Rome in the year 1604, contained a great number of reconstruction drawings of the temple of Jerusalem. Also the ‘Polyglot Bible ’ by Arias Montanus, head librarian of the Escorial, featured amongst the works present. In this book, also numerous drawings of the reconstruction of the temple of Solomon are depicted. Nonetheless, the number of works about religious architecture was rather limited in the Jesuit libraries in Antwerp. It appears from the inventory composed by Guillaume Cornély that this architect also consulted the work of father Bernardo Hertefelder, entitled ‘Basilica S.S. Udalrici et Afrae Augustae Vindelicorum’, published in 1627.30 Likewise the volume ‘Tratato della piante et imagini de Sacri edificii di terra santa’ was not absent from the collection found in the Domus Professa. Moreover, religious furniture could be consulted in their library. For instance, the library at the Domus Professa contained a convolute volume containing the following works: ‘Diversi ornamenti capricciosi per depositi o altari’, of Giovanbattista Soria, published in Rome in 1625; ‘Tabernacoli diversi…’, by Montanus, published in Rome in 1628 and, by the same author, ‘Scielta d varii tempietti antichi’, also published in Rome in 1624. It is this latter copy that was found in possession of Cornély at the time of his death in 1660. Notable in the Jesuit library in Antwerp is the quite extensive collection of works dealing with military architecture. The Jesuits’s training was very closely tied to the military. Likewise, they played a very active role, as chaplains and, sometimes also, as consultants, in the many wars in the Netherlands. Works from the sixteenth as well as of the entire period of the seventeenth centuries are present in the libraries. As an example, we find an early book by the Roman author Vegetius. This work, titled ‘De re militari libri quattuor’ forms a convolute volume with Frontinus’s work ‘De strategematis libri’, and with Elien’s ‘De instruendis aciebus’ and Modeste’s ‘De vocabulis rei militaris’. It was published in 1532 in Paris by Christian Wechel. In the College library, we find the work ‘Le fortificationi’ by the Florentine nobleman Buonaiuto Lorini, who during the years 1560 and following was involved in the achievement of the Spanish walls in Antwerp. The work appeared for the first time in 1596. The copy found in the College library was published in Venice in 1609. The very rare book of Gregorius Ginther Kröl, ‘Tractatus geometricus et fortificationis’, published in 1618 in Arnhem belonged to the library of the Domus Professa.

28

  Cf. J. Braun, Die belgischen Jezuitenkirchen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Kamfes zwichen Gotik und Renaissance, (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), p.16; B. Daelemans, l.c., 2000, pp.193 ff. A copy of this missing sketchbook can be found in : Universiteitsbibliotheek Gent, Handschriften en Kostbare Werken, G 6075. 29   See more on this subject in: P. Lombaerde, ‘ The Distribution and Reception of Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova in

the Southern Netherlands: a status questionis’, in: P. ­Lom­baerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens Palazzi di Genova during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Turnhout, 2002), pp. 99-120, esp. p. 102. 30   In the 1660 inventory of Guillaume Cornély we find the name of the author stated as ‘Hervelder’, an erroneous rendition of the name ‘Hertevelder’.

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Appendix I Very important to the new fortifications of the ramparts carried out in Antwerp in the course of the first half of the 17th century was the work by Jean Errard de Bar-le-duc, titled ‘La fortification démonstrée et réduicte en art ’, published in Paris in 1620. The book proposed adaptations to the construction of bastions, which were subsequently also adopted in Antwerp, for example, in the construction of the stronghold of St.-Michiels. Could it be possible that in this instance also Jesuits proffered advice based on this work? It is noteworthy that the mayor of Antwerp, Nicolaas Rockox, who at the time was in charge of the said adaptations and happened to be on very good terms with the Jesuits, also had this book in his possession. In the collection figured also the work by Pietro Sardi ‘Architectura militare’, published in Venice in 1618. Also to be found in their libraries was the handy standard work by Henricus Hondius, entitled ‘Description et breve declaration des règles générales de la fortification, de l’artillerie, des ammunitions et des vivres’, published in The Hague in 1626. From the hand of Samuel Marolois there was ‘Fortification ou Architecture Militaire’, published in The Hague in 1615. The richly illustrated work ‘L’Architecture militaire moderne, ou fortification’ by Matthias Dögen, published in 1648 in Amsterdam, was also present. Further, ‘Les fortifications’ of chevalier Antoine de Ville and published in Lyon in 1640 formed part of the collection, as did the very popular 17th -century work about fortress constructions, entitled ‘L’architecture militaire’, by Adam Frytag, published in Paris in 1668. We find also the work ‘Véritable manière de bien fortifier de Mr. De Vauban’, written by father Du Fay and chevalier de Cambray, and published in 1694 in Paris, in the library. Aside from these treatises and handbooks dealing with military architecture, the Jesuits in Antwerp further possessed numerous volumes on the subject of waging war and armaments. For instance, there was the volume ‘De Conste van busschieten, vierwercken etc’ written by the German artillery expert from Nürnberg, Franz Joachim Brechtel, published in 1594 , ‘La pyrotechnie, ou art du feu’ by Vanoccio Biringuccio, published in Paris in 1556, ‘La pyrotechnie’ by Jean Happier, dit Hanzelet, dating from 1630, and the very rare volume ‘L’artiglieria’, written by the well-known engineer Pietro Sardi, published for the first time in Venice in 1621. From the Louvain professor Erycius Puteanus came the volume ‘Munitionum symmetria, facillimis lineis constituta, architecturam militarem compendio exhibens’, a treatise on military instruments. It was published in Louvain in 1645. During the second half of the 18th century, also the work ‘De Krygskunde, het vaderland nuttig…’ by Jan Willem Schomaker Jz, published in Utrecht in 1761, was acquired. At the same time, it is noteworthy that the works about architecture were complemented by numerous treatises on the study of perspective, optics, geometry, astronomy, the measurement of time, mechanics, and instrument construction. Actually, this is a logical procedure and wholly according to Vitruvian notions about architecture. This interpretation was also adhered to by the Jesuit father and librarian Arias Montanus in the library of the Escorial. His ordering of the sciences accorded a central position to the Architectura amongst, on the one hand, scientific subjects such as the Mathematica in genere, the Mechanica and the Militaris, and, on the other, the Perspectiva, Geometria, Arithmetica, and Astronomia. Especially the Perspectiva stands in close relationship with architecture. For that reason, the library of the Jesuits in Antwerp featured numerous important standard works on the subject, one amongst them being the rare volume ‘Des Circkels und Richtscheyts, auch der Perspectiva und Proportion der Menscher by Heinrich Lautensack, published in Frankfurt in 1564.31 In addition, the collection counts

31   On the importance of this work, see : Ch. S. Wood, ‘The Perspective Treatise in Ruins: Lorenz Stoer, Geometria et perspectiva, 1567’, in: L. Massey (ed.), The Treatise on Per-

spective: Published and Unpublished, (New Haven – London, 2003), pp. 235-57.

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Appendix I the two-volume work ‘Perspective’ by Hans Vredeman de Vries, published in Leiden in 1604-1605, and Samuel Marolois’s work on perspective, which is part of his ‘Opera Mathematica’. The small treatise ‘Institutio artis perspectivae’ by Henricus Hondius, published in 1623 in The Hague, was present in the library. The important work ‘Le due regole della Prospettiva pratica’ by Vignola, with commentary of father Egnatio Danti, was likewise present, as was also the ‘Perspective curieuse’ by Jean-François Niceron. The Jesuits deemed the incidence of the light, especially into the interior of the church, of great importance. In fact, sunlight was considered to originate with the Creator and thus received special treatment in works on the subjects of optics and astronomy. The Jesuit father François de Agui­ lón, who as of 1613 concerned himself with the construction of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp, even wrote a theoretical work on the subject of light which was published in 1613 and wherein he formulated a number of novel ideas about optics. This work, entitled ‘Opticorum libri sex’ was obviously also present in the library of the Domus Professa. Following the founding of a School of Mathematics associated with the College, numerous Jesuits in Antwerp became very intensely occupied with the sciences.32 Thanks to the Jesuits’s educational programme Ratio Studiorum, developed in 1599, the importance of and interest in mathematics and related subjects in the Jesuit curriculum became greatly enhanced. The Antwerp mathematics school was founded in 1617 and its curriculum drawn up by Rector Carolus Scribani, in collaboration with the fathers and mathematicians François de Aguilón and Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio. This programme paid a great deal of attention not merely to mathematics but also to astronomy, study of optics and chronology.33 A lot of research was conducted on the study of optics and likewise important publications were published on the subject, all of these obviously present in their library. Aside from the work of Aguilón, who, as mathematician, was the founder of this school, there was further the ‘Opus geometricum posthumum ad mesolabium perrationum proportionalium novas proprietates’ by father Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio, published in Ghent in 1668. The latter carried on the theoretical research on light and reflection, started by Aguilón, and taught at the School of Mathematics. Given this context, it stands to reason that also the volume ‘Euclidis elementorum geometric. Libri XIII’, published in Antwerp in 1645, was to be found in the library. Also the Dutch translation of Jan Peter Dou, titled ‘De ses eerste Boucken Euclides. Van de beginselen en de fondamenten der Geometrie’, published in Rotterdam in 1632, formed part of the library of the Domus Professa. Present also in several copies was the imposing work ‘Opus geometricum quadraturae circuli et sectionum coni’, from the hand of their colleague and mathematician, the father Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio, and published in Antwerp in 1647. Likewise to be found in the library was the younger Frans van Schooten’s work ‘Exercitationes mathematicae’, published by Elsevier in 1657. Works on mathematics were still being acquired in the 18th century, such as, for example, the volume ‘Nouveau Cours de mathématique à l’usage de l’artillerie et du génie’, by Bernard Forest de Bélidor, published in 1757 in Paris, but, principally, with reference to military architecture. For what concerns Arithmetica and Geometria, the Jesuits paid a great deal of attention to measures and proportions during the building of their churches and monasteries. One of the oldest books was ‘Larismétique et geometrie’ by Etienne de la Roche, published by Gilles & Jaques Huguetan frères in Lyon in 1538. From the hand of Samuel Marolois there was the ‘Geometria theoretica ac practica’, published in Amsterdam in 1633. But also early works about the subject of symmetry are to be found in their collection, such as, for instance, the work by Albrecht Dürer on symmetry (it is in this work where symmetry is for the first time defined as axial symmetry).

32

  On this subject, consult esp. O. Van de Vijver, ‘L’école de mathématiques des Jésuites de la province flandro-belge au XVIIe siècle’, in :Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, nr. 49, 1980, pp. 265-71 ; A. Meskens, Wiskunde tussen Renaissance en Barok, (Antwerp, 1994), pp. 91-102.

33

  The subject of chronology was important as it was used in the determination of the calendar. For more on this subject, see: O. Van de Vijver, l.c., 1980, p. 266.

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Appendix I But amongst the book collection owed by Cornély we also find practical works dedicated to assist the architect, such as, for instance, ‘Tresoor van de maten ende gewichten’, or ‘Landmeterije’ by Johan Sems.34 In the area of the Mechanica and all of its possible applications in the fashioning of instruments, and even the construction of automatons, special reference is made to the work of Salomon de Caus, ‘Les raisons des forces mouvantes avec diverses machines tant utiles, que plaisantes’, published in Frankfurt in 1615. This splendid work also belonged to the book collection of the Jesuits, where we further find a second edition dated as 1722, entitled ‘Traité des forces mouvantes’. One of the most beautifully illustrated works was undoubtedly the book by Domenico Fontana, ‘Della trasportatione dell’obelisco vaticano et delle fabbriche di Nostro Signore Papa Sisto V’, Rome, 1590 and Naples, 1603. In these two volumes we find illustrations of both ‘devices and machines’, instruments needed in 1586 for the erection of the Vatican obelisk, these figuring as the most important works ordered by Pope Sixtus V in Rome.35 A great deal of attention in the composition of the library collection was paid to the Chronologia and the fashioning of time pieces, which, again, ties in well with the Vitruvian tradition.36 For example, in the library of the Domus Professa we find an important and very early work by Sebastian Münster ‘Fürmalung and künstlich Beschreibung der Horologien’, published in Basle in 1537 by Heinrich Peter.37 Likewise, the collection counted the work ‘La pratique et la démonstration des horloges solaires’ by Salomon de Caus, published in Paris in 1624. Still in the area of applied arts, more specifically the art of fashioning furniture, a standard work was present in the library of the College, but this only as of the year 1664. This work was entitled ‘Differents pourtraicts de menuiserie’, published around 1583 by Philips Galle, with illustrations by Hans Vredeman de Vries. Conclusion The libraries of the Jesuits in Antwerp could boast to possess one of the largest collections of architectural works in the Netherlands. Remarkable is the fact that the acquisition of these architectural books dates back to the first half of the 17th century, namely the period during which the order was, within the context of the Counter-Reformation, extremely active in erecting buildings. We may also note that books about military architecture were very well represented in their libraries and that these titles remained popular until well into the late 18th century. The disbandment of the Jesuit order in 1773 signalled the death knell for these richly endowed libraries and the public auction in 1779 brought the collection of books in completed disarray. One part of the collection was reserved for the Royal Library in Brussels, while other architectural volumes ended up in the libraries of various other monastic orders. After the confiscation in 1843, a number of these works found their way into the municipal library of Brussels. Today, the former collection of this library forms part of the Royal Library of Brussels. We can still find there a limited number of books about architecture that, at one time, belonged either to the collection of the great library of the College or of the Domus Professa.38 The collection of more than 700 drawings – the Promptuarium Pictorum – suffered a less disruptive fate. Part of this collection is kept in the Flemish Archive of the Jesuits in Heverlee, in the archives of the still existing Jesuit church in Antwerp and in the Print Collection Gallery at the Royal Library Albert I in Brussels. 34   Possibly the following work is meant by this: J.P.Dou and J. Sems, Pracktijck des Lantmetens…, (Leiden, 1600). This volume is, indeed, mentioned in the inventory of 1779. 35   Petros Eni – Pietro È Qui, exhibition catalogue, (Rome, 2006), pp. 120-21. 36   Chronologia was very important as science at that time, because it was necessary to make the right calculations for

calendars. Cf. O. van de Vijver, l.c., 1980, p.266. 37   In the same inventory, we come upon the author’s name ‘Sebastiaen Mulder’, which is an erroneous reference for ‘Sebastian Munster’. 38   For more information on his subject, see B. Op de Beeck, o.c., (forthcoming).

