Indigenous African Language Media: Practices and Processes 9819903041, 9789819903047

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Indigenous African Language Media Practices and Processes Edited by Phillip Mpofu · Israel Ayinla Fadipe · Thulani Tshabangu

Indigenous African Language Media

Phillip Mpofu · Israel Ayinla Fadipe · Thulani Tshabangu Editors

Indigenous African Language Media Practices and Processes

Editors Phillip Mpofu Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

Israel Ayinla Fadipe Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

Thulani Tshabangu Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

ISBN 978-981-99-0304-7 ISBN 978-981-99-0305-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Marina Lohrbach_shutterstock.com This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Foreword by Ufuoma Akpojivi

Indigenous African Media: A Base for Decolonisation Foreword The last five to ten years have witnessed a renewed call for decolonisation within the African continent. These calls have sparked conversations around decolonisation across the continent in universities, spaces, curricula, museums, etc., and escalated research in the field. (see Mbembe, 2015; Tuitt & Stewart, 2021). The importance of decolonisation within the African continent cannot be overemphasised, as inherent colonial legacies have continued in postcolonial African states. Quijano (2000) argued that the colonial structures of power, knowledge and being have continued to exist in postcolonial states, and this Fanon (1961) attributed to the unwillingness of African leaders to transform their nations as these leaders saw their roles as ‘vocation is not to transform the nation but prosaically serve as a conveyor belt for capitalism’. Given the salient functions of the mass media in society, i.e. in preserving cultural values and information, educating and entertaining the public, the media is a crucial aspect of this coloniality having a broader impact on society, knowledge production and identity creation. Hall (1977) argues that the media are cultural products and, based on their inherent role in society, have continued to promote this coloniality. Historically, the so-called modern-day mass media were colonial creations as the colonialists established them to disseminate colonial messages.

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Thus, years after independence, these media houses continued to broadcast in colonial languages of English, French and Portuguese and imbibe western canons and practices. Consequently, it necessitates the questions of whether there are truly African media (newspaper, radio, television and new media platforms) in the continent, serving and meeting the needs of the public, and if the media operational in Africa are African by practices and nature. While there is no homogeneous African culture which the media should reflect and promote as part of being decolonised, the media should reflect what Asante (2003) called ‘Njia’, the collection and reflection of people’s experiences. Such a call is pivotal as it makes a case for indigenous African language media as a base for furthering decolonisation and the media. Every language has its own culture (Ngugi, 1981), and the medium of communication. The use of colonial language in the media of most postcolonial states inherently translates the colonial culture, promoting and amplifying its values to society. As Asante (2003: 1) argues, ‘culture is the base for all values’, and the broader implication of this is that African epistemology, culture and values are threatened and neglected. This poses a severe implication for society, its civilisation and cultural sustainability. For example, Akpojivi and Mgbeadichie (2022), while buttressing the above, argued that the cultural values of the Igbo, which are hard work, spirituality and contentment, are in decline. As the ‘colonial’ mainstream media promotes western cultures and values which is not rooted in humanity which is the crux of African values and philosophy. Therefore, Moyo (2020) argues that a decolonial turn will facilitate the affirmation of African culture, values and practices, and indigenous African media is crucial to attaining this. As African indigenous language media are rooted and grounded in African cultural values. And since media are carriers of culture (Hall, 1977), these African values and philosophies will be amplified and impact the everyday lives of the public. Therefore, there is a need to interrogate the extent to which indigenous African media have lived up to their responsibility of affirmation of African cultural values through their practices and cultural structures. Such interrogation is germane due to the unique cultural, political and economic contexts in which indigenous media exist, which largely impact their responsibility of acting as a base for decolonisation and affirming African culture and values. Notwithstanding, despite the rapid decline of indigenous language media across the continent due to apathy (Salawu, 2021) there is very limited research and scholarship on indigenous African media in

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post-independent African states. This trajectory has however, significantly changed in the last two decades, through Prof. Abiodun Salawu’s scholarship, which has brought attention to this neglected field. He is undoubtedly, one of the critical thinkers at the forefront of the decolonisation debate in Africa. He has broached a conversation of indigenous African media in the socio-political, economic and cultural development of the continent. Through numerous books (edited and monographs) and journal articles, Prof. Salawu has interrogated the political-economic structures in which indigenous language media operate in Africa (see Salawu, 2015), their role in democratic sustenance (see Salawu & Chibita, 2016), the impact of new media technologies in shaping the development and sustainability of indigenous African media (see Salawu, 2021). He has also revisited the historiography of early African language press. Additionally, Prof. Salawu established the research entity ‘Indigenous Language Media in Africa Research (ILMA)’ at the North-West University, South Africa, the only of its kind on the continent of Africa. Under his strategic leadership, the ILMA has been at the forefront of indigenous African language media research in Africa, while also building capacity through training future scholars in the research field. Therefore, this edited volume is a testament of the calibre of excellent scholars affiliated with ILMA. This edited volume titled Indigenous African Language Media by Philip Mpofu, Israel Fadipe and Thulani Tshabangu therefore is another step change as it presents an excellent platform for scholarship addressing these issues around indigenous language media representation, socioeconomic, political and cultural impact of indigenous language media, global crisis and pandemic management and conflict resolution. The importance of this collection cannot be underestimated as there is a need to go beyond the normative approach of studying the media and its culture and ‘interrogate its epistemologies and ontologies’ so as to identify lessons and apply these within other contexts (Mutsvairo et al., 2021). One such lesson is that the culture and practices of indigenous African media are different from those of mainstream media (Akpojivi & Fosu, 2020), and political and economic imbalances in postcolonial African states affect indigenous African language media and their sustainability. Consequently, this excellently put-together edited collection is a fitting way to celebrate Prof Salawu and his scholarship.

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All 23 chapters and their arguments intersect with the different strands of Salawu’s research, that is, media culture, practices and values and socio-economic, political and technological impact on indigenous African media. Identity formation and audience perception in indigenous language media is covered in the first section. Culture is central to identity formation and preservation, and colonialism has influenced and shaped the identity and cultural values in postcolonial African starts (see Achebe, 1958). The chapters in this section interrogated identity formation and audience perception from the perspectives of Tanzania, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Eswatini and South Africa. The chapters in section two examine how indigenous language media texts are represented within the contexts of Nigeria, Zimbabwe and South Africa. Media representation is pivotal in ideological construction and reconstruction, and the findings from the different case studies highlight how indigenous language media users use it to create and challenge dominant ideologies. The chapters in section three interrogate the place and role of indigenous African media in health and environmental crisis. The African continent has experienced global health and environmental crisis, and the media have a pivotal role in mitigating the effects of these crises and limiting the broader impact on society (Chari & Akpojivi, 2021). The chapters explore ways in which indigenous language media could be deployed effectively to communicate and create effective awareness/campaigns to address global health and environmental pandemics. Section Four examines peace journalism and conflict resolution using indigenous African media. In particular, Philip Mpofu, Israel Fadipe and Thulani Tshabangu’s contribution offers new theoretical and conceptual vistas in examining indigenous African language media in Africa. This opens a new line of thinking that other scholars can engage for the attainment of affirmation of African culture, values and practices. Therefore, I strongly recommend this edited volume to scholars, policymakers, governments and

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students (undergraduate and postgraduate) that are interested in indigenous African language media and their role in the affirmation of African cultures, values and epistemology. Ufuoma Akpojivi Associate Professor in Media Studies University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa Policy, Research and Learning Lead Advocates for International Development (A4ID) London, UK

References Achebe, C. (1958). Things fall apart. Heinemann. Akpojivi, U., & Fosu, M. (2020). African language journalism in Ghana and the quest for quality and sustainable broadcast journalism: An investigation of Peace FM. In A. Salawu (Ed.), African language media development, economics and management (pp. 204–223). Routledge. Akpojivi, U., & Mgbeadichie, C. (2022). Rethinking values and principles: An examination of Osita Osadebe Songs in Igbo cultural value preservation. In A. Salawu & I. A. Fadipe (Eds.), Indigenous African popular music (Vol. 1, pp. 279–300). Palgrave. Asante, M. (2003). Afrocentricity the theory of social change. African American Images. Chari, T., & Akpojivi, U. (2021). Media and global pandemics: Continuities and discontinuities. Journal of African Media Studies, 13(3), 305–315. Fanon, F. (1961). The Wretched of the Earth. Hall, S. (1977). Culture, the media and the ‘ideological effect’. In J. Curran (Ed.), Mass communication and society. Edward Arnold. Mbembe, A. (2016). Decolonising the university: New directions. Arts and Humanities in Higher Education, 15(1), 29–45. Moyo, L. (2020). The decolonial turn in media studies in Africa and the global south. Springer. Mutsvairo, B., Borges-Rey, E., Bebawi, S., Marquez-Ramirez, M., Mellado, C., Mabweazara, H., Demeter, M., Glowacki, M., Badr, H., & Thussu, D. (2021). Ontologies of journalism in the global south. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 98(4), 996–1016.

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Ngugi, W. (1981). Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature. James Currey. Quijano, A. (2000). Coloniality of power, eurocentrism and Latin America. Nepantla: Views from the South, 1(3), 533–580. Salawu, A. (2015). Not Iwe Irohin but Umshumayeli: A revisit of the historiography of the early African language press. African Identities, 13(2), 157–170. Salawu, A. (2021). Introduction: Towards the development and sustainability of African language media. In A. Salawu (Ed.), African language media development, economics and management. Routledge. Salawu, A., & Chibita, M. B. (2016). Indigenous language media, language politics and democracy in Africa. Palgrave. Tuitt, F., & Stewart, S. (2021). Decolonising academic spaces: Moving beyond diversity to promote racial equity in postsecondary education. In D. Thomas & J. Arday (Eds.), Doing equity and diversity for success in higher education (pp. 99–115). Palgrave.

Foreword by Muyiwa Popoola

It is my great pleasure to write this Foreword to a festschrift written in honour of Professor Abiodun Salawu, a leading scholar in indigenous African language media. I have been in close professional contact with Professor Salawu since 2006, when I served with him to build the new Department of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria. As the pioneer Head of the Department, Professor Salawu gave astute leadership and thorough mentorship to his colleagues both in the department and in the university in general. I am a grateful beneficiary of his generous academic guide which has served as an impetus for me to venture into academic exploration of the role of various aspects of the media communication in mitigating and solving different forms of conflicting issues that modulate the society, either at the micro, individual level, or at the macro, political plane. Now, as one reason why Professor Salawu is aptly called a ‘Professor of Professors’, I am indeed excited to write this Foreword in appreciation of Professor Salawu’s invaluable scholarly contributions and in recognition of his community engagements. Professor Abiodun Salawu started his illustrious academic career from two universities in Nigeria: first, the University of Lagos, and later, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, where he garnered abundant experiences needed to propel him to the global space. He was later engaged

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by the North-West University, South Africa, where he is now a Professor of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies, and Director of the research entity, the Indigenous Language Media in Africa. His research interests have led to the production of classic books, and highly referenced articles published in reputable journals, such as Journal of Multicultural Studies, Rhodes Journalism Review, Nordic Journal of African Studies and Journal of International Women’s Studies, among others. His research has lent a fluent affirmation to the crucial independent and complementary role played by the African language communicative tools socialisation and development. Further, Professor Salawu is a member of academic and professional bodies, such as the Nigerian Academy of Letters. With these virtues and more I am happy to confirm that Professor Salawu is indeed well-deserving of the honour of having accorded to his name, this Festschrift, which will help to further discuss the nature, scope and value of indigenous language media in the African Societies. Another fascinating factor about this festschrift concerns its editors. These scholars have been Professor Salawu’s close associates who have had the first-hand awareness of the nature and contributions of his scholarship. The three editors who have been drawn from Nigeria and South Africa, in order to correctly deal with the diverse ethnic factors in the contributed papers, are established experts in their own rights. They have served as gate keepers to ensure fine and objective assessments of the festschrift’s contributions which came from across the Continent of Africa. The 23 papers edited in the festschrift were anchored on different appropriate research methods. They are segmented into four major aspects of media communication and social practices, namely: audience participation and identity formation, representations of indigenous language media, the role of indigenous language media in the face of health and environmental crises and peace journalism through the indigenous African language media. These sub-themes are among the foremost social concerns in Africa currently, and I believe that the reader will derive maximum benefits from studying them from the festschrift. The rich features of this festschrift are enormous, making it an invaluable treasure for both students and scholars who have interests in its

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themes. Also, the book will serve as a good companion to policy makers, law makers, educators and the general readers who have concerns about how the use of indigenous language media can help the society to achieve peace and progress. I, therefore, strongly recommend it as the right tool and an appropriate handbook for its readers. Muyiwa Popoola, Ph.D., FCIA, MNAL Professor of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies Deputy Vice-Chancellor Ajayi Crowther University Oyo, Oyo State, Nigeria

Acknowledgements

When it comes to making a book of this quality, its actualisation is due not only to birthing an idea but also to processes that involve people to whom it is impossible to pay back the debt for the significant roles they played in realising this dream. This feat cannot be even possible without Professor Abiodun Salawu who is being honoured with this collection. His contributions to indigenous African language media scholarship are footholds upon which new scholarly engagements have been anchored by new and many thinkers and theorists like us in the field. We are grateful to him for giving us the opportunity for this achievement. Thereafter, we thank Hua Bai, commissioning editor, who first developed an interest in our proposal that was sent for review. Reviewers usually bring up unique angles from which proposals can be perfected, and so we appreciate the work done by our proposal’s reviewers for making us deliver a better outcome through our book. When the contract was given to us, Ananda Kumar Mariappan, in charge of book production coordinated the contract signing. Supraja Yegnaraman and Coral Zhou in charge of book production prepared the manuscripts for copyediting. You have done an excellent work with us. We appreciate you. We thank the educational and professional platforms like South Africa Communication Association and the Nigerian chapter of African Council for Communication Research, and others that helped us disseminate the call for paper. Last, but not the least, are our chapter contributors, some of whom I have worked with on other projects. You xv

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are amazing. Your painstaking endurance, marathon-like disposition to and understanding of these processes are unquantifiable. This has been a journey we would not mind taking again as long as you are all part of the process. Thank you. Mahikeng, South Africa 2023

Phillip Mpofu Israel Ayinla Fadipe Thulani Tshabangu

Contents

Part I Audience Perception, Participation, Ethnic, Identity Formation and Indigenous Language Media 1

2

3

4

5

Appreciating Indigenous African Language Media’ Practices and Processes: A Transdisciplinary Approach Phillip Mpofu, Israel Ayinla Fadipe, and Thulani Tshabangu Kulfi Is Like a Tanzanian: The Reception of an Indian Television Drama Dubbed in Kiswahili Daines Nicodem Sanga, Mona N. Mwakalinga, and Issau Athumani Mbura

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Language Politics, Development, and Sustainability of Publishing and Textbooks in the Nigerian Languages Osarobu Emmanuel Igudia

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Time to Be Represented: The Imperative for Investment in Igbo Indigenous Language Radio Malachy Udejinta

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Slang and the Semantic Sense of Sameness: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Shona Back Slang Enock Nyambo

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6

7

8

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CONTENTS

Mass Communication and African Indigenous Societies: The Meeting Point Charles Abiodun Oguntoye

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Mission Statements, Role of Political Actors in Community Radio Stations: The Ghanaian Experience Mavis Essandoh

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Expanding Language? Struggles that Characterise the Development of New Words and Meanings on Eswatini’s National Radio Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu and Nqobile Ndzinisa African Languages and Gender Identity in Marginal Films Made Outside the Mainstream Film Industry in South Africa Gilbert Motsaathebe

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Part II Media Representations, Text, Context and Indigenous Indigenous Language Media 10

11

12

13

14

Re-Tooling the Nigerian Society to Combat Crime and Criminality: The Strategic Importance of Proverbs in Child and Personality Development Mustapha Olalekan Rufai

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Evaluation of an African Indigenous Language Programme on Poly Ilaro 92.1 FM, Ogun State Nigeria Adejare Samuel Odu and Oluwole Folaranmi Alabi

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Examining the Place of Female Musicians in Zimbabwe’s Music Industry Edith Katiji and Richard Muranda

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Iwiedo Nuzomo Wa Gia Kuekor Kugbe: Themes in Edo (Bini) Language Nollywood Movies as Development Communication Francis Amenaghawon Use of Non-verbal Cues as Alternative to Verbal Communication Before Tyrants in Selected Yoruba Films Matthew Kolawole Oni

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CONTENTS

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Multilingual Responses on ‘Hollywood Style’ Arrest of a Defence Lawyer in a High-Profile Case Gilbert Motsaathebe

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Part III Health and Environmental Crisis and Indigenous Indigenous Language Media 16

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Impact of Covid-19 on an Indigenous Language Newspaper, Kwayedza Takunda Maodza

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Imole Yoruba Coverage of COVID-19 Lockdown in South West Nigeria Hassan Biodun Suleiman

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Exploring Music Videos in Indigenous Languages and Behavioural Change Towards Waste Management in Lagos State, Nigeria Babatunde Adeyeye, Evaristus Adesina, Darlynton Yartey, and Emeka Uwam

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Part IV Beat Analysis, Peace Journalism and Indigenous Indigenouse Language Media 19

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Indigenous Language as a Factor for Sustainable Development Ifedayo Akinwalere

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A Study of the Yoruba Language Newspapers in the Colonial Era Clement Adeniyi Akangbe

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Coverage of Development Issues, and Identity Formation in Alaroye Newspapers Stephen Damilola Odebiyi and Ebenezer Adebisi Olawuyi

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Livelihood Improvement Through Participatory Mass Communications: A Study on Community Radio and the Lives of Women in Northern Ghana Manfred Kofi Antwi Asuman and Subeshini Moodley

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Building a Culture of Peace and Conflict Resolution Through Indigenous Language Media (ILM) Toyosi Olugbenga Samson Owolabi and Adeniyi Olalekan Hassan

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Indigenous Language Use in Advertising Campaigns: A Study of Airtel Nigeria’s Users Oluwatomi Caleb Adeniji and Samuel Akinbode

Index

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Notes on Contributors

Oluwatomi Caleb Adeniji is currently a Lecturer in the Mass Communication Programme, Bowen University, Iwo, Nigeria. He has taught and researched Communication for almost a decade. Prior to his academic career, he worked in Public Relations and Advertising firms in Nigeria. He has to his credit, some scholarly publications in academic journals. He holds a Bachelor’s in Communication and Media Technology from Lead City University, Ibadan, Nigeria and a Master’s degree in Communication and Media Studies from Cyprus International University, North Cyprus, Turkey. His research interests span the areas of Health Communication, African Communication Systems, Digital Cultures, Public Relations and Advertising. Dr. Evaristus Adesina is a Researcher and a Lecturer of Mass Communication in Covenant University with high enthusiasm for identifying social problems and proffering solutions through positional and empirical research. Evaristus obtained his Bachelor of Science and Master’s Degrees from Bowen University and the University of Lagos, respectively. He bagged his Ph.D. from the prestigious Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria. His areas of research include, among others, Health communication, Development Communication, Public relations, Mass Media and Society. Dr. Babatunde Adeyeye is a Faculty member in the Department of Mass Communication, Covenant University. He obtained his B.Sc., M.Sc.

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and Ph.D. Degrees from Kogi State University, Anyigba, Benue State University, Makurdi and Covenant University, Ota respectively. His area of research interest include Development Communication, Journalism, Public Relations and Indigenous Language use in Agricultural Communication. Clement Adeniyi Akangbe is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, and holds a B.A. (combined) Honours (1988) in Yoruba and Dramatic Arts from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-ife, Nigeria. He obtained Master of Communication Arts (1997), Master of Arts in Yoruba (2005); and Ph.D. in Yoruba Literature (2014) all from University of Ibadan. He also has a Diploma in publishing (1999). His specialisations are publications editing and production, textbook development and evaluation, publishing in indigenous languages, and indigenous language media. He was appointed an Extraordinary Researcher in Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) by North-West University, South Africa in 2020. Samuel Akinbode holds a Bachelor’s in Mass Communication, Bowen University, Iwo, Nigeria. His research interests span the areas of Public Relations and Advertising. He currently works in an Advertising firm in Lagos, Nigeria. Ifedayo Akinwalere is a Lecturer in Mass Communication Department, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, Nigeria. He holds a Ph.D. in Communication Studies from the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta, M.Sc. and B.Sc. in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, Nigeria. He attended St. Peter’s Primary School, Irele and United Grammar School, Irele, Ondo State; and St. Finbarr’s College, Akoka, Lagos. He taught Print Journalism in Nigerian Institute of Journalism, Ogba, Lagos Nigeria between 2013 and 2021. His contributions to knowledge can be found in learned local and international journals. Oluwole Folaranmi Alabi is a Professor of Communication and New Media at the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University in Oyo, Oyo State, Nigeria. He is a product of the University of Ibadan and holds B.Ed. (English); B.Sc. (Mass Communication); M.A. (Communication and Language Art); Ph.D. Evaluation Studies (Educational Evaluation). He has taught several courses in Communication and Media Studies for fifteen years. He is the current

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Dean, Faculty of Communication and Media Studies as well as the university’s Director of Academic Planning. His research interest include Development Communication; New Media; Evaluation and Media Research; Program Evaluation; Indigenous Language Media, and; Media Literacy Education. Francis Amenaghawon holds a doctorate in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Presently, he is a postdoctoral fellow at the Indigenous Language Media in Africa Research Entity (ILMA), Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, South Africa. His areas of research interest include media and conflict studies, communication research, broadcasting, indigenous media, film studies, language arts and applied communication. Manfred Kofi Antwi Asuman, Ph.D. is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Western Ontario, Canada. He gained his Ph.D. in Media Studies from the Nelson Mandela University in South Africa. He was previously a Visiting Research Scholar at the School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of Iowa, USA. He also holds an M.Phil. in Development Studies. His research focuses on the intersections between the participation of vulnerable people in media and how it affects the achievement of community development goals in livelihoods, health and political participation. Mavis Essandoh (Ph.D.) is a Senior Lecturer and Dean of the Faculty of Public Relations, Advertising and Marketing Department at the Ghana institute of Journalism (GIJ). She holds a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Ghana, Graduate Diploma and Master of Philosophy degrees from the same university. She also holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Communication from the Deakin University in Australia. She has researched on Ghanaian community radio stations, is an advocate of the sector, and taught community Journalism at the Ghana Institute of Journalism, where she currently teaches courses in Public Relations. Israel Ayinla Fadipe is a postdoctoral fellow in Indigenous Language Media in Africa research entity, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, South Africa. He specialises in communication, cultural and gender studies, and has published articles and chapters in both local and international journals such as Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies, Journal of Communication and Media Research, International Journal of Communication, Muziki-Journal of Music Research in Africa, Africology:

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Journal of Pan-African Study, Journal of Culture and Environment, Journal of Communication and Language Arts, EJOTMAS and The Journal of Society and Media in these areas. He graduated from the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, with B.A. in Creative Writing, M.A. in Popular Music and Ph.D. in Applied and Gender Communication. Adeniyi Olalekan Hassan holds a Bachelor’s degree in Journalism from the School of Communication, Lagos State University and Master’s degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos. He is currently a Doctoral Research Student in the School of Communication, Lagos State University. He is an Associate Lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication, Yaba College of Technology and Lagos State Polytechnics. His research interests are in Communication Research, political communication, Journalism and Governance, and he has some publications in these areas. Osarobu Emmanuel Igudia obtained a Bachelor’s degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, in 1993, a Master’s degree from University of Ibadan in 2000 and a Ph.D. at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, in 2019, specialising in English language. He has also bagged professional certificates in book publishing and editing. Dr. Igudia has worked for several years, as a book editor at Literamed Publications Limited, Lagos, Nigeria. He left Literamed as the Publishing Manager in 2006 to pick up a job as Editor at the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), Ibadan, Nigeria. At present, he is a Publishing Lecturer at the University of Ibadan since 2008. Edith Katiji is an award winning actress and musician and an academic. She is the president of the Zimbabwe Musicians Union and vice president of the International Federation of Musicians. She has earned a B.Sc. Music Business, Musicology and Technology and an M.A. Music in Development. With 20 years of practice in the music sector as a performer, mentor, teacher, consultant and music in community development champion, Edith has presented papers in Malawi, Denmark and Togo. Takunda Maodza is a Ph.D. student at the Centre for Communication and Media Studies at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa and a Lecturer in the Media, Communication, Film and Threatre Arts at Midlands State University (MSU), Zimbabwe. Maodza was a practising

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journalist in Zimbabwe for 17 years working for both privately owned and state-controlled media houses including the Zimbabwe Mirror Newspaper Group and Zimpapers. His research interests are in political journalism, political economy of the media, social media and indigenous language media. Issa A. Mbura is a prospective Ph.D. graduate in Theatre Arts at University of Dar es Salaam. His Ph.D. thesis is on ‘The impact of digitalization on the development of Tanzania film industry (1990–2020)’. He holds a Master’s degree in Theatre Arts and Bachelor’s degree in Fine and Performing Arts with a bias in Film and Television (TV) studies. He has contributed to the Tanzania film industry’s scholarship and dynamics a number of academic and journalistic publications for the past 12 years. He has written a number of articles, most of which are available online about the development of the Tanzania film industry. In 2011 he published his Master’s degree thesis titled ‘The changing dynamics in Tanzania film industry; A case of Dar es Salaam film audiences’. Since 2009 he has taught a number of film and TV courses at vocational and higher learning institutions in Tanzania. Apart from teaching and research experience he has gathered substantial experience in media planning, development, production and strategic communications. He has done so as he took on a number of independent and client-based projects as a production consultant, producer, director, writer and editor. He currently works as an Assistant Lecturer at University of Dar es Salaam, School of Journalism and Mass Communication where he teaches TV, Visual Communication and Popular Culture. Subeshini Moodley is the Chair of Media and Communications, and an Associate Professor of video production and film studies at the Department of Media and Communications, Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa. She holds a Ph.D. from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Her research focuses on cultural studies, postcolonial media studies and feminist film/media theory. Gilbert Motsaathebe is an NRF-rated Research Professor at NorthWest University where he is attached to the research entity Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA). He was also an Extraordinary Professor at the same institution previously. He was until recently the Editor-in-Chief of Communicare-Journal of Communication Science in

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Southern Africa. Previously, he was an Associate Professor in the Department of Journalism, Film & Television at the University of Johannesburg. He was also an Associate Professor in the Department of Media and Creative Industry at the United Arab Emirates University in the UAE. Prior to that, he was Senior Lecturer at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology in Cape Town and also taught at educational institutions in Nagasaki, Japan. He is also Albert Luthuli Professor-at-Large at the University of Jos in Nigeria. In the intervening years, he was a Sephis Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Culture and Society(CSCS) in Bangalore, India. Phillip Mpofu DLitt et Phil, is an Extraordinary Researcher at North West University, Mafikeng Campus, South Africa, in the Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) research entity. He is also a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Languages, Literature & Cultural Studies at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. His research combines sociolinguistics, language politics, language policy, virtual communities and African language media. Maxwell V. Mthembu a Lecturer at the University of Eswatini, in the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication. He holds a Ph.D. from Cardiff University (Wales) and Master of Arts in Media Studies from the University of Natal. His research interests are Digital Media, History of Media and Development Communication. Richard Muranda is a Music Lecturer at Midlands State University. He earned a B.A. Ed. Music, B.Mus. Music Technology and Ph.D. Musicology. Dr. Muranda has 32 years of teaching experience. His research focuses on a variety of music concepts and has 14 peerreviewed articles/book chapters. He has presented papers at conferences in Botswana, Finland, South Africa and Zimbabwe. Experience in consultancy, teaching, research and community engagement have enriched his academic thrust in music. Rufai Mustapha is a Lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication, Federal University Oye-Ekiti, (FUOYE) Ekiti State, Nigeria. Until his recent movement to FUOYE, he was at the Mass Communication Department, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State, where he taught and carried out researches in Communication and Media studies. He is a beneficiary of TETFUND from the Federal Government of Nigeria and holds a Ph.D. Degree from the North-West University,

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Mafikeng, South Africa. His research revolves around Journalism (Media and Crime Communication) and Strategic/Applied Communication. He has published in many reputable journals and also has contributions in published books. Mona Ngusekela Mwakalinga is the Dean of School of Journalism and Mass Communication and a Senior Lecturer of Film, Television, and Media Studies at the Department of Creative Arts. Her area of specialisation is Tanzanian/African Film and Television, Transnational Cinema, Gender, African Theatre Practices and Media perception and reception. She earned her Bachelor of Arts in Theatre Arts and a Master of Arts in Theatre and Film from the University of Dar es Salaam and her doctoral degree in Film and Media Studies from the University Kansas, USA. Mwakalinga has held numerous administrative positions at the University: Gender desk officer of the College of Arts and Social Sciences, Coordinator of Undergraduate Studies at the College of Arts and Social Sciences, Deputy Principal of the College of Humanities, Head of the Department of Creative Arts, Director of Public Services, and currently the Dean of the School of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Dar es Salaam. Mwakalinga has produced, directed and written numerous films and theatre performances at national and international levels and written scholarly articles in national and international journals. Currently, Mwakalinga is completing a book manuscript on the history of Tanzanian Bongo Movies. Nqobile Ndzinisa is a Lecturer in the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Eswatini. Ms. Ndzinisa is currently enrolled at the University of KwaZulu-Natal where she is pursuing a Ph.D. in Cultural and Media Studies. Her expertise and research foci are Access and Equity, influence of media on society; impact of legislation on media freedom and freedom of expression, digital rights, internet governance, gender equity and health communication. Ms. Ndzinisa holds a Master’s Degree in Cultural and Media Studies. Prior to joining UNESWA, Ms. Ndzinisa worked in media policy and legislation formulation. Enock Nyambo, born in 1978, is a 2018 MSU Book Award Master of Arts in Applied English Linguistics graduate from Midlands State University (MSU), Zimbabwe. His thesis titled What’s up with WhatsApp Profile

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Pictures and Statuses: A Multimodal Approach earned him a dissertation distinction. A Zimbabwean citizen, Enock is currently employed as a teacher of English at Legae Academy, Gaborone, Botswana. He also holds a Bachelor of Arts in English (Solusi University, Zimbabwe), Post Graduate Diploma in Education, and a Bachelor of Arts Special Honours in Communication and Media Studies (Zimbabwe Open University). Enock is an applied linguistics research enthusiast. Amongst many academic research endeavours, Enock has penned the following articles: (1) Client Satisfaction or Expediency? Organisational Discourse Analysis of Harare City Council Texts (2) When Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal. (3) When Doctor-Patient Discourse Isn’t Adequate: Social Media Health Multimodal Dialogic Discourse Analysis and work in progress; (4) Slang and the Semantic Sense of Sameness: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Shona Back Slang. Stephen Damilola Odebiyi is a Master’s degree graduate of the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His research interest lies in the aspects of media studies and applied communication. He has a number of scholarly publications in reputable local and international outlets. Adejare Samuel Odu is a doctoral student at Ajayi Crowther University Oyo, Oyo State, Nigeria in the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies. He was a two time award winner, being the best postgraduate graduating student in Print Journalism (PGD) at Nigerian Institute of Journalism Ogba, Lagos State and in Broadcasting (M.Sc.) with distinction at Lead City University Ibadan, Oyo State Nigeria. His research interest include Community Radio Broadcasting, Indigenous Language Radio Broadcasting, Book Publishing, and Media Programme Evaluation. A co-author of a book titled Book Production Processes: A Practical Guide and the CEO of Seed-G International, a publishing outfit in Nigeria. Charles Abiodun Oguntoye lectures at the Department of Public Relations and Advertising, Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Nigeria. He is a member of the African Council for Communication Education (ACCE), Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR). He is a doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Nigeria. Ebenezer Adebisi Olawuyi is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

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His research interest lies in the aspects of international communication, communication theories, speech communication, public relations and the New Media. Matthew Kolawole Oni, Ph.D. holds a Bachelor of Arts Degree (Yoruba and English) from University of Ife; P.G.D. and M.Sc. (Mass Communication) from the University of Lagos, and Ph.D. (Communication Studies) from Lagos State University, Ojo. Oni was one time Senior Publisher at Learn Africa Plc, Ikeja, Assistant Lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, Group General Manager at Melrose Books and Publishing Ltd., Ota and Adjunct Lecturer at Nigeria Institute of Journalism, Ogba, Lagos and Crawford University, Igbesa, Ogun State. He currently lectures at the Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria. Toyosi Olugbenga Samson Owolabi a Senior Lecturer holds a Ph.D. in Journalism and Development from Strathclyde University, United Kingdom. Preceding this, he obtained a Bachelor’s Degree in Language and Linguistics from the University of Ilorin, M.A. (Linguistics) and M.A. (Language and Communication Arts) from University of Ibadan in addition to a Postgraduate Diploma (Journalism) from the Nigerian Institute of Journalism. He teaches journalism, media and development communication in Lagos State University. Also, he at different times taught Mass Communication at Igbinedion University and Benson Idahosa University, respectively. He had been Group Political Editor and Member, Editorial Board of Concord Group of Newspapers. He was also Editor, Credit Market Magazines, all in Lagos. His research interests in Journalism, communication and development have been published in reputable local and international journals and books. Daines Nicodem Sanga is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Creative Arts of the University of Dar es Salaam. Her research interest consists of Indigenous Music, Indigenous Dance, popular culture, gender and youth. She has conducted several studies in the area of popular culture, youth and gender and has already published a good number of articles and one book, all of which are available online. At present, she is conducting research on young people and the fashion they use indigenous songs to venture for denied political space. Dr. Sanga pursued her first degree at the University of Dar es Salaam, in the Department of Creative Arts formally celebrated as the Department of Fine and Performing Arts;

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her Master’s in Development Studies, specialisation (Children and Youth) was pursued in Holland, the Institute of the Social Studies of Erasmus University, Rotterdam located in The Hague and concluded with Ph.D. in literature and arts at the University of Bayreuth in Germany. She has won several awards in her career as a researcher including DAAD which is sponsored by the Government of Germany. She is among the beneficiaries of African Humanities Programme (AHP) offered by Learned Society of America. She is also a beneficiary of Research grants provided by the University of Dar es Salaam in 2019. Hassan Biodun Suleiman specialises in Political Communication, Media and Conflict Studies, Media and Entrepreneur, International Communication and Development Communication. He is a senior lecturer in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, School of Communication, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos State. Thulani Tshabangu is an emerging academic who holds a Ph.D. in Journalism from Stellenbosch University in South Africa. He is currently a post-doctoral fellow at North West University research institute of Indigenous Languages Media in Africa where he researches about democracy and development communication in Africa; the management and political economy of African media. His research interests are in digital journalism practice, alternative media, radical democratic theories, political economy of the media, development communication, and ethnographies of media production and consumption. In the past he has worked for various nongovernmental organisations in Zimbabwe in the area of development communications and programme monitoring and evaluation. He has also taught media and communication related courses at different universities in Zimbabwe. Since 2017 he has served as a reviewer for African Journalism Studies journal. He has published journal articles on the practice of development journalism and the political economy of the media in Zimbabwe. Malachy Onyeka Udejinta lectures journalism and mass communication at Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo; belongs to professional bodies and is awaiting for the defence of his Ph.D. Thesis in Mass Communication at the University of Nigeria. His industry experience includes being a journalist with Comet Newspaper, now Nation newspaper, Maritime Star community newspaper, Public Relations Consulting with Zoom Lens and manager Shareson Ltd, all in Lagos. Pioneer administrator of 88.5

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FM Radio of the university and has published several papers and book chapters in local and international outlets. Research interest covers: integrating indigenous Igbo communication tools into mass communication, out-of-home media and journalism. Emeka Uwam is a graduate of the Department of Mass Communication, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria. Dr. Darlynton A. Yartey is a Lecturer in the department of Mass Communication, Covenant University. He received his first degree in Mass Communication, with a major in Public Relations and Advertising from Babcock University. In the same line of study, he got his Master’s and Ph.D., respectively, from Covenant University with specialisations in big data and mobile marketing communication. He has both academic and professional interests in the application of big data and data analytics to derive consumer insights and foresights in the modern marketing era.

List of Figures

Fig. 11.1 Fig. 22.1 Fig. 22.2 Fig. 22.3 Fig. 22.4 Fig. 24.1

CIPP Model Hours of peak time broadcast per week for each radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021]) Hours of weekly peak time agricultural programming by radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021]) Hours of weekly peak time health programming by radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021]) Hours of weekly peak time educational programming by station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021]) Pie Chart showing the perceived need for Yoruba in Airtel advertisements (Source Field Survey [2021])

183 387 388 392 395 430

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List of Tables

Table 5.1

Table 5.2 Table 9.1 Table 9.2 Table 10.1 Table 10.2 Table 10.3 Table 11.1 Table 11.2 Table 13.1 Table Table Table Table Table Table

15.1 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5

Examples of English Back slang words and meanings from Definition and Examples of Back Slang by Nordquist R (2018) Examples of common chindebhe words and linguistic analysis Selected films, synopsis, directors, and key characters Motifs and linguistic areas of analysis Group A parenting proverbs/literal translation/ contextual/philosophical Group B bad behaviour proverbs literal translation contextual/philosophical Group C child and personality development proverbs literal translation contextual/philosophical Content analysis of 24 episodes of Asa ati Ise Yoruba Programme on Poly 92.1 FM Presenter’s and listeners’ testimonies about the programme Presentation of findings on development issues in the selected Bini (Edo) language movies Matrix of issues emerging from online responses Statistics Newspaper Months selected Prominence Quoted source

72 80 144 145 169 170 171 187 191 223 253 292 292 293 293 294

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 17.6 Table 18.1 Table 18.2 Table 18.3 Table 20.1 Table 21.1 Table 21.2 Table 21.3 Table 21.4 Table Table Table Table Table Table

21.5 24.1 24.2 24.3 24.4 24.5

Tone of news story Has the STEM music video created awareness of waste management in Lagos state? What is the impact of the video on the residents of Lagos state? Did the video bring about behavioural change in Lagos residents towards proper waste management? Notable Yoruba newspapers in the colonial era News value of the twentieth century Breakdown of newspaper sample dates (January–December 2013) Development status of stories Dominant issues of development employed in Alaroye newspaper Content Categories of Development Issues Inclusion and exclusion criteria Demographic characteristics Need for native languages in Airtel advertisements Most popular Airtel advertisement Effectiveness of Airtel Yoruba advertisements

295 307 310 310 341 364 372 372 373 374 428 429 431 432 434

PART I

Audience Perception, Participation, Ethnic, Identity Formation and Indigenous Language Media

CHAPTER 1

Appreciating Indigenous African Language Media’ Practices and Processes: A Transdisciplinary Approach Phillip Mpofu , Israel Ayinla Fadipe , and Thulani Tshabangu

Present studies underscore the significance and expediency of indigenous African language media, in tradition and in the contemporary setting. This volume therefore, explores practices and processes of indigenous African language media using examples drawn from different genres, communities and countries. Indigenous language media enhance the usefulness of African media systems in circulating information and enhancing the public’s participation (Kupe, 2016). This indicates that they expand the informative and educational functions of the media (Akanbi & Aladesanmi, 2014). African language media sustain, replicate and embody linguistic, cultural, regional and national identities

P. Mpofu · I. A. Fadipe (B) · T. Tshabangu Indigenous Language Media in Africa Entity, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_1

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(wa Mberia, 2015). The existence and sustenance of indigenous African language media is a vital development towards the decolonisation of African media systems which are often dominated by the ex-colonial languages (Salawu, 2006). Also, indigenous language media contribute to the social and economic progression of African communities through enhanced development communication (wa Mberia, 2015). Since media transmit language, operate with language and develop language (Moring, 2007), indigenous African language media are dynamic spaces for the maintenance and development of indigenous African languages (Bamgbose, 2011; Crystal, 2000). These assertions demonstrate the requisite for and significance of indigenous language media in post-independence African countries. It is a sub-discipline of media/communication studies which can be a standalone discipline that should be given substantial scholarly attention. Indigenous African language media is an emerging transdisciplinary field that exists on the intersection of language/culture and media/communication studies (Mpofu & Salawu, 2018). An interdisciplinary approach elucidates issues and provides insights that are outside the scope of traditional language/cultural and media/communication studies. This approach builds a solid foundation for holistically appreciating indigenous African language media, even in modern times where it has converged with the digital and networked spheres (Mpofu, 2021). This shows that interdisciplinarity is a hallmark of African language media research in the context of historical political, socio-economic factors that shape the ensuing practices and processes. As demonstrated in this volume, scholars from different academic and cultural backgrounds contributed to this volume using varied theories, approaches and perspectives, a scenario that enhances the comprehension of practices and processes of indigenous African language media in their diverse form. While studies have underscored the need to explore the routines and practices of media in Africa (Mabweazara, 2010), studies on African language media’s practices and processes remain scanty. Existing scholarship on media in Africa largely focuses on English language media. As a result, the nature, practices and processes are well significantly documented. This indicates that indigenous African language media is an under-theorised and under-studied discipline. The unique practices and processes in indigenous African language media need focused and detailed attention. Therefore, this volume is valuable contribution towards understanding African language media systems. This indicates that there is need

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for dedicated academic spaces and scholarship on indigenous language media in Africa. It will be gross exclusion to discuss African language media without acknowledging the contribution of Professor Abiodun Salawu, the current director of the Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) research entity at North-West University in South Africa to the establishment and development of the discipline. This volume titled Indigenous African language media: Practices and Processes comprises twenty-three chapters that address various aspects of indigenous African language media’s practices and processes. As demonstrated by the chapters, the themes covered include audience perception and participation, ethnicity and identity formation, media representations, text and context in indigenous language media, health, environmental crisis and indigenous language media, beat analysis, peace journalism and indigenous language media. The book is divided into four main parts—Part I, II, III and IV. Part I focuses on audience perception, participation, ethnic, identity formation and indigenous language media. In the first chapter of this part (Chapter 2), Daines Nicodem Sanga, Mona Mwakalinga and Issau Athumani Mbura explore the reception of an Indian Television Drama focusing on a well-known Indian television drama ‘Kulfi’. This chapter seeks to understand the manner Tanzanians receive foreign television drama dubbed into Kiswahili. Deploying the reception and Skopos translation theory, the chapter argues that television drama dubbed into Kiswahili is well received by Tanzanian audience on grounds of language used to dub the TV drama, skills used by artists to re-voice sounds in TV drama and the message portrayed in the television drama. In the second chapter (Chapter 3), Osarobu Emmanuel Igudia investigates language politics, development and sustainability of books in Nigerian languages. Specifically, the chapter examines the factors that influence the development of textbooks in Nigerian languages, the language politics in the indigenous Nigerian languages, how indigenous language politics affect book publishing and how language politics affect the marketing of textbooks published in Nigerian indigenous languages. Chapter 4 titled ‘Time to be Represented: The Imperative for Investment in Igbo Language Radio’ by Malachy Udejinta discusses the imperative for investing in Igbo language radio by Igbo speaking people of Nigeria and to ensure representation of Igbo language and ethnicity in the indigenous language radio broadcasting. In the fifth chapter, Enock Nyambo explores the slang and the semantic sense of sameness focusing on Shona Back Slang. Specifically, the

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chapter explores the origination and the generational usage of Shona back slang; the factors influencing the use of Shona back slang; and the reasons of using back slang. The chapter reveals that Chidhebhe originated during the colonial era as a method to confuse the imperialists. In the sixth chapter titled ‘Mass Communication and African Indigenous Societies: The Meeting Point’, Charles Oguntoye examines the meeting point as well as the impact of mass communication on indigenous communication in Nigeria. The chapter demonstrates the impact of western mass communication on African indigenous communication and how it has diminished the impact of indigenous communication. Therefore, the chapter recommends a robust integration of mass communication and indigenous communication. In the seventh chapter, Mavis Essandoh explores the mission statements and the role of political actors in community radio stations using the Ghanaian experience. It demonstrates that most of the mission statements were development-oriented, aimed at giving voices to their voiceless communities, promote local cultures and encourage participation of community members in the programmes and activities of the stations. In the eighth chapter, Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu and Nqobile Ndzinisa explore the expansion of the language and struggles that characterise the development of new words and meanings on Eswatini’s national radio in the context of technological advancement and new developments in agriculture, health and many other areas in order to communicate meaningfully to the listeners. In the last chapter of Part I (Chapter 9), Gilbert Motsaathebe examines the usage of African languages and the rhetoric of gender identity in marginal films made outside the mainstream film industry in South Africa. The chapter considers how language, images and roles have been used as markers signifying a particular gendered narrative and identity. Part II of the volume focuses on media representations, text and context of African language media. In Chapter 10, Mustapha Olalekan Rufai explores the strategic importance of proverbs as a component of indigenous language media in child and personality development. The chapter advances the argument that the child/personality development anchored on proverbs can help raise an ideal person that will shun criminality in the society thereby providing a safer and secured society needed for development. In Chapter 11, Odu Adejare Samuel and Alabi Oluwole Folaranmi evaluate an African indigenous Language Programme on Poly Ilaro 92.1 FM in Ogun State Nigeria using an established evaluation model-CIPP Model to ascertain how the indigenous language

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radio stations or radio stations are faring. Specifically, the study identified the resources utilised in the design of the programme to meet the needs of the listeners, how the programme is being implemented and the barriers that threaten the success of the programme. In Chapter 12, Edith Katiji and Richard Muranda examine the place of female musicians in Zimbabwe’s music industry. That is, the involvement of females in the music industry particularly music performance, music production and sound engineering. The chapter explored females’ experiences and how they interacted with their male counterparts. In Chapter 13, Francis Amenaghawon explores themes in Edo (Bini) language Nollywood movies as development communication. This study interrogates how the selected movies were used in setting the agenda for development. The author advances the argument that indigenous language Nollywood movies have the potential to be engaged for the promotion of development goals in any country. Matthew Kolawole Oni’s Chapter 14 explores the use of non-verbal cues as an alternative form of communication before repressive authorities in selected Yoruba films. It looks at how people communicate using non-verbal cues where verbal communication could lead them to serious trouble in two Yoruba films—Saworoide and Basorun Gaa. In Chapter 15, Gilbert Motsaathebe explores multilingual online responses on the ‘Hollywood-style’ arrest of a defence lawyer in a high-profile case. Specifically, the chapter considers how readers’ multilingual comments contribute to a broader understanding of the case from multiple perspectives since many of the comments were made in African languages. The chapter considers the online space as a vital site of African language legitimisation, thereby challenging the authoritative power and hegemony of the English language in the digital media space. Part III of the volume covers health and environmental crisis issues in indigenous African language media. In the first chapter of this part (Chapter 16), Takunda Maodza investigates the impact of COVID-19 on indigenous African language newspapers using the Kwayedza example. The chapter details the newspaper’s quest for survival in a turbulent environment rattled by Covid-19 and how the publisher shifted from the hard copy to online thereby distracting Kwayedza from fulfilling its mandate that is servicing the marginalised communities with news in a language and form they most comprehend. In the second chapter of this part (Chapter 17), Hassan Biodun Suleiman analyses the coverage of the COVID-19 Pandemic in South West Nigeria in Imole Yoruba focusing on the prominence given to Covid-19, the sources of news

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stories, and the tone of the Imole Yoruba on COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria. In the third and final chapter in this part, Babatunde Adeyeye, Evaristus Adesina, Darlynton Yartey and Emeka Uwam examine music videos in indigenous languages and their impact on behavioural change in waste management in Lagos State. The study concludes that the music video created behavioural change in individuals towards waste management. The final part of the volume (Part IV) covers beat analysis and peace journalism in African language media. There are six chapters in this part. In the first chapter (Chapter 19) titled ‘Indigenous Language as a Factor for Development in Nigeria’ Akinwalere Ifedayo examines the utilisation and value of indigenous languages in communication. The study concludes that the complete utilisation of indigenous language media in sensitising and mobilising the people for participation in development programmes would motivate them to contribute more to the development of their communities. In Chapter 20, Akangbe Adeniyi studies the Yoruba language newspapers in the colonial era focusing on presence, role, content and form. The study notes that the Yoruba language newspapers played a major role in the colonial era to disseminate information to the grassroots and create awareness in the society, since they were potent information channels which readily connected the colonial government to the citizenry and vice versa, promotion of Yoruba language, they contributed notably to laying a solid foundation for virile journalism practice in Nigeria. In Chapter 21, Stephen Odebiyi and Adebisi Olawuyi investigate the coverage of development issues, and identity formation in Alaroye Newspaper, a Yoruba language newspaper. The study found out that Alaroye newspapers give coverage to development stories but not enough prominence in terms of position in the newspaper and page. Indigenous language newspapers provide a strategic platform for the advancement of development as they reach the remotest of places and communicate in the language people understand. Chapter 22 found out how programmes and activities of community radio stations in Northern Ghana are improving the livelihoods and economic capabilities of women in their broadcast areas through participatory programming. In this chapter, Manfred Kofi Antwi Asuman and Subeshini Moodley discovered that through community radio, agricultural information is easily disseminated to women in Northern Ghana, with knowledge about new farming practices and technology are easily diffused to women, who happen to be

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about 60% of the agricultural workforce. Thus, they recommend to volunteer as community journalists and hosts of programmes since this directly affects how women adopt new technology and agricultural knowledge. The penultimate chapter, Chapter 23 titled ‘Building a Culture of Peace and Conflict Resolution through Indigenous Language Media (ILM)’ by Toyosi Olugbenga Samson Owolabi and Hassan Adeniyi Olalekan is anchored on agenda setting and social responsibility theories. It discusses the role of ILM in conflict resolution and peace building culture in a multi-ethnic Nigeria. The final chapter (Chapter 24) by Adeniji O. C. and Akinbode S. A focuses on indigenous language use in advertising campaigns using the Airtel Nigeria example. The study investigated the effectiveness of indigenous language in Airtel advertising campaigns among Airtel Nigeria users. The study demonstrates the effectiveness of deploying African languages in advertising campaigns in triggering customers to respond to calls to action, arousing customer interest, attracting customer attention, strengthening customer cultural pride, sense of belonging, and self-worth, and improving customer recall of advertising messages. This volume is a momentous contribution to the burgeoning scholarship on the practices and processes in indigenous African language media.

References Akanbi, T. A., & Aladesanmi, O. A. (2014). The use of indigenous language in radio broadcasting: A platform for language engineering. Open Journal of Modern Linguistics, 4, 563–572. Bamgbose, A. (2011). African languages today: The challenge of and prospects for empowerment under globalization. In E. G. Bokamba, R. K. Shosted, & B. Tesfaw Ayalew (Eds.), Selected proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference on African Linguistics (pp. 1–14). Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Crystal, D. (2000). Language death. Cambridge University Press. Kupe, T. (2016). Foreword. In A. Salawu & M. B. Chibita (Eds.), Indigenous language media, language politics and democracy in Africa (pp. viii–ix). Palgrave McMillan. Mabweazara, H. M. (2010). New’ technologies and journalism practice in Africa: Towards a critical sociological approach. In N. Hyde-Clarke (Ed.), The citizen in communication (pp. 11–30). Juta.

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Moring, T. (2007). Functional completeness in minority language media. In M. Cormack & N. Hourigan (Eds.), Minority language media: Concepts, critiques and case studies (pp. 17–33). Multilingual Matters. Mpofu, P., & Salawu, A. (2018). Interdisciplinarity and indigenous language media: Understanding language choices in Zimbabwe’s media. Language Matters, 49(1), 45–64. Mpofu, P. (2021). Indigenous media and social media convergence: Adaptation of storytelling on Twitter, SoundCloud and YouTube. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 57 (6), 1199–1213. Salawu, A. (2006). Indigenous language media: A veritable tool for African language learning. Journal of Multicultural Discourses, 1(1), 86–95. wa Mberia, K. (2015). The place of indigenous languages in African development. International Journal of Language and Linguistics, 2(5), 52–60.

CHAPTER 2

Kulfi Is Like a Tanzanian: The Reception of an Indian Television Drama Dubbed in Kiswahili Daines Nicodem Sanga, Mona N. Mwakalinga, and Issau Athumani Mbura

Introduction The 1990s are seen as the era of new technologies and the emergence of television (TV) stations in Tanzania (Kabelo, 2003, Kang’ang’a, 2006, Kivikuru, 1992, Mohammed, 2008, Mwafisi, 2013, Rioba, 2012, Sturmer, 1998). To be specific in 1994 alone, three private TV stations, Independent Television (ITV), Coastal Television Network (CTN) and

D. N. Sanga (B) · M. N. Mwakalinga · I. A. Mbura School of Journalism and Mass Communication and Department of Creative Arts, University of Dar Es Salaam, Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania e-mail: [email protected] M. N. Mwakalinga e-mail: [email protected] I. A. Mbura e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_2

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Dar es Salaam Television (DTV) were established (Sturmer, 1998, Boehme, 2014). This was truly a new era for Tanzanian. It must be noted prior to that, Tanzania mainland, had no TV stations thus for each home that had a TV set, a group of neighbourhood kids and adults were bound to congregate and marvel at the new technology and programmes. At first, most of the programmes were imported. Tanzania had television programmes from the US, Latin America, South Africa and Kenya. Tanzanians glue themselves to the TV to watch Soul Food (US) and Days of our lives (US), Carmila (Mexico), Isidingo (South Africa) and Tausi (Kenya). Because of cultural proximity Isidingo and Tausi captured a wide audience. These TV dramas marked the first epoch of TV broadcast of foreign TV drama in Tanzania and triggered interest in the production of the local TV Drama by local producers. The first locally produced TV drama was produced in the year 1996 titled Hujafa Hujaumbika by Kaole Sanaa group (Gumbo, 2018, Kasiga, 2013, Salum, 2018, Shule, 2011). From there, more groups ventured into producing television drama. These TV dramas, because they were in Kiswahili, the national language of Tanzania, captured the interest and imagination of the Tanzanian audience. This interest in the Swahili language TV drama triggered the disappearance from the TV programming of most of the foreign syndicated TV dramas. This was not to last for long. To reinvigorate the interest of Tanzanian audience in foreign TV drama, translating and dubbing of those TV dramas became a norm (Boehme, 2018; Krings, 2014). The first TV station to air a dubbed television drama was the Tanzania Broadcast Company, a government television station. The government station entered into an agreement with StarTimes, a Chinese digital TV multiplex, to translate and dub Chinese TV drama into Kiswahili. The first dubbed into Kiswahili Chinese television drama was “Mama wa Kambo” (Stepmother). This marked D. N. Sanga · M. N. Mwakalinga Department of Creative Arts, University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania I. A. Mbura School of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

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the beginning of a new dawn in television broadcast of foreign Swahili dubbed TV dramas in Tanzania. Other TV stations started to include into their programming foreign Kiswahili dubbed TV dramas. Among the popular TV stations that ventured into dubbing foreign TV drama into Kiswahili was StarTimes and Azam Television. Azam Television began to air TV drama dubbed into Kiswahili in 2017. Among the early popular foreign TV Dramas that were dubbed into Kiswahili and broadcast on Azam TV channels were Sultan (2018) and Beintahaa (2017). This tendency to dub foreign drama into Kiswahili was adopted by other local TV stations broadcast in Tanzania such as TVE and Wasafi TV. In such a situation the questions that must be asked are why are these television programmes popular with the Tanzanian audience? What are the ways the audience negotiate meanings into these dubbed television dramas? How dubbing has influenced audience reception of Indian television drama? And what are the demographic characteristics of the audience that watch dubbed Indian television drama? To answer these questions, an exploration of Kulfi, an Indian Swahili dubbed television drama, aired on Azam TV, is made.

Synopsis of “Kulfi” Directed by Pradeep Yadav, “Kulfi” is a television drama with 494 episodes. Kulfi began to be aired in Tanzania around February 2021 towards the end of December 2021. The title of the television drama “Kulfi” is derived from the name of the main character Kulfi, a girl who demonstrates exceptional talent in singing, the talent that she inherited from her father Sikandar Singh Gill. Her mother Nimrat was proposed and married to Sikandar Singh secretly. Soon after marriage Sikandar Singh Gill made his mind to travel to Mumbai to advance his career as a musician. However, Sikandar did not know that his wife Nimrat was already pregnant of his daughter Kulfi Kumar. In town, Sikandar found himself in a circumstance that he had to marry a rich young woman Loveleen nicknamed Lovely throughout the television drama. Lovely’s jealous and selfish behaviour caused Sikandar to forget his commitment to Nimrat. Nimrat died in a coincidental accident caused by Lovely while looking for Kulfi. When Kulfi’s mother died, Nihalo, Kulfi’s aunt, because of her selfishness and greed wants to sell Kulfi to people who wanted to make money from Kulfi’s talent. Kulfi’s uncle, Sattu rescues Kulfi by taking her to Mumbai, the city where her father lives. Sattu dresses

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Kulfi in boyish clothes to dupe his wife from recognising her during the escape. In Mumbai, Kulfi coincidently goes to live with Sikandar and Lovely’s family without Sikandar knowing that he was a father to his daughter Kulfi. Between Kulfi and Sikandar, Kulfi was the first to recognise the secret, yet she held it to herself for the sake of Amyra, Lovely’s daughter who wants her stepfather Sikandar not to recognise this secret. She dreaded that if her stepfather does, his love for her would decline. Later, Sikandar reveals the truth by himself through Nimrat’s diary that he was magically directed to read by his deceased wife Nimrat. The film ends with Sikandar Singh Gill singing together with her daughter Kulfi and this fulfils her dream of singing with Sikandar Singh Gill, a situation which paves a way for Kulfi becoming a singing superstar.

Theoretical Framework This study addresses the question of how television drama dubbed into Kiswahili are received by Tanzanian audience, thus two theories: Skopos and reception theory are by no means inevitable. Reception theory is one among the theories dedicated to studying the audience. Stuart Hall, a cultural theorist, and sociologist is one of the early proponents of the reception theory. Other proponents include Hans Robert Jauss, Wolfgang Iser, Stanley Fish, Robert Holub, Wayne Booth and Hans-Georg Gadamer. Reception theory focuses on the way in which media text, be it a film, television drama or literary text is received by the audience. Among other things, education, life experience, social-cultural and political norms of people influence the way media texts are received by their viewers. Reception theory is by nature very broad, for the purpose of this study few aspects that fit this study and the main proponents are underscored starting with Stuart Hall. Hall’s (1973) contributions to the realm of reception theory and its assumptions on how audience interacts with media what is found in what is referred to as the theory of encoding and decoding. In this theory Hall (1973) suggested that media messages accumulate common sense in part through their performativity nature. Hall is pointing out that when staging or telling of narratives in media are repeatedly done culturally specific interpretation becomes plausible and universal to the extent that is elevated to “common sense”. Hall (1973) further explains that there are three different ways that audiences react to or reads media texts; first is dominant or preferred reading. This is

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how the director or author of the media texts wants the audiences to view the text. Second is opposition reading; this is when the audiences reject the preferred reading and creates their own meaning of the text. Third is negotiated reading which is a compromise between the dominant and opposition reading where the audiences accept parts of the director’s views but has their own views on parts as well. In this third type of reading Hall (1973) wants us to figure that audience’s reception of media texts is a social meaningful construct in which they themselves play an active role based on their social contexts. Thus, the audiences are active makers of meaning. Meaning of the media text are created in a shared-cultural context where we find the audiences. Reception theory, just like many other theories, has experienced criticism and new advances. For example; Bakogiann (2016) suggests that “reception by itself does not matter. What matters is the journey towards understanding it and the path that the researchers take to select what would best fit their studies”. This study puts forward audiences and the active role they play in shaping the techniques, approaches and decisions made by local TV programmers and their cohorts in serving them with broadcasts of dubbed Telenovelas that they will find interest in. AndersonLopez et al. (2022) suppose that “though audiences are not a new constraint on creative content, they increasingly communicate demands on television writers and studios to shape productions”. Telenovela are a global and local phenomenon. “As ideological re-presentations, media texts are borne out of culture. Hence the broadcast of foreign media texts in local areas may obfuscate local experiences, knowledge and tradition” (Tindi & Ayiku Ayiku, 2018). That being the case; it is therefore important to bring afore and study the meaning making process from the audience’s perspective other than the media text itself. An important facet of reception theory is that the media text has no inherent meaning in and of itself (Iser, 1974). The meaning is created through interactions between the audience and the media text. It is the study of such interactions; where, why and how it occurs that can bring forward an understanding of the influences of the reception by the specific audiences. Jauss (1982) claims that “reception of media texts is mediated by aesthetics. Audience has their own ways of experiencing the differently viewed world”. Among the factors that form the aesthetic experiences of media texts by the audiences is the language used to mediate it. The situation that is put forward in this study is that where the dubbing also known as translation is done from the originally recorded language used

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by the performers (actors and actresses) to the language that is understood by the target audiences. In that case, there is a need to bring forward another theory which captures in its constructs and assumptions issues of translation. Skopos theory of translation is therefore applied side by side with the reception theory. The word “skopos” was derived from Greek language, and it is a technical term used for purpose translation. Scopos theory was developed in Germany in the late 1970s (Vermeer, 1989). It reflects a shift from predominantly linguistic formal concept of translation to a more functionally and socio-culturally oriented concept of translation. The theory came into existence to meet the growing need for the translation of non-literary texts entailing academic papers, instructions, tourist guides, contracts, movies, film and television drama (Safi n.d). The theory insists that the contextual factors surrounding the translation should not be ignored. These factors include the functions the text aspires to perform to the audience and the culture of the client who commissioned the work. The purposive translation is of three types: imitation, paraphrase and Metaphrase. Paraphrase and metaphrase are used in analysis. Metaphrase is a form of translation in which an author turns words by words and lines by lines from one language into another. Paraphrase is a restatement of the message always in a shorter form to make the original message clearer. It is called a sense for sense translation. Skopos theory is used to study the approaches directors employ to translate the television drama Kulfi. More importantly, the theory is applied to examine the contextual factors such as the culture of the intended audience and the person commissioned work and the expected functions, how they contribute to the reception of the film under study. Using Skopos theory, the study is aware of its criticism. It is criticised on the grounds of oversimplification, meaning that the translation focuses more on the function of message to the intended audience and ignores the syntactic and stylistic authority of the original work (Newmark, 1991; in Barker, 2003). These weaknesses, however, have been dealt with. Safi (n.d) argues that “syntactic and stylistic equivalences of the source text are important in academic works and multilingual communities”. For non-academic and monolingual communities, syntactic and stylistic equivalences are irrelevant for they have no other language(s) with which to compare. Provided that the current study examines “Kulfi” which is the non-academic television drama, Skopos theory is yet relevant.

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Methodology As earlier cited, this study uses the television drama “Kulfi” to examine audience’s perception of the Kiswahili dubbed television drama. “Kulfi” was chosen because it is one among the translated television drama viewed by many Tanzanians regardless of age. Respondents took part in this study; 90% were females and 10% males. The limited number of males is because they demonstrated no knowledge of the television drama under study. Three methods were employed to gather data for this research: the observation method, in-depth interviews and focus group discussion. The age of respondents participated in the study ranged from 8 to 14 and 18 to 24 years old. The protocols as the issue of researching with children is concerned were kept in mind (Punch, 2002). One of which is asking for consent from parents or teachers before children were involved as respondents. The criteria for selecting respondents grounded on the background knowledge of the film under study as well as their willingness to take part in the study. Two focus group interviews were conducted, one with young people between 18 and 24 years old and the second one with children between 8 and 14 years old. Focus group interviews were exceptional for enabling researchers to gather large amount of data within a short period of time (Laws et al., 2003). In-depth interviews were special in gathering data with respondents whose schedule was busy particularly house-helpers and journalists. These respondents demonstrated extraordinary comprehension of the television drama under scrutiny. Without in-depth interviews, their partaking in the study would have been unfeasible (Cowen, 2002). Observation was used to observe respondents and Kulfi drama series. Documentary review method was of use when setting background of the study, locating theories and backing up findings.

Data Analysis and Discussion Azam has dubbed hundreds of television drama from varied languages into Kiswahili such as English, Chinese, Japan and Hindu, among others. The section underneath is an attempt to respond to three questions with a particular focus on Kulfi from India: How Tanzanian audience receive films dubbed into Kiswahili language? How dubbing technique influences audience reception of Indian television drama? How Tanzanian audience negotiate meaning in TV drama dubbed into Kiswahili?

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Audiences’ Negotiation of Meaning in Kulfi The reflection on negotiation of meaning in Kulfi television drama is positioned within the parameter of reception and translation framework within television drama studies. The study reveals that social context and life experiences are the primary influencer of meaning negotiated in Kulfi. Likewise, the study reveals that Kulfi’s audience do not watch the television drama passively and accept whatever they see on screen as fact. They engage in defining and redefining Kulfi to make it echo their own realities. Comments from respondents below exemplify the point. The way Sikandal Sigh Gill looks for Kulfi when She disappears is unrealistic in our day-to-day lives. You may see Kulfi close to him, yet he doesn’t see her. Surprisingly, the scenes that Sikandal looks for Kulfi repeat several scenes. I wish the scenes wouldn’t be repeating like this. Apart from distorting the reality, the delays cause unnecessary tension to the audience. (Own translation, interview 2022)

Since the act of searching for Kulfi does not echo the life experience of Tanzanians, the respondent was trying to engage in construction of meaning by suggesting ways through which scenes could be improved. Indeed, Elinwa (2020) sees this as “a normal tendency of audience to resist to media texts that go against their life experiences and insert their own text to make the message make sense to their own context sometimes knowingly and sometimes unknowingly”. Respondents being resistant to parts of Kulfi was not an exceptional narrative of the respondent above. A good number of respondents were resistant to scenes in Kulfi that went against their norms and values. For example, Tanzanians believe that death is among utterances that need to be tabled vigilantly in front of children to avoid the misconception of it. However, the way the idea of death is tabled in Kulfi seems to go against Tanzanian norms of uttering death in front of children. Let’s look at the reaction of the respondent below. I have observed Kulfi several times and noted that when Kulfi is shown in an Intensive Care Unit for operation, an accident or whatever, she transforms into an angel, thereafter, she begins to live in heaven with her deceased mother. There, she is featured enjoying her life with her mother. I prefer this kind of portrayal not to be screened in front of the audience group of children particularly orphans. They may think life is

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good in heaven and ICU is a getaway towards meeting their deceased parent(s). They may induce sickness which can endanger their lives merely for meeting their lost parent(s).

Indeed, in Tanzania, although not all children whose parents die at younger age live a life of misery after the loss, at least some are exposed to torture in life after their parent(s)’ demise. Thus, the suggestion to not screen heaven scenes makes sense in this case. Ross (2003) argues that “it is a custom for audience to alter the message in a way that mirror their norms and values”. Meanwhile Mera (1999) supposes that “if the scene seems harmful audience can dictate the chopping and modification and if the media text is extremely detrimental, audience possess power to reject the media text whatsoever”. Findings from this study indicate that religious beliefs are another factor for audience’s negotiation of meaning in Kulfi. During interviews, some respondents were reluctant to religious scenes in Kulfi because they portray traditional beliefs as the practice that is better than the current one. As it appears religious scenes stress the significance of archaic religions of believing in stones, trees, spirits, animals and gods. The complaints come forward because of power bestowed on Kulfi by her god. Through the power she possesses, she is portrayed as solving complex problems that could not be solved otherwise. The allegation was that the close relationship between Kulfi and her gods and the power she possesses are the outcomes that people are looking for as they engage in more traditional ways of dealing with problems that are labelled evil or satanic. Cloete (2017), however argues that “audience should not be hostile to religious experiences they are exposed to through media text because they give them opportunity to see themselves through the eyes of other religions”. Thus, even though the scenes create an environment for people to believe that traditional beliefs are better than the belief-in-God kind of religion that they are in, they should see it as an opportunity to gaze at other people’s beliefs. Cloete (2017) further supposes that “one of the outstanding features of television drama is that it gives its audience opportunity to live temporarily the life they hope for”. This shift helps audience to escape from unpleasant experiences through back-and-forth movement between the fantasy world of the telenovela and the real world. The back-andforth movement permits audience to not only search but also negotiate

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the meaning in Kulfi. A quote from a respondent below elucidates the point. I watch Kulfi because I like way the main character Kulfi behaves. I like her humbleness, respect for people and the way she takes care of her stuff. My daughter likes to play all the time. She cannot do her homework without supervision, and she always loses things. I wish my daughter could behave like her and hopefully she will because she admires her too. (Interview, December 2021)

Kulfi should be considered instrumental in assisting audience to live a life they hope for. Kulfi as a character was not a prototype of children most mothers wish to have alone as cited above, but male respondents appreciated Kulfi for playing a similar role. The respondent beneath evidences the point. I watch Kulfi because of Sikandal. I like him because he is not a person who gives up easily. His courage and commitment in what he does contribute to his success. He lives a better life not because he is generous but because he is a hard worker. Because of this, he has a good house, a nice car and manages to educate his children in better schools. More importantly, he provides for his family with no problem. This is all I want when I establish a family of my own.

Bandura is cited in Elinwa (2020) in his social learning theory argues that “media text enables people to get characters with whom to identify with. If their role models live better lives on screen, their followers will live a hopeful life for belief that life will one day change like those of their role models”. While scholars in reception studies trust that negotiation of meaning begins with the audience after watching the media text, this current study sees that reception of media text is a long process and it does not begin with the audience. It starts with the TV station programmers as well as investor cum owners. Before the media text reaches the intended audience, it is the TV station’s programmer that conducts a thorough review of the media texts available to examine the relevance of it to its audience while bearing in mind the norms and values of the country. Kulfi, which is analysed in this study, followed a very similar pattern of programming. Before dubbed in Kiswahili language, Kulfi was examined by the Azam programmer(s) to find out the relevance of the content

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to Tanzanian audience. The interview with the Azam TV programmer revealed the following: While choosing the television drama to be aired in our TV, we usually place our culture in the fore. We first go through several episodes to find out whether the television drama contains the message that can harm the Tanzanians and their culture. If we note that the drama has scenes that are in contrary to Tanzania’s norms and values, we adopt the television drama subject to chopping everything that does not echo Tanzanian values. We usually do this during editing. (Interview, January 2022)

Apart from considering the cultural values, selection of television drama to be aired seems to be influenced by the nature of population the TV station is targeting. Kulfi, for example was chosen with the eye of the younger population. The purpose was to teach Tanzanian youth about life. Tanzanian youth seem to believe that life is difficult in Tanzania. As a result, many have a wish of travelling abroad to better their lives. Kulfi was tapped on grounds of making youth believe that life abroad is not as beautiful as they think. The response of the Azam TV programmer below clearly explains the point. We chose Kulfi because the television drama has scenes that show the deprived side of Asian countries and how poor people suffer to make their ends meet. It is our hope that after watching Kulfi, young audience will transform their thinking about life abroad. They will understand that poverty is a not phenomenon defining Tanzania alone. It is also in available in countries they wish to travel to. (Interview, January 2022)

Indeed, taking a closer look at Kulfi, some scenes portray the lives of poor people in India and manner they struggle to earn a living. For example, a scene where Nimrat, Kulfi’s mother in the countryside is portrayed living in abject poverty. She suffers from cancer, but doctors could not treat her since she cannot afford the costs. Kulfi, her daughter goes to beg in the streets to rescue her mother from dying helplessly. She finally gets the money, but the money becomes useless as it finds her in critical condition which leads to her death a few days after the money arrived. Another deprivation related scene is that of Nihalo, Kulfi’s aunt who is displayed living in abject poverty as well. Because of poverty, she attempts to sell Kulfi to people who want to benefit from her talent. Another character and incident that demonstrates the concept is that of Sikandar Singh Gill

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where we see his success as singing star does not happen from the vacuum. He is portrayed struggling to live his dream as a singing star. His success claims the life of Nimrat, his former wife. His success exposed Kulfi, her daughter to a lot of problems, some of which were beyond her age. Such realities as portrayed in Kulfi have provided Tanzania Telenovela viewers, as Elinwa (2020) argues, “the opportunity to compare their lives and those of the people seen in screen and thereafter to choose which life suits them best”. While the latter was not the focus of the contention in this chapter, the former is surely demonstrated in the context of Tanzania.

The Dubbing Techniques and Its Influences on Audience’s Reception of Kulfi This sub-section answers the question how has the dubbing into Kiswahili influences the audience’s reception of Indian TV drama with a particular focus on Kulfi? It has been revealed that the technique used by the Azam TV programmers and their cohorts of technicians and Tanzanian voice artists to dub Kulfi are the reason why the broadcast of foreign TV drama has attracted wider audiences. In particular, the way words are pronounced in Kulfi surprises the way the movement of lips of characters in the original TV drama matches with those of characters in the dubbed one. A girl who dubbed or re-voiced Kulfi was even much more appreciated. The skills she demonstrated compared to her age, which ranges between 8 and 10 years old, left the audience perplexed. One of the respondents opined: The way Kulfi speaks Kiswahili surprises me. It is as if she knows Kiswahili. I tried to find more about the girl and discovered that she is just a little a girl aged between 8 to 9 years old. (Translation, interview 2022)

Although respondents appreciate skills used by artists in dubbing Kulfi, this could perhaps be not possible without the initiatives made by Azam TV dubbing crew. They happen to play a crucial role in ensuring there is a perfect match of voices between the original Kulfi and the dubbed one. They also used how many word-per-second timing strategy to ensure that they obtained a perfect match. This is done in a way that exactly the time used by characters to pronounce words in the original Kulfi is exactly the time used by re-voicing actresses in a budded one. Mera (1999) argues that “the perfect match of voices between characters in original text and

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the dubbed is a difficult thing but it is required for enhancing a sense of belief among the viewers… countries rich in technology use it to ensure the perfect match of lips movement between the two”.

Message as a Factor That influence’s Tanzania Audience’s Reception of Foreign TV Drama Dubbed into Kiswahili Interview with journalists from Azam TV indicates that Tanzanians like to watch television drama which communicates the message they understand. They argued that most of Tanzanians speak Kiswahili but most of the TV dramas from Japan, China, Mexico or India have English subtitles. This makes it difficult for Tanzanians to understand the messages communicated in them. Thus, the dubbing of the TV drama attracts many to watch the drama, thereby getting the intended message into their own language without missing anything. Indeed, the majority of Tanzanians speak Kiswahili. Although English language is taught as a subject in primary schools and used in second schools and in higher learning institutions as medium of instruction, the fact that the language is employed as subject and not as a medium of instruction causes graduates to complete their studies with no good command of English language. While Azam TV’s intention to dub TV drama was to help people who find it difficult to understand English language to get the intended message from foreign TV drama, this study reveals that even those who demonstrated good command of English watched Kulfi on the same ground of understanding the message in Kulfi better than when they watch it with English subtitles.

Does Translated Television Drama Protect or Harm Tanzanian Culture? Ekström (2010) in her study “We are like Chameleons ” argues that 90% of TV content aired in Tanzania is extracted from transnational television companies. Only 10% of it is produced locally. This trend shows clearly that there is uneven flow of culture from global north to global south. The tendency to dub imported foreign TV drama into local languages to mediate the messages and the reception of the local audience can easily be considered a factor that plays a role in creating such uneven flow of

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cultures. However, the situation is different in Tanzania. As it has been revealed in the discussion dubbing of foreign TV drama to some degree has reduced the impact of global culture into Tanzanian culture. In fact the study reveals that most of the content in Kulfi does not harm Tanzanian culture. It follows on the factors that make Kulfi different from other TV dramas such as its content which is good enough to be viewed by the entire family. Mera (1999) argues that a smooth flow of TV drama without intimidating content is facilitated by editing technology for it gives a room for editors to chop and change according to specific dictates. While Kulfi is considered a drama, that can be viewed by the whole family at the same time other foreign TV drama cannot be viewed by the entire family without one being intimidated. However, dubbing has made easier the censorship process. For example; words that are against the cultural norms of the target audiences are translated (changed completely or partially) to best suit the contexts and the broadcast policies. All these are possible when dubbing technique is applied.

Conclusion Watching television drama in Tanzania is a family affair. Just as it was during early African traditions of storytelling whereby by individuals members of the family, clan or community would gather around the campfire to listen to stories told by an elder, master storyteller, so it is the case with television. Right after the airing of news bulletin on most of the television stations it will be followed by the airing of foreign television drama from India, Turkey, South Korea, China, Latin America, South Africa, as well as locally produced TV drama from Tanzania. The storyteller this time is the show itself, and the audience range from young people to parents and grandparents. This scenario is true for Kulfi. Kulfi was aired on Azam TV from 8.00 to 9.00 PM every day from Monday to Sunday. All episodes that were aired during weekdays were repeated on Saturday from morning to evening before the new episode is aired. This kind of viewership has led to coining of the saying that goes “there is a third world in the first world”. Although Kulfi and other dubbed TV dramas have proven beneficial to the promotion and wide spreading of Kiswahili language and Tanzania culture in general, the practice jeopardises the survival of local television drama. There is a need for stakeholder including TV stations to consider multiplying their sponsorship of locally produced television drama made by local producers.

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Kivikuru, U. (1992). Peripheral mass communication: Rich in contradictions. A case study of abundant but mainstream Finland and scarce but multiple Tanzania. In L. A. Ruoho (ed.), Report on finish papers presented at the IAMCR conference, Brazil 1992. Series B 37. (pp. 54–70). Krings, M. (2014). Turning rice into pilau: The art of video narration in Tanzania. In Krings & Reuster-Jahn (Eds.), Bongo media worlds: An introduction. Druckerei Hubert & Co. Laws, S., Marcus, R., & Harper, C. (2003). Research for development. Sage. Mohammed, A. (2008). The dynamics of Tanzania’s film: Politics, economics, and aesthetics, 1930s–2008. Unpublished paper. Mwafisi, S. (2013). Editorial independence in public broadcasting in Africa: Case study of Tanzania broadcasting corporation during multi-party presidential elections, 1995–2010. PhD (Development Studies) Thesis. University of Dar es Salaam. Rioba, A. C. (2012). Media accountability in Tanzania”s multiparty democracy: Does self-regulation work? Ph.D. Dissertation. The University of Tampere. Shule, V. (2011). Tanzania films: Between innovation and incompetence. In D. Kerr & J. Plastow (Eds.), African theatre: Media and performance, James Currey, (pp. 39–49). Sturmer, M. (1998). The media history of Tanzania. Ndanda Mission Press. Tindi, S., & Ayiku Ayiku, C. N. (2018). Local reception of global media texts. Telenovela as sites of cultural mixture. Legon Journal of Humanities, 29(1).

CHAPTER 3

Language Politics, Development, and Sustainability of Publishing and Textbooks in the Nigerian Languages Osarobu Emmanuel Igudia

Introduction Language politics in the indigenous Nigerian languages is a factor responsible for the dearth of publications in the indigenous languages. The official policy in Nigerian education is that the medium of instruction at the lower primary school level, (i.e., the first three years of primary education) should be the indigenous language of the child or the language of the child’s immediate environment and at the upper primary up to junior secondary school level, the three major Nigerian languages—Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba, should be taught as school subjects. This initiative has ignited the transition to extinction of other Nigerian languages. This is because, according to Bamgbose (1989), the acceptance of English as the medium

O. E. Igudia (B) Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_3

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of instruction in schools at all levels in Nigeria has inhibited the use of indigenous languages as media of instruction in Nigerian schools. This means that the development of indigenous languages will be inhibited as less attention is given to them. The three Nigerian languages recognized by the government are mere regional languages as they are not studied beyond their linguistic spread. This is because serious politicking is being played out by the original speakers of the three major languages. Each of the three recognized Nigerian languages is not recognized beyond the geopolitical space where it is spoken as primary language of communication due to unspoken rivalries among ethnic groups in Nigeria. This has scuttled the possibility of adopting an acceptable Nigerian language beyond their geopolitical boundaries, thereby resulting in an unspoken ethno-linguistic struggle among the languages for superiority, recognition, acceptability, and survival beyond geopolitical zones. The government of Nigeria, it seems, is paying lip service to the development of these three major Nigerian languages as recognized in the curriculum. This is because both state and federal governments seem to have deviated from the initial focus in the curriculum, whereby every school child must offer one of the three major Nigerian languages up to Junior Secondary School level. At present, the study of one Nigerian language is compulsory on paper but does not contribute to the requirements for admission into an institution of higher learning. This, in a way, means that even when the language is offered, performance in the language is not emphasized, leading to a mere fulfillment of a requirement. When emphasis is not placed on the development of a language at both primary and secondary school levels, the development of reading materials in such a language will be negatively affected as its audience will continue to dwindle. In Nigeria today, no published book in any Nigerian language can boast of selling up to 10,000 copies within a year, in a population of over 200 million people, except if there is government intervention in the form of bulk purchase. This will hinder development of indigenous languages in Nigeria as there might not be enough publications for effective teaching and learning in the indigenous languages. Undoubtedly, extant literature exists in the development of indigenous Nigerian language by scholars. Ali and Ajibola (2004) investigated the teaching and learning of Nigerian languages to establish their relevance

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and challenges to proffer solutions. They observed that though a particular indigenous language characterizes every state or region of Nigeria, there seems to be no growth recorded in promoting such languages. They concluded that there is a need to cherish our cultural heritage and national prides through emphasis on local language development. In an effort to develop a Nigerian language policy that is more inclusive, Ogunmodimu (2015) investigated the intra-indigenous language dichotomy that exists between the major languages of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba and the minority languages of Nigeria. The study argued in favor of a multilingual language policy that takes into account Nigeria’s wide range of languages, particularly those spoken by fewer people than the major ones. Omotoyinbo (2016) looked at how language policy can help Nigeria achieve self-actualization, national unity, social, cultural, economic, and educational advancement for the benefit of all Nigerians. For the sake of national unity, he came to the conclusion that leaders in Nigeria ought to demonstrate patriotism and avoid using language of division and disintegration. In a similar vein, Ajepe and Ademowo (2016) assessed the extent to which the government, the media, parents, and young people contributed to the marginalization of indigenous languages. They suggested that stakeholders, particularly the government and the media, should reconsider how they view indigenous languages in order to break the colonial master’s hold on the language. With a particular focus on Nigeria, Ibrahim and Ahmed (2018) investigated the connection between language and sustainable development in Africa. They focused on how Africa’s many different linguistic resources could be used to engineer and maintain such development in the twentyfirst century. They argued that multilingualism is a resource that could be used to benefit the continent rather than a hindrance to its progress. As a result, they propose a model of unity in diversity, recognizing that language is an economic resource with characteristics comparable to those of other natural resources and should be utilized by nations for sustainability, like Nigeria. Chidi-Ehiem (2015) looked into the circumstances that prevented major Nigerian languages from being taught in secondary schools in Ebonyi State. The research included 602 language teachers and a random sample of 953 students. According to the findings, the following conditions prevent the teaching of major Nigerian languages: deficient prepared Nigerian dialects educators, absence of materials for showing the dialects, absence of advancement with respect to instructors, and absence of interest with respect to understudies.

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Based on the above background, this study seeks to investigate the language politics in the Nigerian languages, the role of government in the politics, and the factors militating against the publication of books in the indigenous Nigerian languages as well as the reasons Nigerian publishers do not seem to have interest in the publication of books in the indigenous Nigerian languages, despite the overwhelming advantages of developing indigenous languages and the threats of neglecting such the huge potential resources available in those languages. The outcome of this study will recommend ways of re-orientating and re-focusing the attention of Nigerian citizens, authors, publishers, and governments of Nigeria on the development, publication, and promulgation of indigenous language policies for all-round development of the country.

Objectives of the Study The main objective of the study is to analyze the existing literature on Nigerian indigenous language policies, implementation and development, and how these affect the sustainability of publishing of textbooks in the Nigerian Languages. The specific objectives are to: 1. investigate the factors influencing the development of textbooks in the Nigerian languages; 2. analyze the language politics in the indigenous Nigerian languages; 3. find out how indigenous language politics affect book publishing and sustainable development of Nigeria; and 4. determine the effects of language politics on marketing textbooks published in Nigerian indigenous languages.

Methodology This study is a critical appraisal. It utilized secondary data source which included books, journal articles, and the Internet. Qualitative content analysis method was adopted for the study. This was done through reviews of relevant publications collected in line with the objectives of the study. In the end, conclusions were drawn, which formed the basis of recommendations in this study.

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Factors Influencing the Development of Textbooks in the Nigerian Languages The factors influencing the development of textbooks in the Nigerian languages generally can be traced to the history of formal education in Nigeria. The history of formal education in Nigeria started with the activities of the Christian missionaries far back in 1842, at Badagry, Lagos. The aim was tailored toward the need to train converts who would help in missionary activities. A landmark was achieved in 1859 with the establishment of CMS Grammar School in Bariga, Lagos, which helped to train the locals who were later employed as clerical officers in churches and mission houses. With the establishment of King’s College, Lagos in 1909, the newly established colonial administration first registered their interest in the education of Nigerians. A major landmark was reached in 1948, with the establishment of the University of Ibadan, which attracted foreign publishers from Europe and the USA, such as Oxford University Press, Longman Publishers, Heinemann Publishers, and Evan Brothers. In the course of time, indigenous publishers such as Onibonje Publishers, Ilesami Press, and Literamed Publications started producing books for use in Nigerian schools but all of them followed the foreign tradition of publishing in English, which was the language of education and governance. Over the years, the number of local publishing firms grew astronomically. As far back as 2002, Ojeniyi (2002) affirmed that Nigeria’s publishing industry could boast over 750 publishers. This notwithstanding, the increase in the number of schools and school enrolments across Nigeria, especially since the whole regions that made up Nigeria became a political entity on attaining independence in 1960, the language of the colonial masters, English, assumed the status of the language of national unity, integration, and governance. Therefore, English assumed a very important position in education, commerce, and governance; and was the focus in schools across the levels, at the expense of Nigerian languages. Publishers and writers are driven by the need to publish books to meet the needs of school children and students, with the fact that the tradition of book and periodical publishing was inherited from the foreign multi-national publishers who capitalized on the fact that Nigeria is a multilingual country and so needs a neutral language for effective communication, integration, and interaction. English, being the colonial language, became inevitable, with all its importance as a language

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of national unity. According to Omotoyinbo (2016: 83), a language’s suitability as a medium of instruction is largely determined by its importance. in addition to the fact that “how prestigious a language is, can be determined by its perceived socio-economic value, status raising potential, perceived instrumentality, esteemed functions or roles in the nation, its numerical strength, political and economic power, the use of that language in official domains, and its educational value.” As a result, English gained prominence in Nigeria, which transcends the boundaries of political, commercial, academic, administrative, and religious communications. As a result, writers and publishers in Nigeria had to focus on the development of the colonial language while neglecting the indigenous languages, which were the languages used to communicate with locals. Publishers and authors in postcolonial Nigeria were also unprepared to publish in the native Nigerian languages because of this.

The Role of Language Politics in the Development of Indigenous Nigerian Languages The role of language politics in the development of indigenous Nigerian languages is one factor that contributes to the lack of published books and other printed materials. The vast number of indigenous languages spoken in Nigeria, the majority of which have not been developed, is primarily to blame for the politics. There are 502 indigenous languages spoken in Nigeria as a nation (Blench, 2020), but the government prioritizes only three in its education policy. According to Chidi-Ehiem (2015), “there is the need for an integrating or unifying language to be used for national development in a multilingual and multicultural society like Nigeria, where many languages compete for national recognition and higher political status.” Amusingly, notwithstanding, in Nigeria, the acknowledgment of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba by the Nigerian government in its schooling strategy has brought forth serious sharpness among these three significant dialects by their unique speakers. It appears that the speakers of the three languages are comfortable with the process of developing their respective languages within the catchment areas. Because of this, the English language has such a high status that it is required for admission to any Nigerian higher education institution. Sani (2021) stated in the Guardian article titled “Saving Nigerian indigenous languages” that there is a growing trend in Nigeria where people are shifting from using their native language to using English,

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which is widely perceived as the language of power, global access, and unlimited opportunities. He also emphasized the threat to the extinction of Nigerian languages and the politics that the government and relevant stakeholders are playing. As a result, many indigenous ideas and practices that could benefit local and global communities and humanities are shunned and abandoned, which bodes ill for the future. Another indication that Nigerian indigenous languages are headed toward an unstable future is the fact that many Western-educated Nigerians from minority-speaking languages are not in favor of their mother tongue to the point where they are neither literate in it nor use it with their children at home. Sani (2021) further focused on the fact that the acknowledgment of English, Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba in the Nigerian Constitution has made the feeling that different dialects have almost no critical job to carry out in country building. Then, what happens to the countless other languages spoken in Nigeria? Do they have to die naturally? If no concrete steps are taken to develop and promote other Nigerian languages through teaching, research, and the creation of reading materials for use in schools, internal politics among indigenous speakers of Nigerian languages will result. Obinyan (2010) investigates the issue of developing indigenous Nigerian languages, particularly Esan, for professional and effective communication. He discovered that the Esan people find it more elitist and satisfying to speak and study English, the language of the elites, and that this attitude problem hinders the development of the Esan language. As a result, among his other recommendations are the teaching and learning of Esan in higher education institutions, teacher training, and documentation of the language. Unfortunately, Esan Language lacks teaching and learning resources. Obinyan (2010), like other researchers, did not take into account this crucial aspect in his research, which is likely to frustrate all other efforts to develop the language for school use. Emeka-Nwobia (2015) observed that 54 years after independence, English Language is still the language of education, governance, commerce, and the judiciary, among other functions. In Nigeria, he made the observation that as a result, equal citizen participation in governance, access to information, and full participation in government programs and policies have been hindered. Considering that English provides access to the global market and the science and technology world, the precarious state of Nigerian languages is critical. Emeka-Nwobia (2015) recognizes the spot of the native dialects and thusly, recommends that conscious

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endeavors ought to be made to engage the native dialects to address up with the difficulties of innovation in the 21st hundred years and then some. Through robust and consistent language preservation and maintenance programs, he suggests that individuals, stakeholders, and the government spread out efforts to prevent the exclusion of a representative population and the possible extinction of indigenous languages. This study doesn’t think about the distribution of showing learning materials as a significant stage toward language safeguarding. This is a study omission. Olaoye (2013) made the observation that indigenous languages are essential cultural legacies without which human interactions cannot take place in the study of the role of indigenous languages in national development. Then, he proposed that indigenous languages promote development indices like internal cohesion, integration, unity, economic wellbeing, and citizen participation in governance. Olaoye (2013) conducted research on Nigeria’s linguistic circumstances and discovered that native languages play a crucial role in issues such as democracy, technology, metalanguage, and linguistic globalization, despite difficulties such as orthographic inadequacy, the multiplicity of minority languages, linguistic desertification, and language endangerment. Based on these foundations, Olaoye (2013) concluded that Political maneuvering is necessary to ensure the sustainability of indigenous language development because of these obstacles.

