Indians of the Urban Northwest 9780231884365

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INDIANS OF THE URBAN NORTHWEST

N U M B E R 3 6 IN T H E C O L U M B I A UNIVERSITY CONTRIBUTIONS T O

ANTHROPOLOGY

CEDAR

OVER PUGET

LOOKING NORTH,

SOUND J A G A T E

SUQUAMISH

PASS,

Photograph

by

Bertelson

INDIANS OF THE URBAN NORTHWEST EDITED BY

Marian W. Smith

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS • NEW YORK

1949

COPYRIGHT, 1 9 4 9 , COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, NEW YORK PUBLISHED IN GREAT BRITAIN, CANADA, AND INDIA BY GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, LONDON, TORONTO, AND BOMBAY MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

TO Arthur C. Ballard FRIEND AND STUDENT OF T H E COAST SALISH

PREFACE

T H E PACIFIC NORTHWEST is often called a big country, and every fact actually reaffirms that impression. The rivers and the trees and the fish, the mountains—even the fog and the wet—are cut on a grand scale. The very length of the country, extending as it does from southern Alaska straight down the coasts of British Columbia and Washington into central Oregon, demands respect. This is the area once included vaguely in the Northwest Territories. T o the anthropologist, who thinks first of its Indian inhabitants, it is the area of the Northwest Coast. Here the Indians developed a spectacular culture which is quite unlike any other of the North American continent and, indeed, stands alone in the world. If today that culture has been largely destroyed by the solid impact of Western life, if the great houses are gone, the wealth dissipated or turned, like the totem poles and ceremonial masks, into "relics" of an age now past, enough remains in physical objects and in memory to reconstruct the drama. A hundred years ago the last act was played. But in the long history of cultural existence a hundred years is not very long. Indians still live who met the first White men to come into their parents' village. Whites still live who learned Chinook as early as they learned English. Not only, therefore, have we still many of the stage properties of Northwest Coast life, but we can also interview persons who were raised in its theater. T o add to our information we can turn to the accounts of observers who were there to watch the finale as it played itself out. And many of the Indians, whether consciously or unconsciously, act today the old roles and follow the old cues. It was no simple thing—this Northwest Coast life—it was complicated and elaborate. It was as rich and productive as the big Northwest country itself. Unfortunately, no one has yet written the story of the Indian North-

viii

PREFACE

west. There is no book of which I can say, "Here is the Northwest as it was." Nor is there any book of which it can be said, "Here is the present of the Northwest as it is in the light of the past; as it really is, without the aura of my thinking or of your thinking." This book cannot hope to supply the need for a single volume which will give an accurate version of Northwest Coast life—too much work remains to be done upon it. Indeed, this book only attempts to focus upon the southern section of the Pacific Northwest, upon western Washington and southwestern British Columbia; it deals primarily with the Indians of these regions, all of whom spoke languages which have been classified as Coast Salish. By the standards of the nineteenth century the Coast Salish were a "primitive" people. By the more advanced standards of the twentieth century, they were, and are, a people like other peoples—faced with the same or similar problems of human existence. In either case, they can only be understood through a series of intensive studies. Their history must be carried back as far into the past as is possible. Where necessary, the work must go beyond them to neighboring peoples to compare and contrast behaviors and beliefs. The anthropologist consistently follows his materials through time and traces them across geographical areas, and this nature of his approach is clearly reflected in this book. It may be readily admitted that the Coast Salish do not play a major, or even a very important part, in today's affairs. Twentiethcentury events are being played on another stage. Yet just because Salish life is somewhat removed from present emergencies, we may hope to see it objectively. We may gain understanding from it, just because it saw its problems in another light and offered different means by which to make the ever-recurring cycle of birth and death satisfying. T o see another and a different mode of existence is to gain perspective on one's own. If today Salish life is mingled with, sometimes almost indistinguishable from, modern American and Canadian life, so much the better. If the past and the present converge, and the future may be expected to partake of both, so much closer to reality is our picture of the Northwest. This book, then, begins with a general paper on the Coast Salish of the narrow strip of inland waters called here the "urban" Northwest. No

PREFACE

ix

attempt is made to reassemble all the facts about the Coast Salish—these can be obtained elsewhere—but rather to prepare the reader for the papers which follow. The facts presented in this first paper have nowhere been phrased in exactly these terms, although they are abundantly documented in many sources; they are used to illuminate the factors involved in Coast Salish adaptation to modern life. T h e remainder of the book consists of special studies or of blocks of data leading toward a deeper knowledge of the Salish and, therefore, of the Northwest. Each study also begins with a general statement. Though they make no claim of completeness, these studies aim at being as honest and as accurate as possible. Perhaps it should be said that this book was written for people who already know something about the Pacific Northwest and who want to know more: for students, or social scientists, or everyday intelligent people who live in the Northwest—possibly next door to Indians. On the other hand, this book may also furnish persons who know nothing about the Northwest with an example of the kind of studies upon which anthropologists base their cultural analyses. In a sense, all the papers presented here are work studies. They build up fragments of data into more accurate or more far-reaching general statements. They present new blocks of information and contain a number of new ideas and methods, which only the specialist may be able to recognize, yet which probe into Salish existence. The arguments are often detailed and are based on facts, to be either accepted or rejected as further facts accumulate. The authors are working on Coast Salish or on related problems, and these papers are stepping-stones along the way. Whether they are ever presented to the public or not, such studies furnish the material out of which cultural descriptions are always made. A number of other papers could have been written and included here. For one thing, the selection was determined by the kind of Coast Salish work under way at the time the papers were assembled. For another, it was felt desirable to reiterate the anthropological position which claims that its four branches are necessarily interrelated. Ethnology, or what is sometimes known as "social anthropology," linguistics, physical anthropology, and archaeology are all represented. Any separation of the materials they cover is artificial, dependent upon happenstance or expediency. If there were any predictable relations

X

PREFACE

between them, descriptions of h u m a n life would be greatly simplified. B u t there are none. O n e cannot predict a man's l a n g u a g e from the color of his skin or the history of his nation from the m a n n e r in w h i c h h e obtains his food. In addition to reasserting this classical anthropological position, it was also felt desirable to extend our inquiry to some of the newer areas of investigation. Personality a n d culture, diet, and child study, come immediately to mind. Studies of the varied aspects of a people's life are usually artificially separated by being studied by different disciplines, or, at best, by being published in the several specialized journals of the same discipline. W h a t effect w o u l d be achieved if some of these various approaches, instead of being scattered, were centered on one people a n d b r o u g h t together under one cover? T h e results well illustrate the need for comprehensive treatment of social factors. W e might have predicted that the person interested in religion w o u l d have also to read art and biography or that the student of personality w o u l d have to turn to a consideration of the c o m m u n i t y as such. History, we know, can be reconstructed f r o m m a n y kinds of material. B u t w h o w o u l d have looked for social organization in a paper o n language distribution? O r w h a t specialist in personality ordinarily turns for his materials to papers o n folklore, a n d physical type, and even on basketry? Yet these are some of the facets of Salish life which fall together in these papers. T h e student of society may not limit his attention to phases of his own choosing, however m u c h he may, for normative purposes, direct his conclusions toward certain goals. If this book, consequently, seems a little ponderous, w i t h its footnotes and scholarly paraphernalia, it is because so few of the h u m a n phenomena may be taken for granted, so few of the processes of life are accurately known. Five papers in this book deal primarily w i t h material collected by the C o l u m b i a University Summer Field T r i p of 1945, w h i c h went to Seabird Reserve o n the Fraser R i v e r under my direction and u n d e r the auspices of the Department of A n t h r o p o l o g y of C o l u m b i a

Uni-

versity. Four of these were planned before the g r o u p w e n t into the field,

and material was obtained with clear objectives in view. D a t a

o n native food-stuffs and on basketry and recordings of c h i l d behavior were badly needed, a n d there was nowhere in the literature a description of any single Indian community from the point of view of h o u s e