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Appendix II The Temple of Solomon. Its Interpretation by the Jesuit Fathers during the Early Seventeenth Century and Its Architectural Reception in the Low Countries1 Piet Lombaerde

Introduction During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, various architectural ideas and realisations were attributed to the Temple of Solomon. The writings of the Jesuits in the Spanish Habsburg Netherlands were very explicit regarding the structure and the measurements of the Temple and this in a period of Counter-Reformation. Although the first Jesuit churches in the Low Countries were strongly influenced by Gothic principles and ornaments, after 1600 the Jesuits tried to introduce the first EarlyBaroque principles into their architecture. At the same time, the divine model of the Temple served as reference to a modern architecture, which they were looking for. This search for a new architecture can be compared with the many interpretations and descriptions of the Jerusalem Temple by the Protestants in the Northern Netherlands. But main differences can be found in the way in which ornaments and iconography were applied in the churches. Villalpando, Montanus and Vitruvius Two important Jesuit interpretations influenced the discussion about the true form of The Temple, the first by Juan Bautista Villalpando and the second by Benedictus Arias Montanus.2 Around 1570, the Jesuit fathers Juan Bautista Villalpando and Jerónimo del Prado (Hieronymus Prado), were ordered by the Spanish King Philip II to make a reconstruction of the Temple of Solomon. This reconstruction was to serve as the example for the Escurial, which was built just outside Madrid as a new temple of Solomon.3 Villalpando was an adept of the rectangular plan of the Temple and placed great 1

  This essay was presented as a paper at the HNA Conference of the Historians of Netherlandish Art ‘From Icon to Art in the Netherlands’, Baltimore/Washington, November 8-12, 2006, at the session ‘The Bible and Spiritual Enlightenment: Defining Dutch and Flemish Religious Devotion (Chair: prof. Shelley Perlove). 2   See especially: H. Rosenau, Vision of the Temple: the Image of the Temple of Jerusalem in Judaism and Christianity, (London, 1979); J. Corral Jam, ‘Architectura y Canon, el Proyecto de Villalpando para el Templo de Jeruzalem’, in: Juan Bautista Villalpando. El Tratado de la Arquitectura Perfecta en La Ultima Vision del Profeta Ezequiel, (Madrid, 1990), pp.1-72; F. Luciano Rubio, ‘El tratado de Villalpando : origin, vicisitudes y contenido’, in, Juan Bautista Villalpando. El Tratado de la Arquitectura Perfecta en La Ultima Vision del Profeta Ezequiel, (Madrid, 1990), pp.73-102 ; P. von Naredi-Rainer, Salomos Tempel und das Abendland, (Cologne, 1994), pp.169-86; J.A. Ramirez (ed.), Dios arquitecto: J.B. Villalpando y el templo de Salomón , (Madrid, 1994) ; J. Lara, ‘God’s Good Taste: The Jesuit Aesthetics of Juan Bautista Villalpando in the Sixth

and Tenth Centuries B.C.E.’, in: J.W. O’Malley, G.A. Bailey, S.J. Harris and T.F. Kennedy. (eds.), The Jesuits. Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540-1773, (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 1999), pp. 505-21. 3   About the discussion on the relation between the Temple and the Escurial, see: R. Taylor, ‘Architecture and Magic: Considerations on the Idea of the Escorial’, in D. Fraser, H. Hibbard and M.J. Lewine (eds.), Essays Presented to Rudolf Wittkower, 2 vols., (London, 1967), vol. 1, pp. 81–109; G. Kubler, Building the Escorial, (Princeton, 1982). Kubler rejected this hypothesis, referring to José de Sigüenza, La Fundación del Monasterio de El Escorial, (Madrid, 1605). See also R. Taylor, ‘Hermetism and Mystical Architecture in the Society of Jesus’, in: R. Wittkower and I.B. Jaffé (eds.), Baroque Art: The Jesuit Contribution, (New York, 1972), pp.63-97; C. Wilkinson Zerner, Juan de Herrera. Architect to Philip II of Spain, (New Haven – London, 1993), pp.50-52: ‘Villalpando’s treatise as a reflection of Herrera’s views on drawing’.

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Appendix II importance on the ‘divine proportions’ of the building. In their three-volume work In Ezechielem explanationes et Apparatus Urbis, ac Templi Hierosolymitani/ commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distinctum, published in Rome from 1596 to 1604, the designs of the Temple were based on a thorough study of Ezekiel’s vision, described and illustrated in Volume 2 by 15 engravings (see Fig.1).4 A great deal of attention was paid to the dimensions, the proportions and the façade. According to the authors, the entire Temple complex was erected on the basis of nine squares, which comprised the Temple itself (or inner temple), as a number of vestibules. The entire construction measured 500 by 500 cubits. The Holy Cubit measured 2 1/4th feet. Jesuit father Benedictus Arias Montanus, First Librarian of the Spanish King Philip II and editor of the Polyglot Bible at the Plantin Press in Antwerp, was one of the most ardent opponents of Villalpando’s ideas.5 In the last of the eight books of his bible, entitled Exemplar, sive de sacris fabricis liber, he made himself a reconstruction of the Temple in 10 engravings (the recon1. Title page of Ion Bapt Villalpando vol.2 De postrema struction of the tabernacle included), which was Ezechielis Prophetae Visione, Rome, 1604. also based on the classical rules but much more simple.6 According to Arias Montanus, Ezekiel’s description did not fully square with the way in which Solomon would have built the Temple. Arias Montanus drew his inspiration mainly from historical Old Testament writings, which he tried to interpret as rationally as possible. He was a strong adept of the construction of a high tower on the entrance of the church and defended this addition as a part of the Jerusalem Temple. Villalpando replied to Arias Montanus, claiming that the latter lacked knowledge of Vitruvius, Euclid and various Old Testament authors such as Ezekiel. Remarkably, Arias Montanus’s view, which fully coincides with that of Santis Pagninus and Franciscus Vatablus (François Vatable) from 1564, fits in well with recent insights based on archaeological finds.7 The opposition between both views has much to do with the way in which not only Ezekiel’s vision but also Vitruvius’s architectural theory is interpreted. Writings on church architecture by Jesuit scholars such as Grassi, Grisius and Henschenius, contain multiple references to Vitruvius, as does

4

  P. von Naredi-Rainer, ‘Von der prägenden Kraft katholische Tradition: Villalpando, Leonhard Christoph . Sturm und die Salomonische Tempel’, in: W. Telesko and L. Andergassen (eds.), Iconographia christiana., (Regensburg, 2005), pp. 167-83. 5   On Arias Montanus, see: S. Hänsel, Der spanische Humanist Arias Montano (1527-1598) und die Kunst, (Münster, 1991). For the discussion between Montanus and Villalpando, see: J. Corral Jam, l.c., 1990, pp.32-34.

6

  B. Arias Montanus, Biblia Sacra, Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece, & Latine . . , 8 vols., ( Antwerp, 1572), vol.8. See also: Id., Antiquitatum Iudaicarum, Libri IX, (Leiden, 1593), vol.3, pp.86-99. 7   S. Pagninus and F. Vatablus, Biblia veteris ac novi testamenti, (Basel, 1564), p.637, Cap.41: ‘Dispositio reaedificatum templi’. See also: J. Ryckwert, On Adam’s House in Paradise. The Idea of the Primitive Hut in Architectural History, (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), pp.127-8.

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Appendix II the work of Jesuit father François de Aguilón.8 The Jesuit architects were in fact in search of the correct interpretation of architecture, which went back to Vitruvius. Referring to Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, Vitruvius would actually have used the model of Solomon’s Temple. It was thus via Vitruvius that the knowledge of the rules of architecture, which originated with the Jews, was conveyed to us. Some Jesuit fathers were slavish followers of this view, whereas others dared to interpret it. Villalpando was an outspoken defender of the rigid application of Vitruvius, because it was he to whom we owe our knowledge of the Temple.9 Arias Montanus, by contrast, saw the Bible as the direct source of inspiration and dared to challenge Vitruvius. The conciliarii aedificiorum in Rome at the time were the Jesuit fathers Grassi and Valeriano. They took a rather moderate view. During the construction of the Jesuit church in Antwerp, Grassi and Grienberger were conciliarii and may have influenced François de Aguilón and Jesuit laybrother and architect Pieter Huyssens, the authors of the Jesuit church in Antwerp. Grassi and Grienberger may have allowed architect Huyssens to deal more freely with Vitruvianism and to make more room for his own interpretations. Thus, the drawings for the bell tower of the Jesuit church of Antwerp evolve from a rather rigid Vitruvian structure to a looser interpretation, which was more in line with the view of Aguilón, his predecessor, who had made the initial plans for the church. Solomon’s Temple in the Southern Netherlands: the Example of the Jesuit Church of Antwerp A very interesting case study in the Southern Netherlands, which deals with both interpretations, is indeed the Jesuit church of Antwerp, built between 1613-22 . The French geographer Pierre Bergeron (1585-1638), who travelled through the Southern Netherlands in 1619 and was shown the design plans of the new Jesuit church by Huyssens, pointed out that the edifice was constructed on the basis of the perfect proportions as used for the Temple of Solomon, described by Villalpando in his comments on Ezekiel.10 Three characteristic parts of the church are clearly influenced by Villalpando’s representation of the Temple of Solomon:

8

  Father Henschenius gives a fine description of the new Antwerp Jesuit church and mentions the importance of Vitruvius in the Acta Sanctorum. See the essay by Ria Fabri in this volume. For Grisius, see M. Grisius, Honor S. Ignatio de Loiola Societatis Jesu fundatori et S. Francisco Xaverio Indiarum apostolo…habitus à Patribus Domus Professae & Collegii Soc. Jesu Antverpiae 24 Julii 1622, (Antwerp, 1622), p.14. About Orazio Grassi and Vitruvius, see especially: F. Santillo,’ Il Commento di Padre Orazio Grassi S.I. al Primo Libro sull’Architettura di Marco Vitruvio Pollione’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 69, 2000, 137, 57-150; see also the text written (probably by Grisius) on the occasion of the inauguration of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: ‘…totaque Vitruviano opera qudruplici constat.’; see Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°.

9

  See Villalpando’s comments on Vitruvius and the Temple: J. Del Prado and J.B. Villalpando, In Ezechielem explanationes et Apparatus Urbis, ac Templi Hierosolymitani/ commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distinctum, 3 vols., (Rome, 1596-1604), Book II, Pars Prima, cap. XVIII, p.80-83. 10   H. Michelant (ed.), Voyage de Pierre Bergeron ès Ardennes, Liège & Pays-Bas en 1619, (Liège 1875), p.279. Solomon’s temple as inspiration for the ideal architecture of the church during the Counter-Reformation can also be found in : L. Beyerlinck, Magnum Theatrum Vitae Humanae, hoc est rerum divinarum humanarumque syntagma catholicum, philosophicum, dogmaticum, 9 vols., (Cologne, 1631), vol.7, book 18, p.6263: ‘Templum significatio. De formae templi veteris a Salomone Aedificati Significatione’.

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Appendix II

2.Pieter Huyssens (?), Jesuit church of Antwerp, ground plan of the church, c. 1617.

3. Jacques Neeffs: the Jesuit church seen from the north. (Detail from: Jacques Neeffs, View of the Jesuit church, the Domus Professa, the Sodality Houses and the square as they were just constructed in 1621, etching, c. 1680).

1.The ground plan of the basilical type (see Fig. 2) The Early-Christian basilical type is, in contrast to the ground plan of the Gesù church in Rome, the prototype of most Jesuit churches. The six ground plan models designed by father Giovanni De Rosis from c.1580 do contain the basilical type. This was the sketch that had been sent by the Father General in Rome to all Fathers Provincial. De Rosis was in fact the conciliarius aedificiorum of the Father General. Typical for the Early-Christian basilical type, as it can be found, for instance, in the S. Agnese fuori le Mura in Rome, is the purely longitudinal layout without transept, the rather wide nave as compared to the side aisles, the use of galleries above the side aisles and the presence of apsides at the end of the nave and side aisles. This layout also appears in Alberti’s treatise on architecture, translated by Jean Martin.11 It is the second type of temple, with le parquet en cause or a chancel. In Villalpando’s and Arias Montanus’s drawings of the inner Temple, we notice a rectangular form,

11   J. Martin, L’architecture et art de bien bastir du Seigneur Leon Baptiste Alberti, Gentilhomme Florentin, diusée en dix liures,

(Paris, 1553), Book 7, pp.149-50. See Fig.9 in the essay by Ria Fabri in this volume.

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Appendix II without transept, which is also the case in the Antwerp Jesuit church (see Fig.6 for the ground plan of Arias Montanus’s Temple). 2. The bell tower Here we have to refer as well to Villalpando as to Arias Montanus (see Figs.4, 5 and 6). The inaugural text states that Aguilón’s calculations for the Temple are based on perfect dimensions.12 These findings probably also apply to the proportions of the eastern tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church. Indeed, what is particularly remarkable here are the integer numbers to be found in this monumental eastern tower: 10, 5, 4 and 2. The tower is in fact 200 feet high and consists of five levels, each 40 feet high.13 This results in a highly harmonious distribution of the five orders: Tuscan on the ground floor, Doric on the next, followed by Ionic and finally Corinthian. The Composite order is not used, its place is taken by the cupola of the tambour, raised with a lantern. In the dimensioning of this construction, Huyssens appears not to have used any irrational numbers and clearly diverges from the dimensioning of Vitruvius. The name of Vitruvius is only used for the correct superposition of 4. Juan Bautista Villalpando: sight view of the inner Temple, 1604. the different architectural orders: ‘Quid plura? Affirmant qui varias orbis regions peragrarunt, nullam se upsiam terrarram vitruviani operas turrim huic nostrae comparandam vidisse’.14 The comparison with the Temple of Solomon is also of particular interest for the discussion that developed between the two Jesuit fathers Villalpando and Arias Montanus. In Arias Montanus’s reconstruction of the Temple the main entrance was incorporated in a tall tower (see Figs.5 and 6).15 Villalpando did not agree with the theory that a tower was present above the entrance to the Temple. The author of the Jesuit church of Antwerp clearly opted for Villalpando by rejecting the combination of a tower and entrance on the eastern side of the church. There is only one version on which a combination of entrance and tower can be seen, probably referring to the Antwerp Jesuit church: a drawing belonging to a series of sketches of towers forming part of the Hermitage Collection.16 12   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°490r°: ‘Cuius Idaeam primo dum viveret adumbraverat P. Franciscus Aguilon, qui quantum in Mathematcis disciplines valeret, tum doctissimo de optico volumine doctis omnibus fecit testatum, tum praecipue nobilissimi temple, omnibus numeris absolutissimi delineatione quam postea executioni mandavit…’. 13   See the measurements of the bell tower in my essay ‘The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp during the Seventeenth

Century’ in this volume, especially Fig.20.   Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°. 15   See especially plate M in the Leiden edition of the Polyglot Bible of Arias Montanus. See B. Arias Montanus, o.c., 1593, plate M. 16   St. Petersburg, Hermitage Collection, Library, n°14741, f°41. See Fig.16D in my essay on the Façade and the Towers...in this volume. 14

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Appendix II On the contrary, the proportions of Montanus’s sketch were preferred for the design of the Antwerp tower (see Fig.3). The bell tower of the Jesuit church does away with Vitruvian shortenings, and instead adopts a more or less equal treatment of the heights of the different floors.17 This departure from Vitruvius’s rule is very important at that time and can – in a certain way –, be compared with Claude Perrault’s remarks on Vitruvius’s theory on beauty (venustas).18 3. The ornaments in the half cupola above the chancel

5. Benedictus Arias Montanus: sight view of the Temple with eastern tower, 1572.

6. Benedictus Arias Montanus: the tower of the inner Temple.

Of special interest in the rather complex representation of grotesques is the presence of angels with six wings or cherubs.19 A description of these angels is to be found in Ezekiel’s vision. In Villalpando’s work, the description by Ezekiel’s cherubs is indeed included but on the illustration we see only four-winged angels situated in the Holy of the Holiest of Solomon’s Temple (see Figs. 7 and 8). In the cupola above the choir in the Antwerp Jesuit church, the representation of four cherubs is more correct as on the illustration in Villalpando’s book (see Figs. 9 and 10). There is also some resemblance between the 17   See also my essay in this volume, ‘The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp during the Seventeenth Century’, esp. Fig. 20. 18   On Perrault and the Temple, see: W. Herrmann, ‘Un­known designs for the ‘Temple of Jerusalem’ by Claude Perrault’, in: Essays in the History of Architecture presented to Rudolf Wittkower, (London, 1967), pp.143-58. On Perrault and Villalpando, see: W. Herrmann, La théorie de Claude Perrault, (Brussels-Liège, 1980), p.34: ‘Il y a peut-être peu d’architectes qui ont partagé la foi optimiste de Philibert de l’Orme en l’idée de trouver finalement des “proportions divines”, ou qui ont suivi Villalpandus ou d’autres écrivains théologiques qui, pour citer la remarque ironique de Perrault, déclaraient que « Dieu par une inspiration spéciale a enseigné toutes ces proportions aux Architectes du Temple de Salomon »’. 19   In the inauguration text of 1621 is also referred to those angels: ‘Ipse chorus tanto Dei palatio dignus, testudinem habet opera statuarii ad stuporem incisam, taeniis, vittisque e coelo Cherubinorum dependentibus, tatamque operas varietatem connectentibus’. See Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome, Fl.B.Hist., 50, II (Anno 1621), f°491r°.