Indigenous Language Politics, Book Publishing, and Sustainable Development In the history of human political existence, especially in a pluralistic society such as Nigeria, language has been a major instrument in power control, development, and sustainability. One of the most useful tools in this process is the book, either as a medium of instruction for reorientation or as a weapon for unity and cohesion in a dialectic society such as Nigeria. A book is a manual of instruction in any branch of knowledge. Textbooks are produced according to the specifications and demands of educational institutions. Books are published either in printed or online electronic formats. The book plays a pivotal role in mobilizing the masses toward social change by way of informing, stimulating, and educating. Books are an important tool in educational attainment and a key factor in development and sustainability. A progressive society is one that has achieved, to a great extent, its educational philosophy as

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the philosophy of a country’s education is wound around its growth and development. In Nigeria, during the colonial era, books were imported from Britain and America for use in Nigerian schools despite the fact that the contents were at variance with the historical experience of Nigeria. These books served as an instrument for assimilating the historical and cultural experiences of the colonizing country, Britain. At the attainment of independence, however, textbooks were changed to relate the cultural and historical experience of Nigeria as a nation, despite the pluralistic nature of the Nigerian society occasioned by the multi-ethnic nature of the country. The vehicle through which these historical and cultural experiences are related is English, the lingua franca for attaining independence. The indigenous languages were used as weapons for regional and ethnic integration. Nigeria, as a country, has over 500 indigenous languages (Blench, 2002). Unok (in Oso, 2006: 177) groups these languages into three, which are: i. the three main languages belonging to the three main ethnic groups of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba; ii. the less spoken state or regional languages such as Edo, Effik-Ibibio, Fulfulde, Igala, Ijaw, Kanuri, Nupe, Tiv, Urhobo; and iii. those spoken by relatively fewer people within local government areas within some states in Nigeria. Oso (2006) further explained that languages in the first group are widely spoken across many states in Nigeria. These languages are well developed and are receiving the attention of the government at the federal level; thus in the National Policy on Education (Section 8) posits that for the interest of National unity, each Nigerian student should be encouraged to learn, at least, one of these three main languages. The second group is not recognized at the federal level. Many states have recognized some of these languages and are making efforts to develop them. For instance, some of them are being studied as courses in institutions of higher learning and teachers are trained to teach pupils and students at primary and secondary school levels. However, such endeavors are only restricted to states where such languages are spoken. The third group is recognized as languages spoken in Nigeria but not given attention by the government either at

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the federal or state level. Educated patriotic members of such communities give the little development being received by such minority-speaking languages. It has been stressed that out of these three languages spoken in Nigeria, only the first group (Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo) are emphasized by the government in the National Policy on Education. As a result, curricular are developed in these three subject areas and books are published to meet the educational needs. This, over the years, has created an unspoken dichotomy among the major ethnic groups, leading to inexplicable uneasiness in the political landscape of Nigeria along ethnic divides. Many parents, therefore, chose to adopt English as their language for communication at home. This, retrogressively, has stalled the steady development of Nigerian languages beyond ethnic divides. A people’s culture, norms, values, and beliefs are passed down from one generation to the next through language. A language spoken by a people is called an indigenous language. According to Aziza (1998), language is the most crucial organizational tool for a society; Therefore, without the language that people use to express their thoughts, ideas, and requirements, it is nearly impossible to discuss national development. Therefore, language plays a crucial role in determining a nation’s overall status (Yusuf, 2012). Consequently, Chidi-Ehiem (2015) asserts that nation building is based on language. Sadly, a significant number of Nigerian languages are rapidly disappearing due to their lack of codification. Those that are codified do not progress rapidly. Those in the process of development are confronted with strong opposition and racial strife. Since it will have an impact on every facet of the nation’s development, this will only cause negativity. For instance, more teachers will be trained to teach the three major Nigerian languages if they are focused on with a high level of seriousness and commitment. Books will be created by publishers when courses are taught by students themselves at schools. This will give occupations to editors and distributors. The publishers will make money from sales. Nigeria’s GDP will rise as a result of the expanding economy. Native dialects position the brain decidedly in anything plan of activities being attempted (Wallace, 1996). Burnay (1997) likewise focused on that native dialects have demonstrated to be powerful in making a minimum amount of genuine correspondence for significant change. Authorities in the field of language have also emphasized the importance of indigenous language use to a nation’s holistic development (Benson

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et al., 2017). According to Emeka-Nwobia (2015), to guarantee the full participation of all citizens in the development process, it becomes crucial to consider the linguistic characteristics. According to Akabogu and Mbah (2013), the government should consider the indigenous languages as real channels for national integration and practical means of communication. In a comparable vein, Adzer (2012) added that the public authority ought to concentrate on the turn of events and advancement of native dialects than on English and other unknown dialects being forced on kids to whom the primary language is an outsider. Because of this, Salawu (2004) came to the conclusion that the Nigerian educational system does not place a high value on indigenous languages. As a result, Jibir-Daura (2014) made the observation that indigenous Nigerian languages should not be viewed solely as the “saving grace” of development; rather, they should be viewed as a tool for facilitating positive transformation and advancement by fostering a greater acceptance of the diversity that already exists and providing speakers of minority languages with a greater number of social opportunities. Because it implies the loss of a people’s cultural heritage and historical experience, the preservation of a people’s language is essential to the overall survival of the people (Adzer, 2012). In support of this viewpoint, Balogun (2013) added that a people’s loss of any language is a loss of their identity and roots; Additionally, when a language is lost, those affected continue to live in shadow of other cultures and identities. Benson et al. (2006) presented reasons to promote indigenous languages in Nigeria on this foundation. These are some: fostering children’s enthusiasm for learning; preserving cultural values and preventing identity loss. However, there are bound to be some difficulties with this. In fact, these difficulties are based on the politics of language in any society with multiple ethnic groups like Nigeria. According to Benson et al. (2017), these difficulties include: a lack of proficiency in indigenous languages, a lack of indigenous language documentation, and a preference for the English language. in their investigation of the relationship between literacy and publishing in indigenous African languages; Muoh and Ezinwanne (2016) cited the Igbo in Nigeria as an illustration. They said that scholars agree that literacy and publication in first languages influence the nature of education and promote cultural identity. They looked at how literacy and publishing in the Igbo language changed over time in the context of social and political changes in Nigeria in the twentieth century. They argued that the difficulty of publishing in the Igbo language and its fragility

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were to blame for the declining interest in reading, writing, and speaking the language. If all relevant stakeholders do not demonstrate commitment to the publication of literature in indigenous Nigerian languages for the purposes of indigenous language programs and policies, this gap will always exist.

Marketing Indigenous Languages Textbooks in Nigeria The American Marketing Association (2004) states that modern marketing practice focuses on “creating, communicating, and delivering value to customers and for managing customer relationships in ways that benefit the organization and its stakeholders.” The previous concept of marketing was altered by this definition, changing the exchange of goods into the exchange of values, supporting the firm’s financial goals into supporting the benefits of diverse stakeholders, and managing individual exchanges into managing long-term customer relationships. This way to deal with showcasing proposes that in the event that a distributor doesn’t know if the result of promoting won’t be receptive to them, they wouldn’t go into the distribution in such field. Consequently there is the need to concentrate available basically before choice to distribute. According to Adeoyi (2012), the following parameters could be used to measure marketing activities: price premiums, brand awareness, channel cooperation, customer satisfaction, brand loyalty, brand knowledge, brand attitude, brand preference, purchase intention, mass media exposure, contact points exposure, personal contacts, brand referral, and brand extension are all indicators of growth in sales and market share. Most of the above indicators are lacking in the marketing of Nigerian indigenous books. Those who ought to be the potential customers do not see any need to purchase such books. Therefore, publishers would be skeptical in publishing in such areas. This is partly why reading materials are scarce in Nigerian indigenous languages. Marketing in the book business starts from the conception of a publishable idea. It could be described as the critical thinking aspect of publishing business. Book marketing is the process used to determine what book may be of interest to potential readers and the strategies to be adopted in selling the books when published. According to Biobaku (2009), if welldefined marketing strategy is lacking, a publisher’s marketing activities will not make meaningful impact. This is why many textbooks in indigenous

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Nigerian languages are scarce. The attitude of stakeholders does not show any commitment to the development of these languages. The politics being played by speakers of the language does not encourage publishers that there would be return on their investment. Hence except if there is deliberate intervention from the government and relevant stakeholders, the decision to publish indigenous language textbooks will continue to be a tall ambition among publishers in Nigeria. The right marketing strategies need to be used in order to sell textbooks in indigenous languages. In the book publishing industry, choosing which titles to publish and which marketing strategies to use are critical. In particular, marketing indigenous language textbooks requires more than just creating a high-quality textbook at a reasonable price and making it available to the intended audience. The selection and implementation of competitive strategies to outwit other market competitors, the application of appropriate and effective marketing techniques, a thorough understanding of the areas occupied by language speakers, and the size of the market are additional crucial marketing decisions. A thorough understanding of Nigeria’s topography and linguistic distributions—its states, geopolitical zones, towns and villages, road networks, and transportation systems—is necessary for networking for the marketing of indigenous language textbooks in Nigeria. Additionally, one must be knowledgeable about: a. Demography, which includes things like age, size, sex, income, education, occupation, population, family life cycle, tribe, religion, and so on; b. Socio-economic status, which includes education, income level, and social class; c. psychological factors, which include lifestyle, self-concepts, and other aspects; and d. the frequency of product use—high, moderate, or low; prospective, non-user, and regular user; the product’s user-benefit. Knowing these will make it easier to choose which marketing tools and strategies to distribute and promote to end users. Additionally, it necessitates a thorough understanding of the vast market, its size, buyer preferences, and the nature of the market’s competitors.

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Discussions and Findings While education may be seen as the bedrock of a nation’s intellectual health and well-being and the major determinant of how much a nation will develop, the education sector would be much poorer without the support and stimulation the publishing industry provides. In Nigeria, the politics of textbook publishing cuts across language, culture, religion, and governance. Because of the multi-ethnic nature of Nigeria, textbooks are produced to cut across the religious, cultural, social, and ethnic divide of the nation. Most publishers in Nigeria now adopted the use of authors’ names that reflect the three major languages in Nigeria for their books to avoid being discriminated against in some parts of country. Hence, for a publisher to carve a market for their textbooks all over Nigeria, especially with regard to indigenous language, cultural and religious textbooks, it must reflect the linguistic and cultural divides of the nation. There is the need for the governments of Nigeria at both state and federal levels to re-trace their steps in the direction of indigenous languages development through revision and effective implementation of the indigenous language policy. The existing policy must be broadened to include other state or regional languages such as Edo, Effik-Ibibio, Fulfulde, Igala, Ijaw, Kanuri, Esan, Nupe, Tiv, and Urhobo as languages to be studied in schools. Also, there should be a regulating body to ensure effective implementation of the policy. The indigenous language policy must be made available to all relevant stakeholders so that the policy’s provisions would be familiar to them for proper implementation. For instance, offering one Nigerian language is compulsory only till Junior Secondary School level. However, offering the indigenous language as a discipline in schools does not contribute to the requirements for admission into Senior Secondary Schools or any institution of higher learning. This, in a way, means that even when the language is offered, performance in the language is not emphasized, leading to a mere fulfillment of a requirement. This is why parents do not consider it necessary to buy indigenous language textbooks for their children, even when such books are recommended for use in schools. When emphasis is not placed on the development of language at both primary and secondary school levels, the development of reading materials in print form will be affected as its audience will continue to dwindle. If publishers are not sure of return on investment, they will not be willing

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to develop textbooks in such disciplines. Therefore, Nigeria’s rich repository of language should be explored through developing other promising indigenous languages for study at schools. This will also provide a viable market for the book industry. The main catalyst in this whole process is the indigenous language politics being played along the divides of the three major Nigerian languages which constitutes over 60% of the book market in Nigeria. This means that every publisher in Nigeria must have at the back of their mind the potentiality of sale of every title published across the three major ethnic groups of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. This is also why indigenous language textbooks do not make as much sale as could attract all publishers to invest money in them. The contrary position held by some educated Nigerians whose lifestyle largely depends on the use of English language as a medium of communication and daily subsistence has necessitated the sympathy of successive Nigerian governments in the attempt to domesticate English language as the only language that could foster the national unity and cultural awareness in a multi-ethnic and multilingual state such as Nigeria. Most of the families in this category are those from minority language speakers who chose to adopt English language at home instead of any of the three recognized Nigerian languages. Therefore, Nigerian languages are becoming more and more deemphasized in the educational systems. This is why successive Nigerian governments seem to be largely involved in the language politics with the indigenous Nigerian languages. Despite these political and cultural limitations, Nigerian government ought to remain proactive in developing, at least, the three recognized indigenous languages in the constitution for the purpose of cultural empowerment as the country is fast losing much of its cultural heritage, giving way to cultural imperialism. This is why despite the recognition of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba as required subjects in the educational system at the primary and junior secondary school levels, there seems to be no repercussion for not offering any of the subjects! For instance, the National Policy on Education stipulated that a child must compulsorily offer one Nigerian language of Hausa, Igbo, or Yoruba up to Upper Basic school level (junior secondary school level). The question, however, is what happens if a child did not offer any? The subjects are not prerequisites for further education. As such, it becomes difficult to enforce the policy. Also, the lack of force in the implementation of the teaching and learning of indigenous languages has opened a doorway for critics from

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minority language speaking communities to find fault in the policy and hide under this lacuna in the policy to promote their own languages within the speaking communities. This has also led to the rebellious culture of many Nigerian homes, more particularly those families either from minority language speaking communities, who found themselves in another language environment or families of cross-culture electing to speak English at home rather than any of the languages of either of the couple. This is detrimental to the development of Nigerian indigenous languages as the children from such homes will lose out from the languages of both parents. In order to develop and promote indigenous languages in Nigeria, there is the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to encourage the development of other Nigerian languages apart from Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. Orthography plays a remarkable role in the development of a language. It is a guide to curriculum development, publication of educational books, teaching and learning of language, and newspaper and magazine publications. Orthography should be developed for all the languages classified in the second group, according to Unok (in Oso, 2006: 177) and any other Nigerian language that could boast at least 50,000 speakers. The emphasis on 50,000 stems from the fact that if the speakers of a language are large, there will be urgent need for textbooks to be published for further development. Newspapers and other periodicals can also thrive in such localities. Publishers will be willing to publish in order to fill the publication needs of the speakers of such languages and thereby strengthen the country’s educational sector. If the challenges of indigenous languages in Nigeria are surmounted, and selected indigenous languages are developed, there would be headway in the effort to revamp indigenous language in Nigeria. This will translate to contributing to the sustainability of Nigeria’s cultural heritage and the country’s sustainable development. This is because books will be published along the developed indigenous language areas, pupils and students will buy the books, teachers will be trained and employed to teach the various languages. All these will contribute to the gross domestic products (GDP) of the country. The book publishing industry contributes immensely to the national economy’s growth and intellectual culture’s development. There are over 500 registered publishing firms in Nigeria that are expected to pay tax to the government, thereby contributing to the GDP of Nigeria as a country. Also, education as intellectual community depends on the publishing

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industry as its knowledge base. The publishing industry then is elemental in the growth and development of the educational sector and by implication, the entire country. This is why Apeji (1995) asserts that the publishing industry occupies a strategic position in a nation’s economic, social, and technological life because of its role in the organization, production, and dissemination of information and or knowledge. In all the literature reviewed, scholars and researchers seemed to be silent about textbook development to meet the book needs in local languages. In a country with a rich diversity of languages such as Nigeria, each state ought to initiate its own language policy to complement the federal government’s effort. This will further give opportunities to indigenous languages with large speakers to grow and be developed. It will also attract publishers to the publication of textbooks in such languages. This is because there is no way the government’s effort will come to fruition without adequate textbooks to meet the educational needs of pupils and students. This study’s recommendations will help address the gap in textbook publication in the indigenous languages. Indigenous language book market could be promising if the language policy could be more robust to include the opportunity for the development of other Nigerian languages spoken at regional and state levels so that they too could be offered at schools. This would help develop such languages, provide jobs for teachers and workers in the publishing industry, and create business for publishers. This in turn could contribute to the country’s GDP growth as it will reduce unemployment and increase government revenue through taxes. From the foregoing, it is evident that researchers recognized the language politics being played by stakeholders in education toward implementing a credible indigenous language policy in Nigeria and the role the powerful, imperialist language (English) is playing, as well as the effect of cultural and linguistic loyalty to minority languages by speakers. However, researchers and other stakeholders are not focusing attention on the aspect of publication of textbooks to implement government policies on languages in Nigerian, even with the three major languages in focus. This brings to fore the gap that exists in literature on the publication of textbooks and other educational materials to address the promotion of Nigerian languages to play the similar roles English is playing in Nigeria. Considering the difficulty in marketing books in the indigenous language and the prevailing situation of language politics in Nigeria,

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the decision to publish textbooks in this regard becomes difficult for publishers as they would be skeptical of being able to sell enough and get returns on their investment.

Conclusion and Recommendations From the foregoing, it has been reiterated that indigenous language politics is prevalent today in Nigeria and this is a hindrance to the development and sustainability of publishing and textbooks in the Nigerian languages. The major actors in the politicking are the government and the relevant stakeholders in the education industry. Just as the government is doing, many schools are merely paying lip service to the study of Nigerian languages by offering the subjects but not encouraging a better performance in them. This is why many publishers are skeptical about publishing books in Nigerian languages as they are not certain about returns on investment. There is need for Nigeria as a country to re-trace its steps in the direction of indigenous language development through the formulation of indigenous language policy. There is no regulation in this regard beyond the curriculum provision that a child must offer one of the three major Nigerian languages of Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba up to Junior Secondary School level. This is because there is no repercussion for not following this order. If a child does not pass a Nigerian language, such a child ought not to proceed to the next level. There should also be a research and development center in the three major Nigerian languages and in all the recognized indigenous languages that have achieved some level of codification. A language that is not being developed is gradually drifting to extinction. In order to develop and promote indigenous languages in Nigeria, there is the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to encourage the development of other Nigerian languages apart from Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. Orthography should be developed for all the languages classified in the second group, according to Unok (in Oso, 2006: 177) and any other Nigerian language that could boast at least 50,000 speakers. Pupils and students should be made to study their own mother tongue, apart from the three Nigerian languages recognized by the government. This will keep other Nigerian languages alive and active. Federal and state ministries of education can partner with publishers to publish relevant teaching and learning materials, this could be done

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through loans to publishers and bulk purchases of published indigenous languages textbooks for use in schools. This is the only way publishers could be encouraged to develop more interest in the development of textbooks in the indigenous languages. These books should be made available to the Nigerian school children at government-controlled prices. It will also lead to the development of these languages as teachers would be trained to teach them, and authors and editors would also be trained. The government will benefit from it as jobs will be created and taxes would be paid. The study of the Nigerian indigenous languages should be made compulsory and enforced up to the tertiary level of education. In order to make this effective, there is the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to establish specialized indigenous language centers and schools to train instructors to facilitate the teaching and learning of Nigerian languages.There should also be effective grass-root promotion through the exclusive study of all subjects in the child’s indigenous language at the Lower Basic level (Primary One to Primary Three). Those living outside their language communities should be encouraged to speak their languages at home, allowing their children to acquire the language for posterity. This is the only way to preserve these languages and create the interest and yearning to learn indigenous languages in Nigerian children. There is the need to encourage the use of all Nigerian languages in preparing advertisement jingles for products and services in all the available mass media, especially on radio, which is closer to the masses. This could spark off fresh interest in the professional use of indigenous languages. Nigeria should keep in mind that laying the foundation for developing the rich cultural heritage of languages is a major strategy the country could use to preserve its culture, fostering peaceful co-existence, promoting technological development, and preventing its language from extinction.

References Adeoyi, J. (2012). Impart of integrated marketing communication on the company’s sales performance (Msc Dissertation). Department of Marketing. University of Nigeria, Enough Campus, p. 125 Adzer, V. C. (2012). Factors militating against the development of indigenous languages: The TIV language in perspective. Journal of Igbo Language and Linguistics, 5, 76–79.

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Ajepe, I., & Ademowo, A. J. (2016). English language dominance and the fate of indigenous languages in Nigeria. International Journal of History and Cultural Studies, 2(4), 10–17, ISSN 2454-7654. https://doi.org/10.20431/ 2454-7654.0204002. www.arcjournals.org. Akabogu, J. U., & Mbah, B. M. (2013). Second language acquisition, attrition of indigenous languages in Nigeria: Cultural implications. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 13(4), 1–5. Ali, A. A., & Ajibola, A. L. (2004, January). Teaching and learning of Nigerian languages: Relevance, challenges and solutions. Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literary Studies, 7 . ISSN: 2636-7149-6300. http://www. jolls.com.ng American Marketing Association. (2004). Definition marketing. http://www.mar ketingpower.com/live/content4620.php [04 September 2022]. Apeji, E. A. (1995). The contributions of multinational publishers to the provision of books in Nigeria (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis). Submitted to the University of Ibadan, Ibadan. Aziza, O. (1998). Nigeria language and national development. In R. Druhonmalase (Ed.), Nigeria language fornational development. University Press. Balogun, T. A. (2013). An endangered Nigerian indigenous language: The case of Yoruba language. African Nebula, 6, 70–82. Bamgbose, A. (1989). Issues for a model language planning. Language Problems and Language Planning, 13(1), 24–34. Benson, O. V., Okere, I. V., & Nwauwa, E. B. (2006). The role of school libraries in the promotion of indigenous language in Nigerian primary and post primary schools. Libraryand Information Science Digest, 9, 24–30. Benson, O. V., Anyalebechi, L. I, & Ariole, I. A. (2017). Promoting indigenous language in Nigeria: Issues and challenges for the library and information professionals. Library Philosophy and Practice, e-journal, 1472. http://digita lcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac/1472 Biobaku, M. O. (2009). Marketing strategies in book publishing (Chap. 17). In L. Oso, B. Osunbiyi, & L. Biobaku (Eds.), Book publishing: A practical guide (pp. 281–308). London: African Resource International. Blench, R. (2002). Research on minority Languages in Nigeria. FEL Newsletter 2001 Ognios. Blench, R. (Ed.). (2020). An atlas of Nigerian languages. https://rogerblench. info/Language/Africa/Nigeria/Atlas%20of%20Nigerian%20Languages%202 020.pdf Burnaby, B.(1995). Personal thought on indigenous language stabilization. In J. Reyhner (Ed.) Teaching indigenous languages. Northem Arizona University. www.jan.ucc.nau.edu/jar/TIL.html.

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Chidi-Ehiem, U. I. (2015). Implementation of the national language policy in secondary schools in Ebonyi state (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis). Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki. Emeka-Nwobia, N. U. (2015). The place of indigenous Nigerian languages in National development. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5(12), 112–116. Ibrahim, M., & Ahmed, U. (2018). Indigenous languages and the question of developmentin postcolonial Africa: Focus on Nigeria. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 8(12). https://doi.org/10.29322/ IJSRP.8.12.2018.p8409 Jibir-Daura, R. (2014). Transformation of Nigerian through indigenous language education. JORIND, 12(1), 10–15. Muoh, O. U., & Ezinwanne, C. Z. (2016). Publishing and literacy development in Africa’s indigenous languages: The Igbo example in Nigeria. Developing Country Studies , 6(8). https://www.iiste.org/ Obinyan, G. A. (2010). The development of indigenous nigerian languages for effective communication and professional use: The case of Esan Language. Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts, 8(1–2). http://www.aauekpoma. edu.ng/ Ogunmodimu, M. (2015). Language policy in Nigeria: Problems, prospects and perspectives. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 5(9), ISSN 2221-0989. www.ijhssnet.com Ojeniyi, A. (2002). Book publishing in Nigeria: Situations challenges and prospect. The publisher, p. 27. Nigerian Publishers Association. Olaoye, A. A. (2013). The role of indigenous languages in national development: A case study of Nigerian linguistic situation. International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature, 2(3). https://doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel. v.2n.3p.29 Omotoyinbo, D. W. (2016). Language policy in Nigeria: Prospect for national unity. International Journal of Society, Culture and Language, 4(1). www.ijs cl.net Oso, L. (2006). A political economy of indigenous language press in Nigeria. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous language media in Africa. Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilisation, CBAAC, National Theatre, Iganmu, Lagos. Salawu, A. (2004). Development communication in Yoruba newspapers. In E. O. Soola (Ed.), Communicating for development purposes (pp. 172–184). Kraft Book. Sani, H. M. (2021, April 7). Saving Nigerian indigenous languages. The Guardian. https://guardian.ng/art/saving-nigerian-indigenous-languages/ Wallace, L. (1996). Media, writers, arts session summary. In G. Cantoni (Ed.), Stabilizing indigenous languages. Northern Arizona University. Online www. ncela.gwu.edu/miscpubs/stabilize/additional

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Yusuf, H. O. (2012). Language as a tool for national integration: The case of English language in Nigeria. International Journal for Cross Disciplinary Subjects in Education (IJCDSE), 2(1), 898–905.

CHAPTER 4

Time to Be Represented: The Imperative for Investment in Igbo Indigenous Language Radio Malachy Udejinta

Introduction The establishment of indigenous language radio or stations that the programmes are solely in indigenous languages is becoming the trajectory in radio broadcasting investment in Nigeria particularly among the major ethnic groups. Igbo language one of the dominant languages has remained a communicative instrument of the people from inception of the Igbo race till date. Over a period of time, in the past many Igbo individuals, organisations and governments made successful though not sustained efforts in the establishment and publication of Igbo language newspapers to expand the scope, acceptance and its use (Nnabuihe & Ikwubuzo, 2006).

M. Udejinta (B) Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_4

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This chapter is set out to discuss the imperative of investment in Igbo language radio by Igbo speaking people of Nigeria and to ensure representation of Igbo language and race in the indigenous language radio broadcasting segment in the radio industry in Nigeria. This discourse begins with overview of the Igbo, the native speakers of the language, origin and where they live. A review of the previous efforts at establishing Igbo language media particularly newspapers, contributions of the Igbos to the modern mass media in Nigeria pre and post-independence Nigeria and zeros down on state of Igbo language radio and advocacy for investment on Igbo language radio station in Nigeria.

The Igbo The population of the Igbos as of 2006 was estimated to be about 50 million and the Igbo are autochthones of West Africa (Nnabuihe & Ikwubuzo, 2006, p. 42). Ugonna cited in Nnabuihe & Ikwubuzo, (2006, p. 42), emphasised that the Igbo people are one of the eponymous inhabitants of the forest zones of West Africa, and as such are aboriginals of West Africa. There exist many other genenologies of the Igbos but all the authoritative historical sources are in one accord that the Igbo people are planted by God in their present homeland. To depict the vast areas across southern Nigeria the Igbo people occupy, the description “Igbo culture area” was coined by Onwuejeogwo in 1982 to map the Igbo homeland. According to Nnabuihe & Ikwubuzo, (2006, p. 44), Onwuejeogwo coined the phrase “Igbo culture area” to encompass and delineate the imaginary boundaries the Igbos inhabit outside the habitations of Agbo. Kwale, Obiarukkwu, Ebu (West Area) in present Delta state, Ahoada, Diobu, Umuagbayi (in Port Harcourt area of Rivers state), to Enugu Ezike (Nsukka Area) and Nzam. The Igbo people of Nigeria, in the present six geo-political equations of Nigeria are usually pigeonholed into the five southeastern states Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugwu/Enugu and Imo only. However, the Igbo homeland extends to parts of Delta, Cross River, Edo, Rivers and AkwaIbom states. Igbos found outside these culture areas are strangers and the Igbo people are found all over Nigeria and beyond. Nnabuihe and Ikwubuzo (2006) based on ample evidence authoritative posit that Igbo language though consists of a multiplicity of dialects

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spoken in localities or subcultures within the mapping of Igbo culture area; nonetheless, the language is reciprocally comprehensible among the speakers. Evidently, an Igbo language speaker from Ika culture area of Delta state would need no interpreter to comprehend a fellow Igbo language speaker from Afikpo in Ebonyi state.

The Igbo Participation in Mass Media Pre- and Post-independence Nigeria Pre-Independence Media The West African Pilot Newspaper till date stands as a monument and as one of the greatest contribution of the Igbo in the newspaper media in Nigeria. It was established on November 22, 1937 in Lagos by late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first formal trained journalist to own and operate a newspaper in the history of Nigeria (Daramola, 2013). The West African Pilot introduced chain of newspaper ownership which resonates today in chain ownership of broadcasting stations in several Nigerian cities by the African Independent Television (AIT). The newspaper recorded several first inversions in newspapering that today constituted the characteristics of the Nigeria newspaper media. Daramola (2013, pp. 77–79) listed the pioneering innovations to include Women’s column, Banner headline, Headlining every story in the newspaper, One sentence paragraph, and accompanying headline with pictures. Other pathfinder inventions were pictorial journalism practice, comic strips and use of complete sentences with subject and predicate for headline. The West African Pilot newspaper also provided a training centre for future Journalists and started higher salary for journalists. Unfortunately this particular legacy of the West African Pilot has not been sustained by post-independence newspaper proprietors in Nigeria. Nigerian journalists are among the least paid among all the professions in Nigeria. Post-indpendence Media Again Nnamdi Azikiwe led the contribution of the Igbos this time, through formal establishment of journalism training by spearheading as Pro-chancelor of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka the establishment of Department of Mass Communication in 1960 at the university and that marked the beginning of formal journalism training at the degree level in

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Nigeria. Also in 1960 the Eastern Nigerian Television was established in Enugu the political headquarters of the Igbo ethnic group by the then Eastern Nigeria government led by the Premier late Dr Michael Opkara. The station was taken over by the Federal Government of Nigeria and it is now NTA Enugu. All states in southeastern Nigeria, the Igbo heartland own and operate at least one radio and television station. The federal government has also established additional radio and television stations in some states in the southeast. With the involvement of private sector investment in broadcasting some Igbo business men such as Minaj television and radio were among the first of Nigerians to establish stations both in Igbo homeland and other parts of Nigeria. There exist many private radio stations in southeast and they are investments in radio business by Igbo investors. Out of about 265 licensed radio and television stations in Nigeria, less than 15% are located in the Igbo culture area. The situation is more worrisome in the print media. There are just two national newspapers that can trace their ownership to the Igbo speaking people of Nigeria. The rest had folded up. That notwithstanding, the Igbo ethnic group has a large number of its sons and daughters in journalism practice across all the mass media sectors in Nigeria. This could be partly responsible why the Igbo people are a minority in media representation in the mainstream media content or coverage in Nigeria. Igbo ethnic group is one of the major three ethnic groups in Nigeria but a minority in the mass media. Going by the definition of Gross (1998, pp. 88–89) in his paper Minorities, majorities and the media, minorities in the media world refer to ethnic groups or races as well as women, who are relatively powerless because of low and weak media representation though they have large numerical superiority. Majority in the media are those groups within a society that media producers strive to reflect their experience and interest to sell to advertisers. The Igbo ethnic group experiences and interests are not part of what the Nigeria media reflect, none strive to sell them to the advertisers. The Igbos found at all levels of journalism practice across the mass media segments. The Nollywood movie channels have provided the Igbo people an avenue to be part of the television indigenous language media content, as the channels have guaranteed a steady use of Igbo language but the channels are not real broadcasting media so the other important roles expected of an indigenous language media are not being played. One other advantage is that the Igbo people constitute larger percentage of the actors in the Nollywood movies and many of the Igbos also act in

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Yoruba Nollywood movies but Yorubas are yet to take up roles in Igbo language movies. However, Nollywood does not belong to Igbo investment and though set to promote Nigerian languages and cultures and the Igbo inclusive.

Challenges of Igbo Indigenous Language Newspaper Indigenous language literature reading apathy is one of the problems of Nigeria’s indigenous language print media. The level of apathy among the different ethnic groups in Nigeria according to Uzochukwu cited in Salawu (2006, p. 10) bitterly reveal that 85% of Igbos preferred that business transactions be conducted in English language as against 75 and 37.7% of Yoruba and Hausa people, respectively. Further, he lamented the rate of death of Igbo language newspapers in the Nigerian indigenous language media segment. The image Uzochukwu presented above could be a statistical fallacy. Obviously the data could have emanated from an opinion poll in one or two locations among the large Igbo culture area. Nothing is known of the background of the respondents and the basis of selection. Also the ability to speak is different from the interest to read and ability to write a language. If the data were generated from both urban and rural areas the outcome would be different. So, the data from the beginning lacks the qualification for generalisation to the majority of the Igbo speaking people of Nigeria. The preference of English language for transacting business does not translate to rejection of Igbo language newspaper or unwillingness to reading newspapers published in Igbo language. Igbo business men and women are not restricted to transacting business with only those who can speak Igbo. Certainly, if the question was whether one would prefer to transact business with people of same language with English or their native language the result would have been different. However, a sales strategy common with Igbo businessmen and women is to as much as possible attend to customers or potential customers in the person’s preferred language to facilitate transaction. That, in no way means jettisoning of one’s language in preference to another.

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Igbo Language Promotion The Odenigbo annual distinguished lecturers by Igbo scholars instituted by Archbishop A. J. V Obinna of Owerri Archdiocese, fully delivered in Igbo language attracts Igbos across the globe and serves are a source of inspiration for the young Igbo on the value of their language Igbo. The church has also developed and continues to develop written communication in Igbo language that the people consume daily in Igbo culture areas to enhance the ability to read Igbo language. The Catholic and Anglican Churches in Igbo culture area or homeland provide written religious materials in Igbo language that are read in Igbo language at church services including Igbo language bible. In the Catholic Church throughout Igbo land religious bulletins are produced in Igbo language. Training curricula of Catholic and Anglican seminaries have the study and passing of Igbo language as one of the key academic requirements to becoming a clergy. As a deliberate policy all the conventional universities in Igbo homeland offer degree programmes in Igbo language. Even some tertiary institutions outside Igbo culture area offer programmes in Igbo language leading to the award of diploma, certificate or degree. One such institution is the University of Ibadan, Ibadan southwest Nigeria and the political headquarters of the Yoruba speaking people of Nigeria. There is ample evidence that there exists enough literature written in Igbo language and there are also a corresponding large number of people who are literate enough in the act of reading and writing lgbo language. The low patronage experienced in the past by the extinct Igbo language newspapers should not solely be placed on the assumed disinterest of Igbo people to read news written in Igbo language. It could also be attributed to the popular joke that if you want to hide something from the black man put it in writing or a book or printed literature. Similarly, it is said that it takes two to tangle. On the issue of the failure of past efforts of Igbo language newspapers to attract readership and to survive; it appears the publishers did not do all that were needful. The publishers may have erroneously assumed that merely producing and displaying a newspaper in Igbo language would become an instant hot cake and a must read for all Igbos who can read and write Igbo language. A combination of factors plagues the readership and survival of the newspaper medium in the twenty-first-century Nigeria and these killerfactors have more deviating effects on indigenous language newspapers. Maybe, the Igbo language newspaper is the most hit by the factors

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working against survival of newspaper in the internet era. Some of these factors include general low appetite for reading among Nigerians, preference of new media for information source particularly the social media, harsh economic environment, poor marketing and promotional programmes of the indigenous language newspapers, lean financial capacity to sustain the publications long enough to attract readers, lack of government policy promoting indigenous language newspaper, etc. It is pertinent to note that English language newspapers in Nigeria are not finding things very smooth in terms of readership and operation environment. The English language newspapers of which many of them have been around for a long time but could be said to be merely breaking even in terms of copies of the newspapers sold daily. The English Language newspapers engage in aggressive marketing and promotional programmes to attract and sustain patronage of both readers and advertisers. Deliberate marketing and promotional programmes were lacking in the business strategy of various Igbo indigenous language newspapers. It is very difficult, if not impossible for any media organisation to survive without a well articulate business strategy. So Igbo language newspaper has the potential to survive just the way the Yoruba language newspapers are surviving, if well managed and promoted to the target audience.

A Roll Call of Failed Igbo Language Newspapers The first indigenous language newspaper in Nigeria was in Yoruba language, that started in colonial Nigeria named Iwe Irohin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba in 1859 and was published by a foreign Anglican missionary Reverend Henry Townsend (Daramola, 2013; Salawu, 2006). The newspaper was introduced to propell the Egba and Yorubas to imbibe the culture of reading for the aim of information acquisition. Nnabuihe and Ikwubuzo (2006) provided a list of Igbo language newspapers that were published from mid-1950s but none existed beyond the 1980s. First Igbo language newspaper Anyanwu (The Sun) was published by Mr. Frederick Chidozie Ogbalu, who also produced Onoura (Voice of the people) the first Igbo language magazine, the Ogene newspaper published by Star Printing and Publishing Company Ltd owned by the defunct Anambra state government began in the 1970s but fizzled out in the 1980s. Oku Ekwe (Town Crier) newspaper was a publication of the Federal Ministry of Information in the early 1980s aimed at reaching the rural

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populace in Igbo culture area with government policies and programmes. Yet another effort by some Igbos in diaspora in the United States in particular Olu Umu Igbo (Voice of Igbo) anchored by Igbo Organisation Incorporated in 1991. The Catholic Church in the Owerri Archdiocese initiated an Igbo language newspaper Ozisa (Spreader), it was a quarterly religious newspaper. Still counting the number of failed Igbo language newspapers, as the Igbo were not giving up on Igbo language newspaper. December 6, 2001 in Lagos marked the birth of another Igbo newspaper, Akuko Uwa (World News), by Ugwumba Publications Ltd, Lagos. Three years later Ozi newspaper sufficed at the newsstand. It is sad to note that all these newspapers do not exist longer.

Indigenous Language Broadcasting in Nigeria Broadcasting in indigenous Nigeria languages exist on two levels and evolved as a deliberate broadcasting policy of managers of the broadcast industry. The first level or phase is the mixed language broadcasting. This was the introduction of indigenous language programme belts on radio and television stations that belong to the government. The second level or phase is the establishment of wholly indigenous language radio stations by government and private investors. The first indigenous language radio is Radio Lagos 107.5FM that broadcast 80% Yoruba and 20% English, while the second station Orisun FM 89.5 was established by the Osun state government in 2005. In fact, Orisun FM 89.5 is the first wholly indigenous language radio that broadcast 100% in Yoruba. Akanbi and Aladesanmi (2014) observe that the station has become a special school for the teaching of Yoruba language and culture to the Yoruba nation and the world. It has become number one station of choice for Yoruba audience in the southwestern part of Nigeria. The Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) established WAZOBIA FM in Lagos, a station that broadcast in three major indigenous Nigeria languages of Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa. The FRCN has gone further to set up two stations for wholly indigenous Hausa language broadcasting in Kaduna state. Amulodo FM station is wholly Yoruba language broadcasting station recently established in Ibadan, Oyo state by the FRCN. For now the FRCN is yet to set up any indigenous language station in Igbo culture area or in eastern Nigeria. The first private radio station that

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broadcast in Yoruba indigenous language is Faji FM radio based in Lagos and on the stable of DAAR Communications Plc owners of Ray 100.5 FM and African Independent Television (AIT). Ray 100.5 FM is the first private radio station in Nigeria.

Broadcasting in Igbo Language Mixed broadcasting has been identified as the dominant broadcasting system in Nigeria which Igbo language is also part of. However, in the real sense of indigenous language broadcasting which is the establishment of a broadcast station in a culture area by the government or non-governmental organisation for broadcasting wholly in the indigenous language of the people by the indigenes is non-existence in Igbo culture area in the whole of southeast, Delta, Cross River, Rivers, Edo and Akwa-Ibom states. As noted earlier, it is the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) in line with its policy of promoting indigenous languages and cultures that established NTA Igbo alongside the NTA Yoruba and NTA Hausa channels for wholly broadcasting in the different languages. However, the three stations are located in Abuja at the NTA headquarters. The Igbo language also benefits from Nollywood Igbo language movie channels that telecast only Igbo language movies on satellite television stations on DSTV, GOTV AND STARTIME channels. It is the practice of every radio station in Igbo land to broadcast Igbo language programmes for at least 2 hours daily; while Premier 96.7FM station at Ibadan Oyo state broadcasts a request programme in Igbo language once a week for Igbos living within its broadcast coverage. The popularity of the Nollywood Igbo language channels cannot be quantified for there is no available statistics on viewership of the channels among the Igbos in all the Igbo culture area and beyond. Same applies to the other indigenous languages on Nollywood channels. The Igbo Nollywood channels are no substitute for Igbo language broadcasting. Igbo language broadcasting has also received a boost from the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Igbo service and also the Biafra Radio transmitting from London. As of December 31 2021, the only Igbo language broadcast station is the NTA Igbo accessible on Startime channel though located in Abuja outside the Igbo culture area.

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Time to Represent Igbo in Indigenous Radio Broadcasting At the beginning of the discourse the Igbo ethnic group has been defined in terms geographical locations and estimated population. It is important to establish that the Igbo people before and after the Nigerian civil war has proved to have greater stake in the Nigerian project than any other single ethnic group in Nigeria. Reasons for this position are not far fetched and among the reasons are: the Igbo is the only ethnic group in Nigeria that sojourn in large numbers among all other ethnic groups in Nigeria, the Igbos are the only ethnic nationality that invest in infrastructure and other economic areas in all parts of Nigeria and participate effectively in the socio-cultural and political activities of the host communities where they sojourn outside Igbo land. Having reestablished that the ethnic group is Igbo, which also refers to the language of the people, Igbo language. Language is the greatest transmitter of culture and identity sustainer of a people. The language of communication determines the influence of such communication on target audience. Language is employed either in written form or orally or both to communicate. Many world languages particularly in Sub-saharan Africa have been considered endangered by the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). These languages that are endangered may disappear from the world language system as they are said to be off the mainstream languages for the mass media contents either for written or broadcast communication. The radio medium has long been certified as a potent mass communication channel for development at all levels of the society particularly in the grassroot. In lending credence to the impact of radio broadcasting Nwosu (1990, p. 119) had this to say “the broadcast media and broadcasters are agents of development at both rural and national stages, in terms of information dissemination.” Toeing the same line of thought Ochonogor (2013, p. 326) collaborates Nwosu (1990), as he observes that development communication experts have voted radio the most effective medium for rural development.

Need to Invest in Igbo Language Radio For everything under the sun there is a time. The recent classification of Igbo language as one of the major influential languages in Nigeria and Sub-Saharan Africa by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)

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and Google is a step in the right direction and came at a very auspicious time and it is considered in this paper a moral booster in the quest to get the Igbos to invest on the language via radio broadcasting. The two organisations BBC and Google are the most influential communication institutions in the world affairs in the twenty-first century. The introduction of Igbo service by the BBC and the Igbo language google service by Google incorporated is a call to duty to the government of Igbo states and the businessmen and women to buy into Igbo language radio broadcasting. If the Igbos do not before now consider Igbo language viable for modern mass communication and commercial broadcasting, the examples of the BBC, Google and other stations in southwest Nigeria have proved that the Igbo language radio would be viable. The second television station in Nigeria and Africa was established in Enugu, the political capital of Igbo culture area in October 1960 (Daramola, 2013, p.184) The establishment was in response to first television station set up in Ibadan in 1959, to ensure that the Igbo as a people keep pace with development in broadcasting. The import of the history, is to show that the Igbo did not lack behind in investment in broadcasting media beginning from independence, but the story is not the same today in indigenous language radio with the Hausa and the Yoruba languages leading and they are far ahead. Various states in southwest Nigeria have established indigenous language radio stations such as 107.5 FM Radio Lagos by Lagos state government, Orisun 89.5 FM at Osogbo by the Osun state government and Amoludo FM radio at Ibadan in Oyo state. This generation of Igbo state governments, Igbo entrepreneures, and Igbo intelligential cannot afford to fail history in the area of Igbo spirit of competition as demonstrated by the defunct eastern region government under the leadership of late Dr Michael Opkara, who had in less than a year from the November 1959 establishment of the first television station in Ibadan by the Western Nigerian Government lead by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo established one on October 1 in Enugu in 1960. The television established in Enugu, Igbo headquarters was tagged “Second to None” though second to the Ibadan station (Daramola, 2013, p.184). If the present crop of Igbo states governors could not lead the development in indigenous language radio broadcasting in Nigeria, they, at least should be able to follow development by establishing Igbo language radio stations at least one in each state and encourage private investors to do so.

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Igbo language radio would enhance Igbo cohesion, regional security and raise political consciousness among the Igbo people and Igbo influence in national scheme of things. Among the three major ethnic groups, the Igbo appears to weigh low in political influence. The declining influence of the Igbo ethnic nationality in the Nigerian state politically is traceable to poor political mobilisation among the Igbos. Effects of poor political mobilisation reflect in the Igbos having the least number of registered voters, as well as, the least collection of permanent voters card (PVC) by registered voters in 2019 general elections (INEC, 2019), weak internal cohesion compared to the Yoruba and Hausa ethnic groups, and continued absence of a regional security outfit. To address these issues, Igbo language radio with clear agenda need to be set up across the states to lead the mobilisation of the Igbos at all levels, to create political consciousness with regard to addressing the voter registration apathy as a means to increasing Igbo political voter influence in national politics. A situation where in a presidential election the total votes in Igbo homeland was far less than that of votes cast in Borno state alone, as a result of deliberate voter apathy of the Igbo people. The potential and actual number of voters from a political block are weapons of political influence. Many Igbos turn their backs to voter registration and voters’ card collection in pursuit of so-called business. Igbo language radio would be able to educate the people that who controls politics controls the business environment. To safe guard Igbo business interest, Igbo people need to increase their influence in politics by sheer large number of registered voters. Igbo language radio would revive weakening Igbo cohesion that makes it easy for non-Igbos to infiltrate Igbo common interest. For instance, the proposed Southeast security network code named “Ebube Agu” still remains on the drawing board. The outfit is yet to take off as the southwestern governors easily set up “Amoteku,” the southwest regional security network. Part of the factors for the division among governors of Igbo states is the infiltration of outside interest and party loyalty manipulation. Some governors prefer to protect external interest against common Igbo interest. Also the growing mistrust between the governors and the people they govern is because there is a conflict of interest and this could be eliminated through Igbo language radio broadcasting. With Igbo language radio leading the reorientation and mobilisation, the Igbo nation would recover from the many self-inflicted maladies on the Igbo nation. As one popular Igbo philosophy puts it “Izu ka mma

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na nneji”, literally it means that hatching, sharing and keeping secrets are best among children of the same mother. If applied to the quest for investment on Igbo language radio in Igbo land, it is interpreted that certain conversations are better in one’s native language which can clear misinterpretation and mistrust on issues of common interest and bring everyone to the same page. Nwafor and Omoevah (2019) substantiated the effectiveness of indigenous language radio with Radio Biafra transmitting on 102.1 FM and 15.6 AM wavelengths. The pirate radio has been employed to instigate the series of civil disobediences by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), the group spearheading Biafra’s independence from Nigeria led by Mazi Nnamdi Kalu. Evidence of the influence of indigenous language radio on Biafra agitators from the study shows that the audience of the radio Biafra recall easily the station slogans—“Biafra or death, Nigeria is a zoo, the zoo must fall,” etc. Igbo language radio would have the capacity to redress the imbalance in news coverage of Igbo culture area as is presently witnessed with the major news media in the country including the state owned NTA and FRCN. As Udeze (2005, p. 18) notes that part of the grouse of the third world nations against the current global communication order include imbalance in news inflow between it and the first world nations. Consequently, in response to the demand for new world information and communication order of the third world, the West rather opted for “free and balanced flow.” The reason is that it is only the third world countries that can redress the imbalance by telling their stories themselves. Between the Igbo people and rest of Nigeria there exist imbalance in news coverage against the Igbos. The situation can only be addressed with a strong Igbo language radio that will present the Igbo stories from Igbo perspective in Igbo language to the Igbo nation and the world. The BBC Igbo service cannot do it nor can NTA Igbo do it, or Nollywood Igbo channels because they are not true Igbo language stations in the real sense of it. For a true indigenous language media is like democracy, which is government of the people for the people and by the people. In the case of true indigenous language broadcasting such as radio or television on both station(s) must be located within the Igbo homeland and operated by the Igbos. Activities in Igbo culture area are underreported in the major media or whenever reported negative issues dominate the content. For instance the activities and framing of reports of unknown gunmen in Igbo homeland and Sit-at-Home protest receive massive media coverage

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than many other developmental issues of the Igbo people that require the media focusing on them to compel government development actions. Igbo language radio stations would focus on the developmental needs of the people and continuously place them on the front burner and mainstream the issues. Employment generation and employment opportunities would increase in Igbo culture area with investment in Igbo language radio as content providers and technical support services would emerge. It would equally encourage Igbo music and other Igbo entertainers and in general the entertainment industry within the Igbo culture area will grow and develop. There are very few Igbo language musicians whose music receives attention in the mainstream media located mostly in southwest Nigeria. The investment on Igbo language radio being canvassed in this discourse would help to further develop Igbo language especially in the coinage of Igbo words for the Information and communication technologies terms and other new words that emerge daily in health such as coronavirus and economic terms; new ideas and concepts evolving reguarly but do not have original words or expressions for them in Igbo language because they are foreign. Akanbi and Aladesanmi (2014) lend credence to language engineering for local Nigerian languages as they remark that scholars in Yoruba language believed that it is too impoverished to have provisions of names for emerging ideas from languages like French and English. The Igbo language shares same weakness of the Yoruba language but Igbo language is weaker than the Yoruba language in the area of array of vocabulary to capture emerging concepts. The recommended investment on Igbo language radio broadcasting would foster language engineering in the Igbo language to invent new words to communicate new ideas and concepts. Igbo language is so impoverished that one can hardly speak Igbo for thirty minutes without English words constituting half of the communication. It is not deliberate or one not been vest in Igbo language, but because of lack of deliberate language engineering that the mass media, radio in particular champion for languages that are adopted for media use or use in broadcasting. According to Capo cited in Akanbi and Aladesanmi (2014) “Language engineering is a continuing and dialectic process including orthography design corpus planning, material development, encouragement of language use at all levels to account for and communicate the changing experiences of the speakers as well as aspects of human legacy called knowledge.”

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Theoretical Framework The paper is anchored on two mass media theories: The Agenda Setting Theory and Reflective Projective Theory. The Agenda Setting Theory developed in about 1972 by Maxwell McCombs and Donald L. Shaw, with its fundamental proposition that the mass media may not always succeed in deciding for the people what to think, but do not fail in telling the people what to think about. The theorists believe that the mass media reportage of issues has direct link to how the public view the issues and values attached to them. Similiarly, the Reflective Projective Theory states that the mass media serve as a reflector of the environment and the society; while the people use the media as a benchmark for the individual citizens’ aspirations. Lee Loevinger propounded the theory. Both theories propositions capture the imperative of establishment of Igbo language radio stations in Igbo states to represent the Igbo people in the Nigerian indigenous mass media ecosystem. The radio stations would lead the way in setting agenda for the Igbos and will influence shaping how other Nigerians would think about the Igbo ethnic group. The current absence of indigenous Igbo language radio in Igbo culture area do not provide the opportunity to reflectively project the true state of affairs in the Igbo culture area environment, as well as the common aspirations of the people in terms of developmental needs and issues. How the Igbo people think about issues concerning them is influenced by the agenda setting of the media and the Igbo people refections are greatly influenced as the mass media act as mirror for the people through what issues and how issues are framed in the media. However, if Igbo language radio stations are established by Igbo states governments and Igbo investors, the radio stations will be solely manned by Igbos, producing Igbo language programmes for the Igbo speaking people of Nigeria. In that way Igbo language engineering will involve inventing new terminologies for new words and ideas in health, information and communication technologies among others. It would also drive the political and socio-economic reorientation of the people and bring issues of development to the fore. The people will tell their stories by themselves through Igbo language radio stations anchored on Igbo language philosophies.

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Summary and Conclusion It is very clear that the Igbo refers to the people and the language and the Igbo people are not limited to merely the inhabitants of the southeastern states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo but extends to some parts of southsouth states of Cross River, Rivers, Delta, Edo and Akwa-Ibom. The entire area occupied by the Igbo in southern Nigeria is described as Igbo culture area. The establishment of Wazobia FM by the FRCN, NTA Igbo, Nollywood Igbo channels has gone a long way to debunk the notion that Igbo language media is not a worthy investment. Recently, broadcasting in Igbo language received a boost with the introduction of BBC Igbo service and closely related to it, is the Google Igbo language. It has showed that the failed efforts in the past at sustaining Igbo language newspapers do not mean failure in Igbo language radio. The Igbo ethnic group would benefit immensely from Igbo language radio broadcasting and it holds the magic wand to reinvent the Igbo politicaly and improve internal cohesion among the Igbo. However, it is the responsibility of the Igbo states government and Igbo businesses to invest in Igbo language radio particularly as there are successful examples of indigenous language radio stations in Nigeria from the southwest region. The Igbo culture area has the economic and social capacities to patronise and sustain Igbo language radio stations. The Igbo remain the greatest stakeholders in the Nigerian project, hence any investment on any aspect of Igbo life will survive.

References Akanbi, T. A., & Aladesanmi, O. A. (2014). The use of indigenous language in radio broadcasting:A platform for language engineering. Open Journal of Modern Linguistics. https://www.Researchgate.net/publication/276497910. Accessed 23 December 2021. Daramola, F. (2013). History and Development of mass media in Nigeria (2nd ed., p. 192). Rothan Press ltd. Gross, L. (1998). Minorities, majorities and the media. In T. Liebes & J. Curran (Eds.), Media, ritual and identity (pp. 88–89). Routledge. INEC. (2019). Voter registration and collection of PVC. Accessed 25 January 2020. https://www.inec.gov.ng Nnabuihe, C., & Ikwubuzo, I. (2006). A peep into News publications and reading culture in Igbo language of Nigeria. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous

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language media in Africa (pp. 1–18). Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilisation (CBAAC). Nwafor, G. U., & Omoevah, B. A. (2019). Analysis of radio Biafra effectiveness on the renewed agitation for the restoration of Biafra republic among listeners in Onitsha metropolis. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/ 333263153. Accessed 23 December 2021. Nwosu, I. E. (1990). Private participation in broadcasting for rural mobilization and national development in Nigeria. In I. E. Nwosu (Ed.), Mass communication and national development (p. 199). Frontier Publishers Ltd. Ochonogor, C. (2013). Sustaining indigenous cultures through mass media portrays. In U. Pate, C. Nwabueze & N. Idiong (Eds.), Politics culture and the media in Nigeria Ibadan (p. 325). Stirling-Horden Publishers Ltd. Salawu, A. (2006). Paradox of a milieu: Communication in African indigenous languages in the age of globalisation. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous language media in Africa (pp. 1–18). Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilisation (CBAAC). Udeze, S. E. (2005). After the whirlwind: A discourse on international communication (pp.18–23). Rhyce Kerex Publishers.

CHAPTER 5

Slang and the Semantic Sense of Sameness: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Shona Back Slang Enock Nyambo

Introduction and Background Having grown up in Vengere, Rusape, where typical of Manicaland and 70% of Zimbabwe’s provinces, Shona is my mother tongue; however, it is intriguing that unlike English that I had to learn at school, I was immersed in Shona back slang from a tender age. Having stayed in most of Zimbabwean provinces, I have not heard Shona back slang being spoken by any of the respective provinces’ natives. As such, this chapter

Chindebhe means Shona back slang, and in this chapter, both terms were used interchangeably. E. Nyambo (B) Legae Academy, Gaborone, Botswana e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_5

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relates to the semantic sense of sameness as implied by the sociolect uniqueness of Vengere, Rusape Shona back slang (Chindebhe). The chief hypothesis of this enquiry was that Shona back slang is exclusive to Manibho; the born and bred in Vengere. This sociolect is popularly known as Chindebhe, an archetypal three-syllable Vengere Shona back slang lexeme. Consequently, this chapter analyses the sense of identity connoted by Chindebhe. It describes the origination and the generational usage of Shona back slang by Vengere, Rusape natives; and also explores the factors influencing the use of Shona back slang and reasons of using back slang. The enquiry applied a sociolinguistic descriptive qualitative research method. The participants of this research were Vengere, Rusape natives/non-natives and were five of each of the following generations: Sixty years and above, Fifty to Fifty-Nine years, Forty to Forty-Nine years, Thirty to Thirty-Nine years and finally Twenty to Twenty-Nine year olds. Findings were gathered through video recording, interviews and focus group discussions. According to VYMaps.com (2022), Rusape is a north-eastern Zimbabwean urban area situated in the province of Manicaland and the district of Makoni. Lying about 170 km, south-east of Harare (Zimbabwe’s capital city), Rusape is located between Mutare (which is about 90 km extra south-east of Zimbabwe) and Harare. The paramount high-density suburb which is in close proximity to the Central Business District of Rusape is Vengere Township, where Shona back slang is said to have originated from. Due to the sociolinguistic nature of this enquiry, it is prudent to give an overview of the colonial-liberation struggle history of Zimbabwe. According to (ISS) Institute for Security Studies (2022), massive guerrilla war that lasted for 15 years between the nationalist revolutionary armies and the Rhodesia Prime Minister led government army protracted to 1979. The London Lancaster House truce finalised it. 1980 marked the first free non-racial votes. Blacks won the main seats available to them, led by ZANU. This war historical period is said to have marked the beginning of the use of Shona back slang in Vengere, Rusape as no one could trust another due to so many groupings to do with political allegiance. Therefore, Chidhebhe was used as a secretive and passcode lingo for the safety of the native Vengere residents. The consolidation of the use of Chidhebhe can also be ascribed to the early 1980s which, according to Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2003), the era was characterised by massive partypolitical battle between ZANU and ZAPU. Consequently, more than 20 000 civilians were killed by the government forces battling to contain the

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activities of a few political rebels who had taken up arms in the Matebeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. The atrocities stretched from 1982 to 1987. The Unity Accord signed between ZAPU and ZANU in 1987 marked the end of the civil chaos. The two contending parties combined to form ZANU PF (African Union-Patriotic Front [ZANU PF]) Study Aims The aims of this enquiry are to: 1. Describe origination and the generational usage of Shona back slang by Vengere natives. 2. Explore the factors influencing the use of Shona back slang 3. Examine reasons of using back slang. Research Questions 1. What is the origin and generational usage of Shona back slang by Vengere natives? 2. What are the factors influencing the use of Shona back slang 3. Why do people use Shona back slang?

Literature Review Shona Mueller (2022) confirms that Shona-language is mainly spoken in Zimbabwe, with extra speakers in other southern African countries. The language is phonetic. The alphabet that defines Shona has five vowels. Interestingly, the pronunciation is reminiscent of the Italian or Spanish languages. The most crucial aspect of the Shona language is its vowels. The vowels are pronounced as follows: – The vowel ‘A’ produces an ‘ah’ phoneme, similar to ‘a’ in the English term ‘rather’. – The vowel ‘E’ produces an ‘eh’ phoneme, similar to ‘ay’ in the English term ‘day’.

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– The vowel ‘I’ produces an ‘ee’ phoneme, similar to ‘ee’ in the English term ‘eerie’. – The vowel ‘O’ produces an ‘oh’ phoneme, similar to ‘o’ in the English term ‘do’. – The vowel ‘U’ produces an ‘oo’ phoneme, similar to ‘oo’ in the English term ‘room’. Because there are no diphthongs and letters that are silent in Shona, where one uses two vowels side by side in a Shona word, one should pronounce the vowels independently. An illustration is that of the pronunciation of the word ‘Kuudzaa’ (‘to tell’). It is supposed to be pronounced as ‘koo-ooo-dza’ Syllables are broken into though the use of vowels in the Shona language. Researcher’s personal experience of the use of the Shona back slang awakened him to the fact that the Chidhebhe reversal style is based on syllables. For instance, ‘Kumba’ (meaning ‘home’) can be converted into the back slang version, ‘Mbaku’, the Chindebhe version of ‘home’. In fact, as asserted by Mueller (2022) every syllable ends with a vowel as much as Shona words only have one vowel per syllable. As a result, one can use vowel occurrence to conveniently cut a word into syllables. For instance, the word ‘varume’ means ‘men’ in Shona. You can break this word down into three syllables: va-ru-me. In addition, the vowels are pronounced in a similar fashion as much as all syllables have the same stress in a Shona word. As such, a word such as ‘varume’ would be pronounced: ‘vah-roo-maa’. Origination of Back Slang There are several divergent notions in as far as the origination of back slang goes. Many anecdotal assertions concede that back slang was devised by pickpocket gangs in Victorian London. Partridge E, a lexicographer affirms that back slang was prevalent with vendors of the street commonly known as Costermongers in Victorian England. Accordingly, some scholar postulates that Victorian market traders initiated back slang—a lingo which entails speaking a work backwards, offering us ‘Mot’ for ‘Tom’. That was apparently done to fool unsuspecting customers. Such sly tendencies of back slang speakers is confirmed by Wikipedia 2021 which asserts that back slang originated in Victorian England where butchers

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and greengrocers had private conversations behind their customer’s backs to pass off lower quality goods to less observant customers. Zhou and Fan (2013) in their sociolinguistic study of American slang confirm that teenagers are known for their slang creativity. Slang terms are used as they converse, thereby showing their polemic attitude towards society as well as their identity. As such, Zhou and Fan (2013) consider American slang as a reflection of society, a creation and product of society, by society. In the same vein, Chindebhe cannot be separated from its communal context and collective milieu. Generational Usage of Back Slang and Social Function of Back Slang Many scholars concur that slang cannot stand the test of time as much as ordinary language does. In fact, Fromkin et al. (2014) acknowledge that dialect or slang is roughly used and recognised by everyone as much as it is difficult to define. He further posits that slang is more figurative, frisky, ovate, glowing and more ephemeral than conventional language. In addition, the common slang axiom as confirmed by Mojela (2000) is that it is improper, unsystematic and ‘unacceptable’ as it deviates from that of normal vocabulary. On the contrary, Shona back slang might have a somewhat systematic way of expression, and to some extent, it has managed to stand the test of time albeit the possibility of a decline in use, something ascertained in the findings of this research. Zooming back to the African context, as explained in Cape Town Slang Explained, slang is an identity marker as South Africans confess to the use of their slang lexicon to celebrate their belonging to Africa. Apparently, in South Africa, just like in Vengere, Rusape Zimbabwe, slang is an identity form of language. In fact, as elaborated in Cape Town Slang Explained, Morris (2020) observes that South Africa has several vernacular official languages that are reflective of different cultures and identities. Interestingly, such diversity is reflected in the plethora of slang lexicon unique to particular communities (Table 5.1). Factors Influencing the Use of Shona Back Slang Secret languages have been universally thought to be appealing to those who have something to hide. According to Barnet (2009), TUT, an

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Table 5.1 Examples of English Back slang words and meanings from Definition and Examples of Back Slang by Nordquist R (2018)

Coat Eight Market Next door man (neighbour) Next door A pint Bit of the old Waistcoat Hot one (look out!) Pot o’ beer Carrot Traf

Taoc Tee-aitch Tekram Texan rude nam Texan ruder Tenip Tib o the delo Toac tisaw Toch eno Top o’ reeb Torrac Fart

African slave’s language based on phonetics was known to assist children with reading. Interestingly, the Vengere that the writer grew up in, in the 1990s, had little to hide as post-colonial period had dawned. Hence, the actual origin of Shona back slang had more to do with hiding native conversations, hence the need to ascertain origination and factors influencing Shona back slang from the colonial period to post-colonial. Typical of Shona back slang that is mostly associated with a sense of belonging to Vengere Township, fulfilment of different purposes has always been enhanced by slang users. Indeed, there are different functions that back slang serves. Many scholars confirm that slang users adopt a certain verbal usage pattern for shared identity drives to illustrate a sense of belonging to a metropolis of origin, as if Chidhebhe is indicative of the Vengere, Rusape residents’ sense of sameness. From the perspective of The Slang Dictionary, back slang has been in fashion for a long time. The slang is easy to learn and is used by the costermongers and several others…for sharing enigmas of their roadside trading, the profit on goods and for remaining inconspicuous to their obvious nemesis, the police. Dumas and Lighter (1978) assert that some of the common characteristics of slang are: violation of convention; glaring violation of decorum and swift ubiquitous use in a particular social setting. Accordingly, among Spears’ axioms of slang, three characteristics resonate with Shona Vengere back slang. These are: (1) Formal and important matters not suitable for slang (2) Standard words have their equivalent slang words (3) Communal norms are seriously violated by the slang lexicon.

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In the light of the above assertions, the semantic sense of sameness seems to be enshrined in Shona back slang as clarified by Coleman (2012) who asserts that using slang liberalise the different ways through which something can be expressed. In most cases, by opting to use a slang word as opposed to a regular English equivalent, people provide information about themselves, their connections and welfares. As such, the social meaning of using slang takes precedence over semantic meaning. Reasons of Using Back Slang As a demonstration of the extensive use of back slang in the world, it has been observed that it cuts across many continents. According to Baker (2002), back slang was used in the Australian movie featuring Guy Pearce as one of the three bank robbers in ‘Hard Times’. Pearce features as the son of a butcher. Many short back slang dialogues are evident in the movie and that includes terms such as ‘drastabss’ and ‘yenom’. Movies are inextricably linked to the social norms of any society and therefore use of back slang in ‘Hard Times’ is an apt demonstration of its use in Australia (Baker 2002). Similarly, France has a comparable slang known as Verlan which is commonly used by immigrants perhaps for them to be able to conceal their illegal status. Typical of the Vengere back slang, the reversals commonly take place at the syllable level, instead of vowels and consonants. Salutation ‘Bonjour, cava’ becomes ‘Jourbon, ca av’, and ‘café’ converts to ‘feca’. According to Slotta (2016), pragmatics is the core of what slang is, thus the relationship between slang speech and the context in which it is used will invariably entail that it’s a method of signalling a sense belonging, a manner of nurturing communal harmony among members. In that vein, it is important to consider the pragmatic and sociolinguistic context in which Shona Vengere back slang is used; it being said to be exclusive to Vengere being confirmation of user’s identity. Mawadza (2000) came up with an interesting observation contrary to conventional labelling of back slang as rebellious and deviant. Actually, Mawadza (2000) contends that this slang characterisation is a product of preconception and misapprehension. Earlier enquiry revealed that the biggest sum of slang lexis is employed by the young people, a discourse community inevitably inclined to valorise amplified ambiences and novel involvements to retitling dimensions of the

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world. Slang language is an embodiment of youth philosophy through which collective identity is promoted, if not also ascertained (Labov (1972). An eye opening view on use of slang is one propounded by Barnet (2009) as he asserts that everyone needs their own secret language. He elaborates by opining that clandestine dialects carry apparent charm for the concealment of information. He also cited TUT (African slaves language) as having enhanced children’s acquisition of language due to it being phonetic based. In the same vein, as observed in Hotten (2018), slang users swiftly amass large chunks of words, hence they communicate comfortably. As such, it is important that as confirmed in a 19th Century Report on Black Slang, in the midst of the elder traders, and enthusiastic and proficient slang users, a dialogue is commonly sustained for the entire day. Thus, most of the lexicon are in back slang words, particularly if there are ‘foreigners’ deserving to be astounded or obscured.

Data and Method This study is a narrative review of analysed interview responses from participants. Data was collected through content-linguistic analysis of sampled and selected interpersonal participant’s texts and interviews. Semi-structured interview guide was used to gather information that allowed a comparative examination of text content analysis. McMillan and Schumacher (1989) reveal that purposive sampling is a non-probability sampling, which involves the deliberate selection of particular units of the universe. Purposive sampling was done in the selection of Vengere, Rusape residents or former inhabitants who were asked to express their views about use of Shona back slang. The study is an exploratory qualitative case study that unravels detailed insight into the use of Chindebhe from the perspective of the users. McMillan and Schumacher (1989) delineate in-depth subjective analysis of information as working with data, slicing it into palatable chunks, collating it, looking out for trends and unearthing the crucial and what is worth pursuing. Data was analysed manually using constant comparative analysis, and utilising a process called coding.

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Theoretical Framework This chapter was informed by sociolinguistics theory. Holmes (2023) defined sociolinguistics as the scholarship of society and language. Therefore, sociolinguistics entails appreciation of how people speak differently, according to specific social milieu. As such, it is a communication process that reflects a sense of belonging to a particular society. Holmes (2023) goes ahead to suggest that the theory guiding sociolinguistics offers a progressive opinion that treats change as advancement. Consequently, the leaders and laggards can be recognised and change monitored. In other words, sociolinguistics is the science of linguistic and communal competence and performance. In light of the presumed identity and exclusionist tendency of slang in general, and Shona back slang that has been observed to be unique to Vengere, Rusape, this study explored Shona back slang. Gumpers and Labov (1972) and other sociolinguistics scholars vary in certain aspects of sociolinguistics but one thing that is fully relevant to Shona back slang is the way they all position slang in a communal taxonomy difference of the accommodation theory by Giles. As such, slang usage is considered a crucial indicator of alienation and harmony, important in that the identical environment signals both in the equivalent locale. As suggested by Partick (2008), the promotion of enquiries of slang will contribute immensely in understanding social behaviour hence methodologically; it will become the basis of incorporating the study of society and language into a cohesive hypothetical structure. To clarify the relevance of sociolinguistics, it is prudent to lay bare Hymes’ (1972) assertion on the essence of sociolinguistics: Multiplicity of speech is the hallmark of sociolinguistics. According to Blommaert (2014), in setting the objective of sociolinguistics this way, Hymes contradicted the school of thought that renders language as static, universal and objective. Yet, sociolinguistic scholars contend that language reflects that sense of belonging to a particular society in which an individual participates. Apparently, human history and agency is so critical to the manifestation of particular forms of language unique to a specific geographical area where people experience similar social circumstances— Vengere, Rusape being an example of a discourse community where Shona back slang manifested and somewhat became normalised. It is in this vein that this chapter uses the sociolinguistic approach to this enquiry.

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Findings, Discussion and Analysis The Origin of Chindebhe About the origination of Chidhebhe, most participants who belong to the younger generation (below 35), having asked what they think or know about the origin of Chidhebhe said that they think it was a way of communicating in the colonial era to confuse the whites or any outsider. Such sentiments resonate with the sociolinguistic approach to back slang function as it confirms secretive and identifying nature of back slang. Interestingly, to compliment the younger generation’s views on the origin of Chindebhe, most of the participants who were teenagers around the early 1970s confirmed that Chidhebhe was the street language in Vengere and during that time, one wouldn’t survive without an understanding of Shona back slang. One participant who is in his early sixties said, ‘Chidhebhe must have originated in Vengere in the early 1970s. Its origination coincided with the struggle for independence in Zimbabwe and although guerrilla war was mostly fought in the rural areas, in towns, it was difficult to trust anyone. As a result, Chidhembe became both a password and language of people who shared the same sense of belonging. In other words, one would feel safe talking to fellow Vengereans in Chidhebhe as they would know that they were not talking to sell-outs’. The mere fact that Chidhebhe might have been more prevalent with teenagers in the 1970s and 1980s confirms what Labov (1972) asserts, that the culture of the young people is reflected by their use of slang hence their collective distinctiveness is promoted and assured. Nevertheless, it is also fascinating to note that, as observed by another participant who is in his mid-forties, ‘Chidhebhe has managed to stand the test of time as the current speakers cut across generations from those in their twenties to those in their sixties’. Social Function of Back Slang Most of the participants’ observations resonate with Dumas and Lighter (1978) with regard to the informality and exclusionary effect of use of slang. ‘I had to learn Chindebhe as quickly as I had been married into a family that couldn’t spend a day without using it within the family circles. I felt so excluded hence my motivation for learning was the need to feel a sense of belonging. With time, I got to realise that Vengere

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residents speak Chindebhe and more than half the time, it’s not for secretive purpose but it is more of their culture’. Such a revelation resonates with Zimmer’s (2018) observation that slang ensures territorial collective uniqueness. It is interesting to note that where slang goes beyond a particular sociolect, it can be exhilarating for the original users as much as it can be upsetting to the outsiders. The majority of the participants concurred with the participant who said that she and her husband have continued using Chindebhe even outside Vengere environment and it has become so convenient if she does not want her children to hear what she sometimes converses with her husband at home. The same applies to some phone conversations that she manages to conceal from the general public. Interestingly, such use of Chindebhe runs somewhat contrary to the popular belief that slang is flippant, irreverent, indecorous, indecent and obscene. In that vein, such a discovery confirms Mawadza’s (2000) observation that slang can be used in a contrary way to the conventional labelling of back slang as rebellious and deviant. The majority of participants who migrated to Rusape at some point in their lives confirmed that they found themselves surrounded by acquaintances-cum friends who in social informal set ups would speak nothing else but Shona back slang. They said that they had to make sure that they learnt the language as it helped them connect with the people around them. They admitted that Shona back slang creates unique feelings and helps one to stand out in a crowd as much as it provides a tremendous sense of belonging. Commenting on the relevance and prevalence of use of Chindebhe now, many participants who were once exposed to it when they were teenagers said that Chindebhe was once so fashionable that they would hear their parents speaking it both at home and at work. They were quick to say that Shona back slang served social purposes and was invariably identified with being a member of the Vengere community. As such, as expressed in ‘How slang affects the English language’ (Serrani 2022), Shona back slang takes up the axioms of all other forms of slang as it was indeed seen by many participants as used to distinguish group membership, to ‘informalise’ speech and go against established standards. So, slang can be seen as a form of linguistic fashion. Such an observation resonates with Shona back slang that has been acknowledged by many participants as being in process of obsolescence. Indeed fashion is invariably transient. It seems that the younger generation seldom uses it as much as the elder generation.

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Generational Usage of Chindebhe Many participants who grew up in Vengere in the 1970s and 1980s confirmed that Chidhebhe originated in Vengere, Rusape and it was so fashionable that everyone was able to speak it as it was a form of identity. Many who went to surrounding boarding schools such as Nyazura Adventist High School, Mabvudzi High School and St Faith High School helped to spread the language to fellow boarders who had come from places beyond Vengere. This spread is typical of the wave model’s explanation about the spread of a language. Responding to the question on generational use of Chidhebhe and its relevance now, most participants in their 30s now said that Chidhebhe is a dying art form as fewer young people are using it. However, they all confirmed that Chidhebhe remains a signal of identity for Vengere residents, former and current. The identity marker concept was complemented by participants in their early 40s who said that there are still men and women who can ‘talk the lingo’. In fact, they clarified that it seems the age group 40–60 is the one that uses Chidhebhe most as every time they meet for social purposes, Chidhebhe invariably pops. It seems with the generation of below 35; Chidhebhe has become less fashionable while with the generation of over 60, people feel they have outgrown the youthful relevance of the use of back slang. Chindebhe: Unity in Dispersion One of the most interesting observations that was made by many participants is the fact that Chidhebhe has migrated together with Vengere natives to other parts of Zimbabwe and even abroad. Such a phenomenon is reminiscent of Johannes Schmidt ‘Wave Model’ which entails the spread of a dialect from a place of origin to other regions. One participant said that in Botswana, there is a Vengere community of Manibho who speak Shona back slang whenever they team up for social gathering. The same idea was raised by South African, UK and Australian ‘Manibhos ’. As such, it can be observed that Vengere Shona back slang remains a form of identity and pride for the born in Vengere. Linked to the above remarks, the proverbial spread and impact of Shona back slang was explained by one Vengere born magistrate based in Masvingo. His professional position adds authenticity to the popular anecdote of a Vengere ‘criminal’ that was once saved by his ‘compatriot’

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presiding over the case as the magistrate. Apparently, the young man in the dock recognised the presiding magistrate as one of the elders he grew up to know in Vengere, Rusape. As much as the magistrate in Masvingo court was oblivious of the ‘criminal’s’ original home town, the young man recognised him. When he was asked to plead as per court proceedings’ protocol, the Vengere young Munibho burst in Shona back slang: ‘Mumako mungandiyasi ndichilanyu lehe; handinendi kamha’. Shona: ‘Mukoma mungandisiye ndichinyura here; handina mhaka’. English: ‘My elder brother, are you going to see me convicted, I’m innocent’. The people in court (especially the plaintiff and prosecutor) were confused by the language that the defendant used albeit the magistrate picking the identity and meaning of the defendant’s plea. As such, the magistrate adjourned the court on the pretext of need to examine the defendant’s mental state. Interestingly, the later proceedings worked to the advantage of the defendant who enjoyed the privilege of the secretive Shona back slang and the Vengere identity that he shared with the presiding law officer. One participant acknowledged the secretive nature of Shona back slang as he revealed that he heard some Harare, Mbare market traders using it in order to conceal their dialogue to overcharge a customer. Unaware that they were talking to a Vengere Shona back slang native speaker, the Munibho explained ‘…their intention was to swindle me of cash but I was quick to respond with a more fluent Shona back slang, much to their astonishment and immediate cooperation and ultimate evasion’. Apparently, the current manifestation of Shona back slang has transcended the common identity and solidarity intention of the majority 1990s generation of Shona back slang speakers. In this case, Shona back slang resonates with an observation made in 1874 as expressed in ‘The Slang Dictionary: Etymology, and Anecdotal, rev.ed’: the back slang has been in fashion since time immemorial. It is easily learnt and mostly associated with street traders who communicate their clandestine deals, ensuring that they are free from their obvious nemesis, the police (Hotten 2018) (Table 5.2). Below is the introductory excerpt of the interview guide that was used to gather data. Since the participants are Vengere residents, the writer deliberately used Chidhebhe as an alternative language for participants to use when responding to the questions. The Chidhebhe statement is part of what will constitute the selected words to explain the linguistic manifestation of Shona back slang. The excerpt is as follows; (Note that the Chidhebhe version is in italics).

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Table 5.2 Examples of common chindebhe words and linguistic analysis Chindebhe/Shona Back slang

Shona

English

Pakapai Zvakamao Mbaku Zinyupape Manhiwa Unongape Kulasulasu

Pakaipa Zvakaoma Kumba – Mahwani Unopenga Kusurasura

It’s difficult It’s difficult Home Newspaper Slang meaning ‘It’s difficult’ You are mad Farting farting

Randomly selected from participants: Examples of most common Chindende words, their Shona versions, and English literal translation as pointed out by most participants

Interview Guide for Manibho, Vengere, Rusape Residents and Former Residents English: Please feel free to use the language that you want. Shona: Unogona kushandisa mutauro waunoda. Shona, Chidhebhe, kana Chirungu, zvese zvinoita. Baack Slang/Chichebhe: Unonago kundishasa muwurato weunodendi. Nasho, Chindebhe, naka Chingulu, sezve zvinotai!!!

Description of Chindebhe Linguistic Manifestation – the shift commonly occurs at the syllabic level, instead of letters. For example, the two-syllable word Kumba (Home) is converted to Mbaku. – with three-syllable words, only the last two syllables are reversed. For example, Mahwani (It’s tough) is transformed to Manhihwa. – letter R is replaced by letter L when the word with an R is converted. For example, Chirungu (English) becomes Chingulu as much as Kusurasura (Farting) becomes Kulasulasu. – polysyllabic words are pronounced normally except for the last two syllables that are reversed but immediately followed by insertion of a common suffix ‘endi’. The initial /o/ vowel is replaced with /e/. For example, the four-syllable word, Weunoda (…that you want) is converted to Weiunodendi. – Some borrowed words that might be difficult to reverse due to difference with Shona in terms of pronunciation can be pronounced

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the normal way but with an added suffix ‘nindi’. For example, doughnut (English) is expressed as doughnutnindi.

Conclusions and Recommendations For the collation of findings, data was collected through content-linguistic analysis of sampled and selected interpersonal participant’s texts and interviews. The researcher’s Chindebhe proficiency enhanced involved reflection hence analysis was done from an informed point of view. Firstly, it was unanimously asserted by all participants that Chidhebhe originated in Vengere, Rusape. Many averred that it was a way of communicating in the colonial era to confuse the whites or any outsider. Secondly, Chindebhe was observed to have once been so fashionable that one would hear their parents speaking it both at home and at work. The purpose of Chindebhe was and has always been social rather than mere communication. Actually, Shona back slang served social purposes and was invariably identified with being a member of the Vengere community. Furthermore, the excluding nature of Chidhebhe made it compelling for any immigrants to learn it fast. Many participants found themselves surrounded by acquaintances-cum friends who in social informal setups would speak nothing else but Shona back slang. As such, they had to make sure that they learnt the language as it helped them connect with the people around them. Therefore, Chidhebhe can be construed as a symbol of identity without which outsiders might find it difficult to fit into the Vengere community. Finally, Chidhebhe has been seen to have remained a hallmark of a secretive language. It has been observed that its secretive nature has both positive and negative nuances as some illicit dealings have been reported to have been made possible by Chindebhe while in family circumstances; it has been proven ideal for parent–child relationship management. At a macabre humour level, the defendant, plaintiff and bailiff anecdote serves as an iconic illustration of a deep sense of sameness of the Vengere, Rusape speakers of Shona back slang, Chindebhe. Grounded on the outcomes of the enquiry and the deductions, the writer endorses a few proposals. Firstly, Back slang users could actually use their idiolect more as a tool for trusted social networking than for mere communal communication. In addition, Vengere natives should desist from using the back slang to propagate illicit dealings reminiscent

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of the Victorian costermongers. Rather, back slang should be progressive enough to foster development communication. Finally, for future research, I suggest that enquiries on the back slang and communication for development be done.

References Barnett, L. (2009). Why we all need our own secret slang. The Guardian. Blommaert, J. (2014). From mobility to complexity in sociolinguistics theory and method. Tilburg University. Coleman, J. (2012). The life of slang. Oxford University Press. Dumas, B. K., & Lighter, J. (1978). Is slang a word for linguists? American Speech. Eble, C. (1996). Slang and sociability: In-group language among college students. University of North Carolina Press. Fromkin, V., Rodman, R., & Hyams, N. (2014). An introduction to language. Cengage Learn. Gumperz, J., & Hymes, D. (Eds.). Directions in sociolinguistics: The ethnography of communication. Basil Blackwell. Gumperz, J. (1982). Discourse strategies. Cambridge University Press. Holmes, J. (2023). An introduction to sociolinguistics. ResearchGate. Hotten, J. C. (2002). The slang dictionary: Etymological, historical, and anecdotal (Rev.). Paperback. Hotten, J. C. (2018). A dictionary of modern slang, cant, and vulgar words, Tertulia. https://www.turtulia.com Hymes, D. (1972). Models of the interaction of language and social life. ISS Institute for Security Studies. (2022). Labov, W. (1972). Sociolinguistic patterns. University of Pennsylvania. Mawadza, A. (2000). Harare Shona Slang: A linguistic study. African Journals Online: University of Zimbabwe. McMillan, J. C., & Schumacher, S. (1989). Research in education: A conceptual introduction. Scott, Foresman. Mojela, V. M. (2000). The cause of urban slang and its effect on the development Morris, C. (2002). CapeTownMagazine.com. http://www.capetownmagazine. com Morris, C. (2020). Cape Town Slang Explained. http://www.capetownmagazine. com Mueller, J. (2022). How to speak Shona. wikiHow to do anything. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, J. S (2003). Dynamics of the Zimbabwe crisis in the 21st century. African. Journal on Conflict Resolution. Nordquist, R. (2018). English grammar; An introduction to punctuation. Georgia Southern University.

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Serrani, L. (2022). A journey through languages: A systematic literature review on the multilingual experience in counselling and psychotherapy with children and adolescents. Counselling and Psychotherapy Research, 23(1). https://doi. org/10.1002/capr.12593 Slotta, J. (2016). Slang and the semantic sense of identity. Texas Linguistics Forum, 59, 119–128. Proceedings of the 24th Annual Symposium about Language and Society-Austin. Spears, R. A. (1981). Slang and euphemism. Jonathan David Publishers. VYMaps.com. (2022). Zhou, Y., & Fan, Y. (2013). A sociolinguistic study of American slang. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 3(12), 2209–2213. Zimmer, J. (2018). Toward a description of register variation in American Sign Language. Seattle: Sementic Scholar.

CHAPTER 6

Mass Communication and African Indigenous Societies: The Meeting Point Charles Abiodun Oguntoye

Introduction Communication is inevitable in society and has existed and evolved with man (Gupta, 2014). To say the least, effective communication skills, as exhibited by humans differentiates it from other animals (Baran et al., 2012). In the same vein, technological advancement has become a major driving phenomenon for communication. Importantly, communication defers significantly in many different climes, fairly because each clime’s needs vary. History bequeaths us with the fact that Africa received a new form of communication as a result of the colonial system (imperialism). This new communication approach changed the ideological, cultural, economic, and social dispositions regarding communication in Africa today (Moemeka, 2002). The introduction of mass communication to the African society which was predominantly rooted in indigenous communication created a paradigm shift which may have affected the

C. A. Oguntoye (B) Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

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communication culture in Africa. In view of the foregoing, this paper examined the impact of mass communication on indigenous communication.

Conceptualising Communication Communication is a common feature yet complex in terms of definition (Folarin, 2006). Many scholars have defined communication in various ways. For Moemeka (2002), communication is an inalienable right of every human being. This shows that everyone is entitled to it, and they cannot be denied. Servaes & Patchanee (2004) explained that communication occurs when information is compressed into a given format and sent through a certain medium in order that a receiver can easily unpack the sent information and be able to use it effectively. From the above assertion, we observe that “process” becomes imperative and connotes transition; implying the movement of message (s) from one point to the other. The first point is usually from the sender and the last point is the receiver. However, in-between the two is the medium, which is essentially midwifing both. One other component is the message, which is central to all communication. Gupta (2015) cited that without a message, there would be no communication. What else would one communicate if not a message? The message is what the sender intends to pass across to the receiver. Communication is a vast phenomenon which invariably requires classification. They include: interpersonal communication, intrapersonal communication, mass communication, indigenous, cross-cultural communication, intercultural, and so on. However, for the purpose of this paper, we will examine mass communication and indigenous communication. The essence of focusing on these two is because the impact on one has brought about a meeting point for both which is the crux of this paper.

Mass Communication The idea behind mass communication points to a wide distribution of information such as entertainment, arts, information, and messages. Conventionally, this is usually carried out through various media such as television, radio, newspapers, magazines, movies, recorded music, and associated media (Folarin, 2006). Dominick (1993), added that certain

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organisations or institutions deploy mass communication to transmit messages to a wide range of audiences. Transmission in this case uses machines, which aid the effective spread of messages. It is important to state that the sender and receiver are often not within the same locality, as coverage widens up. It is also noteworthy to assert that feedback becomes essential as far as mass communication is in essence. Feedback usually comes with the impact of the message.

Conceptualising Indigenous Communication The word indigenous is often attached to something that is considered local or traditional and it can cover or be ascribed to such things as education, media, communication, or knowledge (Ayirebasia, 2008). Furthermore, Mundy (1993) asserts that indigenous knowledge is usually considerate of locality, norms, values as enshrined by a given culture. Thus, it could be inferred that it contrasts sharply with “Modern, Western, International, Scientific," or "Exogenous" categorisations. In specific terms, indigenous communication is developed by a people and over the years, it is handed down from one generation to another without necessarily losing value and features. Going by the assertion made by Ayirebasia (2008), indigenous communication includes the following: Oral, story-telling, performances (music, dance, etc.), body (kinesics), facial expressions, gestures/posture and spiritualism (divination, use of charms. symbolic, fire, light) (Ayirebasia, 2008).

Functions of Communication There are certain functions of communication considered as important to this paper. The essence of delving into its functions is because it would cover both dimensions of communication of which this study is interested in. Functions include but are not limited to: creating dynamism, informing, entertain, persuade, and transmission culture. Firstly, communication is dynamic and it is ever-changing and unending. In other words, if communication remains unchanging, there is every indication for it to become ineffective (Baran et al., 2012). Secondly, the main essence of news media, newspapers, radio, and television is to spread abroad information. This is what is referred to as

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information dissemination. This is because those who have access to information equally possess power. To say it more simply, without information, many people wallow in ignorance and underdevelopment. As the world increasingly changes and development takes place in all sector, knowledge dissemination becomes unavoidable. Thus, through communication, we understand what happens around us and can thus take control of our environment (Ekong, 2003). Thirdly, mass communication is a viable source of entertainment and it is imperative to note that Radio, television, and films have served this purpose for a good number of years. Newspapers cannot be left out in the scheme of entertainment delivery. To say the list, people (users) have accessed entertainment through comics, cartoons, features, cross word puzzles, and word jumbles in newspapers. However, considering entertainment from the perspective of radio, it could be observed that music becomes paramount. In addition, radio also offers entertainment through drama, talk shows, and comedy. Television and film are also viable in entertainment. They offer news, music videos, nature, and wildlife, humorous. The functions stated above find expression in both mass communication and indigenous communication. The difference is that one is done on a larger scale than the other. It can thus be said that the latter is not in anyway inferior to the former as it has been made to look like. Furthermore, communication can be seen to have four elements, which are basic to every communication process. They are source, channel, and process. Source is where information emanates from, usually to a receiver. Channel is the medium, through which such information is sent which can include: print, radio, and television. In the same vein, the process talks about how the message is packaged to make sure that the receiver can easily comprehend the message sent and can use it effectively (Ayirebasia, 2008). One aspect that we cannot ignore in the communication business is encoding. This is equally linked to the process of packaging a message in the right way for the receiver to understand it without ambiguity (Baran et al., 2012; Moemeka, 2002).

Diffusion of Innovation Theory The theory perceived social change in terms of diffusion of new ideas and practices as a crucial component of modernising process. The theory propounded by Everett Rogers in 1962 considered the media as a direct

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force for development. This implies that the media makes available salient information to individuals and groups, who consciously or unconsciously deploy such information to change behaviours that are not in consonance with increase in various aspects of livelihood such as politics, agriculture, healthcare, and social cohesion (Rogers, 2003).

Application of Diffusion Theory The dissemination of different information is the primary essence of several literatures as far as innovation diffusion is concerned. In view of this, several studies of innovation diffusion have received attention with a focus on exogenous information dissemination (Rogers 1983). For instance, folk media are part of frequently spread of exogenous information. To be specific, in recent times organisations have used traditional media to spread vital information on family planning and agricultural to local folks. In the same vein, local media have solicited change (Kidd 1982) and have dramatically changed attitudes in recent times. Thus, the need to use transitional media has been amplified by the advantages recorded over time. The advantages of using these media include their familiarity and credibility to local people and the potential for the involvement of the audience in performances. Using folk media developed by strange contributors or interventionist seem to have experienced challenges in the past. Abnormal elements such as values, norms, and language may deter local audience from understanding the content and feedback is drastically reduced (Lent, 1982a, 1982b). Thus, it is imperative to allow local people to create contents to suit their local needs (Compton, 1980).

Importance of Mass Communication in African Indigenous Societies Presently, mass communication affects virtually every part of human endeavour such as commerce, trade, education, health, agriculture, politics, justice, elections, and in other aspects as well. (Moemeka, 2002). It brings about development or perhaps, we could state categorically that it balances the gap between the urban and rural areas. The introduction of mass communication has opened up varieties of interest in indigenous communication models. This realisation has galvanised support for indigenous communication and a tapping of its potentials.

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Convergence Between Mass Communication and Indigenous Communication Some scholars see mass communication and indigenous communication as two extremes without a point of convergence. On the other hand, a few accept that there is a meeting point between the two. This paper examines the meeting point between mass communication and indigenous communication. Primarily, mass communication has a wider coverage and its media are conventional, distinct, and laden with several possibilities. Although, one of the medium can permeate the rural areas, it has not been able to eliminate the communication barrier which is immediate feedback from the receiver. On the other hand, indigenous communication is situated within interpersonal communication framework and its strength is virtually expressed in the quality of interaction between the sender and the receiver. Thus, in order to maximise the potentials of the two ends, deployment of both, based on the need to achieve wider reach, speed, effectiveness, participation agencies can engage or utilise both media to address issues that require any of them without sticking to one at the expense of effective communication (Hassan, 2013). Effective communication occurs when the sender of a message receives a favourable feedback from the recipient which means that the intended receiver has understood the message from the sender, and responds with the feedback expected by the sender. In view of this, it is pertinent to note that conventional media are top-down in nature that is, information without obtaining feedback. Oftentimes, it is a piece of information that is passed across to a large network of people for possible behaviour change or actions to be taken against an issue(s). As much as mass communication can get to a large number of persons, there is also the need to understand the peculiarities of certain locations (rural areas) where interpersonal communication is more beneficial (Hassan, 2013). The essence of the argument is that where there is a need to engage rural communities, emphasis should not be placed on mass communication because of the belief that, many people can be reached in the shortest possible time. The need to achieve effectiveness should also be considered and that should promote the blend between indigenous communication media alongside the mass communication media.