PREFACE

xi

inmates. T h e particular points which grew out of the data, however, could not be foreseen. As in the case of the paper on physical type, the significance of the available data could not be evaluated until they had been thoroughly worked over. This methodological truism was further born out by the paper on the distribution of the Chemakum language. It was not until Mrs. Collins came to New York, in the fall of 1947, to read Salish field notes I had collected in 1938 that the relevance of the Samish material to the Chemakum problem became evident. Our discussions of general points led, to our gratification and surprise, to a realization that data collected for quite different purposes had bearing on this one and led, eventually, to the development of the method and conclusions presented in the Chemakum paper. Mrs. Collins also prepared her field notes taken from John Fornsby into their present biographical form because of our joint appreciation of the immediate need for such material. T h e 1938 material used here was collected under the auspices of the Columbia University Council for Research in the Social Sciences. T h e Columbia University Council is also, in a very real sense, to be credited with this whole venture, for it was under its auspices that my first field trip to the Coast Salish was undertaken in the winter of 1935-1936. Out of this grew what has since been called the "Coast Salish Project," under which the publication of this book was financed. It is good for the research worker to feel behind him the security of some group to which he may turn, without undue red tape, for encouragement and assistance. Both the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University and the Columbia University Council for Research in the Social Sciences have furnished this research security. T h e i r confidence and their support made the work possible. T h e greatest debt which each ethnologist is pleased to acknowledge, and which he knows he may never repay, is that to the persons with whom he has worked in the field. There is no coin in which informants may be adequately paid. They give their time and their interest, they share their memories and their experiences. They lend their full energies to the ethnologists' inquiries. T h e best informants, those main informants whom it has been the great privilege of each anthropologist to meet and work with, are motivated by a search for completeness and accuracy, by a simple friendliness and a gratitude for any objective at-

xii

PREFACE

tention given to their problems, their reactions, and their ways of life. It is impossible for me to phrase, for instance, my incalculable debt to J e r r y Meeker, who is at the same time so much a Puyallup and so much a person. T h e responsibilities of the ethnologist are also great, and it is u p to him to see that the material he has collected does not boomerang to the harm or disadvantage of his informants. In this book, however, no attempt has been made to camouflage personal identities, f o r it was difficult to see how the facts might be used against anyone. As contributors to this book, we trust our Indian friends to appreciate the sincerity of our efforts, even where they may think there have been misinterpretations of their information. If we have written accounts acceptable to them, we feel sure that we shall have produced a book of value to the social sciences. As editor, it gives me pleasure to express my personal sense of indebtedness to the authors of the articles presented here. Working on this book has been a heartening experience. Whether the authors have been students or professors, novices or old hands, they have worked with only one end in view—to put down some truths about the Coast Salish, to arrive at some valid statements. T h e y have allowed me to change their papers, to delete sentences, to add paragraphs and whole sections, to suggest ideas and new points of view. In some cases these changes have been explained in the footnotes; in many cases they have not. T h e whole has been a truly cooperative enterprise and I would like them to know how rewarding it has been to be engaged with them on this project. I am also personally grateful to my teachers Franz Boas and R u t h Benedict, to whom all social science is forever in debt; to my former colleague R a l p h Linton and to my present colleague William Duncan Strong; to Erna Gunther, Melville Jacobs, and Verne R a y , who will always be pleasantly associated in my mind with the Pacific Northwest; to Bella Weitzner for her constant cooperation and assistance with museum materials; to the students of the 1945 field party, Helen Codere, Robert N. Hill, Eleanor B. Leacock, Joanne Schriver, and Estelle S. Fuchs; and to those other students, graduate and undergraduate, w h o have stimulated and tested my research by class discussion and comment. N o production is ever a solitary achievement, and it is often difficult to distribute credit properly. Certainly this book owes much to many

PREFACE

xiii

persons. Ernest Bertelson drew on his rich store of Northwest photographs for our use, and Arthur C. Ballard has always been most generous with his photographs and field notes. Robert N. Hill photographed what must have seemed like countless baskets, a few of which are shown here; Eleanor B. Leacock and Joanne Schriver took some of the pictures; and others are due to the courtesy of the Killian Research Laboratory, the American Museum of Natural History, and the Chicago Natural History Museum. T h e drawings for line cuts were made by Helen Codere, Eleanor B. Leacock, Betty Meggers, and Trudel Michelson. Because I am leaving the United States for a field trip in India, this book will have to go without those final touches an editor often adds in galley proof. All publication details have been left in the capable hands of the Columbia University Press and R u t h Bryan, who has prepared so many anthropological manuscripts for press. She has a place all her own in anthropology. T h a n k s go, too, to Helen and Cornelius Hart, who saw me through the final stages of preparation of the manuscript. MARIAN W .

Columbia

University

October, ip most North American Indian styles. T h e preceding tables and counts reflect the presence of a fairly homogeneous musical style. However, the picture is disturbed or even contradicted on some points by the material collected at Chilliwack by Miss Densmore. Possibly this material contains heavy and recent borrowings from non-Salish groups; Chilliwack has been for years a center for the gathering of members of many tribes for hop picking; Nitinat and Tsimshian singers were recorded on this occasion too. In addition, for some of her groups the archaic song-types, e.g., guardian spirit songs, are presented less well than others. One of the strongest contrasts between this collection and the other material is found under melodic range. T o check this point, a grouping is given in T a b l e 7 according to functional song categories, disregarding categories from which too few examples are available. T h e tabulation has its weaknesses. T h e dance songs probably ought not to be lumped; they were merged here chiefly because indications as to the type of dance are not always given. It is possible that some of them should be placed with power songs. Gambling songs may likewise have strong religious feeling, especially for the Coast Salish disk gamble, and might also have been merged with that group. Some points, nevertheless, emerge from the tables. Melodic range is a fairly reliable index of musical development, and archaic styles, or archaic song-types Stumpf, 1886, p. 404.

is Densmore, 1943, p. 48.

102

SALISH

MUSIC

TABLE 7 MELODIC RANGE OF SALISH SONCS ACCORDING T O T Y P E OF SONG Songs Power songs Snohomish: "Doctor's" Snohomish: Guardian Spirit Bella Coola: Doctoring L. Thompson: "Medicine" L. Thompson: "Religious" U. Thompson: Curing Sliamon, Chilliwack: Curing, Doctoring Total Gambling songs Snohomish L. Thompson Sliamon Squamish U. Thompson Total Dance songs L. Thompson Bella Coola Sliamon Squamish L. Thompson D. II. Thompson Total Lyrical songs Snohomish L. Thompson Bella Coola Squamish Chilliwack L. Thompson D. Total

6th or less

yth or above

«5

l l i a l

4

6

5

15 1 1 --

2 1 5 • 4 2

..

l

17

1 6 • --

1 5 1 3 2 2

7

14

within more developed styles, tend to be characterized by a restricted tonal range. With this working hypothesis in mind, it appears that Salish melodies connected with doctoring, curing, and guardian spirit

SALISH

MUSIC

103

beliefs have best pieserved their archaic character and simplicity (as have also story songs, judging from the Chehalis group), while the bone-gambling songs, the lyrical songs, and to some extent also the dance songs show the imprint of less archaic and more lively developments, whether due to internal or to external factors. We know that there was considerable intertribal borrowing of gambling songs and of dance songs in the area, and it can be inferred that the singing of love songs—which form the majority of the "lyrical songs" groups— is not a very old practice here. Thus, the circumstance that in the Densmore material the last three categories are heavily represented explains, in part at least, the fact that the picture of the Salish musical style is not substantiated here as well as would be expected. T h e narrow range of the Lower Thompson dance songs may show, on the other hand, that in a given tribe differentiation may not have progressed as far as it has in others. T h e proximity of the Salish to the complex cultures of the Northwest Coast raises the question of the relationships which exist between them and, while the available material from the Northwest Coast is not too full either, a comparison establishes the fact that the music of the two regions has a good deal in common. Only the larger groups of Northwest Coast melodies were drawn into this comparison: 38 Kwakiutl melodies, 228 Nootka, 26 Tsimshian, and 11 Quileute. 19 In Table 8 the TABLE 8 M E L O D I C R A N G E I N N O R T H W E S T C O A S T SONGS Tribe Kwakiutl N o o t k a 2° Tsimshian Quileute Total

Total

6th or less 18 158 10 8

7//1 or above 20

3

38 235 26 11

>91

11O

310

77 16

in Boas, 1897, contains t h i r t y - t h r e e Kwakiutl a n d e i g h t N o o t k a songs, n o t a t e d by Boas a n d ). C. Fillmore, partly f r o m recordings; Boas, 1896, gives five melodies, written d o w n by e a r by Boas a n d by Fillmore f r o m records. D e n s m o r e (1939) brings 139 M a k a h , fifty-five Clayoquot, a n d eleven Q u i l e u t e melodies, a n d (1943) twenty-eight N i t i n a t . For t h e T s i m s h i a n , six melodies a r e f o u n d in Boas, 1916 (on p p . 109, 112, 133, 264, 265, 269, 270, also 548, f n . 2), written clown by ear; five melodies in B a r b e a u , 1934; six in B a r b e a u , 1933; a n d n i n e in Densmore, 1943 (Nos. 7 1 - 7 3 a n d 80-85). ( T h e r e a d e r will n o t e t h a t Q u i l e u t e is g r o u p e d h e r e with m o r e classic N o r t h w e s t Coast; ties between Q u i l e u t e a n d Nootka ceremonial a r e p r o b a b l y strong. M.W.S.) Including eight melodies from other tribes.