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Appendix II

8. Four-winged cherubs, as illustrated in Villalpando’s De postrema Ezechielis Prophetae Visione, Rome, 1604.

7. Juan Bautista Villalpando: the Holy of the Holiest of the Temple, 1604.

decoration of the vault of the Holy of Holiest in the representation by Villalpando and the project for the vault of the Antwerp Jesuit church by Pieter Huyssens (see Figs.7 and 10).20 Quite interestingly, Villalpando’s volume was present both in Rubens’s library and in that of the Domus Professa, and the drawing of the six-winged angels must therefore have been known to Aguilón, Huyssens and Rubens.21

20

  Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n°38.   P. Arents, De Bibliotheek van Pieter Pauwel Rubens: een reconstructie, (Antwerp, 2001), p.144; Rubens bought the Villalpando books on 2 February 1615 at the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp. See the Journaal-book, 2 February 1615, fol.27r. For the presence of Villalpando’s books in the library of the Domus Professa, see: Catalogue de livres des Bibliothèques de la Maison Professe, du Collège et du Couvent des ci- devant Jésuites d’ Anvers… , 3 vols., (Leuven, 1779), vol.1, p.39, n°472. 21

9. The Jesuit church of Antwerp: six-winged cherubs in the half cupola above the chancel.

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Appendix II

10. The Jesuit church of Antwerp: the cupola above the chancel.

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Appendix II Reformation, Salomon de Bray and Nicolaus Goldmann In the Republic there existed a number of Jewish writings on the Temple of Solomon, yet it was the Jesuit publication, notably the work of Villalpando, that drew all attention.22 The reason is that this work contained the most extensively commented and best represented reconstruction of the Temple. Other publications by Jesuit fathers usually did not address the subject of the Temple and therefore remained outside the sphere of interest of architects and builders in the Republic. Both the introductory text by Salomon de Bray to the book Architectura Moderna (Amsterdam, 1631 and 1640) and the theoretical writings of Nicolaus Goldmann (c. 1658) on the Temple are very interesting in this respect. In his introduction to Architectura Mo­derna, Salomon de Bray makes no reference what­soever to Villalpando, but the way in which he considers the Temple to be the reference for modern architecture in the Republic does show a number of parallels with Villalpando’s argument.23 According to de Bray, it were not the Greeks who ‘invented’ architecture and the Corinthian order is traced back to the Temple of Solomon, erected by Hiram or Tyros. The crux of De Bray’s argument is that Vitruvius did nothing else than follow the rules of original architecture, which comes from God and was passed on to Moses and Solomon, and continued by the Greeks and Romans. Here we notice a high degree of similarity between the views of Villalpando on the one hand, and those of reformed architect and painter Salomon de Bray on the other hand. What is remarkable, though, is that not all reformed architects in the Northern Netherlands shared this view. Thus, Philips Vingboons, in his introduction to a short treatise on architecture, titled Gronden en Afbeeldsels der voornaemste Gebouwen… (1665), harks back to the Greeks and not to Christian Antiquity. Architectural theorist Nicolaus Goldmann, by contrast, resolutely subscribes to the views of Villalpando.24 Goldmann, who continued and complemented Simon Stevin’s work in the field of architectural theory, devotes a great deal of attention to the Temple of Solomon in his manuscript from c. 1658 for Das erste Buch der Bau=Kunst: von den allgemeinen Anfängen (The First Book of Architecture: on the general beginnings) (the printed version was published only in 1696 by Leonhard Christoph Sturm) (see Fig.11). De Bray did so because he assumed that the knowledge of the Temple, via the reconstruction by Villalpando, Vitruvius’ theory and the Bible is the major source for the formulation of an architectural theory. For Goldmann, Vitruvius’s theory was indeed based on the Temple of Solomon: ‘ Alles was Vitruvius gutes von gegeneinander Messungen aufgezeichnet hinterlassen hat, dasselbige hat er auss dem Bau des Tempels Salomonis, oder dessen Nachkömmelinge, dem neuen Tempel erlernet’. (All the useful measurements that Vitruvius left behind in recorded form, he learned from the construction of the Temple of Solomon, or its successor, the new Temple’). According to Goldmann, the knowledge of this Temple could be clearly and rather accurately depicted thanks to Villalpando. This made the Lutherian Goldmann one of the few in the Republic who dared explicitly refer to the Jesuit Villalpando. What Goldmann found particularly interesting about the reconstruction of the Temple had above all to do with both the historical return to the Old Testament and the mathematical approach of Villalpando. For Goldmann, symmetry and eurythmy are essential properties of architecture and are present both in mathematics and in Solomon’s Temple. He, too, is searching for the unit of measure or modulus: the Holy Cubit.

22

  See especially K. Ottenheym in: K. De Jonge and K. Ottenheym (eds.), Unity and Discontinuity. Architectural Relationships between the Southern and Northern Low Countries (1530-1700), (Turnhout, 2007), pp.274-77. 23   S. De Bray, Architectura Moderna ofte Bouwinge van onsen

tyt bestaende in verscheyde soorten van gebouwen [ …], (Amsterdam, 1631), pp.1-7. 24   J. Goudeau, Nicolaus Goldmann (1611-1665) en de wiskundige architectuurwetenschap, Groningen, 2005, pp.32742.

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Appendix II

12. Jacob van Campen: view of the Nieuwe Hervormde Kerk in Renswoude, built in 1639.

It is clear that the aim here was to take an opposite approach to modern architecture, not in the first place from the theories of Alberti or Vitruvius, but from the idea of God. Goldmann literally writes: ‘Die Erfindung der Bau=Kunst, rühret ohne Mittelher, von der Hand des Herren’ (The invention of architecture is controlled directly by the hand of God). The rigorously Christian and Old Testament approach to architecture by Villalpando, the Jesuit, is here adopted by Lutherians, such as Goldmann. This will also be the case in Germany, where Leonard Christoph Sturm will further elaborate on Goldmann’s interpretation and in turn have a great impact on architects like Samuel Reyher, Johann Jacob Scheuchzer and Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach.25 Very significant is the lack of ornaments in the new Calvinist and Lutheran churches constructed during the seventeenth century in the Northern Netherlands by architects as Jacob Van Campen (Renswoude Church(see Fig.12), Hoge Zwaluwe Church and Nieuwe Kerk, Haarlem), Arent van ‘s-Gravesande (Marekerk, Leiden) and Daniel Stalpaert (Oudshoorn Church).26 The use of sometimes giant temple buttresses was directly inspired by Villalpando’s examples in his reconstruction of the Temple of Solomon.

11. Nicolaus Goldmann: sketches of the Temple, c.1658.

25

  P. von Naredi-Rainer, o.c., 1994, pp. 152, 182-185, 217, 229-30, 232, 299. 26   W. Kuyper, Dutch Classicist Architecture, (Delft, 1980), pp.14-21; J. Huisken, K. Ottenheym and G. Schwartz (eds.), Jacob van Campen. Het klassieke ideaal in de Gouden

Eeuw, (Amsterdam, 1995), pp.180-87; G. Steenmeijer, Tot cieraet ende aensien deser stede. Arent van ’s-Gravesande architect en ingenieur ca.1610-1662, (Leiden, 2005), pp.169-87; and recently K. De Jonge and K. Ottenheym (eds.), o.c., 2007, pp.273-79.

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Appendix II Conclusion At the end of the sixteenth century and in the early seventeenth century, there is a revived interest in the origin of architecture under impulse from Jesuit fathers Prado, Villalpando, Arias Montanus and others. They adopt an alternative approach that links architecture directly to the image of God. To this end, they return to the historical Old Testament writings and above all prophet Ezekiel’s vision, in which the Temple of Solomon is described. Vitruvius is considered to be a link between the Old Testament Temple and current architectural theory. This new vision gives rise to extensive discussions and interpretations of classical architecture. What is striking is that this revolutionary turn by the Jesuit fathers results in Vitrivius’s theory becoming the subject of a new interpretation. A fine example of this can be found in the Southern Netherlands, where the Counter-Reformation is in full swing, more specifically the Jesuit church in Antwerp. Based on his own perceptions of symmetry and eurythmy, father François de Aguilón elaborates a simple grid structure, used as well for the ground floor plan, as for the façade and the eastern tower, thereby allowing a high degree of unity between elevation and ground floor to be achieved in a consistent manner. In the Republic, too, the re-orientation of architecture toward Old-Testamentic descriptions of the Temple paves the way for renovation. Where authors like Salomon de Bray, from a Calvinist background, mainly stress the Hebrew character of Divine architecture, Lutheran architecture theorists like Nicolaus Goldmann openly consider Villalpando’s theory as the starting point and undertake very concrete calculations and representations of the Temple of Solomon.

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PLATES

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Plates

Plate 1. Anonymous: Project for the siting of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp, to be erected across the Korte Rui, c.1615.

Plate 2. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa, c. 1622.

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Plates

Plate 3. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, currently St Carolus Borromeus church.

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Plates

Plate 4. Anonymous: Drawing of the façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1650 (?).

Plate 5. Pieter Huyssens (?): Poject for a statue of St Ignatius of Loyola, to be placed in one of the Sodality Houses, drawing, c. 1625 (?).

Plate 6. Peter Paul Rubens: The Virgin and Child, oil-sketch, c.1619.

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Plate 7. Willem van Ehrenberg, , Interior view of the St Ignatius church, Antwerp, painting, 17th century.

Plates

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Plate 8. Peter Casteels (attributed to): Interior of the St Ignatius church, drawing, 17th century.

Plates

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Plates

Plate 9. View from nave to choir and high altar.

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Plate 10. Axial chapel to the left of the high altar, dedicated to St Franciscus Xaverius, Antwerp, Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

Plate 11. Axial chapel to the right of the high altar, dedicated to St Joseph, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church).

Plates

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Plates

Plate 12. The altar of the Houtappel chapel, with statues of the Father and St Paul illuminated by indirect light.

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Plates

africano

alabastro egiziano

alabastro fiorito

Aosta valley green

Belgian grey with white and pink

Belgian variant of bianco e nero antico

breccia corallina

breccia dorata

brèche de Waulsort

brocatello

cipollino rosso

fior di pesca

giallo di Siena

green rosso levanto

Plate 13. Marbles and alabasters used in the Antwerp ­Jesuit Church.

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Plates

incarnat turquin

pink Verona marble

portoro

pseudo Skyros

rouge des Pyrénées

sarrancolin

Skyros

St Remy

unidentified breccia

variant of breccia corallina

variety of lumachella

verde antico

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Plates

Plate 14. View of the bell tower (eastern tower) of the Antwerp Jesuit church.

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Plates

Plate 15. Bell tower: the serliana motives.

Plate 16. Bell tower: Bukrania with garlands as decorative elements in the Doric frieze. The head of a sea monster can be remarked just under the guttae.

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List of Illustrations

Introduction Piet Lombaerde Fig. 1. Joannes de la Barre (1603-68) (delineavit et sculpsit) : façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1644. (Copyright Museum Plantin-Moretus, Prenten­ kabinet, Inv. N° VI.B/2 inv.16129) Fig. 2. The altar of the Houtappel chapel, with sta­ tues of the Father and St Paul illuminated by indirect light. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Fig. 3. Gian Lorenzo Bernini: the Ecstasy of St Theresa of Avila, (Capella Cornaro, in S. Maria della Vittoria, Rome, c.1647-52). (Photo: author) Fig. 4. Guarino Guarini: interior view of the dome of the S. Lorenzo church, Turin, 1668-80. (Photo: author) Fig. 5. Giovanni De Rosis: six alternative plans for Jesuit churches, 1580. (Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Codex Campori, I, 1.50) Fig. 6. Façade of the Gesù in Rome. (Photo: author) Fig. 7. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church. (Photo: author) Fig. 8. Marble decorations in the S. Maria della Vittoria, Rome, second half of the 17th century. (Photo: author) Fig. 9. Leonard Christoph Sturm: ( J. Wolff exc.): façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church (with corrections by the author) and ground plan, 1716. (From: L. Sturm, Leonhard Christoph Sturms Durch Einen grossen Theil von Teutschland und den Niederlanden biss nach Pariss gemachete Architectonische Reise-Anmerckungen zu der Vollständigen Goldmannischen Bau=Kunst, (Augsburg, 1719), Tab.XIIII, Figs.2 and 3). Fig. 10. St Peter’s, Rome: view of the northeast transept pillar with monumental statues, late 16th and early 17th century. (Photo: author)

Fig. 12. Michelangelo: the Porta Pia, engraving (the original drawing was made c.1561). (From: Nuova et ultima aggiunta delle Porte d’Archiettura di Michel Angelo Buonaroti Fiorentino Pittore Scultore et Architetto Eccell.mo, (Siena, 1635), plate XXXXI) Fig. 13. Pellegrino Tibaldi: decorations at the exterior of the S. Gaudenzio Basilica in Novara, 1577 and later. (Photo: author) Fig. 14. The tribune galleries of the S. Agnese fuori le Mura, Rome, 7th century. (Photo : Dr. Sabina De Cavi) Fig. 15. Peter Paul Rubens: Saint Clara repels the Saracen armies with the Holy Sacrament, oil sketch on panel. (Antwerp, The Rubens House, inv. s. 201) Fig. 16. Peter Paul Rubens: drawing for a cherub. Model for the decoration of the archivolt of the entrance of the Antwerp Jesuit church. (Whereabouts unknown) Fig. 17. Giovanni Maggi: façade of the Gesù, Rome, 1609. (Engraving incorporated in the Promptuarium Pictorum, vol.2, 24D) Fig. 18. François de Aguilón (?): project for the new Jesuit convent with church in Antwerp, c.1613 (not realized). (Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, Hd-4c9) Fig. 19. First page of the Historia Domus Professa Societatis Jesu Antwerpia. (From: Inventarium Archivi Romani Societatis Iesù Manuscripta Antiquae Societatis, Pars I. Assistentiae et Provinciae, Provincia Flandro-Belgica, 50 II, f°474r°). Fig. 20. Booklet with the description and the illustration of the great fire of 18 July 1718. (From: Pieter Bouttats, Klaegende-dicht over het onverwacht en schrickelijck verbranden totten gronde, van den overschoonen en vermaerden tempel Godts van het Huys der Professien van de Societeyt Jesu binnen Antwerpen den 18. julii, Antwerp, 1718)

Fig. 11. St Peter’s, Rome: barrel vault with roses in octagonal incrustations, before 1575. (Photo: author)

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List of Illustrations Peter Paul Rubens and François de Aguilón August Ziggelaar S.J. Fig. 1. Theodoor Galle (after P.P. Rubens): title page of François de Aguilón’s Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 2. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.1: first page of Book I: Liber Primus de Organo, Obiecto, Naturaque Visus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 3. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.105: first page of Book II: Liber Secundus de Radio Optico et Horoptere, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 4. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.151: first page of Book III: Liber Tertius de Communium Obiectorum Cognitione, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbiblio­ theek Antwerpen) Fig. 5. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.195: first page of Book IV: Liber Quartus de Fallaciis Aspectus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 6. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.356: first page of Book V: Liber Quintus de Luminoso et Opaco, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 7. François de Aguilón, Opticorum Libri Sex, Antwerp, 1613, p.452: first page of Book VI: Liber Sextus de Proiectionibus, with a vignette by P.P. Rubens. (Copyright Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Pieter Huyssens S.J. (1577-1637), an Underestimated Architect and Engineer Bert Daelemans S.J. Fig. 1. Willem Hesius: ground plan of the Jesuit College of Bruges, 1690. (Promptuarium Pictorum I 68.2). (Photo: Paul Stuyven, KULeuven, 1997) Fig. 2. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church of Namur, c. 1620. (P.P. I 38). (Photo: Paul Stuyven, KULeuven, 1997)

Fig. 3. Jean du Blocq: ground plan of the church and the Jesuit College of Luxemburg, 1613-21. (P.P. I 58 1) Fig. 4. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa; c. 1622. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 8). Fig. 5. Pieter Huyssens: project for the façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 14) Fig. 6. Pieter Huyssens: project for the bell tower of the Jesuit church of Antwerp. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 12L) Fig. 7. Anonymous: drawing of a vaulted nave. (P.P. II 138b). Fig. 8. Sebastiano Serlio: method for drawing an interior with arches and columns. (S.Serlio, Book II: On Perspective, 45r°) Fig. 9. Title page of the Promptuarium Pictorum, part II, 1747. Fig. 10. Anonymous: water mill. (P.P. I 91) Fig. 11. Bernardino Radi: title page of ‘Varie Inventioni per Depositi’, Rome, 1618. Fig. 12. Anonymous: the five architectural orders. (P.P. I 116) Fig. 13. Giovanni Maggi: façade of the S. Atanasio dei Greci church, Rome, 1609. (P.P. II 26D) Aguilón, Vitruvianism and his Opticorum libri sex Sven Dupré Fig. 1. Analemma, from Christophorus Clavius, Gnomonices libro octo (Romae, apud Franciscum Za­ nettum, 1581), p.11. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math. 147). Fig. 2.The use of a quadrant to measure a height, from Christoph Clavius, Opera mathematica, 5 vols., (Moguntiae, sumptibus Antonij Hierat, excudebat Reinardhus Eltz…, 1611-12), vol.2: Geometria practica, p.43. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.41).