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Conclusion It has been established that communication is crucial to man’s existence and cannot be underestimated in that regard. Two major forms of communication have been explained and it is obvious that, to a large extent, the impact of the western mass communication on African indigenous communication is enormous. Many have observed that western mass communication has overshadowed indigenous communication. However, having observed that the deployment of the mass media especially in the hinterlands does not conveniently trigger sustainable development of such areas, it has become pertinent to apply a combination of both mass media and indigenous media. Thus, suggesting a robust meeting point between mass communication and indigenous communication.

References Ayirebasia, A. (2008). The role of Indigenous modes of communication in enhancing development support communication in Ghana (Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy [M. Phil.]). Integrated Development Studies, to the Graduate School of the University for Development, UDS, Tamale. Antos, G. (2011). Handbook of interpersonal communication. Mouton De Gruyter. Baran, J. S., & Davis, K. D. (2012). Mass communication theory: Foundations, ferment, and future (6th ed.). Cengage Learning. Compton, J. L. (1980). Indigenous folk media in rural development. Ch. 17 in: David Brokensha, Warren, D. M., & Werner, O. (Eds.). (1980). Indigenous knowledge systems and development. University Press of America, (1980). Diaz, B. J. (1975). The role of folk media: A point of view. Instructional Technology Report 1.2. Informational Centre on Instructional Technology, Washington, DC, Academy for Educational Development (1975). Ekong, E. E. (2003). An introduction to rural sociology. Dove Educational Publishers. Folarin, B. (2006). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text (3rd ed.). Bakinfol Publications, in association with E-Watch Print Media. Gupta, M. D. (2015).Development communication: Theoretical Perspective. Retrieved from Gupta, R. (2014). The DBS handbook of mass media and communication. Thomson.

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Hargie, O., & Dickson, D. (2004). Skilled interpersonal communication: Research, theory and practice. Brunner Routledge. Hassan, S. (2013). Mass communication principles and concepts (2nd ed.). CBS Publishers and Distributors. https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/sea rch?q=cache:KJFP69GIVhcJ:https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/developmentcommunication-theoretical-perspective-deepak-m-gupta+&cd=1&hl=en&ct= clnk&client=firefox-beta Hybels, S., & Weaver, R. (1998). Communicating effectively (5th ed.). McGrawHill. Kidd, R. (1982). The popular performing arts, non-formal education and social change in the in the third world: A bibliography and review essay. Klapper, J. T. (1960). The effects of mass communication. Free Press. Lent, J. A. (1982). Grassroots renaissance: Folk media in the third world. Media Asia 90, 9–17, Lumen. (2020). Introduction to mass communication—Functions of mass communication. Retrieved on 28th July, 2020 from https://courses.lumenlearning. com/ Moemeka, A. (2002). Communication and development. Jedidia Publishers Mundy, P. (1993). Indigenous knowledge and communication: Current approaches. The Journal of the Society for International Development. Rogers, E. M. (2003). Diffusion of innovations. Free Press. Third World: A bibliography and review essay. Bibliography 7 . Centrefor the Study of Education in Developing Countries (CESO).

CHAPTER 7

Mission Statements, Role of Political Actors in Community Radio Stations: The Ghanaian Experience Mavis Essandoh

Introduction The study also examined the role of the District Assemblies and Local Chiefs in the work and activities of CR stations, since they are the political arm of government in the districts and local communities, ensuring their development through the provision of local infrastructure and sanitation facilities. The District Chief Executive is the Head of the District Assembly, appointed by the President of the country and takes part in the day-to-day functions of the Assembly (Ahwoi, 2000; Ayee, 1999, 2000; Kyeremeh, 1995; Nkrumah, 1995; Zanu, 1995). The role of the District Chief Executives (DCE) and Assembly Members is to ensure the smooth running of the district assembly and development of communities and the district (Ahwoi, 2000; Ayee, 1999, 2000; Kyeremeh, 1995; Nkrumah,

M. Essandoh (B) Ghana Institute of Journalism, Accra, Ghana e-mail: [email protected]

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1995; Zanu, 1995). The Local Chiefs are the custodians of local cultures, leaders and gatekeepers. Chieftaincy positions—unlike DCEs who are appointed by the President and Assembly Members who are voted for by community members—are hereditary, based on family lines. Chiefs facilitate the peaceful running of local communities and together with their elders, administer justice and ensure community members abide by local laws and traditions—violations of which carry penalties. They provide the “day-to-day” leadership in running the affairs of the local communities and are often at the forefront of local development efforts (Abdulai, 2006; Brempong, 2006; Gyekye, 1996; Seini, 2006). In some instances, all the groups of people who work to ensure the development of their local communities may be collectively referred to as “local actors” (Addai Kyeremeh, 1995, p. 91).

Objectives of the Study 1. To find out the mission statements of the eleven (11) Ghanaian stations selected for the study. 2. To find out the extent of involvement of the political institutions of District Chief Executives (DCEs) and local chiefs in the programming and activities of the selected stations. Mission/Mandates of the Community Radio Stations • The mission of Radio Ada is to “give voice to the voiceless;” Gatua et al., 2010) also looked at the mission statement of ‘FIRE’ and they found that community radio had facilitated communication among community members in Costa Rica, which is in sync with the mission statement of Radio Ada. • Radio Peace’s is to “assist in reducing illiteracy and ignorance, squalor and disease, hunger and poverty; thus, promoting a more fulfilling higher standard of life among disadvantaged communities.” • Radio Progress’ mandate is to serve as “a development community radio station which serves as a catalyst for the Upper West Region through effective participatory programmes focusing on the felt needs of all the segments of the community.”

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• Radio Simli’s mission is to explore participatory approaches to provide a platform that will stimulate social, economic and political change that meets the aspirations of its constituent communities.” • That of Radio Breezy is “to use the airwaves to educate the community on factors that perpetuate poverty, promote functional literacy and promote good sanitation practices.” • Radio Radford’s mission is to promote “a well-developed Sissalla community through quality information delivery.” • Radio Tongu has a three-pronged mission which are: “To give voice to the voiceless and marginalised for better living conditions; to provide opportunity for the local community to share knowledge and experience; and to educate members [of the community] on national and global issue.” The last mission of the station has resonance with the views of Ansah (1985) who reported that one of the reasons for the setting up of the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, the Ghanaian state broadcaster was to provide information on national and international events and to serve as a “window on their world.” • Radio Affram Plains was also set up to “give voice to the voiceless.” • Radio Emashie was set up to give voice to the voiceless and to promote the Ga language.” • The mission of Radio Royals is to “enhance and broaden the horizon and inclusion of all people of Wenchi, Tain, and Banda districts in decision making processes on issues that affect their social, economic and political well-being through strategic education, sensitization and advocacy using Twi and Bono languages.” It is significant that the mission of Radio Royals suggests that the station was to serve as a “space” and public sphere for the local community members on issues that concern and affect them. • The mission statement of Radio Builsa is “To work with ordinary people through participatory approaches to empower them to demand their rights and also to effectively participate in issues affecting them.” This exemplifies the emancipatory and empowering effect of community radio on previously marginalised groups. Radio Emashie, Radio Ada and Radio Affram Plains’ mission is to “give voice to the voiceless” that is, to provide them a conduit, channel and opportunity to participate in decisions that affect the lives of the members

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of the local communities they serve. Radio Emashie’s other mission was to promote the language of the community. Radio Progress, Radio Simli, Radio Royals and Radio Builsa’s mission is to help the local communities identify their needs, provide them with the necessary information to help accelerate their development through participatory processes and ultimately, prevent their alienation from societal and national discourse. One of the missions of Radio Tongu apart from giving the local communities a voice and helping them to develop is to provide them with information on national and international events and to use radio to serve as the “window on the outer world of community members.” Thus, the missions of the stations suggest an avowed mandate to involve and engage their local communities in participatory processes and activities of information delivery to ensure their subsequent development and empowerment. Literature Review CR and Provision of Information on Political and Governance Issues Apart from their development potential and drive, CR stations the world over provide relevant information on political and governance issues. Alhassan et al. (2011) from their study of Radio Simli in Ghana found it encouraged local community members to hold their traditional elders and political leaders accountable for the development of their communities. Gustafsson (2013) found that some programmes aired by the two Kenyan stations she studied provided information on government institutions and organisations and how listeners could access their services. She found one of the stations, Koch FM, had for several years empowered the local community on the use of Constituency Development Funds by encouraging it to hold administrators accountable. Gustafsson (2016, p. 115) found that the two Kenyan CR stations she studied worked hard to provide civic education for their community members and educated them on their rights and responsibilities as citizens. Kombol (2014) noted that, although community radio has been touted as a tool for the development of rural marginalised and grassroots audiences, it has the potential to be used to educate their audiences on political, government and other issues, which would ultimately ensure their subsequent democratisation. CR can also educate local communities on their political choices during election periods, government policies and political education programmes. Kombol (2014) also studied the processes and

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activities of CR stations worldwide through literature reviews and interviews with Station Managers and staff, in the context of Nigeria having no “real” CR stations at the time of his study. He argued that the creation of political awareness among a country’s citizens is critical in any democratic dispensation, since it enables citizens to know whom to vote for, the development programmes and manifestoes of parties, dates of elections, messages of political contestants as well as the electoral process. Essandoh (2006); Alhassan et al. (2011) also found that the Radio Peace and Radio Simli stations in Ghana served as channels through which local communities could hold their leaders and duty bearers accountable for their stewardship and that through the political programmes aired, stations had promoted interaction among community members and their local leaders and authorities. Essandoh (2006); Diedong and Naaikuur (2012, 2014, 2015) found that through the programmes of the station, community needs and concerns were channelled to relevant government, agencies, and authorities for action. Through political and governance programmes, most community members had come to understand the work and processes of the various political institutions such as chieftaincy. Alhassan et al. (2011) also reported that Radio Simli had given meaning to the concept of political decentralisation, through the programmes aired and the one-on-one interactive sessions with local community members. Sekwo (2010) also found the Nabiina station aired interactive call-in programmes, which discussed local, community or national politics. Similarly, Tietaah (2014, p. 196) found Radio Ada, one of the two CR stations he studied in Ghana, as a democratised mass media form which promoted participation of its community members. He also found community members of Radio Progress very happy with the programmes the station aired in local languages, which had given them access and enabled their participation in the public sphere, while giving them a voice through which to present their problems and issues to those in authority. Langdon and Larweh (2015); and Diedong and Naaikuur (2012, 2014, 2015) found CR stations had been used to empower local communities and help them confront and fight against exploitation of community resources by internal and external agencies and forces (such as multinational corporations). Langdon and Larweh (2015) found that through deliberations with community members via interpersonal means and broadcasts on CR stations, local CR stations could help prevent the expropriation of local resources: “It is this type

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of openness and engagement that is an example of knowledge of democracy in action” (Langdon & Larweh, 2015, p. 286; see also Tietaah, 2014). Magpanthong (2007, p. 249) who studied three CR stations in Thailand examining how members of the local communities participated in the activities and programmes of CR found that one promoted the democratisation of its community audience. The community radio stations became a symbol of democratic and decentralised community. She found that the Doilangtham CR station had been set up to serve as the “mouthpiece” and advocacy tool on local land issues, but with time, community members requested it to add more interesting programmes and music to discussions on land issues and reforms. King (2015, p. 137) in her study of a local Jordanian CR station found how it was amplifying the voices of its local communities, created awareness on civic issues, and served as a “space” for community members to engage in political discussions, through which the station had “exercised democracy” (King 2009, cited in King, 2015, p. 139). She also found that the station’s programming had raised awareness on civic and political issues and empowered and supported community members to take collective action to facilitate change in their communities. Meadows et al. (2005) in their study of CR stations in Australia found them serving as “sites of empowerment” (p. 156) by allowing community participation in production processes. They found that, unlike mainstream media where “voices of elites” (p. 156) dominate, the stations had allowed the local communities they served to air their views and through that, given them a voice. In some contexts, CR stations have been used to promote peace and prevent violence in their local communities. Diedong and Naaikuur (2012, 2014, 2015) and Gustafsson (2016, p. 118) in their studies of Ghanaian and Kenyan CR stations examined how they were trying to communicate and prevent post-election conflicts in their local communities after the national elections in 2008. They found the CR stations had helped to maintain the peace during and after the elections. Gustafsson (2016, p. 118) found that although their original objective was not to communicate peace and reconciliation, the stations had redeveloped their programmes to meet the needs of the communities which had been affected by post-election violence (PEV). These findings are similar to the findings of Iyorza and Ekwok (2017 & Demuyakor, 2021, see also, Castillo, 2014) who found that the local community radio stations educated their community on politics and governance issues in Nigeria and the northern parts of Ghana respectively.

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Meeting Community Needs Through Programming Community radio stations often serve the listening needs of small groups, which often have no other means or medium of communication. These stations often address community issues or needs, some of which may be social, economic, health and political (Tucker, 2013). Kombol (2014, p. 13) noted that: “Members of the audience… have a sense of belonging and the content of the programmes are more relevant and useful to wider sections of the community.” Malik and Bandelli (2015) in their study of CR stations to examine how they encouraged the participation of local community members, found that Radio Namaskar aired programmes of relevance to their community members, with some being on civic issues, human rights, government and social policies, formal education and need for female education, health, traditional culture, issues of local governance and decentralisation among others. Similarly, Gustafsson (2013) in her study of two CR stations conducted in the slums of Nairobi, Kenya found that they promoted the identities of their local communities, and that the stations also aired programmes dealing with youth issues such as drug abuse, unemployment, teenage pregnancy, domestic violence and the benefits of adopting a positive and morally upright lifestyle (p. 258). Gustafsson (2013) found the guests and presenters on the programmes sharing their experiences with their audiences, which encouraged the latter to call in to express themselves and air their views on subjects generally considered taboo. Fauteux (2012), in his study of three Canadian CR stations found that they (originally campus CR stations) were granted FM licences and mandated by law to air relevant programmes and to commit to the local communities they served. Thus, they were expected to inculcate the tastes, culture and music of their communities into their programmes (see also Forde, 2011). He noted that: “A commitment to the ‘community’ element of Canada’s radio broadcast sector is a defining trait that sets Canadian campus stations apart from American college stations” (Fauteux, 2012, p. 138). Alumuku (2006) who examined case studies of community radio in Ghana, South Africa and other parts of Africa, found that on the whole, community radio stations aired programmes of relevance for their community audiences to meet their educational, entertainment, information and other needs, while at the same time raising awareness about local, national and other political issues.

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Ibrahim (2007) who studied Radio Simli in Ghana to identify the benefits community members derived from CR programmes found the programmes were relevant to their needs as communities, particularly those related to their professions. He found that 78% of his research participants had no formal education and that programmes of the station were listened to by all age categories of respondents. He also found that the majority of his respondents (95%) listened to all the programmes of the station, some of which were on agriculture, community development, social issues and health among others. Alhassan et al. (2011) found that through the newspaper review segments of the morning show programmes, Radio Simli had provided information on community, national and international issues and broadened their horizon and worldview on national and international issues. Tietaah (2014) studied two examples for each of three radio types (CR, commercial and public) in Ghana. He found that news bulletins of CR stations tended to dwell more on local community members and issues while the news on public radio stations focused more on government personalities and activities. Sekwo (2010) also found that the Nabiina station in Ghana also aired programmes on human rights, peaceful coexistence among community members, health and other educative programmes. Meeting of Specific Needs of Community Although CR stations often air general and all-inclusive programmes, in some cases, they are set up to meet specific needs of the communities they serve. For instance, Magpanthong (2007) in her study of three Thai stations found that they were set up to meet the specific needs of beneficiary communities: Khon Thaiso to preserve the So language and culture; Doilangtham to serve as an advocacy tool for the land Reform Group to regain their lands and property; and Pattani to promote the Islamic religion and serve as a channel of communication for Muslims in the community. Essandoh (2006) found Radio Peace in Ghana airing four community-specific programmes presented by members of selected communities, recorded by the station and later aired. The programmes were Amansin mu amanbu (Issues of governance), Kusum agoro (traditional music), kodzi (Story telling), and Ekuaye ho nyimzee (Agricultural education). In particular, the story telling, and traditional songs programme enabled interaction between community members, entertained them and admonished wrongdoers through the moral lessons carried by the stories.

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Meeting of Community Health Needs All over the world, CR stations have been found to meet the specific health needs of their local communities. Gustafsson (2013) found that Kenyan stations aired programmes, topical discussions, and health programmes, which featured local doctors, and morning show programmes on which topical health issues were discussed. Gbaal (2010), in his study of Radio Progress in Ghana, examined how the station aired health programmes to meet the needs of local audiences. He found the programmes made significant impact and helped community members to adopt more responsible health lifestyles and behaviours. Mhagama (2015a) found that through the health programmes aired by the two Malawian stations, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) among youth had reduced drastically. Meadows and Foxwell (2011) found that some Australian CR stations had promoted the emotional and mental well-being of their listeners through programming. In more recent times, CR stations are providing critical information on the COVID19 pandemic for its audience members (Coleman, 2020). Some other stations have also educated their community members on various diseases (see also Marcus, 2020). Meeting of Needs of Local Professional Groups Community radio stations have been found to air programmes to meet the listening needs of persons involved in local and other professions. Thus, Patil (2014) and Essandoh (2006) in their studies of the Sangham CR station in India and the Radio Peace in Ghana found that the programmes aired by the stations had resonance with community needs. In particular, the agricultural programmes had provided information and technical know-how for illiterate local farmers. Essandoh (2006) also found that the agricultural programmes had helped improve agricultural yields of farmers through adopting the advice and techniques featured on the programmes. Ayivor (2009), who studied fishermen of the Azizanya community near Ada in Ghana, found that through its programming the station always advised the fishermen and community members to keep the beaches clean, avoid littering the beaches or throwing domestic rubbish into the sea, their main source of livelihood. Ayivor (2009) found that the fishermen in her study listened to the programmes on Radio Ada, which educated them on certain negative and detrimental fishing practices and

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had adopted most of the advice given on the programmes aired by the station, which helped them in their profession. Rivers (2002) found that Radio Ada had two weekly programmes for women (the fishmongers’ and dressmakers’ programmes) that targeted females in those professions and enabled them to air their views, relate with others and provide insights on their professions. Rivers (2002) found that audiences suggested a change in the scheduled time of programmes to enable their male relatives and husbands to hear some of the complaints made against them for effective redress. Similarly, the fishmongers’ programmes aimed to educate and provide them an outlet to air their views and empower them. Through the information given on programmes, some women had benefited by educating their men on some of the problems faced by them in their profession and in their daily lives and encouraged them to send their children to school. Rivers (2002) found that the programmes had served as a “space” for women to express their views and an outlet and voice for societal discourse and debate. McKay (2003) found that apart from fishermen and fishmongers, the community had other professional groups such as farmers, dressmakers and taxi drivers, the station-aired programmes for.

Theoretical Framework This study is hinged on Dennis McQuail’s Democratic Participant Media Theory (1987). Some of the notable studies that employed this theory are: Osunkunle (2020), Kombol (2014) and Dunu (2015). The theory describes participant democratic media as those that are small-scale and set up by groups, organisations, or grassroots local communities. Often interactive, they allow access to and participation by local community members. The theory suggests that these media are a challenge to the dominance of mainstream media, which are often commercial in focus, bureaucratic and centralised in their programming and activities. This theory dwells on community ownership and participation as the main characteristics of these media forms. McQuail’s (1987) Participant Democratic Media approach has relevance for community radio, which allows access and encourages the participation of local community members. Lewis (cited in Dunu, 2015, p. 180) argued that the Participant Democratic Media has resonance and is directly related to the principles underlying the programming and activities of local community radio stations, with Dunu (2015) acknowledging that most of these

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principles are akin to those of community radio. The normative framework espoused by McQuail (1987) typifies the activities and operations of community radio stations and differentiates them from mainstream commercial and public media, especially with its emphasis on participatory communication and democracy. McQuail (1987) encourages the participation of community members in the programme production processes of their stations. and argues that: “Communication is too important to be left to the professionals.” Thus, in this medium, local activities are not only given utmost attention, but are “the central concern of CR” (Scifo, 2015, p. 96, emphasis in original). McQuail (1987) presents the media scenes of countries as sites of political struggle in which all the elements have a stake and want to participate against the wishes of political elites in society. The theory propagates the inclusion of marginalised communities in societal debate by encouraging them to possess their own mass media forms, which are grassroots-oriented, small, participatory and all-inclusive. The main principles of the theory are that: • Individuals and minority groups have a right to communicate and must be supported to have their own media, which must be accessible and participatory in character, form and content of programmes. • Everyone in the community must have access to relevant information and be encouraged to give feedback on messages aired. • The organisation as well as the programming of these media must be controlled by the beneficiaries of the facility and not by government or any external agents. All views espoused by McQuail (1987) in this theory parallel the central tenets of community radio stations. Thus, the Democratic Participant Media Theory espouses the view that small-scale media must provide access and encourage participation of grassroots local populations in their activities and programmes (see also Kombol, 2014).

Research Methodology The study purposively selected (11) eleven stations who were members of the Ghana Community Radio Network (GCRN) for study. It also explored individual in-depth interviews of stations managers of the eleven

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stations, District Chief Executives (DCEs), a Member of Parliament (MP) and Local Chiefs of the sites of the stations. It also examined documents and programme schedules of the stations to ascertain how the programme contents resonate with the missions of the stations. The interviews were analysed based on the themes found in them as well as the embedded discourses.

Data Analysis and Discussion Inception of Radio Involvement of the Political Institution in the Setting Up of Stations As a recognised stakeholder of community radio in the country (National Communications Authority, 2007), in all cases, the assemblies supported all the stations with the applications for frequencies by giving them letters and moral support. The NCA enjoins applicants for community radio to involve the community members and to add 20 signatories to the application. In line with this, almost all the community radio stations sought the involvement and support of the district assembly and the local chiefs in the application process. In some instances, the assemblies went beyond the application process to provide financial and logistical support for the stations. In the case of Radio Affram Plains, the district assembly provided the building and the transmitter for the station. With regards to Radio Emashie, the assembly gave some money for the initial set up of the station and gave them accommodation at the District Assembly office after they moved from the chief’s palace where they were originally located. In the case of Radio Tongu, the assembly supported with cash apart from support with the application process, and in the case of Radio Radford in Tumu, the district assembly bore the entire cost for the building in which the station operates. Similarly, Mullo Lopez et al. (2019) in Central Ecuador found that during the tenure of the former President Rafael Correa, there was the provision of technological equipment for the operation of the stations and training of indigenous in the field of communication. Inputs Made into Programmes of the Radio Station The assemblies and local chiefs make inputs by going on the stations to communicate government policies and going there in person to clarify

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issues or did so when they are called upon by the stations. In some cases, the assemblies have programmes on the District assembly concept (You and the Assembly) where issues of the assembly are discussed and where people call in to hold the assembly responsible for its actions and inactions. The assemblies also air all their paid announcements on the stations as a way of helping them to generate revenue to support their activities. Listenership of CR Stations Almost all of them said they listened to the programmes of the local community radio stations and gave feedback on the programmes of the stations. A DCE said he sometimes paid visits to the station to interact with its volunteers. “I listen sometimes, and I also go to the station to interact with the volunteers of the station” (DCE, Tumu). Knowledge of Political Programmes of the Station Although they all said they knew of programmes on which politics were discussed, they did not exactly mention them but cited programmes on which politics and governance issues were discussed. Some of these were: Community Manifesto programmes, Big Issues, Morning Show, and the newspaper review segments of the morning show which deliberated on issues that had been published by the newspapers by a panel. After that, the phone lines were opened to enable members of the community to participate in the discussions. This had the benefit of helping to form public opinion on issues and ultimately form a community public sphere. …I know of programmes which aim at educating the people on government issues, but not exactly partisan politics. (Tumu DCE)

Similarly, these views corroborate those of who found that community radio stations enhance democracy and citizen participation in South Africa. Mode of Giving Feedback to Stations by Assemblies/Local Chiefs All the chiefs and DCEs said they gave feedback on the stations’ programmes, particularly on development issues and those that directly

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concerned the assembly. They did so by calling the stations, inviting producers and management of the stations to express their displeasure on inaccurate information and clarifying issues. They also visited the stations to give face-to-face feedback, interviews and answered questions from members of the community. They also wrote letters to the stations to register their displeasure to the management when they felt they had been misrepresented or accused wrongly. Knowledge of Development Programmes of the Stations They all said they knew of development programmes of the stations and cited programmes like agriculture, health, environmental programmes, weekly programme on development into which some of them made an input. Morning Show, what is the truth in this matter? Anti-bush fire programme of some of the stations, community development and economic programmes for women, which explained financial issues and gave insights to local community members were some of the programmes cited by the DCEs and local chiefs. It educates the community about new, current issues in relation to farming in the district, especially, when it is time for immunization or any disease outbreak in the district

Similarly (Alhasaan & Sheenu, 2018; Backhaus, 2019) found that community radio stations help in sharing technical knowledge and skills critical to farmers by providing them with daily talk shows and weekly slots for agricultural programmes in India, South Africa and Nigeria respectively (see also, Kashyap & Goswamy, 2018). Also, Sjuchro and Andung (2020); Goswamy and kashiyap (2020) in their Indonesian and Indian studies respectively found that CR stations had facilitated “community conversations” and created local public spheres for their audiences. They also found that good governance had contributed to the effective functioning of their local community radio stations. Talebi Bezmin Abadi et al. (2019) also found that community radio in Indonesia had played a vital role in information exchanges with their audiences and helped them participate in discussions on their development.

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Visit to the Stations and Contribution to Programmes All of the DCEs said they had been to the stations to participate in programmes in which the assembly had to explain some of their activities and governmental projects. Some chiefs also said they had served as resource persons on some of the political programmes of the stations. Some of them were panel members of the Morning Show where issues of sanitation were discussed. I have been there a number of times with my Public Relation Officer (P. R. O) to talk on the state of the assembly and we have made it a point to visit every quarter of the year. (Progress Radio MCE)

From the responses, one can say that the District Chiefs Executives (DCE) and local chiefs had contributed to “community conversations” and had facilitated the building of community public spheres. Support of the Station by District Assemblies and Local Chiefs All of them said they had supported the stations by operating an opendoor policy where the stations had contacted them for the assemblies’ side of issues. Some of the DCEs and chiefs had served as resource persons for some of the developmental, political programmes and those which address issues in which the assembly or chiefs are involved, with some of the assemblies have providing financial support for the stations. We provide financial support, and resources persons for interviews on the station’s platform. (DCE Affram plains )

Satisfaction with the with the Work of the Stations in the Community They all said they used the station to communicate government policies and the assemblies’ activities and programmes, projects to the people. Yes, I am definitely happy. I must say that the radio station is our baby, and I am happy with supporting it. Once the people are happy with it, I have no cause to say otherwise. (DCE Tumu)

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Collaboration of the Assembly and Chiefs with the Stations in Their day-To-Day Work Although DCEs and chiefs are not directly involved in the day-to-day running of the stations, all the assemblies and chiefs had representatives on the governing councils of the local community radio stations. However, on a daily basis, they (DCEs or their representatives) had been to the stations as resource persons, interviewees for programmes, provided education for community members on government, local development projects and issues of the assemblies. They had all collaborated with the stations when there was a need to educate the community on local or assembly issues, or other local, government policies and projects. Thus, their relationship with the communities was an open two-way one where the community radio stations serve as the liaisons with the assemblies and chiefs to ensure that information on local, community, governance issues and policies were disseminated in a timely manner. The assemblies and chiefs, also had a responsibility to ensure the sustenance of the stations and to ensure that they were airing programmes of relevance to their communities for their subsequent development. Involvement of DCEs and Chiefs in the Management of the Stations Some of the DCEs and chiefs said they had their representatives on the governing councils of the stations and had an open-door policy with them. The stations also represented the people and communicated their needs to the assemblies. Thus, they all worked in tandem and in consultation with one another since they both represent the local communities they serve. Adequacy of the Programmes Aired for the Development of Local Communities Most of the DCEs and chiefs said the stations were serving their local communities well, while a few said they should improve upon the contents of their programmes. Another chief also said that they should broadcast more in the language of the community and less in the English language which most of the local community members do not understand.

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Similarly, Krause, Lloyd-Smith and Hajek (2020) found that the choice of language plays a critical role among community radio listeners in Australia (see also, Walsh & Day; 2021; Royeen & Doorslaer; 2021). Adequacy of Programmes of the Stations to Meet the Developmental Needs of the Community Generally, they said the programmes were adequate to meet the developmental needs of their communities, except one Member of Parliament (MP) who said there was a discontinued development programme which was serving the peoples’ needs very well and that if it was brought back, the Radio Progress would be seen to be serving its local communities well. Others said due to the diversity of programmes aired on health, education, agriculture, sanitation, environment, they could say that the stations were serving their communities well. The station’s programmes on sanitation are a good source of knowledge and education for everybody to practice good sanitation in our communities—Local Chief 3

Similarly, in terms of knowledge and education, these corroborate the views of (Lawrence et al., 2022 & Sunil, 2020) who found out that community radio stations have positive impact on grassroots development among rural dwellers in Nigeria and India respectively. Also, Asuman and Diedong (2019) in their Ghanaian study found that CR served as a platform for information on developmental issues, health matters, market prices as well as a source for entertainment. It was also found that these programmes had changed the standard of living of the people and has helped them participate in programme production and development initiatives. Democratisation of Local Communities by Stations They all said the stations through their variety of programmes on health, environmental, sanitation and others had helped to democratise the local communities. Others also said that they educated the local communities on electioneering issues and encouraged them to play their civic responsibilities by going to vote during the presidential and parliamentary

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elections. They said they had also through the stations’ interactive phonein- programmes, enabled the local community members to participate in debates on politics and issues of governance. “They played a crucial role in last year’s election. They mobilised voters to vote and educated them on peaceful election” (Radio Builsa DCE). Similarly, Okinyi (2019) found that community radio stations played a key role during elections in Kenya by mediating in conflicts and audience were given the space to deliberate on issues concerning the state. Suitability of Programmes to Community Calendar When they were asked whether the programme scheduling of the stations suit their community calendar, all of them said yes, except one who said the time of broadcast by the stations should be extended during the farming season. The rest, however, said the stations were doing well with the scheduling of programmes, for example, agricultural programmes were aired in the evenings when farmers would have returned from their farms. Another also said although the station was set up by the Catholic church, it aired programmes to suit the needs of the Moslems in the community and that the Moslem programme was aired on Friday evening at a time when most people would have returned from their farms and work and were relaxing. Community Radio and Decentralisation of Communications They all said that community radio stations were helping to decentralise government policies, were a viable link between the district assemblies and the local communities, provide the needed information to accelerate the development of their local communities, gives voice to the voiceless in society and generally helps in the decentralisation processes of governance. However, a DCE said that in some instances, the station has been used to wrongly accuse, attack duty bearers and caused dissatisfaction against them while leaving those who have shirked their duties off the hook. They felt that through this, some community radio stations instead of informing the local community members on the activities of the assemblies have rather misinformed them and caused dissatisfaction for the assembly.

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Conclusion This study examined the mission statements of the eleven (11) community radio stations who are members of the Ghana Community Radio Network (GCRN). The mission statements focused on giving voices to their community, promoting local cultures, developing their communities, encouraging the participation of local community members and educating them. The study also ascertained the role of political institutions of District Chief Executives (DCEs) and Local Chiefs in the activities and programmes of their local community radio stations. It was found that the DCEs and chiefs were actively involved in the setting up, programming, giving feedback and supporting the stations financially and morally.

References Abdulai, A. I. (2006). The Ghanaian chief as a manager: Between tradition and modernity. In I. K. Odotei & A. k. Awedoba (Eds.), Chieftaincy in Ghana— Culture, governance and development (pp. 565–586). Sub-Saharan Publishers. Ahwoi, K. (2000, July). Trends in local government reforms and decentralisation in Ghana. In A decade of decentralisation in Ghana—Retrospect and prospects (pp. 15–24). EPAD Research Project and the Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development, Ghana. Alhasaan, M., & Shehu, A. (2018). Community radio in promoting agriculture: Agric panaroma (pp. 57–62). Programme on ABU FM Radio, KIU Journal of Humanities, Kampala International University. Alhassan, S., Andani, A., & Abdul-Malik, A. (2011). The role of community radio in livelihood improvement: The case of Simli Radio. Journal of Field Actions, 5, 1–11. Alumuku, P. T. (2006). Community radio for development, the world and Africa. Paulines Publications Africa. Asuman, M. K. & Diedong, A. L. (2019). Multiplicity of voices in community development through radio in Fanteakwa District, Ghana. Ghana Journal of Development Studies, 16(2), 178–199. Ayee, J. R. A. (1999). The case of District Chief Executives and Members of Parliament in Ghana. Fredrich Ebert Stiftung. Ayee, J. R. E. (2000). Saints, wizards, demons, and systems: Explaining the success or failure of public policies and programmes. Ghana Universities Press. Ayivor, B. (2009). The role of community radio in the livelihoods of fishing communities, a case study of Radio Ada (Bachelor of Communication thesis). Ghana Institute of Journalism, Accra, Ghana

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CHAPTER 8

Expanding Language? Struggles that Characterise the Development of New Words and Meanings on Eswatini’s National Radio Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu

and Nqobile Ndzinisa

Introduction The Constitution of the Kingdom of Eswatini stipulates that siSwati and English are the two official languages. However, English language has continued to have supremacy over siSwati in Government correspondence, in business and in schools and higher education institutions. According to Malambe and Harford (2021) the dominance of English is evident in trade, commerce and in journalism. Malambe and Harford

M. V. Mthembu (B) · N. Ndzinisa Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Eswatini, Kwaluseni, Eswatini e-mail: [email protected] N. Ndzinisa e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_8

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(2021, p. 2) argue that the vast majority of siSwati-language speakers are bilingual even though there are varying degrees of oral and written proficiency. The continued marginalisation of siSwati in the mainstream media could result in its extinction in the near future. On radio, panellists and programme hosts struggle to complete a sentence without using the colonial language, English. Article 7.8 of the Broadcasting Guidelines Services of 2017 stipulates that every free-to-air licensee shall ensure that only official languages, namely siSwati and English are used for all broadcasts except where specific authorization has been given to use non-official language. As is the case in South Africa with Phalaphala continuity presenters (Chari, 2021), Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Services’ siSwati channel presenters often reprimand callers and panellists from mixing English and SiSwati in their sentences. This, however, depends on individual announcers. Listeners also chastise interviewees who use English too often during a programme. Others simply call the studio to complain about the use of English in a siSwati-language programme. The technological advancement and new developments in agriculture, health and many other areas is a new challenge facing radio journalists. News and current affairs producers and presenters have to coin words that explain the new phenomena. Words such as Climate change, Ozone layer, the World Wide Web, social media networks, etc. have to be simplified such that both the literate and illiterate citizens can make sense of these phenomena. New phenomena have resulted in the media’s coinage of new words in the vernacular to enable audiences. Mthembu (2020) argues that the unavailability of a siSwati-language newspaper would not only contribute the extinction of siSwati but would also undermine the development of the language in relation to new concepts or technologies. A major handicap in newsrooms in the country is the unavailability of professional translators. Kurambayev (2022) argues that this is the norm in many newsrooms across the world and further compounding the problem is that journalists have not been trained in translation. Without professional translators the coding/decoding of the news could be producing divergent views and meanings as new concepts are introduced. For example, when HIV and AIDS still a new disease, some health communicators referred to it as “a disease that is acquired through sleeping on a mat”, referring to a sexual encounter. This could also be impacted by subjectivity. News reports are not immune from subjectivity (Kurambayev, 2022).

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Radio is the most easily accessible medium in Eswatini. The regulation of radio falls under the remit of the Eswatini Communications Commission (ESCCOM), which provides regulatory services in the country. Consequently, three radio stations are in operation in Eswatini, the government-owned national broadcaster EBIS, and the Christian radio station, Voice of the Church which is part of Robert Freed’s Transworld Radio. These broadcasters each run English and Siswati Channels. In 2020, the regulator granted the University of Eswatini a community radio licence. The radio station is based at the institution’s main campus, Kwaluseni. With the establishment of the regulator in 2013, it was hoped that the liberalisation of the airwaves would be prioritised, however, that has not materialised. The only broadcasting licence that the regulator has awarded since its establishment is the campus radio licence for the national university. The university radio station uses both languages for programmes and continuity. However, its news broadcasts are strictly in the English language. The Voice of the Church (VoC) started off by broadcasting in the vernacular while Transworld radio programmes are in English. In 2020, VoC introduced an English-language channel targeting the local listenership. Other radio stations that emerged in Eswatini over the years include Swazi Music Radio (1971) and Transworld Radio (1974).

Brief History of the National Radio Station The introduction of radio in Eswatini dates back to 1962 when a government employee who worked for the Swaziland Posts and Telegraph, John Ansell introduced Radio Mbabane, a broadcast station that he used to operate after work as a hobby. In 1965, the British army based at the St George’s Army Barracks in Matsapha founded Tiger Radio. The colonial government was also keen to introduce a national radio station and this spurred them into action and in April 1966 this came to fruition with the inauguration of the Swaziland Broadcasting Service. Three years after its inauguration, it was merged with the government information wing and later became the Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service (SBIS). With the change in the country’s name from Swaziland to Eswatini in 2018, the radio station became known as the Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Service (EBIS). The station functions as a Department under the Ministry of Information, Communication and Technology. EBIS’ mission statement states that the broadcaster is

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“responsible for disseminating news and information which is aimed at educating, informing and entertaining the Swazi nation effectively and impartially for the purposes of development and social welfare…” (Broadcasting & Information Services, 2021); however, its programming takes a strong pro-government stance. This has made the station unpopular with the local listenership. For instance, it does not cover pro-democracy protests, it is heavily censored. Further, censorship is enforced through the station’s management. The current director is a former government spokesperson and the director of communications in the king’s office is also a former director of the station. The station has barred talk shows or phone-in programmes that touch on what is perceived as “sensitive” content by the state, especially matters that touch on the royal family. The editors at the station are not at all free to determine the news content. For instance, in June and July 2021 there were protests throughout the country that resulted in more than 50 protesters killed by the security forces, at EBIS there was a total news blackout on this massacre. The Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Service station was modelled along the lines of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and many of the station’s first announcers were trained at the public broadcaster’s London studios. Since the station was inaugurated in 1966, English and siSwati languages were used in programming. Other programmes were in English whereas others were in siSwati. The dominance of English-language music and the use of English by some announcers drew the ire of some sectors of the Swati society. This culminated in the creation of an English-language channel in 1985 which was an attempt to ensure that the use of English does not threaten siSwati language since a majority of the young announcers who joined the radio station in the 1980s were playing mainly Eurocentric music with English lyrics and also using English to disseminate information. This was perceived a threat to the local culture which could result in the extinction of the indigenous language. It also had the potential to alienate illiterate segments of the Swazi society, who almost exclusively relied on the radio station for information. Whereas in other parts of Africa there are indigenous language newspapers, the Eswatini experience is unique since there are no “vernacular” newspapers. Eswatini does not have a rich history of indigenous language newspapers (Mthembu, 2020). The preservation of siSwati is mainly on radio. As argued by Tshabangu and Salawu (2022), the indigenous radio

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stations usually target the rural population and less formally educated sections of society, in Eswatini the opposite is true. Indigenous-language radio targets a cross section of the Eswatini population in rural and urban areas alike. Language is central to the preservation of culture (Mthembu, 2020). It is paramount that the media plays its role in the preservation of culture through the promotion of its use in the media. Radio in Eswatini once introduced a programme “Nasi ke siSwati” (This is siSwati) which was hosted by Jim Gama who earned respect as the doyen of siSwati culture. The programme focused on the pronunciation of siSwati words and their meanings. The programme died a natural death when the programme host retired from the station and later became governor at the traditional capital/headquarters, Ludzidzini, the residence of the Eswatini’s Queen Mother. Many radio stations throughout the world have used the medium as a public sphere enabling dialogue to take place. This has not been the case in Eswatini, especially with regard to politics. Any efforts by announcers to allow listeners to deliberate political issues have been met with heavy handedness by station and government authorities. A worrisome, under-researched trend is that when journalists in the newsroom translate the new English words or concepts into siSwati, do these words retain the original meaning that is communicated to indigenous-language listeners? The elderly and those who are not aware of the newer technologies and new phenomena who are not well versed in English could struggle to decode the meanings in these words as such continue to be information poor (Chari, 2021). Such could result in the exclusion of some sectors of society from the information society. Failure by the journalists to get their interpretation of words correctly could result in distortion of information. This chapter seeks to understand the challenges journalists at the national radio station, EBIS, encounter in the translation of new concepts and phenomena into siSwati.

Indigenous-Language Newspapers in Eswatini Indigenous-language newspapers in Eswatini are conspicuous by their absence. Izwi lama Swazi (Voice of the Swazi) was the first vernacular newspaper in the history of indigenous-language newspapers in Eswatini. It was founded by John June Nquku, Johannes J. Mnyandu and Fynn F. Sepamla under the auspices of Swaziland Press Company Limited (Mthembu, 2020). The last siSwati-language newspaper ever

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published was the Intsatseli which belonged to the Eswatini Observer newspaper stable. When the Eswatini Observer was abruptly shut down by its owners in February 2000, the publication (Intsatseli) never returned to the newsstands when its owners, Tibiyo Taka Ngwane revived the English-language version of the newspaper in 2002. The Times of Eswatini also published translated versions of the English-language newspapers Tikhatsi (daily) Tikhatsi Ngelisontfo (weekly). The vernacular newspapers published by the Times ceased publication in the late 90s because they were not generating revenue through advertising. There were other newspapers established prior such as the government-owned Umbiki (Reporter) founded in 1968. Other initiatives were led by indigenous Swazis such as Dr Themba Ntiwane, who published Mbambambamba, Dr Sishayi Nxumalo publisher of Umgijimi wa Ngwane and Bonisile Mncina publisher of Vuka Ngwane. The 22-year void without a siSwati-language newspaper has resulted in the exclusion of a section of the Eswatini population from reading newspapers. They now rely mainly on radio for news and information a medium which lacks depth.

SiSwati orthography SiSwati is a Bantu language of the Nguni family, spoken in Eswatini, and in some parts of South Africa particularly in the Mpumalanga province, in Lesotho and Mozambique (Malambe & Harford, 2021). While siSwati is one of the official languages in South Africa, others have noted that the Mpumalanga variety is distinguishable by distinct intonation, and distinct tone patterns, which are often considered discordant to the Swazi ear (Web-lingo, 2013). Other Nguni languages include isiZulu, isiXhosa and isiNdebele. The Zulu and Swati have historical ties which date back to the 18th Century. This was through wars and intermarriage. For instance, the incumbent king of the Zulu nation’s mother, King Misuzulu, is from the Swati royal family, a daughter of King Sobhuza II. Prior to the introduction of the siSwati orthography, the Swati were compelled to study isiZulu which hindered the progress and development of siSwati (Lubisi, 1999). It was not until 1968 that the siSwati orthography was introduced (Mkhonza, 2009; Mthembu, 2020). Owing to the fact that the older generation received much of their education in isiZulu, this has led to some confusion regarding the relationship between siSwati and IsiZulu (Mordaunt & Williams, 2022). These scholars argue that “a comparative examination of specific phonological and morphological features show

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that siSwati and isiZulu are distinct languages” (Mordaunt & Williams, 2022, p. 119). Is it direct or meaning-based translation? Jacobus van Rooy (2021) argues that when translating the bible in indigenous languages, the translation was either according to the meaning, and sometimes literally, distorting the meaning. Van Rooy’s argument applies when newsroom staff translate English words into siSwati. For instance, an email is referred to as liposi lembane (a lightening post office). To the lay person who has no inkling what an email is, does this translation make any sense? What further compounds the problem is that many listeners listen to the news in siSwati as such, translations for innovations such as email have no meaning to someone without exposure to such technology. Business news has tended to be problematic to translate as is the case with weather reports especially when it comes to wind. Most of the news is syndicated. The EBIS is dependent on Reuters for its international news. One of the major challenges in the local context has been the translation of news from English into siSwati or vice versa. Journalists working for radio are required to write two stories, one in English and one in siSwati for the station’s two channels. Whereas it is easier to translate from siSwati into English it is an arduous task to translate from English into siSwati, especially when there are technical words in the text.

SiSwati Language Board The siSwati Language Board was revived in 2017 when it was officially gazetted (Lushaba, 2017; Malambe & Harford, 2021; Mordaunt & Williams, 2022). It was however officially inaugurated in 1976 by the government of Eswatini (Lushaba, 2017). Prior, it was under the ministry of sports and culture’s portfolio. After its revival in 2017 it was housed in the ministry of education. The reason for the establishment of the Board was to promote siSwati as a “native language”. The mandate of the board is to preserve, develop and promote siSwati. Coincidentally, one of the members of the board is Deputy Director at the national radio station, EBIS. The then minister of education when officially launching the board in 2017 stated that it would focus on the orthography and the lexicon of the language, among others. However, there is no clarity on the status and effectiveness of the language board as yet (Mordaunt & Williams, 2022).

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The Influence of SA Media on Eswatini The spillage of SA radio and television channels could also expedite the extinction of siSwati. The lack of appeal of the national television broadcaster, the Eswatini Television Authority has meant an increased reliance on South African broadcasters, which are available via satellite. Reliance on subscription channel, Multichoice has further compounded the problem. Many Multichoice subscribers, due to the proximity to South Africa register with Multichoice South Africa in order to have access to channels that would otherwise not be available for Eswatini subscribers. This includes the eTV channels, South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) and other channels that are not accessible to subscribers outside SA’s borders. Two SA indigenous-language radio stations that are popular in Eswatini are the Zulu language Ukhozi FM and the siSwati-language Ligwalagwala FM, both of which are SABC radio stations. Ukhozi has been popular over the years through live soccer commentary and its drama series, whereas Ligwalagwala FM broadcasts in siSwati and often addresses political issues on Eswatini which their local counterparts dare not broadcast for fear of reprisals. When the colonists drew the boundaries many Swati citizens remained on the South African side of the border. According to Statistics South Africa, by mid-2022 the population of Mpumalanga province where there are many siSwati-language speakers in South Africa was about 4.7 million. Of this total, according to the Community Survey carried out in 2016, there were approximately 1,398,404 (Statistics South Africa, 2016) native siSwati-language speakers. The Gauteng province boasts of the second largest number of siSwati-language speakers after Mpumalanga. The consumption of South African indigenous media has negatively impacted siSwati. Radio announcers often copy words used by their South African counterparts for certain English words or new phenomena. For instance, Ukhozi FM refers to a medal/trophy as “indondo”. News bulletins in Eswatini now use “indondo” yet the equivalent is “imendlela”. Words such as “Bahlali” instead of “takhamuti” are used by some locals to refer to a community/tenants.

Theoretical Framework The chapter is theoretically premised on Stuart Hall’s theory of encoding and decoding which places emphasis on the production of messages. Despite this chapter’s focus on radio, the theory of encoding and

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decoding is applicable because radio also produces words and their meanings. The translation of a message means that the words that make up that message are also translated. It is paramount that whatever words that are coined or translated into siSwati are easily understood by the target audience and which results in the listeners negotiating meaning. Worth noting is that the chapter does not place emphasis on the decoding of messages rather the encoding by journalists in the newsrooms. Messages are made up of words that have meaning. In the process of media consumption, there is a possibility that the content that is encoded would be decoded differently by diverse audiences (Xie et al., 2022). These scholars argue that, “Encoding is a part of mass communication, its expected effects in social practice also rely on the receiver’s decoding activities” (Xie et al., 2022, p. 190). The meanings encoded by journalists in news bulletins could have diverse meanings. This is further compounded by the fact that some listeners have no inkling whatsoever about the new phenomena and concepts. When journalists encode meanings these could possibly be decoded differently by listeners. When the information is encoded it is inconclusive if the decoders actually understand the original meaning encoded by the source of the message (Xie et al. 2022). Stuart Hall (1973) argues that the production structures should yield a message in the form of a meaningful discourse. Hall (1973, p. 3) states that “before a message can have an ‘effect’ (however defined), it should satisfy a ‘need’ or be put to a ‘use’, it must first be perceived as a meaningful discourse and meaningfully decoded”.

Methodology The study is qualitative in nature. Data were collected using in-depth interviews with the reporters and editors at EBIS as well as some members of the SiSwati Language Board. In total, there were seven participants interviewed. Interviewees were conveniently and purposively sampled in the newsroom and externally. The semi-structured interviews were conducted in the last week of September and the first week of October. There were two (2) female and two (2) male reporters. One of the two female participants is a news editor at the station. One interviewee was the Principal Information Officer at the station. The radio station’s newsroom has less than 15 members of staff who are employed as Information Officers. They are civil servants since the station is a government department under the ministry of information, communication and technology.

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All interviews were recorded with the permission of the participants. The data generated from the interviews were transcribed and coded which yielded several themes discussed below.

Findings and Discussion This study sought to understand the challenges that journalists working in the indigenous language channel of the EBIS encounter when translating words and new phenomena to the local language, siSwati. Research suggests that vernacular radio stations have an important role to play in enhancing national cohesion and integration in society. Further, vernacular radio stations are useful for promoting inclusive education and facilitating access to information for marginalised communities (Ndavula & Lidubwi, 2022). Therefore, indigenous media are pivotal in the preservation of indigenous languages in society. To raise the equity of siSwati to the level of English, the government of the Kingdom of Eswatini revived the siSwati Language Board in 2017 (Lushaba, 2017; Malambe & Harford, 2021; Mordaunt & Williams, 2022). The main mandate of the SiSwati Language Board is to stimulate and promote the growth of the siSwati language, and to plan and monitor the implementation of relevant programmes and activities that will ensure that the language develops, and that its status is raised as a language of the Swati, as one of the official languages of the country as stipulated in the Constitution of the Kingdom of Eswatini (Malambe & Harford, 2021, p. 6). However, challenges persist.

Lack of Guidance on Proper Language Use for Journalists in Newsrooms Journalists who were selected to participate in this study cited the lack of guidance from knowledgeable sources, despite the existence of the SiSwati Language Board. One research participant stated: There’s this SiSwati [Language] Board that was put in place [by the government] to help us coin new words, but you find that they are not active enough such that when a new word comes…they say we think this is how you should translate this word…”

Similar sentiments were echoed by another participant who said:

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There were attempts to establish a committee [language board] to help us, but even this committee is not active. We don’t find them to go back to them to say here is a new word…

Another participant acknowledged the challenges, but expressed hope that the language board might help journalists in the newsroom to overcome them. He said, “We don’t…but hopefully now that the siSwati association [language board] has been formed, it will correct this issue”. The distance between the EBIS newsroom and the siSwati Language Board was evident in the inconsistency of naming the board by journalists. For example; some called it a committee, while others referred to it as an association. Journalists stated that because of this lack of guidance, they had adopted a process that is specific to their own newsroom. Reporters have developed a chart of new concepts and new words, which hangs on the newsroom wall. This chart comprises of a few new words or phenomena as well as its translation. For harmonisation, journalists stated that at any given time when there’s a new word that requires translation, the whole newsroom will be involved in coming up with a suitable explanation and translation. Harmonisation is important because it increases cultural and information flows (Malambe & Harford, 2021). This is significant for indigenous language radio given its wide reach. But in cases where discussions fail to yield a common understanding and translation, journalists will often contact traditionalists or others who are well known for their language skills for guidance, such as individual members of the SiSwati Language Board. However, one interviewee who is also a member of the SiSwati Language Board clarified that the board was not responsible for the coinage of new words, but for the approval of new words. The new words are meant to be coined by teams that are yet to be set up due to the unavailability of funding. We note that this is an unacceptable state of affairs that contributes to the gradual erosion of the siSwati language. This is particularly significant given that journalists say in certain instances even when they do contact the SiSwati Language Board for assistance, they are encouraged to use words borrowed from other languages. One participant observed:

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…while we acknowledge the existence of borrowed words in the siSwati language, this poses a challenge for our audience who may not understand what that word means if the concept or phenomena is foreign to them.

By way of example, the journalist stated that during the COVID-19 lockdown when schools were closed, high school subjects were taught through the radio to keep pupils engaged in their school work. However, this had to be abandoned in the vernacular radio channel for subjects as science because there were simply no words to describe and explain some of those concepts. Journalists added that such difficulties were also evident in news broadcasts in topics such as finance/economy; technology, legislation and health, among many others. This has the detrimental effect on the acceptance of siSwati and enforces the practise of mixing English words even in discussions being held in siSwati. One of the participants who is a member of the board made the following suggestion: All the new words should be agreed upon and then have a chart in the studios so that even the interviewees or programme presenters not based at EBIS could familiarise themselves with the words and be conscious of how certain words are pronounced and used. [EB 7]

The confusion regarding the role of the board should be cleared. Almost all the participants who are journalists at the station seem to argue that it is the SiSwati Language Board that delays coming up with new words to explain new phenomena. They argue that that should be the responsibility of the board. However, as already stated above that one of the participants in this study stated that it is not the responsibility of the board to coin new words but their responsibility is to approve new words. Mordaunt and Williams (2022) state that there is no clarity on the effectiveness of the language board as yet. The media and the board should thrash out this confusion.

Inferiority of SiSwati When Compared to English In Eswatini, siSwati is a compulsory subject in primary (Grade 1–4). This is vital for promoting the written language and the standard orthography. Linguists have argued that language is the most central component in the culture of a community (Gibbs, 2002). In an increasingly global world, it

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is common for people to speak more than one language. In Eswatini for example, the vast majority of siSwati speakers “are bilingual, and speak English as well, albeit to varying degrees of oral and written proficiency” (Malambe & Harford, 2021, p. 2). However, the use of English in formal communication has led to the language being dominant in Eswatini, which contributes to perceptions that siSwati is inferior when compared to English. The hegemony of English was attributed by one participant to the policy of having English as a passing subject in Eswatini. Further, pupils used to be punished for speaking siSwati in schools. To address this problem, the Ministry of Education took a policy stance that to “promote the learning of siSwati in all schools, children shall not be punished for speaking siSwati within and outside school premises” (Government of the Kingdom of Eswatini, 2018, p. 40). Further, the National Education and Training Sector Policy advocates for instruction take place in siSwati in grades 1–4. After that, instruction in English is required (ibid). However, while the policy advocates for the use of siSwati for instruction in these specific grades, it leaves this up to the discretion of the teacher. The policy states that: This does not mean that teaching and learning materials that are in English shall be translated into siSwati; however, what it means is that teachers up to the first four grades of primary school have the liberty and freedom to use siSwati as a medium of instruction where learners have difficulties in understanding what is taught. (Government of the Kingdom of Eswatini, 2018, p. 39)

We argue that while this policy acknowledges the need for children to speak their mother tongue freely in schools and to have concepts explained to them in siSwati when necessary, children will not be in a position to learn new siSwati words for concepts learned in school, thus contributing to poor language skills when they grow up and enter the workplace. This contributes to the stagnation of the siSwati language and limits its vocabulary.

Journalists Have Poor SiSwati language Skills Poor knowledge of the local language can cause poor understanding of sensitive subject matters. This can result in the absence of a proper media platform for healthy public discourse on crucial issues with national

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importance (Kalansooriya, 2010). It is imperative, therefore, for journalists working in vernacular language media to have a full grasp of the language and its intricacies. However, journalists at EBIS who participated in this study acknowledged that they do not have an extensive knowledge of siSwati. They stated that the increased dominance of the English language often meant that journalists were unable to translate themselves. One participant said: The problem starts with us. Even before we can talk about the technical words and explaining this to the ordinary audience member, we cannot translate simple words into the vernacular. It becomes an extra challenge when you as the journalists don’t have the language skills. [EB 6]

Another participant stated that the siSwati vocabulary is limited, and because of this, journalists tend to explain a new phenomenon or concept rather than translate it. SiSwati does not have the words to describe the phenomena of today, such as 4IR[4th Industrial Revolution] or the internet. In such cases, you then have to explain what the phenomena is or what it does. This can be a challenge because sometimes you lose the real meaning of the concept with definitions and this can affect how the audience receives the message, one participant stated.

This is relevant because it has an impact on the audience’s ability to access information. When journalists explain a concept or translate a new phenomenon, the audience must decode this information based on an understanding of what they already know. However, if the audience is perhaps illiterate and has no idea what 4IR refers to because they have never been exposed to this concept, then the process of understanding is interrupted. The participants in this study attributed the use increased use of English to the fact that a younger generation of the Swati; which has attended predominantly English medium schools and been taught primarily in English, is entering the workforce. One participant clarified: … On our side, I can say that we fail in terms of siSwati and we know f it. We are not conversant in siSwati because we also don’t know the language. [EB 2]

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When asked to explain this, the participant stated that while siSwati is taught in local schools: We don’t have that much interest in it until you are forced to work with it, until you write in siSwati…Otherwise, we speak English even with our children. Even when we interact anywhere, we speak English. Even when we start working, everything is in English. So even if siSwati is taught in schools, it’s not something we involve ourselves in or even take seriously. [EB 2]

This is in keeping with literature, which suggests that although many Swazis speak siSwati in informal contexts, it has been observed that the use of English is increasing (Malambe & Harford, 2021). The absence of a comprehensive siSwati dictionary was also said to be responsible for the poor language skills among journalists.

IsiZulu Influence on SiSwati The influence of isiZulu in the newsroom was cited as an issue by the respondents. The exposure to South Africa’s television and radio stations has an effect on the siSwati language. Not only that, the fact that the older generation was exposed to written IsiZulu has had an effect on siSwati. One respondent mentioned that even the Bible that many Swati-speaking people have been exposed to for many years was written in Zulu/IsiXhosa and locals have consumed IsiZulu language publications over the years. One interviewee noted that one of the challenges was that there was a feeling among listeners that siSwati was a bit offensive in other instances. The respondent stated that: For instance, if I were to write a story that a man (umuntfu lomdvuna) and a woman (umuntfu lomsikati- the one who was cut ), that female reference tends to be perceived as offensive yet it is a siSwati word. They prefer the IsiZulu word “Umuntu wesifazane”. That is where the dilemma is. We have used several siSwati words which the audience has in most instances rejected. [EB 1]

It could be argued that when the Swati are exposed to IsiZulu-language news they borrow certain words, they accept some and reject others. For instance the example cited by the respondent above with reference to a female being referred to as “lomsikati” (The one who has a cut)

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refers to female genitals hence the feeling among some Swati that it is offensive/demeaning. The respondent wondered: “I do not know how we perceive ourselves as Swati speaking people because these words have been used over the years, [EB 1]

Zulu influence on Swati-speaking people cannot be wished away easily despite the fact that IsiZulu was last taught in schools in Eswatini in the late 1970s. This is in tandem with the argument by Mordaunt and Williams (2022) who argue that the Swati has a long history of exposure to written IsiZulu which continues to be evident in news bulletins and everyday conversations. Some of the people who were taught in IsiZulu are still alive and using the language together with siSwati. It could also explain the popularity of IsiZulu-language newspapers such as Ilanga and Isolezwe in some parts of Eswatini. Most readers of Isolezwe in Eswatini are along the areas which share borders with South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province.

Audiences’ Role in Maintaining Integrity of SiSwati Language The alleged inactiveness of the SiSwati Language Board has resulted in members of the public playing a pivotal role in ensuring the promotion and proper use of siSwati on radio. One of the participants stated that some listeners do phone in to correct news readers on certain siSwati words. Participation of the audience in the coining and translation of new words should be encouraged. Since language is part of culture and identity of a people, their participation is paramount in the ownership of whatever words that are coined or translated. One respondent said: I usually envy the Xhosa because they usually coin new words and do not delay embracing such words and using them [EB 6]. The study observed that some of the concepts and phenomena cannot be explained in a single word. Some of them take a sentence to explain which then takes more space in the news bulletin. One respondent, for instance, said it is difficult explain Autism in one word. What we then do is to try and explain what Autism is. And the difficulty is that some people do not see it’s a disease but they see it as a condition.

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What we end up doing is to use the English word referring to this word which excludes many other listeners who do not understand what Autism is. [EB 2]

The major areas that EBIS journalists are struggling in with explaining new concepts and phenomena is in the area of health and technology. The respondent said: Health professionals mainly use acronyms for some of the technical words and this throws in a lot of confusion. This is the case especially when they issue statements. It would then mean that one has to contact the health officials to explain but at times you do not get them to explain the words. [EB 1]

Another respondent said their major challenge was translating legislation and bills including parliamentary documents.

Conclusion It is important that the government of Eswatini, the SiSwati Language Board and the national radio station begin to give siSwati the prominence it deserves. Seemingly, there is an agreement among all concerned that the erosion of siSwati would have an impact in the near future. The coinage of new siSwati words to explain new phenomena and concepts should be expedited. Delays in coming up with translations for new words, results in some confusion in the meanings encoded by journalists in trying to find suitable words/explanations. The argument advanced by one SiSwati Language Board member that a SiSwati word for Autism had to be taken to the King and cabinet for approval should be discouraged. Once a word has been coined the board should validate such words as long as the meanings make sense. When each broadcaster comes up with its own word to explain a new concept or phenomena, this results in confusion among the audience. Future studies should ascertain whether the translations of new concepts and phenomena do make sense to the listenership.

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References Eswatini Government. (2021). Broadcasting & information services. https:// www.gov.sz/index.php/ministries-departments/ministry-of-ict/swaziland-bra odcating-a-information-services Chari, T. (2021). New Syndication and local language broadcasting in South Africa: Hegemonic infiltration or hybridity? In A. Salawu (Ed.), African language media: Development, economics and management (pp. 243–264). Routledge. Gibbs, W. W. (2002). Saving dying languages. Scientific American, 287 (2), 78– 85. Government of the Kingdom of Eswatini. (2018). National education and training sector policy. Ministry of Education and Training. Hall, S. (1973). Encoding and decoding in the television discourse. Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. University of Birmingham. http://epapers.bham.ac.uk/2962/1/Hall%2C_1973%2C_Enc oding_and_Decoding_in_the_Television_Discourse.pdf Kalansooriya, R. (2010). An external view of the vernacular press in Pakistan. A PIPS Research Journal of Conflict and Peace Studies. Kurambayev, B. (2022). News translation in a bilingual context: The case of news outlets in Kazakhstan. Media Asia, 49(3), 257–273. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/01296612.2022.203515 Lubisi, P. M. (1999). The states of SiSwati Lexicography. Lexikos, 9(9), 249–250. Lushaba, T. (2017, March 25). SiSwati as a medium of communication in schools. Times of Swaziland, p. 23. Malambe, G. B., & Harford, C. (2021). Raising the profile of siSwati as a national language. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1–16. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2021.2014423 Mkhonza, S. (2009). Swaziland newspapers in indigenous languages. LWATI: A Journal of Contemporary Research, 6(1), 433–440. https://doi.org/10. 4314/lwati.v6i1.46548 Mohammed, W. F. (2021). POhim ZuGu: Understanding Indigenous Language News Audiences in Ghana. African Journalism Studies, 42(2), 77–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2021.1942116 Mordaunt, O. G., & Williams P. A. (2022). Language policy in Eswatini. challenges in a globalised world. In RH Kaschula & Kretzer M.M. (eds.) Handbook of language policy and education in countries of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Brill. Mthembu M. V. (2020) The political and economic history of Swaziland’s first Indigenous-language newspaper, Izwi Lama Swazi (The Voice of the Swazi), African Journalism Studies, 41(1), 17–34. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 23743670.2020.1727545

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Mthembu, M. V., & Lunga, C. (2020). The extinction of SiSwati language newspapers in the Kingdom of Eswatini. In A. Salawu (Ed.), African language media: Development, economics and management. https://doi.org/10.4324/ 9781003004738 Namasaka, M. (2012). Role of vernacular FM stations in National cohesion and integration in Kenya. Ndavula, J., & Lidubwi, J. (2022). Vernacular radio stations and inclusive education in marginalized communities in Kenya. Review of Disability Studies: An International Journal, 17 (4), 17–17. Swaziland Communications Commission. (2017). Broadcasting guidelines services. Mbabane. https://www.esccom.org.sz/mandate/broadcasting/Bro adcasting_Guidelines.pdf Statistics South Africa. (2002). Mid-year population estimates. https://www.sta tssa.gov.za/publications/P0302/P03022022.pdf Statistics South Africa. (2016). Community survey. Pretoria. Tshabangu, T., & Salawu, A. (2022). Alternative media, repression and the crisis state: Towards a political economy of alternative media in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 1–15. https://doi.org/10. 1177/00219096221106090 Van Rooy, J. A. (2021). To what extent did the Bible translations into indigenous languages of Southern Africa produced since 1966 reflect the purpose of providing meaning-based translations? In Skriflig (Online) 55 (3) Pretoria. https://doi.org/10.4102/ids.v55i3.2747 Web-lingo. (2013). Retrieved 2023 from https://web-lingo.com/company-pro file-web-lingo/ Xie, Y., Yasin, M. , Alsagoff, S., & Hoon, L. An overview of Stuart Hall’s encoding and decoding theory with film communication. Multicultural Education 8(1), 190–198. http://ijdri.com/me/wp-content/uploads/ 2022/01/24.pdf

CHAPTER 9

African Languages and Gender Identity in Marginal Films Made Outside the Mainstream Film Industry in South Africa Gilbert Motsaathebe

Introduction The South African film industry has been thriving since 1994 with the production of major films such as Yesterday (2004), Tsotsi (2005), Jerusalema (2008), District 9 (2009), Otelo Burning (2011), Avenged/iNumber Number (2013) Krotoa (2016) Frank & Fearless (2018) and Matwetwe (2018) to name a few. The success of these films has sparked significant attention for research in the film industry in South Africa post-apartheid. However, largely ignored in this renewed interest are the marginal films produced outside the mainstream that have also

G. Motsaathebe (B) Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA), Faculty of Humanities, North West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_9

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proved to be very popular with township audiences such as the films of Chico Twala and Senyaka Kekana which are very significant as they use African languages and focus on ordinary issues experienced by ordinary South Africans, especially in the townships. Ebrahim (2020: 20) refers to this type of production as “cinematic sidestreams” which she sees as a “small cinema phenomenon that is ubiquitous within certain sectors of the South African population while remaining virtually unknown or unacknowledged within others”. This chapter considers how language, images, and roles have been used as markers signifying a particular gendered narrative and identity. The chapter acknowledges that these video films represent a new form of cultural production that has become a significant part of the South African film industry, which is nonetheless rarely acknowledged. Importantly, the chapter does not take for granted the considerable positionality of the directors of these films as people behind the meaning created since they assign roles, language, and behaviour to the characters they present using various filmic techniques and stylistic approaches informed by their own worldviews. The films Moruti wa Tsotsi (2008) and Full Panty (2009) were examined, paying attention to the way in which the male and female characters are depicted in terms of linguistic features and visual representation. I focus on these specific films because they represent popular productions made and consumed outside the mainstream film industry in South Africa. Furthermore, these films deserve to be studied because, unlike most mainstream films, they use African languages and tackle themes that resonate strongly with the marginalised communities represented in these films. The chapter uses a postcolonial feminist framework and pays special attention to linguistic features, images, and roles associated with male and female characters in these films. The analysis in this chapter sought to identify subtle areas of denigration, trivialization, satire, and other negative connotations in speech, emotions, habits, and other markers that may be highlighted, overtly or covertly as “typically female” and understand how these peculiarities are addressed in these productions which are produced and consumed outside the mainstream film industry in South Africa. Mass communication research has shown that mainstream audio-visual programs portray women stereotypically in roles typically regarded as female while men are often presented in roles that have long been designated as male roles (Motsaathebe, 2009, 2018). The same gendered

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portrayal applies to the behavioural patterns of female characters and the type of language that these characters use (Motsaathebe, 2009; Ogunleye, 2005; Smith, 2013; Xia, 2013). Therefore, it was significant that this chapter investigates how character portrayal in these “side-stream” films challenges or reinforces traditional gender stereotypes, in general, and gender-role stereotyping, in particular. Since these “cinematic sidestreams” as Ebrahim (2020) calls them, operate on the margins outside the confines of mainstream film production in South Africa, it was significant to see how these films grapple with the issues of gender representation and language identity, which have generally been a main concern in the mainstream South African films. It was therefore insightful to understand typecast evident in these marginal films and how these films disrupt or reinforce the traditional archetypes of gender and language identity. Furthermore, the films analysed use indigenous South African languages such as isZulu with English subtitles. Hence, it was also essential to explore how this narrative mode reinforces identity and the likely impact of these films on propagating African languages and their cultural communities. In this way, this study resonates with Tsikhungu’s (2018: 40) observations regarding the language in which the text is produced. The language that a literary text is produced in is understood in postcolonial criticism as one of the features within which issues of the hegemony of race and the assumed notions of cultural knowledge and power come to play, and that the language that a film is produced in affects not just its audience but those cultures whose story is told.

I argue that insights from examining these marginalised forms of cultural production offer alternative ways of interrogating narrative language/hegemony and reading gender binaries.

Postcolonial Feminist Framework Postcolonial feminist paints a consistent picture revealing that nonwestern women have generally been misrepresented or presented stereotypically in films. They go beyond the feminist critique of sexual objectification of women, male gaze, and voyeurism in films (Harding, 1987; Hooks, 1999; Motsaathebe, 2009; Mulvey, 1999) to focus on other intersecting factors that demean non-western subjects. They believe the

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medium of film, like other mass media, plays an essential role as a hegemonic device that perpetuates gender, class, and racial stereotyping and therefore struggles for the improved portrayal of female characters on audio-visual media as one of the ways to normalise gender relations in society. This chapter recognises that stereotypes can be both positive and negative. Where they are present, stereotypes can work semiotically and could be elaborated, subverted, and rearticulated, as shown in this chapter. Feminists believe that male-dominated society has constructed gendered social roles at the expense of the women whom society exploits. Gender roles (stereotyping) form part of the variables that this paper analyses. Richmond-Abbott defines gender-role stereotypes as ‘beliefs that men possess certain traits and should do certain things and that women possess other traits and should do other things’ (Richmond-Abott, 1992: 7). For instance, some duties such as cooking and needlework were perceived to be suitable for females, while other responsibilities or tasks were deemed suitable for males. Therefore, gender-role stereotyping emanates from the perception society tends to have about a particular sex group and the subsequent attitude regarding the activities associated with this group. For instance, women have generally not been considered fit for physically demanding or skilled manual work in the past. Thus, attitudes against women entering the job market (and the kind of work opportunities open to them) have been strongly influenced by patriarchal views. Notably, postcolonial feminist scholars maintain that the current gendered roles in Africa are the product of colonisation (Motsaathebe, 2014). For instance, according to Cutrufelli (1983), today’s social and familial structures are a product of the process of colonisation and not a mirror of tradition, as some may want to believe. This assertion persists because women in some parts of Africa have a history of dominating the economy; for example, they cultivated the land on a large scale and sold the produce to the market. However, as African societies became gradually westernised, things changed inevitably, notably in urban areas, where men were paid better salaries than women. “As the wage earner, the man is now the essential element of the family, and this affects his relationship with the women” (Cutrufelli, 1983: 46). Women’s economic dependence on men affected the relationship between women and men, more so because, with colonialism, money was linked with power. Women were constantly side-lined as developments took place.

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Cutrufelli (1983) believes that the current social structure is the product of the process of colonialism. The social structure of African countries,” she argues, are the results of at least three superimposed cultural stratifications, namely the traditional and pre-industrial phase, the colonial experience and the post-colonial Econo-political structure” (Cutrufelli, 1983: 13). In general, women have not been considered suitable for physically demanding jobs, skilled manual work or jobs involving power and authority over other people. Women have typically been cleaners, waitresses, shop assistants, typists, clerical workers or telephonists. Even women with good educational qualifications or special training have in general been badly paid and grouped into certain feminine areas in business and the professions. (Carter, 1993: 30)

The observation by Carter is essential as women have until recently struggled to enter male-dominated professions and those who manage to get involved in such occupations generally tended not to get to the top. Although the situation has since improved, often, the improvements are not reflected in most filmic texts. Furthermore, since meaning arises from the film director’s point of view, the Language Identity perspective maintains that the language in filmic texts is essential when one looks at issues of identities and gender since the language used within these contexts functions as a “verbal expression of identity” as Kruger (1998: 54) obtains. Studies by Lakoff (1975) point out that women’s and men’s lexicons often vary. For this reason, this paper also looks at how the narrative modes of males and females in the two films reinforce identity not only for the characters portrayed but also for the cultural communities within which these languages are used. Moreover, Banham (2014) sees language as a “robust marker of social and cultural identity at many levels in society with the capability of binding and dividing groups in society. The main point concerns how the language used by female characters in these films limits the fulfilment of multiple realms of their lives within the social milieu in which power is slanted to the male characters. A fundamental point about this is that one of the ways that people assert their gender identity is through the language they use. Fairclough (1989: 3) supports this by observing that language has become a medium of social control and power. The above

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approach is well suited to assist in delineating common patterns that emerge from the films studied in terms of language usage and gendered roles. According to Stuart Hall (2013a, 2013b), language operates as a symbolic system that expresses the idea of belonging and a particular discourse that connects with power, regulates conduct, and constructs identities. It is this discursive approach that is applied in this chapter.

Interpretative Approach The interpretative approach I adopt is semiotics couched on cultural analysis, which according to Barsam and Monahan (2017: 50), “focuses on the assumptions, mores, and prejudices that a movie conveys about gender, class, race, ethnicity, nationality, age, and many other social and cultural categories.” In addition, I incorporate semiotics in my analysis because I find it helpful in looking at the question of representation, or in other words, what the images represent and how this is signified. As Vambe et al. (2007) emphasise, any analysis of films is not complete without understanding the semiotics of the films. The question of “what ideas and values the people, places and things represented in those images stand for” is also investigated (Van Leeuwen, 2001: 92). For Stuart Hall (2013a, 2013b), to represent is to depict something, but it also means to symbolise it. I deem this crucial because this paper is essentially concerned with what is depicted in these films and the broader implication of that depiction. The semiotic analysis I used in this paper focuses on sociological dimensions and cinematic sign systems. Although I draw on Saussure (1966), my analysis essentially takes inspiration from the method used by Rose (2001), Berger (2012a, b), and Mendelson and Smith (2006), which starts a broad interpretation to identify the signs in the images and their meanings of the signs in the social context. Semiotics is generally known to be a study of signs or signifying practices. According to Mendelson and Smith (2006: 192), “signs are representations of some entity or concept, composed of two parts: the signifier, which stands for something else and the signified, the ‘thing’ for which the sign stands” (emphasis mine). Semiotics is essentially concerned with the way in which meaning is created through ‘signs’ in a text or any form of communication. According to Elam (1988: 1): Semiotics can best be defined as a science dedicated to studying the production of meaning in society. As such, it is equally concerned with processes of signification and with those of communication, i.e. the means whereby meanings are both generated and exchanged.

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Meaning arises from the producer’s perspective, from the image itself, and from a set of ideological, political, social, and cultural attributes of the community where the meaning is constructed and contested (see Berger, 2012a, b; Rose, 2001). This is supported by Elam, who notes that semiotics uses “sign systems and codes at work in society and the cultural messages and texts produced” (1988: 1). These sign systems produce messages that essentially have connotative and denotative meanings, and thus the message may have a straightforward/manifest (overt) meaning or a latent (covert) one. Semiotics can help ‘decode’ behaviour, gesture, and sense of taste, which may generally reveal a particular meaning about the subject being analysed. These features are known in semiotics as codes because they can show more beyond what is presented at face value. For instance, someone’s behavioural patterns or taste in clothing and food can reveal much about one’s class (Bourdieu, 1979). This means that the text creates an inevitable reality beyond what is immediately presented. Hence, I use semiotics to unravel the multi-layered meanings in the selected films. In that sense, the concepts of denotation and connotation, used by film scholars such as Metz (1974) and Hall (2013a, 2013b), become very important. According to Berger (2012a, b: 18–19), connotation refers to “the cultural meanings that become attached to any form of communication; it involves the symbolic, historical, and emotional matters connected to it. On the other hand, denotation refers to the literal or explicit meanings”. In semiotics, recurring patterns are seen as key indicators of the latent meaning contained in the representation or conveyed message. Thus, I start with a general analysis and then move on to a more specific evaluation that attempts to understand the presentation of characters by exploring the range and depth of their depiction. This is important because the film needs to be analysed in terms of its specific and unique narrative and textual qualities that attend to the unique characteristics of the film medium, such as framing, camera movement, and editing, all of which play a role in the production of meaning. Looking at the technical aspects highlighted above enables us to determine the kinds of signs used and how they are combined to make meaning and communicate a hegemonic, patriarchal ideology.

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Table 9.1 Selected films, synopsis, directors, and key characters Films

Year

Director

Starring

Moruti wa Tsotsi (Fake Pastor)

2008

Chico Twala

Senyaka Kekana as Moruti wa Tsotsi Brenda Fassie as Mandisa Washington Sixolo as Mapipa

Full Panty

2009

Senyaka Kekana

Synopsis

A fake pastor and his friends hatch an elaborate plan to trick unsuspecting people and steal their money by starting a church and faking miracle healing Senyaka Kekana as A pastor consults a The Pastor traditional healer to get help to gain Xoliswa Nxumalo as the Pastor’s Wife control over his deceitful wife Thokozane as Mabhokodo

Sampling of Select Films The films were chosen based on their accessibility to the researcher and appropriateness to the questions raised in this chapter. Therefore, the sample could be seen as purposive. In purposive sampling, the researcher relies on their own judgement to select the sample. Table 9.1 presents an information snapshot of the selected films.

Brief Description of the Films Analysed Moruti wa Tsotsi (2008) is a South African comedy-drama popularly known as township comedies. The film was produced and directed by famous musicians Sello Chicco Twala and the late Senyaka Kekana. In this film, Senyaka Kekana features as Moruti wa Tsotsi (translated as Fake Pastor), a village lout who decides to leave his rural village to try his luck in the big city of Johannesburg. The second film, Full Panty (2009) is produced and directed by Senyaka Kekana and stars Thokozane as Mabhokodo and Senyaka Kekana (as the Pastor). Like the film Moruti wa Tsotsi, Full Panty is a township comedy also concerned with the church business. In this film (Full Panty), the Pastor (Senyaka Kekana) is married to a young woman (Xoliswa Nxumalo) whose friends encourage her to find life and stop confining herself to the house. Generally, the two films are similar in many respects, stylistically and in terms of themes and concerns.

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Table 9.2 Motifs and linguistic areas of analysis Motifs, depiction and linguistic areas

Female

Male

Profanity /Swear words (Ass, whore, leaking, shit, fuck, open legs [read loose/whore]) Portrayal of statuses Men as leaders, e.g., priests; others play active roles as mobilisers, interpreters, and church/business partners; women are mainly followers Nuance and depth Depth of characters, dynamic representation of male and female characters Independence Women as appendices to men/A dependent woman/controlled by men Disparaging images, including promiscuous characterisation

2

21

0

11

0

7

0

11

6

0

Motifs, Language, and Gender Identity In reviewing these films, I noted the issues that emerge in the broader analysis. The areas around which issues appeared to cluster include the followings: 1. Use of profanity/swear words, mainly when referring to women. 2. Different statuses that are ascribed to male and female characters, such as narrative, social, marital, financial, and occupational status. Here I also look at nuance and depth of portrayal. 3. Disparaging images and behaviour patterns such as promiscuity. 4. Treachery/deceitfulness (fake pastors and false prophets). The above mentioned thematic areas were then coded individually. Table 9.2 shows the picture that emerged.

Close Analysis According to Themes, Behaviour, Dialogue, Nuance, and Portrayal of Status The above table paints a clear picture that emerged when these films were closely scrutinised. I offer more details of what the analysis reveals in what follows below.

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Profanity— Men and women use language differently in different contexts. Compared to women, male characters in the two films reviewed predominantly use swear words. There was no evidence of women using words that could be considered discourteous. Interestingly men tended to use expletive phrases mainly when referring to women. Thus, in general, there were many instances where men used discourteous language as seen, for example, in Mabhokodo’s dialogue with his Pastor friend: Your wife is being a whore She is having an affair. Wa jola [She is cheating on you] You will see her ass shaking like this.

Another example can be adduced in this conversation: Don’t talk shit; you must check your wife first before you speak to me, wena! Your wife is always flying in the air (O famba moyeni).

These overtones could be seen as demeaning to women in these films. This type of language signals the way men in these films see women and their utter lack of respect for them. They are very patriarchal in the manner in which they talk to or about women. It is clear in their conversation that they see women as people who must be submissive, stay at home and feed their husbands. The portrayal of statuses— In broad terms, status may be described as a state, condition, or situation that determines class or position in a given society. According to Andersen and Taylor (2001), there are two types of status, namely achieved status and ascribed status. For instance, someone born into royalty will naturally have ascribed status that determines their high standing in society. In contrast, someone from a poor background may educate themself and end up having a level of sophistication that results in an achieved status. Andersen and Taylor proffer: that “social class may be determined by occupation, education, and annual income” (2001: 101). They note that “statuses are occupied while roles are acted or played”, and they define roles as the expected behaviour others have for a person associated with a particular status (2001: 101). A person’s status invokes expectations; for instance, doctors are expected to save lives in their roles as doctors. An individual can have more than one type of status

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simultaneously, but there is always one dominant status, also known as the master status. This section attempts to look at the master status ascribed to Black women. The status of characters can be explored under the following rubrics: economic status, housing, marital status, occupation, and goal in life. In both Full Panty and Moruti wa Tsotsi, male characters are leaders; for example, they are priests. Others play an active role as mobilisers, interpreters, and church/business partners, while female characters are portrayed as followers with no viable goal. For instance, unlike her husband, Mandisa (Brenda Fassie) in Moruti wa Tsotsi is not portrayed as a person with any real ambition. However, her husband—the pastor— is depicted as preoccupied with making big money providing security for Mandisa and is even seen planning to buy her a seaside mansion. In both films, men are leaders and play an active role as mobilisers, interpreters, and business partners, while women are simply followers. Throughout the film Moruti wa Tsotsi, men remain firmly in the position of power and privilege as the heads of the family who call the shot and dictate to the women who tender the homes. This kind of status enables men to enjoy their life to the fullest while women function mainly for the comfort of these men in the background. Female characters’ role is largely muted. This is in line with the muted group theorists who believe that women are habitually silenced in the medium of film. The portrayal of gender roles is very emphatic in most instances, with women relegated to the home, although there is evidence of assertiveness, which is nonetheless short-lived. In both films, women are not portrayed in any viable role other than as wives who must tend to their men and are castigated whenever they go against expectations. This is usually evidenced by dialogues such as the one in the passage below: Your wife is spending too much money. I saw her giving away money. You must contain her.

Mandisa (Brenda Fassie) is supporting women who are homeless. We see her giving money to women when she approaches the homeless. However, she is not free to do what she deems fit and must be contained/sanctioned by a firm husband who remains in a position of authority over her. This depiction places her firmly within the problematic portrayal of a dependent and submissive woman.

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Women as independent from men— Independence generally alludes to freedom from external control, power, or support. In Full Panty, when the pastor’s wife (Xoliswa Nxumalo) asserts her independence by questioning why she should stay at home while her friends go out, the Pastor (Senyaka Kekana) feels neglected and is forced by his friends to seek help from the traditional healer. Similarly, in Moruti wa Tsotsi, Mandisa (Branda Fassie) proves to be a supportive partner who has a passion for giving and uplifting the poor, especially the homeless. However, Moruti wa Tsotsi’s friends see these as a significant weakness; they see her as being careless with money. When Mandisa exercises her independence by donating money to charity, she is seen as being out of control. Subsequently, her husband is asked to call her to order. O kgalemele mosadi wa gago. [You must restrain your wife.] She is careless.

Furthermore, the pastor’s wife in Full Panty is encouraged by her friends to go out partying and find other men who are more outgoing. Her assertiveness after meeting with her female friends is evident in how she insists on going out and gets her way despite his disapproval. However, her assertiveness is short-lived as she returns home as a submissive wife and chases away her friends that she now sees as a bad influence after her husband consulted a traditional healer to help tame her and make her discard her ways. She completely rejects her friends who had provided sisterhood camaraderie all along and tells her that they were a bad influence. This reversal of her status as an independent, assertive woman to a submissive homemaker is very interesting. She cuts her social network and becomes solely dependent on his husband while her primary role is limited to household chores such as cooking and feeding him. In terms of signification, this kind of portrayal reduces her to an object merely there for male pleasure. Her identity also becomes intertwined with his identity as a dependent wife who cannot define herself outside the confines of the home that he provides. Depth and nuance of characters — The positions ascribed to female characters in the films analysed is worth examining. These women’s positions and roles were not as nuanced and exciting as those attributed to men in these films. Female characters of these films are not presented in any

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dynamic way other than as homemakers and supporters of male characters. Thus, in the film Moruti wa Tsotsi, the habitual portrayal of a woman as a domestic persists. For instance, we see a nanny/domestic worker in overalls delivering tea and other niceties to the Fake Pastor (Senyaka Kekana) as he has quality time with his wife Mandisa (Branda Fassie). Her womanhood is established by her costume and mannerisms. In these roles, women lack strong character, which distinguishes them as strongwilled, independent individuals with choices and opportunities other than the habitual ones that relegate them to the home as subservient women under the control of men. The problem with such characterisation is that it fixes female characters in stereotypical roles, which often perpetuate gender roles within a male-dominated society where the audience resides. Postcolonial feminist scholars have strongly criticised this kind of portrayal as demeaning to women. Women as appendices to men/Dependent women— Generally, females in both Full Panty and Moruti wa Tsotsi appear to support male characters in whatever they do. The portrayal of these women generally lacks depth and nuance. They are portrayed as supporting characters. They cook for these male characters and the male characters who come home to them after work. This kind of portrayal affirms a particular social identity for these females. As Joan Kelly Hall (2013a, 2013b: 32) explains, social identities “embody particular histories that have been developed over time by other group members enacting similar roles.” She elaborates further that “their histories of enactments, these identities become associated with a particular set of linguistic actions for realising the activities and with attitudes and beliefs about them” (Hall, 2013a, 2013b: 32). Moruti wa Tsotsi (Senyaka Kekana) reiterates his obsession about the love for making money when he says: “I like silence when we talk about money.” He also shows his attitude towards women when he plainly disrespected Mandisa by proposing to her in front of the church worshipers. In the cultural context in which this film is produced, love affairs are very courteous and discreet. Furthermore, during this incident, Moruti wa Tsotsi tells Mandisa that he would provide for her, a statement that can be seen as a problematic insinuation of the dependency vs provider dichotomy in the context of feminist criticism that this paper espouses. Throughout both films, women are constantly presented in a way that either objectifies them or deems them as appendages of the male character. This panders to a problematic representation of the mainstream,

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which is characterised by a few instances where strong lead female characters are assigned the support of at least one male who is involved in their situation in some way where the female ends up needing their help (also see Smith, 2013). This bespeaks continuities in stereotypical gender roles. Smith (2013) puts this point succinctly by pointing out that women in cinema, even in their action roles, are portrayed in a way that objectifies them, even if that is not the end goal of their role. In terms of language, men tend to use profanity in their conversations about women and their specific behaviours in these films. In contrast, women were subtler and less emphatic in their language when referring to men. For example, in Full Panty, Mabhokodo is blatant when she is speaking about the pastor’s wife: Your wife is a whore; she’s having an affair. She is going around in different cars with different men. Even at church, they all know. They say she likes to open her legs when she’s drunk. This woman is full of shit.

Another example can be seen in a scene where Mabhokodo tells the Pastor: “Mosadi wa hao wa dutla” [Your wife is leaking]. This kind of vulgar language is seen within the feminist media framework as being utterly problematic as it disparages women linked to what postcolonial scholars see as a by-product of the process of colonial and its capitalist set-up in which men earn more money than women, giving these men power and control over the women that they ultimately see as inferior to them and deserving all sorts of ridicule. However, there is no doubt that there is some form of counternarrative in the two films. This is reflected in the assertiveness of the female friends of the priest’s wife. Even the language they use when referring to male characters is equally divergent to the docile and respective language that we have come to associate with women in this type of genre, although it is still nothing compared to the sordid language used by their male counterparts. This is shown in this conversation: Re a ba kena ka di-heel le di mini-skirt [We are wearing heels and miniskirts] Monna wa gago o busy o rapelela basadi ba babgwe [Your husband is busy praying for other women.] O ya bora, o ya kwana ke beible, betheng ke beibele, toilet ke beible [He is boring.

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Everything is about the bible. In the bedroom, he is all about the bible, even in the toilet]

In the above conversation, the young women convey a sense of freedom as they brag about the stylish clothes they will wear when they go out later that evening. They mock the Pastor, whom they say is boring and deny their friend (the woman he married) the freedom to enjoy life fully. That evening, we see the pastor’s wife standing up to the pastor in a way that seems to demonstrate her assertiveness: Dijo di teng. O tla itsholela. [There is food; you will dish for yourself]. Ke tsamaya le ditshomi tsame. [I am going out with my friends].

In the scene mentioned above, the Pastor seems to be perplexed when his wife, who is usually obedient, tells him that he would have to dish for himself. This is reflected in the expression on his face that the camera aptly captured. It is clear from his response that he was used to being served food all the time whenever he arrived home. This exacerbation is reflected by the question: “Kante go diragalang? [Actually, what is happening?].” A further counter-narrative is reflected in the scene in Moruti wa Tsotsi, in which the woman confronts Moruti wa Tsotsi (Senyaka Kekana) on his way to Johannesburg for the first time. Women refer to him as a stupid man and blatantly order him to remove his excretion. Remove your shit. Women refer to them as silima sa ndoda. [You stupid man!] Remove your shit, you lousy bastard!

In the above conversation, we can again infer a very assertive woman. Here MaMkhize is the one in charge, not her husband, whom we are told is a very powerful Inyanga. When the husband alerted his wives to come and see what has happened, MaMkhize is the one who is at the forefront of the group and is telling everyone what to do: Let’s take all his shit and bewitch him. He will go on defecating all over Johannesburg.

What we see above is a portrayal of a confident and emphatic woman who instructs that the intruder is bewitched. What is interesting also is that everyone agrees with her. Here we are presented with strong-willed women who confront the stranger, although one might want to quibble the fact that the women-only sprung to action after the head of the family,

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who is a man, expressed himself when he confronted the intruder, as demonstrated in the dialogue below: “Who are you shitting [sic] on my farm.” Don’t greet me. Remove your shit.