104

SALISH

MUSIC

features established for the Salish style are traced in the Northwest Coast material. T h e melodic range in Northwest Coast music is still somewhat limited, as is shown in T a b l e 8. Twelve Quileute, 2 2

Kwakiutl melodies are built on and two

Tsimshian, 2 3

broken

triads, 21

three

although only nine Nootka o u t of the

large number recorded. 24 W i d e jumps are used in sixteen Kwakiutl melodies, 25 seven Tsimshian, 2 6 and fifteen N o o t k a . " T h e pendulum movement is represented too. Unusual occurrences of half-tone steps and diminished or augmented fourths or fifths are found in five K w a k i u t l melodies, 28 seventeen Nootka, 2 8 two Quileute, 3 0 and six Tsimshian.' 1 More than half (twenty) of the Kwakiutl melodies are based on a stable, consistent rhythmic measure, as are six Quileute and five Tsimshian. Rhythms based on three or triplets predominate in fifteen Kwakiutl examples, three Quileute, and three Tsimshian. R h y t h m s of five or seven occur in four Kwakiutl melodies, in the accompaniment of six, and in three Tsimshian. 3 2 All the olula (secret society) songs of the Haida are said to have a five-part rhythm. 33 Of the thirty-four Kwakiutl melodies given with an accompaniment, thirteen have a syncopated accompaniment, and three partly so,34 but of the eighty-nine Nootka, only five, and four partly, 35 and of the ten Quileute, none. T h e rate of speed differs between accompaniment and voice in twenty Nootka and five Quileute melodies. 36 T h e relation of the accompaniment to 21 Boas, 1897, PP 671—673, 687-688, 689, 691, etc. 22 Dcnsmore, 1939, Nos. 201, 803, 206. 23 Boas, 1916, p. 265:1; Barbeau, 1933, p. 104. 2« Densmore, 1939, Nos. 14, 22, 23, 184; 1943, Nos. 12, 15; etc. 25 Boas, 1897, pp. 691, 703-704, 709-710, 712, etc. 2« Boas, 1916, p. 265:2; Barbeau, 1934, p. 114, and 1933, pp. 104, 105, 107; Densmore, 1943, Nos. 80, 81. 27 Densmore, 1939, Nos. 24, 63, 67, 91, 125; 1943, No. 28, etc. 28 Boas, 1897, pp. 697, 703-704, 709-710, 718-719, 723:1. 29 Densmore, 1939. Nos. 1, 30, 46, 48, 50, 55, 63, 78, 89, 98, 100, 102, 114, 153, 173, 191; 1943, No. 74; Boas, 1897, p. 732:3. so Densmore, 1939, Nos. 200, s o i . 31 Boas, 1916, p. 265:2; Barbeau, 1934, pp. 110-111; 1933. pp. 107, 107-108; Densmore, 1943, Nos. 71, 82. 32 Boas, 1916, p. 265:1, 548, fn. 2; Barbeau, 1933, p. 104. 33 Boas, 1897, p. 653. si Boas states that the beating in the Kwakiutl Winter Ceremonial songs is always syncopated (1897, p. 432). Since in quite a few of his examples this is not so, either there are exceptions, or the musical notations do not always show the syncopation. 35 Densmore, 1939, Nos. 2, 3, 28, 34, 48, 89; 1943, Nos. 29, 30; Boas, 1897, p. 732:3. so Densmore, 1939, Nos. 14, 50, 71, 200, 201, etc.

SALISH

MUSIC

105

the voice reaches unusual intricacies in some Kwakiutl examples, because the preferred 5/8 rhythms of the accompaniment are superimposed on different rhythms in the voice. 37 T h e structural features indicated for the Salish appear here too. T h e phrases of the song vary upon repetition in fourteen Kwakiutl melodies,38 three Quileute, s> and ten Tsimshian; 4 0 they are closely related to each other in six Kwakiutl, 41 six Quileute, 42 and three Tsimshian; 4 3 their sequence is not regular upon repetition in four Kwakiutl examples, 44 nor in one Quileute. 45 Northwest Coast polyphony, like Salish, is apparently of the drone type, but the second voice is above the main voice here and held out, sung usually by women. T h i s usage is described by Densmore for the Makah and the Quileute; they have the interesting expression "metal pitch" for it. Singing a second part in a soft voice is mentioned with one Nitinat song, and singing by women in parallel fourths for the Makah and the Quileute, although Densmore does not consider this latter practice native. It might have been, of course, accidental. Helen H. Roberts, too, makes reference to part-singing among the Nootka. Unfortunately, no examples have been published in musical notation so far. 46 As for musical instruments, the inventory of the complex Northwest Coast cultures is considerably richer, but it includes those used by the Salish. T h e rigid percussion instruments are well represented and frequently displace the skin-covered hand drum (box drum, plank beaten, sticks struck together, hand-clapping). Carved wooden rattles were probably diffused from here to the Salish; perhaps the whistles, which are simpler among the Salish, too; possibly also the hoop rattle strung with large shells and shaken sideways.47 37 5 / 8 go with 3/4 of t h e voice in Boas, 1897, p p . 687-688, 697, 703-704; 10/8 w i t h 3/4 in 6 7 1 - 6 7 3 ; 10/4 w i t h 3/2 in 700-702; a n d 15/8 w i t h 5/4 p l u s 4/4 in 695-696. 38 Boas, 1897, PP- 3 2 5- 687-688, 691, 719, etc. »» D e n s m o r e , 1939, Nos. 201, 203, 205. «0 B a r b c a u , 1934, p p . 109, 1 0 9 - 1 1 1 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 5 ; 1933, p p . 104, 105, 107-108, 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 ; D e n s m o r e , 1943, Nos. 73, 81. «1 Boas, 1897, p p . 671-673, 68g, 709-710, etc. *- D e n s m o r e , 1939, Nos. 200, 201, 202, etc. 43 D e n s m o r e , 1943, Nos. 7 1 , 72, 73. 4« Boas, 1897, p p . 695-696, 698-700, 703-704, 706-707. «5 D e n s m o r e , 1939, No. 209. T h e v o l u m i n o u s N o o t k a m a t e r i a l could not be analyzed f o r these features of f o r m , a n d for some r h y t h m i c features, f o r p u r p o s e s of t h i s comparison. 46 See Densmore, 1939, p p . 25, 130, 330; 1943, p p . 3 1 , 48; Roberts, 1936, p . 8. 47 For this u n u s u a l type of r a t t l e see K w a k i u t l : Boas, 1897, p . 497, Fig. 172; N o o t k a :

106

SALISH

MUSIC

In summary. Salish music shares some general traits which are widely found in North America, occur in South America, and link Indian music with the music of the Eskimo, and, in Asia, at least with that of the Paleo-Siberians. But a number of its traits are rather localized, so that the style is set apart fairly well from much other North American Indian music. T h e main features are: a heavy proportion of melodies with comparatively small range; frequency of wide jumps and of "broken triad" formations; various intricacies of the rhythmic accompaniment in its relation to the voice, including frequent syncopation; the importance of rigid percussion instruments; preference for rhythms of three, also of five; a looseness and flexibility of structural organization; drone-like usages representing modest germs of polyphony; and the role of women who are nearly as active musicians as are men. T h e style is not uniformly homogeneous, however. T h e role, in this connection, of outside influences, whether older or recent, and of internal developments, cannot be specified without more material. More data will be required also to define tribal differences, which at present are only suggested in the material, and the differentiation according to functional song types. Some of these types (myth songs, songs connected with curing, doctoring, guardian spirit beliefs) appear to have preserved a more uniform and archaic character, while others (bone gambling songs, lyrical songs, and to some extent dance songs) are more variegated and complex. T h e main features of Salish music are well represented, also, in the music of the more complex cultures of the Northwest Coast. T h e chief difference, as might be expected, is that in the latter much elaboration is imposed on what may well have been musical material forming a common, or similar, simple base. T h i s supports the general cultural picture, and the conception that the spread of complex initiation rituals and secret societies has overlaid an older development based on guardian spirit beliefs which is preserved with the simple Salish cultures. Northwest Coast melodies and their constituent musical phrases are often longer, more strictly organized; the alternation of solo and group, or of text and refrain sections, leads more often to formal elaboration; the texts themselves are more intricate. T h e r e is great emphasis ibid., p. 641; Makah: Densmore, 1939, p. 28, PI. X l V d ; Clallam: Eells, 1879; Lower Thompson: Densmore, 1943, p. 48.

SALISH

MUSIC

on practice, on finished performance; errors are punished.

107

Some

elements of the musical picture tie in with the role of complex ritual performances and with the juxtaposition of the individual and the group in the potlatch system and its displays. Song ownership, supported among the Salish by the guardian spirit beliefs, is strengthened on the Northwest Coast by the connection with ceremonial prerogative and with the great importance of descent and inheritance. A s in the Pueblos, musical differentiation accompanies the multiplicity of masked dance displays; many have their own distinctive calls, musical features, accompanying musical instruments, rhythms of accompaniment with their own technical terms, and set numbers of songs. T h e technological achievements of the culture are reflected in practicing and rehearsals, but also in the elaboration of carved wooden rattles and a unique variety and profusion of whistles; the instruments are prized, whether for their different sound effect and power or because they fit in with the variety of symbolic devices and objects of ceremonial display. T h e acoustical inventiveness and the ingenuity that went into the making of the whistles is hardly paralleled anywhere on earth. 48 T h e dramatic quality of Northwest Coast performances, too, with their realistic stage effects and tricks, is reflected in music in the use of sophisticated devices very rare in the primitive musical world, which are an important part of the staging technique here. T h e r e are the sudden contrasts of loud and soft singing; of agitated drum-tremolos alternating with straight beating; gradual increase in the loudness of the singing, to stimulate the approach of the hidden initiate; the use of percussion without singing, for long stretches of time, to create suspense; the employment of hidden sound sources; and the imitation of natural phenomena with instruments. 40 T h i s musical artistry is more prominent in the Kwakiutl «8 For pictures of rattles and whistles see, for instance, Boas, 1897, Figs. 67-74, 96-97, 190-191, 209-213. An excellent treatment of the whistles was given by Galpin, 1903. iomUh

u .a

Charley A Hilnre

Ado. vis

.Toe WitViami

Tow»»^ & JJearje

9torv

A

16.