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List of Illustrations Fig. 3. Johannes Ciermans, Disciplinae mathematicae traditiae (Lovanii, apud Everardum de Witte, 1640), Mense Decembri, Opticae. (University Library ­Ghent, shelfmark Math.9).

Fig. 13. Analemma, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.522. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101).

Fig. 4. Elliptical compass, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.476. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101).

Fig. 14. Rendering a given rectilinear figure in perspective, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.664 (University Librar y Ghent, shelfmark Math.101).

Fig. 5. Measuring a height, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101). Fig. 6. Measuring a depth, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101). Fig. 7. Measuring a length, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.242 (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101). Fig. 8. The use of an astronomical ring to measure a height, from Petrus Apianus, Cosmographie, oft Beschrijvinghe der geheelder werelt van Petrus Apianus. Derdwerf nu ghecorrigeert van Gemma Frisio (Antwerpen, Gregorius de Bonte, 1553), f° Ixxiii. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Hist.9829 (4)). Fig. 9. The use of an astrolabe to measure a depth, from Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricale ususque astrolabii (Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), p.173. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math. 1007). Fig. 10. Astrolabe on the stereographic projection, showing equator, tropics and almucantars, from Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricale ususque astrolabii (Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), p.9. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math. 1007). Fig. 11. Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricale ususque astrolabii (Parisiis, apud Hieronymum de Marnef, 1585), p.13 (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math. 1007). Fig. 12. Astrolabe (back) from the Giusti workshop on the De Rojas projection, 1568, Inv.1285. (Photo Franca Principe-Sabina Bernacchini, IMSS-Florence).

Fig. 15. Simon Stevin, Wisconstige gedachtenissen (Leyden, Inde druckerye van Ian Bouwensz., 1605-1608), Derde stuck: Vande deursichtighe, p.48. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Acc.56517). Fig. 16. Theorem: of planes under the eye the remote parts seem to rise higher, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.258. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101). Fig. 17. Theorem: of planes above the eyes the remote parts are seen lower, from François de Aguilón, Opticorum libri sex, (Antverpiae, Ex Officina Plantiniana, 1613), p.258. (University Library Ghent, shelfmark Math.101). Jesuits, Mechanics and the Squaring of the Circle Ad Meskens Fig. 1. Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio. (Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 2. Frontispiece of Problema Austriacum. (Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen) Fig. 3. Walter van Aelst Thesis. (University of ­Ghent) Fig. 4. Pieter van de Plas: The young Joannes della Faille. (Private collection) Fig. 5. Projection from della Faille's Architectura (Biblioteca Academia Real Madrid). Fig. 6. Della Faille's proof of the mass centre theorem. (Private collection)

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List of Illustrations The Façade and the Towers of the Jesuit Church in the Urban Landscape of Antwerp during the Seventeenth Century Piet Lombaerde Fig. 1. Cornelis Galle: Map of Rome with the Gesù church in the centre of the city, c. 1610. (Rome, Archivium Romanum Societatis Iesu, Armadio 4) Fig. 2. Detail of the map of Antwerp by Joris Hoef­ nagel, with a view of the first Jesuit church (longitudinal church with a tower beside the western nave), c.1598. The Korte Rui is situated at the right part of this detail of the map. (From: G. Braun and F. Hogenberg, Civitates Orbis Terrarum, Cologne, c.1598, part 5)

(From: G.B. Costaguti, Architettura della basilica di S. Pietro in Vaticano, Rome, 1684) Fig. 11. Joannes de la Barre (1603-68) (delineavit et sculpsit) : engraving of the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1650. (Museum Plantin Moretus, inv. n° VI.B/3 inv. 20169) Fig. 12. Theodoor Van Thulden: detail of the Joyous Entry of Cardinal Infant Ferdinand in Antwerp, 1635, representing the bell tower of the Jesuit church. (From: C. Gevartius, Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi Austriaci Hispaniarum Infantis, Antwerp, 1641) Fig. 13. A mascaron on the bell tower. (Photo: Joris Luyten)

Fig. 3. Project of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp, situated across the to-be-arched Korte Rui, c.1615. (SAA, Ico., 53/216)

Fig. 14. A sea-cherub and a dolphin as ornaments on the lower part of the lantern (bell tower). (Photo: Joris Luyten)

Fig. 4. Pieter Huyssens (?): General plan of the new Jesuit church, the Domus Professa and the two Soda­ lity Houses, with the creation of a new square (Plaetse voorde kercke) and a new street (Nievwe Straet), c.1617. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. nr. 2)

Fig. 15. Giovan Giacomo di Conforto: bell tower of the Carmelite church in Naples, c.1615- 22. (From: Civilità del Seicento a Napoli, Naples, 1984, p.55)

Fig. 5. Location of the new Jesuit church in the geometrical centre of Antwerp. (Reconstruction by the author on a 17th -century map). Fig. 6. The statue of Our Lady, placed on 28 February 1587 by Jesuit Father Franciscus Costerus on the upper part of the façade of the Town Hall. (Photo: Joris Luyten). Fig. 7. The statue of Our Lady, situated within the pediment of the façade of the Jesuit church. (Photo: Joris Luyten). Fig. 8. Jacques Neeffs: view of the Jesuit church, the Domus Professa, the Sodality Houses and the square as they were just constructed in 1621, etching, c. 1680. (Antwerp, private collection) Fig. 9. Pieter Huyssens: project for a lantern with gallery on the upper part of the southern west tower, Jesuit church of Antwerp. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. nr. 17) Fig. 10. Martino Ferrabosco: proposal for a western tower on the façade of the St Peter’s, Rome, c.1620.

Fig. 16. Five different projects for the bell tower of the Jesuit church and one undefined sketch for a tower (see d.): a. Pieter Huyssens: first project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1617 (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 9L) b. Pieter Huyssens: second project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1617. ( Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 13L) c. Pieter Huyssens: third project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, after 1617. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 12L) d. A nonymous: project for a tower with arched ­entrance opening on the first floor; with very doubtful mention of the name of Rubens. (SaintPetersburg, Hermitage Collection, Library, n°14741, f°41) e. Pieter Huyssens: final project for the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, after 1617. (London, Sir John Soane’s Museum, inv. n°.vol. 111/1) f. Joannes de la Barre: engraving of the bell tower of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1650. (Antwerp, Museum Plantin Moretus, inv. n° VI.B/3 inv. 20169)

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List of Illustrations Fig. 17. Christ with standing cross, situated on the second floor of the Antwerp Jesuit church, towards the St.-Kathelijnevest. (Photo: author) Fig. 18. Horizontal bands and rings connecting the Doric columns and pilasters at the four corners of the second floor of the bell tower; detail of Pieter Huyssens’s third project, after 1617. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 12L)

Fig. 8. Jerome Nadal, Adnotationes et meditationes in Evangelia, third edition, (Antwerp, 1607): Title Page (engraved by one of the Wierix brothers-Hieronymous?). (© The John Work Garrett Library of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore) Fig. 9. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail. (Photo: author).

Fig. 19. Pieter Huyssens: project for the lantern of the bell tower of the Jesuit church of Antwerp, with serliana motive, after 1617. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 21)

Fig. 10. Jerome Nadal, Evangeliae Historiae Imagines, second edition, (Antwerp, 1596). Title Page (engraved by Hieronymous Wierix after Maarten de Vos). (© The John Work Garrett Library of the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore).

Fig. 20. Measurements of the different vertical elements of the bell tower, indicated on the engraving by Jean de la Barre. (Reconstruction by the author)

Fig. 11. P. P. Rubens. Circumcision (1605). The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa. (Alinari/Art Resource, NY)

The Façade of the Jesuit Church in Antwerp: Representing the Church Militant and Triumphant Barbara Haeger

Fig. 12. The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa: transverse section looking to the High Altar. (From: P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genova, Antwerp, 1622, vol.2, Chiesa XXII, Figura 66). (Photo: Piet Lombaerde)

Fig. 1. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp. (Photo: Rubenshuis) Fig. 2. View of the Antwerp Town Hall in Renaissance style. (Photo: Toon Grobet) Fig. 3. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail of entrance. (Photo: author) Fig. 4. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail showing angels crowning the bust of St Ignatius Loyola. (Photo: author) Fig. 5. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail showing cartouche with the Jesuit Insignia being borne aloft by cherubs. (Photo: author) Fig. 6. Vignola. Final project for the façade of the Gesù (1570). Mario Cartaro engraving (c.1573). (From : G.G. de Rossi, Insignum Romae Templorum, Rome, 1684) Fig. 7. The Jesuit church (SS. Ambrogio e Andrea), Genoa: elevation of the façade. (From: P.P. Rubens, Palazzi di Genova, Antwerp, 1622, vol.2, Chiesa XXIII, Figura 65). (Photo: P. Lombaerde)

Fig. 13. P.P. Rubens. Drawing for the sculptural ­relief: cartouche with the Jesuit Insignia being borne aloft by cherubs. Drawing, pen and brush and brown ink over underdrawing of black chalk and heightened with white bodycolor and squared for transfer (ca.1617-20). (London, British Museum). Fig. 14. Johannes David, Pancarpium Marianum (Antwerp, 1618): Plate 34. (The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek). Fig. 15. Pieter Huyssens and an unknown hand after designs by P.P. Rubens (c.1620). Study for the pediment. Drawing pen and brown ink with brown and blue wash. (Rubens's original for the left angel is still extant; however, none of the angels crowning the pediment were executed). (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church; © KIK-IRPA) Fig. 16. Johannes David, Pancarpium Marianum (Antwerp, 1618): Plate 17. (The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek) Fig. 17. The façade of the Jesuit church in Antwerp: detail including freestanding columns marking the limits of the façade proper at the right. (Photo: author)

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List of Illustrations Fig. 18. Jesuit church in Antwerp. Interior: view from nave to choir and high altar. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Fig. 19. Anonymous,. Vita Ignatii (1609): title page (engraving after P.P. Rubens?). (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, 1946 (46.123) Image © The Metropolitan Museum of Art) Light and Measurement. A Theoretical Approach of the Interior of the St Ignatius Church in Antwerp Ria Fabri

Fig. 9: Jean Martin, ground plan of a temple with le parquet en cause, 1553. (From: J. Martin, L’architecture et art de bien bastir du Seigneur Leon Baptiste Alberti, Gentilhomme Florentin, diuisée en dix liures, Paris, 1553, p.150). Fig. 10. Ground plan of the church, with grid pattern. (reconstruction by the author) Fig. 11. Pieter Huyssens: composition of the nave, the tribune and the apse, drawing, c.1617. (Archief St.-Carolus Borromeuskerk, Antwerp, inv. nr.35) Fig. 12. View of the apse and the arch of the St Ignatius church. (Photo: Joris Luyten)

Fig. 1. Willem van Ehrenberg, , Interior view of the St Ignatius church, Antwerp, painting, 17th century. (Munich, Art Dealer)

Fig. 13. Peter Casteels (attributed to): Detail of the interior of the St Ignatius church: the choir, drawing, 17th century. (St Carolus Borromeus church)

Fig. 2. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior of the St Ignatius church, oil on marble, c.1650. (Rubens­huis, Inv. s.189)

Fig. 14. The proportion lines of the different parts of the apse: a reconstruction. (Reconstruction by the author)

Fig. 3. Johannes Baptista van Coukercke, S.J.: Interior of the St Ignatius church, early 18th century, drawing. (Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. nr 133)

Fig. 15. Different patterns of pavements, drawings, 17th century. (Heverlee, PP II 137)

Fig. 4. Artus Quellinus the Elder (?), The statue of St Ignatius in the choir illuminated by sun rays, marble of Carrara, c.1656-59. (Photo: author) Fig. 5. Fragment of L. Beyerlinck’s passage on the symbolic meaning of windows. (L. Beyerlinck, Magnum Theatrum Vitae Humanae, hoc est rerum divinarum humanarumque syntagma catholicum, philosophicum, dogmaticum, (Cologne, 1631), vol.7, p.64. Fig. 6: Window of the south tribune. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Fig. 7. Pieter Neeffs and Sebastiaan Vranckx: Interior of the St Ignatius church, oil on panel, c.1630. (Vienna, Künsthistorisches Museum) Fig. 8. Fragment of the description of the church by Grisius, with reference to Vitruvius. (M. Grisius, Honor S. Ignatio de Loiola Societatis Jesu fundatori et S. Francisco Xaverio Indiarum apostolo…habitus à Patribus Domus Professae & Collegii Soc. Jesu Antverpiae 24 Julii 1622, (Antwerp, 1622), p.14).

Fig. 16. Perspective view of the arched nave of a church, with pavement, drawing, 17th century. This drawing was inspired by S. Serlio, Book 2: On Perspective, f°45r°. (Heverlee, PP II 20C) Fig. 17. Reconstruction line on the painting of St Ignatius. (Reconstruction by the author) Fig. 18. Vitruvius: accentuated border line. (J. Martin, Architecture ou Art de bien bastir de Marc Vitruve Pollion Autheur, (Paris, 1547), f°70r°. The Phenomenon of Day-Light in the Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit Church: towards a New Interpretation Nathalie Poppe Fig. 1. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 2. Interior of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 10 August 8pm with very low intruding sunlight, enlightening partly the cupola of the apse.(Photo: Piet Lombaerde)

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List of Illustrations Fig. 3. S. Gesù e S. Maria church in Rome. The windows in the vault are partly hidden by statues. (Photo: Piet Lombaerde) Fig. 4. Statue of St Paul in the Houtappel chapel. (Photo: Piet Lombaerde) Fig. 5. 3D model of the St Carolus Borromeus church. (Model made in Ecotect by the author) Fig. 6. Bevelled window sills on the windows in the side aisles of the St Carolus Borromeus church. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Fig. 7. Study of directional light on the model of the St Carolus Borromeus church with bevelled window sills on 21 April at 3pm; model. (Study made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 16. Hidden path of light in the St Carolus Borromeus church. (Model made in Ecotect by the author) Rubens and the Sculpture and Marble Decoration Léon E. Lock Fig. 1. High altarpiece of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 2. Hendrick van Steenwijck (?), Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit church, oil on panel, monogrammed HVS and dated 1617 (?), private collection (last sold Sotheby’s London 26 April 2001 lot 57). (Photo: owner) Fig. 3. Detail of the predella.(Photo: author)

Fig. 8. Study of directional light on the model of the St Carolus Borromeus church without bevelled window sills on 21 April 3pm; model made in Ecotect. (Study made by the author)

Fig. 4. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): altarpiece wall. (Photo: author)

Fig. 9. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 November at 11am. (Model made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 5. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): back wall. (Photo: author)

Fig. 10. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 November at 2 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 6. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): left wall and ceiling. (Photo: author)

Fig. 11. Directional light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 13 June at 2.20 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 7. Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church): left wall. (Photo: author)

Fig. 12. Directional light through the façade windows towards the statue of the Virgin in the St Carolus Borromeus church on 10 March at 6.30 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 8. ‘De Nole & Co.’, St Susanna, Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author)

Fig. 13. Directional light through the façade windows in the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 April at 2 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author) Fig. 14. Plan of the diffuse light in the choir of the St Carolus Borromeus church on the 21 April at 1 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author) Fig. 15. Plan of the diffuse light in naves of the St Carolus Borromeus church on 21 April at 1 pm. (Model made in Ecotect by the author)

Fig. 9. Pieter Huyssens, design for a lunette in the Houtappel chapel, archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp. (Photo: author) Fig. 10. Lunette in the Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 11. Marble panel under the statue of St Catherine in the Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author)

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List of Illustrations Fig. 12. Step in front of the altar in the Houtappel chapel, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 13. Axial chapel to the right of the high altar, dedicated to St Joseph, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 14. Axial chapel to the left of the high altar, dedicated to St Francis Xavier, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 15. Peter Paul Rubens, Tullio Solaro et al., high altarpiece, S. Maria in Vallicella, Rome. (Photo: Piet Lombaerde) Fig. 16. Willem Ignatius Kerricx, upper part of the high altarpiece formerly in the Sint-Bernardusabdij of Hemiksem, Sint-Andrieskerk, Antwerp. (Photo: author) Fig. 17. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit church, (Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België, inv.nr. 675; photo: ACL)

The Chapel of the Houtappel Family and the Privatisation of the Church in SeventeenthCentury Antwerp Bert Timmermans Fig. 1. Interior of the Houtappel chapel, view towards the altar. (Photo: ACL 137471-B) Fig. 2. Interior of the Houtappel chapel, view towards the west. (Photo: ACL 137472-B) Fig. 3. Sculpture of the Virgin, sculpted from the oak tree of Scherpenheuvel. (Photo: ACL 46003) Fig. 4. View of the altar of the Houtappel chapel, with an Assumption after Rubens. (Photo: Leo Peleman) Fig. 5. P.P. Rubens and P. Huyssens (?), project for the vault of the Houtappel chapel. (Vienna, Graphische Sammlungen, Albertina) Fig. 6. View of the vault of the Houtappel chapel. Fig. 7. Andries (?) de Nole: statue of St Joseph.