Nonetheless, the portrayal of a strong woman is evinced. A similar picture emerges in the film Full Panty where the young wife is able to stand up to her husband without hesitation, as mentioned already. However, these women’s assertiveness gives them a bad reputation among members of society, especially the Pastor’s male friends. This can be seen as indicative of how society tends to judge men and women. There are instances where men who assert themselves are praised as strong, while women who do the same thing are seen as loose and bad influences. To address the situation, the Priest’s friends’ go at length to make sure that his wife complies with societal expectations by advising the priest to consult an inyanga (traditional healer). There is also an instance where a portrayal of an emotional man can be evinced. Such a portrayal is usually a rarity in this type of production. For example, when Moruti wa Tsotsi (Senyaka Kekana) went back to the traditional doctor to ask for his excretion back. He is in tears and submissive mode as he pleads with the doctor not to bewitch him. Sir, please give it [shit] back to me. I will throw it away myself. Someone told me that you are a powerful witchdoctor I would rather come back and pay. I didn’t know that you are a number one witch. I can see it in your eyes.

Another significant disjuncture that I see in this film is the departure from the “superwoman” portrayal often seen in mainstream films. In that sense, the directors must be commended for staying away from the portrayal of women as “super Madonnas/supper women.” The portrayal of a super Madonna entails a superwoman who is geared to bear all difficulties and can cope with all the difficult situations that she is presented with. The implication of the “Super Madonna” portrayal is that it gives the impression that women are equipped to deal with all sorts of exploitation and that it is okay for society to continue exploiting them as they are naturally equipped to deal with it (Motsaathebe, 2018). In this sense, the directors make no pretensions about this kind of portrayal that has been

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highlighted by Ogunleye (2005) as the tendency of some filmmakers to pander to feminist consciousness. A fundamental point here is that these films are under no illusion of superficially trying to cater for the concerns of feminists who criticise media representation of women.

Conclusion The idea set forth in this chapter is that the video films produced on the margins represent a dynamic form of cultural production. In addition, these films have become a significant part of the South African cinema consumed outside the mainstream film industry which needed to be studied to determine the type of representation they embody about the issues of gender and language identity. The chapter, thus, represents one of the few academic studies, if any, which explore the issue of gender and language identity in South African films produced outside the confines of mainstream film production. In terms of genderlects, men tend to use profanity in their conversations about women and their specific behaviours. In contrast, women were subtler and less emphatic in their language when referring to men. There was strong evidence of heteronormative tone expressed by male characters throughout the two films. The preceding point dovetails with research literature that suggests that women’s language is generally timid compared to men’s. That said, there were a few exceptions where a counter-narrative that seemed to challenge the habitual gendered representation was evinced. Interestingly, woman solidarity as a theme could be adduced when the friends visited the Priest’s young wife and offered her advice to break loose from the strict and repressive husband. However, this was short-lived. Furthermore, some of the problematic depictions that persist in these films include borderline female roles that serve to reinforce the male characters’ identity and status and sexist dogmas and prejudice. The women in these films remain firmly rooted in, in Brettschneider’s (1998) words, “their womanly nature”. They are certainly present but remain absent in meaningful roles as they are primarily relegated to marginal ones that only serve “to bolster the male character’s identity.” (See Smith, 2013). The female characters remain in roles that confine them to the traditional stereotypical representation of women as attested by the language they use. The visual representation is equally consistent with the female image that we have come to know in the media. Moreover, women in the reviewed films seem to conform to what Xia (2013) refers to as a

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“special feminine vocabulary” that we are accustomed to in colonial and apartheid-era films. Mandisa is a homemaker, and her role, mannerism, and how she carries herself on the set reinforce her identity as a woman who is always working for the good of others, despite the circumstances pitted against her. While on the other hand, the men we see in these films have big ideas, they are providers, and they venture on serious moneymaking quests, compared to their dependent women who remain on the home front. Men play leading roles. They are church leaders, strategists, and business partners. Finally, these films are commendable for their innovativeness, particularly in terms of their ethnolinguistic interpellation.

Filmography Moruti wa Tsotsi, 2008. [Film] Directed by Chico Twala. South Africa: Chico Twala. Full Panty, 2009. [Film] Directed by Senyaka Kekana. South Africa: Senyaka Productions.

References Andersen, M. L., & Taylor, H. F. (2001). Sociology: The essentials. Wadsworth. Banham, V. (2014, November 26). Language: An important social and cultural marker of identity. [Paper presentation]. Language as a social justice issue conference. Edith Cowan University. Barsam, R., & Monahan, D. (2017). Looking at movies: An introduction to film. W. W. Norton & Company. Berger, A. A. (2012a). Media analysis technique (3rd ed.). Sage. Berger, A. A. (2012b). Media analysis technique (4th ed.). Sage. Bourdieu, P. (1979). Distinctions. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, translated by Richard Nice. Harvard University Press. Brettschneider, C. (1998). The depiction of womanhood in Margaret Atwood‘s Alias Grace. GRIN Verlag. https://www.grin.com/document/94684 Carter, A. (1993). The politics of women’s rights. Longman. Cutrufelli, R. (1985). Women of Africa: Roots of oppression. Zed Books. Ebrahim, H. (2020). Cinematic sidestreams: A political economy of small cinemas in South Africa. Communicatio, 46(3), 20–42. https://doi.org/10. 1080/02500167.2020.1818597 Elam, K. (1988). The semiotics of theatre and drama. Routledge. Fairclough, N. L. (1989). Language and power. Longman. Hall, K. (2013a). Teaching and researching: Language and culture. Routledge.

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Hall, S. (2013b). The work of representation. In S. Hall, J. Evan, & S. Nixon (Eds.), Representation (pp. 1–47). Sage. Harding, S. (1987). Epistemological questions. In S. Harding (Ed.), Feminism and methodology. Indiana University Press and Open University Press. hooks. (1999). The oppositional gaze: Black female spectators. In S. Thornham (Ed.), Feminist film theory: A reader (pp. 307–320). Edinburgh University Press. Kruger, M. (1998). Negotiating gender identity and authority in the plays of Penina Muhando and Ari Ka Tini Mwachofi. AAP, 55, 53–71, 11. Lakoff, R. (1975). Language and woman’s place. Language and Society, 2, 45– 79. Mendelson, A. L., & Smith, C. Z. (2006). Vision of a new state. Journalism Studies, 7 (2), 187–211. Metz, C. (1974). Film language: A semiotics of the cinema (trans. Michael Taylor). Oxford University Press Motsaathebe, G. (2009). Gendered roles, images and behavioural patterns in the SABC soap opera generations. Journal of African Media Studies, 1(3), 429–448. Motsaathebe, G. (2014). Presence as absence: A black feminist analysis of the depiction of black woman in three post-apartheid South African films (20042008). [Doctoral thesis, The University of the Witwatersrand]. WIRedSpace. https://wiredspace.wits.ac.za/handle/10539/14338 Motsaathebe, G. (2018). South African cinema and its depiction of race, gender and class: Portrayal of black women in post-apartheid South African films. Canadian Review of Comparative Literature, 45(3), 23–44. Mulvey, L. (1999). Visual pleasure and narrative cinema. In S. Thornham (Ed.), Feminist film theory: A reader (pp. 122–130). Edinburgh University Press. Ogunleye, F. (2005). Gender stereotypes and reconstruction: A feminist appraisal of Nigerian video films. Acta Academica, 37 (3), 125–149. Richmond-Abbott, M. (1992). Masculine & feminine. McGraw-Hill Inc. Rose, G. (2001). Visual methodologies. Sage Publications. Saussure, F. (1966). Course in general linguistics (trans. by Wade Baskin). McGraw-Hill Book Company. Smith, J. (2013). Gender representation in Hollywood films, normalizing male dominance in films. GRIID. https://griid.org/2013/02/12/normalizingmale-dominance-gender-representation-in-2012-films/ Tsikhungu, S. M. (2018). Identity in postmillennial German films on Africa. Freie University. Vambe, M., Chikonzo, K., & Khan, K. (2007). The portrayal of Africans in agricultural films of Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe): 1940s to 1950s. Communicatio: South African Journal for Communication Theory and Research, 33(1), 113–135.

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Van Leeuwen, T. (2001). Semiotics and Iconography. In T. Van Leeuwen & C. Jewitt (Eds.), Handbook of visual analysis (pp. 92–117). Sage. Xia, X. (2013, August). Gender differences in using language. Theory and Practice in Language Studies, 3(8), 1485–1489.

PART II

Media Representations, Text, Context and Indigenous Indigenous Language Media

CHAPTER 10

Re-Tooling the Nigerian Society to Combat Crime and Criminality: The Strategic Importance of Proverbs in Child and Personality Development Mustapha Olalekan Rufai

Introduction Crime is a global phenomenon. It is present in every society and portends a great danger to all. While everybody would not end up having a direct experience of crime, or become a victim of crime, conversely, everyone is a potential victim of crime. In other words, everyone is at the risk of being a victim of one form of crime or the other. Therefore, reducing crime and criminality in the society is a condition for a sane society and for development. The Nigerian society is one bedevilled with crime (Sóolá, 2007). Crime and criminality in Nigeria have so far defied every strategy of the

M. O. Rufai (B) Department of Mass Communication, Federal University Oye-Ekiti, Oye, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_10

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government to successfully fight it (Rùfáí & Sàláwù, 2021a). Newspapers and other forms of the media are awash with various cases of crime: banditry, abduction, rape, armed robbery, cattle rustling, ritual killings, cultism and cybercrime, otherwise called yahoo yahoo, and other forms of crime, virtually, on daily basis. Rùfáí and Sàláwù (2021b) examined the Nigerian newspapers’ framing of the headlines of crime stories to further contextualise the problem of crime in Nigeria. Granted that crime cannot be completely eradicated in any society, the use of force and the deployment of troops to fight all forms of crime and criminality in Nigeria have only led to expending the Country’s hard-earned foreign exchange on procuring arms and ammunition, with little or no success achieved in the fight against crime and all forms of criminality in the Country. Crime, especially, kidnapping, remains on a high and has become a lucrative business in Nigeria (Ngwama, 2014). The young and the energetic segment of the Nigerian society otherwise referred to as “youths”, who are mainly unemployed are believed to have taken to crime for their livelihood. The cohort that constitutes the larger percentage of the Nigerian population appears to be the most victims of crime. It is worrisome that crime and criminality are becoming permanent and indelible features in our democracy. School children are abducted (Omokhunu, 2021) from school premises and held hostage for the payment of ransom by their parents or sponsors to their captors before they are released from hostage. The unlucky ones are killed even after the ransom was paid. Boarding school students are harassed, bullied and killed. In response, the Federal and some State Governments have had to shut some schools (Erunke, 2022). This drastic step to address one social problem could lead to a greater social problem of having more out of school children. In a recent statement by the Governor of Zamfara State, he alluded to the fact that it will take a while before banditry can be stopped in his State because some politicians are their sponsors (Nwannah, 2021). This statement corroborates the view of LaFree and Tseloni (2006) that democracy has a correlation with violent crime. It is no gainsaying that humanity, good neighbourliness and peaceful co-existence mean nothing to the crime perpetrators and their sponsors. There appears to be no better time than now to appease the conscience of crime perpetrators and their sponsors and pursue a cheaper and engaging mode-communicationto address the scourge. Also, there has arisen the urgent need to reawaken the family and the Nigerian society at large on the need to revive

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the Nigerian cultural heritage in child rearing and personality development. Thus, it has become expedient to re-address child and personality development for a better Nigerian society. Te̩ júmaíyé (2008: 135) emphasises that “culture is life and life is culture” and that globalisation has impacted negatively on the character of today’s youths among the Yoruba in South West Nigeria. He posits further that the concept of “good character” (Omolúàbí ) in personality development is waning. Similarly, Nwankwo (2015) also submits that a noticeable effect of globalisation on aspects of indigenous African culture is the apparent neglect of indigenous languages and dialects, creating a gulf in communication, and it is presumed to be responsible for moral decadence and youth restiveness in the contemporary Nigerian society. Advocacy communication geared towards a re-orientation in child and personality development has, therefore, become desirable. Specifically, the chapter seeks to discuss some risk factors of crime, advocacy communication, theoretical frameworks, selected Yoruba proverbs (data) that address parenting, bad behaviour, peer grouping and child/personality development; analyse the data; draw up the conclusion and make recommendations. Risk Factors of Crime Identifying factors that directly cause a crime is difficult. Several factors such as biological, sociological and psychological factors could be ascribed as the causes of crime in the society. There are, however, some identified risk factors that could make children and adolescents to be prone to future offending (NCC, 2002). Identifying the risk factors to crime is very crucial because of the proclivity of children and young adults to be impressionable, and are influenced by individuals, situations and by factors that can lead them to crime or away from it as they attain adulthood (CSER, 2001). The ability to identify the risk factors and to also target those who exhibit those factors may possibly lead to an intervention to nip in the bud or prevent a continuation of criminal path. The National Crime Control, Ireland in 2012, identified some risk factors to crime. Of interest to this chapter among the identified risk factors to crime is “Family Background/Parenting”, broken down as follows: – poor parenting skills/erratic or harsh discipline – Lack of parental control, supervision and monitoring

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poor or disruptive attachments with the child parental conflict family breakdown/family dysfunction and criminal, anti-social and/or alcoholic parents.

To address the problem of poor parenting and its variants, a cultural re-awakening is therefore germane in child and personality development to reverse the trend. The problems of crime and criminality in child and personality development and the advocacy role of communication, through proverbs, as a cultural universal, to re-address child and personality development in Nigeria, serve as the motivation for this article. Globally, crime is an almost every minute occurrence, and “poses an immediate threat to a great many persons” (Sykes, 1978: 23). Due to its widespread crime has become a complex topic of concern to many disciplines, leading to different perspectives of crime. The solution to the problem of crime in Nigeria has defied all known military solutions. A change of approach and strategy, therefore, becomes desirable. It would be instructive to re-jig the system for a better society. Advocacy Communication in Child and Personality Development The online Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines “advocacy” as “the act or process of supporting a cause or proposal”. According to Greene (1997), advocacy refers to the value commitment of a specified regulative ideal bordering on rational decision-making, interpretative meaning and community activism, with the objective of influencing and persuading individuals or institutions to change. Advocacy communication on the other hand, “is any planned communication that seeks to achieve communication goals to inform, persuade and move to action” (Elite plus Magazine online). Advocacy communication has been found useful in brand promotion (Moriaty et al., 2009). A refined and cultured individual will embrace peace and be committed to sane and safe society. Similarly, advocacy communication has been adjudged suitable to advance social mobilisation and to have a common voice for nutrition across cultures (The SUN Movement, 2014). To address the negative impact of globalisation on child and personality development towards reducing the vices of crime and criminality in Nigeria, there is the need for advocacy communication, to stress to parents the aspects of indigenous culture geared

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towards good character formation. Proverbs as a form of indigenous communication is a cultural universal. Cultural universals according to Schaefer (2005: 59) “are adaptations to meet essential human needs”. Communication is essential to life and a basic tool with which humans express their feelings and desires, in their quest to satisfy their psychological, biological and social needs. Proverbs as means of communication is common in every culture. It advocates good morals and conduct. It is one of the common practices and beliefs developed in human societies. Children exposed to proverbs on personality development and character building are likely to exhibit a proclivity for good moral and peaceful co-existence with fellow human beings devoid of any form of harm, hatred, greed or any condemnable act in the society. There is, therefore, the urgent need to explore the potency of advocacy communication to re-jig the family institution in Nigeria towards not only its basic social function of child bearing, but also effective child rearing and personality development.

Review of Literature Role of the Family in Child/Personality Development To bring about a decent society devoid of hatred, greed, negative peer group influence or keeping a bad company, and having consideration for others, Marilena (2014) identifies the family as very important in integrating its offsprings into the society. Proceeding, Marilena (2014: 1) states that “family is the institution where the personality is formed”, justifying the fact that the family is the basic social group to which everyone belongs. Te̩ júmaíyé (2008) has, however, observed that there exists a gap in the child rearing system in the contemporary Nigeria due to the influence of foreign culture and the near neglect of indigenous African culture. The situation (effect of foreign culture on the young generation of Africans) in the view of Nwankwo (2015) has placed the present generation of young Africans at the risk of acculturating with ease to various ways of being that suit them, not minding the negative impact it may have on the society.

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Culture and Personality Development In the view of Haralambos et al. (2013: 727), culture is a concept viewed differently from different perspectives along the “elitist”, “common sense” and “as the whole way of the life of a people”. From the “elitists” points of view, culture is likened to a state of mind. “It relates to an individual being seen as “cultured”, if he/she strives to attain perfection, achieves a goal or an aspiration of individual human achievement or emancipation” (p. 727). Similarly, the “elitists” view of culture also sees certain societies as superior to others. In this case, culture is intricately related to the idea of civilisation from the “common sense” view. In other words, culture is seen “as the collective body of arts and intellectual work within anyone society” (Haralambos et al., 2013: 727). Finally, they conclude that “the culture of a society is the way of life of its members, the collection of ideas and habits which they learn, share and transmit from generation to generation” (Haralambos et al., 2013: 727). In his contribution, Schaefer (2005: 56), submits that “culture is the totality of learned socially transmitted customs, knowledge, material objects and behaviour”. In reviewing recent developments in the study of culture and personality measurement, Cheung et al. (2011) identified three approaches: an etic approach, an emic approach and a combination of emic and etic approaches in personality development. An etic approach to personality focusses on establishing equivalent in alien measures of personality; an emic approach is the indigenous approach that studies personality in specific cultures. The last approach is the combination of the emic and etic approaches to personality. They propose that the methodological rigour of the etic approach and the cultural sensitivity of the emic approach are instructive in personality development. This position stresses the human fallibility. Especially, in Africa, to jettison our indigenous culture in damaging (emphasis mine) preference for alien cultures. Similarly, in an attempt to emphasise the importance of communality and social interaction among Africans, made popular according to Nwoye (2017) by Nguni proverb that “Umuntu Ugumuntu Ugabantu” which translates to “a person is a person through other persons”, Nwoye (2017) opines that as evident in other cultures, “mature human beings are not born but made” (p. 42). This suggests that the process of personhood in Africa is determined by human motivation, influential agents (such as the

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family, peer groups, media and other socialisation agents), moral visions and social processes. In a study on the social, cultural, pedagogic and epistemological factors influencing learning and cognitive development among Ethiopian Jew immigrants in Israel, Berhanu (2006), opines that sayings and proverbs of a people combined with some ethnographic data assist in the socialisation process of ideal children. Bothered by the historic global and contemporary worry on youth violence and indiscipline/insubordination in schools, Sefa Dei (2013) has advocated the teachings of indigenous African philosophies such as proverbs relating to the concept of self and the community-being responsible, respect for self, peers and authority and mutual interdependence and their place in the school curricular- to enhance youth learning in Euro-American and African schooling contexts. Proverbs Across many cultures of the world, proverbs originated in an attempt by humans to cope with the dynamics of their existence (Ad´eot ` ´i, 2019). The origin of proverbs is still a concern for paremiologists to uncover (Marvin, 1992). Proverbs remain a part of the folklore genres that is much in use today. Though proverbs are less patronised in contemporary times (Mieder & Barbara, 2000), they still function as a communication tool (Dabaghi et al., 2010). Proverbs are therefore reflections of people’s cultures, language, beliefs, literature and history encompassing their existence and sustenance. Paremiologist, Mieder (1985) describes proverb as a “short, generally known statement of the folk which contains wisdom, truth, morals and traditional views in a metaphorical, fixed and memorisable form and which is handed down from generation to generation” (p. 113). In a later work, cited by Adéòtí (2019: 83) Mieder defines a proverb as “the wisdom of ages gone by and are based on observations and generalisations about basic human behaviour and the trials and trepidation of human life”. Proverbs are examples of cultural universals. They are present in every culture and are deployed as a communication tool to address aspects of behaviour and well-being of the society.

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Importance of Proverbs In an emphasis on the significance of proverbs among the Yoruba tribe in Nigeria, one Yoruba proverb captures the importance of proverbs among the Yoruba. It says: Òwe le̩ s̩ in o`̩ ro`̩ O`̩ ro`̩ le̩ s̩ in òwe Bí o`̩ ro`̩ bá so̩ nù Òwe la fi n´ wa

a proverb, like a horse, propels a word. a word also serves as the horse that propels a proverb. when a word is missing. a proverb serves as the compass to find it.

The above stresses the crucial, purposive and the strategic nature of proverbs as a communication tool among the Yoruba, South West, Nigeria. The Yoruba are a group of people mostly found in the southwestern part of Nigeria who trace their origin to IleIfe, in the present-day Osun State in Nigeria (see Te̩ júmaíyé, 2008). Reflecting on the use of proverbs as a communicative tool in African drama, Adéòtí (2019) observes that the importance of proverbs constitutes a vital part in the communicative tools employed in the dialogue of some selected African plays to represent cultural realities on stage. In his contribution, Mieder (2004) opines that: of the various verbal folklore genres (i.e. fairy tales, legends, tall tales, jokes and riddles), proverbs are the most concise but not necessarily the simplest form. The vast scholarship on proverbs is ample proof that they are anything but mundane matters in human communication. Proverbs fulfil the human need to summarise experiences and observations into nuggets of vision that provide ready made comments on personal relationships and social affairs (Mieder, 2004: 1). Proverbs are thus sharp, short, witty and metaphorical statements in human communication.

Theoretical Framework This chapter is anchored on the agenda setting theory of the media. Agenda setting theory of the press brings to the fore and to the plane of discussion what the media consider as being important for audience attention. Miller (2002) identifies broad and narrow scopes of agenda setting. The broad scope definition of agenda setting recognises the consideration of three related agendas: the media agenda, the public agenda and

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the policy agenda. The set of topics addressed by the media organisations constitutes the media agenda. The public agenda is the set of topics that address members of the public. Lastly, the policy agenda represents the issues that the policy and decision-makers consider as being important. On the other hand, the seminal work of McCombs and Shaw (1972) on agenda setting constitutes the narrow scope of agenda setting and concentrates on the link between the media and the public agenda. On what agenda setting is, Zhu and Blood (1997) describe agenda setting as “the process whereby the news media lead the public in assigning relative importance to various public issues”. Media are channels of delivery of messages and can be grouped under exogenous and indigenous media. Exogenous media are channels of delivery of media messages aided by modern technology. The media channels that belong to this category are the mass media channels (print and electronic media). The indigenous media of communication on the other hand are oral in nature, often realised through word of mouth and person–person communication in a face-to-face or physical setting that may be devoid of any technology. Proverbs in the traditional setting are often transmitted orally between the “wise man” and the protégé. It has been advanced earlier in this text that the culture of using proverbs is fast diminishing in the society (Mieder, 2004). It is in this regard that a re-awakening is needed to revive the culture of using proverbs in child and personality development towards breeding persons of good character in the mould of the Yoruba concept of Omol̩ u´̩ wàbí (an ideal person). The agenda setting theory of the media is therefore adjudged as appropriate for the discourse. The agenda setting function of the media though often associated with the mass media is being advocated for the oral or indigenous media as well.

Methodology The chapter adopts a phenomenological approach to the study. Phenomenological research is a type of qualitative research method that focusses on the specific and identifies a phenomenon through people’s perception of the context. It explores the pieces of experience of a people on a phenomenon. According to Mohajan (2018), phenomenology is a branch of qualitative research that emphasises a concept or phenomenon experienced by an individual or group and attempts to make a meaning of how the individuals make sense of their experiences. Its central focus is to

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explore people’s daily life experiences. In dealing with the phenomenon of proverbs, the chapter adopts paremiography (a collection of Yoruba proverbs) as captured in Bello-Olowookere (2004) and also dwells on the experience of the author as a native speaker of Yoruba language. Some proverbs with themes focussing on parenting, peer grouping and personality development were selected, grouped, discussed and analysed in the study.

Presentation of Data and Data Analysis Analysis The proverbs in Group A are applied to the roles expected of parents in training a child. The Yoruba play a premium importance in on parenting. In their belief system procreation is not as important as their training a child to be of high and impecable moral standard. The ideal child in Yoruba context, is that child who is of good character (Omolúwàbí), a reliable, honest, hardworking and a trustworthy person who may be rich or poor. The important thing is the trustworthiness and dependability of the person and not the riches or a lack of it. To this end the Yoruba stops at nothing to bring up a child that would be an ambassador and a brand of his home, one of pride to the immediate and extended families. To achieve this, it used to be the practice among the Yoruba to foster a child to a relation or an acquaintance from where the child receives adequate training to help his or her future, if it was perceived that his biological parents are weaklings or any other reason for which fostering the child was best for the child’s future. That practice, is, however, not much in vogue in this modern era (Table 10.1). Analysis The proverbs under Group B are applied to peer groupings and socialisation among the Yoruba. The Yoruba believes in communality, togetherness, oneness of purpose and group cohesion, and frowns at deceit, selfishness, anger, arrogance, backbiting, blackmailing, indolence and other social vices, that serve as prelude to committing crime. (Table 10.2).

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Table 10.1 Group tual/philosophical Proverbs

A

parenting

proverbs/literal

Literal translation

translation/

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contex-

Contextual/philosophical

O̩ mo̩ tí a kò ko´̩ ni yóò gbé ilé An untrained child will sell tí a ko´̩ tà off the house we built

An untrained child is likened to a prodigal son who will not cherish heritage but will squander every treasure the parents laboured to acquire Àgbàrá òjò kò ní òun ò ní ilé Flood won’t mind to Enemies of progress wó, oní lé ni ò ní gbà fun demolish a house it is the won’t mind destroying landlord that won’t allow one’s good works, but that the doer of the good deed should remain resolute and shield his legacy Òhun tí a kò bá ní gbà ní What one won’t accept in What is bad at any time. Olówó tálákà ni a ó ti kò̩ o´̩ wealth, one should reject One should not postpone while still poor condemning any trace of a bad act E̩ rí ojú olè e̩ ò mu, o̩ mo̩ yín ò You refuse to apprehend a At any given time, one should “call a spade and ̩se à gbàfo`̩ , ó n´ kó as̩ o wá lé thief. Your son is not a washerman, yet brings home not a working different clothes implement”. Be direct in any description and in all communication contexts E̩ ni gbé epo lájà kò ja olè bí i The offence committed by It is more criminal to aid e̩ ni gbà á lo´̩ wo´̩ e`̩ one who stole a gallon of and abet stealing palm oil from the rack is not as grave as one who took delivery of it

Analysis The proverbs in Group C are related to those under Group B in theme on behaviour and socialisation. Much as the Yoruba belief system emphasises “growing together”, it also draws a line on who to associate with. It advises that in the process of personhood, one should be circumspect in choosing a friend and take a good time to study someone before placing a trust in anyone. In this age of social media, unfortunately, this wise counsel is lost. Hours of establishing “friendship” with a strange person on the social media, visitations follow almost immediately. A lot of deaths

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Table 10.2 Group B bad behaviour proverbs literal translation contextual/philosophical Proverbs

Literal translation

Contextual/philosophical

Àgbè tó je̩ ̩ su tán tó je̩ ebù tán, kín ni yóò je´̩ lámo`̩ dún ?

A farmer that consumes both the yam and the portion for planting, what will he eat next year? An elder that prepares a vegetable of evil for another man’s child, his children will also have a share of it A moth that sets out to extinguish the lamp will end its life in the process

Greediness and not saving for the rainy day are not features of a right thinking person What you wish others will bounce back on you. Have a good consideration for others always

Àgbà tó ròfo´̩ ìká, fún o̩ mo̩ e̩ nikejì, o̩ mo̩ re`̩ yóò je̩ níbe`̩

Àfòpinná tó lóun ó pa fìtílà, ara re`̩ ni yóò pa

Afo´̩ jú tó bá ara ilé re`̩ jà, yóò ko̩ lu ògiri pe´̩ A dé ibi e`̩ yìn má ko̩ , àgbà o`̩ le̩ ni

The blind that quarrels with those around him, will keep hitting the wall He who gets to the palm nut without harvesting is a big lazy bone

Self-destruction awaits someone who aims at destroying another person, Do no evil and be free from calamities A needy that is unfriendly will remain in need. We all need one another Procrastination and laziness are bad. Strike the iron while it is hot to avoid any desperation later in life due to lost time

and mishaps have been the “harvests” from such hasty cordiality (Table 10.3).

Summary/Recommendations/Conclusion Immorality and other associated vices in the contemporary Nigerian society are attributable to the shortfall in the ability of children to interact appropriately with their immediate cultural setting, due to the seemingly overwhelming influence of foreign culture and globalisation. Every Yoruba child is equipped with some distinct characteristics to make some useful and impactful contributions to a safer and more secured environment if properly guided by the family, aided by the appropriate use of proverbs in the communication process. In this regard, a stable and effective family set up anchored on effective communicative competence and enough exposure to proverbs can help inculcate in our youths very early in

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Table 10.3 Group C child and personality development proverbs literal translation contextual/philosophical Proverbs

Literal translation

Contextual/philosophical

A ju ra wa lo̩ tìjàkadì ko´̩

Some are more endowed than others, it is not a question of might/physicality You cannot turn money sourced from sorrow to procure a commodity of happiness One cannot plant onions and grow into vegetables, what you sow is what you reap You cannot differentiate the footprints of the wicked on the road. Once you understand the features of a soil, it can no longer stunt the growth of your yam

Despite being human beings, we are different in a lot of ways

A kì í fi owó e̩ kún ra o̩ jà e`̩ rín A kì í gbin àlùbo´̩ sà kó hu e`̩ fo´̩ , ohun tí a bá gbìn la ma ká A kì í mo̩ e̩ se`̩ òs̩ ìkà lójú o`̩ nà A kì í mo̩ ìwà ile`̩ , kó kú ni nís̩ u

Destruction awaits anyone who destroyed others to attain “success” In the end of everything, man would be rewarded according to his deeds Be circumspect in your dealings with people. It takes time to know who a person really is Endeavour to have beyond a superficial knowledge of someone before relating with him or her

life, the sense of communalism, tolerance, discipline, wisdom and a sense of belonging to individuals and the society at large. The media should assist to stress the importance of the family in child and personality development towards a society ideal and secured for the citizens to flourish, prosper and be safe. It is suggested that in doing this, the media should impress it on government and policymakers to deliberately make policies to address the neglect of our indigenous culture in child/personality. The relevant agencies of government on social mobilisation should be alive to their responsibilities. The study concludes that the child/personality development anchored on proverbs can help raise an ideal person that will shun all forms of criminality in our society towards having a safer and secured society needed for development.

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CHAPTER 11

Evaluation of an African Indigenous Language Programme on Poly Ilaro 92.1 FM, Ogun State Nigeria Adejare Samuel Odu and Oluwole Folaranmi Alabi

Introduction The advocacy and crusade in respect of indigenous language revitalization and decolonization of media space are gaining ground in Africa without any iota of doubt. This advocacy and crusade, in contention, for the souls of indigenous languages in Africa is becoming loud through the media and other avenues. In this wise, indigenous language media are active spaces for the development, maintenance and renewal of indigenous

A. S. Odu (B) · O. F. Alabi Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] O. F. Alabi e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_11

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languages in Africa (Npofu & Salawu, 2018: 1). This therefore underscores the important place of the media in reviving and the maintenance of African languages. Salawu (2015: 6) points out that the broadcast media fare better in the use of Indigenous languages than the print media. He alluded this fact to the nature of broadcast media being principally an oral/aural medium and that its production is not too cumbersome. In this twenty-first-century broadcast practice, majority of the television (TV) and radio stations in Nigeria mainly use the English language with a mixture of indigenous languages. The truth is that African media landscape was determined by colonialism and some other secondary factors (Salawu, 2021; Akere cited in Ayodabo, 2014: 78). Consequently, this has been a great concern to authors and the people in the academia. Among the authors is Ngugi Wa Thiong’o who specifically dealt with the politics of language in African literature in a way to decolonize the mind. According to Shanade (2015), Ngugi argues that African intellectuals bear the responsibility for popularizing the decolonization struggle and liberation of African minds which is the ultimate goal. Shanade (2015) equally notes that many of the works published on decolonization sprung from Ngugi’s idea of decolonizing African minds. Decolonization debates have also taken roots in the academia with so much interest in decolonizing the curriculum especially at the tertiary education level. Woldegiorgis (2020) avers that decolonizing African higher education evolved over time from various socio-economic and political imperatives. However, in a recent development, there are a few radio stations that go solo or that use more indigenous languages in Nigeria. Example of such includes: Lagelu radio in Oyo State, Radio Lagos 107.5 FM, Faaji 106.5 FM, Freedom Radio Nigeria 92.9 FM Kaduna and Orisun 89.5 FM in Ile-Ife, Osun state in Nigeria and a host of others that cannot be mentioned now for lack of sufficient details. In addition, there are scholarly questions that need to be interrogated as Salawu pointed out in one of his researches: What is the authenticity of what passes on in the airwaves as African languages? (Salawu, 2015: 9). The scholar points out that the broadcast media have been doing better in the use of indigenous language than the print media. The questions remain, how good is the “better” of the broadcast media in the use of indigenous languages? How are they contributing specifically to the revitalization of indigenous languages in Africa? How are they educating and

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informing listeners as part of their statutory responsibilities of the need for language and cultural survival in Africa? Thus, a formative evaluation is needed to ascertain how the indigenous language radio stations or radio stations that are using indigenous languages for their programmes are faring. Evaluation, according to Igwe (2011: 99), enables one to determine the extent to which the objectives of a programme have been realized. Evaluation basically provides reasons for the success or failure of a programme. This could be done at an early stage, mid-stage or at the end of the entire programme in order to make information on its relative worth available to the management for decision-making. In this regard, Ilaro Polytechnic FM 92.1 is the focus of this scholarly work. The Federal Polytechnic FM radio is a campus community radio which was established on 19 December 2019 as part of the requirements given by the National Board for Technical Education (NBTE) for re-accreditation of the Departments of Mass Communication, Computer Engineering and Electrical/Electronics Engineering. The programme is Asa ati Ise Ile Yoruba (The customs and traditions of Yoruba Land). The programme flagged off on the 27 July 2020. The progaramme is aired in the Yoruba language which is the second largest indigenous language in Nigeria. The programme is on air every week, Monday precisely between 3:00 pm–4:00 pm. It focuses on issues and themes centred on Yoruba culture and traditions. Yoruba language was one of the first West African languages to have written grammar and dictionary in 1849. The native speakers of the language in Nigeria constitute 30% of Nigerian population and about 40 million people in West Africa (Akinkuolere & Akinfenwa, 2018: 22). Johnson (2009: xxviii) submits that efforts were made to have Yoruba language in a written form with the help of the Church Missionary Society with the immortal Rev. Henry Venn as Secretary organized a mission to Yoruba country under the leadership of one of their agents, the Rev. Henry Townsend an English Clergyman who was working in Sierra Leone and the Rev. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first African Clergy of the CMS who also worked in Sierra Leone then. The Yoruba people occupy the Western part of Nigeria and some of them are also found in the Republic of Benin, Togo and some other parts of West Africa. Historically, the Yorubas are said to have originated from Lamurudu one of the kings of Mecca whose one of his offspring was Oduduwa, the ancestor of the Yorubas. Oduduwa and his children later

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settled in Ile-Ife which is known as the source of the Yorubas (Johnson, 2009: 3–5).

Statement of the Problem While some scholarly attention has been given to the need to revive the African indigenous language through the media, how and why they can be used to mobilize citizens for political participation, the examination of the development communication contents of the indigenous media, etc., with much attention on the print, this research focuses on the broadcast aspect of the media where little attention has been paid so far. Hence, this is a special interest in the programme evaluation of a radio programme in an indigenous language which is currently scarce in the academia, using an established model of CIPP to determine the extent to which the objectives of the programme of an indigenous language programme have been conceived and realized in the space of its commencement. Thus, ascertaining the effectiveness of indigenous language programmes on the airwaves. Also, because of the formative evaluative nature of this work, it assessed the situation that gave birth to the programme, the available resources, the functioning of the programme, the impacts of programme viz-a-viz the interaction of the presenter with the listeners and the general flow of the programme known as Asa ati Ise Ile Yoruba (The customs and traditions of Yoruba Land) on Poly Ilaro 92.1 FM.

Research Objectives 1. To identify the objectives of Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM. 2. To identify what resources (financial, human and facilities) are utilized in the design of the programme to meet the needs of the listeners. 3. To find out how the programme is being implemented. 4. To point out the barriers that threaten the success of the programme, and what revisions need to be made. 5. To determine how the programme has successfully met its goals.

Research Questions 1. What are the objectives of Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM?

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2. What resources (financial, human and facilities) are utilized in the design of the programme to meet the needs of the listeners? 3. How is Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM being implemented? 4. What barriers threaten the success of the programme, and what revisions need to be made? 5. How has Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM successfully met its goals?

Review of Previous Studies Evidences from previous research works show that a larger percentage of the people were exposed to indigenous language radio programmes and indigenous language exposure through radio promoted certain values that were needed for the survival of indigenous language in some communities. Studies on indigenous languages reveal as well that there was limited indigenous language staff in some of the stations and lack of sponsorship for indigenous language programmes (Chinweobo-Onuoha et al., 2021). These attest to the fact that indigenous language broadcast is effective in the process of language revitalization. It was found by Akpojivi and Fosu (2016: 147) that the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting has helped to promote the local languages in Ghana and encouraged the public in participating in radio debates, which was once impossible due to the use of the English language. Evaluation of programmes is basically an assessment of what has been done in order to ascertain what has worked and what has not worked with the future in sight. Popoola (2005) found out in a study that the actual programme of the radio station he studied contravened the objectives of the radio station which dealt with highlights of some daily newspapers. It means that the audience were not adequately served. In addition, some categories of news were left out and other burning issues of each day. In terms of semantics, the researcher found out that there were embellishments that changed the meaning of some stories giving them a new colouration. In style and language presentation, the presenters were fond of recasting the headlines instead of translating the headlines as they were published in the dailies. Too many promotions and advertisements shortened the little time allotted to the programme leaving the audience to get little out of the programme. Over the years, the evaluation of development and other rural radio experiment produced two main findings as pointed out by Rogers et al.

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as cited in Manyozo (2012). The findings are: Firstly, it was discovered that organized group listening and discussion on radio programmes improve knowledge gained in contrast to individual and disorganized people listening to radio programmes. That is, participatory learning and action of the forums facilitated a sphere for sharing of knowledge and expertise by literates and illiterates to leap the barrier of illiteracy. The listening group in this wise provided the illiterates the opportunity to be helped by the literates which otherwise wouldn’t have been possible in the individual and disorganized listening pattern. Also, it means that the level of education of listeners has a direct impact on the level of understanding of radio programme subjects. Secondly, it was discovered that radio-based communication is effective when it is supported by multichannel approach such as films, pictures and posters charts fortnightly to the farm forum programmes (Rogers et al. as cited by Manyozo, 2012: 213). As part of the impact of broadcast media, it was covered in a study that the radio station studied was able to build listeners’ confidence through its informative and social development programmes on and off the air and within three years, the relationship between the villagers and the radio station was restored. However, going through the available literatures, it was discovered that there are limited researches on the evaluation of indigenous language radio programmes not to even mention the evaluation of a few available indigenous language radio stations in Nigeria. For example, AFFRI (2008: 215 as cited in Africa Farm Rural Radio Initiatives [AFRRI], 2008) declares that African broadcasters and government introduced radio for development programming in 1950s but the evaluation of its impact was scarce. It was when international development organizations began to fund the establishment of radio forums to complement radio programmes that the evaluation of its impact entered the communication agenda. He goes further to point out that evaluation of development broadcasting in which indigenous language broadcast media fall within its scope has received little academic research attention. Equally, he points out that attention has been confined mainly to funders of communication projects (AFFRI, 2008: 208). Hence the gap that this research is out to fill to evaluate an indigenous language radio with an approved evaluation model. Summarily, the impact of radio broadcasting in communicating change cannot be over-emphasized in view of the literatures examined above. It

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is therefore safe to say that indigenous language broadcasting for revitalization of indigenous languages and decolonization of foreign languages as well as our culture and traditions could be achieved with more efforts from the media especially radio broadcasting. However, there is a need to carry out both formative and summative evaluation of such media broadcast programmes for improvement in an attempt to salvage our indigenous languages.

Evaluation Model The Stufflebeam’s CIPP Evaluation Model was used for this study. It is a programmme evaluation model that focuses on the four evaluation components of Context Evaluation, Input Evaluation, Process Evaluation and Product Evaluation. Context Evaluation: This stage is a kind of situation analysis. The evaluator engages stakeholders to determine the audience of the programme, the needs and the problems on which the objectives and goals of the progamme are crafted. The purpose of evaluation at this phase is to answer the question “What needs to be done” (Stufflebeam cited in Joedie, 2016: 26). In the context of this study, the researchers are concerned with the identification situation that gave birth to the programme and eventually the objectives of the programme on Poly Ilaro 92.1 FM to provide baseline data for the evaluation of the accomplishments and the impacts of the programme. Input Evaluation: This phase of the evaluation provides the assessment alternative means to decision-makers to choose the optimal means which helps them in achieving the identified goals that were crafted in the first phase. That is, this stage provides information and determines utilization of resources (Human, financial and materials) to achieve the programme goals. Input evaluation also takes into consideration the assessment of the selected strategies for implementation and the capability of the organization involved (Ornstein & Hunkins, 1998: 330). Here, the evaluator asks a question of “How should it be done” (Stufflebeam cited in Joedie, 2016: 27). Process Evaluation: This stage monitors processes both to ensure that the means are actually being implemented and to make necessary modifications. Here, the evaluator is interested in the congruency between the

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planned and the actual activities (Ornstein & Hunkins, 1998: 331). This stage is where full and actual implementation is taking place and this is considered so by the programme evaluator. Stufflebeam (cited in Joedie, 2016: 27) posits that one question that the evaluator asks at this level is: “Is it being done”. Product Evaluation: This final stage is where the programme evaluator gathers data to determine whether the final curriculum (media production) now in use is accomplishing what they had hoped (Ornstein & Hunkins, 1998: 331). Some of the beauties of Stufflebeam model of evaluation is that it has an in-built mechanism at the context phase for baseline study which provides data for impact evaluation which may not have been possible without a baseline study. It also gives room for continuous evaluation and helps in formative evaluation. That is, it is a framework on which this particular work would rest on from beginning to the end in a way to evaluate how the programme under review Asa ati Ise Ile Yoruba (The customs and traditions of Yoruba Land) is being conceived and implemented at a formative stage. The following diagram in Fig. 11.1 is used to graphically illustrate the CIPP Model in respect to broadcast media programme evaluation.

Methodology The purpose of this study was to conduct a qualitative formative evaluation utilizing Stufflebeam’s CIPP Model to determine if the indigenous language pragramme called Asa ati Ise Ile Yoruba (The customs and traditions of Yoruba Land) on Ilaro Poly FM 92.1 is effectively conceived and implemented according to its objectives. Method of data collection was an in-depth interview. The programme presenter was interviewed. A content analysis of some sampled recorded programmes was carried out. A few people that have always called in during the programme and other listeners were also interviewed through one on one contact and through phone calls. Convenient sampling technique was used to get the listeners. The choice of single method for this work was informed by the fact that the study was not majorly focused on outcome measures specifically but rather on the functioning of the programme.

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CONTEXT

Objectives Mission Goal and Program Evaluation in Broadcast Media

Goals Vision Target History of the project Background of the project

INPUT

PROCESS

Media

Media

Resources

Program Production

Equipment & Materials Human Resources Financial Resources

Program Dissemination

Program Monitoring

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PRODUCT

Behavioural Change Social Change Skills Values Attitudes

Infrastructure Media Programs

Fig. 11.1 CIPP Model

Data Analysis and Discussion Research Question 1 What are the objectives of Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM? Objectives of Asa Ati Ise (Customs and Traditions) This question is focused on context evaluation of Poly 92.1 FM which portrays the context in which the programme evolved. The objectives of the programme according to the presenter of the programme therefore include • To painstakingly through the media (Radio Broadcast) correct some anomalies as regard the neglect of Yoruba culture and traditions. • To rescue the Yoruba language which is the language we inherited from our ancestors from going into extinction. • To educate and inform listeners not to celebrate foreign cultures to the detriment of our own culture. • To capture and bring back our future and that of our young ones in terms of food, music, naming, origin, dressing, conversation, chieftaincy, etc.

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• To inform and educate the listeners in order to know our culture and traditions for identity and the knowledge of our roots. • To call listeners’ attention to certain societal values and warning for some unacceptable behaviours as well as the encouragement of acceptable ones. A cursory look at the objectives of the radio programme depicts that the programme is actually an instrument for the decolonization of foreign languages and culture and the revitalization of indigenous languages and culture. The objectives were well spelt out to reflect the advocacy and struggle to decolonize foreign languages and revitalize our indigenous languages. Research Question 2 What resources (financial, human and facilities) are utilized in the design of the programme to meet the needs of the listeners? Availability and Utilization of Resources for the Programme This research question was an attempt to carry out an input evaluation of the programme in terms of availability and the utilization of resources. In respect to financial resouces, the programme is being financed by the presenter alone apart from the one hour air time that she was given by the radio station. There is no other financial support or sponsorship that comes from anywhere. Moreover, since the inception of the programme in July 2020, the programme has not also accommodated any form of advertisement according to the presenter. This was in contrast to the findings of Popoola (2005) who found out that there were too many promotions and advertisements that shortened the little time allotted to a programme he researched on, leaving the audience to get little out the programme. The presenter of Asa ati Ise confirmed that it was a deliberate attempt at this initial stage to give more time to dig deep into issues of every episode. In addition, in terms of human resources, it is only the presenter that handled the programme since its inception with the inclusion of the research and other preparations for the programme. Facilities and materials for the programme were also provided by the presenter. The implication for the programme is in the expansion of the programme which may not be beyond the presenter’s financial and physical strength. Where

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the presenter is overstretched, she may not be able to perform optimally. This may be alluded to the fact that many people have a poor attitude to indigenous languages. Hence, it is only those who are favourably disposed to indigenous languages would be able to handle programmes that make use of it (Adegbija, 2000). Hence, human resources are likely to be scarce in respect to anchoring programmes that are aired through indigenous languages. The findings of this research therefore are in line with the findings of Chinweobo-Onuoha et al. (2021) in which their study revealed that there were limited indigenous language staff in some of the stations they researched and lack of sponsorship for indigenous language programmes which were some of the problems confronting indigenous language programmes. Research Question 3 How is the programme being implemented? i. Programme Implementation This third question addresses partly the process evaluation. The programme is aired every Monday between 3:00 pm–4:00 pm. The presenter alone handled the programme since the inception of the programme in July 2020. The programme is divided into two segments: Introduction with some music and the anthem of the programme, greetings, the business of the day which could be done in form of explanation, admonition, teaching or giving of information, etc. The second segment of the programme is a phone-in segment for listeners to contribute, ask questions or air their comments and reactions. The programme is always concluded with summaries and closing with greetings and music. Drawing from the analysis of Asa ati ise, the programme was handled alone by the presenter for now. She may later consider in future to bring in experts and on-air personalities to join her in the programme. This is crucial in order to sustain the programme. Experts should be brought to discuss some aspects of our culture and traditions because no one is an island in terms of knowledge. Also, varieties such as quiz, excursions to traditional ancient towns and history of the Yorubas and towns, etc., can be aired.

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ii. Content Analysis of some Selected Episodes of Asa ati Ise on Poly FM 92.1 The content analysis as an overview of the programme is presented Table 11.1 to see what and what the programmes are and whether they are in line or not with the objectives of the programme. Twenty-four episodes out of 76 episodes between 27 July 2020 and 10 January 2022 were analysed. The above analysis shows that the majority of the topics that have been treated so far between July 2020 and 10 January 2022 for the 24 episodes of the programme dwelt much on the sixth objective of the programme which was to call listeners’ attention to certain societal values and warning for some unacceptable behaviours as well as encouragement of acceptable behaviours. Since the programme is just starting, adjustment could be made along the line for the programme to revolve around all its objectives. However, during each episode, emphasis is placed on reminding listeners on the need to cherish, revitalize and practice Yoruba culture and customs. There will be need for the presenter to also look at the key themes that dwell on Yoruba traditions and customs. Research Question 4 What barriers threaten the success of the programme and what revisions need to be made? Barriers to the Success of the Programme and the Needed Revisions This question is also part of the process evaluation of the programme. According to the presenter, there is no project that is worthwhile like revitalization of our languages and culture without challenges but in spite of that, one must move ahead. Vehicles, transportation and finance have been major challenges in running the programme. The presenter also pointed to the fact that some of the youths and parents who listened to the programme were still disobedient to what they hear which may sometimes discourage the presenter. This is also in line with the findings of Chinweobo-Onuoha et al. (2021) in which their study established that finance was one of the major challenges to indigenous language programme. Another challenge of the programme was the reach of the programme. The radio station being a community campus radio has a shorter reach

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Table 11.1 Content analysis of 24 episodes of Asa ati Ise Yoruba Programme on Poly 92.1 FM SN

Date

Theme

Key focus

Relationship with customs & culture

1.

14-09-2020

Different kinds of friends and interracial marriage

The topics are related to the Yoruba customs

2.

28-09-2020

Family and single parenthood

– Analysis of kinds of friends – Discussions on the dangers and implications of marrying Europeans Personality Interview

3.

05-10-2020

Erosion

4.

30-11-2020

Do things within your limit

5.

07-12-2020

Sexual Immorality

6.

14-12-2020

Taboos

7.

21-12-2020

Yoruba

Yoruba people cherish family like other tribes It was an admonition The Yoruba people to the youths and use different other people to avoid analogies to explain negative and admonish characteristics of children and the erosion young ones Admonition for Patience and patience and contentment are contentment for useful virtues for a everything in life successful life in which Yoruba people value It was an admonition The Yoruba people against sexual frown at sexual immorality immorality more than any other thing This was to educate Yoruba people listeners on things believe that these that are forbidden to taboos caution us to do among the Yoruba do certain things, people and the promote morality, consequences of such safety and peaceful things coexistence An exposition on the It is in line with our syllables of the word traditions and Yoruba (Yo/ru/ba) customs to bring out some of our cherished virtues and culture

(continued)

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Table 11.1 (continued) SN

Date

Theme

8.

28-12-2020

A step before another

9.

04-01-2021

10.

11-01-2021

11.

18-01-2021

12.

25–01-2021

13.

01-02-2021

14.

16-08-2021

Key focus

It was to warn all categories of people to desist from taking wrong steps in the race of life. Especially for things that are morally wrong Compliments of the The programme was season to welcome all listeners into a new year and to give encouragement to listeners for the new year New year An admonition to resolutions have good determination for better achievement in the new year Wasted inheritance A plea to hold in high esteem our traditions and culture that were inherited from our ancestors Do not quit yet, It was to encourage endure the more all categories of listeners to still endure whatever situation they have found themselves Lend me your ears A wakeup call to all citizens of Nigeria for a change of heart in the way we do things Short cut It was all about taking a short cut in making success in life

Relationship with customs & culture Related

It was a way to encourage listeners and welcome them to the new year which is still related

It is very much related to the Yoruba belief system

It was in furtherance of education to revitalize our cultural heritage It is related to a value that Yoruba people cherish

It is related to some cherished values among the Yorubas It is related on the basis of things that Yorubas like and put to practice

(continued)

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Table 11.1 (continued) SN

Date

Theme

Key focus

Relationship with customs & culture

15.

23-08-2021

When things get worse

Endurance and patience are valuable to Yorubas

16.

30-08-2021

Head

17.

13-09-2021

Observation

18.

27-09-2021

A child

19.

20-09-2021

Repercussion

Admonition for endurance for women in their husband’s house This was for information and education on the spiritual implication of our heads Admonition to be observant of our values Exposition on the essence of having children and the expected role of children Admonition on repercussions of our actions

20.

04-10-2021

Excuses

21.

29-11-2021

Dressing

22.

06-12-2021

Avoid friction and conflicts

Admonition on excuses. It is against our culture and the implication is retrogression A plea to our youths to desist from wearing foreign disgraceful dresses

Admonition on avoidance of conflicts

The Yorubas believe that our heads need to be worshipped for fortune instead of a god Related

This is culturally relevant to the believe and tradition of the Yorubas An admonition on sowing and reaping. It is central to building a lasting relationship in Yoruba land The Yorubas frown at laziness and excuses are a source of such This is central in Yoruba belief system. Dressing and fashion are central to our culture Cordial relationships build a society. The Yorubas believe so much in it

(continued)

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Table 11.1 (continued) SN

Date

Theme

Key focus

Relationship with customs & culture

23.

13-12-2021

Unacceptable characters

Admonition on the need for good characters

24.

20-12-2021

Hard work

Admonition on hard work

25.

10-01-2022

Asking for forgiveness for all the bad things we have done last year

Admonition on forgiveness

The Yorubas believe in character because it is a pointer to who a person is and this cannot be covered for long This is a virtue that the Yorubas cherish for dignity and honour Related on the basis that it is found in our customs for peaceful coexistence

Source Programme Scripts & Recorded Audio Form of Asa ati Ise on Poly 92.1 FM (2020–2022)

based on the regulation of the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC). Although some listeners connect the radio waves in some far distant places via the convergence of internet and radio. Additionally, some listeners opine that revision could be made in the area of the duration of the programme. It used to be one hour and they suggested that it could be extended to one and half or two hours. The reach of the programme could also be expanded through internet access as a way out which should be available and functional whenever the programme is on for more listeners to connect. And such channel should be announced before and during the programme. This is because the reach could not be extended beyond the guidelines of NBC as a campus community radio. Research Question 5 How has the programme successfully met its goals? Programme Impacts This is product or impact evaluation of the programme. This is in form of the testimonies that the presenter and the listeners have as a result of the programme. The researchers were able to reach six listeners through

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personal contact and mobile phones to comment on the impacts of the programme (Table 11.2). The table reveals that listeners were always at home with the programme and it has a significant impact on them because of some of the requests and actions they put up towards the programme. The impact of the programme was also noticed especially in the area of homes and families. Therefore, juxtaposing the comments from the few audience that were reached shows that the programme is making some impacts on the listeners in respect to learning and revitalization of Yoruba culture, traditions and customs. Similar findings were observed from the work of Chinweobo-Onuoha et al. (2021) that indigenous language exposure through radio promoted certain values that were needed for the survival of Igbo community. Also, this was corroborated by Akpojivi and Fosu (2016: 147) that the use of indigenous languages in broadcasting has helped promote the local languages in Ghana and encouraged the public Table 11.2 Presenter’s and listeners’ testimonies about the programme SN

Presenter’s testimonies

1.

The presenter testified and made it known that people came to her from time to time to tell her what impacts the programme has made in their lives and families. They also made requests in line with what they are hearing The programme has brought 1. corrections in the attitude and behaviours of some youths, families and homes She received calls within and from 2. overseas countries requesting that the programme scripts should be turned to books for the use of their children

2.

3.

SN

Some listeners recorded the 3. programmes on their own in order to listen to them again

Audiences’ testimonies The listeners viewed the impacts of the prgramme in the following ways:

The programme was informative and educative for Yoruba customs and traditions They saw the programme as a kind of enlightenment on the culture and traditions of Yoruba people for which they have forgotten or neglected. E.g. naming, wedding, dressing, food habits, etc Majority of the listeners said that the programme for its little space of existence has reshaped their family in terms of relationships and some behaviours in the family

(continued)

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Table 11.2 (continued) SN

Presenter’s testimonies

SN

Audiences’ testimonies

4.

The programme has made the presenter more popular and it has led to more invitations to speak at different forums on Yoruba customs and traditions Some listeners requested that the one hour for the programme should be extended to one and half or two hours Listeners came around to encourage the presenter to continue the programme because it has made impacts on their homes and personal lives Audience made calls or saw her after the programmes to seek clarifications and advice

4.

Some of the audience confirmed that they now understood the fact that the Europeans came to dupe us by exchanging our better culture with their own The programme was culturally entertaining

5.

6.

7.

5.

6.

Some listeners saw the programme as a process of homecoming and revitalization of Yoruba culture and traditions

7.

The programme was a way to remind us of our source as Yorubas

8.

Some requested that the programme scripts should be turned into books in order for them to consult it from time to time

Source Transcripts of in-depth interview conducted for the presenter and the listeners (2022)

into participating in radio debates, which was once impossible due to the use of the English language.

Conclusion The findings of this research prove that the objectives of Asa ati ise on Poly 92.1 FM were well spelt out to reflect the advocacy and struggle to decolonize foreign languages and revitalize our indigenous languages, customs and traditions. The items treated so far were in line with the objectives of the programme but the programme dwelt more on the sixth objective of the programme than other objectives. Financial and material resources were inadequate for the implementation of the programme and the presenter was the only one handling the programme since inception in July 2020. The implication is that the presenter may later be overburdened and her performance may drop. The process of the programme implementation was good for now. Moreover, the study revealed that

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listeners were always at home with the programme and the impacts of the programme were noticed especially in the area of homes and families. The audience also testified that the programme was making some impacts on them in respect to learning and revitalization of Yoruba culture, traditions and customs.

References AFFRI. (2008). Communicating with Radio: What Do We Know? Findings from selected rural radio effectiveness evaluations. Retrieved March 12th, 2023, from Farm Radio International communicating with radio.qxp, https://www. farmradioint.wpenginepowered.com Adegbija, E. (2000). Language attiude in West Africa. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 2000(141), 75–100. Retrieved February 9th, 2022, from http://www.researchgate.net/publication/249930174_Lan guage_attitude_in_WestAfrica Akinkuolere, S. O., & Akinfenwa, M. O. (2018). A study on the extinction of indigenous language in Nigeria: Causes and possible solution. Annals of Literature and Language, 2(1), 22–26. Akpojivi, U., & Fosu, M. (2016). Indigenous language broadcasting in Ghana: Retrospect and prospect. In A. Salawu & M. O. Chibita (Eds.), Indigenous language media, language and democracy in Africa (1st ed., pp. 121–153). Palgrave Macmillan. Ayodabo, J. O. (2014). A review of expressive capacity of English language in Africa. In J. O. Ayodabo & N. Butari (Eds.), Issues in language and linguistics: Perspective from Nigeria (Vol. 2). Language Study Group of Nigeria in conjunction with the Department of English and Drama, Kaduna State University. Chinweobo-Onuoha, B. N., Ngene, A. H., Akata, C. M., & Ezenwa, C. E. (2021). Influence of indigenous radio programmes on cultural orientation of Igbos in three selected states in South-East Nigeria. University of Nigeria Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies. Igwe, R. O (2011). Fundamentals of curriculum and instruction. Vitaman Educational Books. Joedie, L. S. (2016). A program evaluation using Stufflfflebeam’s CIPP Model to evaluate Educational Service Unit 2 (Esu 2) Consortium for Special Education of Administration Services (Cases) (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Nebraska, USA. Johnson, O. (2009). The history of the Yorubas. CSS Bookshops Limited. Manyozo, L. (2012). People’s radio-communicating change across Africa. Southbound Penang.

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Npofu, P., & Salawu, A. S. (2018). Culture of sensationalism and indigenous language press in Zimbabwe: Implications on language development. African Identities. https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2018.1473147 Ornstein, A. C., & Hunkins, F. P. (1998). Curriculum foundations, principles and issues. A Viacom Company. Popoola, I. S. (2005). Print on air: An appraisal of Koko Inu Iwe iroyin, a newspaper review programme on Metro FM, Lagos. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous language media in Africa (1st ed., pp. 326–344). Center for Black and African Arts and Civilisation (CBAAC). Salawu. A. (2021). Minority languages and media landscapes in Africa, Europe and Latin America: Between global and regional dynamics. ECMI online talk on zoom. Salawu, A. S. (2015). Language, culture, media and development: A nexus of harmony. Inaugural lecture, North-West University, Mafikeng Campus. Shanade, B. B. (2015). The conversation. Retrieved September 24, 2022, from www.google.com/amp/s/conversation.com/amp/want-to-understandthe-decolonisation-debate-heres-your-reading-list-51279 Waters, D. A. (2008). Evaluation of a community radio station in Tulikup, Bali: Indonesia (Unpublished thesis for Bachelor Honours). Edith Cowan University. Woldegiorgis, E. T. (2020). The emergence of decolonization debates in Africa higher education. In Decolonisation of highereducation in Africa (pp. 17–35). Routledge.

CHAPTER 12

Examining the Place of Female Musicians in Zimbabwe’s Music Industry Edith Katiji and Richard Muranda

Introduction and Background The global view on the involvement of females in the music industry shows a glaring dominance of males. Regardless of the espousal of worldwide democratic rights to the citizenry, the involvement of females in the music industry still needs to evolve from the current affairs of male dominance. In some nations, boys and girls choose their career paths as defined by the patriarchal society where the role of females is viewed as lesser than that of men (Sultana, 2011). Such a stigma prevails through the system from elementary to tertiary levels of education, although some democracies are actively fighting against mindsets that demean females. In the USA, affirmative action is high hence females are actively involved in

E. Katiji SOAS University of London, London, UK R. Muranda (B) Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_12

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music performance, music production, and sound engineering. Scholarship funding that supports females on the alluded career paths has enabled high uptake of females. In spite of the above details, they still fall short and male dominance is rife (Born et al., 2018). According to Bain (2019) in the UK, statistics show that 80% of the music producers are male. Even though the education system allows for equality of opportunity, the mainstream music industry is dominated by men (Bain, 2019). Egypt, Nigeria, and South Africa are some of the African with thriving democracies, economies, and education systems. Regardless of the above, participation of females in the music industry is still the second fiddle to male dominance. As active participants in Zimbabwe’s music industry the researchers noted that females’ involvement is snubbed. While some female musicians have proved their mettle in the music industry and tour many countries, their male counterparts remain at the helm. The music industry has been seen as an uneven field to females in Zimbabwe. Sometimes promoters and venue owners side-line and underpay female musicians. In some instances, a payment that is due to fellow artistes is not honoured, hence gender becomes a decisive point. Jenje-Makwenda (2005), one of the female writers in music in Zimbabwe, asserts that existing histories in the nation do not effectively acknowledge the contribution of females. The above set-up is a disjuncture especially in the backdrop of Zimbabwe a nation that ascribes to global equal rights and democracy hence the need to conduct some research.

Music as a Career or Profession Several career prospects exist in music and some of them include the music business, music consultancy, music education, music critique, music performance, music production, and sound engineering. Performance is just one of the other career options that any aspirant may choose to undertake. It is possible for any aspiring person to take up any of the above listed depending on one’s strengths and choice. Whereas almost all career prospects in music are acceptable possibilities, the most widely contested options for females are music performance, music production, and sound engineering. The reasons behind the alluded contestation among some family contexts stem from the time and contexts these music jobs are undertaken. Music performance, music production, and sound engineering are careers that have thrived during the evenings and night time and they are clustered together. Some notion in the patriarchal

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society looks at music production and sound engineering as a preserve for males. In view of the above quite a number of female music educators work in schools as most of the teachers’ colleges roll out graduates every three years. The people view such a profession as acceptable and befitting females. Music producers prefer to work at night since the environment is quiet. Music performers who work at nightclubs also require the services of sound engineers. Some families do not readily allow their female members to be away from home to attend to their music performance, music production, and sound engineering during the night. There is a need for enlightenment so that society can accept that music can be a professional career option regardless of gender differences. School heads, teachers, and parents tend to place emphasis on what are deemed as critical subjects like Science, Mathematics, English, and Geography ahead of music and the arts for the learners. Such a view compounds the problems that females encounter in their bid to make a career choice in music. In spite of the schools and colleges being undereducated administrators the girl child is expected to follow a line of specialisation that leads them to wife material and the kitchen becomes their port of call. Essentially in the eyes of the patriarchal society especially concerning music, is regarded as alien to academic study. In Zimbabwe this stigma prevails up to tertiary education institutions, some parents, guardians, and staff do not see value in females studying music. The researchers combined experience which spans more than forty years shows that few female students enrol in music at universities. Further, members of the society are not well informed on the prospects for music graduates. It is amazing however that the society cherishes the role of music at social, religious, and political functions and yet the same cannot approve of females taking up music as a profession. The society gives a blessing to boys’ choice on professional career paths in music. The girl child’s aspirations in music are viewed as deviance from the norms. Considering the above view, the society chooses to bless boys in music careers instead of equal opportunity. Society prescribes that morally upright women with the intent to marry and be respected should stay away from music-related professions. The end result is that the girls remain quite sceptic about taking up music-related professional careers. Career guidance may need to be given to both aspiring members of the society and their parents/guardians for them to appreciate the choices at stake and what is envisioned in each option.

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Equality of Opportunity in Zimbabwe The years after the independence of Zimbabwe in 1980 witnessed a shift towards equality between males and females in public and private workplaces. The Zimbabwe National Gender Policy (2017) regards all people as equal citizens of Zimbabwe. Since Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 advocates have endeavoured to tackle gender inequalities and recognise the role and value of males and females in society. Regardless of such affirmative moves the debate on gender disparities has dominated the social, political, and religious scenes in the past forty years. Efforts of government, civic groups, and non-governmental organisations have resulted in reduced gender stereotypes on employment prospects and safeguarding of gender balance. Considerable females have assumed leading roles at schools, colleges, universities, parastatals, government, and private companies. Notably, Zimbabwe has had a female Vice President Joyce Mujuru in 2004 to 2014 (Kapranos, 2018). Conversely, the above construct is not reflective of the music industry as females play in the shadows of male dominance. Female musicians in Zimbabwe are either backing or leading vocalists and dancers. Specialisations in instrumental performance, sound engineering, and music production are deemed a preserve for men. Chabaya and Gudhlanga (2013) note that Zimbabwe subscribes to a gender equality and equity laws since independence in 1980. Even though the education system of Zimbabwe advocates for equal treatment of males and females, the society places pressure on the girl child to adhere to unfair demands. Such an impetus leaves aspiring females with the option of taking up patriarchal roles like housewives and other servile tasks.

Focus of the Study Some African and Zimbabwean cultural contexts have tilted towards patriarchy, despite the recognition of equality for all (Mbiti, 1975). Traces of misconceptions on roles of females in view of professional career paths are prevalent. Females are expected to cook, sweep, wash clothes, and babysitting while the boys spend their time learning to be future family heads (Sultana, 2011; Williams, 2018; Wood, 2019). Attributed to the above, females endure to conform to the ascribed demands and roles. Some parents in the patriarchal society choose on behalf of their children’s

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career options and that is a setback. The females suffer gender discrimination more than their male counterparts even though the laws stipulate gender equality at the workplace (Samkange, 2015). The government of Zimbabwe has made efforts in primary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities to uphold the inclusion of all in academic studies particularly music and performing arts. Samkange (2015: 1174) further says the legislative endeavours to equal rights in Zimbabwe include, “the Labour Relations Act (1984) Revised in 1993, The Public Service Pensions (Amendment) Regulations (1985) and the National Gender Policy of (2004)”. Despite the above, there is a shortfall to make females realise their potential as musicians, music producers, and sound engineers. The study examined issues that affected females in the music industry in Zimbabwe, explored and identified gender stereotypes in the music industry to proffer proposals to mitigate the exclusion of females.

Theoretical Perspective Two frameworks were preferred to guide this study, thus the Africana Womanism and Liberal Feminist theories. The above two have divergent roots in that the former is African while the other is a Western advocacy. This study draws on aspects that support the struggle of females in realising their potential in career choices. The researchers combined the two to investigate the place of females in the music industry of Zimbabwe. Ntiri (2001) holds that Africana Womanism is concerned with the sociopolitical struggles of all African females with the aim to empower them all over the world. Kolawole (1997) also says that the theory emphasises unity among all African females worldwide to shake off marginalisation. Unlike Feminism which is viewed as separatist, Africana Womanism focuses on the black females to play an important role to remove inferiority as compared to other females in other races. Africana women regard their community as a critical link to their struggle (Blackmon, 2008). Anything short of the representation of the female’s aspirations is unacceptable to Africana Womanism. Kolawole (1997), Jennings (2001), and Hudson-Weems (2008) say that the Africana woman should be allowed to do the work of her choice with family support. Muwati et al. (2011) and Ahmed (2017) mention that the African Womanist negotiates her way to do what she desires. In the modern society Liberal Feminism lines up with the legal context to regard males and females as equals (Eisenstein, 1993). Wendell (1987)

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notes that Liberal Feminism views males and females as equals before the law. Liberal Feminists say that the society should support females in their career and professional choices. Kensinger (1997) mentions that males and females are key players to support females. However, some societies dictate how females are involved in the music industry, culminating in the exclusion of females. Eisenstein (1993) holds that Liberal Feminism advocates for the rights and liberties of all. Samkange (2015) thinks Liberal Feminists particularly females should also strive to avert their own situation as a philosophy that promotes androgynous virtues, autonomy, and self-realisation of all people. Based on the above theories the study looks at how the females are placed in Zimbabwe’s music industry.

Methodology The study used qualitative research to engage with participants and collect data. Lune and Berg (2017) submitted that qualitative research enables in-depth understanding of social issues. Qualitative research is ideal to interact face-to-face with respondents. Based on Webb’s (2017) concepts, online interviews via Google meet, WhatsApp calls and chats were conducted to ask questions. According to (Creswell, 2014) the researchers further probed the participants to solicit for information. Focus group discussions were also used to collect data (Nyumba et al., 2018). The researchers also used participant and non-participant observations for a period of nine months (Spradley, 2016). A total of fifteen participants were sampled purposively. The sample included performing musicians, college and university female music lecturers based in Harare. Harare as the capital city with a population of about 2 million is also the hub of the music industry with prominent musicians and record labels. Some of the popular musicians and producers in Harare come from other provinces, towns, and cities in Zimbabwe hence they make it a convergence zone of the industry. The selected participants represented all the ten provinces of Zimbabwe with the exception of Matabeleland North. According to Sieber and Tolich (2013) in order to remain professional, the researchers secured signed informed consent from participants and pledged anonymity of their identities unless with informed consent.

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Presentation and Discussion The underlying sections present the views of the participants in the music industry of Zimbabwe. Their ideas are discussed and analysed under the given topical subsections that reflect the focus of the research.

Live Performance Shows A female participant said, “I only found out recently that my performance fee at the Jazz Festival was a mere thirty percent of what my supposed quote was. It was never about showcasing women, but a way to make money through females in music”. She made the above remark with an expression of regret. Her sentiments indicated that male and female practitioners in the music industry were treated differently as males have an upper hand. The above situation reveals a lack of gender sensitivity. Even though there are male and female musicians in Zimbabwe, the majority are male who ply trade in Sungura, Zimdancehall, Hip hop, and Mbira music genres. Female musicians do mostly Gospel and Afro Fusion music. Even though Hip hop and Urban Grooves have some female musicians they constituted an insignificant percentage in comparison to males. The most common specialisation among females in the aforesaid genres was lead singing, backing vocals, and dance. Female dancers dominated music videos, and this was viewed as a bait to woo viewers and listeners. In nightclubs, bands with female dancers attracted sizable crowds as compared to those without. The dances engaged by most females were sensual and explicit. Most of the participants did not support such female dancers. They held that they would not allow their family members to engage in such dances, yet surprisingly one said the dances were entertaining. Such a view is a paradox in which society likes certain things but would rather enjoy them when presented by other people and not their family members. Another participant indicated that, the last five years, Zimbabwe has had an upsurge of female musicians in the Gospel and Zimdancehall maledominated genres although they got overshadowed by male counterparts, regardless of their diligent efforts. With the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, some online performance platforms emerged however, they are still male-dominated. Rutsito (2021) the current chairperson of the women’s desk in the Zimbabwe Musicians Union said in the 2020–2021 report that the platforms remained shut to the female practitioners. The

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above is an insignia of male dominance. The researchers were informed that an opportunity to perform on paid platforms is availed to male musicians who dominate the line-up while females only get invited to participate at low-level events without financial provisions. One respondent said that efforts to engage the companies that provide online platforms proved fruitless as every week line-ups would have less females. A female marketing executive at one big arts sponsor and beverages company said, “the problem with female musicians is that they play gospel music and jazz, something that their patrons do not enjoy or expect at beer drinking events”. The above executive suggested that all patrons at the events are not religious people and did not listen to gospel or jazz music genres, a view which promoted the stereotyping on females who perform before audiences imbibing on the brew. This suggests that even a female executive making decisions for a corporate did not get support from the boardrooms, where financial decisions are made. The study noted that certain comments on some of the online performances indicated how society perceived female musicians and their role in society. Two female participants who had accounts on Facebook and Twitter informed that as musicians they were attacked on their dressing, makeup, and hairstyles while men got away with anything. Body shaming and the sexual innuendo have led some female musicians to shun some of the online platforms. The participants said the above issue drove away the ego to be a female musician performer. Staying away may be an option to avoid ridicule in the view of people’s view worldwide. The above details imply that the music industry is harsh and it can be demanding to survive especially for females. The use of social media is meant to create visibility for any person however the downside to it is that one has to be strong and soldier on. A lot of situations that disappoint and scare females may not be overcome once off, hence resilience is needed. Regardless of gender disparities as humans thrive to work hard they need to be treated with self-worth and respect.

Females in Music Production In Zimbabwe females in the music production were obscured. The details from the study indicated that there were no seriously engaged female music producers. The respondents alleged that reluctance, lack of support, and pressure from society make females to feel safe if not involved. Training opportunities were seen to be inconducive especially

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with alleged sexual harassment and chauvinism. Alleged dominance of men scared young and upcoming females. It was observed that there were few formal training institutes in Zimbabwe like Great Zimbabwe University, Midlands State University, Music Cross Roads, and Zimbabwe College of Music hence aspiring learners relied on informal internships in some backyard studios dominated by men. In some of the visited studios, engineers drank alcohol and smoked and that discouraged aspirants. The study was informed that certain senior male music producers also seduced the female clientele. If the junior females get subjected to sexual moves, they feel insecure at the mercy of studio owners. At the end, they may decide to keep away from such predatory tendencies. The study noted that females were seen as sex objects even as workmates. That view indicates that the field is quite uneven and requires one to be strong to survive. The research revealed that it is not as easy for females to become music producers especially without a man at the front. The man could be a supporting spouse, father, or brother whom the people can see and respect. However, such a scenario is not fair since some aspiring may not have a man to stand with them. One participant mentioned that her ambition to become a producer resulted in harassment, abuse, intimidation, and exploitation as some females compromised their dignity to propel their careers high. Regrettably, females that chose to compromise in order to access certain privileges, cut short their lifespan in the sector. Their stints were short-lived once their manipulators got what they crave for (sex in most cases) they get dumped as the males’ prey on the next target. This implies that the purported male predators keep on looking for new females to take advantage of hence they short-change female aspirants. On a different view, some female participants in the study indicated that most music producers worked in the night and that conflicted with family time of being at home after work. As a mother she opted to work during the day and be home in the evening. That situation tucked the females in the house. Most of those that produce music during the day had no time to allow people to come and learn even for a fee, “havadi neruzivo rwavo” they do not share their knowledge with others. Such a people were afraid of competition from new producers. A female musician who had hoped to do music production was discouraged by a male music producer who said, “Zvekuproducer music hazvidi vanamai zvinoda varume, nguva zhinji zvinoda kufunga kwakanyanya”, by these words the producer implied that music production was exclusively meant for

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males because most of the time music production requires one to have a creative mind. The statement suggested that females cannot preside over music production. This view may not be true as there are effective female music producers in Europe and USA. The above incident regarded females as not creative. This was not embraced by all the participants in the study. Although the above view was abhorred, another participant thought that the aspirants should be strong rather than get swayed by those already engaged in the industry. Sometimes is not easy to conquer such a situation especially when one is outnumbered by male practitioners. The principle of engaging in any profession regardless of male or female dominance requires bravery. The current situation looks tough but it can be surmounted with personal determination and family support. Family support is one thing that was elusive as noted by the participants.

Females as Performers Ambuya Stella Chiweshe and the late Chiwoniso Maraire are examples of Zimbabwean females in music who were celebrated more outside than in Zimbabwe. Their space at Zimbabwean high-profile events was not guaranteed. The two mbira queens did not receive the honour and prestige, nor access to the “Big 5” which has always been men. Females are accused by promoters of “havashandike navo” (difficult to work with), and this is a reason that has been over-used to sideline worthy acts onto the big events that are hosted by these promoters. If for any reason a female music artiste is selected, their performance is scheduled when there is very little or no audience. One female respondent a musician who remains anonymous mentioned that: I was billed to perform at a music festival at Jazz 105 and the band spent weeks in rehearsal perfecting the act for the day. Costumes were designed, fitted, and delivered. Yet on the day of the performance, I discovered that I was scheduled to perform first, at 6pm. The audience was still trickling in, and it hurt to find out I was a curtain raiser. I believed in my capabilities, and they knew too, yet I was made to perform in an empty venue. When questioned, the organizer said we just felt you had to perform early and leave because you are breastfeeding.

In the above case a decision was made without personal consultation, based on assumptions that because she had recently given birth, she

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needed to perform and rush back home. Such a verdict denied her access to an audience that later filled the venue in anticipation of her performance. The decision robbed her of the potential to get new clientele and business opportunities. Even though the artist had read, understood, and signed a contract, it was amazing why the resolution on time to perform was made without consultation. Such tendencies speak of how patriarchal family heads make critical decisions on behalf of females without their consent. Apart from performance slots, remuneration after performance has been decided according to their gender and not capabilities. Room to negotiate was given to male counterparts, while females were told to “take it or leave it”. Some performances have been taken out of desperation to remain relevant more than to survive on the imbalanced earnings which are not competitive. It was noted that during certain touring trips there were no changing rooms set for females at venues hence females were forced to change rooms shared with their fellow male band members. The need for privacy and a changing room is made trivial and assumed that there is nothing to be ashamed of or new to any of the people there and thus it should be permissible. The time to change clothes in readiness for staging is crucial for any artist because they use this time to meditate before a performance. In some occasions, both males and females were forced to use one room and sometimes that brought embarrassment mostly to females who need separate space to do their make-up. On many occasions, band members were forced to share a room with male and female band members while the bandleaders slept in separate rooms. Consequently, some found themselves in sexual “relationships” that were born out of some awkward sleeping arrangements with their band leaders and fellow band members on tours. The fear of expulsion or non-payment has led to continued abuse of female band members. It is from the alluded arrangements that sexual abuse of females has occurred, within the band by bandleaders or members. Participants bemoaned that complaining would lead to harassment by fans, being labelled loose by society, and dismissal from the band, hence the aggrieved kept mum. Muzari (2016) reports on how some news reporters appeared to be ruthless on a female complainant of sexual harassment particularly the Mukombe-Zulu case. The alluded complainant is alleged to have been torn apart and discredited on the radio before the case was before the law. This led to withdrawal and further taunting of the complainant, she left the country and started life

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elsewhere. Intimidated to silence, “sang a different song” after the media played a role in persecuting and judging her. Respondents mentioned that the acceptance of female practitioners in the music industry was a contested issue. The study was informed that members of the society both males and females preferred to have males to render entertainment services than females. The respondents held that prolific exhibition of performance musical skill is viewed as, “anoridza semurume” she plays like a man. The male practitioners tend to get all credit for outstanding acts even on female prowess. Such perceptions stem from patriarchal conceptions that regard males as pacesetters. That influence spills into the music industry too. The respondents mentioned male dominance as a result of society’s denial to opportunities and support to excel in music. All the respondents admitted that in some family backgrounds, any success was connected to a male figure even if females pushed beyond limits. However, they also admitted that the above-made females obscure as they feel there is an expectation for them to be a “woman”. The more aggressive they are, the more they are labelled as arrogant. A woman chooses to focus on her home, and participation in music a pastime that gets discarded once a man comes along and takes them as a wife. The Zimbabwe music industry has lost some amazing talent that got stifled after marriage. In the current society there are people that view females solely as homemakers. Some of the female instrumentalists, proved that they could compete for attention due to the rarity of their ability to play instruments and lead bands. These few females have taken the lead role in advocating for the rights of females in performing arts. Even if they proved their mettle, that was not enough to gain access and a place in the industry which was male-dominated.

Sound Engineering Data from the study indicate that sound engineering was dominated by male proprietors, operators, service providers, and technical support services. Some participants held that marginalisation of females was a war which those engaged in the struggle needed to win. However, at the time of the research, people did not quite understand the nature of the war hence their unwillingness to engage females. The situation was largely aggravated by the commonly prevalent night-time engagements as most of the entertainment spots got busy the odd hours after sunset. According

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to the respondents the society requires females to be at home while men can revel with friends outside the confines of their homes. However, the same society accepted that if any female has a job to do, they thought it was fine to let her do it even during the odd hours but at home. Institutions of higher education in Zimbabwe are just not enough to offer a wide array of studies in this area. A female respondent who was attending a sound engineering class claimed that a male facilitator said that, “women are good at arranging the house and think that they can have that approach with sound engineering. This is not an easy job and women are used to getting it easy, sleeping their way to the top. You are only good for baby making”. In light of the above chauvinism, the male-dominated classroom became even more uncomfortable and unwelcoming for a woman with a dream to be qualified in such fields. It also suggests that no woman can ever make it to the top due to stereotyping (Wood, 2019). This also gave room to the abuse of females in a male-dominated class as they were ranked lower with no chances to succeed. Equal rights as enshrined in Zimbabwe’s Constitution (2017) stipulate men and females as equals. Femaleselect to stay away due to the alleged undesirable behaviour of revellers who assume that females are there to sell their bodies instead of taking care of children at home. A few daytime family friendly shows with no age restrictions are hosted by some of the musicians in Zimbabwe. These are well attended but the drawback is the wild behaviour of patrons in the presence of minors and many parents end up shunning such entertainment functions. Female representation in the sound engineering field was seen to be marginal. The study encountered one female engineer who worked at a professional level. The female engineer wielded vast experience working with several popular music bands. The engineer bemoaned the lack of support from the society. She credited her skill to one performing artist who allowed her to engage as a sound engineer. After seeing that she was talented, the male musician allowed her to preside over his rehearsals and performances. She, together with other respondents noted that sound engineering was an intimidating domain to females because learning was informal. The above participant mentioned that the sound engineering field was dominated by males who did not respect females. Even though she said that there were some aspiring female engineers, she regarded them as not serious to the profession. She deplored the harsh working conditions that prevailed as deterrent to ambitious upcoming engineers.

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She also mentioned that at first people did not take her sincerely. However, with time they began to cherish her mettle and standard of service delivery. She used to suffer sexual harassment from revellers and sometimes the performing artists. However, she said that one needs to be strong to survive such a hideous environment. Due to the above issues females are unwilling to take up sound engineering as a career. She said, “ukasashinga varume vanoita madiro newe” to mean if you are not strong men will prey on you. The above observations indicated that the route to become a sound engineer was quite rough and that discouraged females from taking part.

Findings The research reveals that the music industry is both open and closed to females. The male practitioners tended to gatekeep and pounce on female aspirants and that scares them off. The society on some matters wields a collective view that undermines females in almost any career that is music related. Society condemned the females to the kitchen chores as a result the music industry is an insecure place for females. Music as a profession was not considered as a serious take for females due to the labelling and stereotypes that exist a view held by Wood (2012). Music was considered as a phase that one at some point should let go and pursue serious career choices and marriage. The research revealed that any skill that was deemed masculine was a no-go area for females. This is regardless of the fact that society is shifting towards a tolerant stance on female players in the music industry globally. In this view Zimbabwe is lagging, few females were engaged in performance, no known female music producers, only one known female sound engineer, and a handful instrumentalist female performers. The Africana Womanist and Liberal Feminist theories apply in family contexts where respect and support for the females’ career choices are also embraced by the laws of the land (Williams, 2018). The Liberal Feminist theory’s legal framework makes it compulsory for society to embrace females’ career choices. Even though the theory is somewhat effective for the modern society, not all people in Zimbabwe embrace the legal features of the theory, hence they frown gender equality. The Liberal Feminist theory is largely upheld from a legal perspective however, the girl child suffers sexual discrimination and harassment. Female contenders in the music industry needed to be strong

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and resolute to survive. Females need solid family support to sail through any musical career options. Some females fall victim while the few that survived did so with bruises and pain. The technical domains of the industry such as music production, sound engineering, instrumental performance, and leading music bands were viewed as a preserve for men. Success written by females was benchmarked on standards of masculinity and females were viewed as second fiddle to the trendsetters (males). Although in education strides had been made to inform society in general, it was revealed that the playing field was intolerant and disrespected the career choices of females in the music industry. The male-controlled society did not appreciate female musicians and noted alleged cases of sexual harassment, abuse, misconceptions on the females in music, stereotypes, and trivialised participation of females in the industry.

Proposals Based on the findings from the study, it is necessary to craft and insist on policies that benefit all participants based on equality of opportunity in the music industry. These can be facilitated through the parliamentary portfolio committees to enable a smooth transition towards practical gender balance. A regulatory body like the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe, promoters, venue owners, and the corporate organisations that work with musicians can be mandated to have a quota system to enable participation of females at given platforms. The above can provide a leeway for society to appreciate that females can hold their own in their trade. This can encourage communities to stop the restrictions on females in the arts. With societies seeing more females in the arts, even universities are likely to benefit as more females aspire to enrol to study at colleges in careers, they are passionate about. Registered gender organisations such as Apostolic Women Empowerment Trust (AWET), Forum for African Educationalists Zimbabwe Chapter (FAWEZI), Gender and Media Connect (GMC), Musasa Project (MP), Women’s Action Group (WAG), Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), Zimbabwe Gender Commission (ZGC), and Zimbabwe Women’s Bureau (ZWB), should engage communities and stakeholders to empower and create harmony among the music industry players. These will tackle gender equality, parity sensitivity and hopefully lead to a more understanding approach towards the females in music. The media plays a

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critical role in forming perceptions and positive reportage on the females in music hence that will lead to a positive perception. Scholarship funding in various fields of academic study of music, performance, live sound engineering, and music production can inspire females to take up such opportunities with appreciation that these are being funded in support of their dreams. Such study packages can be made mandatory for any female selected for scholarship to enable participation by all. Industrial practice and internship, festivals, studios, and media houses should reserve a quota for females. The music industry is a revenue earner to participants and economy hence a proactive approach needs to be taken by the legislature, executive, and judiciary to ensure that females are given the best support to realise the dream of becoming what they like. This should be done regardless of the numbers involved. At least some of the aspiring and willing female players can gather some confidence to participate in any of the music industry activities, especially with guaranteed support morally, socially, and financially.

References Ahmed, N. M. (2017). An Africana womanist reading of the unity of thought and action. Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 22(3), 58–64. Bain, V. (2019). Counting the music industry: The gender gap. A study of gender inequality in the UK Music Industry. Retrieved on 12 September 2022 from https://www.academia.edu/40898607/counting_the_music_industry_ the_gender_gap_a_study_of_gender_inequality_in_the_uk_music_industry Blackmon, J. L. (2008). I am because we are: Africana womanism as a vehicle of empowerment and influence. Masters of Arts in History Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Born, A., Ranehillb, E., & Sandberg, A. (2018). A man’s world?—The impact of a male-dominated environment on female leadership. Working Paper in Economics, 744, 1–80. Chabaya, O., & Gudhlanga, E. S. (2013). Striving to achieve gender equity in education: A Zimbabwean experience. Zimbabwe Journal of Educational Research, 25(1), 123–148. Creswell, J. W. (2014). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods approaches (4th ed.). Sage. Eisenstein, Z. R. (1993). The radical future of liberal feminism. Northeastern University Press.

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Hudson-Weems, C. (2008). Africana womanism & race & gender in the presidential candidacy of Barack Obama. Author House. Jenje-Makwenda, J. (2005). Zimbabwe township music. Storytime Promotions. Jennings, R. (2001). Africana womanism in the Black Panther party: A personal story. The Western Journal of Black Studies, 25(3), 146–152. Kapranos, K. (2018). Joyce Mujuru: The fighter. Global Press Journal. International News Reimagined. Retrieved on 26 January 2022 from https://global pressjournal.com/africa/zimbabwe/joice-mujuru-fighter/ Kensinger, L. (1997). (In) quest of liberal feminism. Hypatia, 12(4), 178–197. Kolawole, M. E. M. (1997). Womanism and African consciousness. Africa World Press. Lune, H., & Berg, B. L. (2017). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences (9th ed.). Pearson. Mbiti, J. (1975). African religions and philosophy (5th ed.). Heinemann Educational Books. Muwati, I., Gambahaya, Z., & Gwekwerere, T. (2011). Africana womanism and African proverbs: Theoretical grounding of mothering/motherhood in Shona and Ndebele cultural discourse. The Western Journal of Black Studies, 35(1), 1–8. Muzari, G. (2016, September 30). Tearful Gonyeti narrates Jah Prayzah abuse. The Herald. https://www.herald.co.zw/tearful-gonyeti-narrates-jah-prayzahabuse/amp/ Ntiri, D. W. (2001). Reassessing Africana womanism: Continuity and change. The Western Journal of Black Studies, 25(3), 163–167. Nyumba, O.T., Wilson, K., Derrick, C. J., Mukherjee, N. (2018). The use of focus group discussion methodology: Insights from two decades of application in conservation. Methods Ecol Evol, 9, 20–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/ 2041-210X.12860 Rutsito, C. (2021). Zimbabwe Musicians Union Women’s Desk Chairperson. Personal communication. Samkange, W. (2015). The liberal feminist theory: Assessing its applicability to education in general and early childhood development (E.C.D) in particular within the Zimbabwean context. Global Journal of Advanced Research, 2(7), 1172–1178. Sieber, J. E., & Tolich, M. B. (2013). Planning ethically responsible research. Volume 31 of Applied social research methods. Sage Publishers. Spradley, J. P. (2016). Participant observation (Reissue ed.). Waveland Press. Sultana, A. (2011). Patriarchy and women’s subordination: A theoretical analysis. The Arts Faculty Journal (University of Dhaka) (July 2010–June 2011), 1–18. Webb, L. M. (2017). Online research methods, qualitative in the international encyclopedia of communication research methods (pp. 1–9). Edited by J.

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Matthes (General Editor), C. S. Davis & R. F. Potter (Associate Editors). Wiley. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118901731.iecrm0173 Wendell, S. (1987). A (qualified) defense of liberal feminism. Hypatia, 2(2), 65–93. Williams, T. (2018). The evolution of black feminism, womanism, Africana womanism, and Afrofuturism. Retrieved on 3 September 2022 from https:// doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3283912 Wood, H. J. (2019). Gender inequality: The problem of harmful, patriarchal, traditional and cultural gender practices in the church. HTS Theological Studies, 75(1), 1–8, a5177. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v75i1.5177 Wood, J. M. (2012). Patriarchy, feminism and Mary Daly: A systematictheological enquiry into Daly’s engagement with gender issues in Christian theology (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of South Africa, Pretoria. Zimbabwe National Gender Policy. (2017). Ministry of Women Affairs Gender and Community Development. United Nations Development Programme. Retrieved on 27 January 2022 from https://www.empowerwomen.org/en/ resources/documents/2014/12/the-republic-of-zimbabwe-national-genderpolicy-20132017?lang=en Zimbabwe’s Constitution of 2013 with Amendments through 2017. Retrieved on 26 January 2022 from https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/ Zimbabwe_2017.pdf?lang=en

CHAPTER 13

Iwiedo Nuzomo Wa Gia Kuekor Kugbe: Themes in Edo (Bini) Language Nollywood Movies as Development Communication Francis Amenaghawon

Introduction The pursuit of developmental agenda in different societies, especially by government is hinged on different tripods to attain success. These include policy consistency, ease of doing business, funding, citizens participation and sustainability. In addition, the media can play a centrifugal role in news reportage on issues, monitoring and setting agenda for development. As such, it is important to evaluate the role played by the media in promoting national development. Media, including radio, television, newspapers, magazines, films (such as Nollywood movies) and the social media or the broader internet media space are veritable tools for the entrenchment of development

F. Amenaghawon (B) Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_13

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programmes. Also with the possibilities of multimedia content production on the social media, stakeholders in the different fields strive to engage various media platforms including films to reach their publics. This study interrogated how Nollywood movies produced in Bini (Edo) language were used in setting agenda for development. This paper is divided into the introduction, literature review, research design, findings and conclusion.