W l t o ) Jr.

JI L ?

? Mar j ) t'at'ak'ats, made from vine maple; (3) t'sadzo, made in the shape of a duck with handles on each side; and (4) k'wastid, made of goat's yarn m i x e d with cedar bark and twisted into an e-shaped loop. Fornsby's type, and the type in his family, is the first. He has three of these boards, which are about one foot square and one inch thick. T h e interior cross formed by the space between the four holes is p a i s i e d white, and the rim is red. In use, the two men holding the board each grasp it with both hands between the base of the cross and the horizontal bar. T h e n , when the owner sings, the board is motivated by the spirit, who pulls the men holding it about, according to the song that is sung. See other articles in this book for f u r t h e r description of skwadelitc. and see also Addendum of this article.

294

JOHN

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make a canoe. My uncle couldn't make a o t x s [the large " C h i n o o k " canoe], only the little canoe they take when they go to dig clams or hunt ducks. In the wintertime they stayed awake till way late, telling stories, and they got u p early in the morning. Some went out to hunt; some went out to make a canoe. My father was a great hunter. T h e river comes in way down there below Skagit City. That's where my father used to hunt. Every time he came through there, he had a big bear in the canoe. My father had a bear song, my bear song. A t s i k w i g w f l t s the house posts in our house were painted, wide posts, painted red and white. My father painted his power, bear, there. My father had power, but he never sang it. [Here John began singing the song of the bear spirit.) That is the way bear goes. A t sikwigwilts the house posts were painted inside the house with some kind of animal, sometimes a bear, a cougar, a wolf. Wolf is a strong power. Cougar is a bad animal. One time my father got stuck with wolves when he was a kid. T h e y were going to eat him up. He thought they were going to stay there all night, but they went away. I guess they heard my father talking goo-1 to them. W h e n they left h i m , they hollered, "oi 01" in a high pitched voice. My falher was crying when they went. T h e n he went down home. You bet my father was scared. I guess wolves are just like people; they hear the Indians when they talk. T h e y are just like dogs when they bark, because they like deer. T h e y are just like dogs. One lime my father was h u n t i n g on the other side of the river, below T u l a l i p . H e was after coon. He was coming back at low tide in the moonlight with his little dog. T w o wolves came. T h a t little dog jumped right in the water. One wolf bit the little dog on its side. T h e y bit the little dog's sides. T h e y bit him and tore him up. My father came close and said, " L e a v e my little dog alone. I'm going to shoot you." T h e wolves listened. I guess the little dog was going to fight the wolves. T h a t is a strong power—wolf. If a man gets that, he gets a deer every time he goes to hunt. Once we had no food. My father went out to hunt. T w o wolves, big ones, had killed one deer down at Sterling on the log jam. My father told the wolves, " W e are going to get that deer." T h e n they commenced to holler; they cried on one side of the log jam, then on the other. My father finished killing the deer and took him along. Everybody thinks my father had hunting power because he went out alone with a spear and killed porpoise. One time 1 went along with him. I was scared. He didn't lose one. My father put the spear right in there; that killed him. My father said, "We'll take him into shore and tie him up." We took him into shore. He told me, " T a k e your mats out and turn the canoe over." I asked, " W h y do you turn the canoe over?" " Y o u can't lift the porpoise in; he is too heavy. T u r n the canoe over and put water in the canoe. Pull that thing in and put him right in the canoe. T h e n bail the water out." T h e r e was lots of people there. Everybody was glad. Four of them packed the porpoise out of the canoe. W e got that porpoise that night. T h a t makes nice meat. My father called my mother's relations who were near. T h e y were trolling off Skagit Head for salmon. Everyone was trolling. He called my mother's relations to come down and eat porpoise meat. T h e y cooked it with rocks. T h e y built a fire, put sticks on top, and rocks on top of the sticks. T h e n they put the meat on top and potatoes, too. My mother's relations sharpened sticks, and what they didn't eat, they put on the end of the sticks and took home.

JOHN

FOKNSHY

295

My father killed lots. They said to my father, "You have t'saiq [hunting power]." That was his father's power. My father never sang it. Sometimes he killed seal. Seal meat is good. There is lots of fat outside the meat. My father killed some big ones on Camano. We went out when there was no wind. T h e canoe made no noise. 1 would steer on the stern. They came right up, two or three together. I used to help my father when I was a kid, pulling dogfish up with line and hook. We were fishing down near Deception Pass. We were fishing in the slack pass near where the bridge is now. T h e dogfish came in good. I caught something. "Gee, I don't know what I got, Poppa." It was halibut. They were strong. We caught two that day. This fellow came along, going to Port Townsend. He spoke Chinook. My father spoke Chinook. They like halibut. He bought the halibut for two dollars. T h e old people made money catching salmon, fish, everything. My father wanted to trap deer and beaver. The traps were all made of wood. They used a log, over one foot through, just heavy enough to pack around. They put it right in the bear's trail. T h e bear went under the log. He wouldn't live long with the stick on top of him. Sometimes my father caught a great big bear. That is when he sold the skin to the White man. He sold beaver skin, too. He got $8 for one big one, one big beaver hide. He sold bears' hides for pretty near $io, those big ones. White people bought everything—buckskin hide, deer hide—and made it nice and soft. They gave a pretty good price for good ones—$5 or $6 for good ones. They used it in the mill to sew up the belts. Sometimes they made it into shirts. They used to kill deer and ducks with bow and arrow. I made my arrow out of cedar. The arrow point was made out of bones, hard bones. They fix the bones and sharpen one end. It looks nice. They used to have good string from east of the mountains for that bow. My father gave me enough to put on my bow. Sometimes I would kill pheasants, kill ducks. Lots of boys used to be my friends; they have all died away, just me left. We used to play together, and they all died away. John Buck (Bostons called him that), Joe Bower, Jim—lots of my friends are gone. I used to play lots with those Nookachamps fellows. Paul Jesus, he was my friend, pretty near the same age as me. I guess he was some older than me. I played with my relations—Nookachamps boys. Joe Bower's mother was from sulatlabc. He was a close relation to Susan, my niece. Now, no more of those fellows. I used to go to Nookachamps when I was a kid. I cried when I went in the canoe by Mount Vernon. Lots of mosquitoes bit me. Paul Jesus wanted to stay with them. I told him when I wanted to go back. He took me in his canoe. Paul Jesus used to walk back and forth in the woods. He was tough. He used to travel around. I thought he was going to be tough, but he played cards all the time and gambled when the Whites came. He never saw anything [guardian spirit]. Once we went up to the house of kwaskedib- (That was a big potlach house, a long house, above Skagit City, kwaskedib hired the house built. Some Lower Skagit helped him. It must have been five or six men who built the house. T h e Lower Skagit came up there and fished there in the spring. When they got done drying fish, they went back home again, down to Whidbey Island, the chiefs and everybody.) T h e house posts, one on each end, were nice and painted. There were lots of salmon berries back of the house. "Well, let's go up." I took Johnny Buck and Joe Bower. We didn't know the skeleton was right there. There were lots of berries. We crawled around and