Fig. 18. After Pieter Huyssens, drawing after the nave ceiling of the Antwerp Jesuit church, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp. (Photo: author) Fig. 19. Detail of the painted, gilt and sculpted apse ceiling of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 20. Attributed to Peter Paul Rubens, cartouche design, archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, Antwerp. (Photo: author) Fig. 21. Trees, anonymous fresco painting, at the back of the high altarpiece ‘stage’ of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 22. The Trinitarian delta with the eye of God surrounded by light, anonymous painting on canvas, nailed and glued on the back wall of the high altarpiece ‘stage’ of the Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: author) Fig. 23: Attributed to Willem van Ehrenberg, Façade of the Jesuit Church of Antwerp, Dyrham Park, The Blathwayt Collection (The National Trust). (Photo: Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art)

Fig. 8. View of the altar of the Houtappel chapel, with statues of St Susanna and St Catherine. (Photo: ACL 15946-B) Appendix I Architectural Treatises, Books and Prints in the Libraries of the Jesuits in Antwerp. Ria Fabri and Piet Lombaerde Fig. 1. P. Claudius Clemens: Musei, sive Bibliothecae, tam privatae quam publicae Extructio, Instructio, Cura, Usus. Libri IV…, Lyon,1635. The title page is similar to the title page of Aguilón’s ‘Opticorum Libri Sex’, except the text. (Einsiedeln, Stiftung Bibliothek Werner Oechslin) Fig. 2. First page of the inventory of the architectural books in the possession of Guillaume Cornély, c.1660. (Antwerp, Archives of the Jesuits, Province of Flandro-Belgica, n°2048) Fig. 3. Title page of ‘Catalogue de livres des Bibliothèques de la Maison Professe, du Collège et du Couvent des ci- devant Jésuites d’ Anvers’, Louvain, 1779’. (Antwerp, Stadsbibliotheek, B 10441 [S3 – 880g])

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List of Illustrations Fig. 4. Jacques Neeffs: view of the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa. The Library was originally situated on the second floor of the building situated along the new square. As Neeffs indicated on his engraving of c.1660, it gives an overview of the Jesuit church, the Domus Professa, the Sodality Houses and the square, in 1621. He adds that afterwards important new works were executed. (Antwerp, private collection) Fig. 5. Willem Hesius: detail of the general plan of the Domus Professa with project for the construction of a new aula recreationis and refectorium, with a new library on the second floor. This long building was situated on the northern site of the church, along the cloister’s garden. This construction was probably realised. The project dates from 1641. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 13) Fig. 6. Willem Hesius: detail of a general plan with the new buildings planned by him to enlarge the Domus Professa. On this section one can see the new system he proposes for arranging the books a wall in the new library. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 13) Fig. 7. Title page of Jacques Francart’s Premier Livre d’Architecture, belonging to the library of the Antwerp Jesuit College. (Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Kostbare werken, VB 5321 C RP) Appendix II The Temple of Solomon. Its Interpretation by the Jesuit Fathers during the Early Seventeenth Century and Its Architectural Reception in the Low Countries Piet Lombaerde Fig. 1. Title page of Ion Bapt Villalpando vol.2 De postrema Ezechielis Prophetae Visione, Rome, 1604. (KU Leuven, Maurits Sabbebibliotheek, P 224 4/Fo PRAD Ezec ) Fig. 2.Pieter Huyssens (?), Jesuit church of Antwerp, ground plan of the church, c.1617. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n°2)

Fig. 3. Jacques Neeffs: the Jesuit church seen from the north. (Detail from: Jacques Neeffs, View of the Jesuit church, the Domus Professa, the Sodality Houses and the square as they were just constructed in 1621, etching, c. 1680). (Antwerp, private collection) Fig. 4. Juan Bautista Villalpando: sight view of the inner Temple, 1604. (From: Prado, H. and Villalpando, J.B., In Ezechielem explanationes et Apparatus Urbis, ac Templi Hierosolymitani/ commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distinctum, Rome, 1596-1604, vol.2) Fig. 5. Benedictus Arias Montanus: sight view of the Temple with eastern tower, 1572. (From: B. Arias Montanus, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum Liber IX, Leiden, 1593, plate M) Fig. 6. Benedictus Arias Montanus: the tower of the inner Temple. (From: B. Arias Montanus, Antiquitatum Iudaicarum Liber IX, Leiden, 1593, plate P) Fig. 7. Juan Bautista Villalpando: the Holy of the Holiest of the Temple, 1604. (From: Prado, H. and Villalpando, J.B., In Ezechielem explanationes et Apparatus Urbis, ac Templi Hierosolymitani/ commentariis et imaginibus illustratus opus tribus tomis distinctum, Rome, 1596-1604, vol.2) Fig. 8. Four-winged cherubs, as illustrated in Villalpando’s De postrema Ezechielis Prophetae Visione, Rome, 1604. Fig. 9. The Jesuit church of Antwerp: six-winged cherubs in the half cupola above the chancel. (Photo: City of Antwerp) Fig. 10. The Jesuit church of Antwerp: the cupola above the chancel. (Photo: author) Fig. 11. Nicolaus Goldmann: sketches of the Temple, c.1658. (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Ms5, 145vo. Reproduced in: J. Goudeau, Nicolaus Goldmann (1611-1665) en de wiskundige architectuurwetenschap, Groningen, 2005, p.337) Fig. 12. Jacob van Campen: view of the Nieuwe Hervormde Kerk in Renswoude, built in 1639. (Photo: Jan Derwig, 1995).

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List of Illustrations Plates Plate 1. Anonymous: Project for the siting of the new Jesuit church in Antwerp, to be erected across the Korte Rui, c.1615. (SAA, Ico., 53/216) Plate 2. Pieter Huyssens: ground plan of the Jesuit church and the Domus Professa, c. 1622. (Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv. n° 8) Plate 3. Façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, currently St Carolus Borromeus church (Photo: Wim Maes) Plate 4. Anonymous: Drawing of the façade of the Antwerp Jesuit church, c.1650 (?); (SAA, Ico., 53/213) Plate 5. Pieter Huyssens (?): Poject for a statue of St Ignatius of Loyola, to be placed in one of the Sodality Houses, drawing, c. 1625 (?); (Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus church, inv.nr. 36) Plate 6. Peter Paul Rubens: The Virgin and Child, oil-sketch, c.1619. (Rubens House, Antwerp) Plate 7. Willem van Ehrenberg, Interior view of the St Ignatius church, Antwerp, painting, 17th century. (Munich, Art Dealer) Plate 8. Peter Casteels (attributed to): Interior of the St Ignatius church, drawing, 17th century. (St Carolus Borromeus church) Plate 9. View from nave to choir and high altar. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Plate 10. Axial chapel to the left of the high altar, dedicated to St Franciscus Xaverius, Antwerp, Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: Joris Luyten)

Plate 13. Marbles and alabasters used in the Antwerp Jesuit church. (Photos: author): africano alabastro egiziano alabastro fiorito Aosta valley green Belgian grey with white and pink Belgian variant of bianco e nero antico breccia corallina breccia dorata brèche de Waulsort brocatello cipollino rosso fior di pesca giallo di Siena green rosso levanto incarnat turquin pink Verona marble portoro pseudo Skyros rouge des Pyrénées sarrancolin Skyros St Remy unidentified breccia variant of breccia corallina variety of lumachella verde antico Plate 14. View of the bell tower (eastern tower) of the Antwerp Jesuit church. (Photo: author) Plate 15. Bell tower: the serliana motives. (Photo: Joris Luyten) Plate 16. Bell tower: Bukrania with garlands as decorative elements in the Doric frieze. The head of a sea monster can be remarked just under the guttae. (Photo: Joris Luyten)

Plate 11. Axial chapel to the right of the high altar, dedicated to St Joseph, Antwerp Jesuit church (St Carolus Borromeus church). (Photo: Joris Luyten) Plate 12. The altar of the Houtappel chapel, with statues of the Father and St Paul illuminated by indirect light. (Photo: Joris Luyten)

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Bibliography

1. SOURCES 1.1. Archival Sources 1.1.1. Unpublished Archival Sources Antwerp, Archives of the St Carolus Borromeus Church: Inv. n° 1 to 92. Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus, Prentenkabinet: Inv. n° A XLIV.4 (533); VI.B/2 inv. 16129; VI.B/3 inv. 20169. Antwerp, Rijksarchief (State Archives): Archives of the Jesuits, Province of Flandro-Belgica: n° 991, 992, 993, 2048; L 600, L 1438. Falcontinnen, 81. Antwerp, Rubens House, Archives: Inv.n° RH.D.031. Antwerp, Stadsarchief (SAA): Bibliotheek: BIB 2169, 2 vols. Noriaat, n° 257 (1730) ICO n° 53/213; 53/214; 53/215; 53/216; 53/217; 53/254; 53/254; 53/255 Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek (Royal Library) Albert I, Handschriften: MS n° 1016 (4543) Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Kostbare Werken: VB 5321 C RP;VB 526 C Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I, Prentenkabinet: Promptuarium Pictorum seu collection,VB 5434 99E Ghent, University Library Handschriften en Kostbare Werken G 6075 Heverlee, Archief van de Jezuïeten Promptuarium Pictorum, vols. 1 and 2. London, Sir John Soane’s Museum, Inv. n° Vol. 111/1 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des Estampes: Recueil de plans des maisons, églises, etc. qui appartiennent à la Société de Jésus avant son abolition : Hd-4c, 1 ; Hd4c-2 ; Hd-4c, 3 ; Hd-4c, 4 ; Hd-4c, 5 ; Hd-4c,5bis ;

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Balestreri, L.,‘L’architettura negli scritti della Compagnia di Gesù’, in: L. Patetta et al. (eds.), L’architettura della Compagnia di Gesù in Italia, XV-XVII secolo, (exhibition catalogue, Milan, 18 October – 30 November 1990), Brescia: Grafo, 1990, pp.19-26. Bangert, W., A History of the Society of Jesus, St.-Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1972. Baudouin, F., Rubens en zijn eeuw, Antwerp: Mercatorfonds, 1972. Baudouin, F., ‘Altars and Altarpieces before 1620’, in: J.R. Martin, (ed.), Rubens before 1620, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972, pp. 45-91. Baudouin, F., P. P. Rubens, Antwerp: Mercatorfonds, 1977. Baudouin, F., ‘De toren van de Sint-Carolus-Borromeuskerk te Antwerpen’, Academiae Analecta. Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Schone Kunsten, 44, 1983, 3, 13-56. Baudouin, F.,‘Het door Rubens ontworpen hoogaltaar in de kerk der Geschoeide Karmelieten te Antwerpen’, Academiae Analecta Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Schone Kunsten, 51, 1991, 1, 19-60. Baudouin, F., ‘Peter Paul Rubens en Galileo Galilei: een minder bekende bladzijde uit de Europese cultuurgeschiedenis’, in: Studia Europaea, Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1995, pp.70-96. Baudouin, F., ‘Balthasar I Moretus, “gheestelyck vader”, en zijn verwanten, begunstigers van de Antwerpse annuntiaten’, in: F. De  Nave and  M.. De Schepper,(eds.), Ex Officina Plantiniana Moretorum. Studies over het drukkersgeslacht Moretus, Antwerp: Vereeniging der Antwerpsche Bibliophielen, 1996, pp. 131-56. Baudouin, P., ‘Pieter Huyssens. Ontwerp voor het hoogaltaar van de Jezuïetenkerk te Antwerpen’, in : Tekeningen uit de 17de en 18de eeuw. De verzameling Van Herck, Brussel: Koning Boudewijn Stichting, 2000, pp.86-89. Baudouin, F.,“Peter Paul Rubens and the Notion ‘Painter-Architect’”, in: P. Lombaerde (ed.), The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s Palazzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, (Architectura Moderna, vol.1),Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2002, pp. 15-36.

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Bibliography azzi di Genova During the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems. (Architectura Moderna, vol.1), Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2002, pp. 161-82. Söding, U., Grabbild des Peter Paul Rubens in der Jacobskirche zu Antwerpen, (Studien zur Kunstgeschichte, 143), Hildesheim – Zürich – New York: Olms, 1986. Stamper, J.W., ‘Compositonal Types and Developments’, in: J. S. Held (ed.), Rubens and the Book, Williamstown, Mass.: Williams College, 1977, pp. 199208. Steenmeijer, G., Tot cieraet ende aensien deser stede. Arent van ’s-Gravesande architect en ingenieur ca.1610-1662, Leiden: Primavera Pers, 2005. Terhalle, J., ‘…he della Grandezza de padre Gesuiti. Die Architektur um 1600 und St. Michael in München’, in : R. Baumstark (ed.), Rom in Bayern. Kunst und Spiritualität der ersten Jesuiten, (exhibition catalogue), Munich: Hirmer, 1997, pp.83-146. Thibaut de Maisières, M.M., L’architecture religieuse à l’époque de Rubens, Brussels: Cercle d’Art, 1943. Thijs, A.K.L., Van Geuzenstad tot katholiek bolwerk. Maatschappelijke betekenis van de Kerk in contrareformatorisch Antwerpen, Turnhout: Brepols, 1990. Thyssen, A. Antwerpen vermaard door den Eerdienst van Maria: Geschiedkundige aanmerkingen van de 500 Heiligen beelden in de straten van Antwerpen, Antwerp: Buerbaum, 1922. Timmermans, B., ‘Barokke vroomheid en familiaal prestige. Beeldvorming, mecenaat en het commemoratieve monument in het zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpen’, De zeventiende eeuw. Cultuur in de Nederlanden in interdisciplinair perspectief, 16, 2000, 2, 8999. Timmermans, B.,‘The 17th century Antwerp Elite and Status Honour.The presentation of self and the manipulation of social perception’, On the Edge of Truth and Honesty. Intersections. Yearbook for Early Modern Studies, 2, 2002, 149-65. Toulmin, S., Cosmopolis: The Hidden Agenda of Modernity, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Tourneur, F.,‘Les cheminées marbrières du château de Modave’, Décors intérieurs en Wallonie, vol. 3, Liège : Éditions Luc Pire, 2005, pp. 57-62. Vallery-Radot, J., Le Recueil de plans d’édifices de la Compagnie de Jésus conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris: suivi de l’inventaire du recueil de Quimper,

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Bibliography Van Looy, H., ‘A Chronology and Historical Analysis of the Mathematical Manuscripts of Gregorius a Sancto Vincentio (1584-1667)’, Historia Mathematica,11, 1984, 57-75. Vanpaemel, G., ‘Science for sale: The metropolitan stimulus for scientific achievements in sixteenthcentury Antwerp’, in: P. O’Brien, D. Keene, M. ’t Hart, and H. van der Wee (eds.), Urban achievements in early modern Europe: Golden Ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, pp.287-304.

Plantiniana at Antwerp, 2 vols., Amsterdam: Vangendt & Co, 1972. von Naredi-Rainer, P., Salomos Tempel und das Abendland: monumentale Folgen historischer Irrtümer, Cologne: DuMont Buchverlag, 1994. von Naredi-Rainer, P., ‘Von der prägenden Kraft katholische Tradition:Villalpando, Leonhard Christoph Sturm und die Salomonische Tempel’, in: W. Telesko and L. Andergassen (eds.), Iconographia christiana., Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2005, pp. 16783.

Vanpaemel, G., ‘Jesuit science in the Spanish Netherlands’, in: M. Feingold (ed.), Jesuit Science and the Republic of Letters , Cambridge, Mass.:The MIT Press, 2003, pp. 389-432.

von zur Mühlen, I., Bild und Vision. Peter Paul Rubens und der “Pinsel Gottes”, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Publishing, 1998.