Conceptualizing Development Development as a concept is a process of economic and social advancement that enables people to reach their potentials, build self-confidence, attain some measure of dignity and fulfilment. It also helps to curtail ignorance, social injustice and economic exploitation (Ojebode & Adegbola, 2007 citing Oladipo, 1996). Also development is a state in which a society or country experiences positive transformation in the socio-economic, infrastructural, political and other spheres of human existence (Anaeto & Anaeto, 2010 citing Amodu, 2007). The notion of development can be gauged across local communities, states or nations. Generally, development encompasses political, economic and social advancements which provide the indices to categorize societies as under-developed, developing or advanced. Perhaps in realization of the role of development in nation building the United Nations (UN) held a Millennium Summit in 2015 to proffer solutions to develop challenges confronting the world. Yagboyaju (2008) drawing from the Millennium Declaration adopted by 189 nations listed the UN development goals to include: To eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, Malaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; develop a global partnership for development

Other global development agencies include World Bank, International Monetary Fund, European Union, African Union, Economic community of West Africa and other regional development blocks in Africa and other continents (Obutte, 2012). Furthermore, Slim (1995) adds that development covers fundamental human needs such as food, shelter, health

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and human rights. It also includes protecting the environment and the population. Slim concludes that the two main focuses of development are human development and protection of the planet. The classical notion of development views it as accelerated growth of Gross National Product (GNP), per capita income and structural transformation in a country’s economy. However, the Participatory Approach views development as difficult to achieve without the active involvement of members of the community from the conception to the evaluation stage (Aina, 1993). In the pursuance of various development programmes at local, national and international communication, the mass media play pivotal roles in promoting development agenda. Media including print, electronic media and the social media are engaged to inform, educate, mobilize and persuade the public on the importance of such development programmes. For instance films can be used to promote environmental sustainability, rural development and the preservation of the cultural values of a society. Development communication researchers opine that film serves as a tool for information, socialization, mobilization, agenda setting and education for the masses and national development (Ebewo, 2007).

Development Media Theory The development media theory is based on the complex social, political and philosophical principles that organize ideas about the relationship between media and society (Carman, 2014). In the mass media, various segments of the society desire the media to provide them with information, education, entertainment, escapism, cultural content as well as set agenda for the development of different areas of society. Bajracharya (2018) opines that development communication generally is based on the need for the development of a people in a nation and to help a target population. This theory focuses on the need for the mass media to promote national development, promote cultural values, perform the information function as well as support democracy. The basic argument of the theory is that the mass media facilitate the pursuit of development in various countries and contribute to the attainment of progress in society. Therefore, the media should produce and publish content that are geared towards supporting the national development policy of a country. It is also expected that the media should

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promote national integration, socio-economic modernization, promotion of literacy and cultural development (Agbo et al., 2008). In Africa, Asia and other parts of the world, the mass media are expected to wrap their programme contents with adequate development messages (Agbo et al., 2008). This will go a long way in enlightening the public on development issues, set agenda for government as well as monitor the implementation of policies designed to better to lives of the people. The development media theory is viewed as relevant to this study because it focuses on the use of indigenous language movies in Nollywood as a platform to promote development programmes.

Nollywood Movies: A Historical Evaluation Films or the movie industry emerged under a colonial administration in Nigeria. The people’s first experience in film screening was in 1903 at the Glover Memorial Hall (Haynes, 2005; Ogundele, 2000). Thematically the film was the coronation of King Edward V11 at Westminster (Opubor et al., 1979 cited in Ayakoroma, 2014). Even though the film was introduced by a European merchant, it took the combined efforts of the colonial administration and the church to sustain the industry (OwenIbie, 1998) movies has become a cultural tool and economic venture that is popular beyond the shores of Nigeria, Africa, diaspora community as well as other continents (AgbeseAje—The colonial administration and the church also used film to promote their goals. While the former used it to fester colonial political, ideological and economic agenda, the church used cinema as a tool for proselytization Ori; 2010). Also, the Colonial Film Unit (C.F.U) was established in 1939 which was later replaced by the Federal Film Unit (F.F.U) in 1947. The colonial film agenda presented the African system as defective compared to western or colonial socio-political, cultural and religious realities. Uchenna (2007) and Ogundele (2000) explain that when films arrived in Africa, the goal to promote colonial government and their home countries and portray African culture, religion, political systems and other social institutions as defective. Before independence, the film and cinema industry in Nigeria was controlled by the government. Films shown in cinemas pre-independence were mainly from USA, India and China or churned out by the British

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colonialists with disregard for the values, beliefs and history of the various tribes in Nigeria. Also, indigenous film producers got involved in the productions of films after Nigeria’s independence in 1960. Adesanya (2000, 2008), Mora (2008) identify such films to include Bound for Lagos (1962) and Mama Learns a Lesson (1963), the first film in any indigenous language. He lists the first indigenous language feature film as Amadi (Igbo language) in 1975, then Ajani Ogun (1976 by Balogun). The explanation by Ekwuazi is a pointer to the fact that it was only after Nigeria’s independence as a nation, that films that focused on the social reality of Nigeria in terms of culture, language, religion, politics, economy and broader development agenda were produced. This indigenous film production served as the building blocks for the Nigerian Travelling Theatre and the emergence of Nollywood movie industry. The forerunners of Nollywood include the Hubert Ogunde’s Concert party or Alerinjo theatre (the Yoruba travelling theatre) (Ogundele, 2000; Onuzulike, 2007). This provided a platform for the introduction of indigenous content to films in the country. This generation of travelling theatre troupes, cinema movie producers and television drama and soap opera producers laid the building blocks for what is now referred to as Nollywood. Secondly, Ekwuazi (2013: 333) explains that ‘the travelling theatre practitioners in their movement from the stage through television to film strengthened the ranks of the independent to increase the stock of available local productions’. Such indigenous movies curtailed the monopoly or overbearing dominance of foreign films through the cinema which was then controlled by the colonial government. Some of the prominent Agbegijo or Alarinjo (travelling theatre) groups were led by or featured artistes like Hubert Ogunde, Oyin Adejobi, Duro and Ojo Ladipo, Ola Balogun, Adeyemi Afolayan (Ade Love) and Ishola Ogunmola (Ogundele, 2000). The third movement was the movement from celluloid to home video, regarded as the platform on which the exponential growth of Nollywood was based. Ekwuazi (2013) notes that economic consideration was a critical factor in the transition of the Nigerian travelling theatre or cinema to Nollywood. This understanding of the dynamics and business angle of film making production and distribution shape the growth of the Nigerian cinema industry. When films were produced into VHS video cassettes also termed home—a video a boom was experienced in the Nollywood

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industry resulting from the ownership of video players by many Nigerian families. The popular view is that the Nigerian movie industry started with the production of ‘Living in bondage’ by Ken Nebue (Haynes, 2005; Ogundele, 2000). The movie features characters such as Kenneth Okonkwo, Kanayo O. Kanayo, Bob Manuel Udokwu, Francis Agu, Ngozi Nwosu and Nnena Nwabueze. It also marked a turning point in the Nigerian movie industry and heralded the trend in modern-day movie making in Nigeria. Alamu (2010) remarks that Nollywood has been viewed as cultural products of the nation, and the global attention currently enjoyed is due to efforts by producers to create a distinct film tradition. The emergence of Nollywood filled a gap created by the lull in the cinema culture, after the post-cinema boom era that ended around 1985. The first reference of the Nigerian movie industry as Nollywood was by a Japanese, Norimistu Onishi in 2002 in a New York Times article. Besides, the idea that Nollywood encapsulates is traced to the 1992 Nigerian movie, Living in Bondage recorded by Kenneth Nnebue who was then an electronic equipment seller (Haynes, 2005; Larkin, 2004; Ogundele, 2000; Uchenna, 2007). Living in Bondage was produced using the Igbo language one of the major languages in Nigeria. Its success resulted in the production of part two of the film and subsequently the boom in the commercial video film industry in Nigeria named Nollywood. The “boxoffice” or blockbuster success of Living in Bondage resulted in many business-minded Nigerians investing in the then-emerging Nollywood movie industry. According to Krings and Onookome (2013: 1), Nollywood has become the most visible form of the cultural machine on the African continent, noting that the pan-African nature of Nollywood reflects in the availability of its films across the length and breadth of the continent as well among the diasporas. Jedlowski (2013: 25) adds that: The Nigerian video film industry has long had a transnational dimension. Thanks to the informality of Nollywood’s distribution networks, pirated copies of Nigerian videos have circulated throughout the world since the mid-1990s. This informal transnationalism has played an important role in making the industry recognized on the African continent and the global stage.

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UNESCO report released in 2009 cited by Jedlowski (2013) informs that Nollywood is the second-largest film industry in the world when the number of movies released is considered. Ekwuazi (2013) puts the number of movies produced out of Nollywood at 200 per annum. He notes that in recognition of the impact of Nollywood, the jury of the Africa Movie Academy Awards in 2009 hailed it for ‘establishing the template for the creation of images, produced by African filmmakers for African audiences throughout the continent, the diaspora and indeed the world’. Though poor financing, inadequate training of movie producers, poor marketing as well as obsolete equipment remain critical challenges militating against quality content of its movies. The likelihood of the number of movies churned out of Nollywood to be more than 200 is high, owing to poor documentation or registering of many movies with the Nigerian Film and Censorship Board. The influence of Nollywood across Africa has resulted in the emergence of regional, sub-regional or country-based film industries in different parts of the continent. Krings and Onookome (2013: 1) note that ‘Nigerian video films are appropriated and reworked into local forms of film making and other cultural models of narrativization with local inflections that borrow and copy heavily from Nollywood’. Therefore, Nollywood has translated into localized forms of film making in different countries with variations in language, culture and religion, among others. Nollywood is popular in Africa mainly because its contents in terms of culture can be related to other Africans. Dipio cited by Krings and Onookome (2013) adds that ‘The continental value of Nollywood is that the films are archetypal principles of good and evil, with which many African communities will readily identify’. It is also a reflection of contemporary socio-cultural, political and religious realities of the viewers which it presents with African idioms, proverbs and costume artefacts, among others. Ajibade (2013) adds that the popularity of Nollywood films is based on the relevance of themes to the audience, resulting from the ability of the producers to script films that are representations of the social reality that the audience can relate with. Ayakoroma (2014: 20) notes that with Nollywood what the Western world sees on-screen as reflections of the cultural heritage of Nigeria are no more warped impressions hurriedly presented by foreigners, but what is projected by Nigerians. The concern now is whether the key players in the industry were telling such stories through the film medium to project the image of the country positively or otherwise therefore, it

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is apparent that the film industry in Nigeria, as well as other parts of Africa, must endeavour to produce movies that tell the African story in the right way, by reflecting the shared experiences of the people. Nollywood serves as a tool for African cultural renaissance with the promotion of the value orientation of the continent, language, music, religion and socio-ideological views. One attribute of Nollywood is that it is private sector-driven devoid of government ownership or interference, as such funding, personal efforts towards production, distribution and sales have been sustained. Besides, the industry is economically viable and creates over 300,000 jobs directly or indirectly within Nigeria and beyond and has contributed more than three hundred billion nairas into the economy of Nigeria (Aderinokun, 2004, Aihe, 2005, Drakard, 2006 cited in Ayakoroma, 2014; Jedlowski, 2013). The Federal Government, financial institutions and global film groups must partner with Nollywood in further sustaining it, in terms of funding, infrastructure, distribution and curtailing both local and international piracy of Nollywood movies. Interestingly, in Nigeria, businessmen or film marketers who should operate as channels between producers and distributors have now transformed into movie financers as well as film distributors in Nigeria. Ayakoroma (2014: 21) puts it more succinctly by explaining that ‘some of them have even turned producers and directors, probably in the bid to cut cost and to protect their investments…these marketers decide who plays given roles in their production, giving credence to the popular dictum that, “he who pays the piper dictates the tune”’. However, Ayakoroma (2014) explains that the issue of censorship has come to the front burner of conversation in Nollywood resulting from some unethical movies that present a negative impression of the country. These include sexual content, violence and sadism, the glamorization of certain dangerous weapons, ill-treatment of animals or children and blasphemous statements. Others according to Ayakoroma, include moral values or public taste, strong political views that could create panic or unnecessary alarm, racism and sexism. Also, Haynes et al. (2008) cited in Ekeanyanwu (2010) argue that ‘Nollywood evolved around a dominant language structure which also reflects the original geopolitical structure of Nigeria, the industry has three distinct sectors: Yoruba, Igbo and Hausa movies’. Nollywood reflects the cultures in these areas and is often produced and distributed from the commercial centres in these regions and Lagos—the nation’s

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commercial capital. However, beyond the Yoruba, Igbo and Hausa language Nollywood movies there are also movies produced in other languages such as Edo, Esan, and Ijaw, among others. The film industry in Nigeria has in no small measure contributed to the economic growth and development of Nigeria, independently launching itself into the mainstream of film production globally with unrelenting efforts of stakeholders. According to Ola Rotimi cited in Uwatt (2002: 128), ‘Nigerian drama is concerned with topical matters, matters of the moment that affect the general socio-economic wellbeing of the people’. According to BBC Focus on Africa (June 2009: 58), the industry is estimated to be worth more than $250 million and contributes to Nigeria’s annual Gross Domestic Product. Over 2,000 films are made each year meaning an average of 50 films are churned out each week and distributed widely in Lagos and Onitsha, two of Nigeria’s commercial hubs. On her part, Moudio (2015) views that ‘The Nigerian film industry is undoubtedly helping create jobs in a country with an economy that relies mainly on oil and agriculture. Over a million people are currently employed in the industry, making it the country’s largest employer after agriculture’. Furthermore, Jenkeri (1997: 7) asserts that, ‘Since the advent of home movies on the Nigerian entertainment scene in the late 80’s, it has become a widespread form of family entertainment as well as providing a lucrative source of livelihood for a good number of movie makers, some of whom had to find a way of staying in business after the decline of celluloid film’. It has created jobs for actors, actresses, directors, scriptwriters, musicians, sound engineers and all other talented personnel. The driving force behind these creative minds is commendable. Paleker (2014) opines, ‘Nollywood, as the booming development in Nigeria cinema has come to be identified, is worth approximately $45 million annually. Budgets for video productions can be as little as $4,000 and production time can be between ten days and two weeks. A successful title can sell over 100 thousand copies, thus reaping a profit of well over 1,000%. Videos and VCD can sell for between 300 and 400 naira and there are large proportion of stalls devoted to the sale of this commodity’. Moreso, Haynes (2005: 5) aptly put it this way, ‘Nigeria video films are what is on television in Namibia, and on sale on the streets of Kenya, in Congo, they are broadcast in New York, Chinese people are buying them. In Holland, Nollywood stars are recognized on the streets by people from surname and in London they are hailed by Jamaicans’.

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Furthermore, Oshiyemi (2014), explains that Nollywood, is a certified $5.1 billion industry and along with other star performing sectors like music, telecommunications and information technology, combined to muscle Nigeria’s economy into a $509.9bn powerhouse thereby over taking South Africa as Africa’s largest basin of economic activity. Nollywood, which is private sector, driven business remains profitable as a result of the film producers understanding the business aspect of film making. Haynes and Okome (2000) posit, ‘Nollywood films are extensively distributed at local and international levels through film festivals and other non-commercial outlets’. Omoera (2020) concludes that the film industry in Nigeria has grown through many stages including the colonial, post-colonial, the indigenization period, the reversal era, the Nollywood home video stage and neo-Nollywood stage, among others. Perhaps it is important to include the externalization or internationalization era of the Nigerian film productions. In this stage, Nigerian films have become popular in Africa, and in other continents of the world, especially Europe and North America. Nollywood as an entertainment platform has created millions of jobs directly or indirectly. This reflects in the number of people who play the role of artistes, film directors, costumier and makeup artistes, among others. Indirectly it has generated jobs for hoteliers, film marketers, printers as well as food vendors in addition, Nigerian movie industry has also contributed to positively improving the image of Nigeria in the world. In conclusion, what is presently termed Nollywood encompasses Nigerian movies produced in the over 400 Nigerian languages, English language and the creolized Nigerian pidgin and its various regional variations in Nigeria. These Nollywood movies are produced mainly in languages such as Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, Itsekiri, Edo, Efik, Esan, Tiv, Idoma, Ijebu, Ijaw, Fulfude and Urhobo, among others. Perhaps a distinguishing factor of Nollywood movies is the recourse to leaning on strong ethnic and religious themes largely influenced by the region of the country where the film is set. For instance, the Hausa-Language productions in Nollywood are mainly referred to as Kannywood, based in Kano State largely dwells on the promotion of Islam and Hausa-Fulani culture. Hussein notes that Kannywood emerged from productions of RTV and Radio Kaduna in the 1960s It should be noted that by the year 2012, the industry in Kano had churned out over 2000 Nollywood.

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Methodology Data analysis is the collection of measuring, organizing and evaluating the data gotten to make sense of it by extracting information that are relevant to the propositions of the study. In this research qualitative content analysis was used because the collected data do not involve numerals. Ten Bini (Edo) language Nollywood movies were selected through purposive sampling. The films were selected because they focused on development-related content which is the focus of this study. The ten selected Nollywood films were viewed as large enough to be used to generalize on the use of indigenous Bini language movies to promote development. Data Presentation See Table 13.1.

Table 13.1 Presentation of findings on development issues in the selected Bini (Edo) language movies Title of film

Issues depicted

Setting

Promoters of such development

Omodan

Health care, diaspora remittance, welfare of adults

Rural

Youths promoting cultism and misuse of diaspora funds

Igiogbe

Property & Environmental sustainability

Rural

Motives of such development

To educate and inform the public of the need for welfare/health care for the aged. To address the theft or misuse of diaspora remittances Youths desperate to Draw people’s travel attention to clean environment and legal processes of property ownership

(continued)

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Table 13.1 (continued) Title of film

Issues depicted

Setting

Promoters of such development

Ekpetin

Language and dress promotion, drug abuse, youth violence, school cultism

Sub-urban

Community

Omokhuo

Sub-urban

Imade

Domestic violence, Gender discrimination Fraud, violence against the girl-child and widows Domestic abuse, advanced free fraud Rural development

Enoghayin

Moral decadence

Urban

Unuagbon

Moral value disorientation

Sub-urban

Uyiwen

Woman empowerment

Sub-urban

Obehue

Need for hard work

Rural

Ifueko

Eseomase

Rural

Urban

Rural

Motives of such development

Mobilize, educate and inform the public against drug abuse and youth violence cum violence Women, who spoke Gender equity, against injustice empowerment of against women women Widows, women Need to provide legal protection for widows and the girl-child Women Family, community and the media Community Set agenda for the need to develop rural areas Community Educate viewers on the rate of moral decadence in the society Women Set agenda for value reorientation Community Promotion of programmes to empower women Community Promotion of value reorientation

Discussion of Findings The content analysis of the selected Edo language movies clearly revealed that films remain a vital tool to set agenda for various development issues such as economic, political, enviromemtal, political, entertainment and cultural, among others. The movies also focused on the promotion of

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indigenous language, in this instance Edo language.The broader implication of the promotion of Bini language in these movies is that cultural issues such as dress, music, fashion and value systems, among others, were also promoted. Furthermore, specifically in the movie Obehue there was a strong thematic appeal for rural development. As a developing country, Nigeria requires that various institutions including the media draw attention to the issues that are germane to development in the country. Some of the development issues raised in the selected movies include state of rural roads, education, health care and the quest for the preservation of indigenous culture. With such emphasis, the media (Nollywood) serve as a veritable tool to promote the quest for development of the rural areas. In the movies Omokhuo and Ifueko the quest for the promotion or protection of the rights of the girl-child and women was stressed. It was clearly stated in such a way to appeal to members of the public to reorientate the public on better treatment of women. The movies Omokhuo and Ifueko extensively dwelt on the patriarchal nature of the Nigerian society which has consistently placed women in a position of disadvantage in terms of economic empower, property rights and education. Furthermore, other development areas that the movies focused on include environment and sustainable health practices. The focus on these development issues, especially health is a pointer to the importance of health as a development issue because Nigeria presently is battling with malaria, maternal and infant mortality, COVID-19 and myriad child-killer diseases. The implication is that the media including films can serve as a veritable space to set agenda for development programmes of government and international development agencies. The movies through various characters including women, youths and main emphasized the need for people in the society to pursue activities that would help to develop the society. Most of the movies also performed various purposes including information, education, persuasion and agenda setting. Through these various functions, the movies through the instrumentality of indigenous language Bini movies created a platform to reach different segments of the society with development agenda across various segments of society. Moreover, the setting of the movies analysedreveals the fact that the development challenges confronting Nigeria are domiciled in both the

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rural and urban areas of the country. The selected movies showed that residents in both locations confront problems of bad roads, inadequate electricity supply, gender imbalance, poor educational and agricultural infrastructure.

Conclusion This study is centred on the use of Edo (Bini) language movies for the promotion of development issues. Objectives in the movies, the portrayal of such issues, the promoters of the development agenda and the motives of such programmes. The study was anchored on the development media theory. Also, ten Bini language Nollywood movies were analysed through content analysis. From the findings, films are a veritable tool for the promotion of development programmes such as health, environment, education, entertainment and agriculture, among other programmes. The findings of this study agree with the views of Omoera (2020: 15): It is important too, to stress that the Nigerian film or movie industry in upholding Nigeria’s rich and diverse cultures as well as a source of critical rallying point of promoting unity among Nigerians in spite of religious or ethnic differences is underutilized because of the low popularity of indigenous or ethnic films compared to the westernized film variants of English expression.

Drawing from the findings from the selected Edo (Bini) language movies which showed that various development issues were raised, this researcher concludes that indigenous language Nollywood movies have the potentials to be engaged for the promotion of development goals in any country. Clearly, concerns including health care, environmental sustainability, rural development, agriculture, and youth empowerment, among others, can be promoted through the instrumentality of the mass media including films. It is therefore important that government, media owners, international development agencies such as World Health Organization, and UNICEF, among others, should consistently use the instrumentality of films to promote their development agenda.

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References Agbo, B., Ojobor, I., & Ezenwa, C. (2008). Issues in development communication. John Jacob’s Classic Publishers Ltd. Aina, T. A. (1993). Development theory and Africa’s lost decade:critical reflections on Africa and current trends in development thinking. In M. Von Troil (Ed.), Changing paradigms in development-south, east and west. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Ajibade, B. (2013). Nigerian Videos bad their imagined western audiences. The limits of Nollywood’s transnationalist. Retrieved from https://www.researchg ate.net Alamu, O. (2010). Aesthetics of Yoruba film. Research Institute for World Langugaes, Osaka University. Anaeto, S. G., & Anaeto, M. (2010). Development communication principles and practice. Ibadan.Stirling-Horden Publishers Ltd. Ayakoroma, B. C. (2014). Trends in Nollywood. A study of selected genres. Kraft Books Limited. Bajracharya, S. (2018). Development communication theory. Businesstopia. Retrieved December 5, 2022, from https://www.businesstopia.net. Carman. (2014). Development media theory. Retrieved December 5, 2021, from https://prezi.com Ebewo, P. (2007). The emerging video film industry in Nigeria: Challenges and prospects. Journal of Film and Video, 59(3), 46–57. Ekeanyanwu, N. T. (2010). Nollywood and Nigeria’s indigenous cultural values: The development imperatives. Communication and Africa’s development crisis: Essays in honour of professor Des Wilson, 132–143. Ekwuazi, H. (1987). Film in Nigeria. Nigerian Film Corporation(NFC). Ekwuazi, H. (2013). Nollywood: How far? How much further. In A. Afolayan (Ed.), Auteuring Nollywood. Critical perspectives on the figurine. University Press PLC. Haynes, J. (2005). Nollywood: What is in a name? Retrieved November 10, from www.Nollywood.net Haynes, J., & Okome, O. (2000). Evolving popular media, Nigerian video films. Carfax Publishing. Jedlowski, A. (2013). From Nollywood to Nollywood: Process of transnationalisation in the Nigerian video film industry. In M. Krings & O. Onookome (Eds.), Global Nollywood. The transnational dimensions of an African video film industry. Indiana University Press. Jenkeri, Z. O. (1997). A dramatized society representing rituals of human sacrifice as efficacious actions in Nigerian home video movies. Thesis in the Department of English and Drama, Ahmadu Bello University.

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Krings, M., & Onookome, O. (Eds.). (2013). Globa Nollywood. The transnational dimensions of an African video film industry (African expressive cultures) (p. 371). Indiana University Press. Larkin. (2004). Degraded images, distorted sounds: Nigerian video and the infrastructure of pirated movies. Public Culture, 16(2), 289–314. Mora, K. (2008). The making of this is Nollywood. Multicultural Review. Moudio, R. (2015). Nigeria’s film industry: A potential goldmine. United Nations Africa Renewal. Obutte, P. (2012). Multilateralism and sustainable development: Perspectives on international practices, policies and legal instruments. In P. Labode, O. Olanrewaju, & O. Olayide (Eds.), Building resilience in sustainable development in a changing world. University of Ibadan Centre for Sustainable Development. Ogundele, W. (2000). From Folk Opera to Soap Opera: Improvisations and transformation in Yoruba popular theatre. In J. Haynes, Nigerian video films. Ohio University Centre for International Studies. Ojebode, A., & Adegbola, T. (2007). Engaging development. IMS. Omoera, S. S. (2020). Benin video-films as archival sources of history. Sinestesieonline: Periodico Quadrimestrale Di Studi Sulla Letterratura E le Arti, 28(1x), 11–18. Onuzulike, U. (2007). The birth of Nollywood: The Nigerian movie industry. Black Camera. Oshiyemi, D. (2014). Nollywood helps power Nigeria into Africa largest economy. Retrieved from https://talkingdrum-entertainment.com/new/nol lywood-helps-power-nigeria-into-africas-largest-economy-2/ Owen-Ibie, N. (1998). How video films developed in Nigeria. Public Communication Associates Limited. Paleker, G. (2014). The state, citizens and control: Film and African audiences in South Africa, 1910–1948. Journal of Southern African Studies, 40(2), 309– 323. Slim, H. (1995). What is development. Development in Practice, 5(2), 143–148. Uchenna, O. (2007). Nollywood: The influence of the Nigerian movie industry on African culture. The Journal of Human Communication: A Journal of the Pacific and Asian Communication Association, 10(3), 231–242. Uwatt, E. B. (2002). Playwrighting and Directing in Nigeria: An Interview with Ola Rotimi. Apex Book Limited. Yagboyaju, D. A. (2008). Attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in a weak state: The Nigerian example. International Review of Politics and Development, 6(1&2), 8–20.

CHAPTER 14

Use of Non-verbal Cues as Alternative to Verbal Communication Before Tyrants in Selected Yoruba Films Matthew Kolawole Oni

Introduction There are diverse ways of communicating in the human society. Apart from communication between two people also known as interpersonal communication or the type that involves a single individual and a group, known as group communication, the advent of the mass media has made it possible for a single individual or a group to communicate with a large audience that is heterogeneous and widely dispersed geographically. This type, known as mass communication, engages the use of mass media like television, film, radio, newspapers, and, the newest addition, the social media.

M. K. Oni (B) Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Ajayi Crowther University, Oyo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_14

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Communication has been defined by various scholars. For instance, Anderson and Tompkins (2011: 27) define it thus: “A dynamic process in which man consciously or unconsciously affects the cognition of another person through symbols”. The process of communication includes a source, a message, a channel, a receiver, and feedback. Lasswell (1948: 117) comes up with this model of Who (Communicator) Says what (Message) In what channel (Medium) To whom (Receiver) With what effect (Feedback). Schramm (1954: 86) introduces the concept of noise in the communication process. Noise is anything that can interfere with the process of communication and meaning or mutual intelligibility. Noise can emanate from a number of sources. For instance, noise can come from the source or speaker, the channel of communication, the environment of communication, or the receiver of the message. It would be noise from the source if the speaker stutters and the message he is trying to put across is not understood or is misunderstood by the listener. Ambient noise is any physical noise from the environment that can drown the voice of the speaker and make listening difficult while any form of interference with a phone line is a channel noise. A listener who is hard of hearing and cannot hear or understand what is being said is a source of noise himself. Nonverbal communication is ubiquitous and more in use than verbal communication in all face-to-face situations and is somewhat present as well in some written discourse when decoders will have to “read inbetween the lines” to get the full import of the message being put across. While Mehrabian (2017: 105) states that the paraverbal message (what we transmit through the tone, pitch, and pacing of our voices) accounts for approximately 38% of what is communicated to someone but is not convinced that the frequency of occurrence of nonverbal cues in human communication is quantifiable, Smith (2020: 3) believes that nonverbal communication is engaged more than 70% of the time during human communication, and Wood (2013: 2) ascertains that, within the space of one minute, nonverbal communication is engaged by every communicator about ten thousand times. It has also been argued that nonverbal communication had been in use for thousands of years prior to the advent of verbal communication (Devito, 2013: 13). Verbal and nonverbal communication are in tandem, going hand in hand, with the latter serving to complimentarily reinforce the former to put forth a single coherent message (Akangbe, 2017: 47). Whenever there appears to be a contradiction between what is being said through

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verbal communication and what is being portrayed by nonverbal cues however, the listener tends to believe that the message that the cues are sending is the true intention of the speaker. This assertion is captured in the fourth axiom of communication by Watzlawick, Bavelas and Jackson, as quoted in Belfer (2017). This has been further explained by Belfer (2017: 1) when he submits that “Communication is an everyday life process. Everything we do is brimming with content that can either be verbal or non-verbal”. To them, human communication involves both digital and analogic modalities. The digital mode is what the speaker says and the analogic mode is what the nonverbal cues represent. “When a person sends a message with conflicting verbal, paraverbal, and nonverbal information, the nonverbal tends to be believed” (p. 5). In spite of all the above, scholars seem to have concentrated much more on verbal communication than nonverbal communication or have seen nonverbal communication as an integral, indivisible part of verbal communication. For instance, Adam Kendon, cited in Brooks (2005: 2050) maintains that “it makes no sense to speak of ‘verbal communication’ and ‘nonverbal communication’. There is only communication”. This assertion can be true only to the extent that it actually appears as if verbal communication can never be used independently of nonverbal cues. Nonverbal communication, on the other hand, is a vibrant and independent mode of passing across messages intelligently as has been observed in the British sitcom—Mr. Bean. Apart from this, it also appears that nonverbal communication is still being neglected for its linguistic phenomena as has been observed long ago by Margaret Mead as cited in Vipin and Sharma (2011).

Research Questions This research was guided by the following research questions: 1. What are the causes of the use of nonverbal communication in the selected films? 2. What are the instances of the use of nonverbal cues as an alternative form of verbal communication in the selected films?

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Literature Review Communication is broadly divisible into two types: verbal and nonverbal. Verbal communication encompasses all that is spoken and written. Nonverbal communication on the other hand refers to all other forms of communication excluding the spoken and written modes. This, understandably, is why Mandal (2014: 10) defines nonverbal communication as all other means of communication excluding the oral and written forms. It goes without saying then that the use of body parts, objects, signs, and symbols to communicate qualifies as nonverbal communication. Nonverbal communication or nonverbal cues is, therefore, communication through eye contacts, the use of the eyes and body, and the way we stand or sit or even the act of two people deliberately leaving out space between each other. The clarification that has to be made here is that even though written communication basically also employs the use of symbols (like the alphabet of the English language), the signs, and symbols deployed for nonverbal communication are, to a large extent, different from those of written communication. Many Nigerian scholars have carried out studies on nonverbal communication especially on its use in the various genres of Yoruba literature (Adesanya, 2014). The use of nonverbal communication, however, is so multifaceted that, even at that, there still remains a lot to be done. Communication is not only an integral part of human behaviour, it is, in fact, both voluntary and involuntary as meaning can be voluntarily transmitted by the speaker or independently extracted or decoded by the listener or observer from a passive communicator. Watzlawick et al. (1967) as cited in Belfer (2017) believe that everything one does is a message: Activity or inactivity, words or silence all have message value: they influence others and these others, in turn, cannot not respond to these communications and are thus themselves communicating. (p. 1)

The concept described above has been summarised by the same set of authors in one single punchy statement: One cannot not communicate. Nonverbal communication falls within the purview of this compulsive and compulsory form of communication and is, indeed, the fulcrum of this study.

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Communication in the Yoruba society is accompanied by some cultural idiosyncrasies. This, of course, is a universal phenomenon as, everywhere, communication is culture-bound and culture-specific. Leonard et al. (2009) as cited in Khan and Ahmed (2017: 70) drive this home when they submit thus: “Communication processes occur in specific cultural contexts, with unique normative beliefs, assumptions and shared symbols. Culture influences what people communicate, to whom they communicate, and how they communicate”. In Africa, particularly, the culture of respect is well entrenched in the society and its propagation continued until civilisation and Western education arguably eroded a chunk of it. This assertion holds true in spite of the opinion of Sesanti (2010) that, historically, “in traditional Africa, respect was not equated to obsequiousness by the citizens in their encounter with power”. This is because, history is awash with incidents of misuse of power and human rights violations by draconian authorities on their subordinates in pre-colonial Nigeria (Nwachukwu et al., 2014). Apart from this, Fafunwa (1974: 25) itemises seven objectives of informal or indigenous education in Nigeria and his item number three reads thus: “To inculcate respect for elders and those in position of authority”. It is in the light of all this that one can easily establish the fact that it is culturally unacceptable for someone to speak “unfettered” before an elder, a person in the position of authority like a king, a chief, a judge, a law-enforcement agent, and the initiates of the awo fraternity or the initiates. In the communication process as well, wife is expected to respect the husband by exercising some restraint while talking to him and children when talking to their father. When situations arise and subservient listeners are compelled to respond to utterances from or situations occasioned by people in authority as they are wont to do, the tendency is that they will deploy the use of nonverbal communication more than verbal communication. The highhandedness of people in authority which invariably led to the subservience of the subordinates to the super-ordinates in the Yoruba society is clearly stated in this Yoruba song: Eni ba foju doba Awowo a wo o

Translated, it means: Anyone that disrespects a king Shall be crushed by the forces

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The use of film as an effective mass medium of cultural preservation and transmission has been established. Luo (2021) describes the film as audio-visual art and an important carrier of cultural transmission. To Arinze-Umobi and Chiweta-Oduah (2020), the film is a medium of communication, which also serves as a medium for internalising cultures. Nigerian films are no exception in the representation, externalisation, and preservation of the country’s cultures and traditions and they have been classified among the most watched media products in recent times (Unwom, 2013). From the foregoing, it is not contestable that the Nigerian culture has been preserved overtime and transmitted from generation to generation and one of the channels of doing this is through the film as a medium of mass communication.

Previous Studies Muchemwa (2013) wrote on “Use of nonverbal communication in the classroom teaching: A case study of Solusi High School, Zimbabwe”. His descriptive study investigated how the use of nonverbal communication in the classroom enhanced teacher effectiveness as an instructor and as a disciplinarian. The research combined observation and interview data collection methods and found that though teachers’ use of nonverbal communication was inadvertent, using it supported learning nonetheless. Stratton (2017) did a review of literature with a focus on the use of various nonverbal channels in film and explained how nonverbal communication influenced the success (critical or commercial) of films. The different nonverbal channels, or cues, explored were environment, physical characteristics, gestures, and touch. Within each of these channels, subtopics were examined including colour, sound, physical attractiveness, costume design, and more. His was an extensive literature review supporting the claim that nonverbal cues do in fact influence the success of films, specifically, critical success. While each channel could also be described as “visual cues”, they each fall under the general discipline of nonverbal communication and thus, are referred to as exclusively nonverbal “cues” or “channels”. Influence is directly related to persuasion, and for a film to be successful, audiences must be engaged. This engagement leads moviegoers to rate the film favourably, resulting in more people spending money to view the film (commercial success) and/or writing reviews praising the film’s efforts (critical success).

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The papers reviewed above show the use of nonverbal cues as an inseparable component of dialogue which forms the nucleus of every film and pedagogy. Their relevance to the present study is palpable in thrust of interest and efficacy of nonverbal cues as a medium of passing on messages.

Theoretical Framework This study is premised on Semiotic theory propounded by Charles Morris in 1964. This is a theory that supplies multifarious explanations on how nonverbal cues are interpreted. Ferdinand de Saussure and Peirce, as cited in Yakin and Totu (2014), believe that symbols form the basis of both verbal and nonverbal communication, admitting that nonverbal communication is prone to be fraught with ambiguities principally as a result of the fact that interpreting nonverbal cues is culture-dependent. Another proposition of the Semiotic theory is based on the fact that verbal and nonverbal communication both have two different levels of meaning—latent and manifest. This is incontestable as a wave of the hand could be interpreted to mean a wave of the hand or bidding someone goodbye. Semiotic theory states that communication, irrespective of whether it is verbal or nonverbal, is in stages. The first stage is when the addressee has the consciousness that a symbol or sign has been sent to him, the second stage is when he associates the sign with a meaning and the final stage is when he sends feedback. One major weakness of Semiotic theory has been identified by Dzanic (2013). “It is heavily dependent upon the skill of the individual analyst. Less skillful practitioners can do little more than state the obvious in a complex and often pretentious manner” (p. 214).

Methodology The research tool for this study is Research Discourse Analysis (RDA) which is principally about a critical assessment of what is meant when language is used. An in-depth explanation of this method is offered by Fairclough (1995: 132) when he says it is deployed:

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to systematically explore often opaque relationships of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and texts, and (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes; to investigate how such practices, events and texts arise out of and are ideologically shaped by relations of power and struggles over power.

To Fairclough, communication operates within a social context and its interpretation cannot be explained in a vacuum. Fairclough (2003: 26) also identifies three characteristics of discourse which describe its operation within social life, as “part of the action”. These are Genres (ways of acting), discourses (ways of representing), and styles (ways of being). Using RDA as a research method not only helped the researcher to isolate the subtle unspoken revolts against tyranny in a systematic way, but it also enabled the recognition of each case as a pragmatic human resistance to injustice in a cultural milieu that is inimical to the proletariats. The films analysed in this paper were purposively selected based on the fact that they featured tyrants. Saworoide featured Lapite, a satirical repressive authority created by the Yoruba novelist—Akinwumi Isola— while Basorun Gaa was a historical figure in the old Oyo empire who was notorious for his wicked and murderous acts.

Results In the following section, the results of the research are presented in the form of each episode of repressive utterance or action being responded to by the antagonistic gesture of specific characters. A Yoruba-specific interpretation of the non-conforming gesture is offered at the end of the episode. Saworoide Written by Professor Akinwumi Isola and shot into a film by Tunde Kelani’s Mainframe in 1999, Saworoide is a satire of the Nigerian political situation. Lapite, an incurably corrupt despot became the King of Jogbo and skipped all rituals that would have ensured he did not steal while on the throne. He was supported by a close friend, Balogun, in all his inimical ways. He plundered the resources of the town until he was

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killed in a coup and the coup plotter himself, Lagata, was killed through some traditional force established to ensure that a usurper does not wear the traditional crown of Jogbo. In a situation such as the one described above, it is expected that the citizen would be in confrontation with the King and his cohorts on several occasions, deploying the use of nonverbal cues to express their dissatisfaction. Below is a chronicle of such events in the order of what brought them about, the nonverbal cues with their potential meaning and the consequence they evoked in the film. At 005:22 of the film, Balogun wondered how Baba Opalaba was so knowledgeable about the culture and tradition of the land of Jogbo. Rather than utter a word in reply, Opalaba, a sage, simply removed his cap to reveal a mast of completely grey hair to show that he was aged enough to know everything. Balogun recoiled in respect. At 005.48, Balogun addressed the incoming King’s wife as the Queen in the presence of the incoming King, Lapite, himself. As soon as the wife was out of earshot, Lapite asked Balogun why he, the King, would take such a shapeless, ugly woman to the palace as his queen. Balogun could not laugh or even smile but expressed his satisfaction at the King’s decision by covering his mouth with his hands as if to say “You alone has the authority to utter such a weighty statement even though it is the truth”. Lapite just ignored the gesture. At 006.24, Balogun came to Tinuola, the chosen woman of Lapite to tell her of the King’s intention to take her as a wife. Tinuola was at that time pregnant for someone else and told Balogun so. Balogun asked Tinuola to stand up so he could assess if the stomach was big enough for all to detect. Tinuola was reluctant and it took her several seconds to obey to convey her dissatisfaction about taking someone else’s pregnancy to the palace as the King’s even though she could not express that with the words of her mouth to a high chief like Balogun. Balogun had to repeat the order more forcefully before she obeyed. At 008:42, Amawomaro, the chief priest, was explaining the importance of incision and other rituals he was about to perform on the incoming King to him. The king who knew all along he was not going to be subjected to any ritual that would prevent him from stealing simply looked away in disgust as he could not divulge his intention to the Chief priest at that moment. Amawomaro was exasperated and most probably got the inkling of what was about to happen later at that stage.

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At 009:12, Lapite finally declared that he was not going to allow anybody to subject him to the anti-theft rituals. Amawomaro was scandalised as he had never heard anyone say that before. He covered his own mouth as if to ask the king to shut his mouth from speaking abominations, which he could not speak to a king even when the king was incoming. The king was adamant in spite of that. At 014:22, Balogun rushed into the palace to divulge a secret to the king but met him with Tinuola, the new queen. He, of course, did not have the audacity to ask the queen to excuse them so he just faced the king and started to repeatedly say he wanted to discuss an important matter while indicating with his fingers on his palm that they should be alone together before he could say it. Lapite got the message immediately and ordered his queen out. At 027:00, Olori Asabi, the rejected queen, had stormed the palace to pick a fight with the new queen, Tinuade. While the altercation was ongoing, Chief Seriki came to the palace and put a stop to it. Both of them could not disobey the chief’s order and had to stop shouting at each other but the fight continued nonetheless with eye movements and shaking of their own limbs to indicate they were still full of it. The chief had to insist that Asabi should leave the palace to forestall what he knew would happen once he was no longer with them. At 040:53, Lapite had just lambasted all his village heads for their inability to curtail the insurgence of the youths against the lumberjacks whose activities brought him the greatest percentage of his ill-gotten wealth. One of the heads, Oloto, in defiance, stood apart from the others, placing his hand on his chest with a questioning look on his face as if to ask the king how he dared talk to him like that. The king understood and immediately got him arrested. At 052:06, At a press conference with the king, one of the reporters audaciously asked him to mention one positive development the town had witnessed since he became king. Other reporters who did not have such courage clapped their hands to support what he said. Lapite rained insults on the reporter and all his ancestors. The reporter so addressed was enraged but because he could not talk back at the king, he walked out in protest. The king saw that for what it was—an insult—and sent the law-enforcement agents after him. At 53:02, Another reporter’s mouth was agape to indicate that the king had gone overboard with those insults hauled at the reporter but dared not speak. The king did not notice his nonverbal cue.

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At 1.02:12, Kabiyesi was complaining in his palace about his chiefs who could not contain the insurgency that had now become pronounced and incessant in town with those chiefs in attendance. None of the chiefs could utter a word but for Seriki who could only grimace to show that the king’s words did not sit down well with him. Fortunately for him, the king did not notice. At 1.05:02, The brass crown was missing, stolen in fact by the youths who knew that the king must commit suicide if the crown left the palace for fifteen days. The king, in desperation, promised to give the head of the military unit of the lumberjacks’ association a blank cheque or a free hand to operate without any returns to the coffers of the town if he could recover the brass crown. Balogun became alarmed at such a reckless promise and tugged at the King’s clothe to warn him but he brushed his hand off. Balogun turned away to touch a fist to his own mouth apparently to say he had never seen a more foolish individual in his life. The king was too engrossed in his present problem to notice. Basorun Gaa Adebayo Faleti wrote Basorun Gaa and AFAN made a film of it in 2003. The story chronicles true historical events of the sixteenth-century Oyo empire during the reign of Abiodun Adegoriolu as Alaafin and Gaa as the Prime Minister and Head of the seven Oyo Mesi in council. Gaa was a tyrant reputed to have killed many kings before Abiodun. He would single-handedly install an Alaafin and still caused him to be put to the death on flimsy excuses. Gaa had become so powerful that he was reigning supreme over the king rather than playing ancillary and subordinate roles. Alaafin Abiodun was young but very wise. In contrast to what was demanded by tradition, he started paying homage to Gaa every morning to appease him. These entreaties did not produce much result as Gaa still went ahead and murdered Abiodun’s only daughter. That led to war between the coalition forces of Oyo and Aare Ona Kakanfo Oyalabi on the one hand and Gaa’s army on the other. Gaa was eventually killed and his house was wrecked. The following lists the incidents of the use of nonverbal cues by the common folk and the less powerful before the tyrant and other powerful individuals in the film. At 008: 27 of the film, when Basorun Gaa was trying to convince the Oyo people that his killing of king Majeogbe was justified and actually

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in the interest of the people, one of the townspeople turned away with a grimace to show that he was not persuaded with those excuses even though he could not say it out. Gaa did not see him and so continued with his lame excuses. At 13:02, Basorun Gaa assembled the Oyomesi to ask for their recommendation for the next king. They all kept quiet to pass the message to him that they knew he was going to kill the next king anyway and that he could mount the throne himself if he so desired. Gaa responded by saying that their silence meant they were planning some treachery against him. At 018:50, the Oyomesi were out to carry out the order of Bashorun Gaa to look for the young Abiodun Adegoriolu and bring him to be installed as the next Alaafin. They met him among some people playing ayo—a Yoruba traditional game that requires a level of mental calculation. As tradition demanded, all the Oyomesi prostrated themselves to greet him formally as they would greet a reigning king: “Kaabiyesi o!” (Long live the one that is not questionable). Rather than acknowledge the greeting, he simply took to his heels. That was saying, “I’m not interested in becoming the next king that we all know would be murdered by Gaa”. The Oyomesi were not surprised and simply ran after him. At 0.21:04, the Oyomesi went back to inform Gaa that, on hearing the news that he was to be made the next king, Abiodun fled and, in spite of all their efforts, they could not catch up with him. Gaa was not impressed, he ordered them to go and bring Abiodun no matter what it took. Kudeefu, one of the caretakers of the palace, made a violent gesture towards Gaa as soon as he turned his back to them. This can be interpreted to mean “You are an incorrigible tyrant”. The gesture was meant for all others except Gaa and it was made when Gaa had turned his back so Kudeefu got away with it. At 0.31:08, finally, Adegoolu was being installed. Iba Ologbo was in charge of the rituals among which was placing a curse on whoever would demean the new king. When Iba Ologbo was at the verge of making that pronouncement, Basorun Gaa became alarmed and it palpably showed on his face. At 0.32:54, of course, Gaa stopped Iba Ologbo from placing the curse but Iyalode saw that move for what it was and physically showed exasperation with a violent jerk of her legs and arms. Fortunately for Iyalode, Gaa did not see the gesture as he was not meant to see it.

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At 0.33:32, it was time to pay obeisance to the new king and all the Oyomesi prostrated themselves flatly on the ground to indicate total loyalty but only Gaa did his halfway to say he was not prepared to fully subjugate himself under the authority of the Alaafin. At 0.41:09, Iya Mode, whose tutelage Agbonyin, the princess, was under, caught her with her secret lover and used a broom to chase the lover away. Agbonyin must not speak her mind before an elderly woman so she pranced off in annoyance. Iya Mode was annoyed the more. At 0.44: 28, Alaafin Abiodun Adegoolu deliberately went against tradition by going to pay homage to Gaa in his house instead of waiting for Gaa to come and pay homage to him in his palace. That was saying, “Wicked soul, please let me live”. Gaa saw through the act and wondered aloud after Alaafin Abiodun had left who taught him such wisdom. At 1.00:38, Gaa was telling his Head servant, Gbagi, that he would never allow Abiodun’s only girl child, Agbonyin, to become king after her father. Gaa’s bodyguard could not contain his disdain at this excessive use of power and he surreptitiously looked at Gaa with contempt as if saying, “You’ve started again”. Of course, neither Gbagi nor Gaa saw him and he was therefore spared untold punishment or even death. At 1.18:10, Basorun Gaa, now lame and immobile, placed a curse on his Babalawo or native doctor for not responding to his summon in good time. Babalawo could not talk back but showed his repulsion by covering his own mouth with his hand. At 1.25:04, Alapinni saw Basorun Gaa turn to an elephant from where he, Alapinni, was hiding. Alapinni could not talk or scream in surprise for fear of being discovered. Instead, he rubbed his eyes vigorously to say, “Am I really seeing this?”

Discussion In all this, it has been further established that, for humans, not communicating at all is simply impossible as the meta-communicational axiom of the pragmatics of human communication earlier quoted suggested. This has been made clear by instances cited where the supposedly subservient individuals reacted in protest against oppressive utterances or acts from tyrants or oppressive authorities. As it was also put forward by one of the propositions of the theory used in this research, it has been substantiated that nonverbal cues owe their interpretations to culture and personal subjective impressions. It is unlikely that someone from another cultural

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background will assign the same interpretation to each of the identified gestures. Another salient point from the theory that is applicable to the study is that nonverbal communication is capable of yielding different meanings. This is so, and is discernible from the fact that, even within the same Yoruba cultural milieu, conflicting interpretations of the same nonverbal cue is possible. This aligns with the two levels of meaning that the theory proposes that every nonverbal cue has: the latent and manifest level. It is the latent level that yields the interpretation offered of every nonverbal cue analysed in this research. At the manifest or literal levels, human gestures are no other things but human gestures, devoid of hidden meanings. A point of departure from the theory, however, is the classification of the process of nonverbal communication into stages. The use of nonverbal cues in this study will not support or validate any of the stages for the simple reason that it is sometimes an involuntary outburst of action used for intrinsic satisfaction of the user or to express their dissatisfaction for the benefit of people present other than the addressee who must not have an inkling of the use of it. The issue of the addressee having a consciousness of the symbol sent, ascribing meaning to it and giving feedback may not always arise.

Conclusion This study has supported the fact that communication is a compulsive element of human behaviour thus revalidating the metacommunication axiom of the pragmatics of human communication by Watzlawick et al. as cited in Belfer (2017)—One cannot not communicate—to indicate that communication is ascribed to every human behaviour by observers. It has also upheld the proposition of Semiotic theory propounded by Charles Morris in 1964 that interpreting noncommunication cues is culture-dependent and substantiated Ferdinand de Saussure and Peirce’s submission that a single cue can give rise to conflicting interpretations within the same culture. The stages in the process of communication identified in the theory are, however, hardly applicable to this study for the reason that nonverbal cues are discreetly used before powerful tyrants and authorities largely for the benefit of others, as a vent to a pent-up emotion or as an involuntary reaction to unpalatable speeches, incidents, and situations rather than as a direct affront to those tyrants and authorities.

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References Adesanya, A. O. (2014). Forms and functions of nonverbal communication in Yoruba novels (p. 147) (Unpublished PhD thesis). Akangbe, C. A. (2017). Nonverbal communication. In T. Falola & A. Akinyemi (Eds.), Culture and customs of the Yoruba (pp. 47–57). Pan African University Press. Anderson, K., & Tompkins, P. S. (2011). Practicing communication ethics (1st ed.). Random House. Arinze-Umobi, S. O. & Chiweta-Oduah, O. P. (2020). Covid-19 crisis response strategies: The place of mass media. International Journal of Advanced Research, 8(4), 1102–1109. Belfer, J. (2017). The impossibility of not communicating. https://www. harmesharley.com.au/knowledge/one-cannot-not-communicate. Retrieved 8 September 2022. Brooks, H. (2005). What gestures do: Some communicative functions of quotable gestures in conversations among Black urban South Africans. Journal of Pragmatics, 37 (12), 2044–2085. Devito, J. (2013). The nonverbal communication book (1st ed., p. 272). Kendal Hunt. Dzanic, M. (2013). The semiotics of contemporary advertising messages: Decoding visuals. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/292479444_The_semiot ics_of_contemporary_advertising_messages_Decoding_visuals. Fafunwa, A. B. (1974). History of education in Nigeria. George Allen and Unwin Ltd. Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical discourse analysis. Longman. Fairclough, N. (2003). Analysing discourse: Textual analysis for social research. Routledge. Khan, V., & Ahmed, J. (2017). Influence of national culture on internal communication process: A study on universities in Basngladesh and Sweden (Unpublished MA thesis). Lasswell, H. (1948). The structure and function of communication in society. In L. Bryson (Ed.), The communication of ideas (p. 119). Institute for Religious and Social Studies. Leonard, K. M., Van Scotter, J. R., & Pakdil, F. (2009). Culture and communication: Cultural variations and media effectiveness. Administration and Society, 4(7), 850–877. Sage Publications. https://doi.org/10.1177/095399 709344054. http://ass.sagepub.com. Leonard, V. (2012). An introduction to interpersonal communication: A primer on communication studies (p. 68). Luo, J. (2021). Analysis on the cultural transmission of film and TV music— Taking the film “Parasite” as an example. Advances to in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, 572(7), 285–290.

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Mandal, F. (2014). Nonverbal communication in humans. Journal of Human Behaviour in the Social Environment, 24(4), 417. Mehrabian, A. (2017). Nonverbal communication (p. 235). Taylor & Francis. Morris, C. W. (1964). Signification and significance. M.I.T. Press. Muchemwa, S. (2013). Use of nonverbal communication in the classroom teaching: A case study of Solusi High School, Zimbabwe. Procedia—Social and Behavioural Sciences, 103, 1279–1287. Nwachukwu, S. N., Aghamelo, A., & Nwaneri, S. (2014). An account of human right violations in Nigeria (Pre-British, British and post-independence). European Scientific Journal, 2(3). Schramm, W. (1954). The process and effects of mass communication. University of Illinois Press. Sesanti, S. (2010). The concept of respect in African culture in the concept of journalism practice: An Afrocentric intervention. Communicatio, 36(3), 343– 358. Sharma, V. (2011). Decoding nonverbal communication. https://www.researchg ate.net. Retrieved 8 September 2022. Smith, D. (2020). Nonverbal communication: How body language and nonverbal cues are key. http://www.lifesize.com/en/blogspeaking-withoutwords. Retrieved 24 May 2021. Stratton, Celina (2017). Nonverbal communication and the influence of film success: A literature review. Concordia Journal of Communication Research, 4. Article 1. https://doi.org/10.54416/KXEV3725. Available at: https://dig italcommons.csp.edu/comjournal/vol4/iss1/1 Unwom, O. (2013). Audience perception of sexual contents in Nigerian movies. New Media and Mass Communication, 19, 16–25. Wood, P. (2013). Snap: Making the most of first impressions, body language, and charisma. https://www.forbes.com/sites/jacquelynsmith/2013/03/11/10nonverbal-cues-that-convey. Retrieved 24 May 2021. Yakin, H. S., & Totu, A. (2014). The semiotic perspectives of Pierce and Saussure: A brief comparative study. Procedia—Social and Behavioral Sciences, 155, 4–8.

CHAPTER 15

Multilingual Responses on ‘Hollywood Style’ Arrest of a Defence Lawyer in a High-Profile Case Gilbert Motsaathebe

Introduction Adv Malesela Teffo, the legal representative for four of the men accused of killing South Africa’s national soccer team captain Senzo Meyiwa, was on 28 April 2022, arrested right inside the court where he had been crossexamining a state witness. The incident, which unfolded in the presence of journalists who had been covering the famous trial, shocked the people and sparked irate reactions. The Senzo Meyiwa murder case is one of the most protracted high-profile murder cases in South Africa. It has taken police six years to arrest murder suspects. The case is wrath with complications which some people believe are part of the plot to cover up what really happened. For instance, the investigation teams have been changed

G. Motsaathebe (B) Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA), Faculty of Humanities, North West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_15

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many times in the case. Secondly, there are two cases opened, resulting in two dockets. One case was opened by the police investigators against the people who were present during the murder for defeating the ends of justice. The case is high profile in the sense that it involves a national soccer star who was in the company of top music star Kelly Khumalo whom she was dating at the time of the murder. Other high-profile individuals present at the time of the murder include Twala, a former child star and the son of legendary music and film producer Chico Twala. He became popular with his musical hit “uBaba wami uya jola next door” [my father is having an affair next-door] which also featured another child star Bongani Fassi. Kelly’s sister who was also present is also a star in her own right as she is a dancer who is well known in the country. This chapter examines the online users’ comments on the SABC’s YouTube channel where the trial was live streamed when Adv Teffo’s arrest took place. Since most of these comments were in African languages, it was significant to study them since most of the mainstream media commentaries in the past had been done in the English language. Specifically, the chapter considers how readers’ multilingual comments contribute to a broader understanding of the case from multiple language perspectives. It argues that the people’s ability to converse in their mother tongue provides an interesting vantage point for speakers of other languages to articulate their views in the language that they are comfortable with, outside the confines of the dominant language of discourse. I argue that this type of discourse brings another dimension to the views and worldviews often privileged in mainstream media platforms. The chapter is set into five parts. The next section provides more details on the murdered soccer star’s life and the sequence of events from the time of his death.

Who Was Meyiwa? Senzo Meyiwa was a South African national soccer star from Kwa Zulu Natal province. He started playing for Orlando Pirates in 2005 as a goalkeeper and in 2013 started playing for the country’s national team Bafana Bafana after demonstrating his talent as a great goalkeeper who was particularly good at saving penalties. As indicated, “by 2014 he had joined Brian Baloyi and Moeneeb Josephs as the only goalkeepers who captained Bafana Bafana on four occasions without conceding a goal

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during their captaincies (Mafolo, 2022).” Coach Vladimir Vermezovic made him captain of Orlando Pirates in his last four games for Pirates before his death. Also, Coach Shakes Mashaba appointed him captain of Bafana Bafana (the national soccer team) in his last four games of the 2015 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers. The Finals took place on 8 February 2015 in Equatorial Guinea, three months after Meyiwa’s death. Meyiwa was married to Mandisa Meyiwa at the time of his death. The couple had a child together. He was also romantically involved with Singer Kelly Khumalo with whom he fathered a child. It was reported in 2013 that Mandisa Meyiwa had opened a case of assault against Kelly Khumalo and her sister, Zandile. But the charges were later dropped. His father died in 2019 after doing all that he could to try to get the killers of his son arrested.

Sequence of Events On 26 October 2014, Meyiwa was fatally shot at the home of his girlfriend, Kelly Khumalo, in Vosloorus. Initially, it was reported that an armed man and his accomplice had stormed Kelly’s home at about 8 pm on Sunday evening of the date. This reportedly resulted in a struggle when one of the robbers fired his gun (Bosch, 2021). A bullet struck Meyiwa in his upper body and killed him. According to the charge sheet, on the day of the murder, two-armed people demanding for valuables entered Khumalo’s Vosloorus house. Only one phone was stolen. Meyiwa was allegedly shot while trying to protect Kelly Khumalo. A few days later police released sketched images of three people believed to be the culprits. On 31 October police arrested one of the alleged three suspects, Zamokuhle Mbatha. However, Mbatha was released on 11 November 2014 due to the lack of evidence. On 1 November 2014, Meyiwa was given a state funeral at Moses Mabhida Stadium in Durban and then President Jacob Zuma called for Meyiwa’s killers to be arrested. Justice Minister Fikile Mbalula also promised that they would never rest until the culprits were in jail. But nothing happened. In 2014, Police commissioner Riya Piyega announced a R250,000 reward for information leading to the arrest. The following year in April 2015, Mbatha sued the state for wrongful arrest, malicious prosecution and defamation. He demanded R17.7 million in compensation. After that, the Meyiwa case went cold until 2018 when the national police commissioner established a cold-case team to deal with the case.

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On 27 February 2018, Bheki Cele was appointed Police Minister and on 9 January 2019, Cele vowed that the perpetrators would be behind bars by Christmas that year. A few days later on 23 January 2019, Thabang Makeleni died allegedly from poisoning. He was one of the witnesses who told the police that he saw people running away from the Khumalo house on the night Meyiwa was shot. On 29 July 2019, Meyiwa’s father, Sam Meyiwa, who had been very vocal about having the killers of his son arrested passed away. Then, in November 2019, the Meyiwa family appointed a lobby group, the AfriForum to assist them in solving the case. In June 2020, the five men currently standing trial were arrested. The arrest was announced officially on 26 October by Minister Cele. The following day, on 27 October, the five suspects Muzikawulahlelwa Sibiya, Bongani Sandiso Ntanzi, Mthobisi Prince Ncube, Mthokosizeni Ziphozonke Maphisa and Sifikuhle Nkani Ntuli appeared in court. Notwithstanding, lobby group AfriForum, assisting the Meyiwa family with the case, publicly stated that evidence points to a “mastermind’s involvement.” On 27 October, a leaked document linked singer Kelly Khumalo to one of the accused. It reads that a confidential National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) document linked Senzo Meyiwa’s girlfriend Kelly Khumalo to a suspect in the Bafana Bafana captain’s murder (Mabuza et al., 2020). So was an affidavit from Colonel Bongani Gininda, the lead investigator in the case, which states that the murder was a contract killing and not a robbery that went wrong (Mafolo, 2022). A week before the Meyiwa murder trial started, Adv Teffo appeared on television and said the wrong people were behind bars. On the morning of 28 April 2022 instructing attorney Thabiso Thobane told the court they had been receiving intimidating calls. Later that day, Adv Teffo was arrested shortly after the court adjourned in what the media referred to as a Hollywood-style arrest. On 29 April 2022, the advocate appeared in the Hillbrow Magistrate’s Court and was granted bail of R10,000. He has since withdrawn from the case. He withdrew on 12 July 2022, citing alleged harassment from the state and the court as his reasons.

Literature Review Literature shows that online media platforms have given members of the public a viable and less restrictive platform to reach a mass audience (Chari, 2020; Gündüz, 2017; Motsaathebe, 2021; Motsaathebe & Tsware, 2020). Gündüz (2017) explains that online access provides

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more opportunities than previous communication technologies. As Motsaathebe and Tsware (2020: 258) observed, “the advent of the internet and its multiple platforms including social media play a role in broadening the nature of participation, allowing the audience to become co-creators of mainstream media messages.” Another important aspect of these online comminution contexts is that they are not transient as traditional audio-visual media. This feature allows the audience to take control and enables evolving conversation, making it amenable to ethnographical methods. Chari (2020: 101) argues that “the online news platform is supposedly a liberated zone in which audiences actively participate in the creation of content whereby communication becomes a two-way rather than a one-way street.” Also, Motsaathebe has argued that online users can break the news that is then picked up by mainstream media (Motsaathebe, 2018). Chari (2020) hints that “Depending on their motives, online readers can switch from English to a mother language or vice versa.” It is the latter view that this article focuses on given what transpired before the arrest and the way the arrest took place. This multilingual analysis of social media comments about the arrest of the lawyer in a controversial case to understand the views from the margins, especially from the usual commentators who speak the queen’s language. In another work Motsaathebe (2021) finds that the interactive nature of multimedia platforms enhances public participation and enables plural voices to permeate the public sphere, thereby debilitating the asymmetrical way in which content has always been transmitted. The implication is that these platforms give users real power which means that we can no longer be subjected to one narrative, which is that of professional communicators. It is therefore fitting that the theme of indigenous media on these platforms is slowly beginning to receive scholarly attention (Chari, 2020; Munyadziwa & Mncwango, 2021). Munyadziwa and Mncwango (2021: 311) maintain that “As digital technology advances and as people have better access and education to use it, it becomes easier to maintain and contribute to the survival of the indigenous languages.” This is an important development which will go a long way in enabling indigenous language speakers to assert themselves using their own language.

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Translanguaging in a Social Media Communicative Context Since the study examines online user-generated annotations in an unrestrictive online context, literature on online media and translanguaging was scrutinised. Translanguaging involves bilingual or multilingual discourse practices, while the role of social media platforms in enhancing citizen deliberation on important issues cannot be overstated. It was first developed by Cen Williams in the 1980s to describe the process of using more than one language in a classroom situation. People who are bilingual or multilingual bring more resources to a communicative setting. Although this was originally used in a classroom environment, this method has since developed “from school to street and beyond” (Lewis et al., 2012: 641). They see translanguaging as a spontaneous, everyday way of making meaning, shaping experiences and communication by bilinguals/multilinguals. Therefore, translanguaging provides a great theoretical starting point for the online interaction steeped in language realities in multilingual contexts. According to García (2009: 140), Translanguaging is the act performed by bilinguals of accessing different linguistic features or various modes of what are described as autonomous languages, to maximize communicative potential. It is an approach to bilingualism that is centred, not on languages as has often been the case, but on the practices of bilinguals that are readily observable to make sense of their multilingual worlds.

This chapter looks at the online viewers’ engagement from the perspective of translanguaging because it is more suitable for the discursive context in question. It is seen as a viable practical theory to explain the communication practice (multilingual annotations) studied in this paper. As Motsaathebe and Tsware (2020: 260) noted, “The issue of languages in a multilingual society is an important one as some people’s views may be excluded from the public sphere merely because they lack the language skills to express themselves in the language of discourse.” Hence it is significant that ordinary South Africans who speak indigenous languages are now able to communicate on these platforms through their own languages. In this way, they can use their multilingual resources without confining themselves to one specific language. That is why Chari (2020:

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101) observed that “online readers can switch from English to a mother tongue language or vice versa in a single speech act.” Thus, the role of social media platforms in enhancing public expression on important issues has become highly significant. It gives ordinary people access to the mass media audience and allows them to express their opinion at the touch of a button. Thus, the voices of real people can penetrate the public sphere not only the voices of the elite as in the past. More scholars have begun to research social media comments (see Chari, 2020; Mathe, 2020; Mathe & Caldwell, 2017; Mathe & Motsaathebe, 2022). The English language hegemony in South Africa has drastically affected local languages (Motsaathebe, 2010). English was seen as a language of prestige for a long time. In another study, Motsaathebe (2018) asserts that English language has become a common language of the media at the expense of local communities since language plays a major role in promoting the culture and worldviews of the community of the language being spoken. In the same vein, the oppressors during both colonialism and apartheid, aggressively promoted their cultures, languages and ways of life at the expense of the African indigenous culture, which they labelled as backward, dull and underdeveloped (Motsaathebe, 2011).

Methodology This qualitative research looked at comments by social media users using quasi-virtual ethnography. Because the views of ordinary people with access to the internet can now reach a mass audience and permeate the public sphere, it is crucial that these views be interpreted for their perspectives on issues of public importance. Therefore, this study focused on online readers who commented on the issue and extracted its data from their comments. Since the arrest, I perused more than 400 comments specifically on the “#SABCNews Senzo Meyiwa murder trial,” the YouTube site on which the live proceedings were broadcast online. The channel has over 88,000 views. I purposively followed the comments over a four-month period, starting from 28 April 2022. I followed the comments from that time in order to get a sense of the views of social media users on this matter. This kind of method is very similar to virtual ethnography except that in my case I chose a shorter period instead of a longer period often privileged in ethnographic studies, hence I refer to this method as quasi-virtual ethnography.

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The data was then presented thematically, drawing on the recurring themes from these comments. Thematic analysis is very appropriate because it assists the researcher in discovering recurring ideas in the data in order to make sense of the overarching views emerging from the data. As Alhojailan (2012: 40) observed, Thematic Analysis provides a systematic element to data analysis. It allows the researcher to associate an analysis of the frequency of a theme with one of the whole content. This will confer accuracy and intricacy and enhance the research’s whole meaning.

According to this source, thematic analysis is considered the most appropriate method for any study that seeks to discover using interpretations. Importantly, the thematic analysis goes beyond overt expressions in the data to encapsulate the covert expressions that are not explicit but implied in the data.

Findings The author assessed social media comments by users responding to the arrest of Adv Teffo to determine their perception and attitude towards that development. This arrest was one of the biggest stories at the time. Five overarching issues were discernible from the comments, namely: Fears of state interference and political meddling/suspicions of a highlevel cover-up, the life of the advocate being in danger, disrespect for the decorum of the court, praise for the brave advocate, exasperation and suspicions that the wrong people have been arrested. The tone of issues raised by social media users was also found to be overly negative towards the state and very sympathetic to the advocate. Table 15.1 reflects these themes and some of the comments pertaining to each theme.

Fears of State Interference, Political Meddling and High-level Cover-Up This study found that many social media users had apprehension concerning what many sensed was a cover-up by high-profile people in the police force. This was expressed through comments such as those cited below:

Themes

Danger/fear for the Adv’s life

@Siyabonga Mbanjwa bazombulala lobaba [they will kill this man] @Lindiwe Lindiwe I pray for your safety. your arrest says a lot @Fifi Bathong can Teffo get bodyguards ke worried they will kill my guy! [People can advocate Teffo gets bodyguards. I am worried they will kill my guy]

Fears of state interference

@philani richardo kuboliwe emzansi iqiniso uyalifela vele lapha awubheke nje abantu bedlala ukudidiswa amantshontsho kodwa kulungile iqiniso logcina livelile igazi lomuntu leli bangakhokha benzeni kodwa usenzo uzolwa (People in Mzansi are corrupt. You die from speaking the truth. People are being confused by these corrupt people. The truth will prevail. “the blood of the people speaks even after they are dead” (Zulu))

@Ismail Petersen The min of police is a disgrace & disrespectful towards the law & undermines the court of law. Its scandalous & disgusting to exercise such kind of behaviour. The min is an embarrassment towards society. He should be fired as a minister of police & he should be charged for his instructions @Nyasha Grace Shame to SA justice you have overtaken Zimbabwe justice on corruption Big up to you guys matora chimut

Disrespecting the decorum of the court

Table 15.1 Matrix of issues emerging from online responses

Thabani Nyandeni Kodwa uyinkunzi malanga mr teffo kuyafuneka amadoda anasibindi njengani [we need brave men like you] Moatla Leswika Modimo a gofe maatla morena tefo.o tla dula o le dithapelong tsa rena @Nokuty nje kube nabantu abanjengani teffo siyabadinga thina la esouth africa ungikhumbuza mr mathunjwa unesibindi kabi leyandoda

Praise for the brave advocate

(continued)

Bambanani Yooooo ei kunzima la [it’s hard here] MsMbally Mhhhhhhhh hhayi bandla…[No, People…]

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Fears of state interference

Source Author

Themes

Table 15.1 (continued) Danger/fear for the Adv’s life

Praise for the brave advocate

[“…we need more people like you Teffo here in South Africa. You remind me of Mr. Mathunjwa. He is just brave like you”] (Zulu) @Xolie Ricardo inganekwane lee [This is a legend]

Disrespecting the decorum of the court

@Sugars Pillay The arrest of the advocate in this manner for trespassing just shows something is being discussed behind closed doors @Siphosakhe Majola Dirty and if such happens to advocates what about us poor citizens? @Veronica Maarbeel This only confirms how messed up our justice system is @Thabani Mkhatshwa Adv Teffo arrested at court what drama

Exasperation and suspension that the wrong people have been arrested

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@VusBiyel Something is not right. These intimidation techniques must not be tolerated! @FX Revelation Something fishing here I hope Minister is not involved @Siyabonga Mpangase After Adv Malesela Teffo was arrested today while the case is in progress in court, I am now starting to think he was telling the truth here [when he suggested cover-up]. It’s either Adv Teffo is living in a different world, or he is the answer to what South Africa has always been asking. Thank You Teffo for the explanation @Philani richardo kuboliwe emzansi iqiniso uyalifela vele lapha awubheke nje abantu bedlala ukudidiswa amantshontsho kodwa kulungile iqiniso logcina livelile igazi lomuntu leli bangakhokha benzeni kodwa usenzo uzolwa. [People in South Africa are corrupt. You die from speaking the truth. People are being confused by these corrupt people. The truth will prevail. ‘The blood of the people speaks even after they are dead’] (Zulu))

The cover-up theory is not new. Although it has been claimed that Meyiwa was shot dead during a robbery gone wrong, there have been allegations of a suspected cover-up. The version has been doing the rounds after many years passed without any breakthrough in the case. The Meyiwa family spoke out about a lack of action regarding the case. The Sunday Independent reported that the narrative that Meyiwa was murdered in a robbery gone wrong was part of a cover-up for what really happened. The newspaper reported that it was an imaginary robbery gone wrong as part of a cover-up which involved senior police officers. The paper further explains that Senzo was accidentally shot when he tried to intervene in a quarrel between Khumalo’s sister, Zandi, and her boyfriend, Longwe Twala. The paper alleges that the police who attended the scene of the crime withheld crucial information as part of that coverup. The arrest of Advocate Teffo by police at this crucial moment when there was progress in the case after six years of inaction appeared to fuel that narrative. The cover-up narrative was further exacerbated by

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the suspicious death of one of the witnesses meant to testify in the trial, Brigadier Philani Ndlovu, just weeks before the trial resumed. He was one of the first police officers to respond to the scene where Meyiwa was murdered and was expected to appear as the State’s witness. As one of the commenters called @BeeNzo puts it: “It is shocking that state never saw it fit to get the statement in this case docket from brigadier Ndlovu .” who played a huge role in guiding Mosia through the scene

Life in Danger Comments suggested that respondents were worried about the life of the advocate. As one respondent said, “bazombulala lobaba [they will kill this man].” Respondents said the adv’s life was in danger. Other comments felt that the advocate touched a wrong nerve and that his life was potentially in danger: Below are some of the examples: @Siyabonga Mbanjwa bazombulala lobaba [they will kill this man] (Zulu) @Xolile Phillip nkokheli yam qina ndoda ngekhe ophezulu akuyekele yomelela (My leader, be strong. The one above will never forsake you) .......people of South Africa must protect you nd you nid protection as I see your life is in danger brother qina ndoda sifuna umntu onjengawe kweli lizwe kodwa ke asazi iyophelelaphi lenyewe [be strong man, we need more people like you in this country, but we do not know what will become of this country] (Xhosa) @Lindiwe Lindiwe I pray for your safety. your arrest says a lot. @Nkonzos Magalela Iqiniso lizobhoboka is’gcino kodwa, silindile (Zulu)

[The truth will prevail]

@Fifi Bathong can Teffo get bodyguards ke worried they will kill my guy! [People can advocate Teffo gets bodyguards. I am worried they will kill my guy]

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Disrespect for the Decorum of the Court There was a strong sentiment that the police’s action to arrest the advocate inside the court was a disrespect for the decorum of the court. Some online users questioned if it was acceptable for the advocate to be arrested within the court chamber. Zondo—said it was disrespect. @Ismail Petersen The min of police is a disgrace & disrespectful towards the law & undermines the court of law. It’s scandalous & disgusting to exercise such kind of behaviour. The min is an embarrassment towards society. He should be fired as a minister of police & he should be charged for his instructions.

This sentiment was also bolstered by popular public sentiments. For instance, Chief Justice Ramond Zond lambasted the incident saying, “the conduct of the SAPS in effecting the arrest inside the courtroom and the manner in which the arrest was effected on a legal practitioner and, therefore, on an officer of the court, was an assault on the dignity of the court and the judiciary,” Zondo as cited in (Ferreira, 2022).

Praise for the Brave Advocate There was also adulation for the advocate for his resolve to get to the bottom of the issue that many people believe is a cover-up. Commenters noted that they appreciated the bravery of the advocate in taking the state head-on and presenting a version that seems to discredit a state witness. As one of the online users commented, “morena a go fe maatla” [May God give you strength]. Comments suggested that social media users had a hope that Adv Teffo would solve the case that had persisted for eight years and that the state was doing all it could to prevent him from getting to the crux of the case. As one commenter said, “I feel like I learn something new every time.” Some like Koketso Molaoa even suggested that the advocate must be a president. @Xolie Ricardo inganekwane lee @Keketso Molaoa

[This is a legend] (Zulu).

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Advocate Tefo for President @Thabani Nyandeni Kodwa uyinkunzi malanga mr teffo kuyafuneka amadoda anasibindi njengani [You are a legend; we need brave men like you] (Xhosa) @Moatla Leswika Modimo a gofe maatla morena tefo.o tla dula o le dithapelong tsa rena [God give you strength Adv Teffo, we will keep you in our prayers] (Sotho/Tswana) @Nokuty nje kube nabantu abanjengani teffo siyabadinga thina la esouth africa ungikhumbuza mr mathunjwa unesibindi kabi leyandoda. [“...we need more people like you Teffo here in South Africa. You remind me of Mr. Mathunjwa. He is just brave like you”] (Zulu)

The last comment also likens Teffo’s bravery to Mr Mathunjwa apparently referring to Joseph Mathunjwa who is the leader of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union and was very vocal against the state action during the Marikana crises. It was important to make sense of these views as the case evolves rather than waiting for it to come to a conclusion. The study tries also to make sense of changing perspectives as the case unfolds.

Exasperation and Suspicions that the Wrong People Have Been Arrested Social media users also expressed frustration because just as they thought there was some progress with the case being tried in court something like that happened. They noted that they appreciated the advocate who presented a strong case against the state. They also lambasted the police for causing the delay in the case by arresting Adv Teffo and also questioned the timing of the arrest. Several respondents wanted an explanation as to why the advocate had to be arrested in the middle of the case. Others expressed frustration at the case as it has protracted for a long time and that there was always something whenever there was some progress. Below are some of the comments expressing this exasperation. @MsMbally

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Mhhhhhhhh hhayi bandla...[People…] shoked by the proceedings of the case and what is becoming of it) Zulu @Bambanani united records Yooooo ei kunzima la [ Yho! it’s hard here]

There was a strong sentiment that the wrong people have been arrested. These sentiments were fuelled by initial speculation that one of the people who were in the house with Senzo at the time pulled the trigger. This was further fuelled at the first appearance of the five accused when they contended that they were wrongly implicated. Online users appear to be having suspicions regarding what they see as corruption in the case as indicated by the sentiments cited below. @Betty Khauoe Minister must account why this case took so long and even the wrong people arrested, why not people who were present in the house we knew something is wrong from the start

Others felt that there was just way too much corruption and bribery in the case which is the reason why the case keeps on dragging without a solution. As one online user puts it: @Thoba Mcambi Imali eyenzicala Lika. Senzo libenje ucele ushilo ukuthi ngubani akamkhingani manje angithi bayakhuluma abakwameuiwa kuthi wafika wabatshela ukuthi Unani imbuzi akaboshwangani. Kusobala ukhokhelwenaye [Money is the problem in this Senzo’s case. Minister Cele did point to the culprit. He even told the family who is the suspect. May he, Cele, has taken bribe as well]

Discussion This study considered how readers’ multilingual comments contribute to a broader understanding of the case from multiple perspectives and how some of these sentiments question the independence of the country’s justice system based on the evaluation of the online audience’s responses to the arrest of Adv Teffo. A crucial finding in this analysis is that the multiple voices of the online audience form an important discursive community. The interesting aspect of their responses is that they were

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multilingual. This was contrary to the expectation that online users privilege the use of English. It seems reasonable to suggest that online users are more likely to use the language that they are comfortable with, which includes their mother tongue. A rather interesting find from this study is the way in which the users at times interact by responding to each other’s comments, forming a discursive community. Another pertinent observation is that their voice has an urgency. These media platforms provide them with the opportunity to speak back to have a voice even though their reaction would not be officially taken into consideration by the authorities. This dovetails with the research literature. For instance, Mathe and Caldwell (2017) found that some perspectives are stable and can change depending on the change in media discourse. The fear is not farfetched considering how long it has taken to arrest the suspect. It is clear that ordinary people have the ability to challenge the authoritative tenor often ascribed to the elite. There was also an urgency to use these African languages and one online user by the name of Riro even criticised the advocate for continuing to speak English, saying Kutheni uthetha isingesi nje Advocate? Kaloku umoya (airtime) wokuthetha ulwimi lwamangesi uhamba uphele kuthi bantu. Lonto ixhomekeke ekubeni wena uthenge umoya wamalini(ufunde waphelelaphi na)? [Advocate, why are you speaking in English? For some of us, our translation and comprehension of English get depleted (like airtime). And that depends on how much airtime (education level) you have loaded on yourself to understand.] (Xhosa)

The above comment is interesting as it is also figurative. The commenter uses the analogy of airtime for the level of English proficiency/comprehension. If you have enough airtime on your phone, it means you can say enough and understand enough. However, if it is low, (like low education level) it affects your level of understanding and how much you can say.

The Reclamation of African Languages and Pride as Part of the Broader Discourse There was also an indication that people were thrilled to be part of the broader discourse on an important issue via a mass media platform. This

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was not the case in the past as aptly articulated by Munyadziwa and Mncwango’s (2021: 312) when they posit “The dominance of English has continued to marginalise the use of indigenous languages and inadvertently resulted in language shift. Language shift has seen the majority of speakers of indigenous languages use dominant languages like English.” It is clear that this is beginning to change as a result of the penetration of multimedia platforms which are less restrictive in terms of which language users can use to communicate. The user’s happiness in being able to communicate in their own language and being part of this broader discourse can be adduced in the comment below: @Melusi Sikhakhane ngibuka ngiphansi eNtumbane kokumanzabomvu uPongolo [I am joining this conversation from eNtumbane, Kokumanzabomvu, Opongolo (Zulu praise, pride] @Monde Herstory Hayi! ziyakhala! (Things are happening, Ziyasha) Zulu

Other interesting views were expressed by the online users. For instance, others felt that if Senzo was not living the type of lifestyle he lived which was characterised by promiscuous behaviour, he would still be alive. See the comment below for example: @Bee Sting Ukube uSenzo akafebelanga lomkakhe ngabe mhlampe usaphila namhlanje. Nx ey madoda (If Senzo was not promiscuous/sleeping around (if he was loyal to his wife) he would still be alive. Eish! Eish! Men!!

It was also interesting that the indigenous languages used in these online comments were Zulu, Xhosa and Sotho/Tswana. There could be several reasons for this. Firstly, the Zulus are in majority. Also, Senzo was a Zulu and therefore had a close affinity to Zulu speakers. Nonetheless, it is interesting that other African languages did not seem to permeate the discourse on that particular platform in spite of the fact that “South Africa is a true multi-lingual society with an assortment of ethnical language groups such as Vhavenda (Vendas), Bapedi (Pedis), Batswana (Tswanas), Basotho (Sothos), amaZulu (Zulus), amaXhosa (Xhosas), amaSwati (Swazis), Matsonga/Machangana (Tsongas/Shangaans), amaNdebele

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(Ndebeles), the Khoi (Sans), Indians, Coloureds, Afrikaners and the English” (Motsaathebe, 2011: 97). Ultimately, the study shows that these languages have a developed orthodoxy in spite of their marginal status. It is clear that they are able to hold their fort in such communicative contexts. This finding was very interesting because scholars often pander to the colonial narrative that insists that these languages are not fully developed. Juxtaposed against literature, the findings show that online remarks in the African language are becoming a very popular way for users to express themselves. What this shows is that there is now an urgency for people to reclaim their linguistic identity. This is undoubtedly a move in the right direction. Thus, voices from the margins are increasingly permeating the public sphere/net sphere. Furthermore, the online readers’ comments that are the focus of this study create opportunities for citizens to debate issues in their mother languages. These virtual spaces become “counter-hegemonic spaces” in the words of Chari (2020). At one stage, one online user even reminded the lawyers to speak in their own languages. This veers towards what I see as a reclamation of our own ways outside the confines of colonial contexts, and this makes the work of entities that are concerned about the struggle for minoritized languages more relevant than before. The findings confirm Munyadziwa and Mncwango’s (2021) assertion that people’s interaction on social/online media platforms has contributed to the promotion of African indigenous languages when more people use these languages. It was also found that while most of the respondents prefer using the English language on social media, they code-mix or code-switch between English and their indigenous languages. Overall, the tone of online users was very negative towards the state. The online comments were also in agreement with reactions from other people. For instance, Chief Justice Raymond Zondo was also equally negative towards the in-court arrest which he strongly condemned. In the Mail & Guardian, he said “the arrest of anybody, let alone a legal practitioner, inside a courtroom, is completely unacceptable and should not have happened,” (Ferreira, 2022, np). He went on to say that “There was no justifiable reason why the SAPS could not have waited for Adv Teffo to leave the courtroom and the court premises before they could arrest him,”. Then he pointed out that section 165(4) of the constitution obliged all organs of state, including

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the South African Police Service, to assist and protect the courts to ensure their dignity, impartiality and effectiveness.

Conclusion The study found that online media comments in African languages are becoming very popular and that people are becoming very comfortable with using them. This challenges the authoritative power and hegemony of the English language in the digital media space. Readers’ comments were considered to know how they contribute to a broader understanding of the case from multiple perspectives. Equally, it was also determined how some of these sentiments question the independence of the country’s justice system. The study identified five themes, namely fears of state interference and political meddling and intimidation tactics, adoration for the brave advocate, disrespect for the decorum of the court, suspicions of a high-level cover-up and the suspicions that the wrong people have been arrested. The findings also indicate that respondents formed a discursive community, affirming the idea of a digital public sphere advanced by Motsaathebe and Tsware (2020). Findings also provide insights into the ability of those languages to impact mainstream discourse. They also reinforce the need to use African languages to convey sentiments from speakers of those languages in a platform that has for a long time been dominated by the English language. The chapter concludes that the ability to converse in their mother tongue enables these speakers to articulate their views in the language that they are comfortable with. This type of discourse brings another dimension to the views often privileged in the mainstream media. The findings are particularly significant for their illumination of how ordinary people perceive the trial beyond the elitist view often prioritised in the mainstream. Such communicative contexts represent another vital site of African language legitimisation. One of the limitations of this study was that it was conducted over a relatively short period. Nonetheless, the study succeeded in offering useful insights into the way speakers of languages other than English feel about the incident and the rest of the case. With regard to further prospects, it is recommended that future studies look at these multilingual communicative contexts from other perspectives such as Systemic Functional Linguistics, Stylistics and Discourse Analysis.

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References Alhojailan, M. I. (2012). Thematic analysis: A critical review of its process and evaluation. West East Journal of Social Sciences., 1(1), 39–47. Bosch, E. (2021, March 5). Senzo Meyiwa: Six years of murder mystery. Times Live. https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/202103-05-watch-senzo-meyiwa-six-years-of-murder-mystery/ Chari, T. (2020). Breaking protocol: Indigenous language usage practices in online readers’ comments in Zimbabwe. In A. Salawu (Ed.), African language digital media and communication (pp. 102–119). Routledge. Ferreira, E. (2022, May 4). Zondo calls Teffo arrest an affront to judiciary. Mail & Guardian. https://mg.co.za/news/2022-05-04-zondo-calls-teffoarrest-an-affront-to-judiciary/#:~:text=Chief%20Justice%20Raymond%20Z ondo%20has,police’s%20attempts%20to%20justify%20it. García, O. (2009). Education, multilingualism and translanguaging in the 21st century. In A. Mohanty, M. Panda, R. Phillipson & T. SkutnabbKangas (Eds.), Multilingual education for social justice: Globalising the local (pp. 128–145). Orient Blackswan. Gündüz, U. (2017). The effect of social media on identity construction. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 8. https://doi.org/10.1515/mjss-20170026. Lewis, G., Jones, B., & Baker, C. (2012). Translanguaging: Origins and development from school to street and beyond. Educational Research and Evaluation, 18(7), 641–654. https://doi.org/10.1080/13803611.2012.718488 Mabuza, E., Pijoos, I., & Shange, N. (2020, October 27). Leaked NPA doc links Kelly Khumalo to suspect in Senzo Meyiwa murder. SowetanLive. https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/2020-10-27-leaked-npa-doclinks-kelly-khumalo-to-suspect-in-senzo-meyiwa-murder/ Mafolo, K. (2022, June 20). Senzo Meyiwa murder: Meet the 5 men on trial and the lawyer who demands to know why Kelly Khumalo isn’t there too. The Daily Maverick.https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2022-06-20-senzomeyiwa-murder-how-the-5-accused-ended-up-in-the-dock/ Mathe, L. (2020). Discourses on race and social inequalities through social media and live parliamentary debates in South Africa: A content analysis. Communicare: Journal for Communication Sciences in Southern Africa, 39(2), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.10520/ejc-comcare-v39-n2-a1 Mathe, L., & Caldwell, M. (2017). A content analysis of readers’ comments on political and economic news articles from Zimbabwe online media. KRE Journal of Communication, 8(1), 56–68. https://doi.org/10.31901/245 66586.2017/08.01.174 Mathe, L., & Motsaathebe, G. (2022). Discursive communities, protest, Xenophobia, and looting in South Africa: A social network analysis. Communicatio, 48(1), 102–126. https://doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2022.2083204

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Motsaathebe, G. (2010). Language, Afrikology and the tremor of the political moment: English as the main language of discourse in Africa. Indilinga: African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IAJIKS), 9(1), 96–117. Motsaathebe, G. (2011). Book publishing in indigenous languages in South Africa. Indilinga: African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge Systems, 10(1), 115–127. Motsaathebe, G. (2018). When the subaltern speaks: Re-examining indigenous language media as alternative public sphere during colonial South Africa. Journal of African Media Studies, 10(2), 169–182. Motsaathebe, G. (2021). Understanding dynamics of broadcast operations driven by a converged, digital ecosystem. Paper presented at the “Broadcast Media Convention of Southern Africa 2021”, held from 2–4 November 2021 Cape Town, South Africa. Motsaathebe, G., & Tsware, S. (2020). The implication of gatekeeping on talk radio. In S. Chiumbu & G. Motsaathebe (Eds.), Public life and citizen deliberation in South Africa (pp. 251–266). Routledge. Munyadziwa, M. A., & Mncwango, E. M. (2021). Promoting the use of indigenous languages on social media. International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science (IJRISS), 1(1), 310–314.