296

JOHN

FORNSBY

got to the m i d d l e back of the house. T h e body of k w a s k e d i b was right there. We got scared. We went home. W e never picked berries. I laughed when we got into the canoe. W h e n they got the first spring salmon, the chief, dziktub, prayed for that salmon. T h e y cooked it, all of it, if it were three or four, and everyone came in the house and went around. T h e y prayed to G o d before they ate it. T h e y made it nice when they cooked it on the fire. T h e y put poles over the fire and the salmon on the poles. T h e poles had to be of alders, young alders, to cook the salmon. T h e y wanted all the kids to go in and eat with the old people. I had a little piece of salmon. Everybody ate a little piece of it when it was cooked. T h e y prayed and when they got done, they said, " N o w you can go ahead and catch salmon." Nobody could go get a fish until they told the chief. If anybody did, they would whip him five or six times. T h e man who w h i p p e d — t h a t was his job—was just like a policeman. T h e first I n d i a n G o d made—they know H e was thinking how the Indian was going to live. C o d made that salmon for us Indians; he made deer meat, too, for us Indians, bear, too. H e showed the first Indian that was made how to make a trap. He made traps for bear, beaver, traps all of wood. T h e White people will have the tame animal —cow, ox, s h e e p — f o r something to eat. H e m a d e the I n d i a n older than (he White man. T h e first ones God made were Indians. Yes, the W h i t e people get all the tame animals. It must be that somebody told the Indians this. T h e y knew when the first Indian was born, I guess. T h a t is what the old people said. T h a t is why they wanted to pray for any kind of animal when they first got it. T h e y prayed f o r the first salmonberries, too. T h e y prayed before they picked all the berries. T h e y did this the first time they got berries. T h e y put the berries on tables way u p high a n d have to pray. T h e n the chief told them to go out and pick berries. T h e women got in the canoe and paddled across the river to pick berries. I used to go along with them w h e n I was a kid. T h e y prayed f o r those berries and salmon because they knew G o d made them. God made ihem f o r us. T h e y did that for meat, for bear meat and for deer when they first got it. Sometimes my father would be cooking for all his relations, his uncles. H e would make a big soup and feed them. My mother was half Snohomish and half Lower Skagit. T h e father of my mother, swawesib, was half Snohomish. H e used to live near Everett, right in the mouth of that river. H e was buried at Snatlem Point. Goliah was the chief of the L o w e r Skagit. He was chief at the time people gathered up the L o w e r Skagit for the T r e a t y . He was the head chief for the W h i t e people. He lived right across f r o m Coupeville on Whidbey Island 011 that sand bar. He used to talk pretty good. T h a t man could talk good to the people. I heard him talk when they gathered u p lots of people when I was a kid. He was my mother's relation, her cousin, I guess, Uncle Goliah. H e was a close relation to my mother on her mother's side, k w a s k e d i b was his uncle. M y mother used to go see that man. She gave him good dried salmon from up-river. When he died, they put h i m in a canoe up on a tree two or three feet from the ground. T h e y did this to the chiefs before the W h i t e settlers came in. Snatlem, that was another chief, Uncle Snatlem. He was the son of k w i s k c d i b -

JOHN

FORNSBY

297

k w a s k e d i b was m y g r e a t - g r a n d f a t h e r . S n a t l e r a was m y u n c l e o n m y m o t h e r ' s s i d e , a c l o s e r e l a t i o n to m y m o t h e r . T h a t was w h e r e m y m o t h e r b e l o n g e d , r i g h t i n t h e r e a t S n a t l e m P o i n t . I used to stay w i t h my r e l a t i o n s w h e n I w e n t d o w n a t S n a t l e m

Point.

M y m o t h e r w a n t e d to g o down t h e r e a n d stay for a w h i l e . s q u i q u i was my g r a n d m o t h e r ' s first c o u s i n . H i s f a t h e r d i e d a l o n g t i m e a g o , a r e l a t i o n t o k w a s k e d i b - H e lived across f r o m C o u p e v i l l e . I used t o s t a y t h e r e w i t h

my

m o t h e r ' s sister. T h e U p p e r S k a g i t took d r i e d s a l m o n d o w n to s q u i q u i , a n d h e p a i d t h e m blankets. If some relations bring m e food, I pay t h e m . O n e m a n o n W h i d b e y I s l a n d , a L o w e r S k a g i t , got sick. M y f a t h e r was l i v i n g a c r o s s f r o m there, below Utsaladdy, on C a m a n o Island. T w o o r three I n d i a n doctors tried to h e l p t h e sick m a n . T h e y c o u l d n ' t h e l p h i m , c o u l d n ' t

find

o u t h i s sickness.

They

c o u l d n ' t h e l p h i m . H e was lying d o w n t h e r e ; he c o u l d n ' t e a t a n y t h i n g . H e was p o o r . H e c o u l d n ' t walk. S o m e o f t h e o l d - t i m e r s said, " W e will go get t h e fellow o v e r t h e r e a t s i k w i g w i l t s - H e m i g h t find o u t t h e sickness, t h a t m a n . " So they d i d . I was t h e r e a l l t h e t i m e . T h r e e f e l l o w s took a c a n o e a n d p a d d l e d across t h e bay. T h e y t o o k a c a n o e ,

atilquitsapa,

k l a l a t c h c , a n d b u k s h a b , his b r o t h e r . T h e y d i d n ' t t a k e l o n g ; t h e y g o t t h e m a n . T h e y c a m e back a n d t h e p e o p l e p u l l e d t h e c a n o e u p . T h i s m a n h a d c u r e d q u i t e a few p e o ple. H e just sang regular power (sq'alalitut). not doctor power. " W e a r e g o i n g to s t a r t r i g h t away. W e will eat w h e n we a r e d o n e . " A w h o l e l o t o f p e o p l e h e l p e d . T h e y sang. " N o w , we f o l l o w t h e tracks o f t h e p o w e r . " T h e s i k w i g w i l t s m a n followed that track. " N o I n d i a n d o c t o r is g o i n g to k i l l t h a t m a n . H e j u s t h a s a p o w e r . " N o I n d i a n d o c t o r was g o i n g t o kill t h a t m a n . I t was j u s t p o w e r . S o u l s a r e j u s t l i k e p e o p l e . T h e

men

s a n g way f a r as they w e n t , way f a r w h e r e t h e p o w e r travels. W e g o t t o t h e p o w e r . T h e sick m a n never a t e a n y t h i n g . H e was o n e o f the c h i e f s . T h e y t o o k t h e p o w e r , b r o u g h t h i m a l o n g . " W e got h i m . " T h e y b r o u g h t h i m a l o n g . T h e s i k w i g w i l t s m a n got h i m . T h e first t h i n g t h e sick m a n said was " a — d da " N e x t h e said, " d a t l s k . " They

b r o u g h t t h a t t h i n g a n d p u t h i m i n t o t h e sick m a n . T h e sick m a n

com-

m e n c e d to m o v e w h e n h e got t h e p o w e r . I t was g u a r d i n g p o w e r t h a t d i d i t . G u a r d i n g p o w e r took h i s soul a w a y . H e w a n t e d his m a s t e r to s i n g . H e is j u s t l i k e a d o g . L i k e a good t a m e dog, h e f o l l o w s you. T h e y w e r e g o i n g to s i n g g u a r d i n g p o w e r , too. T h e y t o l d t h e p e o p l e to m a k e two p o w e r b o a r d s . T h r e e fellows w e r e to m a k e t h e p o w e r b o a r d s . T h e y m o v e d a r o u n d t h e fellow. H e sat up, t h e n s t o o d u p . B e f o r e t h a t h e c o u l d n ' t m o v e a r o u n d . I n d i a n d o c t o r s couldn't help him. T h a t one man from sikwigwilts helped him. Early in the m o r n i n g they got tools a n d w e n t u p ; they got trees a n d c h o p p e d off o n e side. T h e y g o t c e d a r trees to m a k e t h e p o w e r b o a r d s . T h i s took t h e m all d a y . T w o o r t h r e e f e l l o w s m a d e t h e p o w e r b o a r d s . I n t h e e v e n i n g t h a t sick m a n traveled r o u n d a n d r o u n d his h o u s e , singing g u a r d i n g p o w e r song, a n d h e got all r i g h t . H e f e d t h e p e o p l e t h a t w e r e h e l p ing a n d g a v e t h e m s o m e b l a n k e t s . H e g a v e each o n e a b l a n k e t , o n e b l a n k e t ; t h a t was his p a y f o r his work. T h e p e o p l e w h o c a m e to h e l p b r o u g h t e v e r y t h i n g , s o m e t h i n g t o eat. (If they w a n t c h i l d r e n to g e t p o w e r , they h a v e t h e m fast a l o n g w i t h t h e n e w singer.) T h e y took f o u r boys a n d f o u r girls this t i m e ; t h e y c o u l d n ' t e a t . I was o n e o f t h e m ; I n e v e r a t e . F o r f o u r days I n e v e r a t e . I just sat d o w n a n d d r a n k a l i t t l e w a t e r . W h e n t h e y got d o n e , t h e n I c o u l d e a t .