Vavra, E., ‘Pro remedio animae: Motivation oder leere Formel, überlegungen zur Stiftung religiöser Kunstobjecte’, in: Materielle Kultur und religiöse Stiftung im Spätmittelalter. Internationale Round-Table-Gespräch. Krems an der Donau. 26 September 1988, Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1990, pp.123-56.

Watherworth, J. (ed. and trans.), The Council of Trent, London: Dolman, 1848.

Verleysen, F.,‘Pretense Confrerieën’? Devotie als communicatie in de Antwerpse corporatieve wereld na 1585’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 26, 2001, 153-74. Visschers, P. J., Iets over Jacob Jonghelinck, metaelgieter en pinningmeester, Octavio Van Veen, schilder in de XVIe eeuw en de gebroeders Collyns de Nole, beeldhouwers in de XVe, XVIe en XVIIe eeuw, Antwerp: P.E. Janssens, 1853. Vesely, D., Architecture in the Age of Divided Representation.The Question of Creativity in the Shadow of Production, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 2004.

Wallace,W.A., Galileo and His Source:The Heritage of the Collegio Romano in Galileo’s Science, Princeton: Prin­ ceton University Press, 1984.

Watson, E. C., ’Reproduc­tion of Prints, Drawings and Paintings of Interest in the History of Physics. 37. Rubens as a Scientific Illustrator’, American Journal of Physics, 16, 1948, 3, 183-84. Weber, L., Die Erneuerung des Domes zu Freising 16211630, mit Untersuchung der Goldenen-Schnitt-Konstruktionen Hans Krumppers und zum Hochaltarbild des Peter Paul Rubens, Munich: Don Bosco Verlag, 1985. Werche, B., Hendrick Van Balen (1575-1632): Ein Antwerpener Kabinettbildmaler der Rubenszeit, Turnhout: Brepols, 2004. Westermann, M., ‘A monument for Roma Belgica: Functions of the oxaal at ‘s Hertogenbosch’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 45, 1994, 382-446.

Vesely, D., ‘The divine nature of movement in the baroque epoch’, in: Barock und Religion, (Fünfter Inter nationaler Barocksommerkurs Einsiedeln,  2004).

Westman, R. S.,‘The astronomer's role in the sixteenth century: A preliminary study’, History of Science , 18, 1980, 105-47.

Vesely, D., ‘The idea of mathesis universalis in the Baroque era’, in: Barock Wissensformen, (Sechster  Internationaler Barocksommerkurs Einsiedeln, 2005).

Wex, R., Ordnung und Unfriede. Raumprobleme des pro­ testantischen Kirchenbaus im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert in Deutschland, (Kulturwissenschaftliche Reihe, 2), Marburg: Jonas Verlag, 1984.

Vitruvius, M., Ten Books on Architecture, (ed. Ingrid D. Rowland,Thomas Noble Howe, and Michael J. Dewar), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Wilkins Sullivan, R., ‘Saints Peter and Paul: Some Ironic Aspects of their Imaging’, Art History, 17, 1994, 59-80.

Voet, L., The golden compasses: A history and evaluation of the printing and publishing activities of the Officina

Wilkinson, C., ‘Planning a style for the Escorial: An Architectural Treatise for Philip II of Spain’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 1985, 37-47.

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Bibliography Wilkinson, C., Juan de Herrera. Architect to Philip II of Spain, New Haven – London : Yale University Press, 1993. Wilmers, G., Cornelis Schut (1597-1655): A Flemish Painter of the High Baroque, Turnhout: Brepols, 1996. Wittkower, R., Art and Architecture in Italy: 1600-1750, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1958. Wittkower, R. and Jaffé, I., Baroque Art:The Jesuit Contribution, New York: Fordham University Press, 1972. Wittkower, R., Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism, London: Academy Editions, 1977.

Wood, Ch. S., ‘The Perspective Treatise in Ruins: Lorenz Stoer, Geometria et perspectiva, 1567’, in: L. Massey (ed.), The Treatise on Perspective: Published and Unpublished, New Haven – London: Yale University Press, 2003, pp.235-57 Wright, A.D., ‘The altarpiece in Catholic Europe: post-Tridentine transformations’, in: P. Humfrey and M. Kemp (eds.), The Altarpiece in the Renaissance, Cambridge-NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 1990, pp. 243-60. Ziggelaar, A., François de Aguilón S. J. (1567 – 1617) Scientist and Architect, (Bibliotheca Instituti Historici S. I. vol. XLIV), Rome: Institutum Historicum S. I., 1983.

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Abbreviations

A.C.L.: ARSI: IRPA: K.I.K.: KNOB: P.P.: SAA: SBA: S.I. or S.J.:

Archives Centrales et Laboratoires Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (Rome) Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique Koninklijk Instituut voor het Kunstpatrimonium Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond Promptuarium Pictorum Stadsarchief Antwerpen Stadsbibliotheek Antwerpen Societatis Iesu or Societatis Jesu

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Index of places and names Page numbers in boldface type refer to captions of figures and plates

A Acquaviva, Claudio: 19, 38, 67. Aguilón, François de: passim Alber, Ferdinand:19. Albert (Albrecht), Archduke: 19, 98, 99, 119, 191. Alberti, Leon Battista : 24, 49, 63, 82, 131, 132, 133, 194, 195, 204, 210. Alegambe, Antonius: 70. Alexander VI: 83. Alhazen: 55. Al-Kindi: 54. Amsterdam: 49, 56, 119, 174, 189, 195, 198, 199, 209. Town Hall: 119, 174. Androuet Du Cerceau, Jacques: 195. Antwerp (Antwerpen): passim. Churches, abbeys and convents: Annunciates: 182. St Justus chapel: 182. Cathedral of Our Lady: 82, 85, 88, 177, 181. Venerabel chapel: 181. Calced Carmelites (Geschoeide Karmelieten) church: 155, 177. Discalced Carmelites: 177. Falcontinnen convent: 177, 178. Grand chapel of St Joseph: 177. Jesuit church and convent: see further. Minorites church: 177, 178, 182. Portiuncula chapel: 178, 182. O.L.Vrouw Broeders church: 88. Sint-Andrieskerk: 166. St Jacob (St James) church: 82, 88, 177, 178. De Roomer chapel: 178. Rubens chapel: 178. St Michael abbey: 173. Het Brugsken: 80. Houses: English House (Engels Huys): see Hof van Liere: 68, 79, 194. Hof van Lyre (Huys van Liere, Prinsenhof): see English House. House ‘Blauwe Hand’: 80. House ‘Drie Sneppen’: 80. House of Aken (Huis van Aken): 19, 79. Plantin-Moretus House (Officina Plantiniana): 59, 94, 188, 207. Rubens House: 80. Jesuit church and convent: passim



Domus Professa:19, 27, 28, 29, 42, 44, 44, 50, 77-79, 81, 81, 82, 86, 88, 97, 100, 123, 125, 128, 129, 188-97, 191, 192, 199-200, 207, 215. Jesuit College: 12, 19, 22, 28, 31, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 56, 57, 67, 68, 70, 79, 94, 114, 141, 188-90, 190, 193-95, 195, 197, 199, 200, 207. Jesuit church: passim. Houtappel chapel (chapel of Our Lady): 18, 23, 27, 29, 144, 145, 145, 155-57, 158, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 166, 169-71, 173, 175-86, 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 222. St Ignatius chapel: 23, 29, 42. Library of the Bolandists: 28, 191. Sodality Houses (Sodaliteiten): 31, 80, 81, 81, 86, 166, 188, 190, 191, 204, 217. Chapel of the Sodality: 31. Marian Sodality: 31, 98, 121. St Carolus Borromeus (St Charles Borromeo) church: passim. St Charles’s church: passim. St Ignatius church: passim. Keizerspoort: 88. Streets, canals and squares: Grote Markt (Market Square): 56, 85. Huidevetterstraat: 82. Kaasrui: 87. Kattevest: 80. Korte Nieuwtraat: 32, 80, 82, 88. Korte Rui (Jezuïetenrui): 79, 79, 80, 80, 215. Lange Gasthuisstraat: 82, 88. Lange Nieuwstraat: 82,88. Meir: 88. Melkmarkt: 87. Nieuwe Straete (Bloemstraat): 80. Prinsstraat: 79, 190, 193. Sneppestraat: 80. Spuistraat: 80. St.-Kathelijnevest: 80, 82, 93. St.-Petrus- en St.-Paulusstraat: 80. Wapper: 91. Wijngaardstraat: 80. Town Hall: 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 114, 123. Aosta: 157, 161, 223. Aquinas, Thomas: 118. Archangel Michael: 173.

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Index of places and names Archimedes: 73. Arias Montano (Montanus), Benedictus: 90, 187, 197, 198, 201- 206, 206, 211. Aristotle: 54. Arnhem: 134, 197. Aston, S.J. : 191. Athena: 54. Augsburg: 23, 36, 133, 194, 195. B Bailleul: 45, 50. Baldi, Bernardino: 36, 131, 133, 137, 194. Barbaro, Daniele: 63, 64, 66, 194. Baronio (Baronius), Cesare: 25, 99. Basel: 127, 128, 129, 202. Beda Venerabilis: 129, 130. Beegrandt, Johannes : 45. Bergeron, Pierre: 22, 94, 125, 133, 203. Bernini, Gian Lorenzo: 9, 18, 23, 54, 87, 145, 167, 170, 171. Bervoets, J.B.: 189. Bettesworth, Arthur: 196. Beyerlinck, Laurentius: 129, 130, 203. Bianchini, G.: 127. Biel, Laurent: 178. Biringuccio,Vanoccio: 198. Boelmans, Guilelmus: 70. Bolandists: 28, 191. Bollaert family: 178, 179. Bologna: 128, 176. Boot, Cornelia: 180, 181, 185. Borghese: 170. Borgia, Francesco (Franciscus): 19, 120. Borromeus (Borromeo), Carolus (Carlo, Charles): 133. Bosboom, Symon: 189, 195. Boudens, Cathelijne : 41. Bouttats, Pieter-Balthasar: 29, 125. Bouwensz., Jan : 62. Brabo : 98, 99. Brahe, Tycho : 127. Braun, Georg : 79. Brechtel, Franz Joachim : 198. Bruges (Brugge) : 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 50, 52, 63, 69, 196. Jesuit college : 43. St Francis Xavier church (St Walburga): 42. Brunelleschi, Filippo: 91. Brussels: 44, 47, 49, 50, 52, 68, 69, 98, 100, 141, 189, 191, 195, 196. Carmelite church: 47. Chapel of the Palace: 44. Jesuit church: 47, 50, 81, 98, 100.

Koninklijke Bibliotheek (Bibliothèque Royale, Royal Library): 49, 68, 189, 191, 195, 196, 200. Prentenkabinet (Cabinet des Estampes): 50. Municipal Library : 200. Bustancy, Davidt : 166. C Calvin: 99. Campagna, Gerolamo: 171. Campagna, Giuseppe: 171. Carenna family : 178, 179. Carrara: 128, 156, 158, 161, 167. Seravezza: 161. Cartaro, Mario: 104. Cassel: 45. Casteels, Peter: 13, 219. Castriotto, Giacomo: 77. Cavalieri, Bonaventura Francesco: 70. Cesariano, Cesare: 63. Christ: 90, 93, 94, 97, 101, 107, 108-15, 117-20, 123, 157, 161, 163, 178, 184. Christina, Queen of Sweden: 73. Chrysostom, Jerome: 108. Chrysostom, John: 108. Ciermans, Johannes (Jan): 57, 70-72. Claessens, Cornelis: 166. Clavius, Christopher : 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 67, 69, 127, 128. Clement VII: 99. Clement (Clemens), Claude (Claudius): 187. Cobergher, Wenceslas: 47, 165, 166. Coecke van Aelst, Pieter: 45, 48, 49, 51, 63, 64, 195. Cologne (Köln): 179, 180, 196, 203. Colyns de Nole, Andries: see de Nole, Andries. Commandino, Federico: 61, 66. Como: 63. Cordier, Nicolas: 165. Cornély, Guillaume (Willem, Wilhelmus) : 27, 28, 44, 45, 48, 50, 188, 189, 194-97, 200. Costerus, Franciscus : 83, 84, 98, 100, 108, 110-12, 114, 117- 19, 123. Count of Warfusée : 44. Couplet, Jacques: 184, 185. Courtrai : see Kortrijk. Cousin, Jean: 63, 180, 184. Cox, Johannes: 70. Croppet, Lambertus: 127. D Danti, Egnatio: 137, 199. da Sangallo, Antonio: 66, 91. da Sangallo, Giovan Battista: 66.

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Index of places and names da Thieme, Gaetano:17. David, Johannes : 101, 102, 110, 114, 115, 115, 116, 116-19. de Arriaga, Rodericus: 73. de Bélidor, Bernard-Forest: 196, 199. de Beste, Charles: 63. de Bodt, Jan : 166. de Bray, Salomon: 209, 211. de Cambray, chevalier: 198. de Caus, Salomon : 200. de Gaverelles, Jan: 177, 179. de Gryse, Michiel : see Grisius. de Herrera, Juan : 201. de la Barre, Joannes : 16, 88, 92, 93, 95, 110. de la Roche, Etienne : 134, 199. della Faille, Joannes : 56, 70, 71, 72, 72, 73, 73, 74, 75. della Porta, Giacomo : 23, 24, 91, 100, 103, 165. De L’Orme, Philibert : 196, 206. Del Prado, Jeronimo: see Prado. del Monte, Guidobaldo: 61, 62, 66, 91. de Marnef, Hironymus : 59, 60, 99. de Monconys, Balthasar : 22, 23, 192, 193. de Montmorency, Florent : 51. de Neve, Sebastiaan : 184, 185. de Nole (Colyn(s) de Nole): 112, 184, 185. de Nole, Andries the Younger : 184, 185. de Nole, Jan: 112. de Nole, Robrecht: 109, 112, 184. Derand, François: 195. Derkennis, Ignatius : 70. de Rojas, Juan : 60, 61, 66. De Roomer, Lodewijk : 177, 178, 179. De Rosis, Giovanni : 20, 20, 204. de Sacro Bosco, Johannes : 189. de Sagredo, Diego : 64. Descartes, René: 13. de Smidt (Fabri) family : 179, 180. de Smidt, F.: 179, 180. Des Roches: 190. de Ville, Antoine: 198. de Vos, Maarten : 107, 110. De Witte, Everardum : 57. di Baccio Bigio, Nanni: 78. Dietterlin, Wendel: 196. Dögen, Matthias: 198. Dolmans, Petrus: 27, 50, 196. Dordrecht : 166. Dou, Jan Peter : 199, 200. Douai : 31, 32, 42, 52, 54, 57, 69, 141. Du Blocq, Jean : 42, 43, 45, 47, 52. Dürer, Albrecht : 137, 138, 199. Du Fay, father : 198. Duinkerken (Dunkirk) : 45, 48, 50.

Duquesnoy family: 120. Durandus, Jacobus : 70. Dyrham Park : 172. The Blathwayt Collection : 172. E Ecaussinnes: 161. Elvas: 71. Elsevier, publishers: 199. Errard, Charles: 59. Errard de Bar-le-Duc, Jean : 198. Escorial : 187, 197, 198, 201. San Lorenzo Monastery: 187. Library: 187, 198. Ethiopia: 49. Euclid : 59, 67, 134, 202. Ezekiel: 94, 202, 203. F Farnese, Alessandro: 77, 98. Ferdinand II: 73. Ferdinand, Cardinal Infant: 88, 89, 91. Ferrabosco, Martino: 87, 87, 91, 93. Fibonacci: 134. Fischer von Erlach, Johann Bernhard: 210. Flandro-Belgica province: 19, 27, 28, 42, 50, 57, 125, 170, 199. Flavius Josephius: 203. Florence (Firenze): 176. Floris, Cornelis: 156. Fontana, Domenico: 165, 200. Forchondt, Suzanna: 180. Fra Giocondo: 63, 66. Francart, Jacques: 42, 45, 47, 49, 52, 195, 195. Francini, Alexandre: 195. Francis Xavier: see Xaverius, Franciscus. Frankfurt: 36, 198, 200. Franciscans: 17. Fréart de Chambray, Roland: 59. Freising :171. Dom : 171. Frisius, Gemma : 60, 61. Frontinus : 197. Frytag, Adam: 198. G Galileo, Galilei: 11, 54, 61, 69, 72. Galen, Claudius: 35. Galle, Cornelis: 78. Galle, Philips: 200. Galle, Theodoor: 33, 68. Galli Bibiena, Giuseppe: 128. Gallo-Belgica province: 42, 44, 47.