PART III

Health and Environmental Crisis and Indigenous Indigenous Language Media

CHAPTER 16

Impact of Covid-19 on an Indigenous Language Newspaper, Kwayedza Takunda Maodza

Introduction The Kwayedza is a Zimpapers Shona language publication established in 1985 when Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF government made efforts to decolonize the press and ensuring access to news by citizens in their own language. That the newspaper was established within Zimbabwe’s first decade of independence is reflective of the importance government attaches to Kwayedza, a newspaper whose circulation is mainly confined to Mashonaland, Midlands and Masvingo (provinces dominated Shona speakers). For Matabeleland region, the government controlled Zimpapers Group through its Chronicle offices in Bulawayo, established another vernacular newspaper, UMthunywa, which publishes in the Ndebele language. Consequently, its circulation is primarily restricted to Matabeleland regions. The establishment of Kwayedza and UMthunywa challenged

T. Maodza (B) Media, Communication, Film and Theatre Arts, Midlands State University (MSU), Zvishavane, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_16

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an elite oriented national press, and was a response to, “challenges that emerged with independence such as the need for national development, reconciliation and the new political reality of black majority rule” (Mabweazara, 2006: 13). Kwayedza and UMthunywa were established “at a time when government had initiated massive literacy campaigns that not only catered for school children but also for adults throughout the country” (Matenda, 2001: 9) and their inception was, “in keeping with the challenges of nation building, development, decolonization and reconciliation”. It is clear, therefore, that the establishment of vernacular language newspapers as Kwayedza and UMthunywa was inspired by the need to promote national development and to satisfy the information needs of marginalized Zimbabweans largely domiciled in rural areas ignored by the English language newspapers. Kwayedza like its sister paper UMthunywa is popular among rural folks in Zimbabwe. Whereas existing scholarship on the impact of Covid-19 on the media in Zimbabwe focuses on mainstream English language media (Chibuwe et al., 2022), there is scarcity of research on how the pandemic affected indigenous language newspapers such as the Kwayedza. This study attends this academic lacuna. By virtue of its status as Zimbabwe’s major indigenous language newspaper catering for the information requirements of marginalized communities, the Kwayedza must play a leading role in the fight against global pandemics such as Covid-19. It is pertinent, therefore, to interrogate how the Covid-19 pandemic disrupted the operations of this iconic newspapers, which has been in circulation for the past three and half decades. Firstly, because the Kwayedza caters for the information needs of the marginalized communities. Secondly, because English language newspapers such as The Herald, Daily News and NewsDay are largely profit oriented and elitist in their editorial approach and do not treat rural communities as potential lucrative sources of advertisements and readership. The newspaper industry survives on advertisements and newspaper sales (Smythe, 1981). This explains why the Kwayedza has remained a favorite among marginalized rural communities in Zimbabwe, a fact acknowledged by Gudhlanga (2005: 64) when she emphasizes the need for Zimbabwe to “produce more newspapers in indigenous languages because this is what the locals, especially the rural population, enjoy reading”. It is in this context that the study examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on Kwayedza, as the voice of the marginalized rural communities in Zimbabwe. By extension, this study also locates Kwayedza’s role in combating Covid-19, and the challenges it faced in

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executing such a duty owing to the Covid-19 pandemic. The media play an important role during pandemics such as Covid-19 (Chibuwe et al., 2022; Macfarlane & Rocha, 2020; Tarakini et al., 2021). Therefore, this study investigates how Covid-19 adversely or beneficially disrupted the editorial operations of Kwayedza (traditional news production cultures). Further, the study highlights the new doors of opportunity opened by the novel virus for Kwayedza—the extent to which Covid-19 is a blessing in disguise for the newspaper. Covid-19 is a pandemic caused by the novel coronavirus known as severe acute respiratory syndrome. The outbreak of Covid-19 is traceable to Wuhan City, Hubei Province, China in December 2019 (Huang et al., 2020). Covid-19 was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organisation (WHO) on 11 March 2020. By the time it was declared a pandemic, it had infected thousands globally as scientists battled to devise treatment. Africa recorded her first case of Covid-19 on 14 February 2020 after Egypt announced that a foreign national had tested positive to the virus. Zimbabwe confirmed her first Covid-19 case on 20 March 2020 after “a foreigner living in Victoria Falls, who appeared to have been infected in Britain, acted irresponsibly on his return” (Madzianike & Madzimure, 2020; Tarakini et al., 2021; Tshabangu & Salawu, 2022). The virus killed thousands and infected many more in developed economies of the China, United States of America, Italy and Russia causing panic in Africa, which is generally considered the world’s poorest continent, and consequently, incapacitated to initiate preventive or treatment measures on her own. By 15 July 2022, Africa had recorded 12,423,000 Covid-19 infections and 256,000 deaths (Reuters Covid-19 tracker).

Literature View The Media and Covid-19 in Zimbabwe Existing scholarship on the media and Covid-19 in Zimbabwe focuses on the role the media play in aiding the fight against the global pandemic (Tarakini et al., 2021). Tarakini et al. (2021) examine how different forms of the media in Zimbabwe were deployed to disseminate information on Covid-19. They argue that Zimbabweans depended more on social media platforms such as Facebook, Tik tok and WhatsApp to access information on the Covid-19 pandemic and seldom relied on the traditional media such as radio, television and newspapers. Tarakini et al. (2021)

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conclude that “traditional methods of information dissemination were less effective and people could trust social media for delivery of important information”. They advocate the regulation of “information posted on social media considering the huge numbers depending on it for information”. Their findings underscore the essential role social media plays in influencing societal perceptions and behaviors. Others scholars such as Munoriyarwa and Chibuwe (2022) comparatively interrogate the framing of the Covid-19 pandemic by two Zimbabwean weekly newspapers—state controlled Sunday Mail and privately owned Daily News on Sunday. They note that “the state controlled press (Sunday Mail ) broadly adopted a broadly episodic framing approach that focused on the state’s Covid-19 intervention overtime, mostly presenting these interventions as a success story” whereas the “private press attempted to hold the state to account”. Munoriyarwa and Chibuwe (2022) suggest that the state controlled press practiced “sunshine journalism” by embarking on the “hear, speak and see no evil news framing approach”. Put in other words, the Zimbabwean press remained politically polarized as witnessed in early 2000s when the state owned and controlled media practiced “patriotic journalism” while the privately owned press embarked on “oppositional/adversarial journalism” (Chibuwe, 2020; Maodza, 2017; Ranger, 2005). Patriotic journalism balkanized and compartmentalized Zimbabweans into heroes and sellouts whereas oppositional journalism blatantly advocated regime change (Robert Mugabe’s regime fall)—and was representative of the Zimbabwean media landscape during the ZANU-PF led government’s land reform exercise and black economic empowerment programs. Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) deploy the constructive journalism theoretical lenses to scrutinize how the state controlled The Herald negotiated/framed the Covid-19 and argue that how the media report on pandemics is influenced by “the national interest, journalistic culture and editorial policies”. The constructive journalism theory is concerned with infusing positive angles into news stories. Proponents of the theory— Danish journalists Catherine Gyldensted and Ulrik Haagerup—suggest that negativity/bias in news “may lead to public frustration with journalism” (Bro, 2019: 516). It is a theory that rides on the assumption that “constructive news leads to positive emotions”. The assumption is that constructive journalism provides solutions and avoids scaremongering. In their findings, Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) conclude that The Herald employed positive frames in its coverage of the Covid-19 pandemic—“The

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Herald often used some of the constructive elements…in response to the pandemic in order to encourage people to be responsible and play a part in fighting the pandemic”. They also observe that The Herald depended on official sources for stories on the pandemic and this explains its adoption of positive frames. Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) also argue that The Herald stories “sometimes overestimated the country’s capacity to respond to the pandemic through constructive articles laden with puffery and patriotism” while ignoring stories on how some government officials plundered resources meant to fight the pandemic. This again exposes The Herald’s tendency to practice patriotic journalism—a journalism that pays no attention to government’s shortcomings. As part of their data gathering methods, Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) also harvest readers’ reactions to The Herald’s Facebook page stories. They observe that readers were hostile to the articles. This lead them into concluding that “The Herald’s use of Constructive Journalism elements in reporting Covid-19 did not lead to positive emotions as anticipated in theory”. Chibuwe et al. (2022) examine the impact of Covid-19 on the media in Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa. They interrogate the extent the pandemic disrupted newsroom operations and highlight the gains realized by the media courtesy of Covid-19. In a study riding on interviews with selected journalists at selected media houses in the three southern African nations, Chibuwe et al. (2022) observe that the Covid19 pandemic disrupted news sourcing practices and quality of stories. Where journalists used to meet their sources privately, they no longer were able owing to Covid-19 lockdowns that restricted face-to-face interactions. This meant contacting sources via telephone interviews and through virtual instruments and platforms. Naturally, sources are allergic to such modus operandi and are bound to snub interviews for fear of snooping. According to Chibuwe et al. (2022: 9), therefore, there was “unprecedented reconfiguration of news sourcing routines precipitated by Covid-19…”. Owing to rigid lockdown regimes instituted by government, journalists worked from home while those in television broadcasting were in a serious quandary as the nature of their jobs demands visuals—and this means interacting with sources of information, and physically covering events. On a positive note, however, in Zimbabwe the Covid-19 outbreak mended relations between government and the privately owned media with Chibuwe et al. (2022: 9) observing that “the privately owned media (hitherto treated as enemies of the state) were allowed to cover events at State house at which the President presided”.

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Government officials created Whatsapp groups and added journalists from all media houses in a bid to ensure constant supply of important Covid19 related information to the media. Chibuwe et al. (2022: 9) also argue that the Covid-19 outbreak in Zimbabwe witnessed restoration of public trust in the media as “the media gained more trust from viewers, listeners and readers as they became the sources of authentic news”. Inasmuch as Chibuwe et al. (2022: 9) contribution is significant insofar as it exposes the impact of Covid-19 on the media in southern Africa, it is restricted to mainstream English language media, and deliberately ignores its effect on the indigenous language media such as Kwayedza, which is the subject of this study. In Zimbabwe, Chibuwe et al. (2022: 9) concentrate on how the pandemic affected the operations of the state controlled Sunday Mail and The Herald published by Zimpapers, while also scrutinizing its impact of the privately owned Daily News, Daily News on Sunday, (published by ANZ) and NewsDay and the Standard (published by Alpha Media Holdings). There is no effort whatsoever to interrogate how the pandemic disrupted operations of indigenous language media as Kwayedza or UMthunywa. This paper contends that Kwayedza and UMthunywa are important players in Zimbabwe’s media industry to escape the researchers’ gaze—not just from the decolonial perspective—but by their virtue as representing a constituency marginalized by mainstream English language media. Further, other scholars as Tarakini et al. (2021), Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) are not interested in the impact of Covid-19 on the media—which is this study’s locus of enunciation. Tarakini et al. (2021) locate the role of social media in the fight against Covid-19 and conclude that new media is a vital and viable tool in spreading information on pandemics when compared to traditional media such as newspapers, radio and television. On their part, Tshabangu and Salawu (2022) use the constructive journalism theoretical lenses to assess how the state controlled The Herald newspaper framed the Covid19 pandemic and conclude that Zimbabwe’s oldest newspaper adopted positive frames to no effect as readers reacted negatively to the stories. This study detours from existing scholarship as it an investigation into the impact of Covid-19 pandemic on the operations of indigenous language media. It focuses specifically on Kwayedza, a Shona language newspaper whose primary mandate is ensuring access to news by Zimbabweans domiciled in marginalized rural communities in their own language.

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Theoretical Framework The study deploys the political economy of the media theory and the sociology of news production model in understanding the implications of the Covid-19 pandemic on the operations of Kwayedza. Zimpapers, a government controlled media conglomerate, publishes Kwayedza. It was established within Zimbabwe’s first decade of independence in 1985. Zimpapers introduced Kwayedza as a response to government efforts at decolonizing a media landscape hitherto dominated by an elitist mainstream English language press, which biasedly catered for the political, economic and social interests of white Rhodesians. Kwayedza’s primary mandate is to disseminate news in Shona aiding “the communicative and informative purposes of the media” in marginalized communities (Mpofu & Salawu, 2018). The Kwayedza’s editorial disposition—be it in terms of texts generated or the manner it disseminates news—is therefore tied down to serving the interests of government. It is in this context that this study utilizes the political economy of the media theory to illustrate how Covid-19 disrupted Kwayedza from meeting its primary obligation of disseminating information to marginalized communities in line with its core mandate. This study exposes the extent to which Kwayedza might have ignored the goals for which it was established as it struggled for survival and profits in an environment disrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. The researcher is of the view that in adopting digital news dissemination instruments as the e-paper, Facebook, Twitter and Youtube, the Kwayedza turned elitist and exclusionary. Kwayedza ceased to be the voice of the marginalized Shona communities, who lack the means to access the newspaper on line for various reasons including lack of internet connectivity, punitive data cost and digital illiteracy. From a media studies perspective, political economy examines the structure of the media in relation to the ideology of the dominant class in society. As noted by Kellner and Durham (2001: 18–19), “political economy grounds its approach within empirical analysis of the actual systems of cultural production investigating the constrains and structural influence of the dominant capitalist economic system and a commercialized system of culture”. Equally, the political economy of the media model aids this study in understanding the extent to which Kwayedza reneged on its primary mandate—availing news to the marginalized Shona communities in a mode most understandable to them—in pursuit of survival and profits.

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The sociology of news production theory as espoused by Michael Schudson (2003) illuminates on how the Covid-19 pandemic disrupted the news generation processes at Kwayedza. News production follows a ritualized process that entails frequent physical and non-physical interactions between journalists and their sources as suggested by Schudson (2003: 134) when he asserts, “News is a product of transactions between journalists and their sources”. Through this theory, this study seeks to understand how the Covid-19 disrupted news sourcing practices at Kwayedza and the extent it comprised on quality of stories generated.

Methodology This study adopts a qualitative research methodology and deploys interviews with purposively selected journalists at Kwayedza to get first-hand information on their experiences as news hunters, writers and disseminators during the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic. The intention is to establish, through empirical evidence, the extent Covid-19 disrupted news production and dissemination processes at Kwayedza. News production is a ritualistic process that entails physical and non-physical engagement with potential sources of information. It also involves writing stories to the satisfaction of editors and in line with a media house’s editorial policy. The study is qualitative in its approach as it is largely descriptive. It describes how Covid-19 unsettled news generation and dissemination cultures at Kwayedza and the extent it empowered or disempowered the newspaper from effectively delivering on its mandate—disseminating news to marginalized communities in a language, format and platform they fully comprehend. The qualitative research methodology captures individual aspects of human experiences (Polit & Beck, 2004: 16; Streutbert & Carpenter, 1999: 15). It also, “involves taking people’s subjective experiences seriously as the essence of what is real for them, making sense of people’s experiences by interacting with them and carefully listening to what they say” Ncube (2014: 9). In his adoption of the qualitative research approach, the researcher is convinced that the quantitative methodology relies exclusively on quantitative methods and fails when issues under study are subjective to interpretation of participants. Through purposive sampling, the researcher interviewed five senior journalists at Kwayedza including its editor Patrick Shamba to get first-hand information on how Covid-19 affected their operations as newsgatherers, reporters and editors. The Kwayedza has four permanently employed

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journalists based at its headquarters at The Herald House in Harare, Zimbabwe, and correspondents across the country. Zimpapers has stringent protocols when it comes to communication with outsiders and reporters interviewed spoke on condition of anonymity to safeguard their jobs. Protocol at Kwayedza only mandates the editor to grant interviews to outsiders and this explains why in this study only Shamba speaks on record. In the next section, the researcher presents and discusses findings of the study. The findings are presented thematically under the following main leitmotifs: Covid-19 buries hardcopy Kwayedza, Covid19 widens Kwayedza’s digital range and Covid-19 disrupts Kwayedza’s news sourcing practices. Thematic analysis is deployed to analyze data.

Presentation and Discussion of Findings Covid-19 Virus Buries Hardcopy Kwayedza Zimpapers—the publishers of Kwayedza—stopped hard copy printing and physical distribution of Zimbabwe’s only Shona language newspaper owing to the impact of Covid-19 pandemic. In circulation for the past 37 years, the Kwayedza completely migrated from a hard copy newspaper to digital spaces such as Facebook, Twitter and Youtube. It also introduced an e-paper. This sudden transition ignored that fact since its establishment in 1985; Kwayedza catered for and served the interests of marginalized communities in Zimbabwe. In an interview with the researcher on 22 September 2022, Kwayedza editor, Patrick Shamba, admitted that the newspaper’s editorial bias is largely toward the usually marginalized Shona communities. Zimbabwe’s mainstream English newspapers The Herald, Daily News and NewsDay are elitist in their editorial posture and circulation as they are confined to major cities and towns. This is unlike the Kwayedza, which accommodates Zimbabweans marginalized by their geographical locations (rural areas) and literacy levels (being not conversant in English in Zimbabwe is associated with illiteracy). The Kwayedza’s abrupt evolution from printed hard copies to digital spaces ultimately disempowered the newspaper from effectively playing a critical role in the fight against Covid-19. This is so as its traditional readers are the marginalized citizens with little access to internet or modern mobile phones and suffer exclusion from digital spaces. Kwayedza editor, Shamba, confirmed that the printing of

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Kwayedza ceased owing to the global pandemic. In an interview with the researcher on 22 September 2022, Shamba noted: All along, we were printing hard copies of Kwayedza newspapers, distributing and selling them by the roadside, shops and schools until recently. Come 2019, there was an outbreak of a disease Covid-19, but it only spread to Zimbabwe on 20 March 2020… As Zimpapers, we then sat down and took decision on how to combat Covid-19. We took advantage of the Covid-19 outbreak to stop publishing hard copies of Kwayedza. It is very true that Covid-19 affected us but it forced us embrace the digital platforms. We introduced a digital newspaper and stopped the hard copy Kwayedza. We started pushing Kwayedza on our digital platforms besides our website. We increased our presence and visibility on Facebook and other such internet based platforms.

Shamba claimed Covid-19 dissuaded the newspaper’s staunch readers from buying hard copies of Kwayedza as a precautionary measure as the disease easily spreads through touching surfaces or objects contaminated by the virus. The Kwayedza became a potential vehicle for spreading the virus and this partly explains why its readers shunned it. Shamba was, however, quick to indicate that although the Kwayedza was on digital platforms prior to the outbreak of Covid-19 in Zimbabwe, it was not very active and only upped its visibility on many such spaces owing to the devastating blows from the virus. “Although we were on internet already and we had digital products, we were not pushing or promoting them as we later did after the outbreak of Covid-19”. Shamba attributed the Kwayedza’s visibility on Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and its introduction for the first time of an e-paper to Covid-19. It is important to note that Zimpapers did not instantly stop printing hard copies of the Kwayedza. It did so gradually. Firstly, it reduced the Kwayedza to a page incorporated in its English language sister paper, The Herald. Published daily in Shona language, the page exclusively focused on the Covid-19 pandemic. It was highly educative and informational. Later, Zimpapers wholly stopped printing and distributing hard copies of Kwayedza as confirmed by its editor, Shamba. We were incorporated as a page in The Herald, which we titled Corona handi jee (Covid-19 is not a joke). The page was amalgamated into The Herald daily and was dedicated to Covid-19 stories only. In the past, we relied totally on the printed hardcopy version of Kwayedza but this

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changed completely. Covid-19 forced us to embrace the multimedia aspect. As a company we boldly took a decision that since Covid-19 is affecting Kwayedza what measures must we implement? Where are our readers going? How do we overcome the challenge caused by Covid-19? How do we regain our readership? We had to devise ways for Kwayedza to reach its traditional readers in their homes as they were locked down (by government restrictions on movement). We realized we could not reach them through hard copy sales. People who used to buy Kwayedza from the street corners and from shop shelves were no longer able owing to lockdowns. We turned to Facebook, twitter, Youtube, and on our website, to retain our readership and give them news in Shona (Interview with researcher on 22 September 2022)

Another senior Zimpapers staffer, however, contradicted Shamba as to why the Kwayedza was initially reduced to a page incorporated in The Herald. Speaking on condition of anonymity, the senior news manager said it was a directive from the company’s chairperson, Tommy Sithole. The chairman directed that since The Herald has a wider reach, the Kwayedza be printed a single page and as usual in the Shona language for educative and informational purposes since the media play a role in the fight against diseases as cholera and even Covid-19 (Interview with researcher on 21 September 2022)

The news manager, however, failed to explain why eventually Zimpapers took a decision to halt printing and circulating Kwayedza hard copies suggesting other reasons could have been at play. Another Zimpapers staffer in management circles contradicted the news manager’s assertion. The staffer indicated that challenges in accessing newsprint forced Zimpapers to discontinue printing hardcopies of Zimbabwe’s only Shona language newspaper ending its over three decades and half lifespan. We traditionally import newsprint from South Africa for our print products. South Africa was hard hit by Covid-19 more than Zimbabwe. Its industries including those involved in newsprint production slowed down on production or shutdown altogether. This had repercussions for us in the newspaper industry at Zimpapers. We struggled to get the resource (newsprint) and this affected not only Zimpapers but also other newspaper companies in Zimbabwe. A decision was resultantly taken to digitize Kwayedza.

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The Kwayedza’s migration to digital spaces did not alter its editorial thrust with Shamba insisting, “even though we migrated to digital platforms owing to Covid-19, the thrust of our stories did not change”. Covid-19 Drastically Widened Kwayedza’s Digital Range This study also established that the Covid-19 pandemic inasmuch as it saw a total ban on the printing of hard copies of Kwayedza, widened the indigenous newspaper’s range on digital platforms. Whereas before the Covid-19 pandemic, Zimpapers printed less than 20,000 copies of Kwayedza, over 200,000 readers access the newspaper on digital platforms such as Facebook, Youtube and Twitter. Thousands of Kwayedza e-paper copies are also circulated free of charge to its readers but this is dependent on their access to internet. The Kwayedza editor (Shamba) reiterated, however, that these positives do not mean the newspaper survived Covid-19 unscathed insisting, We stopped printing the hard copies of Kwayedza because of Covid-19 and it is a disruption we cannot ignore. Largely, however, the disruption was positive in the sense that our Kwayedza is now very popular in digital platforms and we had not anticipated it. There is sharp increase in the readership of Kwayedza now than before Covid-19 when we compare the numbers. Now hundreds of thousands access Kwayedza through the digital platforms than before when we were restricted to distributing the hard copies. (Interview with researcher on 22 September 2022)

The Covid-19 pandemic and government’s enforcement of Covid-19 lockdown regimes, which saw Zimbabweans confined to their homes, only but increased their interest in news on the pandemic. This explains the surge in Kwayedza’s readership on digital platforms, a point acknowledged by Shamba. It is also important to note that the Covid-19 pandemic and the migration of Kwayedza from a hardcopy newspaper to a digital version altered its publication frequency. Before the outbreak of Covid-19, Kwayedza was strictly a weekly newspaper published in its hardcopy form every Friday, and physically distributed across provinces dominated by Shona speakers Harare, Masvingo, Mashonaland West, Mashonaland Central and Manicaland. Its circulation also covered the Midlands—a province inhabited by both Shona and Ndebele speakers. With the advent of Covid-19 pandemic in Zimbabwe, the Kwayedza now

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publishes daily on its digital platforms. This is confirmed by Shamba, “before the outbreak of the virus the newspaper was only printed once a week but we are now on digital platforms and we are no longer confined to a once a week publication. We are now behaving like a daily newspaper. We now disseminate news everyday unlike before Covid-19”. Further, the Covid-19 pandemic forced Zimpapers to introduce an e-paper version of Kwayedza distributed free of charge to thousands of its readers across Zimbabwe with internet connectivity. We are giving the paper free of charge as long as we have their (readers) emails. We get money from advertising. We then approach business with statistics on our readership and get the advertisement and this is how we make money. Businesses advertise on the strength of our access to the audience or readers. Their adverts reach the masses because we are giving news to thousands of people through Facebook and other digital platforms. Money ultimately comes from advertisers. Hard copy newspaper sales cannot sustain our operations. (Interview with Shamba on 22 September 2022)

Further, an e-paper is flexible in terms of pagination. Unlike the printed hard copy version, which is 16 paged, the e-paper has 21 pages and there are no newsprint costs associated with it as noted by Shamba, “With epaper, there is no limit to the number of pages unlike with hard copies. It all depends with amount of news we have at any given moment. We distribute the e-paper through the WhatsApp or email. The e-paper is free of the charge”. However, Kwayedza readers are yearning for the return of hard copy version as acknowledged by a senior journalist at the stable and by the Kwayedza editor (Shamba). These traditional readers have reached out to Kwayedza management pleading for the return of the hard copy newspaper. “Hard copies are a symbol of status in society. With such readers, we did felt the impact of Covid-19 because we are not catering for them” (Interview with Shamba on 22 September 2022). Covid-19 also inspired Kwayedza to rethink its news reporting philosophy and style and this has attracted more readers to its digital platforms. Kwayedza’s stories are now accompanied by videos confirming the message in the written text. It is this metamorphosis that is enticing Zimbabweans to its various platforms as Facebook where the videos are posted. Today I can safely tell you that Kwayedza is dominating Facebook and leads in terms of followers and very few are anywhere near us. The fact

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that videos accompany the stories we post on Facebook has even boasted the number of our followers, which now run into hundreds of thousands. Our videos are liked and at times the videos garner 200 000 views. Our English language sister newspaper, The Herald, has not reached those levels of viewership and followership. Our followers even react through the views’ comment section. Therefore, Covid-19 helped us push multimedia aspect – we used to rely on printed version only and Covid-19 affected the print version. (Interview with Shamba on 22 September 2022)

Covid-19 Disrupted Kwayedza News Sourcing Practices From interviews with journalists at Kwayedza, the researcher established that the Covid-19 pandemic disrupted news sourcing practices. This affected the quality of news generated by the newspaper. The lockdown measures instituted by government, which included the social distancing, mask wearing and a ban of unnecessary meetings, affected journalistic work and Kwayedza was no exception. Newsgathering means frequent physical interactions between journalists and their sources but such faceto-face interactions were discouraged at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic. Journalists at Kwayedza turned to desktop journalism. They relied more on telephone interviews yet many sources are allergic to such communications instruments—for lack of security and privacy. In an interview with the researcher, a Kwayedza senior journalist indicated news sourcing was compromised due to the Covid-19 restrictions. Covid-19 affected us a lot as journalists because we faced difficulties in getting news because we were also afraid to meet with communities who are the ones who are supposed to give us news. Everyone was afraid of the virus. We only went to work just because we did not want to lose our jobs. (Interview on 24 September 2022 with researcher)

Another Kwayedza journalist, speaking on condition of anonymity, said reporters depended on over the phone interviews with sources compromising on the quality of stories they generated. The journalist further stated that the Kwayedza is a people centered newspaper that under normal circumstances visits potential sources of information in their localities “to get first-hand information from the horse’s mouth but we ended up relying wholly in telephone interviews”. The journalist claimed that some sources were sensitive to telephone interviews, which they fear lack privacy, and “on many occasions I would phone my sources but the

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response was always disheartening. Either they turned me down or heavily censored themselves such that whatever you get from them is toned down”. The Kwayedza editor, Shamba, also raised the same concern. Newsgathering and news production processes were affected by Covid-19 especially news sourcing aspect. At the peak of Covid-19, we decongested the Kwayedza newsroom. Some of our reporters started working from home. This meant that such reporters were denied access to our resources as use of vehicles to go gather news. We were serious affected by this. The nature of our stories require that journalists go on the ground and meet sources but how can that be possible when our journalists operate from home? This disrupted our journalists’ relations with sources as gathering stories from sources involve issues of trust. Sources are not comfortable with phone interviews as they lack privacy. Equally, if journalists want to siphon more information from sources, its better done through physical interaction with sources than over the phone. (In interview with researcher on 22 September 2022)

The company took measures to contain the impact of Covid-19 on news sourcing. A senior journalist revealed that, “The employer bought us gadgets for use at home including modern mobile phones and laptops” and “this is now helping the online platform team since the gadget are available” (in interview with the researcher on 21 September 2022).

Discussion From the findings, it is clear that the Covid-19 pandemic had a negative impact on Kwayedza’s operations. Covid-19 forced Zimbabwe’s only Shona language newspaper to dump its hardcopy version and marchfrogged it into digital platforms. This, despite the fact that Kwayedza is a newspaper editorially targeting the marginalized in society. Naturally, its readers are largely people living in rural areas as confirmed by Kwayedza editor, Shamba, when he notes that “Kwayedza priorities the marginalized communities in its coverage of issues”. Inasmuch as those at Kwayedza are celebrating not only its presence on digital spaces but also the huge numbers of its followers on digital platforms, the newspaper may have dumped its traditional constituency when it embraced news technologies. The majority of Zimbabweans living in marginalized rural struggle to procure modern mobile phones and some have no internet connectivity to access the Kwayedza on digital spaces. Further, many of

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them do not have email accounts to access the e-paper free as suggested by the newspaper’s editor (Shamba). The implications are, therefore, that the Kwayedza may have turned elitist in its approach to news distribution, detouring from its chief mandate of delivering news to Shona people in their mother language in a format they most appreciate and comprehend. They might be need for Zimpapers to reconsider its decision to dump the hardcopy Kwayedza for an e-paper, Facebook and Twitter. As an indigenous language newspaper, the Kwayedza remains a strategic weapon in fighting global pandemics such as Covid-19 through its ability to disseminate information in a tongue easily comprehended by its traditional readers, and through means most conducive and appropriate to them. This suggestion is despite the belief by the Kwayedza editor (Shamba) that the marginalized have the financial resources to acquire news online. Shamba insists that the thousands reading Kwayedza on its digital platforms are the marginalized rural people. “Who are these many people then reading our stories on Facebook? Are they not the same people you say are marginalized? Our readers reach 200 000 or even more….it is wrong to assume that our traditional readers have no money to access our stories through the digital platforms” (Shamba in interview with researcher on 22 September 2022). Secondly, while it is commendable that more people are accessing Kwayedza on the digital spaces, it could be interesting to locate these readers. Who are they? Are these the same readers already served by the English language newspapers being flooded with news at the expense of the marginalized in rural communities? Access to information is a Constitutional right for every Zimbabwean, and more so in a language that they understand. Such access is paramount especially in an environment posing a risk to their well-being, as is the case with Covid-19.

Conclusion From the findings of this study, it is clear that in their fight for survival in a turbulent environment rattled by global pandemics as Covid-19, the indigenous language newspapers as Kwayedza tend to be elitist in their news dissemination strategies. Whereas such survival strategies are plausible, they distract Kwayedza from fulfilling its mandate—servicing the marginalized communities with news in a language and form they most comprehend—as they battled not just survival but profits. By going

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digital, Kwayedza has ignored challenges endemic in its news consumption constituency. Lack of internet connectivity, inability to access data and or modern mobile phones are some of the challenges characteristic of marginalized rural communities the Kwayedza is obliged to feed with important information especially in disastrous and chaotic situations occasioned by the Covid-19 pandemic. It is in this context that this study recommends that Zimpapers urgently re-introduces its hardcopy Kwayedza into the market and distribute it widely across marginalized Shona communities. Dishing out an e-paper is not adequate for reasons already outlined. Access to information is fundamental and crucially, it has to be delivered in a form and by means easily understandable to Kwayedza readers especially during deadly pandemics as Covid-19.

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CHAPTER 17

Imole Yoruba Coverage of COVID-19 Lockdown in South West Nigeria Hassan Biodun Suleiman

Introduction The Coronavirus originated in a city called Wuhan in China in 2019 and eventually spread across the world forcing major countries to shut their borders and enforced lockdown rules as a way of containing the virus. The World Health Organisation (WHO) gave the virus an acronym ‘COVID19’ and subsequently declared it a pandemic disease. In a way to curtail the virus in the absence of an antidote or vaccine, different rules and guidelines were released by the international health organization which all nations obeyed and enforced the rules. One of the major guidelines for mitigating the deadly disease is Social Distancing. Social distancing involves closing physical distance among people as well as banning group meetings, air travel, and formal educational institutions and restriction of human gatherings in the public sphere (Moosa,

H. B. Suleiman (B) Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_17

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2020). These intervention measures can be historically linked to findings from scholarship postulations conducted in past epidemics such as this (Hsiang et al., 2020). Again, part of the measures put in place as part of the social distancing includes the banning of close physical interpersonal exchange of communication between two or more, especially among students, office workers, religious groups, transporters, commuters, and marketers. Nigeria had her pill of the Pandemic when an Italian who was a staff of one of the companies in Ogun tested positive for COVID-19. The Nigerian Federal Government set up a Presidential Task Force (PTF) that took full responsibility in the battle against the deadly disease across the nation. This task force gave timely directions and orders to Nigerians. United Nations agencies such as the World Health Organisation (WHO), Nigerian Disease Control Centre as well as many medical experts support the Nigerian government in its crusade against the deadly disease. Notwithstanding, each state also set up a rescue team at forefront of the crusade with the state governor as the head. Several research findings revealed before now the impact of the media in the reportage of emergencies such as Sever Acute Respiratory System (SARS) cholera meningitis and the adverse effects on the populace. (Brodie et al., 2004; Ophir, 2018; Smith & Smith, 2016; Smith et al., 2013). Other studies have also assessed emotions arising from emergencies (Wahl-Jorgensen, 2020) as well as the change in journalistic roles during a pandemic outbreak (Klemm et al., 2019; Thompson, 2019). Added to this is the proffering of strategies on how journalists may improve their pandemic reportage of epidemics (Thomas & Senkpeni, 2020). Imole Yoruba newspaper coverage of COVID-19 in South West Nigeria is also an additional knowledge to the existing body of knowledge. However, the focus here is the Imole Yoruba newspaper and its reportage of activities during COVID-19 (lockdown) enforced by both the Federal and State government. Lagos State, being the former capital of Nigeria suffered economic downtown as well as civil riot ‘#EndSars’ due to the negative effect of the strict and unbearable lockdown. Regardless of the pandemic and the strict guidelines that followed which hindered the free dispensation of modern-day journalism. “Media professionals operating in civilian rules, are to provide the public with adequate and accurate, truth, balance, and timely dissemination of information about public affairs” (Nielson, 2017: 2). The media professionals are also saddled with the responsibilities to make it possible for the public

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to understand the course of the emergencies. It is imperative to add that, media outputs produced depend largely on the fund available. Champagne (2005, p. 49) explained thus “media profession production is determined strongly largely by the conducive political, socio-economic as well as cultural environment”. Therefore, this study attempted Imole Yoruba coverage of COVID-19 Lockdown in South West Nigeria. The study also examined Imole Yoruba coverage of COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria. It tried to ascertain prominence given COVID19 as well as the sources and tone. The study examined Imole Yoruba through content analysis between March and September 2020 editions of the paper.

Research Questions 1. What is the prominence given by Imole Yoruba to COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria? 2. What are the sources of news stories on Imole Yoruba during the COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria? 3. What is the tone of the Imole Yoruba stories on COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria?

Conceptual Clarifications Imole Yoruba is one of Nigerian Yoruba indigenous online and physical media organization established by Ojasope Nigeria Limited and owned by both Dr Adebayo Josiah Abiola and Dr Adebayo Olatunbosun serving as the Chairman of the indigenous media organization. The media firm operates with an organogram that is structured in the following order Chairman, General Manager, Productions Manager, Engineers, Editors, Reporters, Marketers, and Presenters. According to Adeniyi (2021) a representative of Imole Yoruba Newspaper, “Imole Yoruba was established online almost a decade ago. The newspaper publication was founded in year 2020. The paper’s target audiences are Yoruba people who are widespread in South West Nigeria”. “Imole Yoruba headquarter office is in Ogbomosho, Oyo state, and It also has annex offices in Lagos, Osun, and Kwara State. Imole Yoruba is a Yoruba newspaper. It is currently in circulation all over the major cities in the South West of Nigeria. Apart from its other counterparts, others

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such as ‘Alaroye, Akeede odua, Alariya’ are also indigenous publications that also domicile in South West Nigeria. Imole Yoruba newspaper spends a sum of 500,000 to publish every edition. the price varies as per the number of copies for an edition (month). Imole Yoruba media firm sourced money through commercials, donors, and sponsors in running the indigenous media firm. Moreover, the newspaper is published quarterly (every three weeks) while special editions are published at times. Imole Yoruba newspaper is geared to promoting the Yoruba language. Imole Yoruba is also established to create job opportunities for residents in the ancient city of Ogbomosho”.

Sociology of the Yoruba Race Fadipe (1970) claimed that mythological tradition of Oyo—Yoruba origin states that the Yoruba came from Mecca to their present location, having been driven out of Mecca following a civil unrest between Oduduwa and his followers who were conservative and did their best to enforce a return to idolatry and the muslim party. According to Fadipe, Oduduwa died before he could an avenging expedition against the party which drove him out of his native land. Oduduwa’s grandson, Oranmiyan later left Ile-Ife and finally settled on or near Old Oyo (called Karanga in Hausa Language). Yoruba land is predominantly inhabited by the people of Egbado and Awori, as well as Egba of Abeokuta province and the various groups of people such as Ijebu, the Oyo, the Ilorin province; the Ife and Ijesa, the Ondo, the Idoko, the Ikale and the Ilaje of Ondo province. All these people constitute the South West Nigeria (Fadipe, 1970). The Yorubas are homogenous people who speak one language called Yoruba. They all traced their routes to Ile-Ife as their spiritual home and Oyo Ile as the administrative headquarter of the Yoruba nation. Yoruba land lies around between the parallel 5.86 centigrees and 9.22 north, and between 2.65 centigrees and 5.72 centigrees east. It is bounded in the south by the Bright of Benin and in the east by Benin republic. During the military rules in Nigeria, six states have been created out of the region. These states comprised Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, and Ekiti as well as Lagos. Abubakre (2021) noted that Yoruba constitutes one of the major 500 ethnic groups and among 3 major languages in Nigeria. Yoruba is also one of the major languages found among Benin Republic, Togo, Gambia, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Senegal. The

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Yoruba people are accommodating of people from other tribes, caring, loving, and hardworking in their choice of profession. Aside Islam and Christianity, there are those who worship traditional religion in Yoruba, there are sizeable number of people that are believers in Esu, Sango, Oya, Obatala deities. Each month in the year is observed for the celebration of these deities.

Design This paper examined the coverage of COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria by Imole Yoruba. Primary data entails using content analysis (coding guide), cases were analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS, 23), while the frequency distribution table was used to present the data gathered from the selected editions of Imole Yoruba. Imole Yoruba is an indigenous newspaper that covers the whole South West of Nigeria. Imole Yoruba is circulation all over the South West states. ‘Alaroye, Akeede Odua, Alariya’ are other indigenous publications that share the South West Nigeria market with Imole Yoruba. The National Bureau of Statistics (2021) explained that South West Nigeria has a population of 38,257,260 constituting 27% of Nigeria’s population in 2020. The major occupants of South West Nigeria speak Yoruba language (NCDC, 2020). stated that almost half (47.9%) of the confirmed cases of COVID-19 were found in South West Nigeria with Lagos state having the highest (71%). The study spanned from March 2020 to September 2020. This period was selected because the first reported COVID-19 case in Nigeria was reported on February 27, 2020. Imole Yoruba did not focus on the early report of the pandemic as at February not until March 2020 when it became more alarming in the region, Ogun state and Lagos state being the epicenter.

Research Method The study is both quantitative an in nature and adopted content analysis as its method. It utilized coding sheet as its research instrument. The primary data were generated from the content of the newspapers analyzed. The scope of the study was March–September 2020.

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Table 17.1 Statistics Newspaper Month Types Prominence Source Tone Enhancement Portrayal of of stories news stories Valid 37 items Missing 0

37

37

37

37

37

37

37

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Data Presentation and Findings The content analysis data derived from the fieldwork captured the contents of the front pages of the seven (7) editions of Imole Yoruba published in 2020 during the COVID-19 lockdown. The sample size was selected based on purposive (judgmental) sampling. The data presented is the fieldwork results of Imole Yoruba Newspaper Coverage of COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria. The findings are presented in tables with corresponding interpretations given under every table. Table 17.1 showed that 37 cases were recorded from the selected newspaper editions and all the 37 cases inputted were valid cases, that is, 37 cases had COVID-19 pandemic lockdown news stories. Meanwhile, some editions of the newspaper that made up the samples for the study lacked relevant cases, which made them invalid editions to this study.

Tables for Data Analysis In Table 17.2, only Imole newspaper editions were content analyzed in which 37 valid cases were derived from the seven (7) selected months. Table 17.3 showed that out of the seven (7) months of the newspaper editions that were analyzed, 3 editions were March, 8 editions were Table 17.2 Newspaper

Imole Newspaper

Frequency

Percent

Valid percent

Cumulative percent

37

100%

100.0

100.0

17

Table 17.3 Months selected

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Option

Frequency

March April May June July August September Total

3 8 9 6 6 3 3 37

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Percentage (%) 8.1 21.6 24.3 16.2 16.2 5.4 8.1 100

April, 8 editions were May, 6 editions were June, 6 editions were July, 3 editions were August, while only 3 editions of the newspaper analyzed were September. This implies that most of the cases recorded were found on the April/May edition of the publication. Table 17.4 showed the prominence of COVID-19 lockdown cases covered by Imole newspaper. From Table 17.4, 51.4% stories placed on the front page, 43.2% stories placed inside page, none of the stories were placed at the central spread while 5.4% stories were placed at the back page. The result of the data presented in the table shows that majority of the cases analyzed were placed on front pages of the selected editions of the indigenous publication. Table 17.5 showed that out of the total of 37 which are equivalent to the 100% quoted sources, president had 2.7%, governor had 8.1%, government officials had 2.7%, politicians had 18.9%, front liners/healthcare workers had 8.1%, culprit and vulnerable sources had 0%, security operatives had 2.7%, eye witness had 2.7%, philanthropists/donors had 5.4%, influencers/elites had 2.7%, professional/expert had 2.7%, traditional rulers had 8.1%, religious leaders had 13.5%, NCDC as a source had 2.7%, traditional/native doctor had 2.7%, Table 17.4 Prominence

Item

Frequency

Front page Inside page Central spread Back page Total

19 16 0 2 168

Percentage (%) 51.4 43.2 0 5.4 100

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celebrities had 8.1%, other media/NAN had 5.4, former president had 2.7, while other sources had 2.7%. This shows that from the 37 cases that were content analyzed, majority of the quoted sources in the Imole Yoruba publication are politicians. Table 17.6 showed that out of the total 100% tone used by the Imole Yoruba during the coverage of the COVID-19 lockdown, 2.7% of the tone used was mockery, 24.3% were provoking/inciting, 40.5% were neutral, reconciliatory was 2.7%, while 29.7% of the tones used were pleasing. This implies that a neutral tone was used in the coverage of COVID-19 pandemic lockdown by Imole Yoruba newspaper.

Table 17.5 Quoted source

Option

Frequency

President/C-In-C Governor Govt. officials Politicians Front liners/healthcare workers Culprit Victim Security operatives Eye witness Philanthropist/donor Influencers/elites Professionals/experts Traditional rulers Religious leaders NCDC Traditional/native doctor Celebrities Other media/NAN Former president Others Total

1 3 1 7 3 0 0 1 1 2 1 1 3 5 1 1 3 2 1 1 168

Percentage (%) 2.7 8.1 2.7 18.9 8.1 0 0 2.7 2.7 5.4 2.7 2.7 8.1 13.5 2.7 2.7 8.1 5.4 2.7 2.7 100

17

Table 17.6 Tone of news story

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Option

Frequency

Mockery Provoking/inciting Neutral Reconciliatory Pleasing Total

1 9 15 1 11 168

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Percentage (%) 2.7 24.3 40.5 2.7 29.7 100

Findings of the Study This study revealed that: • Majority of the COVID-19 lockdown stories were placed on front pages of the selected editions of the indigenous publication. • Imole Yoruba newspaper mostly sourced their reports on COVID-19 lockdown from politicians and religious leaders across the region. • The tone of the reports analyzed from Imole Yoruba newspaper on the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown was neutral, while some of the reports were provoking/inciting.

Conclusion and Suggestions for Further Study Conclusion Imole Yoruba has since its inception consistently been used to reflect the agenda (main issues) of the society and the main issues given attention on the front page. There were average stories on the COVID-19 lockdown but their reports focused more on political, religious, and entertainment stories. Again, it was also revealed that the majority of the COVID-19 lockdown stories were placed on the front pages of the selected editions of the Imole Yoruba, which shows that the indigenous publication gave prominence to the reports on the COVID-19 lockdown in her reportage. Also, according to this report, Imole Yoruba newspaper mostly sourced their reports on the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown mostly from politicians and religious leaders across the region while the tone of the reports analyzed from the indigenous newspaper on the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown was neutral, an average of the reports were pleasing while some of the reports were provoking/inciting.

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Meanwhile, the study solely focused on Imole Yoruba coverage of the COVID-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria. The study was quantitative in nature and was carried out after the nationwide lockdown had been lifted by the government. It is instructive to note that soon after this, the bottled anger of the citizenry let loose with the #EndSars uprising across the country mostly in South West Nigeria as the violence erupted from Lagos state due to the extrajudicial killings and police brutality as claimed by the media reports and frontiers of the peaceful turned violence movement. The question that bothers the mind of the populace Is? Did the COVID-19 lockdown actually contribute to the violence that ripped through the nation? This question and many more made the public expect media organizations including the indigenous newspapers to focus the angle of their news coverage on human interest, especially those that bother on COVID-19 and its adverse effects on the people of South West Nigeria. Again, media professionals are expected to even focus on the public office holders and traditional rulers’ efforts on the COVID-19 and make them accountable to the public. During the health emergency, the media are to set agenda and come up with facts and authentic data on COVID-19 with a view to influencing public feedback. The Lagos State Government handling of the COVID-19 lockdown in the state is a worthy example. How the turnout of event led to the #EndSars and later turned bloody is another. The attack on the Soun of Ogbomosho palace during the #EndSars by the angry mob in Ogbomosho, Oyo state is another one. Consequently, this study concluded that the Imole Yoruba normal attention to COVID-19. Again, most of the stories were not in-depth. Also, Imole Yoruba emphasized that government officials and politicians constitute the major source of news items than medical experts and NCDC. Some of the news stories induced fear in the people toward the COVID-19. This made people obeyed the lockdown order by the Federal and state government in South West Nigeria. According to the newspaper analysis and outcomes. News items focus more on death tolls and cases of COVID-19. The study also reveals that Imole Yoruba newspaper coverage of the COVID-19 lockdown in the South West Nigeria led to creating awareness among the populace. The Imole Yoruba has provided education for the public as well as preventive measures to take.

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Limitation of Study This study attempted to examine Imole Yoruba newspaper coverage of Covid-19 lockdown in South West Nigeria. However, the study is limited in the following ways. First, the scope of the study was Imole Yoruba (newspaper) in South West Nigeria. The location of Imole Yoruba is Ogbomosho, Oyo State. The entire Yoruba land (Lagos, Oyo, Ondo, Ogun, Osun, and Ekiti) also constitutes the scope of the study. Another limitation of the study is the time frame. The study only captures seven (7) editions from March 2020 to September 2020. The entire coverage of the study spanned seven months. Suggestion for Further Study Since the indigenous media is closer to the people than the conventional media, future researchers could attempt to examine the roles of Akede Oyo (An indigenous newspaper based in Oyo town) in Post COVID in Oyo state. Oyo is a historical town in Yoruba land. Indeed, it is administrative capital of the Old Oyo empire. Further study could also focus on Alaroye newspaper coverage of Post COVID-19 Small and Medium enterprises in South West Nigeria.

References Abubakre, F. (2021). Nigerian newsrooms under COVID-19 lockdown. The Political Economy of Communication, 9(1). http://www.polecom.org Adeniyi, F. O. (2021, May 12). Interview session. Brodie, M., Hamel, E., Brady, L., Kates, J., & Altman, D. (2004). Media coverage of the HIV epidemic 1981–2002. Columbia Journalism Review, 42(6), S1–S8. Champagne, P. (2005). The ‘double dependency’: The journalistic field between politics and markets. In R. Benson & E. Neveu (Eds.), Bourdieu and the journalistic field (pp. 48–63). Polity. Fadipe, N. A. (1970). Sociology of the Yoruba. Ibadan University Press. Hsiang, S., Allen, D., Annan-Phan, S., Bell, K., Bolliger, I., Chong, T., Druckenmiller, H., Huang, L. Y., Hultgren, A., Krasovich, E., & Lau, P. (2020). The effect of large-scale anti-contagion policies on the COVID-19 pandemic. Nature, 584(7820), 262–267. Klemm, C., Das, E., & Hartmann, T. (2019). Changed priorities ahead: Journalists’ shifting role perceptions when covering public health crises. Journalism, 20(9), 1223–1241.

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Moosa, I. (2020). The effectiveness of social distancing in containing COVID19. Applied Economics, 52(58), 6292–6305. National Bureau of Statistics. (2021). National Bureau of Statistics Report. Abuja: Nigeria. NCDC. (2020). Confirmed daily cases of COVID-19. https://www.ncdc.govt. com Nielson, R. K. (2017). The one thing journalism just might do for democracy. Journalism Studies, 18(10). https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2017.133 8152 Ophir, Y. (2018). Spreading news: The coverage of epidemics by American newspapers and its effects on audiences-a crisis communication approach (Ph.D. thesis). University of Pennsylvania, USA. https://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/ viewcontent.cgi?article=4573&context=edissertations Smith, K., Rimal, R., Sandberg, H., Storey, J., Lagasse, L., Maulsby, C., Rhoades, E., Barnett, D., Omer, S., & Links, J. (2013). Understanding newsworthiness of an emerging pandemic: International newspaper coverage of the H1NI outbreak. Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses, 7 (5), 847–853. Smith, S., & Smith, S. (2016). Media coverage of the Ebola virus disease in four widely circulated Nigerian newspapers: Lessons from Nigeria. Health Promotion Perspectives, 6(2), 92. Thomas, K., & Senkpeni, A. (2020). What should health science journalists do in epidemic responses. AMA Journal of Ethics, 22(1), E55–60. Thompson, E. (2019). Communicating a health risk/crisis: Exploring the experiences of journalists covering a proximate epidemic. Science Communication, 41(6), 707–731. Wahl-Jorgensen, K. (2020, February 14). Coronavirus: How media coverage of epidemics often stokes fear and panic. The Conversation. https://theconversat ion.com/coronavirus-how-mediacoverage-of-epidemics-often-stokes-fear-andpanic-131844

CHAPTER 18

Exploring Music Videos in Indigenous Languages and Behavioural Change Towards Waste Management in Lagos State, Nigeria Babatunde Adeyeye, Evaristus Adesina, Darlynton Yartey, and Emeka Uwam

Introduction Music videos are part of an essential developing cultural structure in modern traditions. Music videos have profoundly impacted fashion, youth customs, music, and the systems and structures that operate across film, advertising, and television. However, criticisms have rejected the precise nature of the structure and its cultural history (Kim, 2021). Music videos

B. Adeyeye (B) · E. Adesina · D. Yartey · E. Uwam Department of Mass Communication, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] E. Adesina e-mail: [email protected] D. Yartey e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_18

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in indigenous languages are a crucial means of communication either to create awareness of a particular thing or persuade people to act in a particular way. They provide entertainment for the viewers, engaging them in audio and visual content to draw and sustain their attention to what is being viewed. They might not look it, but Music videos in indigenous languages are a very effective medium for passing across information and educating people on various events or events of importance (Cru, 2018). Hogan et al. (2009) opine that Music videos are attractive to people, especially young viewers. Bearing in mind that Music videos mix two sets of media that are striking to young viewers: television and popular music, it is crucial to study their effects on young recipients and be apprehensive about the messages these Music videos in indigenous languages uphold. They have different categories, mainly known as either concept or performance videos. As for a performance video, a single artist or group of artists is usually recorded during a concert performance. While concept videos reveal a story to the viewer, a story has the probability of being developed from the song. This story could sometimes append content to the lyrics and offer a specific interpretation reinforced every time an individual hears the song. According to Frith et al. (2005), in viewing a music video, the visual segment usually dominates our attention immediately, just by arresting an individual’s eyes, by being on television. Television absorbs the musical matrix without effort and irreversibly into its visual field. Music video attracts our attention simultaneously to the song and away from it, simply by positioning itself in the place of what it represents. According to Vernallis (2004), the music comes before the video. The song is written before the video is made, and the director creates imagery based on the song. The song’s video, on the other hand, must market the song, thus it is responsible for the song from the standpoint of the singer and record label. They frequently imitate the shape of a song and pick up on certain musical aspects such as melody, timbre, and rhythm. The visual may even mimic the fade and flow of a sound and its imprecise borders. Videographers have developed a set of approaches for adapting an image to music in which the image relinquishes its autonomy and some of its modes. In exchange, the picture gains the ability to play and be flexible. In indigenous languages, many meanings of music videos are found in the reciprocal interaction between image and sound, as well as the relationships between their varied kinds of continuity (Barber & Waterman, 2003). Any visual aspect can come to the fore at any time in a music

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video, which is a fascinating reality (Arguel & Jamet, 2009). The recipient cannot forecast the type of function a component will perform or the level of dominance it will achieve in a video, nor can the recipient assume that its status or function will remain constant throughout the film. Videos may begin with a detailed illustration of a character, only to discard the character later in favour of improvisation on the green, which may then give way to a precise visual articulation of a percussion part, or we may discover that the video’s true subject is revealed in the final section. Consider the many parts of music videos as independent tracks on a recording engineer’s mixing board: a mix of elements can be brought forward or submerged in the mix. These ingredients form a dynamic system in which a change in one portion of the mix can be offset by a change in another (Vernallis, 2004). The daily activities of human beings generate waste. In Singh et al. (2018), waste was not the main issue when the populace of humans was relatively small and drifting. Still, it became severe due to urbanization and the increase of large conurbations. According to Singh et al. (2018), over the years, people have migrated from rural to urban areas causing an increase in the amount of waste produced by a particular location. This has had an extremely negative impact on public health and sanitation. Waste is an unavoidable part of human existence and doesn’t pose any threat except when not adequately managed. Waste management in Lagos State, Nigeria is crucial not just because of a healthy environment but also because it falls under SDG goals 11 and 3 (Sustainable cities and communities, good health and well-being) and proper waste management would aid in the accomplishment of this goal. According to Brunner and Rechberger (2015), the primary goals of waste management are to protect the human well-being of the environment and preserve resources. Allesch and Brunner (2014), along with Singh et al., believe that there has been an increased migration rate of people from undeveloped and semi-developed areas to metropolitan areas. The increase in the size of the populace in developed cities is extremely high in contrast to those of underdeveloped cities. The unrestrained enlargement in developed areas has left many cities lacking infrastructural services like water supply, sewage, and community solid waste management. In many metropolitan areas, almost half of the solid waste created remains unattended, resulting in a rise to unclean surroundings, especially in compactly populated areas, which has a snowball impact on increasing in gruesomeness primarily due to parasitic and microbial infections in all segments of the populace, while

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the developed city dwellers and the waste handlers are being the less affected. Health issues are linked to every procedure of waste handling, treatment, and disposal, through recovery and reprocessing actions or other activities in the waste management industry, by exposure to hazardous substances in waste or emissions from incinerators and landfill sites, vermin, odour, and noise, for example through ingestion of contaminated water or food, or other activities in the waste management industry. The frequency of landfill failure, which results in surface and groundwater pollution, is noteworthy. Significant technological advancements and regulatory systems as well as public acceptability of new trash disposal and handling services remain relatively low. This is so because of concerns about negative environmental and human health implications. The Music artist, popularly known as Olamide, was the campaign ambassador for a project created by Sterling Bank. The name of the project is Sterling Environmental Makeover. The project commenced in 2009 and looked at developing sustainable environments in 10 states in Nigeria, Lagos included. Olamide wrote a song concerning the project at hand, and it was produced and released in 2017. The music videos content explained why it is quintessential to handle waste in the environment properly. This is the first of this work. Other studies focused separately on the two subjects discussed in this chapter. This chapter seeks to determine the impact of the STEM (Sterling Environmental Makeover) music video on individuals’ attitudes towards proper waste management in Lagos state.

Brief on Olamide and the STEM Music Video Olamide Gbenga Adedeji, a rapper, singer, and songwriter from Nigeria, was born on March 15, 1989. He is among the most well-known and significant African painters. He keeps both Yoruba and English records. While contracted to Coded Tunes, he released his debut studio album Rapsodi in 2011. His second album, YBNL, was published under the label imprint “Yahoo Boy No Laptop,” also known as YBNL Nation. The singles “First of All,” “Voice of the Street,” “Stupid Love,” and “Ilefo Illuminati” helped to promote the album. He released his third studio album, Baddest Guy Ever Liveth, on November 7, 2013. Singles from the album include “Durosoke” and “Yemi My Lover.” Olamide became

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the first Nigerian to sign an endorsement deal with Cîroc on July 17, 2013. Olamide recorded a theme song for the campaign after snagging an endorsement deal with Sterling Bank for their corporate social responsibility programme, Sterling Environmental Makeover (STEM). Olamide, whose music was produced by Young Jonn, didn’t fall short as usual because practically everyone on the street has already joined the trend. He appeared in the overall coat with skaters in the video as they toured different important locations in Lagos.

Statement of the Research Problem Proper management of this waste is of the essence regarding SDGs 11 and 3 (Sustainable cities and communities, good health and well-being). Waste is a product of human consumption of goods and services. The importance of proper waste management cannot be overemphasized. Still, as crucial as it is, it is one of the most neglected areas of concentration by the communities in Lagos State. In Lagos, improper waste management has led to water, soil, and air contamination. As a result of the pollution caused by improper waste management, the well-being of the residents of this state is at risk. For a very long time, improper waste management has been a cause of the spread of diseases in not only rural areas but also in urban areas, and this has also led to underdevelopment because the necessary human resources needed for development are being depleted by the spread of these diseases or by the dangerous environment. This chapter seeks to investigate the role of the Sterling Environmental Makeover Video in the awareness creation of proper waste management by the citizens of Lagos State. Music in indigenous languages is a useful tool for addressing the gap in waste management and understanding better ways of improvement. Studies by Olusegun (2019), Jiang et al. (2021) as well as Akong’o et al. (2021) show the potential in the management of waste as well as the efficacy of music. However, these studies dealt with the topics separately and also delved into music generally but the current chapter emphasizes the use of indigenous languages with prominence in the STEM music video and its impact on waste management in Lagos state, Nigeria. The following objectives guide the chapter: to investigate if the STEM music video created awareness of waste management in Lagos state; determine whether the STEM music video impacted the residents of Lagos

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State vis-à-vis waste management, and ascertain if STEM music video inculcated behavioural change towards waste management in Lagos state.

Theoretical Framework The place of theories in a study of this nature cannot be overemphasized. This is because theories enable us to put facts in perspective and also make meanings out of disturbing situations. Theories have become integral parts of social science research such that their absence can vitiate such works. In light of this, the work is anchored on the Agenda-Setting Theory.

Agenda-Setting Theory The emergence of the agenda-setting theory, according to Lippmann (1922), can be traced back to 1922, when he was concerned about the critical role that mass media can play in influencing the setting of a particular image in the public’s mind. The agenda-setting theory examines how the media shapes a public agenda on a particular topic. The public agenda has now taken centre stage in the minds of society’s members (Razinah, 2014). This theory, according to Littlejohn and Foss (2009), explains further the relationship in terms of correlations between the prominence that the mass media gives to a topic and the media spectators’ response or qualities to such an issue. Hundreds of previous investigations into how the media shapes issues for their recipients have been supported and expanded by the theory. The debate also touches on how the media portrays a certain event to its audience. The agenda-setting idea is one of the most influential mass media theories. According to this view, the media do not explicitly tell us what to think, but they do tell us what to think about. More than the amount of time devoted to a storey and its placement in the broadcast or print medium determines the media’s agenda-setting power. It’s worth noting that there’s a lot of uniformity in the kind of coverage and choices made by media sources across all platforms (Baran, 2014). Individuals are alerted to the gravity of an issue or event by the regularity and repetition of messaging. In a series of studies, Shanto Iyengar and Donald Kinder (1987), as reported by Baran (2014), applied the agenda-setting theory to network nightly news shows. The media, according to Iyengar and Kinder (1987), can be held responsible for influencing, persuading, and forming public opinion and

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agenda. The media’s influence on public opinion might be intentional or unintentional. Incessantly, agenda-setting theory, in the words of Reese (1991), stands as a fundamental theory not only in mass communication but also in numerous allied social science fields. According to the agendasetting theory, experts such as Cohen (1963) argue that the media cannot create the public agenda, particularly when it comes to matters of opinions or attitudes. Conversely, the media has unrestricted access to the audience’s views, values, priorities, and emphasis. With such sway, media audiences are more likely to have their say or to concentrate on problems that are important to them. Music video as an essential medium for disseminating information and persuasion must not be overlooked. Agenda-setting theory believes that the media does not decide what individuals think, but the media determine or give individuals what to think about. In other words, they determine what individuals consider essential and what not to consider necessary. Researchers such as Baran (2014) believe that the agenda-setting theory occurs through a mental process called accessibility. The Sterling Environmental Makeover music video by Olamide has waste management as its focal point. Therefore, the music video gives individuals a subject matter to think about consistently. This consistent thought causes them to consider waste management as an essential concept to be held serious, thus causing them to take action or at least cause a change in their behaviour towards waste management. Therefore, this theory relates to the use of Music videos in indigenous languages to influence, impact a change, or persuade individuals to take particular actions, using Music videos in indigenous languages to create events or subjects that people would consider important.

Methodology The survey research approach is used in this study, which is a subcategory of quantitative research. This research method tries to collect data on a specific problem from a random sample of a population. It may be used to explore problems in realistic situations, according to Wimmer and Dominick (2000), and it is also more cost-effective. The survey method scientifically describes a phenomenon and its relationship in the virtual environment at a given time. According to Baran (2014), it allows mass communication researchers to measure a sample group’s characteristics or behaviours, then generates back to the population, which is the group

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under survey. The survey method serves as the blueprint which specifies how data was collected and analysed in this study. Thus, the questionnaire is the tool of the survey method used to collect the necessary data for this study. The population of this study consists of residents in Lagos State, particularly the residents in Ikeja. The ages of these residents are between sixteen to forty-five years. This population was selected due to the location in which the Sterling Environmental Makeover took place and because of the large population in Ikeja and its high rate of consumption and waste. According to the National Census conducted in 2006, the population of Ikeja is approximately 317,614 thousand. The sample of this study is 399; this was statistically determined using Taro Yamane’s formula and is representative enough for the entire study population. However, it was rounded up to 400. The sampling techniques used were simple random sampling stratified and purposive sampling. In simple random sampling, all participants have an equal chance of being selected. The simple random sampling technique was chosen to give the population an equal chance of being selected; this is done to discretely measure the awareness reach and impact of the Sterling Environmental Makeover Video by Olamide. Stratified sampling would gather data from the recipient audience on the video because there are streets and houses. Thus, individuals must be divided into strata to reach a better conclusion from the data obtained. In Ikeja, which is divided into strata of streets, houses were selected at random on every street. Going to all houses on each street would have delayed data gathering. The purposive sampling technique was used to select the location of the sample size. Ikeja was selected because the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video was shot in Ikeja, closer to the residents. Data were analysed using simple percentages.

Data Presentation The researchers retrieved 400 copies of the 400 questionnaires distributed to the respondents, which is equivalent to a 100% return rate of questionnaires distributed. The majority of individuals (52.8%) are within the age range of 18–29 years. 32.3% are within the ages of 30–44, and the smallest percentage, which is 15.0%, are within the age of 45 and above.

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The majority of the respondents are females constituting a more significant percentage of 52.5%, and males constitute the smaller percentage of 47.5%. In the Table 18.1, it can be observed that the majority of respondents with a percentage of 73.5%, strongly agree with watching Music videos in indigenous languages, and 13.3% Agree, 5.3% strongly disagree, 4.3% disagree, and a small percentage of respondents constituting 1.8% of the total population are undecided. To simplify this data, the total percentage of respondents who strongly agree and agree is 88.8%. From this simplification, it can be deduced that most Ikeja residents are active in watching Music videos in indigenous languages. Of the total of 9.6% of respondents who disagree and strongly disagree, a small amount of Ikeja residents don’t watch Music videos in indigenous languages at all. The majority of respondents, constituting 41.8% of the total respondents, strongly agree to have been influenced by Music videos in indigenous languages. In comparison, 18.0% of the respondents strongly disagree, 16.5% agree, 12.8% remained undecided 11.0% disagree. The addition of the percentages of respondents who strongly agree and those who agree shows that 58.3% of the total respondents have been influenced Table 18.1 Has the STEM music video created awareness of waste management in Lagos state? Responses The rate at which respondents watch Music videos in indigenous languages The rate at which Music videos influence respondents in indigenous languages Knowledge on Olamide Regularity of watching Olamide’s videos Awareness of the sterling environmental music video by Olamide The video informed about the waste management Respondent’s awareness of the Sterling Bank and the sterling environmental campaign

SA [5] A [4] U [3] D [2] SD [1] Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) 75.5

13.3

1.8

4.3

5.3

100

41.8

16.5

12.8

11.0

18.0

100

78.5 39.0

14.8 19.3

2.0 10.8

2.5 9.3

2.3 21.8

100 100

57.8

14.8

2.8

15.0

9.8

100

44.3

18.5

8.8

14.0

14.5

100

67.8

12.8

2.5

12.0

5.0

100

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by Music videos in indigenous languages, and this confirms the studies of other researchers on the observation that Music videos in indigenous languages play a huge role in influencing individuals in one way or the other. This draws attention to the role music videos in indigenous languages play in influencing individuals. The implication of this is that music has become indispensable to the cultural lives of individuals and thus has the potential of bringing about significant change in things that concern them. Furthermore, 78.5% of respondents are aware of the musician Olamide, 14.8% also agree to know about Olamide, 2.5% of the total percentage of respondents disagree on having any knowledge of Olamide, 2.3% also strongly disagree, while a small percentage of respondents constituting of 2.0% of the total respondents are undecided. When added, it can be observed from the above data that approximately 93.3% of the total population can identify with knowing Olamide, which goes to show how popular Olamide and his music are in the city of Ikeja for him to be known by a substantial percentage of the respondents. 4.8% of the population claim to have no knowledge of him at all, which shows that only a small percentage are not aware of who Olamide is, which does not mean they wouldn’t have heard his song at one point or the other. Still, there is a possibility that they do not know who Olamide is, so whether or not they hear his songs, they wouldn’t know he is the artist behind them. It can be observed that 39.0% of the total respondents strongly agree to watch Olamides Music videos in indigenous languages regularly, 21.8% strongly disagree with regularly watching his videos, 19.3% agree to watch his videos regularly, 10.8% are undecided, while 9.3% disagree to watching his videos. From the data presented above, approximately 58.3% of the respondents watch Olamides Music videos in indigenous languages regularly, while 31.1% of the respondents don’t watch his videos regularly, however, this does not categorically mean that they do not watch his videos at all, it only goes to prove that they do not watch his videos regularly, but there is a possibility that they at least watch his videos once in a while, the same goes for the percentage of undecided respondents. The awareness level of the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video by Olamide is high as 57.8% of the population’s respondents strongly agree to have seen the video, 15.0% disagree, 14.8% agree to have seen the video, 9.8% strongly disagree, while 2.8% are undecided. From the above data, it can be deduced that 72.6% of the total respondents agree to have seen the Sterling Environmental Makeover (STEM) music

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video; this draws attention to the reach of the video, for a large percentage of the population to have seen the video, it means that the reach of the video was very excellent. While a total of 24.8% of the respondents do not agree to have seen the video, although the population of those that don’t agree are small compared to that of those who agreed, there is a possibility that they would have seen the video but wouldn’t have recognized it as the STEM music video, the same applies to the undecided respondents. About the result of Table 18.1, it can be constructed that a higher percentage of respondents would have searched for the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video due to the popularity of Olamide. A large percentage of the population which is 44.3%, strongly agree that the video informed them about waste management, 18.5% agree that they were informed about waste management, 14.5% strongly disagree that the video informed about waste management, 14.0% disagree that the video informed about waste management. In comparison, 8.8% of the respondents are undecided. When combined, the percentages of the respondents who are optimistic that the video created awareness of waste management are far more than the combination of the respondents who have a different opinion on the video. The combination of the respondents who agree and strongly agree is 62.8%, while that of the respondents who disagree and strongly disagree is 28.5%. From this data portrayed in the table, inferences can be made that the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video did pass across information and create awareness on waste management. The awareness level of respondents on Sterling Bank and their Sterling Environmental Makeover campaign. As reflected in the table, 67.8% strongly agree about both sterling Bank and their campaign, 12.8% agree, 12.0% disagree, and 5.0% strongly disagree. The result establishes the fact that the majority of the respondents, 80.6%, are well knowledgeable about Sterling Bank and its campaign, while a total of 17% of the respondents who disagreed and strongly disagreed have a probability of knowing sterling bank but not being aware of their Sterling Environmental Makeover campaign, thus their selection of disagreeing and strongly disagree. Table 18.2 presents the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video’s impact on the respondents. As reflected in the table, 35.8% strongly agree to have been affected by the music video, 21.5% agree, 15.3% disagree with having been affected by the video, 14.3% strongly disagree, and 13.3% are undecided. Delving deeper into the figures, it can be stated that the majority of the respondents agreed to have

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been affected by the video, which has a positive correlation to a study conducted by Lee (2011) where he stated that music affects individuals, psychologically, intellectually, physically, and so on, about this data is table 4.1.5 which recorded a large percentage of individuals who were influenced in one way or the other by Music videos in indigenous languages which include other Music videos in indigenous languages as well as the Sterling Environmental Makeover video. The focal point to be noted here is that the STEM music video has had an impact on the respondents in one way or the other. The result in Table 18.3 establishes the fact that 30.8% of the total respondents strongly agree to have had a behavioural change towards waste management as a result of the video, and 23.0% also agree to have had behavioural changes towards waste management due to the STEM music video, 16.5% disagree and claim not to have changed behaviour towards waste management after viewing the video, 14.5% of the respondents also attest to the same. In comparison, 15.3% remain undecided as to whether or not they had behavioural changes or not. Table 18.2 What is the impact of the video on the residents of Lagos state? Responses STEM music videos had an impact on respondents

SA [5] A [4] U [3] D [2] (%) (%) (%) (%) 35.8

21.5

13.3

15.3

SD [1] Total (%) 14.3

100

Table 18.3 Did the video bring about behavioural change in Lagos residents towards proper waste management? Responses Behavioural change towards waste management Increased activity level in disposing of waste properly Encouraged to engage in disposing of waste after viewing the stem music video

SA [5] A [4] U [3] (%) (%) (%)

D [2] (%)

SD [1] Total (%)

30.8

23.0

15.3

16.5

14.5

100

32.3

21.0

16.3

15.5

15.0

100

31.0

22.3

16.5

15.8

14.5

100

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As observed from the table, there was indeed a considerable percentage of respondents who agree and strongly agree to have had behavioural changes towards waste management after viewing the STEM music video, a total of 53.8% of the respondents agree to have had behavioural changes, this percentage outweighs the percentage of the respondents who disagreed and strongly disagreed constituting a total of 31%. In comparison, the undecided respondents carry a lesser percentage of 15.3%. It can therefore be stated that the STEM music video inculcated behavioural change in individuals towards waste management. A high percentage of respondents, constituting 32.3% of the population, strongly agree to have increased their level of activity in disposing of waste properly, 21.0% agree to the same, 16.3% of the respondents are undecided, 15.5% disagree, and 15.0% strongly disagree with having increased their level of activity in disposing of waste after viewing the video. From the results depicted in the table, most respondents became active in disposing of waste properly after viewing the video. This also validates the findings of Lee (2011) that Music videos in indigenous languages affect individuals in one way or the other. Although the percentage of those who disagree and strongly disagree is lesser, there is a probability that out of that percentage of the respondents who disagree and strongly disagree, there are individuals who haven’t viewed the STEM music video and so must have selected either of the two options. As portrayed by the table, it can be seen that 31.0% of respondents agree to have been encouraged to engage in disposing of waste after viewing the video, 22.3% agree and attest to the same, 16.5% of the respondents are undecided as to whether or not they were encouraged to engage in waste disposal after viewing the video, 15.8% of the respondents disagree that they were encouraged to engage in waste management, and 14.5% strongly disagree. Delving deeper into the figures, it can be deduced that a large percentage of respondents began engaging in waste disposal after viewing the STEM music video; the results of this table have a positive correlation to the result in the table in which there was a higher level of behavioural change compared to the percentage of respondents who agreed and disagreed in both tables. From the results, it can be inferred that the STEM music video encouraged individuals to engage in disposing of waste.

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Discussion of Findings STEM Music Video and Awareness on Waste Management in Lagos State The majority of the population, as depicted, has an excellent awareness of Olamide. This data is crucial because there is a probability that individuals may have viewed the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video as a result of Olamide being the artiste who spearheaded the song and the music video. The majority of individuals are aware of the STEM music video compared to the other responses as depicted in the table. Without having seen the video, there is no way individuals can decide whether or not the music video informed them on waste management. Thus, individuals who hadn’t seen the video disagreed or were undecided. Approximately 62.8% of the respondents are optimistic that they have seen the STEM music video, which correlates with the percentage of respondents who selected that the video has informed them on waste management. Sniehotta and Aunger (2010), in their research concerning behavioural change and its stages, opine that for any form of change to occur in the behaviour of individuals, external stimuli must first be initiated as, without it, behaviours would not change. In the first stage, the pre-contemplation stage, the individual consciously seeks new information about a particular behaviour. The external stimuli they are referring to is “information.” Without information, there wouldn’t be any form of external stimuli that would initiate a change in the behaviour of individuals, even if the individual decides to change a particular behaviour, it is as a result of what they have perceived (i.e., information gathered over the years). In summary, it can be said that the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video did create awareness of waste management. Even though individuals may not have consciously gone out of their way to seek information concerning waste management, the STEM music video was created to reach out to these individuals to create a chemical reaction in their cognitive processes, resulting in behavioural change. This finding corroborates that of Ogakason (2018) and Okpokwasili (2021) who found that music videos create awareness of social issues. In the stage models, Stages are defined differently based on the desired behaviour. Individuals in the “pre-contemplation” stage of smoking cessation are not planning to quit smoking in the next six months, for example. Those who are at the “contemplation” stage are seriously considering stopping in the

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medium term (usually defined as between one to six months). Individuals who plan to quit shortly (i.e., within a month) and have taken actions to prepare themselves for leaving are said to be in the “preparation” stage (Sniehotta & Aunger, 2010: 7). When people have quit for less than six months, they are in the Action stage. After a period of continuous abstinence of more than six months, the person enters the maintenance stage. The first three stages are thought to be motivated, whereas the last two are thought to be behavioural. Each stage is assumed to be completed in the order provided. The authors of the approach, however, acknowledge that people may regress (i.e., return to an “earlier” stage) on occasion. In some applications, a sixth stage is added called “termination,” where people have permanently embraced a new behaviour and no longer see any desire to revert to their prior behaviour (Sniehotta & Aunger, 2010: 7). Impact of the STEM Music Video on Lagos Residents It can be deduced that most of the respondents were affected by the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video. As portrayed by the results of the data presented in the table, it is evident that most of the respondents were affected by the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video, which shows that there was a positive impact of the video on the respondents. A total of 57.3% of the entire respondent population agree that the video did have an impact on them. This positive or negative impact would lead to behavioural change in the individuals. If the impact is positive, then the behavioural change would be positive as well. However, if the impact is negative, the behavioural change would be negative. According to Hogan et al. (2009), the effects Music videos in indigenous languages have on the behaviour and emotions of individuals is of vital concern. Their research goes further to explore the insight and the end product of music video communication which are vital to note for the behavioural changes as well because studies have accounted that exposure to violence, sexual stereotypes, sexual messages, and use of substances of cruelty in Music videos in indigenous languages might produce distinct alterations in behaviours and manners of viewers. Although not in the line of violence and abuse of any sort, this study goes further to concur with Hogan et al. It proves how powerful Music videos in indigenous languages are in affecting individuals and inculcating behavioural change

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towards a particular cause. Apart from Hogan et al., Many other works have been done that align with the fact that Music videos in indigenous languages have a huge impact on individuals whether sexually, violently, intellectually, and so on. Some of these works include that of Mischner et al. (2012), on Thinking big: The impact of sexually objectifying Music videos in indigenous languages on bodily self-perception in women, Bell et al. (2007), “The impact of thin models in Music videos in indigenous languages on adolescent girls’ body dissatisfaction.” It is one thing for a music video to impact an individual, and it is another thing to impact the individual positively. From the data explained above, the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video did impact residents of Lagos state, a positive impact, to be precise. Behavioural Change on Lagos Residents Towards Proper Waste Management Vis-à-Vis STEM Music Video Table 18.3 shows the responses of individuals on their level of behavioural change towards waste management. It also shows that 53.8% of the respondents recorded had behavioural changes towards waste management. The other responses from the table are far lesser than the responses that lean towards behavioural change. Therefore, it is evident that the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video did inculcate behavioural change in individuals towards waste management. According to Sniehotta and Aunger (2010), behavioural change occurs in stages, though still in their conclusion, there is no evidence that the process of behaviour change can be reliably defined as movement through a clear series of stages that can be separated into psychological grounds, they claim. For behavioural change to have occurred, an individual or group of people must have passed through different stages. Worthy of note is the point about the pre-contemplation stage (of which awareness falls) being the first and foremost stage for behavioural change. That is to say; there must have been some form of contact with information, whether consciously or unconsciously, that would cause or inculcate behavioural change, which in this case was the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video. The STEM music video served as the external stimuli (information) that the individuals needed to be affected internally for the other stages of behavioural change to take impact. This current study proves that, indeed, Sniehotta and Aunger (2010) were accurate in their research and judgement, attesting that information is

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the first stage and is necessary for behavioural change to occur in individuals. Though Sniehotta and Aunger claim that there is no evidence that people pass through each stage of behavioural change, this study serves as a form of evidence that individuals pass through a series of stages before behavioural change can occur. This study also proposes a new set of stages for behavioural change, which are (1) Information/awareness stage: in this stage, the individual becomes aware of the behaviour they want to change, and then, the individual comes in contact consciously or unconsciously with information which is in line of the change they are looking for. (2) Motivational stage: Here, the information motivates the individual to change, or the individual uses internal motivation to impact their change. (3) Action stage: Here, the individual begins to take actions that would eventually lead to behavioural change little by little. (4) Maintenance stage: In this stage, the individual maintains the actions they have begun and tries not to fall back to the old behavioural patterns. (5) Accomplishment stage: In this stage, the individual finally arrives at the behaviour which they sought to attain. Findings confirm that the behavioural change inculcated was positive. The increased functional level of waste disposal is a positive attitude and can be termed as a positive form of behavioural change towards waste management. Table 18.3 also tests whether the behavioural change inculcated was positive or negative. From the results derived from the table, it can be seen that 53.3% of the total respondents stated that the video encouraged them to engage in disposing of waste. This attitude of engaging oneself in waste disposal is positive. It can therefore be stated that there is a positive behavioural change in waste management. In the research of Weinstein et al. (1998), after the awareness stage has succeeded in accomplishing its task, it is left to the individual to decide whether or not to act positively or negatively. Although the information has been passed across, it would not be enough to condition the human cognitive system except through constant conditioning of the human mind. From the results above, the reach of the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video is unknown. Still, with the results shown above, there is a positive correlation with the research conducted by Weinstein et al. (1998) With regard to the Agenda-Setting Theory, which dictates that the media can determine what the audience believes to be necessary through the constant repetition of messages, it has been researched and proven by not only Weinstein et al. (1998) but also Sniehotta and Aunger and many other researchers such as Sutton, (2000) in his study

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“Interpreting cross-sectional data on stages of change,” Heckhausen and Gollwitzer (1987) in their article “Thought contents and cognitive functioning in motivational versus volitional states of mind.” This study also shows the validity of the theory in slowly conditioning the minds of individuals or the recipient audience and its prowess in attributing importance to certain events and making individuals consider such events relevant.

Conclusion and Recommendation The study concludes that the STEM music video created behavioural change in individuals towards waste management. The behavioural change inculcated is a positive one, as confirmed by the tables’ results. The Sterling Environmental Makeover music video created awareness of waste management; the video had an impact on the residents of Lagos State, and the impact of the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video was positive; the Sterling Environmental Makeover music video inculcated behavioural change in the residents of Lagos state towards waste management and the behavioural change was positive. Thus, it is recommended that the government at all levels should use various communication media to create awareness and educate residents on the importance of waste management and its effects if not properly managed. As can be seen in the findings of this research, Music videos in indigenous languages are compelling, and other mediums can be used as well to test their prowess.

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PART IV

Beat Analysis, Peace Journalism and Indigenous Indigenouse Language Media

CHAPTER 19

Indigenous Language as a Factor for Sustainable Development Ifedayo Akinwalere

Introduction The importance of information and knowledge growth cannot be disputed. They are the lubricant that keeps the machinery of growth and communication in motion. However, they must be shared in order to be effective. One goal of development communication is to spread knowledge about development to hasten the growth of a social system. This is crucial for developing countries in particular because they have to cope with a number of development difficulties Anaeto & Solo-Anaeto, 2010). Effective communication in the native tongue is essential for achieving growth in multilingual and ethnically diverse nations. Quebral (1975, cited in (Anaeto & Solo-Anaeto, 2010) outlines the four types of information that development communication aims to provide to achieve development in developing countries: information to increase

I. Akinwalere (B) Department of Mass Communication, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_19

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food, income, and health; information to fight illiteracy; information to lessen rural isolation, foster interaction among villagers, and link them with decision-making centres; information to help rural people form and maintain their own organisations; and information to fight environmental degradation. It is thought that in every human society, the government, organisations, and individuals would give language preservation the highest priority and attention. A civilisation finds it challenging to develop economically and technologically in a foreign tongue. The advancement of society is sped up by it. It has the power to protect national and cultural identity. There would surely be issues in the society for thoughts, ideas, and information without a universal language that everyone can comprehend, and the civilisation would become isolated. For social contact and for exchanging thoughts and experiences with others, language is essential. Language provides a means of communicating our thoughts as a result. It provides a method to encode and decode data, recode data, and record data. It also provides a mechanism to exhibit social ties. In Nigeria, native language training will improve learning and make it more effective by increasing student performance more than instruction in a foreign language (Benson et al., 2017). Language serves as a means of communicating a person’s culture, social mores, beliefs, and worldview. Language serves as a reservoir for a people’s identity and way of life and a means of communication for other people and younger generations. Thus, it is said that a lost language also signifies a lost identity, along with a lost race and people. It is a key with the power to contribute to a people’s growth. Economic, political, educational, technological, and social growth are all possible forms of development, etc. Language is used to originate, carry out, express, and archive all of these developments (Emeka-Nwobia, 2015). The national language would influence the identity of this country. One of the main problems in Nigeria is tribalism, which is a direct effect of multilingualism. Furthermore, bilingual populations are common in developing nations. A nation is more likely to be technologically, politically, and in other ways advanced if it supports fewer languages (Popoola, 2014). Language is the central activity of all human endeavours. Humans use language to express their feelings of love, hate, anger, joy, praise, satisfaction, and dissatisfaction; to comment on societal issues such as politics, social issues, educational issues, or economic issues; to express their religious beliefs; to comment on the weather; and even to fill voids when

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they have nothing else to do, particularly in the exchange of pleasantries. Because of this, human beings have a propensity to constantly speak, use words, and utilise language to interact socially with others and to accomplish daily goals for both their own well-being and the well-being of their community. When communication is open and honest, people get along well. In a similar vein, if there is improper communication, community initiatives will undoubtedly fail. Without language, one wonders what the world would have been like. Language coexists and resides with individuals and the way a person or group of speakers use language affects how they see the outside world (Eyisi, 2000 cited in Emeka-Nwobia, 2015). One of man’s fundamental tools, language is essential to his daily activities and transactions. In order to suit the needs of the community of speakers who use it, human language, as a basic resource for addressing the communication needs of society’s members, is sophisticated and highly developed. The only characteristic shared by all humans that distinguishes us from other species genetically is the ability to communicate through language. Like building hives or nests, language is a universal and biologically unique human activity. It is something that we do automatically, compulsively, and in groups. Without it, we cannot be human; if we were to be cut off from it, our minds would perish just as certainly as bees cut off from the hive. Language is what makes us human and users cannot exist without it. Language is utilised to address one of the essential everyday requirements of the speakers, therefore it does not exist in a vacuum but rather lives in the lips of the speakers. It contributes significantly to national development (Emeka-Nwobia, 2015). The effectiveness of any development programmes significantly hinges on how the development message is handled. With the conclusion of the era of what is now known as the dominant paradigm of development, a new communication strategy for development emerged from late 1960s to early 1970s. By creating marketing themes culturally aware, linguistically unique and in tune with the social reality of those in the developing world, the new strategy encouraged their popularisation. For the society, the language chosen to communicate development messages is essential. The native language of a community is the most efficient means of communication with that group (Popoola, 2014). Communication is valuable in and of itself. It is a cultural characteristic that deserves attention. It is a method for preserving, transmitting, and sharing

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cultures and the indigenous knowledge they contain (Mundy & LloydLaney, 1992). Numerous development initiatives, including Operation Feed the Nation in the 1970s and the Structural Adjustment Programme in the 1990s, among others, failed to have the desired impact on Africans due to a number of factors, such as a top-down, centralised approach, a lack of active community involvement and an excessive reliance on external information, technology delivery channels and foreign languages (Efa et al., 2010). Rural communities traditionally generate, store, share, communicate, and use information through well-established communication infrastructure. Rural populations can effectively obtain many forms of information relating to their daily lives through local communication channels and networks (Mundy & Compton, 1995 cited in Efa et al., 2010). Humans frequently communicate. Human behaviour, including how we act, speak, remain silent, and welcome others, as well as how we dress, who we choose to befriend, and how we conduct ourselves at work, all convey a variety of messages to those around us. Good communicators know how to use each of these communication styles to convey a range of messages to a variety of audiences, but they also understand that listening is the most crucial aspect of communication. Good listeners are those who communicate effectively. Effective communication is an ongoing activity between individuals who desire to listen to one another as well as share their expertise with others. The human community is distinguished by the sophistication of human communication. In its most basic form, communication is the interchange of meaning through signs and symbols. Due to the fact that language is a system of symbols, it is the primary means of communication. As a result, language can be described as a collection of symbols that members of the same culture use to communicate ideas. These signs can be spoken or written. Every human culture, as a result, has an indigenous language that its members use to communicate, which makes it easier for them to do so. In emerging countries, the bulk of which were colonised during the height of empire building native language communication has suffered (Popoola, 2014). Indigenous people have a powerful way of exchanging information. Newspapers, radio, or extension organisations are not used for this type of communication. It happens in families, during village organisation meetings, in the market, or at the well. A large portion of this communication is informal and disorganised, interpersonal, oral rather than written, regulated locally rather than by outside parties and employs little or

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no technology (Mundy & Lloyd-Laney, 1992). Ngugi Wa Thiong’o, a leading advocate for the use of African languages by Africans in creative writing, emphasises how important language is in shaping how people perceive the world: “Since the new language as a means of communication was a product of and was reflecting the “real” language of life elsewhere, it could never properly reflect or imitate the real life of that community as spoken or written.” This might provide some insight into why technology always seems to be something that belongs to someone else rather than to us. People are just as attached to their language as they are to other aspects of their culture, such as their religion, way of dressing, political system, and so forth, making it challenging to persuade them to do so. Language is utilised to convey messages through the media as well as in interpersonal contact. Language may be an important part of culture that every community zealously defends for, among other things (Lingling, 2021). Technology enabled the creation of mass communication media, which has improved communication within and between communities (Popoola, 2014). Examining indigenous communication technologies that are meant to support development activities becomes essential. This is due to the fact that development is a diverse, cross-disciplinary, and highly participative process in which the intended beneficiaries take an active part in each stage. The results of the study on how external media affect indigenous media in terms of development efforts reveal that many reasons have impeded the complete realisation of development in rural Nigeria. Additionally, it has been found that participatory development, in which the actual beneficiaries actively participate from the beginning of the development programme until the evaluation stage, is the most effective kind of development. As a result, the socioeconomic development of Nigerian communities is significant to the usage of indigenous languages in communication. Therefore, participative development is ideal and it requires in-depth understanding of the people’s culture, which is centred on indigenous communication. It is crucial to fully utilise indigenous media to inform and inspire rural residents to participate in development programmes (Nwosu, 2013). In-depth academic study on the value of indigenous communication to development did not start until the 1970s (Nwosu, 2013).

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Significance of Indigenous Language in Development Nigeria, which has over 500 indigenous languages, is the nation with the most linguistic diversity in the world, second only to the Island of New Guinea. As a result, the nation is positioned as one of the linguistically varied countries in the world. Three indigenous languages: Igbo, Hausa, and Yoruba are still spoken today and are regarded as national languages. The national policy of education, which was formulated in 1977 and amended in the following years in 1981, 1989, 1998, and 2004, captures the status of these three languages as officially recognised languages. The Federal Government of Nigeria’s Nigerian Language Policy (NLP) is a philosophical declaration with statutory overtones that directs the teaching, learning, and official use of several languages in the nation. The strategy emphasises the value of language in fostering social connection, national solidarity, and the preservation of the country’s extensive cultural history (Emeka-Nwobia, 2015). Despite the fact that a community desiring wealth appears to need to avoid multilingualism, a country will become prosperous if it immediately embraces just one or two languages. In countries with high per capita GDP, just one or two languages are commonly spoken. Developing nations like Zambia and Nigeria, however, have a wide variety of languages. Multilingualism supports tribal nationalism, which is harmful to the country as a whole. Any message meant to encourage development and positive change but not understood by all target audiences is just semantic noise at this point (Popoola, 2014). Adekunle (1976 cited in Emeka-Nwobia, 2015) evaluates the usefulness of Nigerian languages and divides them into the following three groups: Class A: The government has designated the following languages as the major indigenous languages; they are spoken by at least six million native speakers and are widely used by Nigerians of various mother tongues outside of their state of origin. Examples of these languages include Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. Class B: These are the officially recognised languages in Nigeria that are used at the national and federal levels, but they are rarely used outside of the state in which they were developed. The Kanuri, Fulani, Edo, Efik, Tiv, and Ijo, among others, fall under this category. Class C: These

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are insignificant tongues that receive no official state recognition. Adekunle’s classification appears to be in line with the government’s position on the status of Nigerian languages and the official recognition of the class A languages, Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba, as a means of conducting business in the National Assembly alongside English (Ibukun & Aboluwodi, 2010). Due to the linguistic diversity of the Nigerian nation and people, these policies may exist in written form but are not applicable (Emeka-Nwobia, 2015). The core of the study by Emeka-Nwobia (2015) is a critical evaluation of the function of language in a country’s development. Although it is true that knowing and using English gives access to the global economy and the world of science and technology, the work acknowledges the importance of indigenous languages and calls for deliberate efforts to be made to give them more power so they can keep up with the technological advancements of the twenty-first century and beyond. The report also serves as a call to action for the government, stakeholders, groups, and individuals to make an effort to prevent the exclusion of a representative population, language endangerment, and potential extinction of the indigenous languages. When a language is lost, identity is faded away, which translates to a lost race and generation. Native communication systems are significant because people can utilise them more successfully than ones that were imported because they are accustomed to them and can easily understand, accept, and believe in them. They are widely available, diverse, adaptable in time and space, location-specific, and appropriate for the socio-cultural circumstances of the area. Because they are already in place, they also require less money. Indigenous channels can promote development since informal ties are crucial for inspiring people to innovate or make changes (Mundy & Compton, 1995 cited in Efa et al., 2010). Exogenous channels, in contrast, have a smaller audience, are more restrictive, and locals frequently have reservations regarding information from outside sources. People are more likely to trust in and fully understand any message conveyed to them in their home tongue than in a foreign one. Many rural individuals are inaccessible even to the most extensively used external channels, such as radio and extension personnel (Mundy & Compton, 1995 cited in Efa et al., 2010). Unfortunately, indigenous knowledge and customs were not treated with enough care in many earlier development efforts. For instance, a study in South Western Ethiopia discovered

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that although farmers have a wealth of indigenous knowledge about the production, use, and protection of maize, much of this knowledge is being neglected and lost as a result of the promotion of modern technology packages like hybrid seeds and related inputs and practices (Negussie et al., 2005 cited in Efa et al., 2010). One of the primary concerns facing Africa as a whole at the moment is how to sustain development processes and outcomes. However, it appears that basic considerations on the significance of literacy and language are disregarded in the effort to achieve sustainable development over the entire continent of Africa. It seems logical that this has been influenced in part by the emphasis on econometric metrics like GDP, GNP, capital flows, oil receipts, and related financial data. Another crucial element that is strongly related to the growth of human capital is the capacity of an economic system to offer each resident a quantifiable level of “quality of life.” Therefore, the degree of individual engagement, representation, and inclusion in a functioning democracy is a crucial component of longterm growth in addition to low inflation, a healthy foreign reserve, and a net flow of commodities and services into a country (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018). For democracy and quality of life ideals to flourish, a high degree of literacy is required. Free speech in a language that is commonly understood by everyone is therefore essential. The problem of sustainable development is more likely to be solved if indigenous knowledge systems and languages are respected and exploited. Expanding the usage and teaching of African languages may also help to advance literacy, which is unquestionably the most significant indicator of a nation’s progress towards becoming one of the world’s top economies. Literacy acts as the “juicer” of development, combining the three main components: people, policy, and programmes and causing them to interact to promote sustainable development. It is capable of transforming the lives of people, allowing them to make informed choices and empowering individuals to become agents of change (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018). An employee of an educational NGO in Sokoto asserts that the use of an exogenous language in education has turned into a formidable and impenetrable barrier to access to knowledge and information for a larger segment of Nigerian society by alienating the language of the environment and disengaging them from the educational process. He noted that students regularly performed poorly on public exams, usually as a result of linguistic issues in both teaching and learning. For instance, the

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Senior Secondary Certificate Examination requires candidates to have five credits, two of which must be in English and mathematics. According to data from the National Examination Council (NECO) from 2010, a whopping 98.2% of applicants did not meet this requirement (Dailytrust newspaper, March 17, 2010) cited in (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018). Only 1.8% of these applicants passed the examination! This unacceptable degree of failure may be attributed to a number of issues, with students’ inadequate command of the instructional language standing out as a prime suspect (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018). Therefore, regardless of how well they comprehend a topic, idea, or procedure, students would receive lower grades or even fail if they are unable to effectively articulate it in the language of instruction. It is crucial to figure out how to incorporate indigenous languages into at least some of our schools’ curricula. This would serve to supplement English, which is still the only official language and the only western source of information in the nation. If we continue to ignore these valuable language resources within our countries, it is unlikely that Africa will experience any type of rapid and long-lasting development in the twenty-first century. Unexpectedly, there is a continuing problem with African governments, policymakers, and planners failing to acknowledge that languages, especially our indigenous languages, offer the greatest potential and power to advance our development as individuals and as nations. This is made clearer when one considers literacy and the accelerated social and economic development that comes with it in a nation state (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018). As long as there is a political will to effectively utilise the advantages that the country can derive from appropriating the abundant linguistic resources for sustainable national development, the question of what to do with the numerous languages in Africa, and Nigeria in particular, need not result in endless debates. Among the countries with comparable language issues are Tanzania, South Africa, Malaysia, Singapore, and Canada. These countries not only conquered the challenge but also made a concerted effort to preserve their native tongues. For instance, a sound linguistic strategy may have contributed to South Africa’s rise to prominence as Africa’s scientific and technology powerhouse. In recognition of the requirement for them to be a part of South Africa’s fast-changing technological environment, eleven (11) indigenous languages—which together make up 98% of the population were approved as official languages. The management of various linguistic resources and the accomplishment of the government’s goal to enhance

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democracy, justice, equity, and national cohesion are both impacted by the framework for language policy (Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2018).