2g8

JOHN

FORNSBY

W h e n the sick man got well, h e sang his own power song. They just took that m a n when his power got h i m . H e got well quick, too. He was walking a r o u n d t h e house and singing guarding power song. He had siod power, a power that protects the home. He sang his own power. T h e y did that lots of times for sick persons. I got a different power t h a n my father. I have the same power as my g r a n d m a , b u t when I went out, I didn't know what I would get. I wanted to find xudab [curing power], but I f o u n d skwadelitc [guarding power] instead. G u a r d i n g power came right from the river where I swam. I would be playing way off, lie down, and d r e a m it. T h e first Indians sang t h a t g u a r d i n g power. My grandmother's father, a n old m a n , skwabkud, had three g u a r d i n g powers. H e was the first man to sing that song. I just took that power. I d i d n ' t know anything about it, that my grandmother's father had it. T h a t old man sang pretty good. H e lived at sikwigwilts. I just struck ray grandma's father. I guess I was a baby when he died. I never saw the old m a n . O h , I saw him, but I was young, too young to know. When he sang, he went behind his power board, dancing behind it. T h e r e was an old man, Shoemaker |im's father-in-law, staying this side of Lyman. H e was the first one to get sick. Shoemaker Jim came down and said, "I w a n t you cousins to go u p and help h i m , help him for four nights." My grandfather came u p from below Lyman to Rocky Creek, where the old man had his smokehouse. T h e old man had just one guarding power. T h e y let guarding power help the old m a n . T h e y sang the guarding power song for four nights. T h e old man sang four nights, a n d then they went home. Another one got sick then, my grandmother, my father's mother. T h r e e o r f o u r canoe-loads came. T h e y wanted to find out what was the matter with the lady. T h e y said, " W h e n you sing your power son;;, vou might get well." My grandmother got sick right in the house. I heard the old chiefs talking. "Go get the m a n who will sing siod-" T h e y brought yalahatsid (Susan's grandfather) to cure that kind of sickness. H e was a good I n d i a n doctor. He cured lots of sickness. T h i s Indian doctor helped her. H e found out she was not sick, but just sick to sing. She just wanted to sing a g u a r d i n g power song. "I guess we'll have to try to make guarding power boards." T h e y had to cut two guarding power boards. T h e r e h a d to be two men to cut the two power boards. One man just like a carpenter. My grandfather a p p o i n t e d the man. T h i s m a n was like a carpenter; he used to split cedar good without an ax, just a wedge. T h e y cut the guarding power boards which were already made. T h e y brought them home and painted them red. (We used to make paint there ourselves. We got paint from red ground. W e burned that and got red paint, smashed it u p good, a n d got good paint.) After they got the guarding power boards, they sang. A whole lot of people came and helped my grandmother. She got all right when she sang the g u a r d i n g power song. She got well. T h a t was when I was a kid. Susan's m o t h e r was from sulatlabc. Those sulatlabc people got kind of different guarding power songs. People were scared to go see them, but my father was over twice to sing guarding power. These fellows were going to hold guarding power boards. T h e guarding powers came out from the lake and went into the house when the fire was going. I was scared to go there. T h e powers might take us into the lake. People d i d n ' t dare say, " T h e man is just shaking the board himself." T h a t is the way that man got killed. H e was holding the guarding power boards, and they j u m p e d into the lake. T h e man couldn't let go. His hands got stuck on that guarding power board. H e was drowned. Yes, we used to have a great time.

JOHN

FORNSBY

2gg

My mother used to sing skaib- It is the power to be strong and never sick. If you get cut, you heal up quick. You don't mind it, you go ahead and walk. You paint your face with red paint and dance around. Fishing power was my grandma's power. My grandma on my father's side had it. One of my grandfathers, too, used to sing s k a g w a x . He used to be lucky for salmon, for fish, when he went out. Sometimes I used to play way off and dream about sk a g w a x , when I slept on the ground. T h a t was the first power 1 sang. I don't sing it any more. He calls his name when he sings. H e calls his name when he sings. T h e Lower Skagit fought twice—with t'sababc and with yuk'wta. t'sababc people came to kill the Lower Skagit. T h e y came in shovel-nose canoes, some of them. An old man went out early in the morning to swim three or four miles away from Snatlem Point. T h e n he came back; he came home. It was in the night. He saw two men walking along. T h i s old man got scared. H e ran up the hill on the side of the beach. O n e of the fellows chased him up and tried to catch him. T h e y said, "winum, winum." It was a different language. He climbed up the hill and went home. He told the folks, " I saw two fellows walk along the beach. T h e y talked different: winum, winum- Shove the canoe out. Shove the canoe out. W e must move. T h e y are coming down the bay. We will get out of the way. W e are going to get killed." All of the people at Snatlem Point found out about it; some of them didn't believe it. Towards morning they saw a whole lot of canoes coming around the point toward Snatlem Point. Old Snatlem said, " W e ' l l fight right in the canoes." " A l l right." T h e y shoved the canoes out. T h e y had no guns, just arrows and bows. " W e ' l l pull just straight across to the other side, right close to Coupeville there." So they kept coming, coming. Old Snatlem hollered, called to them, " I f you want to fight, you come along, come along." "Shovel-nose canoes can't stand much sea. Let's call for wind. Call for wind, Snatlem. You got power for it." Old Snatlem stood up and sang right in the canoe. T h e people followed the Skagit across, poling across. T h e y went across to Oak Harbor there. "You got a power to make it blow hard." T h e west wind commenced to blow, blow hard. T h e s e fellows gave up. You see shovel-nosed canoes can't travel in waves— waves come from the bow, come from the end. Nobody was killed that time. Everybody went out, hiding in the woods. T h e m a n swimming in the night saved the people. T h e y lost one shovel-nose canoe. I t was getting a hard wind—a west wind. It busted the canoes, and they walked home. T h e y walked right along the beach. I don't know how they crossed to the mainland. T h e y crossed at Muckilteo. Nobody was killed; everyone was all right. Only those people had a hard time to get back to the mainland. Old Snatlem was a powerful man. He made it blow hard. T h e Indians lived right back of Seattle at t'sababc 7 T h e y talked different altogether. T h e y used to live in that lake way back in Seattle; that is where they used to stay. T h e y lived in a river just back of Seattle. T h e y made a raft, the people said. T h e y took logs, put sticks across, and tied them; that was how they got across to Muckilteo. T h e other time, the yuk'wta 8 came to Whidbey Island. My mother's mother had a good name from Whidbey Island people—sedzastalo- I saw her when I was a kid. i Other Skagit identify t'sababc as a Snoqualmie village, located near the present town of Woodinville, which is northeast of Seattle. « I f the yuk'wta may be identified as Barnett's Yukwiltaw, they are the southern-

3

JOHN

FORNSBY

T h e Indians got killed by war. T h e Northern Indians used to come and kill some people for war. T h e yuk'wta came from way down north. Fort Rupert has two or three tribes that used to come and make war. T h e y came with guns. T h e people on Whidbey Island didn't have guns. T h e y came in to that Snatlem Point. My grandma ran up into the woods, and they thought she was a man packing a baby. T h e y shot her. 1 hose people burned the first houses at Snatlem Point. T h e people from the north came in the morning and tried to kill the people. T h e y burned the big houses over at Coupeville and killed a lot of people. Nothing was left. All the houses were gone. Some people ran away up to the woods and down to the bay. T h e people from the north took some young boys and made slaves out of them. T h e Haida (staki) were against the people here, too. T h e Indians, yuk'wta. were bad. T h e y came right in front of Bellingham, where they have that little island. T h e L u m m i saw only two men in the canoe, but the rest were hiding. T h e y were just barely moving. Only two men were paddling. T h e yuk'wta came along and landed on the island. T h e y had shotguns with big caps on the guns. T h e y shot. T h e y killed quite a lot of people; they took some young boys for slaves. An old fellow just like me had his children in his canoe. T h e old man's daughter was a strong lady. T h e yuk'wta came along. T h e strong lady pulled the yuk'wta over and tipped their canoe. T h e y all swam. T h e yuk'wta were killed, all drowned. My grandfather, my youngest grandfather, sqayxe. had gone to see his relatives at Lummi. T h e yuk'wta tried to catch my grandfather, but he had a fast canoe. T h e y chased my grandfather and his wife, chased them for a long way and tried to catch them. B u t they never caught them. T h e y gave up. T h e i r canoes were no good, I guess. T h e y got one of my grandfather's daughters. I think she got caught that time when they were over at Lummi. She was young that time when that tribe caught her. T h e n they notified all the peoples to go on a raiding party. T h e y went up the Skagit. T h e Lower Skagit and the Upper Skagit went on this raiding party. T h e Snohomish took two or three canoes; the Lower Skagit, three or four canoes. Some Swinomish went over, too. T h e Lummi went. My grandmother told me. T h e youngest of my grandfathers went along. He had one canoe with five or six in his canoe. T h a t is why he went; he wanted to try to catch his daughter. My grandmother was along, too. (They took a strong woman to cook. T h e y wanted a woman to cook; that is why they took them along. And they watch the canoes when the men get out on the shore.) Old Snatlem went over, too. T h e yuk'wta lived at the mouth of a big river. T h a t mouth of the river got dry. T h e y had to push the canoes way out. haoked was their chief. T h e y talked kind of funny—talked different, those people. T h e y had long heads. T h e r e was a woman there on top of the house. She was hollering, " I want to find out where those people are from." She talked our language plain—Skagit language. T h o s e people over there couldn't understand her. My grandfather thought it might be his daughter, hollering to the people. I guess that woman was a slave there; she belonged to this people down here. T h i s slave from the Skagit never got away. T h e yuk'wta watched that woman. She told our people, " K i l l some of these people." T h e y knew she wanted to go away with them, but she couldn't get away. most group of the Kwakiutl (Barnett, 1938, p. 140) and are the same as Boas' Lekwiltok, who inhabited the coastal region in British Columbia from Knight Inlet to B u t e Inlet (Boas, 1890, p. 607).