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Index of places and names Genoa (Genova): 15, 19, 25, 38, 42, 81, 87, 97, 98, 99, 101, 104, 105, 111-13, 121, 123, 141, 155, 156, 166, 171, 197. Palazzo Doria-Tursi: 25. S. Maria Assunta di Carignano: 87. SS. Ambrogio e Andrea (Jesuit church) : 104, 105, 106, 111, 112, 113. Capella Maggiore: 111. Gerard, Georges-Joseph : 48, 190, 191, 196. Ghent (Gent) : 41, 44, 45, 50-52, 171, 199. Benedictine monastery : 44. Cathedral: 171. Our Lady and St Peter church : 41, 45. Diocesan seminary : 44. Gheringh, Anton: 171. Giacomo di Conforto, Giovan: 90, 91. Giusti, Giovanni Baptista: 61. Goa : 49. God (the Creator): 17, 85, 101, 108, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117-20, 151, 169, 170, 170, 176, 180, 209-11. Goltzius, Hendrick: 111. Gonzaga, Aloysius: 120. Goldmann, Nicolaus: 10, 209-11, 210. Grassi, Orazio: 17, 19, 127, 133, 202, 203. Graz: 73. Greuter, Mattheus: 93. Grienberger, Christoph.: 74, 127, 133, 203. Grisius: 88, 89, 100, 125, 132, 133, 202, 203. Groot Zundert: 173. St Trudo: 173. Guarini, Guarino: 17, 18. Guldin, Paul: 75. H Haarlem: 210. Hoge Zwaluwe church: 210. Nieuwe Kerk: 210. Happaert, Remigius: 73. Happier (Hanzelet), Jean: 198. Helmreich, Andreas: 196. Helt, Hugo: 61. Hemiksem: 166. Sint-Bernardusabdij: 166. Hennessij, M.: 189. Henschenius, Godefridus: 125, 133, 192, 202, 203. Hera: 54. Hermes: 54. Hertefelder, Bernardo: 197. Hesius, Willem (Guillaume): 43, 44, 45, 47, 49, 50, 51, 192, 193, 193, 194. Heverlee: 10, 50, 51, 200. Archives of the Flemish Jesuits: 50, 51, 138, 200.

Hitch, Charles: 196. Hiram: 209. Hoefnagel, Joris: 79, 79. Hoeymaker, Hendrik: 38, 42, 45, 47, 50, 52, 197. Hogenberg, Frans: 79. Hondius, Henricus: 198, 199. Houtappel family: 175, 177-80, 186. Houappel, Anna: 184, 185. Houtappel, Christina: 184, 185. Houtappel, Godfried: 179, 180, 181, 185. Houtappel, Maria: 185. Huguetan, Gilles & Jaques: 199. Huygens, Christiaan: 73. Huygens, Constantijn: 20, 91. Huyssens, Jacob: 41. Huyssens, Pieter : 4, 11, 15, 19, 25, 27, 30, 31, 38, 41-52, 43, 44, 46, 47, 68, 81, 87, 89, 91-93, 94, 97, 100, 112, 115, 116, 120, 121, 122, 133, 134, 136, 137, 155, 156, 162, 165, 166, 168, 183, 188, 194, 203, 204, 205, 207, 215, 217. I Ignatius, St (Ignatius of Loyola): 15, 42, 67, 77, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 106, 109, 110, 111, 114, 119, 120, 122, 125, 128, 128, 129, 139, 139, 166, 182, 217. Irenaeus: 109, 118. Isabella, Infanta (Archduchess): 19, 31, 44, 47, 51, 91, 98, 99, 100, 188. J Jerusalem: 77, 99, 102, 109-11, 114, 115, 117, 187, 197, 201, 202. Solomon’s Temple: 12, 197, 201-06, 205-07, 209-11. Jesuah (Jesus): 111. Jesus: 83, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 185. Jona: 166. Jonghelinck, Jacob: 184. Jones, Inigo: 124. Julius II: 83. K Kepler, Johann: 36, 53, 54, 55. Kerricx, Willem Ignatius: 166. Kortrijk (Courtrai): 69. Krammer, Gabriël: 196. Kröl, Georg Ginther: 134, 197. Krumppers, Hans:171. L Lange-Scholiers family: 178. Lanslodt (Lanscot), Cornelis: 166.

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Index of places and names Lapide, Cornelis à: 110, 113, 117, 122, 123. Laugier, Marc-Antoine : 196. Lautensack, Heinrich : 198. Lazio : 158. Le Blond, Jean-Baptiste : 196. Leibniz, Gotthold Wilhelm von : 13, 70. Leiden: 196, 199, 200, 202, 205, 210 Marekerk: 210. Le Mans: 59. Lemaître, Jules:182. Leo X: 83. Le Roy, Jacques: 179. Leuven (Louvain): 11, 28, 42, 47, 49, 50, 60, 69, 70, 71, 94, 110, 190, 196, 207. Jesuit church : 49, 196. Jesuit College: 11. Liège : 45, 48, 50, 94, 125, 203. Lille : 50. Lier : 50. London : 4, 93, 112, 124. Banqueting House (Whitehall): 124, 196. John Soane’s Museum : 4, 93. Lopes Franco-y-Feo family: 178, 179. Lopes Franco-y-Feo, Francisco: 179. Loreto: 99. Lorini, Buonaiuto: 197. Losson, Antonius : 47. Loway family : 178. Lucifer : 173. Luxemburg (Luxembourg) : 47. Cathedral of Our Lady : 47. Jesuit college : 47. Lyon: 23, 109, 134, 187, 188, 192, 198, 199. M Maastricht : 42. Maderno, Carlo: 85, 93, 165. Maggi, Giovanni : 28, 51, 52, 77. Magini, Giovanni Antonio : 128. Malderus, Jan: 97. Mantua: 121, 123. S.S Trinità (Jesuit) church: 121. Marolois, Samuel: 198, 199. Martin, Jean: 131, 132, 133, 140, 204. Mary Magdalen: 157. Maubeuge: 50. Maurolico, Francesco: 55. Mazy: 156. Mechelen (Malines): 42, 45, 50, 52, 73. Beguinage church: 45. Jesuit church: 42, 50. Medusa: 54.

Melanthois, Robert: 44. Mercurian, Everardus : 15. Mersenne, Marin: 72. Messina: 67. Jesuit College: 67. Meursius (Van Meurs), Joannes: 73. Michelangelo Buonarotti: 24, 91. Milan (Milano) : 19, 24, 31, 133, 175. S. Felipe (Jesuit church): 24. Modeste: 197. Mons: 38, 42, 68. Chapel of the Jesuit College: 42. Montepulciano:91. S. Maria di Biagio: 91. Moretus: 182. Moretus, Balthasar I: 122, 123, 182. Moretus, Jan: 68. Moretus, Theodorus: 70. Mostaert, Gilles: 99. Münster, Sebastian: 200. Munich (München): 15, 79. Sankt-Michaelkirche ( St Michael, Jesuit church): 15, 79. N Nadal, Jerome: 67, 105, 105, 107, 107, 110, 111. Namur : 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 50, 52, 156, 167. Jesuit church (St Inatius church, St Loup): 42, 43, 44, 47, 50, 52. Naples : 20, 90, 200. S. Maria del Carmine church (Carmelite church): 90, 90. Neeffs, Jacques: 81, 86, 191, 191, 193, 204. Neeffs, Pieter: 26, 131. New Jerusalem: see Jerusalem. Niceron, Jean-François: 199. Novara : 23, 24, 25. S. Gaudenzio basilica : 23, 24, 25. Nunes d’Evora family : 178. Nurnberg (Nürnberg) : 182, 198. Lorenzkirche : 182. Nuyts (Nutius), Philip : 70, 72. O O’Kale (Occhiali), Gaspar : 171. Oliva : 49. Olivença : 71. Olivier, Bernard : 42. Oratorians : 25. Oudshoorn : 210. Our Lady : 31, 32, 42, 44, 45, 47, 77, 84, 115, 149, 177, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185.

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Index of places and names P Paez, Pedro : 49. Pagninus, Santis : 202. Palladio, Andrea : 143, 194, 195. Panseron, Pierre: 196. Papebrochius, Daniël : 80, 91. Paris : 13, 23, 28, 31, 42, 50, 60, 61, 78, 79, 80, 125, 132, 133, 137, 140, 141, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 204. Bibliothèque Nationale : 28, 50, 78, 79, 80, 125. Paul III : 83. Paul IV : 83. Pavia : 24, 91. Collegio Borromeo : 24. San Martino cathedral: 91. Pels, Anna: 31. Perrault, Claude: 138, 206. Peter, Heinrich: 200. Phidias: 65. Philip II: 99, 187, 197, 201-02. Philip IV: 71, 100. Philippeville: 163. Plantin: passim. Plantin, Henriette: 70. Plantin, Petrus: 70. Plotinus: 55. Porquin, Lowys: 176. Portuguese India: 49. Possevino, Antonio: 131, 187. Post, Pieter: 196. Potosi: 88. Poussin, Nicolas: 59. Pozzo, Andrea : 167. Prado, Hieronymus (Jeronimo Del): 12, 94, 129, 131, 197, 201, 203, 211. Prague (Praha, Prag): 11, 73. Jesuit College: 11. Ptolemy (Tolomeo): 66. Puget de la Serre, Jean: 22, 82, 129. Puteanus, Erycius: 189, 198. Pyrénées : 156, 161, 224. Q Quellinus the Elder, Artus: 120, 128. Quellinus the Youger, Artus : 174. Quimper : 28, 80, 125. R Radi, Bernardo : 50, 51. Raggi, Antonio : 167. Ragusa Ibla : 83. Rance : 156, 157, 158, 161, 163. Ratteler Doublet, Georg : 192, 193.

Renswoude : 210, 210. Nieuwe Hervormde kerk : 210, 210. Reyher, Samuel : 210. Ricci, Matteo : 67. Rocchi, Christoforo: 91. Rockox, Nicolaas : 177, 179, 198. Roisin : 165. Rome: passim. Churches and convents: Jesuit church, convent etc.: Casa Professa: 77. Collegio Romano (Collegium Romanum): 11, 55, 57. Academy of mathematics : 57. Gesù church (Il Gesù): 20, 21, 24, 28, 28, 42, 77, 78, 80, 82, 85, 86, 95, 99, 100, 103, 104, 104, 105, 136, 156, 158, 167, 204. Capella della Madonna: 158. St Ignatius chapel: 167. S. Agnese fuori le Mura: 25, 25, 204. S. Andrea noviciate : 69. S. Gesù e S. Maria : 144. S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura : 25. S. Maria della Strada : 77. S. Maria della Vittoria: 18, 22, 145. Capella Cornaro : 18. S. Maria in Vallicella (Chiesa Nuova) : 25, 166, 167. S. Maria Maggiore: 165. Cappella Paolina : 165. Cappella Sistina: 165. S. Maria sopra Minerva : 165. Cappella Aldobrandini : 165. S. Peter’s: see Vatican City. S. Susanna: 85. SS. Domenico e Sisto: 167. Cappella Alaleona: 167. Palazzo S. Marco: 100. Porta Pia: 23, 24, 91. Via Papale: 77. Rosweyde, Heribertus: 123. Rotterdam: 199. Rubens, Peter Paul : passim. S Salamanca: 32. Sancto Vincentio, Gregorius a: 12, 54, 67, 69, 69, 70-73, 127, 199. Saints: St Anna: 185. St Catherine of Alexandria: 163, 185, 185. St Christina: 185. St Clara: 26.

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Index of places and names

St Francis Xavier: see Xaverius. St Joachim: 185. St Joseph: 164, 165, 177, 184, 185, 221. St John the Baptist: 161. St Justus: 182. St Matthew: 108-10, 117. St Mark: 109. St Mary: 85, 88, 97, 98, 99, 114, 157, 185. St Norbert: 173. St Paul: 18, 109, 110, 112, 118, 144, 145, 151,166, 178, 222. St Peter: 44, 45, 109, 110, 112, 178. St Susanna: 85, 160, 185, 185. St Theresa of Avila: 18, 145. St Vincent, Gregory of: see Sancto Vincentio. St Yvo: 178. Sardi, Pietro :198. Sarrancolin : 161, 224. Scamozzi,Vincenzo: 143, 194, 195. Schall von Bell, Adam : 67. Scheldt River: 88, 89. Scherpenheuvel: 155, 155, 156, 157, 171, 173, 181, 182. Schets, Gaspar: 79. Scheuchzer, Johann Jacob: 210. Scholliers family: 179. Schomaker Jz, Jan Willem: 198. Schottius, Gaspar: 189. Schut, Cornelis: 158, 161, 163, 179, 185. Scribani (Scribanius), Carolus: 19, 31, 32, 38, 56, 67, 68, 180, 181, 199. Seghers, Daniël : 185. Seghers, Gerard : 161, 185, 186. Sems, Johan : 200. Serlio, Sebastiano : 48, 49, 63, 93, 137, 138, 194, 195. ‘s Grevens, Anna : 180, 181, 184, 185. ‘s Hertogenbosch : 69, 109. Siberechts, Jan : 171. Siena : 161, 176, 181, 223. Sixtus IV : 83. Sixtus V : 83, 200. Skippon, Philipp : 193. Skyros : 224. Soignies : 161. Solaro, Tullio : 166, 167. Solomon (Salomo): 12, 115, 197. Temple of Solomon: see Jerusalem. Throne of Solomon: 115. Soria, Giovanbattista: 197. Stalpaert, Daniel: 210. Stevin, Simon: 10, 62, 63, 134. Stöffler, Johannes: 59, 60, 60. Stoer, Lorenz: 198.

St Petersburg: 93, 94, 205. Hermitage: 93, 205. Strasbourg: 196. Sturm, Leonard Christoph: 23, 23, 202, 209, 210. Sweertius, Franciscus: 179. T Tanchelm: 173. Teatini Fathers: 17. The Hague: 198, 199. Theux: 156,167. Tibaldi, Pellegrino Pellegrini Il : 24, 25. Timothy : 118,119. Tirinus, Jacobus : 68, 123. Tornesium, J. : 194. Torrentius : 180. Tournai : 31, 38, 42, 50, 68. Trent:88, 108, 120. Tristano, Giovanni: 15, 20. Trumbull, William: 124. Turin: 17, 18. San Lorenzo: 17, 18. Ss Sindonia: 17. Tyros: 209. U Ubaldi, Guidi: 127, 128. Urbino: 61. Utrecht: 166, 184, 198. V Valeriano (Valeriani), Giuseppe: 20, 82, 133, 203. van Aelst, Walter: 70, 71, 71, 72. van Balen, Hendrick I: 161, 163, 185. van Baurscheit the Elder, Jan Peter: 29, 29, 174. van Campen, Jacob: 210, 210. van Coukercke, Johannes Baptista: 127. van den Eynde, Hubert: 120. van de Plas, Pieter: 72. van den Steene family: 179, 180. van der Borght, Hendrick: 163. Van der Cruyce family: 178, 179, 180. Van der Cruyce, François: 180. Van der Cruyce, Gaspar: 177. van der Steen, Cornelis: see Lapide. van der Sterre, Johannes Chrysostomus: 99, 101. van der Voort, Michiel: 174. van Dyck, Anthony: 68. van Ehrenberg, Willem: 126, 168, 171, 172, 218. van Eyck, Jan: 99. Van Hees, Willem: see Hesius. Van Hove family: 179, 180. Van Maldere (Malderus), Jan: 42, 97.