Media and Indigenous Language The most important social institution for the creation and distribution of meaning has probably been the mass media. They are now the main source of leisure activities. They are a significant source of images, advice on how to express oneself, general lifestyle suggestions, details on and explanations of social and political processes, as well as images and suggestions for how to represent oneself in the media (Adedeji, 2015). The development of the media in Nigeria was significantly influenced by colonial administration and missionary activity. They were unable to create a communication system that was centred on individuals, even if the two variables changed how information was disseminated. In 1859, missionaries in Abeokuta, southwest Nigeria, established the first mass media. The “Iwe Irohin” was founded with the intention of promoting Christianity, but its use of the Yoruba language—which was widely used for interpersonal contact in Western Nigeria—made it notable. However, other factors overrode media development in Nigeria, thus the societal advantages of publishing in the local tongue were not maintained (Ogunyemi, 1995). Due to nationalist struggle and colonial language and educational regulations, Nigeria was unable to build a people-oriented media. Most illiterate individuals believed that the new media was a tool of the elite. The gap between the literate and illiterate segments of society really grew as a result of the elite’s influence over it and the use of a foreign tongue for communication. This was the political and social climate in Nigeria previous to independence, where newspapers were born. Little had changed when the colonial authorities introduced Radio in 1932. Instead of the necessity to educate the public about Britain and the entire world, the introduction of it was motivated by the desire to establish a potent propaganda tool for the British (Ogunyemi, 1995). Adedeji (2015) studies the employment of both English and regional languages in the press in Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa. The study found that the primary challenge facing indigenous media in Africa is the decision to make English the official language, which invariably places native languages in the background. The study concludes that in order for the indigenous language press to thrive, the affected African

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nations must intensify their efforts to promote their native languages and the culture of reading through educational policies, mandate that broadcast media include more local content to meet African needs and declare African languages to be official languages in addition to English for business transactions. Ogunyemi (1995) examines how committed the media is to supporting and adapting traditional folk media into modern media technology. For instance, there are periodicals in the Yoruba language “Gboungboun” and the English language “Daily Times.” The findings showed that missionary activities and colonial authority had a big impact on Nigerian media. These two factors altered the way information was communicated, but they were unable to create a system of communication that was more efficient, different, and person-centred. To foster a sense of shared engagement in governance, it was urged to start in rural regions and employ radio in particular as the community communication medium. To better reflect the socio-cultural makeup of the country, its people and their education, culture and language, local Nigerian media should be restructured. Native language media is a prime example of a people-centred communication strategy for national development programmes and the preservation of socio-cultural values, ensuring cultural self-determination in the process. Since the beginning of time, the media’s basic function has not altered. The “Watchman Role,” which requires media to monitor society and report back, is still fulfilled by them. That is, to make policy decisions, to lead, and to legislate; and the Teacher Role, i.e., to socialise new members by imparting to them the values that the society places on its laws, practices, and beliefs. Modern communication has altered as a result of the development of new media technology. The consequences of media technology have led communication academics to believe that television, for example, is more than just a device that delivers information to our homes; rather, it is a source through which culture can be conveyed and its usage is culturally induced everywhere. Indigenous languages are not given much respect; in Nigeria, for instance, English and western education continue to be the paths to success. For instance, “Towncrier” is one of the communication methods used in Nigeria. The cultural orientation of this communication technique makes it particularly effective. For instance, the Towncrier (source) can communicate with the recipient using the gong as the medium. In this instance, there are two things in common between the sender and the recipient. First,

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acknowledge the Gong as a communication symbol. Second, Yoruba is the widely used language of communication in South and West Nigeria. Effective communication depends on the source and the listener having similar social experiences. Sharing the same social experience is therefore essential for effective communication that is focused on people. Due largely to the impact of colonialism, African nations today have strayed from this kind of communication, at least in metropolitan areas. This transition was required not because traditional forms of communication were useless, but rather because they were inadequate for reaching large audiences quickly in densely populated locations. The type of communication that developed from this type of communication process is one in which the news media act as a middleman between the “Source” and the “Recipient” (Ogunyemi, 1995). The advancement of communication technologies necessitated a change in how Africans thought. Or, to put it another way, if they want to interact socially with the source, they need to recognise this media technology as a sign of communication. Africans have adapted to using and accepting modern media technology since before their countries gained their independence, which has resulted in a full integration of this technology into their society’s communication infrastructure. The lack of a generally accepted social language is the biggest obstacle to a full exchange of shared social experiences with the recipient in the majority of African countries. Media in a multilingual society should act as an agent for interethnic understanding and as a unifying force in addressing this issue (Ogunyemi, 1995). Despite the shady political environment that contributed to the growth of the media in Nigeria, the government has consistently emphasised its willingness to use the media to promote the people’s culture in the country. This commitment led General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration to organise the National Communication Policy Seminar in Lagos in 1987. The seminar advocated the establishment of community viewing centres in each of the nation’s 97,000 communities in order to promote a culture of television consumption in rural areas and set the foundation for the eventual development of television stations there. Even if they may continue to originate their programmes from their current metropolitan sites, the structures of federal and state radio and television stations should be blended with those of the established rural media. As a result of this idea, broadcasting corporations broadcast/disseminate more native-language programming than before. The media’s attempts to

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promote and reflect the people’s culture are haphazard and disorganised, nevertheless, because they are not directed towards this goal. They have been moulded to suit the tastes and informational interests of the elite as a result of their concentration in urban areas. Additionally, a lack of production expertise in converting folk media, such as folk theatre, drama, and story-telling, to modern media hindered the large-scale creation of indigenous language programming (Ogunyemi, 1995). We looked at the content of two newspapers: the English language “Daily Times” (one of the 97 newspapers and magazines published in that language) and the Yoruba-language “Gboungboun” (one of the 18 newspapers and magazines published in the three main indigenous languages of Nigeria: Hausa, Yoruba, and Ibo). The study programme lasts five years (1989–1993). The goal of the study was to ascertain whether either newspaper’s readers were receiving accurate information on the political and socioeconomic situation of the country. The South Western Nigerian region chosen for inquiry speaks Yoruba as its native tongue. This area was chosen for investigation because it is considered to be an “educationally privileged location” and serves as Nigeria’s media centre. The study makes it clear that “DTN” handles all of the concerns with authority. Its proportion of “isolate” and “prominent” is higher than “Gboungboun’s,” demonstrating that it is both an agenda-setter and an opinion leader. It is understandable why “DTN” is preferred because both publications compete for educated readers. The ability to read and write in English is another definition of literacy in Nigeria. Literate people who are fluent in their mother tongue have a tendency to overlook native language publications because they find it difficult to read and understand them. The government’s plan to begin issuing publications in indigenous languages is therefore nothing more than political shilling. Newspapers in these languages will only be extensively read and respected when they are granted a higher constitutional standing. They now have little chance of raising readers’ political consciousness or interest in indigenous languages (Ogunyemi, 1995). Between 1980 and 1983, the Second Republic of Nigeria experienced the most rapid growth in the number of TV channels, and the cause was political. This astounding growth proves that television is accepted as a communication symbol. TV has overcome the literacy barrier since it appeals to both populations. This was reinforced by a 1954 UNESCO study that found “TV enjoys an especially amazing success among youngsters, uneducated people and poorer homes.” The

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proportion of media programmes broadcast in English, Yoruba, and the proportion of imported programmes were discovered. In the 1970s, the proportion of imported programmes reduced dramatically. Because they are largely domestically produced, English language programmes are therefore given priority over those in native tongues. Given that the media focuses on cities, this is hardly shocking. Additionally, the social milieu of Nigerian culture is not yet accurately reflected by television, which is obviously elitist. Native language programmes receiving less broadcast means that the majority population will have less access to media and information. Therefore, denying information is equivalent to denying political power (Ogunyemi, 1995). Radio serves everyone irrespective of the level of education and because it is affordable, accessible, and there is a possibility for community funding, it can serve as a community media. This would reduce the financial burden on the government and stop urban migration, especially among young people, by creating jobs and promoting them. Ethnic media is crucial if the government is serious about developing a strong democracy since ideas developed at this level can be used to develop national policies. Ethnic media will promote a feeling of group involvement in politics. Additionally, indigenous language proponents in Nigeria emphasised these benefits to back up their claims that these languages will promote economical and cultural activities, enhance national planning, promote national pride, and accelerate national unification. Given the nation’s persistent instability and economic unrest, one can only conclude that the elevation and promotion of indigenous languages in the media is the only viable course of action (Ogunyemi, 1995). A few developing countries have taken steps to boost local languages in the media. For instance, in order to broadcast native language programming to remote locations, Indonesia deployed the “Palapa Satellite” in 1976. (Bahasa). Dr. Godwin Chu of the East/West Centre in Honolulu, Hawaii, USA, affirmed the project’s performance and advantages in his evaluation based on a six-year survey. Dr. Chu claims that the programme fostered reading and speaking of the national language as well as national integration. To better accurately portray the socio-cultural element of the country, the media should be reorganised (Ogunyemi, 1995). Using social media, endangered languages are being preserved. The YouTube account for the Enduring Voices Project, which records endangered languages, is a good illustration. Rural people speaking endangered languages can now reach a worldwide audience owing to social media.

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The Aka-language YouTube video by a hiphop duo from a hamlet in northeast India has received more than 9,000 views. This language is spoken by more than ten times as many individuals. Social media contributes to the revival of indigenous languages by enabling their internet use. Including Cherokee, Quechua, Azerbaijani, Javanese, Macedonian, Galician, and Sinhala, Facebook supports more than 70 languages (Lallana, 2015). You would note that the English language press has long dominated the media landscape if you closely examined the press in four African countries, including Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa. The majority of new media that came out after that were in English, with the exception of Iwe Irohin, which finally become bilingual. In reality, most of the publishers at the time were not natives of Nigeria. There were just a few indigenous or local newspapers between the time the first newspaper (Iwe Irohin) was founded (1859) and the present, the most of which are no longer in existence. They are “The Iwe Irohin (1859), Eko Akete (1922), Eleti Ofe (1923), Iwe Irohin Ose (1925), Eko Igbehin (1926), and Akede Eko (1928)”. Others are: Unwana Efik (1885), Obukpong Efik (1886) Gaskiya TafiKwabo (1939), Isokan, Iwe Iroyin Yoruba, Gbohungbohun, Amana, Udoka and Alaroye (1996). The few local newspapers had all but disappeared, save for Alaroye, as the English language press had taken over the media landscape (Adedeji, 2015). In addition to the official language of Nigeria, the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) broadcasts news and a variety of programmes in Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo (Adedeji, 2015). If so, given that the target audience is primarily made up of rural residents, slum dwellers, people from low socioeconomic status, and illiterates, the ineffectiveness of many development initiatives in Nigeria can be attributed to the audience’s failure to recognise and understand the messages of the campaigns (Popoola, 2014). Native language media is an excellent example of a communication strategy focused on the needs of the target audience for national development projects and the preservation of socio-cultural values, hence promoting cultural self-determination. Nigeria, the most populous nation in the black world, has an obligation to enhance African culture and civilisation. A change in the direction of media in African countries will arise from reorienting their media in accordance with this trend (Ogunyemi, 1995).

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Conclusion and Recommendations It is important to recognise language as a resource that a country can use and that possesses properties comparable to those of other natural resources. The ideals of sustainable development can be spread and institutionalised because multilingualism can broaden social and economic inclusion. Supporting socioeconomic empowerment can enhance and speed up political inclusion. These are the best conditions for eradicating poverty, racial and gender discrimination, and other injustices, paving the way for inclusive and sustainable growth. In order to operate within the social context of the nation, the media’s role in Nigeria urgently has to be reevaluated and restructured. There should be ethnic-focused media. In Nigeria, where there is a unique ethnic situation, ethnic media must be formed in order to reach the majority. As a result, the knowledge gap between literate and illiterate individuals will be reduced, cross-cultural dialogue will rise and cross-cultural understanding will be promoted. By using indigenous languages, our society would become more cohesive, which would facilitate national planning, increase national pride, foster competence, and advance economical and cultural activities.

References Adedeji, A. O. (2015). Analysis of use of English and indigenous languages by the press in selected African countries. Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review, 4(8), 3545. Anaeto, S. G., & Solo-Anaeto, M. (2010). Development communication: Principle and practice. Stirling-Horden Publishers. Benson, O. V., Anyalebechi, L. I., & Ariole, I. A. (2017). Promoting indigenous language in Nigeria: Issues and challenges for the library and information professionals. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac/1472 Efa, N., Musebe, R., Day, R., Romney, D., Kimani, M., Maulana, T., & Mallya, G. (2010). Integrating indigenous and exogenous communication channels and capabilities through community-based armyworm forecasting. African Crop Science Journal, 18(3), 115–125. Emeka-Nwobia, N. U. (2015). The place of indigenous Nigerian languages in national development. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/234674599.pdf Ibrahim, M., & Ahmed, U. (2018). Indigenous languages and the question of development in postcolonial Africa: Focus on Nigeria. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 8(12), 41–49.

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Ibukun, O. W., & Aboluwodi, A. (2010). Nigeria’s national policy on education and the university curriculum in history: Implication for nation building. Journal of Education and Practice, 1(2), 9–17. Lallana, E. C. (2015). Exploring social media’s role in development. https:// www.unapcict.org/sites/default/files/inline-files/Primer%205_Exploring% 20SMs%20Role%20in%20Development.pdf Lingling, L. (2021). A study on the cross-cultural communication strategies of yue opera. Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature, 2(2), 53– 59. https://doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v2i2.61 Mundy, P., & Lloyd-Laney, M. (1992). Indigenous communication. https:// www.researchgate.net/publication/265755102_Indigenous_communication Nwosu, I. A. (2013). Indigenous communication as an enabling factor for rural development in Nigeria. International Journal of Development and Management Review, 8(1), 122–143. Ogunyemi, O. I. (1995). The role of media in promoting African indigenous languages. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED389164.pdf Popoola, M. (2014). The language factor in Nigeria’s national development: A development communication perspective. Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 19(3), 84–91.

CHAPTER 20

A Study of the Yoruba Language Newspapers in the Colonial Era Clement Adeniyi Akangbe

Introduction The evolution of Yoruba orthography which was championed by the Christian missionaries was a milestone towards writing and printing in Yoruba language. Prominent among those at the forefront of how Yoruba was reduced to writing were Bowdich in 1819, Kilham in 1828, Clapperton in 1929, and Raban from 1830 to 1832. However, Clapperton was the first person to write down Yoruba within its homeland and he called the language “Yourriba” (Hair, 1994: 6); all others were writing Yoruba language from far away Sierra Leone. As Akangbe (2014: 66) remarked, Hannah Kilham was the known scholar of Yoruba language and the first to propose the orthography in 1828. Her untimely death in

C. A. Akangbe (B) Indigenous Language Media in Africa, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_20

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1832 and John Raban’s departure from Sierra Leone in 1836 however robbed Yoruba language of the initial proponents of its orthography. The spate of efforts of the missionaries at writing Yoruba continued unabated with ground-breaking activities of notable missionaries like Noris, Henry Townsend, Gollmer, Samuel Ajayi Crowther, J.T. Bowen, and David Hinderer, among others. The evolution of orthography facilitated writing and newspaper was the primary beneficiary. The Yoruba people who occupy the modern-day South-west, Nigeria have been in the forefront of newspaper production, nay journalism, right from the colonial period till date. They were passionate about the survival of their language and culture which they highly cherished and were also very concerned about their political independence and emancipation. This enthusiasm manifested in the establishment of Iwe Irohin fun Awon Egba ati Yoruba (popularly shortened as Iwe Irohin) in 1859. Iwe Irohin was first published on December 3, 1859, by Church Missionary Society (CMS) Press under the direction of Rev. Henry Townsend. The Yoruba language newspaper became bilingual on March 8, 1860. It is remarkable that Iwe Irohin fun awo.n E.gba ati Yoruba published fortnightly one hundred and ten (110) editions between 1859 and 1867 (Oguns.ina, 2002: 3) when its production stopped. In succession, several other newspapers in Yoruba language followed at different times. Iwe Irohin Eko which was edited and published by Andrew M. Thomas followed in 1888 while Rev. J. Vernal of the Anglican Mission established Iwe Eko in 1891. In 1910, two female missionaries at the CMS Bookshop founded Nigbati Owo Ba Dile. The decade of 1920– 1930 was quite significant for Yoruba newspaper publications. Adeoye Deniga started Eko Akete on July 18, 1922, which was printed by TikaTore Press. On December 2, 1923, Eleti O . fe hit the stand. It was edited and published by E.A. Akintan and printed by Akin Adeshigbin (Akangbe, 2014; Ogunsina, 2002). In 1924, Yoruba News was established in Ibadan, the first of its kind in that city. A weekly newspaper in Yoruba, it was published by D.A. O . basá and printed by Ìlàr´e. Printers (Akinyemi, 2017). Iwe Iroyin Osose, another Yoruba weekly, was published in 1925 by Thomas Horatio Jackson of the Weekly Record fame. On November 21, 1925, Osumare Egba was launched in Abeokuta. It was published by Nigerian Blessed Press. Back in Lagos, Eko Igbehin joined the rising stable of Yoruba newspapers on December 9, 1925; it was published by Olagunju Oni. Akede Eko, edited and published by I.B. Thomas, started on December 23, 1927. Iroyin

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Table 20.1 Notable Yoruba newspapers in the colonial era S/N

Name

Year founded

Founder

Location

1 2 3 4

Iwe Irohin Iwe Irohin Eko Iwe Eko Nigbati Owo Ba Dile

1859 1888 1891 1910

Abeokuta Lagos Lagos Lagos

5 6 7 8

Eko Akete Eleti Ofe Yoruba News Iwe Iroyin Osoose

1922 1923 1924 1925

9 10 11 12

Osumare Egba Eko Igbein Akede Eko Iroyin Yoruba

1925 1925 1927 1945

13

Irawo Obokun

1952

Henry Townsend Andrew M. Thomas Rev. J. Vernal 2 CMS Female Missionaries Adeoye Deniga E.A. Akintan D.A. Obasa Thomas Horatio Jackson Nigerian Blessed Press Olagunju Oni I.B. Thomas Allied Newspapers of Nigeria Ilesa

Lagos Lagos Ibadan Lagos Lagos Lagos Lagos Ibadan Ilesa

Yoruba was established in 1945 by the Allied Newspapers of Nigeria Limited (a company established by the leaders of Action Group) and was later being published by the African Newspapers. On Monday, June 2, 1952, Irawo Obokun was founded in Ilés.à. These were the prominent Yoruba newspapers in the colonial era (Table 20.1).

Colonialism in Nigeria The onset of the slave trade in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese as the initiator of the illicit, inhuman, and denigrating trade laid the foundation for the colonial period in Nigeria. While the Portuguese sold slaves primarily to obtain spices and weapons in other areas, the Nigerians who saw the business as lucrative readily supplied the slaves. The urge to procure slaves heightened tensions among different ethnic groups and tribes which readily generated prisoners of war who became goods to be sold to the Portuguese as slaves. By the eighteenth century, the British had not only become actively engaged in the slave trade business, she had completely taken over the leadership from the Portuguese. The British began their colonisation by slowly moving around the area and defeating different power heads in order to obtain more trading goods.

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Perhaps, the most critical intrusion and incursion of the British into Nigeria was the conquest of Lagos in 1851 and its formal incorporation as a colony ten years later in 1861. With time, the influence of the British spread from Lagos to the hinterland down to the Niger area. In 1900, three geo-political administrations were inaugurated. These were Colony and Protectorate of Lagos, the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria, and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. This actually marked the formal beginning of colonial rule in the region. In 1914, the Colony and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria were merged with the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. This finally gave birth to a nation called Nigeria (Falola, 2016). As submitted by Falola (2016) in his article titled “Nigeria as a Colony”, the British kept their control over Nigeria via indirect rule, a system through which the local leaders would govern the area under orders of the British. This way, the British could profit from the economy of Nigeria that, because of their intervention, was based primarily on the export of different crops including palm oil, cacao, and peanuts, while also not getting in the way of ethnic tensions. Falola (2016) also added that the British created a “divide and rule policy” to magnify the schisms among the different Nigerian groups, all to the advantages of the Queen. Calculated divisions among the member groups came in diverse forms. This was magnified, among others, by religion via the predominantly Islamic North and heavily Christian South; and addition of Cameroon, (a former German colony) to Nigeria, thus magnifying the diversity within the borders of Nigeria. Pan-Africanism and the struggle to liberate the indigenes from racism and European domination led to the evolution of movements and the formation of political parties which fought against the British rule via the youth, market women, the media, educated people, and farmers, all of whom became committed to the anticolonial movement. They were all united in their sole agitation to put an end to colonialism. Britain maintained her colonial hold on Nigeria through different constitutions, namely: Clifford Constitution in 1922, Richards Constitution in 1946, Macpherson Constitution in 1951, and Lyttleton Constitution in 1954. At the forefront of this agitation were notable nationalists like Herbert Macaulay, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, Sir. Ahmadu Bello, Chief Anthony Enahoro, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, and several other leaders of note. These various political leaders resorted to using their political parties and the media to sensitise and mobilise millions of Nigerians to clamour for an end to the

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colonial rule in Nigeria. On the whole, the period of British rule lasted until October 1, 1960, when Nigeria formally secured her independence and was pronounced a sovereign state.

Profiles of Selected Yoruba Newspapers Three Yoruba newspapers that were published during the colonial period in Nigeria were selected as data for this study. The selection was purposive as it was based on the availability of copies. The office of the National Archives of Nigeria located in the University of Ibadan is acknowledged and given credit for facilitating data for this study. The three newspapers were chronologically selected as follows: Eko Akete (1922), Eleti Ofe (1923), and Yoruba News (1924).

Eko Akete (1922) Adeoye Deniga was the editor and proprietor of Eko Akete which he established on July 18, 1922. Its office was located at No. 24, Williams Street, Lagos. The Lagos-based Saturday Yoruba newspaper (as its name “Eko Akete” reflects) has protection of interest of the masses as its goal. This was revealed by its motto: “Emi yio fi ohun ti o ndun Makunnu han awon alagbara, ngo si je alagbawi awon obi” meaning “I will reveal the pains of the masses to the government, and I will be the advocate of parents”. Eko Akete prides itself as “The leading weekly vernacular newspaper in Nigeria” and a copy was sold for 4 pence. There was provision for annual, bi-annual, and quarterly subscriptions. While Lagos residents paid one pound, six shillings, and three shillings respectively; buyers outside Lagos paid one pound and one shilling, six shillings and six pence, and three shillings and six pence. For subscribers outside Nigeria, one pound and two shillings, seven shillings, and four shillings were their respective subscription charges. Eko Akete was printed on wood-free newsprint.

Eleti Ofe Eleti Ofe was a weekly newspaper that hit the stand every Wednesday. The publication began on December 2, 1923. It had “Ki ise fun ire ara mi bikose fun ire ilu mi” (Not for my own good but for the good of my town) as its motto. Its cover price was three pence while its subscription rates were three shillings for three months, six shillings for six months,

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and one pound for one year. Eleti Ofe had its office located at “Mo Beru Agba” Villa, 71, Os.odi Street, Epetedo, Lagos. Its Branch Office was situated at 13, Victoria Road, Lagos with Post Office Box number 578. The Editor and Proprietor, E.A. Akintan, openly advertised for freelance contributors to the newspapers. Eleti Ofe combined two editions as its Numbers 51 and 52 of January 16 and 23, 1929, were published together. Incidentally, the cover price remained 3 pence while the publication volume was still 8 pages, which was its usual size. Obviously for whatever reason, a week was skipped which necessitated the release of two editions together. Another unique feature was the introduction of the year 1929 almanac on the cover page. The almanac was arranged in double columns of six months each. It was printed on a special paper with imprints in two colours of red and black.

Yoruba News Yoruba News came into existence in 1924. It was the maiden Yoruba newspaper in Ibadan. Yoruba News had a unique form. The design and layout, its choice of fonts, and production quality were all attractive and enhancing. It had a simple layout format of two columns. It is noteworthy that the headings of its news and reports were usually set in capital letters to differentiate them from the body of its columns. Both the Yoruba and English language columns adopted this same typographical style. The headings were set in 14 points and above while the texts were set in smaller point sizes that were as small as 10 points. Akangbe (2020: 220) noted that though Yoruba News had double columns at the beginning, it later had four columns when it adopted a bigger size. Its page extent varied from editions with 8 pages, 10 pages, and 16 pages. At the onset, an edition of Yoruba News had 8 pages with two columns of equal sizes on each page. Obasa’s decision to locate Ilare Printing Press in Ibadan was very strategic. This is because there was no existing printing press that had an office in Ibadan, they were all either based in Lagos or Abeokuta. Its contents included news stories, editorials, cover, advertorials, news and notes, Owuye., etc. Its motto was “Yoruba News: For God, The King and The People”. The name of the newspaper, its motto, volume, number, place of publication (Ibadan), day of release—usually Tuesday, date(s) for

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the edition(s) including year, and the cover price occupied about onefifth of the entire page. The remaining space was in most cases devoted to advertisements or lead stories.

New Historicism New Historicism is a literary theory and an approach to literary criticism that is based on the idea that a literary work should be considered as a product of the time, place, and historical circumstances of its composition rather than as an isolated work of art or text. Against this background, the fundamental belief of New Historicism is that literature should be studied and interpreted within the context of both the history of the author and the history of the critic. The chief proponents of this literary theory were Greenblatt (1982), Montrose (1983), Goldberg (1983), and Gallagher (1985). New Historicism acknowledges not only that a work of literature is influenced by its author’s times and circumstances but that the critic’s response to that work is also influenced by his environment, beliefs, and prejudices. The focal point of new historicism is that literature and history are inseparable. Literature is a vehicle for the reflection of history, and it contains insights into the formation of historical moments. It reveals the processes and tensions by which historical change comes about. Literature is an effective carrier which makes active representation of the societal history and social happenings; however, it does not reflect history as a mirror. As expatiated by Akangbe (2014: 47), literature processes history, it does not present history verbatim as it has happened in its original form. Therefore, literature shapes and constitutes historical change; and literary texts can have effects on the course of history and on the social and political ideas and beliefs of their time. The new historicist critics are concerned with the role of historical context in interpreting literary texts and the role of literary rhetoric in mediating history. Montrose (1989) argued that the key concern of new historicist critics was “the historicity of texts and the textuality of history”. He explained that by “the historicity of texts” he meant that all texts were embedded in specific social and cultural contexts, and by “the textuality of history” he meant that all of our knowledge and understanding of the past could only exist through the “surviving textual traces of the society in question”, the very survival of which suggested that they were subject to “complex and subtle social processes of preservation and effacement”.

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New Historicism is found relevant for this study hence its adoption as the theoretical anchor. In the context of New Historicism, the Yoruba newspapers selected for this study are the texts which were products of specific social and cultural contexts. The context was the colonial period when the Yoruba, nay Nigerian society, was undergoing a serious transformation at different planes: political, economic, religious, educational, social, and cultural. The newspapers as literary products were reflections of the society of their time, and they all duly reflected and refracted the colonial society. The newspapers should be regarded as textual history in that the happenings of the colonial past exist and are embodied through the texts of the newspapers.

Discussion and Analysis Yoruba newspapers obviously have some peculiar features. Prominent among these were the form and contents of these early Yoruba newspapers. While Eko Akete was in A4 trimmed size, Eleti Ofe adopted A4 size while Yoruba News was 81/2 × 11 inches’ size. In terms of contents, these newspapers had multifarious messages. The contents of Eko Akete ranged from editorial to creative story writing, news in brief, titbits on a series of issues, Church news, translation from English novel to Yoruba, Olusakin’s column (a section written in English language), and advertorials; among others. Eleti Ofe featured columns like Irohin soki (a collection of news in briefs), news and notes, community news (such as Abeokuta News and E.pe. News), advertisements, editorial, etc. while Yoruba News had news stories, editorials, advertorials, news and notes, and Òwúy´e. as its major columns. In his paper on Iwe Irohin, Salawu (2004) submitted that: The contents of Iwe Irohin focused on a wide range of issues: births, deaths, movement of religious ministers; parish activities; baptism and confirmation; politics especially those concerning Abeokuta and its environs, economic matters such as the trade reports—cotton statistics and produce prices. It also included news about colonial administration, some foreign news, advertisements and public announcements.

The contents of Iwe Irohin more or less served as a template for the subsequent Yoruba Newspapers as they also featured similar or related contents.

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Bilingualism was a major peculiarity of these newspapers. Even though they were Yoruba newspapers, there were none (except Iwe Irohin which had separate Yoruba and English editions) that had all its pages purely written in Yoruba as they all had some columns in English language. For instance, In Yoruba News , the editorial opinion could be written in either English or Yoruba language based on the discretion of the editor while Akede Eko was predominantly in Yoruba. In all the Yoruba newspapers, editor’s dominance was palpable. Editor’s image loomed large in each newspaper. As a matter of fact, an editor was the blood and water, indeed, the life-wire of his newspaper because a larger percentage of the contents was owed to him. This factor of editor’s dominance was crystal clear in all the selected newspapers for this study. Single-colour format was peculiar to all as sophistication in printing technology in terms of colour orientation was still lacking. Similar to this feature was the sparse use of photographs and illustrations. Generally, graphics was very uncommon in the newspapers. Apart from the aforementioned, Yoruba newspapers localised their news contents therefore their news coverage was predominantly local. In all these, there was a prevalence of political and religious themes. The Church, being the harbinger of printing, was usually very feasible in the publications. In terms of form, Eko Akete adopted A4 trimmed size of 12 pages including the front and back covers. Its contents were set in two columns. As typical of newspapers, the contents of Eko Akete were diverse and multifarious. The headlines of Eko Akete were usually set in capital letters. The contents of its January 5, 1929 edition included varieties of short news with these captions: “Irohin Sisi Ile-Isin Ebenezer ni Ibadan” (Report of the commissioning of Ebenezer Church in Ibadan), “Ma jo, Ma yo, Ma Lekete” (Dance, Rejoice and Make Merry), “Oye Amukara Gbode kan” (Severe harmattan rages), etc. “Irohin Sisi Ile-Isin Ebenezer ni Ibadan”, for instance, was a brief report of the commissioning of a newly built Ebenezer African Church in Ibadan. This was built to replace the former that was commissioned on August 22, 1922, which was, unfortunately, swept away by the disastrous Ogunpa flood disaster of 1924. Olusakin’s Column which is usually rendered in English language is not particularly different from “News in Brief” as it reports short news e.g., “Ven. T.A.J. Ogunbiyi who left Lagos for Oke Odan in the afternoon of Christmas day, December 25th, 1928, returned to town last Saturday evening the 29th”.

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On page 7 of January 5, 1929 edition, the key events of the year 1928 was chronicled in the report titled “Awon ohun pataki ti o sele ninu odun 1928” meaning “the notable events of the year 1928”. The compilation which was on several issues had 67 items. These were presented in two instalments by the columnist. While items 1–40 were captured in the last edition of the year 1928, the second part from number 41–67 was presented in the first edition of 1929. Item 42, for instance, goes thus: Awo.n e.gbe. De.mo. s.e ipade Gbogbo-gbo ni ile Afari-Ogun (Glover Memorial Hall) ni abe. alaga O . lo.la Lo.ya Eric O. Moore ati awo.n oloye bi Eletu Odibo, Oluwa, O . lo.to., Asho.gbo.n, Oshodi ati awo.n O . gbe.ni Thomas H. Jackson, Bangan Benjamin, Lo.ya T.A. Doherty ati awo.n Lemo.mun Ratibi ni o.jo. 8 September, 1928. Wo.n s.e ajo. nipa wiwewe enia me.ta ti wo.n yoo dibo fun lati lo. si Kansulu. The Nigeria National Democratic Party held its general meeting at Glover Memorial Hall under the chairmanship of Honourable Barrister Eric O. Moore and traditional Chiefs like Eletu Odibo, Oluwa, Oloto, Ashogbon, Oshodi and Messrs. Thomas H. Jackson, Bangan Benjamin, Barrister T.A. Doherty and Imams from Ratibi on September 8, 1928. They deliberated on three people who would be elected to the Council.

In number 45, the report of the election was stated thus: Awo.n ilu-Komiti ti De.mo. s.e ipade ni o.jo. 11-12 os.u September 1928 ni ile Afari-Ogun (G.M.H.) lori eyiti nwo.n fi ipinnu si ori Lo.ya Moore, Dokita Jones, ati Lo.ya Doherty lati dibo fun lo. si Kansulu. The Committee of Nigeria National Democratic Party met on 11th – th 12 September 1928 at Glover Memorial Hall and decided that Barrister Moore, Dr. Jones and Barrister Doherty should contest for Council election.

The creative column of Eko Akete was quite rich, educative and entertaining. The piece on page 4 of the January 12, 1929 edition was titled “Babalawo Ile Iwo” (Herbalist from Iwo town) written by Atabatibi. The columnist for translation segment was Mr. Adeyinka Ajagbe-O . sa who serially translated the novel Character written by Dr. Snowles to Yoruba. This particular edition, being the first in the year, was full of new year greetings and felicitations. Church news was very prominent under titbits. These included announcement of meetings, programmes and services, etc. News in briefs were usually summarised and numbered in Arabic numerals. In

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this edition alone, there were 63 number of summarised news. These centred on diverse issues like birthday, house warming, promotion in workplace, travelling for a short period, embarking on leave, transfer, obsequie, marriage, political meeting, etc. Advert was another prominent content of Eko Akete. Adverts were few in the newspaper and the few that existed were in narrative form. Illustrations and graphics were almost totally non-existent. The few adverts that had simple graphics include Sloan’s N & B Family Liniment, Kessler’s Carpentry tools (such as axe, hammer, plier, saw, plastering knife), Magnet carbonic soap tablets, gas lamp, etc. Those in simple narrative form include White’s radical Gonkiller (a complete cure for old and fresh gonorrhoea), Iyin Oluwa Medicine Stores, White’s Golden Male Tonic, White’s Female Golden Tonic, White’s Wonderful Brain Tonic, White’s Golden Blood Restorer, “Aremo fun Okunrin” (booster for men’s fertility), “Gbogbonse Fun Obinrin” (Multivitamin for women), “Egbogi Ilana E.je. Fun Obinrin” (Blood tonic for women), “Egbogi Isoye” (Herbal medicine for activating intelligence), and Yaro for babies. The form and contents of Eleti Ofe were not a departure from those of its contemporaries. It’s trimmed size was A4 and its layout was an admixture of single and double columns. Its contents are also diverse featuring columns like Irohin soki (news in briefs written in Yoruba), news and notes (a collection of news in briefs written in English), community news (such as Abeokuta news and E.pe. news), advertisements, editorial, etc. Its “News and Notes” were as simple and common as new year greetings like “E. ku O . dun” (Happy new year) and seasonal greetings like “E. ku O . ye.”, a common greeting during the harmattan season. On its page 3 of the January 2, 1929 edition, there was a report of the vital statistics for Lagos in 1928 as follows: “Total Births for 1928–2713, Total Deaths for 1928–2021”. This was a pointer to a good beginning of nationhood as such data are critical to planning and projection for credible governance. As submitted by Montrose (1989), the texts of Eleti Ofe were an embodiment of history revealing the then-colonial government’s emphasis on data. The menace of road accidents was also of great concern during the colonial regime. For instance, Abeokuta News in its report lamented the increase in road crashes in the community. It reported how a Motor Lorry No. L00685 killed a young boy. It is unfortunate that the situation is worse off today in Nigeria. As of 2021, as reported by Doris Dokua Sasu in statista.com/statistics/1296025, the number of injured in road crashes in Nigeria were 10,057 in the first quarter, 9,018

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in the second quarter, 8,827 in the third quarter and 10,171 in the fourth quarter. Of these figures, 1168, 1453, 1432, and 1652 deaths were recorded respectively. Spiritual issues like horoscope and astrology that often adorn pages of newspapers today were not strange during the colonial regime. Astrological prediction for the first quarter (January–March) of 1929 was obtainable for sale for 1 shilling at Eleti Ofe’s Branch Office at 13, Victoria Street, Lagos. Arts and creativity were also given ample attention. Eleti Ofe equally had its fair share of advertisement. While some advertisement pages ran in a single column with each advert demarcated by thin lines, other pages, especially those with news content, ran in double columns of equal sizes and their contents were diverse. In its Wednesday, January 2, 1929 edition for instance, the adverts published with modest graphics include Crumpsalls (dealers in ladies’ shoes, children’s shoes, sandals, neckwear, ladies’ bags), Sloan’s N&B Family Liniment, Skin Sufferers: D.D.D. Prescription, Dr. Van Vleck’s Pile Plasma (for curing piles), “Atupa Alaragbayida” (a very bright lantern), and Mentholatum for Skin Ailments. All these had a picture to illustrate them. Others were presented in prose form. They include Osilaja Oduyoye (dealer in Gents and Ladies Fancy Goods), I.A. Ogunmodede (Licensed Auctioneer), Spermatterhoea Pills, Purgative Pills, Kidney and Bladder Pills (all obtainable at Nigerian Medicine Stores Limited), White’s Radical Gonkiller (native herbs for gonorrhoea), “Egbogi Alawotan Atosi” (native herbs for gonorrhoea), “Ipara Awogba Arun” (Ointment for multipurpose cure), “Are.mo. fun O . kunrin” (booster for men’s fertility), White’s Female Golden Tonic, White’s Golden Male Tonic, and Zotal Liniment (Pain Killer) obtainable at Iyin Oluwa Medicine Store. It is important to note the contribution of advertisements to the survival of the colonial Yoruba newspapers. Advertisements actually accounted for the major source of earning for newspapers then, and even now. For both the print and electronic media, advertising is highly patronised and well-favoured because of its power of reach and pervasiveness. The Yoruba colonial newspapers relied heavily on advertisements as they acted as a catalyst for sales generation. The quality of goods and services advertised in the colonial newspapers are also of historical essence as they reflected the state and standard of the then-emerging modern society. The fabrics, products, drugs, herbs, etc. reflected a nation that was yet to be born with burgeoning social, economic, medical, etc. state.

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For obvious reasons, the number of adverts placed in the newspapers were few. This was because the culture of newspaper was recent, its Yoruba language medium of communication had its limitation, and as such patronage was few. It is noteworthy that there were some advertisements in double colours. It is interesting to note that the year 1928 was reviewed in details in Eleti Ofe just as we had it in Eko Akete. While Eko Akete called the year “O . dun abija kunkun” (a year of dangers), Eleti Ofe branded it “O . dun Ewu” (a delicate year) as contained in its screaming headline: “O Digbose o, Odun Ewu” (Good bye, a delicate year). The review featured the notable happenings and events of the year, both positive and negative. However, while Eko Akete’s review was numbered that of Eleti Ofe was discussed in paragraphs. Eleti Ofe combined two editions as its Numbers 51 and 52 of January 16 and 23, 1929, were published together. Incidentally, the cover price remained at three pence while the publication volume was still 8 pages, which was its usual size. Obviously for whatever reason, a week was skipped which necessitated the release of two editions together. Another unique feature was the introduction of the year 1929 almanac on the cover page. The almanac was arranged in double columns of six months each. It was printed in special quality paper with imprints in double colours of red and black. The news stories of Yoruba News were at four different levels, namely local, protectorate, national, and international. Local news was those that were localised to a particular community be it a village or town. This category of news constituted an appreciable percentage of the contents of the newspaper. An example of such headline was that of the agitation of a `. yo´. Aláàfin that Ìbàdàn be placed under O `. yo´. town. Captioned: society in O `. yo´. town “O . yo. At It Still?” That there was a time in history when O contested for political headship with Ibadan is quite revealing. Protectorate news are those that centred on the Southern protectorate. Such news covered the present-day South-west, South-east, and South-south geographical zones of Nigeria. The newspaper, however, paid more attention to South-west than it did for South-east and South-south. National news was national in outlook in terms of content and coverage while international news was reports of global issues and events. As Akangbe (2020: 226) remarked, The quantity and frequency of report of global events in the newspaper is rather surprising. D. A. O . basá laid emphasis on foreign reports. He also gave such reports prominence by placing them on the front pages. Many

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of such global news were also the focus of quite a number of his editorials. One of such issues was the rumour that Nigeria might be transferred from being a British colony to Germany. Yoruba News aptly captured this on its cover page thus: “Nigeria Not for Transfer”.

Editorial was another critical content of the Yoruba News . Its editorial columns ranged from politics to economy, social events, farming, business, foreign affairs, etc. Editorial comment of Yoruba News could be written in either English or Yoruba language; both versions however were not presented simultaneously in the same edition. Its editorial headlines in Yoruba include: “Akiyesi Ti Ijo.ba Nipa Owo Cocoa” (Government observations about Cocoa price), “Ibe.sile. Ogun Ilu Oibo” (Commencement of World War), and “Cocoa Igi Owo?” (Cocoa: a cash crop). That cocoa as an agricultural product resonated in the headlines of Yoruba News showed its prominence as a cash crop and its economic significance, particularly in South-west. It would be recalled that the downward adjustment of cocoa price and upward review of taxation would later be a causative factor of destructive uprising in the defunct Western Region of Nigeria in the late 1960s. The uprising between farmers and government was tagged “Ogun Àgb´e.ko`. yà”. Òwúyé. is a popular column on titbits in Yoruba which featured different types of news ranging from personal to communal, events, announcements, issues, deaths, appointments, celebrations, reports, transfers, chieftaincy, births, naming, leave, etc. In Volume XI Number 1 of February 25, 1936, for instance, the captions published include: “O . lo.la Salami Agbaje”—On Bale. Ibadan’s decision to honour Chief Salami Agbaje with a chieftaincy title; “Samuel Longe. o ku ewu!”—Congratulating the named for surviving an accident; and “O . na titun”—Reporting that Ibadan Municipal Council had started a new road project from Kotu Be.re. to Agodi. News and Notes could be said to be Òwúy´e. in English form. Excerpts from Volume XI number 5 of March 24, 1936, include leave, transfer, obituary, pilgrimage, etc. For instance, in Volume XI Numbers 11 & 12 of May 5–12, 1936, on page 6 was the notable obituary of Josiah S.obo.wale S.owande a.k.a. S.obo. Arobiodu who passed on Sunday 19/04/1936 at age of 80 years. Both Òwúy´e. and News and Notes provided modest information on a wide range of issues and by so doing, they contributed a lot to making Yoruba News a potent social, cultural, political, and economic megaphone of its time.

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Advertisement was a significant segment and a veritable source of income generation also for Yoruba News as it was for other newspapers. Different products, services, and organisations that were advertised in Yoruba News include S.B. Agbaje & Co. General Merchants; S. Abinusawa Motor Mechanic; L.L. Ricketts Agriculturist; The Ilare Press (itself, the printers of Yoruba News ); D.W. Okus.o.te. Tailor and Draper; Oibo Alagbo.n; and many more. It should be noted that Yoruba News used to advertise itself from time to time. Also, D. A. O . basá, as the editor and proprietor also did advertise his books which he called “Awo.n Akewi” or “Yoruba Philosophy Books” in the newspaper. He had three of such books which he frequently advertised. There was also a column for creative works where O . basá, as a reputable and prolific poet, did contribute. This study on Yoruba language newspapers in the colonial era is undertaken to explore the relationship between literature (the newspapers texts) and history. As believed by new historicists, literature and history are inseparable, Yoruba language newspapers therefore serve as veritable historical records as they provide insights into the formation of historical moments. As a matter of fact, examples abound. The editorials of Akede Eko were usually very topical and always written in Yoruba. In its Saturday, January 12, 1929 edition, the editorial of Eko Akete on page 6 was titled “Ejo Eleko n ke riri” meaning “Eleko’s case was getting messier”. Eleko versus the colonial government was a landmark trial in Lagos. This editorial was of a huge historical importance in the colonial rule in Lagos and Nigeria as a whole. O . ba Eshugbayi Eleko, popularly called Eleko of Eko, meaning “the owner of Lagos”, was the Oba of Lagos from 1901 to 1925 and later from 1931 to 1932. His father was Oba Dosunmu who reigned in Lagos from 1853 to 1885. Eleko’s struggles began in 1908 when he antagonised Governor Walter Egerton whose British colonial government proposed introduction of pipe-borne water in Lagos at a cost of £130,000 to improve Lagos sanitation. He directed that Lagosians should pay for the water scheme but Oba Eleko opposed the scheme and submitted that Lagosians could live without the pipe-borne water. The antagonism which symbolised the struggle between indigenous rights and colonial rule in Nigeria was not to the delight of the colonial government at all. That the power of Yoruba language was at play here could not be denied. Its potency as a mobilisation tool for the masses was proven by the collective resolve of the indigenes against the colonialists.

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Oba Eleko’s troubles became compounded in 1919 when he endorsed the appointment of prominent Muslims to various titles which included Balogun, Basorun, and Seriki Musulumi at the Central Mosque. The colonial government considered this an affront to its status. The consequence of this was that the colonial government withdrew its recognition of the Oba and suspended his stipend. He was eventually deposed to Oyo on August 8, 1925. His deposition made room for the emergence of two Obas namely, Oba Ibikunle Akitoye (1925–1928) and Oba Sanusi Olusi (1928–1931). He was however reinstated in 1931 by Hugh Clifford and passed on in 1932. This deposition was a cultural sacrilege and loss of grip on power by the traditional rulers. It marked a saddening onset of change of baton of power from the Yoruba to the white. Not only did Eleko lost his grip, but the unfortunate incident watered down the power and influence of Yoruba kings. True to Montrose’s submission on “the textuality of history”, all of our knowledge and understanding of the trials and triumphs of Eleko’s past only exist through the surviving textual traces of the Lagos society. And as Howard (1986) opined, the political and cultural angle that New Historicism provides in the interpretation of any literary work encourages literary studies to re-establish a link with the political and social world that gave rise to it. In the same vein, the report of the commissioning of a newly built Ebenezer African Church in Ibadan to replace the former which was washed away by Ogunpa flood disaster in 1924 barely two years after it was commissioned on August 22, 1922, was another significant text of historical revelation. As submitted by Akanle et al. (2015: 7), of all the natural disaster occurrences, namely: drought, earthquake, epidemic, extreme temperature, insect infestation, mass movement (dry), mass movement (wet), volcano, storm, and wildfire; flood disaster remained the most frequent and destructive. It cannot be contested that in Nigeria and in Sub-Sahara Africa, Ibadan has a very high frequency of destructive flooding. Apart from the recent very destructive flooding of August 26, 2011, Ibadan had had cases of lethal flood disasters like those of 1948, 1963, 1978, 1980, 1985, and 1987 as well as that of 1990. Though there were several others whose destructive impacts were comparatively mild but that of August 31, 1980, remains the worst in the history of flooding in Ibadan as the official release had it that more than 500 lives were claimed, estimated 50, 000 people were rendered homeless and property worth billions of naira were destroyed (Oguntoyinbo, 1994).

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“Atupa Alaragbayida” (Wonderful lamp) was one of the choice items advertised in both Akede Eko and Eleti Ofe. Both newspapers described it as “my moon”. To Akede Eko, the lamp is brighter than the power of three hundred candles put together. It is noteworthy that this lamp survived from the colonial till post-independence era. It would be recalled that this lamp which was nicknamed “ina ile.ntiriki” (electric lamp) or “gasi lanpu” (gas lamp) was relied upon for night parties especially in the rural areas till the 1970s. Its power of illumination was even rendered in a song thus: Ile.ntiriki baba atupa Ile.ntiriki baba atupa Ina juna lo. Ile.ntiriki baba atupa

Electricity is the father of all lamps Electricity is the father of all lamps Light is supreme to lights Electricity is the father of all lamps

Of truth, the study and interpretation of every document are influenced by its history and prevailing circumstances. New Historicism therefore primarily believes that a work of literature is not only influenced by its author’s times and circumstances but that response of critics to that work is also influenced by the beliefs, environment, and prejudices of the critic in question. As stated by Brannigan (1999: 418), “for new historicism, the object of study is not the text and its context, not literature and its history, but rather literature in history. This is to see literature as a constitutive and inseparable part of history in the making, and therefore rife with the creative forces, disruptions and contradictions, of history”.

Conclusion The Yoruba language newspapers played a major role in the colonial era to disseminate information to the grassroots and create awareness in the society. They were potent information channels which readily connected the colonial government to the citizenry and vice versa as they published news that were topical to the community and thereby made their contributions to nation-building. Also, that Yoruba language newspapers were crucial during the colonial era to promotion of Yoruba language was not in doubt. Their production motivated reading and writing in Yoruba language. In their raw and crude form, the newspapers also help in building and sustaining the culture of advertisements in the newspaper industry. They contributed notably to laying a solid foundation for virile journalism practice in Nigeria.

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On the whole, with their pertinent features of bilingualism, editor’s dominance, single-colour format, localisation of news contents, advertisements, prevalence of political and religious themes, sparse use of photographs and illustrations, etc.; the creative ingenuity and pacesetting initiatives of the Yoruba newspaper proprietors and editors are extolled as there were not many existing examples of newspapers in Yoruba language to follow.

References Akangbe, C. A. (2014). History, production and content of At´o.ka Photoplay magazine (An Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis). University of Ibadan. Akangbe, C. A. (2020, Fall). The form and content of Obasa’s weekly newspaper: The Yoruba news. Yoruba Studies Review, 5(1.1). Akanle, O., Adejare, G. S., & Oloyede, M. O. (2015, July). Ethnography of flooding in Ibadan metropolis, Nigeria: Agencies of flooding in developing countries. Ibadan Journal of Sociology, 2, 5–31. Akinyemi, A. (2017). D.A. Obasa (1879–1945): A Yoruba poet, culture activist and local intellectual in colonial Nigeria. Africa, 87 (1), 1–15. Brannigan, J. (1999). Introduction: History, power and politics in the literary artifact. In J. Wolfreys (Ed.), Literary theories: A reader & guide. New York University. Falola, T. O. (2016, March 31). Nigeria—Nigeria as a colony. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica. Web. http://www.britannica. com/place/Nigeria/Nigeria-as-a-colony Gallagher, C. (1985). The industrial reformation of english fiction: Social discourse and narrative form 1832–1867 . Greenblatt, S. (1982). “Introduction” to the forms of power and the power of forms in the renaissance. Genre, 15, 3–6. Goldberg, J. (1983). James 1 and the politics of literature: Johnson, Shakespeare, Donne and their contemporaries. Johns Hopkins University Press. Hair, P. E. H. (1994). The early study of Nigerian languages: Essays and bibliographies. Gregg Revivals. Howard, J. (1986). The new historicism in renaissance studies. English Literary Renaissance, 16, 13–43. Montrose, L. A. (1983). “Shaping fantasies”: Figurations of gender and power in Elizabethan culture. Representations, 1(2)(Spring), 61–94. Montrose, L. A. (1989). Professing the renaissance: The poetics and politics of culture. In H. A. Veeser (Ed.), The new historicism. Routledge. Ogunsina, B. (2002). S.ááju´ Fágúnwa: ` Àgbéy`e.wò Àwo.n Ìtàn Àròso. Yorùba´ Láti Ìb`e.r`e. P`e.p`e.. Gbenle Press.

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Oguntoyinbo, J. S. (1994). Climatic characteristics. In M. O. Filani, F. Akinola, & C. O. Ikorukpo (Eds.), Ibadan region (pp. 58–71). Rex Charles Publication. Salawu, A. (2004, May). A readership survey of Yoruba newspapers for development messages. Journal of Social Sciences, 8(3), 197–202. Sasu, D. D. https://www.statista.com/statistics/1296025/total-number-ofroad-casualties-in-nigeria/. Accessed Tuesday, August 23, 2022.

CHAPTER 21

Coverage of Development Issues, and Identity Formation in Alaroye Newspapers Stephen Damilola Odebiyi and Ebenezer Adebisi Olawuyi

Introduction Nigeria faces varying developmental challenges. These challenges litter every sector of our national life. However, in this, the role of the media is strategic. The media is an important force in bringing about change in many developed and developing nations. The media also helps in promoting a pro-development agenda, and in supporting economic growth especially through stimulating consumer markets. In situations where the media effectively fulfils its roles of watchdog, keeper and agenda setter, it helps in improving the quality of governance by raising citizens’ awareness of societal issues, enabling citizens to hold government to account through curbing corruption and creating a civic forum for

S. D. Odebiyi (B) · E. A. Olawuyi Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_21

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debate. The media also creates a platform that helps amply the voice of those marginalised and excluded in the society. Meanwhile the language for disseminating development messages is strategic to the overall success of a development project. Olokotun (2006) says that well-focused indigenous language media and reporting can reverse the “top-down” trend posed by English newspapers through the incorporation of the people’s aspirations, hopes and ethno-science (indigenous lore) into journalism. Folarin and Mohammed (1996) add that the indigenous language press plays a critical role in mobilising a vast majority of unlettered people in the English Language to become participants in the process of how they are governed. Alabi (2011) says that Indigenous language newspapers serve as a useful channel for disseminating development messages, breaches the information gap between the “urbanites” and the “localites” as well as serving as an important bridge that connects government and the governed. While indigenous language media have been described as having primordial interests and focusing on their ethnic groups (Fasan, 2018; Salawu, 2013), and have been described as a veritable medium for communicating development messages, this study will examine how the indigenous Yoruba language newspaper, “Alaroye” has been able to set developmental agenda while at the same time rising above ethnic interests.

Indigenous Language Newspapers and Nigeria’s Development Challenges The developing world faces numerous developmental challenges and Nigeria as a nation is not exempt from this. Akpan (2013) summarises development as a never-ending improvement in the ability of individuals and that of the society to make the most of their environment to better their lot and those of other individuals and societies and humanity at large. It is also linked to access to good and affordable food, safe drinking water, good shelter, good medical facilities and the ability to communicate and have access to good education and access to decent and sustained infrastructural facilities. Meanwhile, Adah and Abasilim (2015) outline the main issues bedevilling the development aspirations of Nigeria as imposition of policies on citizens, lack of adequate human resources or capital to implement these plans/policies, corruption and lack of credible leadership. They say Nigeria ranks 152 out of 187 countries in the human development

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report, which is the average quality of life and standard of living according to records from the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report, puts Human Development Index of Nigeria at 0.381 and this is way below the acceptable index level. Akpan (2013) continues that Nigerians have not benefitted from the country’s status as an oil-rich country, as most Nigerians are poor, with estimates of over 55.8 million poor Nigerians living below the universal poverty line of one US dollar a day. Furthermore, poor people are mostly found in rural areas and the youth constitute the majority of people living in rural communities. The future becomes a mirage for most of the people who live in rural areas because they cannot feed themselves adequately, and they cannot provide for themselves shelter and they lack access to health facilities. This overwhelming situation makes youth from this background prone to unwholesome activities and social vices like prostitution, armed robbery and drug taking. Meanwhile, Akpan (2013) says although unemployment is a worldwide phenomenon, its magnitude is felt more in developing economies, and it is difficult to estimate the number of unemployed Nigerians. Moreover, most Nigerians of workable age are either underemployed and/or are exploited because they lack an alternative for daily survival and basic living. Another developmental challenge Nigeria faces is in the educational sector. Education is the power for development, as it brings liberation to the human mind and it prepares the manpower to meet the realities and needs of the modern world in areas such as agriculture, health, security and other sectors. According to Akpan (2013), about 45% of Nigerians lack access to basic education, and out of this number, women and the youth are the most affected. The Nigerian educational system is in shambles, riddled with educational policies somersault. Over the years, the educational sector in Nigeria has not been adequately funded by the government. In fact, budgetary allocation by the Nigerian government to the educational sector has been below the UNESCO recommended 26% global benchmark for fighting illiteracy, especially in developing economies. Similarly, the migration of qualified medical personnel abroad also militate against the proper functioning of the health sector, however, underfunding is the major challenge to the health sector in Nigeria. Nigeria has been ranked poorly in major healthcare indices globally. The Nigerian health sector constantly battles diseases and ailments like malaria, HIV/AIDS, typhoid fever, cholera, guinea worm and meningitis. The life

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expectancy of Nigerians is at a dwindling rate, and it currently stands at 47 years. This can be attributed large-scale poverty, poor health system, and hunger, among others, which has beset many Nigerians. Another challenge facing Nigeria at present is security challenges in unquantifiable forms, with no end in sight. Meanwhile, Owens-Ibie (2002) describes the importance of indigenous language newspapers in the development process. According to Owens, the language used to communicate development messages must be one acceptable to the people. Importantly, information conveyed in the indigenous languages is understood better than those communicated in the foreign language, which the people cannot relate with. Olukotun (2006) points out that indigenous language media helps in bridging the gap between the urban and the rural because they publish in the local languages and therefore, helps in bridging the information gap between the literate, rural and urban “indigenes”, and makes information accessible to all the constituents to which they are targeted. Alabi (2011) also explains that indigenous language press promotes and perpetuates the indigenous languages as they act as the platform for the transmission and promotion of cultural values. Furthermore, they are also useful channels for social and political mobilisation and for the dissemination of development messages. Also, indigenous language press connecting government and the governed.

Indigenous Language Media and Identity Formation The first indigenous language media, “Iwe Iroyin fun awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba”, was established in 1859. It added the Yoruba language to its supplement for widespread readership. Fasan (2018) says this gave rise to ethnic consciousness, which led to the promotion of ethnic or identity politics. Fasan further explains that for democracy and journalism to become successful ventures in Africa, there should be the recognition of the fact that Africans show their allegiance more to their ethnicity and local community than to their states and countries, as it is in every other climes. Salawu (2013) says indigenous language newspapers’ focus is on their ethnic groups and then have primordial interests in the ethnic groups whose languages the newspapers use. The newspapers could lead and modify the opinions of their ethnic groups, and through this, they further

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fuel social conflicts by developing stereotypes about other ethnic groups. Fasan (2018) goes on to say that identity politics underlines newspaper culture in Nigeria. The media in Nigeria is aligned along socio-political lines, while the location of newspapers, the ethnic identity of its publishers and the consumer markets dictate their editorial direction. While Rausch (2004) believes that although it seemingly seems insignificant, local news coverage in media markets main focus is on issues that have the capacity to unite the fragmented audience. Simply put, metropolitan news outlets in order to sell their products (news and programmes, especially), produce contents that emphasise the local identity. Fasan (2018) says Alaroye that it is one of the most successful newspapers to achieve the dual goal of ethnic and commercial success. This can be attributed to the ingenuity of Alaroye genre-blurring innovations in the Nigerian newspaper market. It has been able to blend Yoruba oral resources in a written medium, a phenomenon already observed with media poetry. This has set the newspaper apart from its competitors while it also shed light on the ways in which Nigerian newspapers attract readers and seek relevance in the marketplace (Fasan, 2018).

Elements of News Value Certain criteria are considered by editors and journalists alike before embarking on news gathering or gatekeeping in the editorial process. These criteria may be based on house policy, beat system or everyday news gathering process. These are referred to as news value criteria. Folarin (2006a) says news value was coined by Walter Lippmann in 1922. It refers to the criteria by which news is selected. Kunczick (1988) says that news values are more or less intuitive assumptions of journalists about what interests their audience. Usually a shift from the normal has particular attention value. For example, a short-lived natural disaster will attract the media more than prolonged social disasters. Galtung and Rouge (1965) identify the criteria to determine newsworthiness. They include frequency, unambiguity, meaningfulness, unexpectedness of the pertinent messages, and reference to elite people and nations. They also made three assumptions. First, the more events answer the above criteria, the more they are likely to become news. Second, once an event has been selected as news, the factors(s) that have made it newsworthy will be accentuated, thereby leading to distortion. Third, both the

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Table 21.1 News value of the twentieth century

First world news value

Second world

Third world

Timeliness

Ideological significance Party government concerns Education

Development

Proximity Personality Prominence Integration Conflict

Human interest Timeliness Openness (Glasnot)

Social significance National Interest Education Proximity Personal interest

Interpretation Self-criticism

processes of selection and distortion will be replicated at all stages in the communication chain. Furthermore, Lule (1989) summarises news values of the twentieth century as follows (Table 21.1). Folarin (2006a, 2006b) explains that these distinctions may have disappeared because news values have remained constant throughout history, prompting the term “universal news vales”. While investigating news stories in different countries, Chaudhary (1974) cited in Folarin (2006a, 2006b) compared the American and Indian journalists’ judgments of news and found out that despite coming from different cultural backgrounds, journalists of English language newspapers in democratic countries determined what becomes news using the same news values criteria Folarin (2006a, 2006b). However, Lang (1984) found out that the socio-political environment in which journalists operate affects their news values principles. He found out that: The less developed a nation, the more emphasis on direct exhortations in the news, the more emphasis on news stories set in the future, the more emphasis on news stories about cooperation and the more emphasis on positive evaluations of the news subjects – the type of reporting termed development journalism. (Lang 1984 cited in Folarin [2006a, 2006b])

Although it is assumed that adherence to news values is implicitly more “professional”, and it eliminates bias, whether political or otherwise, in

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spite of this, news values may create uniformity, negativity and reduction to stereotypes (O’Neill and Harcup (2009), as well as presenting obstacles for non-Western journalists. In view of the misgivings of international news to stereotype and simplistic depictions of people from the developing world, a set of alternative criteria have been prescribed by a group of European charitable and non-governmental organisation as an alternative to traditional news value: Avoid catastrophic images in favour of describing political, structural and natural root causes and contexts; Preserve human dignity by providing sufficient background information on people’s social, cultural, economic and environmental contexts; Highlighting what people are doing for themselves; Provide accounts by the people concerned rather than interpretations by a third party; Provide more frequent and more positive images of women; Avoid all forms of generalisation, stereotyping and discrimination (NGO-EC Liaison committee, 1989 cited in O’Neill & Harcup, 2009). Curtis (2013) also provides a checklist that makes information to be termed “newsworthy”: . Impact: is measured by the number of people whose lives will be influenced in some way by the subject of the story. . Timeliness: events that just happened have higher news value than events that happened before now, and of particular importance are stories reported before competitors, which are known as scoops. . Prominence: usually public people have higher news value than obscure people. . Proximity: stories about events and situations in one’s home community/country are more newsworthy than events that take place far away. . Bizarreness/oddity: a classic example of this is dog-bites-man vs. man-bites-dog. Man-bites dog is more bizarre; dog-bites-man is not usually news. That is, news about unusual or strange situations have higher news value.

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. Conflict: information has conflict if it involves some kind of disagreement between two or more people. . Currency: stories or topics that are in the spotlight of public concern/discourse have more news value than issues or topics which people care less about. It can best be explained using the analogy, “stories come and stories go”. . Human interest: stories about ordinary people who would otherwise not make news which affects people’s emotions.

Theoretical Framework The following theories guided this study. Social Responsibility Theory According to Folarin (2006a, 2006b), Social Responsibility Media Theory originates from the Hutchins Commission on Freedom of the Press, which was set up in the United States of America in 1947. Its aim was to re-examine the concept of the freedom of the press, which was expressed in the Libertarian (Free Press) Media Theory. The theory postulates that the press should be free but socially responsible. The Hutchins Commission prescribed the following six functions of the press. 1. To serve the political system by making information, discussion and consideration of public affairs generally accessible. 2. To keep the public well informed to enable it to take self-determined actions. 3. To protect the rights of the individual by acting as a watchdog over the leadership (especially government). 4. To serve the economic system, for instance, by bringing together buyers and sellers through the medium of advertising. 5. To provide good entertainment (whatever “good” may mean in the culture at any point in time). 6. To preserve financial autonomy and independence, so as not to become dependent on any special interests and influences.

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Agenda Setting Theory Folarin (2006a, 2006b) explains that Agenda Setting Theory’s main thrust is that although the mass media may have the power to determine for us what and how we should think, they are however influential in determining what we as a nation, society or group think about at a particular time: that is, they pre-determine what issues are regarded as important at a given time in the society. The elements through which the media (consciously or unconsciously) underline agenda-setting include: 1. The quantity or frequency of reporting on an issue; 2. Prominence given to the reports—through headline display, pictures and layout in newspapers, magazines, film, graphics or timing on radio and television; 3. The degree of conflict generated in the reports and 4. Cumulative media-specific effects over time. The Social Responsibility theory explains that the media has a social role to perform. It takes a socially responsible media to devote airtime and space to programmes that are of benefit to the people, which sometimes may not be rewarding to such organisations. This theory is relevant to the study because development stories are of benefit to the people, as such stories help up-lift people at the bottom of the society. The theory is also relevant to the study, as it encourages the media to protect the interests of the individual and takes into consideration all the constituent groups in the society in its coverage. Meanwhile, the Agenda Setting theory is relevant to the study as it helps situate that not only are development stories covered but they are also given adequate treatment in terms of prominence and then the public becomes aware of development stories that can empower them and the government also become aware of development concerns. Agenda Setting theory also prescribes that indigenous language newspapers due to their power of reaching both the literate and non-literate help in forming public opinion on development issues by laying emphasis on development needs it considers utmost to the people and directing their attention away from non-development ones. This is achieved through the magnitude attributed to an event; prominence attributed to reports through headline casting, pictures, graphics and layout; degree of conflict and accumulated media effects over time. The Agenda Setting theory is also important as it helps identify indigenous language newspapers’ priority for news about their ethnic groups.

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Method The study employs content analysis and in-depth interview as methods for the study. Alaroye, a Yoruba language newspaper established by Mr. Alao Adedayo in 1996, was purposively selected for the study because according to Salawu (2006), “it is the largest local language newspaper with a circulation figure of not less than 150,000 per week. It sells in Europe and several West African countries where the Yoruba reside” (p. 7). Thereafter, the editor of Alaroye newspaper was interviewed, as she could give insights into the editorial directions of the newspaper. The time frame for this study was restricted to the year 2013. The unit of analysis for this study is development-oriented stories in Alaroye newspaper within the time period. All weekly editions of Alaroye newspaper for the year 2013 were purposively selected as samples for the study since Alaroye publishes only weekly and a small sample will be got by using sampling techniques in getting the samples. Copies of Alaroye newspaper are also difficult to get, so, 2013 editions, which were easily accessible, were selected. For this study, two types of instruments were employed in the process of data collection. They are Content Analysis Code Schedule and In-Depth Interview (IDI) guide. Data was analysed using simple statistical frequencies and percentages.

Content Analytical Categories Relevant content categorical schemes were formulated to provide answers to the research questions. They were adapted from the 1979 and 1995 global news flow studies conducted by the International Association for Mass Communication Research cited in Olawuyi (2010). 1. Subject Category Value reorientation/moral development: this involves changing the attitude and behaviour of Nigerians to bring about a significant reduction in social vices. Security: it involves the safety of vulnerable and valuable assets and the maintenance of law and order. Cultural development: diversity, rejuvenation, festivals, protection of traditional institutions, monuments, language preservation, past and present heroes, music and films, fashion, food and drinks, custom and traditions. Political participation and governance: free and fair elections, voters participation, voters education, political stability, transparency

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and accountability, rule of law, effectiveness of institutions, civil societies, demonstrations, strikes and protests, regulatory control. Maternal mortality/reproductive health behaviour: the use of contraceptives, malaria control programmes, immunisation, breastfeeding, antenatal, access to health care, family planning, free primary health care, free treatment and awareness campaigns on sexually transmitted infections. Agriculture: food security, credit and loans, innovations, agricultural initiatives such as Fadama etc., agricultural extension programmes, animal health care, marketing, policies and legislations, income and exports. Employment/Empowerment/Improved living standards: small and medium scale enterprise (SMSE), skill acquisition programmes and initiatives, government policies, job creation, loans and credit, wealth creation and poverty eradication initiatives, improved welfare packages for workers etc.). Human rights/Gender equality: equity, equal access to opportunities, right to sexual orientation, care of the aged and physically challenged, representation and opportunities for women in government, child rights, fundamental human rights. Education: adult literacy, opportunities to universal primary education, support for education, public expenditure on education, state of secondary and tertiary education, technical/vocational training, special education, alternative education and girl child education. Environment/Sanitation: proper waste disposal, prevention of erosion, pollution and flooding, environmental sanitation, ethical treatment and disposal of industrial and agricultural waste, gas flaring and protection against pipeline vandalism, personal hygiene, food safety and recycling. Sports development: grassroots sports, age grade competitions, national sports festivals, participation in international and continental competitions, awards and commendations, sports initiatives by organisations, private individuals and government, institutionalised sports, e.g. NUGA, NIPOGA, NATCEGA, Governor’s cup etc. Health and Nutrition: health insurance schemes, inventions and innovations, quality control, access to health care, free health care services, awareness and prevention programmes, state of practitioners and institutions, nutrition. Economy: investments, industrial growth, exports, foreign reserve, gross domestic product, revenue generation, growth of small businesses, alternative source of revenue, per capita income etc.

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Rural/Urban development: rural and urban renewal, industrialisation, social amenities. Others: issues that do not directly meet the needs of the people, basically their physical needs and which do not inspire them to live a new/positive way of life. These include music, crime, law, entertainment, religious affairs, launching, celebrities, news, conflict etc.

2. Nature of Publication a. News reports: these are factual reports of events, issues etc. written as news stories. b. Features: reports of events, issues etc. usually lengthy and discursive and written by an editorial staff of the newspaper. c. Opinions: Discursive items in the newspaper usually lengthy and written by persons (who do not necessarily work in the newspaper organisation) expressing personal views about an issue, event etc. and not necessarily factual. d. Editorials: An important article in a newspaper expressing the opinion of the newspaper about an issue of social importance. e. News analysis/commentary: a discourse besides opinion, features and editorial usually critical about an issue, policy etc. which has been in the news. f. Interviews: A meeting between a journalist and another person at which the journalist asks the interviewee questions in order to find out his/her opinion on issues and which is published in a newspaper. g. Photographs: Images used to complement news stories. h. Special Reports: Reports that are accorded special attention because of their immediacy. i. Advert/advertorial: Advertorials are advertisements in form of an editorial. 3. Headline Type Disparity: these are news reports with differences in headline and body of the report. Labelling: this is the process of using words or phrases to describe somebody or something in a way that seems too general, unfair or not correct. Sensationalism: this is the process of presenting facts and events as worse (or more) shocking than they really are, usually, to get readers attention.

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Coherence: News reports which are clear, logical, comprehensible and devoid of sensationalism, labelling and disparity.

4. Repotorial Contexts: Reports from different geopolitical zones of the country and those from the national level. 5. Position In Newspaper Front page: reports that appear on the front page. Back page: reports that appear on the back page. Editorial page: reports that appear in the editorial column. Opinion page: reports that appear on the opinion page. Inside cover: reports that appear on page 2 or the penultimate page. Other pages: reports that appear on other pages apart from the aforementioned pages.

6. Page Position Full page: news reports occupying an entire page of a newspaper. Top half: news reports occupying the top half column of a newspaper. Bottom half: news reports occupying the bottom half of a newspaper.

Data Analysis and Presentation of Findings This study sought to investigate the coverage of development stories and identity formation in Alaroye newspaper. Data for the study, generated from the content analysis are presented below and corroborated with excerpts from the in-depth interview in the discussion section. Table 21.2 presents the breakdown of the newspaper sample for the period of study, the number of editions per month and the total number of stories. The data from Table 21.2 shows that out of the 53 editions of the newspaper covering the study period, January to December 2013, 40 editions were available for the researcher to code, while 1782 stories were available to be content analysed (Table 21.2). Table 21.3 reveals that 1224 (69.8%) stories are development stories, while 538 (30%) of the news reportage are non-development stories. This indicates that development issues take prominence in the coverage and reportage in Alaroye newspaper (Table 21.3).

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Table 21.2 Breakdown of newspaper sample dates (January–December 2013) Months

Samples

No of weeks

Total no of stories

January February March

Jan 8(43), Jan 29(40) Feb 5(29), Feb 19(34) Mar 5(43), Mar 12(48), Mar 19(42), Mar 26(52) Apr 2(54), Apr 16(23), Apr 23(49), Apr 30(42) May 7(40), May 14(40), May 21(44), May 28(43) Jun 4(43), Jun 11(46), Jun 25(42) Jul 2(43), Jul 16(47), Jul 23(52), Jul 30(55) Aug 6(40), Aug 13(38), Aug 20(50), Aug 27(53) Sept 10(30), Sept 17(55), Sept 24(51) Oct 1(57), Oct 8(52), Oct 15(40), Oct 22(50), Oct 29(50) Nov 5(48), Nov 12(48), Nov 19(43) Dec 24(47), Dec 31(49) Total

2 2 4

83 63 185

4

168

4

167

3 4

131 197

4

181

3 5

136 249

3 2 40

139 96 1795

April May June July August Sept October Nov Dec

Table 21.3 Development status of stories Development status

No

Development Non-development Total

1244 538 1782

% 69.8 30.2 100.0

Data from Table 21.4 reveals that the dominant issues in the coverage of development stories in Alaroye are: value reorientation 550 (44.2%), security 213 (17.1%), human rights/gender equality 164 (13.9%), political participation/governance 147 (12%) and sports development 51 (4.1%) (Table 21.4). Table 21.5 shows that news is given utmost priority as 82.3% of the stories are “News Reports.” This is followed by features with a total of 8.8%, then Editorials with 4.2% of the content analysed stories while Opinion and Advert/Advertorial are 2.2% and 1.4% respectively. Similarly, in terms of appropriateness of headline, 95.4% of the development

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Table 21.4 Dominant issues of development employed in Alaroye newspaper Development issues

No

%

Value reorientation/moral development Security Cultural development Political participation and governance Maternal Morality/reproductive health behaviour Agriculture Employment/employment/improved living standards Human rights/gender equality Education Environment/sanitation Sports development Health and nutrition Economy Rural/ urban development Total

550 213 39 147 3 2 25 164 14 8 51 5 5 18 1244

44.2 17.1 3.1 12 0.2 0.7 2.0 13.9 1.1 0.6 4.1 0.4 0.4 1.4 100.0

stories were written in a coherent manner. This is followed by 2.5% of the stories cast in sensational headlines, while 1.2% of the stories headlines showed disparity with their contents. Meanwhile, data on the sections of the country in which the newspaper gave prominent coverage. Data analysed reveals that stories from the “South-Western” part of the country were given more coverage represented by 82.4%, followed by national stories (10.5%), then, stories from the “North-Central” states (5.9%), followed by foreign sources with 0.5% of the stories. Data from Table 21.5 also shows that 90.3% of development stories were placed on other pages of the newspaper while 54% of development stories covered the top half of the pages they were reported and 30% covered the bottom half.

Discussion of Findings The developing world faces numerous developmental challenges that the role of the media in these situations becomes important. The media can help give prominence to these developmental challenges in relation to what government has done and those developmental challenges government should confront. This study examined the coverage of development issues and identity formation in Alaroye newspapers.

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Table 21.5 Content Categories of Development Issues Nature of publication

No

%

News reports Features Opinions Editorials News analysis/commentary Interviews Photographs Special Reports

1024 110 27 52 1 11 1 1

Advert/Advertorials Total

17 1244

82.3 8.8 2.2 4.2 0.1 0.9 0.1 0.1 f 1.4 100.0

Headline type Disparity Labelling Sensationalism Coherence Total

No 15 11 31 1187 1244

% 1.2 0.9 2.5 95.4 100.0

Reportorial context South West South South South East North East North Central North West National Others Total Position in newspaper

No 1025 2 4 a 74 0 . 130 6 1244 Total

% 82.4 0.2 0.3 0.2 5.9 0 10.5 0.5 100.0 %

Front page Back page Editorial page Opinion page Inside cover Other pages Total

31 31 46 5 26 1123 1244

2.5 2.5 3.7 0.4 2.1 90.3 100

Page position Full page Top half Bottom half Total

Total 205 670 369 1244

% 16.5 54 30 100

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The study has been able to determine that Alaroye newspaper gives prominence to development stories as indicated by 69.8% of the stories reported in 2013 were development oriented. However, 90.3% of them were reported in the minor pages of the newspaper and 84.3% of them were not given a full page coverage. Similarly, the prominent development stories were value reorientation/moral development, security, political participation/good governance and human rights/gender equality. This is a sharp contrast to the view of Fasan (2018) that indigenous language newspapers like Alaroye are noted for their unseriousness, while it gives credence to the view of Alabi (2011) that Indigenous language newspapers serve as a useful channel for disseminating development messages. According to The Editor of Alaroye newspapers, these issues represent the interest of their audience both in the urban and rural areas, and also reflect the needs of the society. In her words: One of the key functions of journalism is to correct distaste in the society. We do this through our Editorial. O Soju mi Koro, which is aimed at correcting the ills of those in government and praising them if need be; through our Features story on the Civil war, which is aimed at breeding peaceful coexistence among Nigerians by presenting the facts of the War (events leading to the war, the disagreements leading to the war and the devastating consequences of the war), and through the use of abusive headlines for those caught in criminal and fraudulent activities. We also focus on Sports, and safeguarding the rights of the oppressed.

The Editor adds that these are done to move the nation forward from our present backward state which has made her an object of shame in the world and has impeded the growth of our society, All these observations give credence to the fact that value reorientation precedes meaningful development, especially in a country bedevilled by the twin evil of corruption and insecurity. The Editor adds that it is the conviction of the newspaper that it is only through a conscious reengineering of values that Nigeria can witness true development. From these findings, it can thus be said that indigenous language newspapers are socially responsible and development oriented. Indigenous language newspapers report and treat issues that are aimed at bringing change to both individuals and society at large. However, more still needs to be done in the area of giving them proper treatment in important pages of newspapers and with more spaces.

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On the issue of identity formation, the South West region of the country gains more attention (82.4%) of development stories. The presentation of the different regions of the country also shows that Alaroye newspaper is an ethnic-based newspapers, which is supported by the social responsibility theory that local media should give more attention to local cultures. Meanwhile, Alaroye still projects other ethnic groups in a positive manner. The editor reiterates that though Alaroye is based in the South West and represents the Yoruba people, the newspaper does not fail to criticise distaste from any section of the country, the Yoruba inclusive, and when individuals are worthy of commendation, they are commended regardless of their ethnic groupings. Examples of these stories are: . “E je ka gbadura fun gomina Taraba” (Let us pray for the Governor of Taraba state) (Alaroye, March 19, 2013: 10). . “L’Akungba Akoko, egbe musulumi fi omo Ibo joye ‘Iya Alatunse Adinini” (In Akungba Akoko, a Muslim group coronate an Igbo citizen as Iya Alatunse Adinni) (Alaroye, June 11, 2013: 17). . “Asise ti Obasanjo n Se” (The mistakes of Obasanjo) (Alaroye, Dec 31, 2013 back page). . “Sugbon e ma da Lai Mohammed lohun o” (But don’t pay attention to Lai Mohammed) (Alaroye, Dec 24, 2013: 10). This goes against the views of Salawu (2006) says indigenous language newspapers’ focus is on their ethnic groups and then have inherent interests in the ethnic groups whose (indigenous) languages the newspapers use. The newspapers could lead and modify the opinions of their ethnic groups, and through this, they further fuel social conflicts by developing stereotypes about other ethnic groups. Worthy of note is the ability of Alaroye newspapers to adapt news stories outside of its ethnic group into useful development stories for its local audience. An example of this is the adaptation of a story from the United States of a woman who was reduced to a lame after complications from an operation to increase her buttocks. This story though foreign was tailored towards re-orientating the mindset of its audience, particularly, ladies to be contented: Arikogbo nnla leleyii: Omobinrin yli ni idi oun ko tobi, oun fee yo o sita, eyi lo so o deni ti ko lowo atese mo. O ti dalaabo ara bayli. (Alaroye, Tuesday June 11, 2013: 13)

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Olukotun (2006) notes that the more enduring value of indigenous language newspapers is in their ability to translate development objectives and programmes into living realities. Oyero (2007) further argues in favour of the invaluable role of indigenous language as pivotal to sustaining development when he says that the print media (notably indigenous language newspapers) persuade the audience towards a particular point of view on a development behaviour which is preceded by a new value reorientation which incorporates the kind of attitude for a particular development subject. Oyero (2007) adds that the print media serves to serve as a channel where people can be taught to adopt social values which promote change and development. Through detailed treatment of relevant development issues, the print media persuades the readers by using different journalistic genres. Furthermore, positive coverage of stories that deal with achievement, recognition and work can motivate others to tread the path of development. The editor also stated that although the newspaper is focused towards the Yoruba, the news value criteria that the organisation employs in the coverage and selection of development stories are proximity, impact, human interest and magnitude take pre-eminence in the coverage of development stories. He adds that the Yoruba people and Yoruba interest form the focal point of the development goals of Alaroye newspaper. In addition, the editor said that another news value criteria the organisation applies are by measuring the benefit of the stories to be reported on the populace, its appeal to people’s emotions and the scale of occurrence of such stories.

Conclusion/Recommendations Indigenous language newspapers provide a strategic platform for the advancement of development as they reach the remotest of places and communicate in the language people understand. Therefore, there is a need to harness these potentials to advance development. Of course, care must be taken to ensure that in the process, they do not become the platform for promoting discord and jealousy among the component units of the Nigerian state. However, it is recommended that indigenous language newspapers should undergo more training to make their papers appealing to the sense of sight and also to ensure that their contents are reported in the most professional way.

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References Adah, B., & Abasilim, U. (2015). Development and its challenges in Nigeria: A theoretical discourse. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 6(6), S2. Akpan, E. (2013) Contemporary socio-economic challenges and youths vocational development: Implication for Nigeria’s development. Afrrev Ijah, 2(2), 55–72. Alabi, O. F. (2011). Readership pattern of indigenous language newspapers among selected Nigeria undergraduates. Cross Cultural Communication, 7 (4), 121–126. Alaroye online.com. (n.d.). About us. www.alaroyeonline.com/e-mo-nipa-wa.php Curtis, A. (2013). What are the seven news values? www.uncr.edu/../NewsVa lues.html Fasan, R. (2018). Alaroye: Political contestation, genres, innovations and audience in a Yoruba-language newspaper. Africa, 88(4), 840–862. https://doi. org/10.1017/S0001972018000499 Folarin, B. (2006a). Advanced theories of mass communication. National Open University of Nigeria. Folarin, B. (2006b). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text (3rd ed.). Bakinfol Publications in Association with E-Watch Print Media. Folarin, B., & Mohammed, J. B. (1996). The indigenous language press in Nigeria. In Journalism in Nigeria, Edited by: Dare, O. & Uyo, A. NUJ, Lagos Council. Olawuyi, E. A. (2010). Image of Africa in the international news of selected Nigerian newspapers. PhD Thesis, Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan. Olukotun, A. (2006). The indigenous language press and democratic mobilization in Nigeria: A historical structural overview. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous language media in Africa (pp. 126–140). CBAAC. O’Neill, D., & Harcup, T. (2009). News values and selectivity. In K. WahlJorgensen & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), The Handbook of Journalism Studies (pp. 161–174). Routledge. Owens-Ibie, N. (2002). Governance, Development and Environmental Awareness in Nigeria. In Osuntokun A (Ed.) Democracy and Sustainable Development in Nigeria. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Retrieved from https://www.Jan. ucc.nau.edu/jar/TIL.html Oyero, O. (2007). Dynamics of indigenous language in environmental communication. Lagos Papers in English Studies, 1(1), 228–235. Rausch, S. (2004). ‘Newspaper in education’ in Rural Japan. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 14(2), 223–244. Salawu, A. (2013). Recall of politics of identity in the narratives of the Nigerian press. Journal of Communication, 4(1), 41–48.

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Salawu, A. (2006). Paradox of a milieu: Communicating in African indigenous languages in the age of globalization. In A. Salawu (Ed.), Indigenous language media in Africa (pp. 1–20). CBAAC.

CHAPTER 22

Livelihood Improvement Through Participatory Mass Communications: A Study on Community Radio and the Lives of Women in Northern Ghana Manfred Kofi Antwi Asuman and Subeshini Moodley

Background Community radio provides a voice for poor and powerless people and has become a major tool for spreading development and inciting social and political action from people who are otherwise side-lined by public and commercial radio (Manyozo, 2009). Bosompra provided evidence on the

M. K. A. Asuman (B) Department of Sociology, The University of Western Ontario, London, ON, Canada e-mail: [email protected] S. Moodley Department of Media and Communications, Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_22

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effectiveness of community radio in inciting social action, when he examined the effectiveness of Ghanaian health information campaigns designed to inform and encourage changed behaviour with regard to cholera, immunization, oral rehydration therapy, and AIDS in two rural Ghanaian communities. He concluded that respondents relied almost equally on information provided by community health professionals on one hand and information provided by community radio on the other, for information on the selected health topics (Bosompra, 2000). Price-Davis and Taachi (2001) assert that community radio enables women and other minority groups to find their voices and become active users of the media. Diedong and Naaikuur (2012) argue that one of the weakest points in Communication for Development has been the inability of commercial and public radio stations to prioritise the needs of women in programming, and how it can strengthen and improve the local development discourse. The major factors explaining the poor economic performance of women in the study area are that Northern Ghana does not produce any key export commodities; hence it receives lower remittances, lower cash inflows and rarely participates in trading activities as compared to southern Ghana. A significant percentage of the population in Northern Ghana (around 40% or more) is highly vulnerable and remains food insecure (GSS, 2020). A considerable number of women, about 65% of Northern Ghana’s population, therefore remain poor (McKay et al., 2005). On the positive side, infrastructure and human development outcomes such as access to education and primary healthcare have improved. A number of medium-sized companies have also started to establish in the north (DFID, 2005). It is therefore imperative and appropriate for a study like this to be conducted in Northern Ghana because, according to the World Bank (2011) there are more women than men involved in farming, which is the major economic activity in Northern Ghana. Therefore, any project or intervention that contributes to female empowerment also directly affects living standards and human capacity development in Northern Ghana (Agyire Tetteh et al., 2018).

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Research Objective The main objective of this study is to examine the mechanisms through which community radio influences the livelihoods empowerment of women within their broadcast area.

Development Goals---Expanding the Capabilities of Women Within the discipline of participatory development communications, the focus of development switches from economic growth to that of expanding and facilitating the capabilities of people, including women and other marginalized groups, to be free and knowledgeable enough to achieve their desires (Nussbaum, 2011). In the 70s and 80s, one key variable of how the media participated in the development discourse was through the inclusion of “development news”. Development news captured issues that lead to economic improvement, it included issues from several fields including family planning, literacy, personal hygiene and political education (Stevenson, 1988: 13–14). For some academics like Stevenson (1988), improved literacy, food availability and good sanitation are the indicators of development. This idea of development was adopted into the capabilities approach as described and Nussbaum (2011). The Capabilities Approach to development is an academic approach that views development as a comparative quality of life assessment. In other words, the approach sees development as a means, but not as an end, by asking not the total quantifiable improvements in people’s lives, but by rather questioning the opportunities available to each individual for improvement. The capabilities approach recognizes people may have different development needs and the immediate development concerns of people in one community will be entirely different from the concerns of people in another community. As such, the capabilities approach emphasizes a development strategy that creates an enabling environment where marginalized people like women can meet their own development needs (Sen, 1992). In addition to people using their own skills to achieve their own advancement, the government and other external development agencies or partners create the opportunities for people to exercise agency in all aspects of their lives to give room to a wider freedom of choice. Capabilities are not just the ability of people to pursue development, but also

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the freedom to pursue opportunities given a combination of personal abilities within the political, social and economic environment (Nussbaum, 2011: 19–20). Therefore, government and other social actors, have the responsibility to formulate laws and create positive social and economic conditions which can encourage socially underprivileged groups like women to achieve better lives for themselves. With reference to Nussbaum (2011) and Sen (1999), we can infer that the capabilities approach largely seeks to address social justice and inequality. Most importantly, it aims to correct failures in development that arise as a result of systemic discrimination and marginalization (Nussbaum, 2011; Sen, 1999). In analysing the capabilities approach, there is the need to understand where the two proponents Nussbaum (2011) and Sen (1992) differ. Sen (1992) places more emphasis on issues that deal with people’s quality of life. Sen (1992) argues that some capabilities, for example, political participation and non-discrimination on the basis of race, gender and religion, are more important than others. Whereas Nussbaum’s (2011) version of the capabilities approach introduces additional elements such as democratic liberalism and human dignity. Even though the proponents differ in some aspects of their arguments about the capabilities approach and how it can be achieved, it is obvious that the media can contribute significantly to how capabilities can be promoted or achieved. For the purpose of this paper and the research objective, the capabilities approach of Sen (1999) and Nussbaum (2011), where development is described as a process that expands the freedoms of people (Sen, 1999) and also a process where people are empowered to add value to their lives and improve their human dignity is adopted. These descriptions of development are employed in this study because, whereas some capabilities may be beyond the power of community radio and may need government and political strategy to implement, I believe some capabilities such as women empowerment in Northern Ghana can be achieved and intensified through the proper use of community radio. Sen’s (1999) assertion is the best fit strategy for understanding how community radio empowers women by expanding and improving their capabilities because, the key idea underlying the capabilities approach is that social arrangements, like community radio must be able to “help people achieve and promote what they value doing or being” (Alkire & Deneulin, 2009: 31).