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Old Snatlem killed about ten men that time. He was a powerful young man. He caught the people who were staying in one house. He was singing tubcadad [warrior power]. He killed about ten people. Old Snatlem packed the heads—ten of them— packed them out. It took him a long time to come out. They thought he had got killed, but he came out, carrying ten heads—men's heads and women's heads. Some of the yuk'wta were hiding in the woods. He killed all in the house, except those who were hiding in the woods. He cut off ten heads and tied them together. He just brought out the heads to show to the people; then he threw them away. He used to be mean, but he was a good man when he was not mean. T h e yuk'wta shot the people and killed quite a few Lower Skagit and Snohomish. Those folks down there had guns. T h e people from here had all arrows and bows. Those fellows he killed were right on the island here, when the yuk'wta killed some Lower Skagit. There was no law at that time, no White people. When the White people came, those northern peoples were scared to come and Tight. They were scared of Whites. I saw the northern Indians in Utsaladdy when the first mill was built.* They had canoes with sails on them. They had four or five tents in that place. There were about forty or forty-five of them. Down below at the North Fork, down the river, the fellows got drunk. They had a row, fought, and shot each other. A man from La Conner killed one man from Lower Skagit, and the Lower Skagit shot [but didn't killj one man from La Conner. T h e old man from La Conner who shot the Lower Skagit was part kikialos [a village about one mile and a half down-river from Skagit City]. T h e Lower Skagit was one of squiqui's relations. T h e Lower Skagit shot the brother of the man who killed squiqui's relation. He wasn't killed; he got shot on the leg. T h e bad people from La Conner hid away. T h e Lower Skagit put the dead man in a canoe and took him away. Just in time we came down-river. My father was moving down to Camano. My father and mother met them in salt water. T h e Lower Skagit were coming upriver, and they were going to shoot the kikialos. My father and mother went down to meet them in salt water. They came up close to us, the Lower Skagit—squiqui and Goliah. They talked to my mother. When they saw her, they didn't say anything mean. squiqui said, "Oh, it's you folks coming down. Where are you going?" Mother said, "We are going down to Camano." squiqui said, "Did you see those people fight?" They had the dead man right in the canoe. My father said he didn't know about it; that he lived up at Skagit City. T h e Lower Skagit never said anything more; they just went home. T h e Lower Skagit couldn't do anything. They never found the folks who killed the man. T h e Swinomish gave the Lower Skagit blankets and things—guns. Then they got all right. It was a law they made. T h e fellows who killed a man had to give something to the relatives of the man they killed. They call this oabilik'. I saw two or three close relatives married on Whidbey Island when I was a kid. You are not supposed to marry your close cousin. Some do it now. A long time ago they used not to do that. They didn't like that when close relatives, sister and brother, married. » T h e first mill was built at Utsaladdy in 1858 (Prosser, 1908, Vol. I, p. 154).

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They didn't want to let their youngsters marry way off. They let them marry close; they didn't care. Some people send their children away. Whidbey Island people didn't want to send their children away. They wanted them to marry right there so that they would get lots of Skagit, so that they could look after their relations. I saw Tom Squiqui marry George Snatlem's daughter. They were second cousins, squiqui. Tom's father, was my grandmother's first cousin. George Snatlem's daughter didn't like Tom Squiqui. He wanted to marry her; he didn't give up. He stayed right there. Finally old squiqui. his father, said, "They are going to keep that woman till she dies." Finally Old Chief George Snatlem said, "Well, I guess that's all right. I'll give them one canoe worth $100 to haul her things over. Old Squiqui said, "That's all right. That's good." Squiqui gave lots of blankets—thirty or forty—to the relatives of George Snatlem. George Snatlem gave Squiqui the same kind of blankets. Chief George Snatlem gave his daughter a salt-water canoe, with the head way long and the short tail, and a slave. I watched them when I was a kid. When George Snatlem's daughter went with her man, they paid lots of blankets. Lots of relatives helped. They gave their relations one blanket apiece. George Snatlem paid them back one canoe. That was pretty good. They paid both sides. George Snatlem paid his daughter some blankets. He paid most so that she will come and see him sometimes, so that they will take care of her. She went with her man across from Coupeville. They got a talking by the chiefs. Tom Squiqui gave something back to his father-in-law after that. They weren't ask'up [foolish]; they paid the people. T h e son of that lady and Tom Squiqui, Dick Squiqui, is right there in La Conner. They want me to go and stay with them—with Dick Squiqui's daughter, some of Squiqui's grandchildren. It is funny with those Upper Skagit. They never wanted to go down to salt water. Only the people of sikwigwilts moved down to Camano Island every year. They liked it down there. People up here were scared that somebody would take them for slaves or kill them. Oh, sometimes they went down and dug clams and took some up the river. They were just like wild fellows and stayed up there all the time. They used to have hard times up-river. One time a canoe-load went down. T h e canoe hardly moved. We said, "What's the matter with those people in the canoe? They go slow, just close to the beach." We came and asked them where they were going. They said they were going to get some clams, that they had nothing to eat. They came there, and my grandma told them to get out for awhile. She gave them something to eat—dried fish, dried salmon. They were tired. They had got weak; they had nothing to eat. When they came back, these people said they were strong because they ate things when they got down to salt water. This was in the summertime. Oh, some of those people never did much hunting, and they couldn't get any fish. There weren't many fish up-river. They couldn't catch them. It was too bad for the people when there was no flour. They got berries in the mountains. They generally got meat; they made a trap and caught beaver, bear, deer meat. T h e Lower Skagit always had something to eat—duck. There were lots of deer on Whidbey Island. They pretty near ate fresh meat every day.

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J u s t the up-river Indians were poor. T h e y had a hard time to get blankets up here before the White people came. It was pretty hard to catch goats. You h a d to have a good gun. T h e U p p e r Skagit and Lower Skagit were just a little different. T h e U p p e r Skagit didn't hunt and live good. Only the sikwigwilts tribe did. M y father went out early every morning; there would be a big deer in his canoe coming back. T h e people at sbaliuq u [an up-river village] talked like L o w e r Skagit. T h e y lived above that rough place up there. T h e y were k i n d of rough people. A n y t h i n g they saw, they took. T h e y stole it. T h e y were not like the people down this way. T h e s e people never stole; they were always good to their people, their relations. I was alxiut eight or nine when my mother died. She got sick and died. She was buried over at Snatlem Point. T h e r e are a lot of L o w e r Skagit buried over there. I stayed with my grandma and grandpa. My grandmother on my father's side, my father's mother, took care of me until I was old enough to work in a camp. My g r a n d m a raised me when my mother died. She took care of me. When I got to be a big boy, I went to live with the Lower Skagit. T h e n I used to go along with my relations on my mother's side down on Whidbey Island. When my mother died, my father married a lady w h o was some relation to Susan's father [his mother]. She was from Nookachamps a n d B i g Lake. She was Susan's grandmother. a lady from sulatlabc. She was pretty good. She was my father's sbalotsid [term referring here to relative of dead spouse]. She was a relation to my mother. She was my mother's cousin, like a sister, but not close, her s o k w a [sibling or cousin younger than ego]. She had a different father and mother f r o m my mother, but they were related though. She was my s k a [sibling or cousin older than ego]. 1 0 She was pretty good; she never said anything to me when I got water. I was scared of her. Sometimes I stayed with my stepmother and my father, but most of the time I stayed away from my father. I didn't like to stay with my father. Sometimes stepmothers were mean. T h a t is why I was scared. Oh, my grandfather and grandmother treated me good. M y other grandfathers, too, used to like me. I used to help them when they were fishing for spring salmon; that is why they liked me to stay with them. W h e n they got fish, they gave me two or three. My grandmother would fix it u p and dry it. T h e y used to have slaves. One chief on Whidbcy Island had two, three, f o u r , six slaves. He had a man and wife. I used to ask my father, " W h a t is the matter with that fellow. W h y does the chief talk rough to h i m ? " Before the Whites came, they sent slaves for something, to get wood, to hunt deers and ducks. T h a t is the way they did to slaves. T h e chief stayed home a n d let the slave go hunt. Some slaves knew how to make canoes and made big salt-water canoes. T h e y couldn't leave without seeing their boss. T h e y had to travel with them because they were scared the slaves wanted to run away. T h e y wouldn't let them go alone, they stayed with them. Some slaves wouldn't leave their boss, but stayed with him all the time. T h e U p p e r Skagit had just a few slaves. T h e y were all good people. Everybody was the same up here. T h e y never went after slaves. I forget now which one had slaves —a chief at sbaliuq" bought one. 10 Here Foinsby is saying that he was related to his stepmother by blood through two different lines.