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Index of places and names Van Meurs, Jan: 197. Van Mildert, Hans: 155, 173. Van Noort, Willem: 45. Van Opstal, Antoon: 163. van ’s-Gravesande, Arent: 210. van Steenwijck, Hendrick: 157. Van Thulden, Theodoor: 88, 89. Van Veen, Octavio: 184. Vanvitelli (van Wittel): 171. Vatable, François: 202. Vatablus, Franciscus: see Vatable. Vatican City: 20, 77, 87, 200. St Peter’s: 20, 87. Vauban: 198. Vegetius: 197. Venice: 77, 127, 128, 194, 195, 198. Doges’s palace: 167. Sala del Consiglio : 167. S. Giorgio Maggiore : 171. Verbessum, S.J.: 45. Verbiest, Ferdinand: 67. Verbrugghen, Hendrik-Frans: 174, 181. Verhulst, Maeyken: 63. Verona: 157, 224. Vienna: 11, 73, 128. Jesuit College: 11. Vignola, Jacopo Barozzi da: 24, 104, 104, 137, 194, 195, 199. Villalpando, Juan Bautista: 12, 17, 94, 129, 131, 133,

136, 197, 201-03, 205-07, 205, 207, 209-11. Vincque, Jan : 178. Vingboons, Philips : 209. Virgin : see Our Lady. Vitale, Girolamo: 13. Vitruvius : 12, 17, 24, 49, 63- 66, 82, 85, 89, 131, 132, 133, 138, 139, 140, 187, 194, 201-03, 205, 206, 209-11. Vitelleschi, Mutius : 19, 44, 70, 71. Vranckx, Sebastiaan : 131. Vredeman de Vries, Hans : 63, 64, 86, 91, 138, 195, 199, 200. W Waulsort : 165, 223. Wechel, Christian : 197. Wierix, Hieronymous : 105,107. Wilhem V, duke : 101. Witelo : 59. Wolff, J. : 23. Würzburg : 26, 127. Neubaukirche : 26. X Xaverius, Franciscus (St Francis Xavier): 119, 120, 128, 139, 221.  Y Ypres (Ieper) : 32, 45.

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Contributors

Daelemans, Bert S.J. entered the Society of Jesus in 1998, after his studies of Civil Engineer in Architecture at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (1993-1998). Taught at the Xaveriuscollege in Borgerhout (B). Studies of Philosophy and Theology in Birmingham (UK), Paris and Madrid. His interests go towards the uplifting effect of art in a changing culture. Publications: “Het Promptuarium Pictorum als spiegel van de ontwerppraktijk der Vlaamse jezuïtenarchitecten in de 17de eeuw”; “De verplaatsing van de klokkentorens in de 17de-eeuwse kerkarchitectuur” (in collaboration with J. Koninckx and S. Van Loo), in: K. De Jonge, A. De Vos, J. Snaet (eds.), Bellissimi ingegni, grandissimo ­splendore. Studies over de religieuze architectuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tijdens de 17de eeuw, Symbolae Facultatis Litterarum Lovaniensis, Series B, volume 15, 2000. Residing at Comunidad Francisco de Villanueva, Av. Monforte de Lemos 77, 8ºA, 28029 Madrid (until June 2008). Dupré, Sven. Master in Philosophy , 1997,. Ghent University. Master in Documentation and Library Science, 1998, University of Antwerp. Master in Logic, History and Philosophy of Science, 1999, Ghent University. Ph.D in Philosophy, 2002, Ghent University. Award Class of Lettres 1998, Royal Flemish Academy of Arts and Sciences of Belgium for ‘Galileo’s Optics: Interaction between Art and Science’ (Master Thesis). Honorary Fellow of the Belgian American Educational Foundation (BAEF), 1999. Visiting Scholar, Center for Study of Science and Technology, Rice University, Houston, 1998. Postdoctoral Fellow, Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin, 2002-03. Ambrosiana Research Fellow, Medieval Institute, University of Notre Dame, 2003. Guest Lecturer Summer School ‘The Impact of the Humanities on the Development of European Science’ Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Venice, 2004. Associate Member of National Committee for Logic, History and Philosophy of Science. Member of ‘Centre National d’Histoire des Sciences’ (Royal Library Albert I, Belgium). Guest Lecturer, First Dutch International Summer School in the History of Science ‘Scientific Instruments at Work’, University of Utrecht. Books: (2005) (as editor) Optics, Instruments and Painting, 1420-1720: Reflections on the Hockney-Falco Thesis, Special Issue of “Early Science and Medicine”, vol. 10 (2), pp. 125-339. (2003) Renaissance Optics: Instruments, Practical Knowledge and the Appropriation of Theory, Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte Preprint 246, 112 pp.(2001) De Optica van Galileo Galilei: Interactie tussen Kunst en Wetenschap, Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie van België voor Wetenschappen en Kunsten, Nieuwe Reeks, Nummer 5, Paleis der Academiën, Brussel, Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie van België voor Wetenschappen en Kunsten, 283 pp., ISBN 90 6569 902-3. (in press) Visualization in Renaissance Optics: The Function of Diagrams and Pictures in the Transmission of Practical Knowledge, in Transmitting Knowledge: Words, Images and Instruments in Early Modern Europe, edited by Sachiko Kusukawa & Ian Maclean, Oxford: Oxford University Press, scheduled for publication in 2006. Research covered in ‘The Times Higher Education Supplement’, ‘De Standaard’ en the ‘Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung’. Co-organizer of a European Science Foundation exploratory workshop (2003) and a Max Planck Institute workshop (2001), and organizer of sessions for the Annual Meeting of the Scientific Instrument Commission (IUHPS) (2004) and the Annual Meeting of the History of Science Society (US) (2000). Referee for ‘Annals of Science’, ‘Leonardo’, ‘Archives for History of Exact Sciences’ and the National Science Foundation (US). Fabri, Ria. She is doctor in Art History of the K.U. Leuven (1989). She is vice president of the Genootschap voor Antwerpse Geschiedenis and member of the board of the Nicolaas Rockox Museum Foundation, Antwerp; curator of the Antwerp Cathedral and member of the Provinciale

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Contributions Commissie voor Geschiedenis, Province of Antwerp. In 1988, she was honoured with her study on Antwerp cabinets with the price of the Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België. In 1988, she organised the Exhibition Zuidnederlands Pronkmeubilair 16de – 18de eeuw, Generale Bank Brussel, 1989. She published De zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpse kunstkast. Typologische en historische aspecten.(Verhandelingen van de Kon. Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren, en Schone Kunsten van België, jg.51, nr.51), Brussel, 1991; De zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpse kunstkast. Kunsthistorische aspecten , (Verhandelingen van de Kon.Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, jg.55, nr.57), Brussel, 1993; ‘Amor, amor divinus- anima, virtus. Emblematic scenes on Seventeeenth Century Antwerp Cabinets’, in J. Manning and K. Porteman (eds.), Imago Figurata Studies 1b, The Emblem Tradition and the Low Countries, Turnhout, 1999, pp. 35789; ”L’occasion favorable” de Henri van Soest en 1718 ou comment un ébéniste anversois tente à persuader ses collègues anversois’, in: Anales de la Société d’histoire et ‘archeologie de Bruxelles, 62, Brussel, 1998, pp. 169- 92; ‘Perspectiefjes in het spel.Optische Spielereien in perspectiefjes van 17de- eeuwse Antwerpse cantoren’, in De Zeventiende Eeuw, pp. 100-18; ‘Experiment en doctrina. Optische spelletjes in spiegelkamers van Antwerpse kunstkasten en het ontraadselen van exempla’, in: Het Vermaak van de Elite in de Republiek de Nederlanden 16OO- 1750, Hilversum, 1999, pp. 241- 61; Een cantoor behelsende de Triomphe van de Vreede. Een kunstkast voor Willem III uit het atelier van Hendrik van Soest, Namur, 2004; ‘Diversche boeken van verscheyden taele, soo groot als cleyn. Aspecten van het Antwerpse privéboekenbezit in Rockox’tijd’, and ‘Het liber amicorum van Nicolaas Rockox’, in: Rockoxhuis volgeboekt. De bibliotheek van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar Nicolaas Rockox (1560-1640), Antwerp, 2005, pp.9-28 and 57-82. Haeger, Barbara Joan (Associate Professor, Ohio State University). Professor Haeger is currently writing a book provisionally entitled "Representing the Sacred and Accessing the Divine in Seventeenth-Century Antwerp." Her publications related to this project include: “Rubens’s Adoration of the Magi and the Program of the High Altar of St Michael’s Abbey in Antwerp,” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 25 (1997): 45-71. “Abbot Van der Sterre and St Michael’s Abbey: the restoration of its church, its image, and its place in Antwerp,” in Sponsors of the Past: Flemish Art and Patronage in Flanders, Hans Vliege and Katlijne Van der Stighelen (eds.), Brepols, 2005, 157-180. “Rubens’s Rockox Triptych: Sight Meditation, and the Justification of Images,” Nederlands Kunsthistorish Jaarboek 2006 (volume 55: Rubens and the Netherlands): 117-153. “The Choir Screen at St Michael’s Abbey in Antwerp: Gateway to the Heavenly Jerusalem,” Munuscula Amicorum: Contributions on Rubens and His Colleagues in Honour of Hans Vlieghe, Katlijne Van der Stighelen (ed.), Brepols, 2006, 527548. Lock, Léon. He was educated as a management scientist at Warwick Business School before embarking on studies in the history of art at the University of Warwick and, presently, at the University of London (University College) where he is completing a Ph.D dissertation on Flemish Baroque Sculpture – Art and manufacture c.1600-1750, under the supervision of Professor David Bindman. He founded the Low Countries Sculpture Society for which he organised many study trips and conferences. He has mainly published on sculpture (14th-19th centuries) and architecture (16th-19th centuries) in such journals as Apollo, Art Sacré, Church Monuments, Demeures historiques et jardins, Object and The Sculpture Journal. Lombaerde, Piet. He studied civil engineering in architecture at the Catholic University of Leuven (1973). He obtained at the same university in 1982 his Ph.D. in Urbanism. Since 1989 professor in History and Theory of Architecture and Urbanism at the Higher Institute of Architectural Sciences Henry van de Velde (University Association of Antwerp). Chief-editor of the architectural review ADSC. Founding member of the Centre for Cultural and Urban History (University of Antwerp). His

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Contributions currently research is focused on the theories of architecture, fortification and the city during the Early Modern Times in Western Europe, especially in the Low Countries. Problems of innovation, experience, modelling, conceptualisation and achievement, hand in hand with the influences of technical arts and sciences on this processes are his main theoretical concern. He wrote articles on the impact of hydraulics on garden design (‘Die Wasserkünste des Coudenbergparks in Brüssel’, in Die Wasserversorgung in der Renaissancezeit (Geschichte der Wasserversorgung, vol.5, (Mainz am Rhein, 2000, pp.277-84); on architecture, urbanism and fortifications of Antwerp during the sixteenth and early seventeenth century (‘Antwerp in its golden age: ‘one of the largest cities in the Low Countries’ and ‘one of the best fortified in Europe’’, in P. O’Brien (ed.), Urban Achievement in Early Modern Europe. Golden ages in Antwerp, Amsterdam and London, (Cambridge, 2001), pp.99-127) and on the uniqueness of the city of Montaigu (Scherpenheuvel) in urban history (‘Dominating Space and Landscape: Ostend and Scherpenheuvel’, in W. Thomas and L. Duerloo (eds.), Albert & Isabella (1598-1621). Essays, (Brussels- Leuven, 1998), pp.173-83). As Series Editor, together with Krista De Jonge (KU Leuven), of ‘Architectura Moderna (Brepols), he edited the books The Reception of P.P. Rubens’s ‘Palazzi di Genova’ during the 17th Century in Europe: Questions and Problems, Turnhout: Brepols, 2002 and Hans Vredeman de Vries and the Artes Mechanicae revisited, Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. He organised an International Symposium on Hans Vredeman de Vries and the technical and applied arts around 1600, in the Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten Antwerpen (KMSKA). He was the organizer of an International Symposium on Innovation and Experience in the Early Baroque in the Southern Netherlands. The Case of the St Carolus Borromeus Church in Antwerp, Museum Rockox House, Antwerp, 9 December 2005. Meskens, Ad is a mathematician and historian of science. He is lecturer of science, mathema­ tics and didactics of mathematics at the Management, Teacher Training and Social Sciences department of the University College Antwerp. He has published extensively on sixteenth century Flemish mathematics. He has published books on mathematics and mathematicians in sixteenth-century Antwerp (1994), a biography of the Coignet family (1999) and a biography of Joannes della Faille s.j. (2005). Together with his wife he has published Dutch translations of ancient Greek mathematicians, inter al. Aristarchos of Samos (2006) and Diophantos of Alexandria (2006). Their study on Diophantos will be published in English shortly. Together they also published a study on Roman cooking, together with a Dutch translation of the Roman cookery book of Apicius (2003). He has been actively engaged in science outreach projects, in which art and spaceflight are the main themes. He curated an exhibition on the Antwerp Coignet family in the Royal Museum of Fine Arts in 1999. In November 2007 a travelling interactive exhibition on optics and art was opened in the City Library Antwerp. He is a member of the National Committee on Logic, Philosophy and History of Sciences of the Royal Flemish Academy of Sciences, Literature and Art of Belgium and a member of the Committee on Spaceflight and Education of the Prince Philipfund. He is actively engaged in the Flemish Association of Mathematics teachers and is an editor of its journal Wiskunde en Onderwijs. Poppe, Nathalie. She studied architecture at the Henry Van de Velde Institute in Antwerp. In her final year, her master thesis was about the role and meaning of light in the St Carolus Borromeus’s church, studied by using digital techniques. From 1 January 2006, she started her Ph.D on light in Baroque churches in Western Europe. Timmermans, Bert. He graduated from K.U.Leuven in 1998 with a master’s degree in history. He is presently finishing his PhD in art history with a dissertation on patronage in seventeenthcentury Antwerp: Een elite als actor binnen een kunstwereld. Patronen van patronage in het

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Contributions zeventiende-eeuwse Antwerpen (An elite as actor in an art world. Patterns of patronage in seventeenthcentury Antwerp). Dalibor Vesely. Director (emeritus) of the graduate studies in the Department of Architecture and fellow of the Emmanuel college at the University of Cambridge (UK). Studied architecture, history of art and philosophy in Prague, Munich and Paris. Practicing as architect, since 1975 as consultant. From 1968-78 studio master at Architectural Association in London. Since 1978 at the University of Cambridge. In 1968 established with Josef Rykwert the first (in UK) postgraduate course in History and Theory of Architecture at the University of Essex. Lectured and taught in different institutions and universities , mostly in Europe and North America as critic and visiting professor, among others at Princeton, Harvard, Philadelphia, Royal Academy Stockholm, as distinguished visiting professor at GIT Atlanta. Since 1998 he is a permanent visiting professor at the University of Pennsylvania. In the last two decades he was a member of the editing board of several periodicals (Word and Image, Architekt (Prague) et al. ) From 1983-86 he was vice-president of Architectural Association in London. Since 1990 he contributes to the academic life in Prague. He was instrumental in the foundation of the Central European University, of which he became the first professor of architecture. Currently is a member of the academic board of the Academy of Sciences (Prague). His interests and activities, reflected also in the nature of his publications, is architecture in the context of the city, the foundations of architecture as a humanistic discipline and more recently hermeneutics of architecture. Among the more recent publications are: Architecture in the Age of Divided Representation, the question of creativity in the shadow of production (MIT Press, 2004); (Zurich, 2004);’The Architectonics of Embodiment’ in: Body and Building, (MIT 2002); 'Architecture in the Gray Zone of Modernity', in Eric Parry Architects, (London, 2002); ‘The latent world of Architecture’ in Architecture and Phenomenology, (Haifa, 2007 ). Contributes annually to the Baroque summer course in Einsiedeln ( Werner Oechslin Stiftung). For his published work he received the Bruno Zevi CICA (Comité International des Critiques d’Architecture ) award ( 2005) and the RIBA Trust Award (2005 ). Ziggelaar, August. He was born 17 January 1928 in Amsterdam. Entered the Society of Jesus September 1946. Studies in Nijmegen, Copenhagen and Maastricht. Ordained priest in 1961. Dr. phil. Copenhagen University in 1971 on a dissertation on Le Physicien Ignace Gaston Pardies (1638-1673). Taught at Jesuit schools, at Kenyatta University College, Nairobi and at the Royal Danish School of Educational Studies. Resigned for preparing the publication in 1997 of  Chaos. Niels Stensen’s Chaosmanuscript in a complete edition with translation and commentary. Other publications: François de Aguilón S. J., Scientist and Architect,(1567 – 1617). Rome, 1983; Bronnen der Natuurkunde. Groningen, 1971; Papers and contributions to publications on the history of physics and astronomy. Residing now for pastoral work at Sacred Heart Church. Stenosgade 4 A. DK – 1616 Copen­hagen V.

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