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Research Methods The study adopted the cross-sectional research approach, using three data collection tools, these are: (i) Programme content analyses, (ii) focused group discussions and (iii) semi-structured interviews. This makes room for a deeper analysis of data and deeper engagements of the study participants and also presents a vivid understanding of the problem under investigation (Cropley, 2019). This study used multistage sampling in selecting participants for the focus group discussions and purposive sampling for participants in the semi-structured interviews. There were 10 focus group discussions in total, two representing each of the participating community radio stations. In the first stage of sampling, five active community radio stations in Northern Ghana were selected to contribute to the study. In the second stage of sampling, participants were selected for the focus group discussions. At this stage, the researcher in collaboration with the gatekeepers (managers of participating radio stations) generated a list of female listeners for each participating community radio station. The list of female listeners serves as the population for the selection of active listeners to participate in the focus group discussions. The list of female listeners allowed the researcher to have a collection of regular female listeners across all platforms. The list of female listeners has a combination of audience and contributors from the social media listenership groups of the radio stations, listenership clubs of the radio stations, listeners who are active and regular on call in programmes and listeners who contribute to programmes through SMS, social media posts and other forms of new media. The list of female listeners is important because it allows the researcher to ensure that the participants of the focus group discussions are already exposed to the content and programmes of the participating community radio stations. This promotes data validity and will ensure that the respondents are in a position to answer the interview questions adequately. The researcher randomly selected 20 participants from the list of female listeners of each community radio station. These randomly selected female listeners were put into two groups made up of 10 participants each. Thus, the researcher will form two focus groups for each participating community radio station. Purposive sampling was used to select the programme managers at the selected radio stations and the projects coordinator of the Ghana Community Radio Network (GCRN) to participate in semi-structured interviews.

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Programme analysis is another data collection tool which was used by the researcher. The use of programme analysis in this study augments the data to be collected from the focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. Using the programme analysis allows the researcher to identify and understand the focus and objectives of the programmes which are broadcast on community radio stations and how they improve the economic capabilities of women (Singh, 2001). The programme analysis examined the peak time1 programmes of the participating community radio stations during the period of data collection (January 2021–April 2021). The Community radio stations which participated in the study and their locations are • • • • •

Radio Gaaki—Saboba Tizaa Radio—Nalerigu Radio Builsa—Sandema Radio Progress—Wa Yagbon Radio—Bole

Findings and Discussions Primary Programme Focus of Community Radio Stations in Northern Ghana The focus of each of these community radio stations is largely influenced by the ownership structure of these stations. For example, the primary programme focus of Radio Gaaki is Christian religious programming and this is because it is owned by a Christian NGO which operates within the district called Theovision Radio Network. The primary programme focus of Radio Builsa is agricultural programming and this is because the radio station is owned by an agriculture-focused NGO called the Foundation for Integrated and Strategic Development (FISTRAD). Tizaa Radio also has agricultural programming as its primary focus, and this is because it is vested in and operated by the traditional regent of the Nalerigu Traditional Area where the radio station is situated. Even though Radio Progress was started by the Catholic Relief Services, a religious 1 In radio broadcasting, peak time refers to a time of the day where radio programmes and advertisements can reach the highest number of listeners (Shrivastava, 2005).

22

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Religion and Culture

Agriculture

Local Governance and Politics

Education

Health

Sports and Entertainment

20 17.5

18 16 NUMBER OF HOURS PER WEEK

16

15 14

14 12

10.5

10.5

9.5

10

9.5 8

8

7 6

6

5.5 4.5

4

6.5

6

6

6

10.5 9

8.5

6

5

5 4 3

3

2.5

3

3.5

4

2 0 Radio Gaaki

Radio Builsa

Tizaa Radio

Radio Progress

Yagbon Radio

Fig. 22.1 Hours of peak time broadcast per week for each radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021])

NGO owned by the Catholic Church, the primary focus of the radio station is politics and local governance. Yagbon Radio has a unique programme focus and ownership structure. Amongst all the community radio stations which were sampled for the study, it is the only radio station that was started by an individual with his own resources. According to the programme’s manager of Yagbon Radio, the radio station lacks a single particular focus and this is because the community has decided to make the radio station versatile, so that programmes can be planned based on the season and needs of the community at a particular time (Fig. 22.1).

Agricultural Programming on Community Radio Stations in Northern Ghana The scope of the study for this paper is Northern Ghana, which is largely rural. A significant percentage of peak time programming of the community radio stations sampled for this study is dedicated to agriculture and its related activities because about “88% of residents of Northern Ghana are directly or indirectly employed in agriculture and its related activities” (Issaka et al., 2012). According to GSS (2020), about 60% of the

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17.5

NUMBER OF HOURS OF AGRICULTURAL PROGRAMMING

18 16

15

14 12 10.5 9.5

10 8

7

6 4 2 0 Radio Gaaki

Radio Builsa

Tizaa Radio

Radio Progress

Yagbon Radio

RADIO STATION

Fig. 22.2 Hours of weekly peak time agricultural programming by radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021])

population of Northern Ghana is made up of women and girls. As such, any programme or initiative by community radio stations which seeks to improve agriculture and food security in Northern Ghana improves the livelihoods of women and girls in Northern Ghana (Fig. 22.2).

How Community Radio Promotes Modern Methods of Farming The participants explained that one of the ways their community radio stations help improve their livelihoods is by airing agricultural programmes which teach and promote modern and sustainable farming methods. The promotion of irrigation farming is one of the major strategies used by community radio stations in Northern Ghana to promote sustainable agriculture to improve the livelihoods of the farmers in their communities, because farming in this part of Ghana is predominantly rain-fed.

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Radio Progress airs a weekly programme called AgriTech. This programme focuses on important food security issues such as irrigation farming, and the use of technology and mechanization to maximize crop yield. As more women in Northern Ghana are poorer and more food insecure than their male counterparts (World Food Program, 2009), this translates to more hardship for female-headed households. As such, there is a need to educate more women on modern methods of farming. The promotion of irrigation farming through radio content is very important to the mission of Radio Progress because food can be produced all year round. Therefore, food will be cheaper because it is not scarce. Farmers, who in this case are the women in our communities, can also export some to other parts of Ghana and neighbouring countries such as Burkina Faso and earn money which can be used to provide other livelihood enhancement needs such as education and healthcare. (Field Interview, Wa, March 2021)

Speaking on how community radio has boosted her farm yield through the promotion of newer and better varieties of seeds, a participant said, through the Farmers Guide programme on Yagbon Radio she has been able to learn about a new rice variety that yields more and is easier to maintain and grow because it withstands the dry climate of their locality. Her yield has increased from 12 bags of rice per acre to 18 bags of rice per acre. According to the station manager of Yagbon Radio, the Farmer’s Diary programme is organized by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture (MOFA) with funding from the African Development Bank (AfDB), which is part of the National Agriculture and Food Security Programme (NAFSP). Even though the programme is entirely sponsored by an international donor agency, the radio station designs the programme content in conjunction with the District Department of Agriculture. According to another participant, one of the ways her local community radio station promotes modern agricultural methods is by teaching how to make compost manure which she uses as fertilizer on her farm. She narrated how she used to spend money on fertilizer and how she had to pay someone to come and apply it on her farm at a cost.

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The Impact of Agricultural Programming on the Lives of Women To begin with, the participants assert that through the agricultural programmes on their local community radio stations, they have learned practical and useful skills in farming which they didn’t know about previously. One participant reported that: Nowadays, we get information and advice on farming easily and frequently because of the radio station. This is quite an improvement on the system we had previously because this entire district has only one extension officer who barely comes to check on our farms. These days, every information we need is easily accessible because we can send our questions to Radio Gaaki and they will have an expert respond to us on air. We also have colleague farmers who work hand in hand with the radio station on projects and programmes which concern farmers, they are always ready to advise us or lend a hand when we need them. (Focus Group Discussion, Saboba, January 2021)

Secondly, through community radio, there has been an improvement in how agricultural extension officers play their role in the various farming communities. According to the World Food Program (2009), the recommended ratio of extension officers to farmers is supposed to be 1:500 but because of financial constraints and scarcity of resources, the current ratio is around 1:1750, this makes it difficult for extension officers to deliver their mandate efficiently. Community radio therefore creates a channel through which agricultural extension offices can spread information to a large number of farmers at the same time, without having to worry about logistics such as fuel and transportation to the various farms. In Northern Ghana, the community radio stations have adopted a system where they use farmers as peer educators to provide information and education to other farmers. We organise training workshops, and question and answer sessions for the farmers in our broadcast area. Obviously, not every farmer will be able to attend the workshop, so we put them into groups based on their locality and they nominate two or three representatives. These representatives come for the training workshops, and they become farm advisors when they go back to their communities. (Field Interview, Wa, March 2021)

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Moreover, through agricultural programming on community radio, women farmers have been able to increase their income and save money which they are able to invest into other critical areas of need for their households. A typical example is that through the adoption and practice of modern methods of farming, most farmers have been able to increase their harvest, which directly translates into more income because they are able to sell more products in the market. In relating these findings to women empowerment, these paragraphs show that livelihood improvement does not exclusively mean economic acquisitions in property or cash but transcends to knowledge gain, the availability of food and the sufficiency of food. The critical theoretical foundation of this paper is how local initiatives such as community radio stations can improve the capacities and livelihoods of women and girls by allowing them to add more value to their lives through their livelihood choices. From the findings above it can be said that community radio stations in Northern Ghana through agricultural programming are expanding the livelihood capabilities (Sen, 1999) of women, because these community radio stations spread agricultural information which helps women in their communities overcome hunger. Thus, women in these communities can have value in their lives, because community radio stations help them meet their basic food needs which also helps them stay out of poverty. According to Sen (1999: 208), food production is one of the results of human agency. In this instance, food production can be said to be a result of women’s agency through the knowledge they gain on community radio. Therefore, through agricultural programming on community radio, ordinary women who are able to increase their harvests and produce enough food for their households, evidently have improved agency. Household food security and food sufficiency are a direct result of these increased harvests, which lead to economic empowerment because the women farmers are able to increase their productivity and income, improve savings and also improve investments in other household critical needs such as health and education.

Health Programming on Community Radio Through the programming of community radio stations, some government agencies and health-focused NGOs can reach communities during health-related campaigns and initiatives. From community radio, women

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in villages and localities are now able to get information on how to register for the National Health Insurance Scheme and how to renew their membership in the scheme (Fig. 22.3). By providing people with health programmes, community radio stations help reduce the prevalence of diseases such as cholera, malaria and HIV/AIDS in their communities. By adopting the use of health-based jingles, advertisements and pre-recorded as well as in-studio programmes, community radio stations are able to help women adopt good and less risky health behaviours by increasing their awareness on diseases and other unsafe health practices. The Ghana AIDS Commission is working with Yagbon Radio to change the sexual health behaviours of our community members. The strategy for this project is unique because instead of producing its own programmes, this project pays for segments on other entertainment programmes where information is provided to the youth on safe sexual practices and relationships. (Field Interview, Bole, February 2021)

8

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5.5 5

5 3.5

4

3

3 2 1 0 Radio Gaaki

Radio Builsa

Tizaa Radio

Radio Progress

Yagbon Radio

Radio Station

Fig. 22.3 Hours of weekly peak time health programming by radio station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021])

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Furthermore, there is a programme on Radio Progress called Numbu la dunee 2 which airs every Thursday afternoon. One of the aims of this programme is to encourage safe and honest sexual health conversations amongst couples in the community. The programme targets married people and adults of reproductive age. By listening to Numbu la Dunee, I have learnt the importance of family planning and contraceptives. I was very scared of family planning in the past because we heard rumours that they make women infertile and prevent us from having children when we want to. But through the radio programme I have learnt they are safe. (Focus Group Discussion, Wa, March 2021)

Another way through which community radio stations promote health amongst the women in their broadcast areas is by the airing of content and programmes which are focused on Malaria control and improved sanitation. The National Malaria Control Programme (NMCP) is a Government of Ghana funded programme which aims to reduce the prevalence of Malaria in the poorest districts of Ghana. The programme adopts community radio as one of its communication strategies for reaching rural women who are mainly the nurturers of infants and children below the age of 5. Through community radio stations, the outreach campaigns of the NMCP are able to use mass communication strategies to reach a large number of people who may not be in one village or locality at the same time. In addition, through the programme content of community radio stations, most women who have had no or very little formal education and therefore do not speak or understand English are able to hear messages and health information in their own dialects. It was recorded that in 2017 Tizaa Radio started to sensitize women in the broadcast area on the importance of Insecticide Treated Nets (ITNs) in protecting women and children from Malaria. As a result, the adoption and use of ITNs by households in the broadcast district of Tizaa Radio moved from 46% in 2016 to 88% in 2018 (NMCP & GSS, 2019). Tizaa Radio through its community health programme called Nimashim ny3la

2 Numbu da dunee is a Wala phrase which loosely translates to “Love and Life”. Wala is the local dialect spoken by the people in Wa and its environs.

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ligidi 3 and other community-based initiatives has also been able to sensitize lactating mothers and women on the importance of rapid Malaria tests and the harmful effects of abusing Malaria drugs on children. Furthermore, programmes about maternal and infant health are used by community radio stations to improve the lives of women in Northern Ghana. Radio Gaaki dedicates one hour of the five and half hours of health programming weekly to talking about pregnancy, maternal health, and infant health. Radio Gaaki disseminates information about safe pregnancies and how women can maintain optimum health during and after pregnancy. The programme tackles issues such as ante-natal and post-natal care, hospital checks, breastfeeding and infant health amongst others. In this instance, we can say community radio is used as a tool in creating health awareness amongst women and girls, who happen to be one of the vulnerable groups within the community. These messages were not easily available or accessible in the past because it was impossible for health workers to travel to every house. This paper can therefore argue that community radio has reduced the barriers and costs involved in spreading health information to pregnant women within the localities. Women within these communities can have more value in their lives because they are equipped with information that allows them to make better choices in relation to their reproductive health and the health of their newborn babies. Finally, one of the ways that community radio helps in achieving positive health outcomes is how it can be used as a rallying point during public health emergencies. A case in point is the Covid-19 global pandemic. But for the activities of the radio station and the district health professionals, most of the members of my community wouldn’t have heard anything about the pandemic. Through our local community radio station, I found out that schools were closed and there was a curfew. I was able to inform my husband about this curfew and we kept our children at home where they are safe. I learnt the importance of sanitizing my hand and observing the Covid safety protocol through our local community radio station, I learnt that the virus is spread by breathing and sneezing, so I put on a mask anytime I went to crowded places like the market or church. (Focus Group Discussion, Sandema, January 2021) 3 Nyimashim Ny3la Ligidi is a Mamprusi phrase which means “Health is Wealth”, Mamprusi is the local dialect of the people of Nalerigu in the Gambaga Nalerigu District of Ghana, where Tizaa Radio is located.

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This section of the study shows how community radio is used to promote positive health outcomes through health programming. It is evident that in some instances public health messages can be disseminated through the top-down approach, whereas in other instances, participatory methods are used. This agrees with findings Asuman and Diedong (2019), who reported that in the implementation of Communication for Development initiatives, participatory methods can be mixed with community engagement and stakeholder meetings, depending on the aims of the project and the target group. Essentially, good health means women can spend more time doing productive farm work, this translates into better livelihoods because more food is produced which makes women better off. Also, women do not have to spend their scarce income on health care and hospital bills and can invest in other critical areas of need for their household such as education. Evidently, the link between good health and improved livelihoods cannot be underplayed because one cannot improve their livelihood if they do not have good health.

Educational Programmes on Community Radio Fraser and Estrader (2001) suggest that no matter the focus of a community radio station, it must always take into account that one of the core functions of Communication for Development initiatives is to educate the audience on issues that are of importance to their locality and improve on their livelihoods and social relationships (Fraser & Estrader, 2001) (Fig. 22.4).

number of hours 8.5

10 8 6

9

6 4.5 3

4 2 0 Radio Gaaki

Radio Builsa

Tizaa radio

Radio Progress

Yagon Radio

Fig. 22.4 Hours of weekly peak time educational programming by station (Source Author’s Field Data [2021])

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Community radio in Northern Ghana, sometimes plays the role of a radio school. Flor (1995) describes radio school as a radio programme which is designed to take the form of classroom teacher and learner situations where learners are taught progressively and systematically. For example, since the Covid-19 pandemic struck and schools were closed, Ghana’s Ministry of Education through the Ghana Community Radio Network has been sponsoring a programme called “Ghana Learning Radio” on various community radio stations in Northern Ghana. Last year, schools were closed because of the pandemic, the Ministry of Education approached us with a proposal to teach pupils as they were home idle. The programme generally targeted high school students. It covered Mathematics, English, social studies, and general science. The format of the programme is simple. The ministry supplied us with audio tapes of lessons which were recorded in English. We supervised all the selected radio stations to translate certain portions into local languages. Local teachers from the various districts are used to present these programmes on air. (Field Interview, Accra, March 2021)

Even though the Ghana Learning Radio uses pre-recorded content, there are always teachers from the district available at the studio to answer questions which come in through phone-in sessions and SMS. Through educational programmes on community radio, girls and women are able to obtain information that facilitates self-development. An example of a programme that facilitates self-development is Women Avenue, which is produced and aired by Radio Progress. This programme discusses various women cantered issues such as child labour, rural urban migration and forced marriages. Even though this programme does not follow the formal education curricular, it deals with issues which have the potential of reducing educational outcomes amongst women and girls, and eventually make them drop out of school. One of the aims of this programme is to enhance the awareness of the public on issues that affect women and keep them subordinated to their male counterparts. The programme seeks to change attitudes that stand in the way of women empowerment, some of the themes of the programme border on issues such as child marriages, rape and domestic violence. The first strategy the programme employs is to change men’s attitudes, from perpetuating such acts against women and girls. The second strategy is to encourage women and girls to report perpetrators of such acts to the relevant authorities, and how these authorities can help women overcome trauma and get their lives back on track.

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Radio Gaaki on the other hand has a programme that teaches the basics of French. The programme is called Let’s Learn French. Explaining the rationale for the programme, the Station Manager said: Our district is bordered by Togo, a Francophone country. To facilitate trade, we introduced a weekly show called Let’s Learn French. This programme is planned and produced entirely by the radio station. We get some help from the District Education Office because they usually provide us with tutors. (Field Interview, Saboba, January 2021)

We notice that community radio through educational programming can facilitate trade, by teaching languages that make it easier for traders and market women to communicate amongst themselves. The production of such educational programmes helps parents and women adopt appropriate practices which can reduce the impact of such societal problems and improve the educational attainment of girls. These improve the livelihoods of women and girls because they gain knowledge which helps them navigate and strengthen their educational capabilities and further change the attitudes of men, who are mainly the perpetrators of patriarchy in rural communities.

Conclusion The researchers proclaim that the main mechanisms used by community radio stations in influencing the livelihoods of women in their broadcast areas are targeted radio content, outside broadcast initiatives and community outreach programmes. The targeted radio content usually covers programmes on topics that are meant to teach women skills that can be used to build their economic capacities and improve their knowledge as small holder farmers and domestic givers of care to children. As small holder farmers, the knowledge gained from the programmes and activities of community radio stations directly affects the crop yields of women by teaching them new and effective farming practices and also teaching them how to adopt and use new farming technology. As domestic givers of care to children, the knowledge gained from the programmes and activities of community radio stations equip women with lifesaving health information which they apply in ensuring that their kids are healthier. Even though this may not come with any financial benefits, it affects the economic livelihoods of women because they spend less time in hospitals and can focus

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on their farms and trade when they have healthier children. Health information from community radio stations also helps women to be involved in less risky health behaviours. This means women can make better health choices and stay healthy. Essentially, this translates into spending less money on healthcare and having the strength to focus on their farms and trade. The focus of community radio programming on providing agricultural and livelihood empowerment information is commendable since the Ghana Statistical Service (2014) estimates that about 85% of rural dwellers are employed in farming and its related professions.

References Agyire-Tettey, F., Ackah, C. G., & Asuman, D. (2018). Gender and the returns to entrepreneurship in Africa. International Journal of Social Economics, 45(12), 1609–1630. Alkire, S., & Deneulin, S. (2009). The human development and capability approach. In S. Deneulin & L. Shahani (Eds.), An introduction to the human development and capability approach: Freedom and agency (pp. 22–48). Earthscan. Asuman, M. K., & Diedong, A. L. (2019). Multiplicity of voices in community development through radio in Fanteakwa district, Ghana. Ghana Journal of Development Studies, 16(2), 178–198. Bosompra, K. (2000). Dissemination of health information among rural dwellers in Ghana: A Ghanaian experience. Social Science and Medicine: An International Journal, 29(9), 1133–1140. Cropley, A. J. (2019). Qualitative research methods: A practice-oriented introduction to students of psychology and education. Zinatne. Department for International Development. (2005). Economic growth in Northern Ghana, Revised Report for DFID Ghana prepared by Overseas Development Institute. Westminster. DFID. Diedong, L. A., & Naaikuur, L. (2012). Ghana’s experience in participatory community broadcasting. Global Media Journal (African ed.), 6(2), 2–4, 12– 13. Flor, A. (1995). Broadcast-based distance learning systems. University of the Philippines Press. Fraser, C., & Estrada, S. R. (2001). Community radio handbook. UNESCO. Ghana Statistical Service. (2020). 2020 population and housing census report. Ghana Publishing Company. Ghana Statistical Service. (2014). Ghana living standards survey round 6 (GLSS 6)–poverty profile in ghana (2005–2013). Ghana Publishing Company.

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Issaka, R. N., Buri, M. M., Tobita, S., Nakamura, S., & Owusu-Adjei, E. (2012). Indigenous fertilizing materials to enhance soil productivity in Ghana. In K. J. Whalen (Ed.), Soil fertility improvement and integrated nutrient management—A global perspective. Books on Demand. Manyozo, L. (2009). Mobilizing rural and community radio in Africa. Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 30(1), 1–23. McKay, A., Plagerson, S., & Shepherd, A. (2005). People, place and sub-national growth: Ghana country case study. DFID. National Malaria Control Programme & Ghana Statistical Service. (2019). Ghana Malaria indicator survey 2019. GSS and ICF. Nussbaum, M. C. (2011). Creating capabilities: The human development approach. The Belknap Press. Price-Davies, E., & Taachi, J. (2001). Community radio in a global context: A comparative analysis. Community Media Association, 20, 18–33. Sen, A. K. (1999). Development as freedom. Oxford University Press. Shrivastava, K. M. (2005). Broadcast journalism in the 21st century. Sterling. Singh, N. G. N, (2001). Content analysis of a farm broadcast programme, Imphal Indian Journal of Extension Education, 37 , (3&4), 15–19. Stevenson, R. L. (1988). Communication, development, and the third world. Longman. World Bank. (2011). Republic of Ghana tackling poverty in Northern Ghana. World Bank. World Food Programme. (2009). Republic of Ghana: Comprehensive food security and vulnerability analysis. WFP.

CHAPTER 23

Building a Culture of Peace and Conflict Resolution Through Indigenous Language Media (ILM) Toyosi Olugbenga Samson Owolabi and Adeniyi Olalekan Hassan

Introduction One of the colonial legacies in Africa is the emergence of 54 independent countries, each with multiplicity of ethnic groups, culture, language, religion and politics. In most countries of Africa, there are hundreds of ethnic nationalities and a mosaic of culture co-existing despite long-standing differences. For example, in Nigeria, there are over 400 ethnic groups with about 250 languages and 1000 dialects (Omu, 2008, p. 88). Under normal circumstance, according to Owolabi (2018), ethnicity and ethnic awareness do not constitute any danger to inter-ethnic relations, as evidences abound globally of people from different ethnic

T. O. S. Owolabi (B) · A. O. Hassan Lagos State University, Lagos, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_23

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origins co-habiting together peacefully in spite of socio-cultural differences. However, peaceful inter-ethnic co-existence may be threatened when other factors such as socio-economic, religious and political rivalry leading to fear of domination creep into the union. In Nigeria, for instance, the post-independence governance has been neck-deep in a series of ethno-religious and political crises such that ethnic consciousness has become prevalent to the extent that there is suspicion and fractured relationship among the different ethnic components that constitute the country. In any conflict situation around the world, the mass media are believed to be the information arm on which the moral and professional burdens are laid to open the public sphere for a rigorous debate to unearth the catastrophic consequences that normally accompany violence and militarized conflicts. According to Musa (2017, p. 53), scholars have observed a militarist inclination among the mainstream media, one that does little to promote peace-building culture and nonviolent options to conflict resolution. Contrariwise, indigenous language media (ILM) because of its peculiarity, have been credited with the ability to induce an attitude of peaceful co-existence and foster means of conflict resolution by educating the people and reconstruct their minds against factors that often trigger conflict and hatred in the society (Okunna & Popoola, 2017).

Clarification and Contextualization of Key Concepts Culture of Peace: Anthropologists have identified a number of ethnic and traditional societies as peaceful. These include some Scandinavian countries of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark. Low level of violence and comparatively high standard of living enjoyed by the citizens have predisposed those nations to peaceful ideals in spite of the turbulence and violence that characterize their immediate and global environments where they are domiciled (Gardner, 2004). According to Okunna and Popoola (2017, p. 118), it is observed that: the citizens of those countries have developed forms of socialization and cultural mechanisms that promote peaceful interaction; they have developed beliefs that favors nonviolence over aggression; they have means of managing conflicts without resorting to violence; and they have fostered attitude and perception about violence that prevents its occurrence. In

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addition, there are institutions in those societies created to foster and reinforce culture of peaceful co-existence among the citizens.

The United Nations (1999, p. 45) defines “a culture of peace as a set of values, attitudes, traditions, modes of behaviors and ways of life that reject violence and prevent conflicts by tackling their root causes to solve problems through dialogue and negotiation among individuals, groups and nations”. In 1999, the UN General Assembly in an attempt to build a culture of peace, adopted by resolution 52/243, eight interdependent and inter-related programmes of action including the following: 1. Foster a culture of peace through education 2. Promote sustainable economic and social development 3. Promote respect for all human rights 4. Ensure equality between women and men 5. Foster democratic participation 6. Advance understanding, tolerance and solidarity 7. Support participatory communication and the free flow of information and knowledge 8. Promote international peace and security (A/Res52/243) The anticipation of the UN General Assembly in A/Res (51/101) is that all the member states will uphold and advance the declared plan of action and cooperate to ensure a culture of peace is entrenched as the essential foundation of global peace and cooperation. In 2019, precisely 20 years after the adoption of the programme of action, the President of the General Assembly in conjunction with Global movement for the culture of peace (GMCoP) convoked a “High Level Forum on the Culture of Peace” to mark the 20th anniversary and to review the global attainment of the declaration. Despite the declaration, never since the UN was established has the global community faced such complex and multidimensional threats to general peace and security as experienced within the last two decades. Conflict Resolution: When the culture of peace vanishes from any society, conflicts, hostility and bitter tension take over. According to Miller (2005), cited by Moyo (2018, p.55), “conflict is a form of hostility between one or more parties aspiring towards incompatible or competitive end”. Conflict can be favourable or unfavourable depending on the perception of the conflicting parties and how they attempt to

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extinguish the fire before it escalates and becomes an instrument of destruction. “Constructive conflict helps to develop fresh understanding and establishes new form of relationships while individuals with a negative understanding of conflict maintains a hardline position until relationships are dismantled” (Bakut & Ejue, 2017, p. 304). Nigeria has experienced a series of conflicts since she got her independence in 1960. For instance, between 1976 and 2010, more than 100, 000 people lost their lives, while property worth billions of naira were destroyed as a result of ethno-religious and communal clashes in Northern Nigeria alone (Olerede & Olorode, 2015). While lending their voices to the conflict discourse in Nigeria, David and Manu (2015) add that 26 violent clashes occurred in the South-West, Nigeria between 1999 and 2014 with over 600 lives lost in the process. In the Northern Nigeria’s three geo-political zones, over 288 bloody clashes were recorded between 1999 and 2014, where North-East recorded about 146 cases, NorthWest 70 cases and North-Central about 67 cases, respectively. Apart from billions of naira worth of property destroyed as a result, North-West lost over 9, 457 lives, North-East 5, 793 and about 5, 640 killed in the North-Central (David & Manu, 2015, p. 56). These conflicts, according to Yoroms and Mu’azu (2009), signpost the level of disagreement and polarity existing among groups and between groups and how wrongly the government has mismanaged the crises in most cases. In view of the enormity of the damages and casualties of conflicts on the economy and the overall development of Nigeria, there have been multilateral efforts in place to resolve these crises and to forestall their recurrence. Thus, Jibril (2017, p.353) perceives conflict resolution “as the feasible strategy that can be engaged to curtail the adverse and damaging effect of conflict through a number of measures involving the affected parties. Conflict resolution involves intercession, consensus building, diplomacy and dialogues, conflict prevention, conflict limitation, contentment and litigation, peace-making, peace-building, peace enforcement and peace keeping” (Bakut & Ejue, 2017). It is pertinent to note that for each of these measures to yield result, media in general and ILM in particular have a key role to play in engendering mutual understanding and minimizing disagreement among the conflicting parties. Indigenous Language Media: Language as a communicative instrument is as old as human race. Whether local or foreign, language is perceived as an indispensable means of development and socio-economic interactivity (Alhassan & Ali, 2015). It also plays a fundamental role

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in technological innovation because without language, it is impossible to conceive and convey any technological idea from speaker to hearer in abstraction. Language may also be international or regional, that is, indigenous. An international language such as English may assume the status of official language as it is in Nigeria and other colonized nations. According to Owolabi (2019, p. 193), “indigenous language is that variety that is native to a region and is used as medium of communication within an ethnic group”. It can be deduced from the above that indigenous languages are part of the communicative system serving a defined community either as means of interpersonal or mass communication. Having contextualized indigenous language, we can proceed to define indigenous language media ILM as “print or broadcast media established for the purpose of disseminating development information through the native language to a linguistically homogeneous audience’” (Daramola, 2014, p.34). Wilson and Stewart (2008) also define ILM as means of expressive communication that is formed and/or created by native people and is used as a channel of communicating culture, cultural and artistic ideas, political self-determination and cultural sovereignty. Going by the above perspectives, it implies that for an ethnic group to be recognized as a part of the national politics, they must first be vocal at the grassroots level. This cannot be possible without a mass medium to communicate with. However, Akanbi and Aladesanmi (2014) note that though few media houses in Nigeria broadcast and report in indigenous language, the number of ILM had increased since the year 2002 when President Olusegun Obasanjo decided to liberalize the broadcast media industry and issued operational licenses to more mass media investors to operate FM stations across the 36 states of Nigeria. It is against this background that Owolabi (2019) notes that to communicate and receive information is a social good, which should be fairly, universally and strictly equal. This observation coincides with the social responsibility theory by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1956), which postulates that the media use must mirror the societal multi-ethnic configuration by giving equal voice to different existing groups in the society.

Theoretical Anchorage A basic tenet of agenda-setting theory encompasses the transmission of salient matters from the media to the public (McCombs, 2006). Furthermore, agenda-setting power of the media according to Umuerri (2008a,

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2008b) infers that the media stimulate the coverage of issues and events in the society and engender what issues are observed to be vital at a given time. While expanding further the theory of agenda-setting, Folarin (2005) recognizes four interdependent basics cited in Owolabi (2014, pp. 95–96) to include: the amount or regularity of reporting; status given to the reports through positioning of stories, headline display, picture exhibition and page layout in newspapers and magazines; as well as timing on radio and television; the extent of argument generated in the reports and; the aggregate of media specific effects over time.

It is, therefore, not difficult to recognize the workings of a peace-building media system, which is skewed towards the enthronement of a culture of peace among conflicting parties through repeated and prominent reporting of pertinent issues to the conflict. Closely related to the agenda-setting theory is framing theory, which is the dominant unifying idea of news content that shows the milieu and suggests what the matter is, through what Bello and Oso (2018, p. 89) refer to as “selection, emphasis, exclusion and elaboration”. How media “frame” violence and the desirability of peace could be a major factor in determining the emergence of peace or conflict in any society. This explains the observations of Okunna and Popoola (2017) that framing and language use in the media and its attendant consequences on the psychic of the people have been responsible for incessant disenchantment, bitterness, political intolerance, suspicion, ethnic jingoism and inter-tribal/ethnic conflicts that have plagued Nigeria since early post-independence.

ILM as Conflict Instigator and Mediator The mass media, particularly, the ILM possess unlimited power to shape people’s opinions and mediate in our conflict-riddled world. More importantly, the ILM have the ability to accentuate certain issues in the minds of the audience in a way that can affect their political judgement (Okunna & Popoola, 2017). This is evidenced in the agenda-setting theory by McCombs and Shaw where the media set the agenda for political discussion during electioneering campaigns. The media saturate the people with vast information daily notwithstanding, much of this information are later

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found to be misleading. People often rely on media integrity with respect to accuracy of information in order to make informed decisions about matters of importance. But unfortunately, we live in a mediatized world of disinformation and misinformation that impact cultural production and identity formation, which in turn, engender considerable effect on our political life. In the era of rampant political uncertainty, the influence and power of the media can be called to question because of the media’s culpability in spreading fake information which may sometimes mislead society. This is the basis of Isola’s (2010) assumption that mass media in general and ILM in particular are ambivalent in their roles as instigators and mediators in every conflict situation. Pate (2002, p. 32) observes that ILM can become conflict instigator through: discriminatory reporting, out of context reporting, making generalized and unsubstantiated claims, spreading of fake rumour, use of hate speech and making inflammatory statement, subjective and bias reporting and disallowing plurality of voice and idea especially on issues affecting two parties.

While contributing to discourse on conflict, Bakut and Ejue (2017) argue that conflict knows no colour, race, ethnics or religious affinity. It occurs at every stratum of human endeavours and the causes equally vary. It may occur due to breakdown in communication process or lack of feedback. However, conflict can occur through news framing which the media adopt in the social construction of meaning and news items. A casual display of unprofessionalism and failure to pay attention to ethical details in reporting conflict can complicate issues among disagreeing parties. According to Owolabi (2018), if a reporter employs abusive words to denigrate and rubbish other ethnic groups in a conflicting situation, such a circumstance may aggravate hostility. The media in general are culpable in this regard, especially in this social media era when all kinds of hate speeches and uncouth words against another ethnic group are freely disseminated using indigenous language. In journalism, bad news sells faster and it is the premium spirit of a news organization. In times of conflict, journalists feast on crisis situation as houseflies do on a rotten meal (Olerede & Olorede, 2015). This explains why the news media (print or electronic) have been alleged to be responsible for many conflict situations in the world. Many times, in Nigeria, the ILM have been found guilty of igniting and escalating

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conflicts in some parts of the country by the manner of framing their stories. Olerede and Olorede (2015) focus their arguments on how to build a culture of peace and manage conflict in Nigeria by using the indigenous language of the local populace and its attendant consequences on the plural-ethnic communities and how such news frames have caused disenchantment, bitterness, political intolerance, ethnic jingoism and inter-tribal/ethnic conflicts. Olerede and Olorede (2015) also note that one of the major causes of the 2010 Jos, Plateau State crisis was attributed to the ignoble roles the government-owned Plateau State Radio and Television Service played, which portrayed and amplified an ordinary ethnic misunderstanding until it assumed a recurring violent dimension that later claimed several lives and billion Naira worth of property in the state. The pioneer inter-ethnic conflict between the Yoruba and the Hausa inhabitants in the Sagamu community after many decades of peaceful co-existence formed the kernel of a study by Bakut and Ejue (2017). It reveals that media reports about the Yoruba/Hausa relationship were framed around disunity, disintegration and death. The immediate effect of the media framing and insensitivity during the Sagamu crisis is captured as follows: The rate at which media especially radio and television manipulate indigenous Yoruba and Hausa languages as well as causality figures without any credible sources is another source of challenges of media delivery in 21st century Nigeria. Orgy of scenes are usually created in awkward manner, displaying photographs capable of instigating more violence. A good example was the Ibadan and Sagamu crises ignited by pictorial misrepresentation in a report showing dead bodies believed to be Yorubas killed by the Hausas, the effect was a spontaneous reprisal killing of Hausas in the Southwestern states. (Olerede and Olorede (2015, p.89)

It is noteworthy that in spite of the ignoble roles of ILM as conflict instigator, it has also been perceived as a possessor of uncommon ability to mediate in a conflict situation. The ILM (radio and television) can bring representatives of conflicting parties to a dialogue table and be made to see reasons why hostility should cease. Harping on the capability of ILM to accelerate rational understanding of conflicting and peace-building situations, Ojebode (2004) notes that not only can they mobilize the

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conflicting parties for common efforts to appreciate communal problemsolving strategy, but they can also divert their focus away from divisive matters that tend to split them to those unifying ones with a promise of brighter future. There are empirical evidence that show how the media have been used to initiate unity and as peace-building mechanism. For instance, the popular “Talking Radio Studio” (TDS), a radio station in Sierra Leone was used to propagate peace in the country after the 1991 war that claimed over 6000 civilians with over two million displaced (Adeyanju, 2018). Different programmes were initiated in the TDS in Temne, Mende and Krio, Sierra Leone’s three major indigenous languages to encourage peace and reconciliation. One of such prominent programmes initiated by TDS to help quench the war and promote peace is known as Troway di Gun which literarily translated to “Throw Away the Gun” was produced by combatants/ex-combatants to propagate peaceful co-existence among the conflicting parties. The symbolic representation of combatants/excombatants is strategic in disarming and advocating peaceful co-existence. Abdallah (2000, p. 84) recognizes the effectiveness of the TDS thus: “people said that the radio station stopped the spread of harmful rumours and made it easier for people to stay together in peace, it gave the people a sense that the developmental activities happening in their community are as a result of peace”.

Rural–Urban Information Imbalance: Effect on Peace-Building and Conflict Resolution Rural–urban information imbalance has its root in the dysfunctional global information and news flow in the 1970s. The dichotomy in the information dissemination and the perceived unfavourable news reports among other issues raised by developing countries pitched the North (developed) against the South (developing or third world). The main thrust of the agitation was on clamour for democratization, decolonization, demonopolization and development of information and the clamour for new world information order. As Carlsson (2003) observed, news gathering and information dissemination within and between nations has over the years become a subject of intense debate in many international fora beginning from 1970s. From year to year, as a result of new innovations and developments, the controversy has continued to remain heightened thus, attracting global concern. The United Nations

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and UNESCO, in particular, have been the prime grounds where these issues are always thrashed out (Carlsson, 2003, p. 31). Consequently, UNESCO established a committee chaired by Seán MacBride; the committee was mandated to investigate the communication problems occasioned by international mass media and their news reporting style in modern societies. The Commission’s report titled “Many Voices, One World” called for proliferation of communication channels and strengthening of national media to avoid depending on outside media for citizens’ information needs. Despite the recommendations of the McBride Committee, incongruence in information and news flow continued to exist in spite of media pluralism and democratization. Although, with the advent of the internet and information and communication technologies, it is expected that, at least, there would be a symmetrical information flow between urban and rural communities. Instead, urban–rural information flow has been asymmetrical. If the developed nations are lamenting about information inequality at the global level, much agitation should be expected at the national level to maintain balance of information. Presently, the level of information imbalance in Nigeria therefore calls for true indigenous language media that will be able to satisfy the information thirsts of Nigeria’s multi-ethnic and divergent urban–rural populace. For example, ownership of means of communication is concentrated in the hands of the few powerful rich. Many of these media houses are based in urban centres while majority publish and broadcast in English language. The contents of their programmes (broadcast) or news production hardly echo the voice of the rural dwellers and reflect their lack of basic social infrastructure (Owolabi, 2014).

Peace-Building and Conflict Resolution through ILM The mass media perform the role of creating and circulating meaning through the use of language. This means that language has been a major influence on the mass media in shaping people’s perception of reality. In other words, the language employed by the media becomes part of the issues to be considered (Oso, 2006, p. 175). For this reason, Oso (2006) observes that a major distinguishing factor of ILM is the indigenous language adopted to disseminate information to the local people. The influence of western education in most developing countries leading to giving preference for foreign languages to disseminate information has

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been observed to be responsible for communication ineffectiveness, especially in the rural communities. This therefore paved the way for the adoption of indigenous languages in both print and broadcast media such that the local people can get the messages right and respond to it correctly using the same medium. The power of the media in increasing socio-political consciousness, knowledge distribution, enhancing understanding and shaping people’s lives is generally recognized. The information flow among indigenous people is not only significant for realizing their human rights but also for attaining their right to life with dignity. This can be easily achieved when the means of creating such information is within the ownership and control of indigenous people themselves. It also helps to empower and achieve indigenous people’s rights because the national mass media are believed to be unable to serve indigenous communities in communicating their concerns (Indigenous Media Caucus, 2020). Articles 13, 14 and 16 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP, 2007), in a groundbreaking declaration adopted on 13 September 2007, the General Assembly as a result, declared and empowered the rights of the indigenous people to own, operate and control, have unfettered access to print or broadcast media contents in their local languages without bias. Further to the above declaration, each indigenous community now aspires to establish community-based media in their own language so as to have access to the information that can build peaceful coexistence and enhance developmental process. This, perhaps, explains why the Federal government, through the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission NBC mandated all the broadcasting organizations in Nigeria to distribute their programmes in a ratio of 60 to 40 between English and local languages respectively (Olukotun, 2006). The globalization process coupled with the advancement in digital and new media technologies has further helped in the adoption of indigenous language use in the media thus, increasing indigenous people’s voice in both local and national affairs. The United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) must have understood the power of ILM when it established a community radio project located in the Tanganyika province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The prime purpose of the radio project was to provoke and help to sustain peace-building

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efforts amongst the indigenous people of the region. Through indigenous language broadcasts, the radio station has effectively helped to promote understanding and achieve peaceful co-existence by delivering crucial information in local languages to the natives of the DRC. The UNESCO-sponsored radio project—Tusikilizane meaning “Let’s listen to each other” has reinforced the government’s peace-building efforts and promoted social inclusiveness between the nation’s two major ethnic groups, Bantu and Twa populations. The UNESCO championed the use of ILM to encourage women and youths’ participation in locally organized peace meetings where they can jointly channel their direct experiences and skills to reconstruct a strong society. This initiative, undoubtedly, allows mass dissemination of information and peace messages among the locales, particularly through the creation of indigenous language radio stations in key regions, which are being managed by the indigenes of the affected region (UNESCO, 2019). At the moment, nearly all the regions of the world are battling with diverse violent conflicts of varying degrees. Any time there is conflict, each party to the crisis usually runs to the media to defend their position and to gain sympathy of the national and international bodies over and above others. This usually put the media under intense pressure, especially when the parties involved are desirous of having access to the media to propagate their ideologies or tell their stories. By acknowledging the crucial role of the media in conflict management and peace-building efforts across the globe, Robert Karl Manoff, Director of the Center for War, Peace and the News Media at New York University proposed the following roles the media (indigenous inclusive) could play in conflict resolution at the local, national, international or transnational levels: 1. Communicate peace negotiation messages between disagreeing parties. 2. Call the attention of the international community to intervene in potential and emerging conflict situations, and persuade the conflicting parties to embrace peaceful resolution. 3. Promote the activities of international peacekeeping operations in countries where they are active and in countries contributing military contingents. 4. Educate the conflicting parties and communities by transforming the information environments of disputes to promote mutual

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understanding, which are critical factors to conflict resolution process. 5. Avoid disseminating inflammable rumours and neutralize them before they are escalated. 6. Recognize and promote the core values of disputants, which are critical to helping them to collectively understand each other’s priorities. 7. Discover and clarify fundamental physical and psychological needs of conflicting parties that are perceived to be at stake. 8. Recognize useful resources that may be of value to resolve conflicts, or to mobilize external support in doing so. 9. Create networks through which success stories of conflict prevention and management in different regions of the world could be disseminated. 10. Global international pressure should be brought upon media organizations that indulge in xenophobia, racism and other forms of social hatred. 11. Send out early warning signal of impending conflicts. 12. Participate in the process of healing, reconciliation and social reconstruction subsequent to conflicts (Manoff, 1997, p.47). However, it has been observed that the national and regional media, due to their elitist approaches, contents and concentration, are incapable of effectively carrying peace-building and conflict mediation messages to the grassroots, which, in most cases, are the epicentre of bitter conflicts in Nigeria. Thus, ILM (radio, newspaper, magazines and television) have become better alternative to disseminate information in the local language of the people. Radio as a peace-building and conflict-management tool has ten major approaches to accomplish its goals (Ojebode, 2004, pp. 90– 91). These can be done through balanced and credible news, group discussion inform of debates; lecture/straight talk by experts who can persuade the conflicting parties to shift from their hardline position to embrace peace, interview involving bringing conflict resolution and peace-builders to the studio; testimonial which is the opposite of interview involves bringing a common personality to testify for example about how a member of the conflicting parties assisted him and his family when some unknown attackers invaded his house; entertainment could be packaged in form of

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drama, music, comedy, skits and folk songs, storytelling; jingles which is a very brief but educative message meant to pass across specific but pungent information to the people; public announcement and poetry which deals mostly with matters of character, morality, peaceful co-existence and mutual understanding. (Ojebode, 2004, pp. 90–91)

The print media, despite its bias for the elite minority, may need to wear a new garb of being a truly indigenous publication designed and packaged for fostering peace-building culture and conflict resolution through well-researched feature articles, incisive editorials, in-depth analysis, advertisement, interviews, credible news, cartoon, captivating narratives and essays depicting the benefits inherent in living together in an atmosphere of peace and tranquility (Soola, 2003, p. 23). Other advantages of print media are its durability thus, it can be reread, clipped out, copied, passed on and preserved for future reference. Television, according to Batta and Ashong (2008a, 2008b), is another very potent tool that has multiple advantages of combining sight, sound and motion picture and colourful animation with demonstrative power to sensitize, conscientize and mobilize its audience for peacemaking and conflict resolution using the strategies of jingles, public service announcement, documentaries, talk-shows and phone-in programme. In addition, Oyero (2003, p.190) notes that radio breaks the barrier of illiteracy, and carries peace and development messages to all the nooks and cranny of the community, up to the secret chamber of the kings and queens without bias and with less media literacy demands from listeners compared to print media audience. Radio messages also have the advantage of immediacy and with multiplying effect. It can be listened to in the office while working and inside the car while going and returning from work. Globally, it has been recognized that in developing countries where most violent conflicts are prevalent, ILM have been credited with the potent power to reach the heart of the populace.

Conclusion The need for grassroots mobilization as a countervailing force against threat to peaceful co-existence in any society and Nigeria in particular demands having media organs, especially ILM that can effectively carry development messages to the grassroots. This chapter, therefore, has

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argued and advocated the use of ILM for peace-building and conflict resolution and by this, the media are not only making environment conducive for the people but by extension, providing safe haven for journalists to live in and practice their trade. While the central government through ILM embarks on policies and programmes that it deems suitable to engender peace and stability in the society, the grassroots voice also has the capacity not only to draw attention to itself but also to force the central authorities to enter into a negotiated relationship with the conflicting parties.

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David, N. A. & Manu, Y. A (2015). Democracy, youths and violent conflicts in Nigeria’s fourth Republic: A critical analysis. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5(2). Folarin, B. (2005). Theories of Mass Communication. Bakinfol Publications. Gardner, E. (2004). Peace building: A field guide. Lynne Rienner Publication. Indigenous Media Caucus. (2020). Studies on state of radio in 19 countries. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/news/indigenous-media-caucusreleases-study-state-indigenous-radio-19-countries Isola, O. O. (2010) Mass media and election violence 1965 and 1983 experiences in Western Nigeria. John Archer Publishers Ltd. Jibril, A. (2017). Community radio as an effective tool for conflict management in Nigeria. In U. A. Pate & L. Oso (Eds.), Multiculturalism, diversity and reporting conflict in Nigeria (pp. 348–366). Evans Brothers Publishers Limited. Manoff, R. K. (1997). The media’s role in preventing and moderating conflict”. This paper was prepared for the Virtual Diplomacy conference hosted by United States Institute of Peace in Washington, D.C. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/Medias-Role-Preven ting-Moderating-Conflict.pdf. Accessed January 22, 2022. McCombs, M. E. (2006). A look at agenda setting: Past, present and future. Journalism Studies, 6(4), 543–557. Moyo, E. (2018). Challenges faced by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in Conflict Transformation: The case of the Lesotho Conflict from 1994–2017 (An unpublished MSc thesis), submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Science in International Relations at Midlands State University Gweru, Zimbabwe. https://cris.library.msu.ac.zw/bitstr eam/11408/3092/1/1532418748087_SAVED%20MASTER%20DOC.pdf Musa, M. (2017). Reporting conflict in Nigeria: Between agency and structure. In U. A. Pate & L. Oso (Eds.), Multiculturalism, diversity and reporting conflict in Nigeria (pp. 53–74). Evans Brothers Publishers Limited. Ojebode, A. (2004). Radio as development communication medium, types, formats, roles and limitation. In E. O. Soola (Ed.), Communication for development purposes (pp. 87–100). Kraft Books Limited. Okunna, C. S., & Popoola, M. (2017). Role of media in building a culture of peace. In U. Pate & L. Oso (Eds.), Multiculturalism, diversity and reporting conflict in Nigeria (pp. 118–130). Evans Brothers Publishers Limited. Olerede, S. K., & Olorode, K. O. (2015). Peace and conflict management in Nigeria: Mapping the historical role of peace-oriented journalism in 21st century. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 5(3). https://www.iist. org/journals/index.php/RHSS/article/view/19822/0 Olukotun, A. (2006). The Indigenous language press and democratic mobilisation in Nigeria: A historical structural overview. In A. Salawu (Ed.),

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CHAPTER 24

Indigenous Language Use in Advertising Campaigns: A Study of Airtel Nigeria’s Users Oluwatomi Caleb Adeniji

and Samuel Akinbode

Introduction Indigenous language is one of the world’s most powerful forms of communication. It is ingrained in people’s cultures, and as Salawu (2008) points out, communication is impossible without language. Language is an important part of a culture, and it can be defined as “an arbitrary vocal system of communication used among members of a speech community.” This means that someone who does not belong to a community but wishes to communicate with its members must first learn their language. The language that is peculiar to the members of a community or spoken by a group of indigenous people living in the same area or location is referred to as an indigenous language.

O. C. Adeniji (B) · S. Akinbode Bowen University, Iwo, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4_24

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The acquired mother tongue of the group owners is the indigenous language, as such, it is their native language, which must be taught by someone who understands and speaks it; it is not taught as a second language. The nature of indigenous language is that it is used to communicate within a specific community of people who live in a particular region and is passed down from generation to generation. Language generally is a means of communication where information must be transmitted in a way that the intended audience understands for communication to be effective. So, indigenous languages have been identified as an effective means of communicating promotional messages to a specific target audience. The communication of these promotional messages can be referred to as advertising which is a communication mechanism implying that a language is a key tool. Advertising is a communication mechanism for marketing that is used to transmit key messages across different media vehicles or outlets to potential and existing customers of a brand. A major aim of advertising is to reach the customers of a brand and ensure that the message passed across is received where the ability to understand and interpret information is aided by indigenous language. Therefore, as a result, the ability to communicate with a target audience in their indigenous language will enable effective communication between this target market and the advertiser. The use of English language in advertisements is complex and ambiguous to a category of Nigerians, as opposed to using languages that these people are familiar with. Oluga (2010: 318) recognises Nigerian advertiser’s creativity in incorporating concepts such as indigenous language into modern advertising. This appreciation, according to the author, reflects the fact that Nigerians who do not understand English language are left in the dark whenever such advertisements are broadcast. According to World Bank (2020), the literacy rate in Nigeria from 1991 to 2021 is 62.02% which means that it could be difficult for the 37.98% of illiterate Nigerians to understand the core message of a brand (company, product, or service). This necessitates the need for the use of indigenous languages which will allow the advertiser to effectively interact and easily exchange meaning with the entire population. If a brand, company, or product can easily communicate with its target audience, it will easily achieve its advertising objectives. Due to the specific need for indigenous languages, some telecommunications service providers such as Airtel Nigeria have embraced indigenous

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languages in their business operations and communication processes. One such indigenous language that they have adopted is Yoruba. Yoruba is one of Nigeria’s ethnic groups and the language is spoken by Nigeria’s south-western region specifically. Airtel’ s Yoruba-based advertisements are aimed at increasing a sense of belonging, making current customers feel very important, and to also enhance credibility. The Yoruba Language is used to build and communicate the core messages of Airtel Nigeria in a way that connects with the existing customers and potential customers, and this message continues to stay in the minds of those who listen and watch the commercial, such that even if it doesn’t result in patronage, the key message should end up being effectively passed on to Airtel’s potential and existing customers. In this light, this study investigated the effectiveness of Yoruba use in Airtel advertising campaigns and determined whether the use of Yoruba language influences potential customer’s purchase decisions and existing customer’s responses to call to action, and whether core messages are better understood by the intended audience when delivered in their native language, and whether the use of Yoruba language in Airtel advertisements increases a sense of belonging or connection. Three salient questions raised by this research are: what are the opinions of Airtel Nigeria users on the use of Yoruba language in Airtel advertisements? Which Airtel Yoruba language advertisement is the most popular among Airtel Nigeria users? How effective is Yoruba language in Airtel advertising campaigns?

Theoretical Framework Two theories are essential for this study: the perception theory and the message learning theory. This section discusses these two theories as they apply to the study. Perception Theory Burgoon and Ruffner (1978) describe perception as the process of making sense out of an experience. Likewise, Corner and Hawthorn (1980) related that perception is how the individual makes sense of his or her world. Perception is influenced by several factors, including psychological makeup, prior experiences, cultural expectations, and social ties. All of these, combined with language constraints and the “limited experience

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factor,” lead to the selective perception process, which involves selective exposure, attention, and retention in a “stop-gate” fashion. Alternatively, one must be exposed to a message before one can attend to it. Then one must pay attention before one can perceive it, and one must perceive it before the message can be remembered. This is the fundamental argument of the perception theory. In the perception theory, there are four selective processes in perception: selective exposure, selective perception, selective attention, and selective retention. Selective exposure relates that people naturally seek out information that caters to their own interests, confirms their beliefs, and boosts their ego, while avoiding information that is contrary to their own predispositions and attacks their self-image. This influences which newspapers they subscribe to or read at all, as well as which television stations they watch and what shows they watch on those channels. In advertising, audiences prefer to be exposed to commercials with which they can relate and understand, as well as commercials in the language with which they are more familiar, which is their indigenous language. Selective Perception argues that the individuals interpret and decode communication messages based on prior experiences and current dispositions, as well as needs, moods, and memories. The language spoken and the words used also shape perception. The indigenous languages of Airtel Nigeria users shape their perceptions or interpretation of advertisement messages. For example, an illiterate Yoruba man will easily interpret an advertising message in the indigenous language he is familiar with. With the use of the indigenous language in the commercial, he will be able to create his own meaning of the advertising message. Selective attention asserts that the eye processes information much faster than the brain can interpret it and so in order to avoid confusion, the human brain must choose which information to pay attention to at any given time. Physiological impairments or needs (poor vision, hunger), physical discomfort (heat in a crowded lecture room), boredom from fatigue, hostile orientation towards information or source, assumed familiarity with message content, and so on, can all affect the span of attention. As a result, advertisers employ a variety of gimmicks to capture and maintain audience attention. Airtel Nigeria employs indigenous language as one of their gimmicks to keep their target audience’s attention, and they do so because they are familiar with their indigenous language. For example, an illiterate Yoruba man will be more likely to pay attention to a commercial to which he can relate and understand. He will also pay attention to a commercial in his native language because he is familiar with

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it. Selective Retention indicates that individuals are unable to remember or retain all of the messages they receive. Furthermore, some messages are forgotten faster than others. Individuals therefore remember messages that are positive to their self-image better than messages that are negative. The message’s saliency (retention of needs), the method of transmission, and the receiver’s interests and beliefs are all known to influence retention rates. Airtel Nigeria uses indigenous language to ensure that the advertising message is remembered by Airtel Nigeria users. In advertising, the audience tends to remember advertising messages that they understand because they are in their native language, which they are familiar with. The audience is more likely to remember advertising messages in their native language when the advertisement connects them to their culture, makes them proud of their culture, and encourages their cultural heritage. Message Learning Theory Carl Hovland is credited to have propounded the message learning theory. Hovland along with his colleagues encouraged educators and researchers to investigate the effect of information on attitude change and the characteristics of the information source and the audience. Hovland posits that, in order to be persuaded to accept a message, an individual must understand and recall it in a language that s/he understands. The theory implies that the value and effectiveness of knowing something depend entirely and completely on the persuasive features and language used in the message. The message learning theory also assumes that a shift in attitude or approach is possible if the message inspiring and motivating the change is understandable and clear (Hovland et al., 1953). An advertisement is intended to persuade people to change their behaviour by conveying a message in a persuasive manner and in a language they understand. A change here could be a different point of view. It could mean accepting the product, purchasing the product, remembering the message, and even passing it on to others. The message conveyed in advertising is intended to persuade the audience to take the desired steps in product purchase. In the context of this research, Airtel Nigeria conveys its messages to its customers in the native language, which the people are familiar with and understand in order to achieve the desired effect. According to Sharma and Singh (2010), language has a powerful influence on people and their behaviour. This is particularly true in marketing and advertising. The language used to convey specific messages with the

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intention of influencing people is critical. When the language used in an advertisement is appropriate, the message is easily understood. Similarly, Kannan and Tyagi (2013) point out, that language is what helps people identify and remember a product. Empirical Review Oyesomi (2019) studied the efficacy of MTN Radio Yoruba indigenous language ads in the Olorunda group in Ibadan, Oyo state. MTN was included in the study because it is a non-indigenous corporation and Nigeria’s leading provider of telecommunication networks. The analysis was rooted in the principle of message learning. The survey template was used as a data collection tool for the study process. The instrument was a questionnaire and interview guide. The study population is subscribers to MTN who reside and work in the city of Olorunda. It chooses a sample size of 100 adult respondents. The Trade Marketing Consultant of MTN , Ibadan, performed an in-depth interview. Findings have shown that 85.4% of respondents are aware of MTNYoruba radio ads. Findings have also shown that the functionality of the ads is recalled by many of the respondents. During this study, among others, continuous research and evaluation were recommended, as organisations would be fully equipped with and able to relate to the community, as well as provide ease in developing and maintaining relations. Oyesomi and Salawu (2019) carried out a study that discovered the uniqueness of indigenous language and how figurative language is used to convey meaning in Yoruba telecommunications advertising. The study focused on the customers of the top two network operators in Nigeria: MTN and Airtel subscribers. The sample population consisted of all MTN Yoruba ads and all Airtel Yoruba ads. The sample was MTN Smart Recharge ads and Airtel Goody bag advertising. This was selected using a random sampling technique. To investigate the figurative languages used in the MTN Smart Recharge Yoruba advertising and the Airtel Goody bag Yoruba advertisement, qualitative textual analysis was used. The researchers found that the two selected advertisements used and identified 12 figurative languages in 25 presentations (metaphor, allusion, symbolism, eulogy, sarcasm, joke, anaphora, repetition, hyperbole, simile, alliteration, rhetorical question). Therefore, among other items, the researcher suggested that advertisers, not just telecommunications firms, should pay serious attention to the use of figurative words, which

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can draw the public to their services and demonstrate the uniqueness of the indigenous language. In another study research carried out by Atanda (2018), the focus was to determine the impact of the indigenous Language on the advertising campaign as a case study using MTN and GLO telecommunication companies. The investigator used the survey research method coupled with the questionnaire as the measuring instrument in carrying out this study. From the results, it is established that language is one of the strong tools used by companies to transmit advertising messages. Indigenous language advertising also has a major impact on the targeted public rather than advertising in another language because people tend to better understand their native language, which is why MTN and GLO regularly use indigenous languages in advertising campaigns. As a result of this, indigenous language catches the attention of people in advertising more than in English language and pidgin language as it has a persuasive force on customers. To increase comprehension, they direct advertising messages to a particular native and make people feel very important, through adverts in their indigenous language. It was recommended that only registered words and phrases should be used to enhance and improve the use of language, particularly indigenous language, in advertising campaign practice, while fewer proverbs and idiomatic expressions should be adopted to make the message understandable, particularly as this generation is not familiar with large idiomatic expressions. Similarly, because of the audio and visual capacity as both appeal to illiterates, radio and television can be used frequently to present indigenous language advertisement campaigns to increase comprehension. In an earlier study, Udemmadu (2011) conducted a study to determine the relationship between languages specifically, Igbo language and business knowledge or information promotion in Nigeria. Some local jingles from Radio Nigeria, Purity F.M., Awka, as well as billboard ads displayed around Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka’s permanent site and Arroma round-about, were examined to discover some linguistic characteristics used to promote companies’ core messages to their targeted audience. The result of the study was that mother tongue illiteracy is a major factor hindering achieving desirable indigenous language advertisement objectives by companies or organisations. However, if indigenous languages are given their required position, the target audience and advertisers will benefit.

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Nwachukwu (2008) investigated the advantages of indigenous language over the use of the English Language in Nigeria, as a means of advertising goods and services. This is given the notion that advertiser’s intent is to interact with its target audience effectively. The paper also looked at advertisement issues in indigenous Nigerian languages. The study adopted a survey design to get the opinion of Nigerians. The findings of the study recognised and acknowledged the advantages of native languages over foreign languages in interacting effectively with most Nigerian customers. Therefore, the study recommended that the choice of indigenous languages should be adopted by the Nigerian business community in the advertisement of the most locally manufactured consumer goods and services.

Method The study adopted a descriptive survey research design. The underlying philosophy was positivism, and the research approach was deductive. From the standpoint of positivism and deductive reasoning, the study’s methodological choice was mono-quantitative, and the research strategy was a survey. This strategy allows for flexibility in collecting a large number of data and permits quantitative analysis. The population comprised all users of Airtel in Nigeria. Given that the precise population cannot be readily determined, a purposive sample of 323 was drawn from the population. A structured cloud-based research questionnaire was designed and administered through various social media platforms to the respondents. The study opted for a cloud-based survey at the time of the research based on the restriction of movements and travel bans as a result of the outbreak of COVID-19. The validity of the research instrument was done using face validity through expert reviews and content validity using pre-test (pilot study). To ascertain the reliability, the test of internal consistency was also tested using Cronbach’s Alpha with a benchmark of 0.70. Descriptive and inferential statistical tools were deployed to analyse the data collected. The descriptive statistics included frequency distribution, simple percentage, mean, and standard deviation. The inferential statistical tool was mainly a non-parametric test (Chi-Square) applied to the second objective of the study for a more robust interpretation of the analysis.

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Findings In line with the research questions raised in the first section of this study, this section presents and discusses the findings of the study based on the results of the analysis conducted. Data Overview Response Statistics To gather primary data, a cloud-based survey was used, designed using GoogleForms. The survey became operational on 5th July 2021. The first response based on the timestamp was recorded on the same day, 2021/07/05 8:57:18 PM GMT+1. The form was live for two weeks and the last response was entered on 2021/07/19 10:11:42 AM GMT+1. A total of 323 entries were recorded at the end of the survey. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria Given the nature of the study, certain criteria were introduced to ensure data validity and reliability. Three control questions were introduced including what is your language? Where do you live? Are you aware of any Airtel advertisement in Yoruba? These questions were necessary as the focus of the study was on (1) Yoruba customers (2) residing in Nigeria at the time of the survey and (3) who are aware of at least one Airtel advertisement in Yoruba. The respondents were required to fulfil all these criteria to be eligible. Following scrutiny of the data 61 entries were not by Yoruba Airtel customers (see Table 24.1). These responses were excluded from the analysis leaving 262 entries. For the second criterion “residence,” three respondents were excluded as they indicated the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and Berlin as a place of residence. They were excluded from the study as they cannot be currently considered Airtel customers/users at the time the study was conducted. As shown in Table 24.1, this exclusion further dropped the total entries to 259. The final criterion was their awareness of any Airtel advertisement in Yoruba and 21 respondents indicated No. This rendered all responses regarding Airtel Yoruba Advertisements invalid, as such they were excluded from the analysis. In all, 238 responses met all three criteria for inclusion and formed the basis for analysis (see Table 24.1).

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Table 24.1 Inclusion and exclusion criteria Control questions

1 2 3

Initial entry What is your language? Where do you live? Are you aware of any Airtel advertisement in Yoruba Final entry

Excluded

(61) (3) (21)

Included 323 262 259 238 238

Source Field Survey (2021)

Demographic Characteristics Demographic data covering the gender, age group, location, occupation, and level of education of the respondents was collected (see Table 24.2). From the survey responses, 156(65.5%) of the respondents indicated their gender as female making the responses highly skewed towards the female gender relative to the male gender who constituted 34.5% of the total respondents. This shows that more female respondents were inclined to partake in the survey than the male gender. In relation to the age group, a higher percentage (45%) of the respondents indicated that they were between the ages of 15 and 20 years of age, while those who indicated 21–20 years trailed behind with 38.2%. Respondents who indicated 31– 40 years were 16(6.7%), 41–40 years were 17(7.1%), and those who indicated that they were above 50 years of age were 7(2.9%). Based on location as seen in Table 24.2, the respondents tended to be more skewed towards the Southwest in general, but particularly Lagos that had 119(50%) of the total entries. Respondents from Oyo were 52 constituting 21.8% of the total responses, Ogun state 22(9.2%), FCT, Abuja 17(7.1%), Osun State 12(5%), Ekiti 5(2.1%), Delta State 3(1.3%), Kaduna, Niger, Port Harcourt, and Ondo state all had 2(0.8%) respondents each. The respondents were also asked about their occupation and 158(66.4%) indicated that they were students which seems consistent with the predominant age group statistics (15–20 years). However, 49(20.6%) respondents were entrepreneurs or business owners, 18(7.5%) indicated they were employees at private firms, while 13(5.5%) indicated they were civil servants (see Table 24.2). Technically, most of the respondents were currently unemployed as they were still undergoing their educational programmes. Finally on demographic statistics, the level of education of

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Table 24.2 Demographic characteristics

INDIGENOUS LANGUAGE USE IN ADVERTISING …

Variables

Data

Gender

Male Female 15–20 years 21–30 years 31–40 years 41–50 years Above 50 years Lagos Oyo Ogun FCT, Abuja Osun Ekiti Delta Kaduna Niger Port Harcourt Ondo Student Entrepreneur Private firms Civil servant Not completed SSCE OND HND BSc MSc PhD

Age group

Location (state)

Occupation

Level of education

Frequency 82 156 107 91 16 17 7 119 52 22 17 12 5 3 2 2 2 2 158 49 18 13 6 74 5 6 134 11 2

429

Percentage (%) 34.5 65.5 45.0 38.2 6.7 7.1 2.9 50.0 21.8 9.2 7.1 5.0 2.1 1.3 0.8 0.8 0.8 0.8 66.4 20.6 7.5 5.5 2.5 31.1 2.1 2.5 56.3 4.6 0.8

n = 238 Source Field survey (2021)

the respondents as observed in Table 24.2 shows that most of the respondents had BSc degrees as indicated by 134(56.3%), 74(31.1%) indicated SSCE, 11(4.6%) had MSc, 6(2.5%) were yet to complete any academic degree programme, and 6(2.5%) had Higher National Diploma (HND) degrees, while 5(2.1%) had Ordinary National Diploma (OND), and only 2(0.8%) indicating having a doctorate degree (PhD).

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Perception on the Use of Yoruba in Airtel Advertisements The opinions of the respondents were sought on the use of Yoruba in Airtel advertisements. To achieve this objective the respondents were first asked if they felt it was essential for Airtel to reach out to their Yoruba customers in their native language. From the survey responses displayed in Fig. 24.1, 188(79%) indicated Yes, 9(4%) indicated No, and 41(17%) indicated maybe. Sequel to the responses in Fig. 24.1, subsequent questions were limited to only the respondents who indicated Yes, Airtel should reach out to their Yoruba customers in their native language. In other words, 188 responses were used to achieve the third objective of the study. Respondents who indicated No and Maybe were excluded as their inclusion would significantly skew the responses which might affect the reliability of the analysis. Here, three major items were used to ascertain the viewpoints of Airtel Nigeria users on the use of Yoruba language in Airtel advertisements focusing on importance, understanding, and comprehensibility (see Table 24.3). First, the respondents were asked to rate on a scale of 1–10 (later converted to a scale of 5 for easy analysis) how important it is for Airtel

Perception of customers on the use of Yoruba in Advertisements 41, 17%

9, 4%

188, 79%

Yes

No

Maybe

Fig. 24.1 Pie Chart showing the perceived need for Yoruba in Airtel advertisements (Source Field Survey [2021])

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Table 24.3 Need for native languages in Airtel advertisements Items

5(%)

4(%)

3(%)

2(%)

1(%)

Importance Understanding Comprehensibility Grand mean/Std dev

95(50.5) 79(42) 92(48.9)

67(35.6) 94(50) 57(30.3)

19(101) 13(6.9) 26(13.8)

2(1.1) 2(1.1) 9(4.8)

5(2.7) – 4(2.1)

M

S.Dev

4.3 3.33 4.19 3.93

0.89 0.65 0.99 0.84

Note 5 for very high rating and 1 for very low rating Source Field survey (2021)

to use the advertisement for their customers using their native languages. The analysis of the survey response shows a mean score of 4.3 and a standard deviation of 0.89. The second item was to know if Airtel’ s Yoruba customers understood advertisements in their native language better than they do in English. The mean score was 3.33 with a standard deviation of 0.65. The third item was to know how comprehensible Airtel ’s advertisements that use Yoruba Language have been. Analysing the responses using descriptive statistics showed a mean score of 4.19 with a standard deviation of 0.99 as shown in Table 24.3. Overall, the grand mean was 3.93 indicating a relatively high rating and the standard deviation of 0.84 shows a relatively low variation in responses (see Table 24.3). Most Popular Airtel Advertisement Descriptive analysis was used to identify Airtel ’s most popular Yoruba advertisement among Airtel Nigeria users. The respondents were presented with four major Airtel advertisements delivered in Yoruba language and were asked to indicate the Airtel Advertisements they perceived to be the most popular. Gender and age group were cross tabbed with the four Yoruba Airtel advertisements to provide deeper insights as to how the choices varied among gender and different age groups. As shown in Table 24.4, the most popular Yoruba Airtel advertisement is the “*444# LYRICS (444 OporOpor 4, 4 meta is a metaphor” as indicated by 148(62.2%) of which most of the respondents were female (100) and mostly between the ages of 15–20 years and 21–30 years. The 4G Gele Yoruba advertisement emerged as the second most popular advertisement as indicated by 68(28.6%) (see Table 24.4). In this

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Table 24.4 Most popular Airtel advertisement *444# Count Gender Female Male Subtotal Age 15–20 group 21–30 (in 31–40 years) 41–50 >50 Subtotal

100 48 148 75 60 4 5 4 148

4G Gele Row N Count % 64.1 58.5 62.2 70.1 65.9 25.0 29.4 57.1 62.2

45 23 68 25 24 8 9 2 68

Data is life Row N Count % 28.8 28.0 28.6 23.4 26.4 50.0 52.9 28.6 28.6

Airtel Smart recharge

Row N Count %

2 7 9 3 4 2 0 0 9

1.3 8.5 3.8 2.8 4.4 12.5 0.0 0.0 3.8

9 4 13 4 3 2 3 1 13

Row N % 5.8 4.9 5.5 3.7 3.3 12.5 17.6 14.3 5.5

Chi-square Gender*most popular Airtel Ads Pearson 7.838a Chi-Square Df 3 Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)0.49*

Age group*most popular Airtel Ads 27.997a 12 0.006*

*Significant at p < 0.05 Source Field survey (2021)

category also, the female gender dominated (45) and the Ads were seen to be more popular among the 15–20 years (25) and 21–30 years age group (24). The third most popular Yoruba Airtel advertisement was the Airtel Smart recharge as indicated by 13(5.5%) of the respondents. Under this category, nine (9) respondents were female while 4 were male. In addition, the age group showed that this advertisement was more popular among those in the 31–40 years age group unlike the first two advertisements. Data is life emerged as the least popular Yoruba Airtel advertisement in this study as only 9(3.8%) respondents selected this option. Meanwhile, it is observed that the advertisement was more popular among the male gender than the female gender unlike the first three categories discussed earlier. Also, the advertisement seemed to be

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fairly distributed among all the age groups although more among those between the ages of 15 and 20 years (see Table 24.4). Taking the analysis further a non-parametric test was carried out using Chi-Square to understand if there is a statistically significant association between the gender of the respondents and their choice and the age group of the respondents and their choice of the most popular Yoruba Airtel advertisement. The results as shown in Table 24.4 indicates that there is a significant and positive association between gender and the most popular Airtel advertisement (Pearson Chi-Square = 7.838, p < 0.05) and age group and the most popular Airtel Yoruba advertisement (Pearson ChiSquare = 27.997, p < 0.05) (see Table 24.4). However, the association seemed stronger in the age group relative to the gender. This means that the choices of the respondents were (1) mildly a function of the gender of the respondents and (2) significantly and statistically a stronger function of their age group. Efficacy of Using Yoruba in Airtel Advertisement Here, the respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement with six items relating to assessing the efficacy of using Yoruba in Airtel advertising campaigns. The first item was “I respond to call to action seeing native Ads” with a mean of 2.90 and a standard deviation of 0.77. The second item was “The Ads arouses my interest more” with a mean of 2.59 and a standard deviation of 0.83. The third item was “The Ads attract my attention more” with a mean of 2.94 and a standard deviation of 0.79. The fourth item was “Strengthened my cultural pride, sense of belonging and self-worth” with a mean of 3.11 and a standard deviation of 0.69. The fifth item was “The Ads are informative and illustrative” with a mean of 3.03 and a standard deviation of 0.68. The last item was “I recall the Yoruba Ads more” with a mean of 2.96 and a standard deviation of 0.81. The results show that the Airtel Yoruba advertisement was most effective in the area of strengthening the cultural prise, sense of belonging and self-worth of the customers given its mean score of 3.11. The Airtel Ads were also perceived as informative and illustrative with a mean score of 3.03 while the mean score of “the Ads arouses my interest more” had the lowest mean score (2.59) (see Table 24.5). The grand mean of 2.91 and standard deviation of 0.76 also provides further insight into the behaviour of the data showing that in general, the

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Table 24.5 Effectiveness of Airtel Yoruba advertisements Items

SA(%)

A(%)

D(%)

SD(%)

M

Std dev

I respond to call to action seeing native Ads The Ads arouses my interest more The Ads attract my attention more Strengthened my cultural pride, sense of belonging, and self-worth The Ads are informative and illustrative I recall the Yoruba Ads more Grand mean/Std dev

50(21)

125(52.5)

53(22.3)

10(4.2)

2.90

0.77

32(13.4)

99(41.6)

85(35.7)

22(9.2)

2.59

0.83

60(25.2)

113(47.5)

56(23.5)

9(3.8)

2.94

0.79

67(28.2)

137(57.6)

28(11.8)

6(2.5)

3.11

0.69

56(23.5)

137(57.6)

42(17.6)

3(1.3)

3.03

0.68

65(27.3)

109(45.8)

54(22.7)

10(4.2)

2.96

0.81

2.91

0.76

Note SA, strongly agree; A, agree; D, disagree; SD, strongly disagree; UD, undecided, M, mean; Std Dev, standard deviation Source Field survey (2021)

responses were relatively tilted towards an agreement with low variation in responses (see Table 24.5) indicating that native language advertisements used by Airtel are effective.

Discussion The study explored the use of indigenous language in advertising. The firm of focus was Airtel Nigeria. The study laid emphasis on the advertisements of Airtel that were communicated in Yoruba language. The total responses were 238 comprising Yoruba Airtel users who were current residents of Nigeria at the time the survey was taken. The study found that the use of indigenous language was quite effective in Airtel’s advertising campaigns. This is consistent with the study of Udemmadu (2011) who examined the relationship between language, specifically Igbo language and business knowledge or information promotion in Nigeria. His study reported mother tongue illiteracy was a major factor hindering against achieving desirable indigenous language advertisement objectives by companies or organisations. The study argued that if indigenous languages were given their required position, the target audience and advertisers will benefit. In a recent comparative study of

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MTN and Airtel advertisements by Oyesomi and Salawu (2019) supports that indigenous language use, especially figurative words, draws the attention of the public to their services and demonstrates uniqueness of the indigenous language. In addition, Oyesomi (2019) stressed the effectiveness of indigenous Advertisements in terms of recall. Furthermore, Noriega and Blair (2008) also presented a profound argument consistent with the finding of this study. From a social cognition perspective, they argued that native language advertising is more likely to evoke self-referential thoughts about family, friends, home, or birthplace, which may contribute to more optimistic measures of attitude and behavioural intentions in turn. The work of Kayode et al. (2012) also supports the effectiveness of indigenous languages in advertisements. Findings of the study also reveal that Airtel’s *444# Yoruba advertisements appeal more to the respondents, and it was the most popular among the respondents. However, the Chi-square results show that the Yoruba advertisement of Airtel appealed differently to different age groups. From the findings in this study, it can also be observed that some Ads were popular among a particular gender than another and among a particular age group than another. Meanwhile, while there are scholarly articles looking into the use of indigenous language in advertising by telecom firms in Nigeria including the works of Atanda (2018) that looked at MTN and GLO; Oyesomi and Salawu (2019) that compared MTN and Airtel and Oyesomi (2019) who studied MTN Yoruba Ads, there seems to be dearth in the literature that has examined the most popular Yoruba Airtel Advertisements, and the association between gender, age group, and the choice of the most popular Airtel Yoruba Advertisements. The findings from this study may represent one of the early attempts to take a comprehensive look into that aspect. From the results, the customers feel the need for Airtel to use customers’ native languages when advertising particularly for the purpose of comprehension which had the highest score. In a similar study that focused on the locally manufactured consumer goods and services, Nwachukwu (2008) argued that the choice of indigenous languages should be adopted by the Nigerian business community in advertisements given its efficacy. His argument is based on the notion that the aim of advertising can only be accomplished through a language. The study reported that applying native language allows the advertiser to easily communicate and efficiently exchange meaning with most of the

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target population. Atanda (2018) also found that indigenous language use caught the attention of MTN users’ more than English language and Pidgin English. The study found that in terms of persuasion and comprehension, the use of indigenous language was essential. Another major takeaway from the work of Atanda (2018) is the need to limit the use of proverbs and idiomatic expressions to increase understanding of the advertisement as seen that understanding had the lowest mean score relative to perceived importance and comprehension. Meanwhile, the findings of this study seem to challenge the argument of Nederstigt and Schulpen (2018) asserting that the efficacy of an advertisement can also depend on the foreign language used. Although they acknowledged that foreign language is not the only key to advertising effectiveness. Considering the level of literacy in Nigeria however, and based on the findings of this study, the use of indigenous language cannot play second to a foreign language and this position was corroborated in the work of Kayode et al. (2012) that found and reported that the official language English for outdoor product advertisement is not as efficient as the indigenous languages of Nigeria.

Conclusion and Recommendations This study discovered that the indigenous language used in Airtel advertisements was effective because it can prompt Airtel Nigeria users to respond to Airtel-directed call to action. This implies that customers are more likely to respond to Airtel ’s instructions in their native language than to advertisements in English or pidgin. This also implies that the native language is used to prompt customers to respond to calls to action, such as dialling *444#. Based on the findings of the investigation, this study concludes that the indigenous language in Airtel advertisements has the capacity to arouse potential customers’ interest in using Airtel. The findings of the study further revealed that after seeing Airtel native advertisements on television, potential customers are more likely to use Airtel; this suggests that indigenous language has a persuasive force on potential customers. The study also concludes that when existing Airtel customers see Airtel advertisements in their native language, their interest is rekindled. Native Language use in Airtel advertisements is also capable of attracting the attention of Airtel Nigeria users more than advertisements in English alone. Indigenous languages attract more attention in advertising than

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English and pidgin languages. Airtel Yoruba advertisements are far more informative and illustrative than their English advertisements. According to this study, Native language advertisements are very rich in information and illustration because the advertisements use cultural variables to clarify the advertising message. For example, the 4G GELE (Gele mi ga juti e lo) advertisement used Gele and traditional attire to convey the key message. Native Language can also help customers remember Airtel advertisements. Airtel customers remember Airtel ’s advertising messages delivered in Yoruba better than those delivered in English. Indigenous language is used to build and communicate the core messages of Airtel in a way that connects with the existing customers and potential customers, and this message continues to stay in the minds of those who listen or watch the commercial, even though it does not contribute to patronage. The study discovered that customers understand advertisements in their native language better than advertisements in English and this revalidate the perception theory and message learning theory. Based on the findings, Airtel Nigeria users appeared to be persuaded to accept the *444# advertisement majorly because the message was conveyed to Airtel customers in the native language which they understand.

Recommendations The use of indigenous language by companies in providing information to people has become a necessity. It is therefore important to use indigenous language in relating with people as a means of communication through advertisements. Based on the conclusion of this study, the researcher recommends the following: 1. Airtel should intensify their use of indigenous language in their advertisement given that the perception of the people on the use of indigenous language is positive. Other organisations operating in Nigeria are also urged to embrace the concept of indigenous language advertisement to attract and retain customers. 2. The concept behind the Airtel’ s 444 has resonated significantly in the minds of their customers and as such Airtel should intensify efforts in further leveraging the popularity of that advertisement to retain their existing customers as well as attract new customers.

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3. The study recommends that indigenous language be used by firms when the intention is to boost cultural pride to pass important information and to facilitate illustration. These features are essential to an effective advertisement.

References Atanda, H. (2018). Effect of indigenous language on advertising campaign. https://afribary.com/works?search=Effect+of+Indigenous+Language+on+ Advertising+Campaign Burgoon, M., & Ruffner, M. (1978). Human communication: An introduction. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Corner, J., & Hawthorn, J. (1980). Communication studies: An introductory reader. Edward Arnold. Hovland, C. I., Janis, I. L., & Kelley, H. H. (1953). Communication and persuasion. Yale University Press. Kannan, R., & Tyagi, S. (2013). Use of language in advertisements. English for Specific Purposes World, 37 (13). http://www.esp-world.info. ISSN 16823257. Kayode, F., Obielodan, O., & Ogunduyile, S. R. (2012). Relationship between the use of language on billboard advertisements and consumer’s urge to purchase products in Lagos state, Nigeria. International Journal of Developing Sciences, 3(1), 117–123. Nederstigt, U., & Schulpen, B. (2018). Advertising in a foreign language or the consumer’s native language? Journal of International Consumer Marketing, 30(1), 2–13. Noriega, J., & Blair, E. (2008). Advertising to bilinguals: Does the languages of advertising influence the nature of thoughts? Journal of Marketing, 5(72), 69–83. Nwachukwu, F. G. (2008). Advertising effectiveness: The indigenous language https://oer.unn.edu.ng/read/advertising-effectiveness-the-indige option. nous-languages-option-vol-8-no-1-2008?rdr=1 Oluga, S. O. (2010). A critique of linguistic and non-linguistic innovative techniques of contemporary Nigerian advertisements. Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences, 7 (4), 318–324. Oyesomi, K. (2019). Indigenous language and MTN radio Yoruba advertisement: A study of adult residents of Olorunda community, Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. https://www.proquest.com/openview/3f2803d53a34de6bc7 bf32a0941d64c5/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=39577

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Oyesomi, K. O., & Salawu, A. (2019). The uniqueness of indigenous language in advertising and analysis of figurative language used in selected telecommunication Yoruba advertisement in Nigeria. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/cgi/vie wcontent.cgi?article=3878&context=tqr Salawu, A. (2008). Essentials of indigenous languages to journalism education in Nigeria. Global Media Journal-African Edition, 2(1), 1–14. Sharma, S., & Singh, R. (2010). Advertising: Planning and implementation. PHI learning pvt Ltd. ISBN 978-81-203-2973-7. Udemmadu, T. (2011). Indigenous languages in advertisement: Problems and prospects. https://www.ajol.info/index.php/ujah/article/view/102607 World Bank. (2020). Nigeria literacy rate. https://data.worldbank.org/indica tor/SE.ADT.LITR.ZS?locations=NG

Index

A Advertising, 420, 422–426, 434–437 Advertising Campaign, 421, 425, 433, 434 African films, 6 African indigenous language, 176, 178 African indigenous language media, 3–6, 8 African Indigenous Society, 89 African languages, 246, 260, 261, 263 Airtel Nigeria, 420–423, 430, 431, 434, 436, 437 Akede Eko, 340, 341, 347, 353, 355 Akinwumi Isola, 236 Alaroye, 360, 368, 371, 373, 375–377 Audiences, 118, 125, 132

B Back slang, 67–79, 81, 82 Basorun Gaa, 236, 239–241 Behavioural change, 304, 310–316

Bini Nollywood Movies, 7, 214, 223, 225, 226 Broadcasting, 5 C Capabilities, 383, 384, 386, 391, 397 Charles Moris’ Semiotic theory, 235 Chindebhe, 68, 70, 71, 74, 76–78, 80, 81 CIPP Model, 182 Colonial era, 341, 353, 355 Combat, 214, 270, 278 Communication, 321–325, 327, 330–333, 335, 403, 405, 407, 410, 411 Community radio, 94–96, 98, 99, 102–106, 108–111, 381–398 Conflict, 402–404, 406–409, 412–415 Conflict resolution, 403, 404, 410 Covid-19, 270–285, 287–289, 291, 292, 294–296 Crime, 159–162 Criminality, 159, 160, 162, 171

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 P. Mpofu et al. (eds.), Indigenous African Language Media, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0305-4

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INDEX

Culture of peace, 402, 403, 406, 408

D Decolonisation, 176, 181 Democratization, 109 de Saussure, Ferdinand, 235, 242 Development, 28–37, 39, 40, 42–45, 159, 161–165, 167, 168, 171, 321–332, 335, 336 Development communication, 215 Development issues, 367, 371, 373, 377 Development-oriented, 6, 368, 375 Disruption, 280 District Chief Executives (DCEs), 93, 94, 104, 111 Dubbing, 12, 13, 15, 17, 22–24

H Health communication, 5, 6

E Edo language, 224, 225 Eleti Ofe, 341, 343, 344, 346, 349–351, 355 e-paper, 275, 277, 278, 280, 281, 284, 285 Eswatini’s national radio, 119, 133 Evaluation, 177–186, 190

I Identity formation, 362, 371, 373, 376 Identity marker, 71, 78 Igbo, 49–64 Imole Yoruba, 288–292, 294–297 Imperative, 50, 63 Indigenous, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55–57, 59, 61, 63, 64, 324–330, 333–336 Indigenous communication, 85–91 Indigenous language, 27, 29, 30, 34, 36–45, 300, 303, 305, 307, 308, 310, 311, 313, 314, 316, 405, 407–409, 411, 412, 419–426, 434–438 Indigenous language media (ILM), 402, 404–408, 410–415 Indigenous language newspapers, 120, 360, 362, 367, 375–377 Investment, 49, 50, 52, 53, 59, 61, 62, 64 Ise Yoruba, 187 IsiZulu, 122, 123, 131, 132

F Fassie, Brenda, 144, 147–149 Female, 195–210 Feminism, 199, 200

J Journalism practice, 355 Journalist, 118, 121, 123, 125–128, 130, 131, 133

G Gender, 196–199, 201, 202, 205, 208, 209 Gendered identity, 139, 145, 153 Gendered narrative, 138

K Kekana, Senyaka, 138, 144, 148, 149, 151, 152 Kiswahili, 12, 14, 17, 20, 22–24 Kwayedza, 269, 270, 274–284

INDEX

L Language, 12, 15–17, 20, 23, 24, 49–64, 322–336 Language politics, 27 Language skills, 127, 129–131 Livelihoods, 383, 388, 389, 391, 395, 397, 398 Local chiefs, 93, 94, 104, 111 Localization, 12, 15, 23, 24

M Manibho, 68, 78 Marginalized, 270, 274–277, 283–285 Marginalized cinema, 138 Mass communication, 85–91 Minority language, 29, 34, 37, 41–43 Mission statements, 94, 111 Multilingualism, 322, 326, 336 Musician, 196, 198–204, 207, 209 Music industry, 195, 196, 198–202, 206, 208–210 Music video(s), 299–316

N National development, 32, 36, 213, 215, 270 News stories, 289, 292, 296 News value, 363–366, 377 Nigeria Centre of Disease Control (NCDC), 291, 293, 296 Nigerian languages, 27–33, 36–39, 41–45 Nollywood movies, 213, 214, 220–223, 226 Northern Ghana, 382, 384–391, 394, 396

O Ogbomosho, 290, 297

443

Oyo empire, 236, 239

P Participation, 90 Patriarchy, 198 Peace building, 409, 415 Personality, 161–164, 167, 168, 171 Police intimidation, 263 Political actors, 6 Political emancipation, 340 Poly 92.1 FM, 178, 183, 187, 192 Print media, 52, 53, 176, 377, 414 Programmes, 214–216, 225, 226 Prominence, 289, 293, 295 Proverb, 161–171 Publishing, 30, 31, 37–40, 42–44

R Radio, 49, 50, 52, 56–64 Represent, 58 Research Discourse Analysis (RDA), 235 Rusape, 67, 68, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77–79, 81

S Saworoide, 236 Semantic, 68, 73 Sense of sameness, 68, 72, 73, 81 Senzo Myiwa trial, 246 Shona, 67–81, 269, 274, 275, 277–280, 283–285 Sidestream films, 139 SiSwati orthography, 122 Solusi High School, 234 Sterling Environmental Makeover (STEM), 302, 303, 308–312, 314, 316 Sustainability, 29, 30, 34, 42, 44 Sustainable, 328, 329, 336

444

INDEX

T Television drama, 12–14, 16–19, 21, 23, 24 Textbooks, 30, 31, 34, 35, 38–45 Traditional Africa, 233 Transdisciplinary approach, 4 Translanguaging, 250 Translation, 15, 16, 18 Translation theory, 16 Twala, Chico, 138, 144 V Vengere, 67–69, 71–79, 81 W Waste management, 301–303, 305, 309–312, 314–316

Womanism, 199 Women, 382–384, 386, 388–398

Y Yoruba, 326, 330–335, 360, 362, 363, 368, 376, 377, 421, 422, 424, 431, 437 Yoruba language newspapers, 353, 355 Yoruba News , 340, 341, 343, 344, 346, 347, 351–353

Z Zimbabwe, 67–69, 71, 76, 78, 269–271, 273–275, 277–281, 283