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Sometimes they bought a slave; sometimes they won one at gambling. My grandfather got one slave, a woman, tiultc. He bought her from people who lived on the other side of Lummi. She was a woman from the N o r t h — T s i m s h i a n or Haida. T h e man who used to own that lady was a Cowichan. My grandfather bought her with a whole lot of things—beaver hides and buckskin, something like that, worth money. She was raised by grandfather and grandmother. T h e y used to call her "sikwigwilts " She was a good lady to my grandpa. Everything she did, she helped them. T h i s lady went herself when a W h i t e man came and married her. She lived with him at that bay across from Seattle. We never told the W h i t e man she was a slave. We used to camp over there across from Seattle where she lived. Once my father camped below there, getting dogfish. He was selling dogfish oil for fifty cents a gallon. T h a t is why he stayed over there; he was selling dogfish oil. T h e y used to make money. When we came down where the W h i t e man was, he said to his wife, " T h a t ' s your relations." He gave us lots of flour. He was a farmer. T h e lady was just like my grandma's child. She cooked bread and brought it down to my grandma. She used to have children now, right across from Seattle, where that bay is. 1 * Sometimes they would gamble and win women with little round sticks, lahalb is the game; waxats is the gambler's power. One time they gambled below Utsaladdy, my uncle, T o m Squiqui, and yupkanim, a Snohomish fellow. T h e y gambled and put the biggest canoe worth $ i o o to bet against a slave. My uncle T o m Squiqui pretty near won the slave. Finally the old Snohomish fellow took the sticks and won it back. Every time they missed, they moved the sticks. My uncle pretty near won the slave, but instead he lost his canoe, t'akala was the name of the slave, yupkanim was the Snohomish fellow. H e talked too rough to that kid. Snoqualmie people used to talk to me a lot. T h e y were relations on my mother's side. Snohomish people were all my mother's relations on h e r mother's side. Some chiefs, too, of the Snohomish tribe were my relations. W h e n my cousin Charley Hilaire went to school, they put in to be a policeman. H e was a'policeman for a long time. He was my first cousin. Charley Hilaire's mother and my mother were sisters. My cousin Charley Hilaire was glad every time I got there. H e talked about our people married with slaves. Only the two of lis are all right. My father and our mothers did not marry slaves. W e talked together. " O n l y us, we are clean on both sides, both mother and father." I t is bad for people who marry slaves. W h e n they get children, people talk about them as slaves. Don Steele got mad at me. Somebody told him I said "his grandmother was a slave." He got mad at me; he shook me. That woman [Don Steele's grandmother] belonged to Samish people. Chief Snatlcm had gone to some trouble for the Samish chief. T h e Samish chief owed him something. T h i s chief was coming down. Snatlem wanted his money. " W e l l , you give us one of these women. W e are going to take her." Snatlem took that lady and sold her to I'uyallup people. She ran away from the Puyallup and traveled in the night. It was all brush inland, so she traveled in the night when the tide was out. She traveled on the beach (that is best) all night. She camped in the daytime so nobody could see her. In the night she traveled again. She came to Snohomish; somebody put her across the river. She came here right to this river. My father used to stay across from Skagit City. 11 Probablv Suquamish.

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She came there. She knew that my mother could help her. T h a t is why she came there. I think my mother was some relation on one side to that slave. Her father used to stay over around Edison. She wanted to marry one of my grandfathers; she married my grandfather. She wanted to pay money and blankets to the Puyallup people. Old Snatlem was a close relation of my mother's; he was a first cousin to my mother's mother. W h e n they talked, they talked good to old Snatlem. My mother talked good to her relation, old Snatlem. T h e Puyallup man was coming looking for her. W h e n she ran away, he knew where she was. He wanted his money back. My grandfather gave Snatlem big copper pots, one gun, and ten blankets—lots. My father paid the balance. If it weren't for my father, she would have been sent way off. T h e youngest of my grandfathers got that lady. T h i s slave married my youngest grandfather, sqayxe- She was lucky to get that name; lucky to get that man. sqayxe liked that slave a lot. I say that lady owed us money. T h e y had some children; I used to be sorry for the children. I talked about it all the lime. " T h e y must be crazy. W h a t did they want to marry with slaves for? Daddy, why did you help grandpa and let him get that lady?" If he hadn't paid it, the Puyallup man would have taken her away and sold her where she could never come back. Old Snatlem paid blankets. He paid back the Puyallup man. W e paid Snatlem; he never said any more words. If it wasn't for my father, her children would be way off. T h e y paid him back; then he was satisfied. If he hadn't taken it, they would have caught the lady and sold her again. T h e y fixed it up so it was all right. He was glad to get paid. T h e n there was no trouble, no more getting after the slave. My father and mother were too good to that slave. My father oabilik' (give something to injured people) when he bought that old lady. T h a t is when the chiefs come to talk. T h e y talk right there. T h e y talk about it, make it smooth and good, so they never have trouble. T h e y are only crazy when they do that fighting and shooting. T h a t slave married my grandfather. T h e n she jumped another fellow ant) ran away with him to Camano Island. My father said to my grandfather, " L e t her go." T h a t slave jumped another fellow, the father of Mrs. Stone. She ran away. Her children are Mrs. Currier, the oldest one, Mrs. Sam Dan, Mrs. Stone, the youngest. I was staying with Mrs. Stone and Gus Stone, her son, at La Conner. I said, " I f it wasn't for my father, you folks would be way off. My father bought your m o t h e r . " T h a t woman pretty near belongs to us now, because that copper pot was worth money. T h a t was the first pot we had. You could make soup in it when a whole lot of people eat. Somebody was telling a story about me, saying that lady is our slave now. I never say anything to those folks. T h e y never oabilik'. My cousin Charley Hilaire talked about our people married to slaves. Our mothers' sister married a slave. She lived at xobaks on Whidbey Island. T h e r e were houses there. Old Squiqui had a house there. And my aunt, her family, too, had a big home. T h e y always stayed there for a long time. A slave bought her for his wife. T h e y tried to stop her, but they couldn't. T h e y didn't like that. T h e y told my aunt, "Don't take that man. When you get a child, somebody might get mad and talk to him right across, call him 'slave.' T h e n thev might get mad and kill each other." My aunt wouldn't give up; she liked to take that man. T h e slave got things; he bought her.

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They had a boy, my cousin. His father was a slave; his mother was not. He shot a fellow who called him "slave." He killed him because he called him "slave." My cousin got mad and shot the fellow. An Indian woman, a relation of the mother of this fellow, was married to a White man. T h a t White man came into the house and killed my cousin. My cousin was asleep right in bed. T h a t was bad. This was right across from Coupeville, at xobaks. There was no law then. When those ladies married slaves, those other people their relations didn't like them to be married to slaves. When they had a row, they said, "You are married to a slave." My aunt's girl wanted to get that name, sadzastalo, of my grandmother. T h e chief didn't want her to get that name, because she was half-slave. They wouldn't let her. "She can't have it; her father was a slave." My father's sister married a Nooksack fellow when I was a kid. I always went along when I was a kid. We went by canoe. We went to salt water, got to that river, and then went u p to Nooksack. It took us sometimes over a day. We started from Skagit City and went down through the La Conner slough. T h e n wc p u t the sail up and went fast. There were no White people across from La Conner then. They put canocs up at a slant, salt-water canoe (stiwat'l) on a slant. I asked my grandmother when wc went to Nooksack, "What is that? Why do they put that canoe up?" "Oh, there are dead people, skaiyo, there." Some of those canoes were worth money, I guess. When somebody wanted a canoe, they would move the grave away. They washed it and cleaned it up. They used water with medicine in it. When they had it cleaned up, they painted the inside nice. T h e n they had a canoe. T h a t would be a nice canoe when they took the rain water out. They might sell the canoe for something. T h e people who bought it didn't know that it was a canoe for the dead. Once we were coming down from Nooksack in a canoe. It got dark. T h e old people said, "Little sun." It was like only half of the sun. It got dark. They got scared that they would get lost. " T h e sun gets dark." They were afraid of that. Somebody had power for that. He sang a song for the eclipse. My father's sister married a Nooksack fellow. There is only one boy now from that tribe, Lester Alec, who married a Nooksack. His father has a place and has a house. At Nooksack I saw Alec learn to build a canoe from his father. T h e Nooksack build good canoes. My father bought two or three canocs from Nooksack. Alec has good tools to work with. I don't know where he got the tools. He has no children. He is forty years old. His wife had a man before. When he dies, nobody will build canocs. ADOLESCENCE

I was born before White people came into this country. There were no White settlers here much. I think I was pretty near ten years old when they came in. They said the logging camps cutting the timber came in ten years after the Treaty. T h e first White camp came into the sikwigwilts home on Camano, about five miles below Utsaladdy. They rolled the logs right close to their homes, sikwigwilts tribe gave them a chance; they gave them room to work there. They built the first mill at Utsaladdy. Ships came to Utsaladdy to get lumber. The first mill was at Utsaladdy. I thought that Utsaladdy would be a big town when they built the big mill. When they got the timber all cut up, nobody lived there much.

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Oh, the Whites liked fish. T h e first White folks bought them when they came. My father used to sell lots. He came up to the mouth of the river, fished lots, went down and sold them, and stayed there two or three days. T h e Indians got smallpox from Nooksack. They had to look out. They got Nooksack sickness, smallpox. One old man went to Nooksack, helped a woman sick with smallpox. He got the sickness. They left him on a little island below Mount Vernon. They left him there. He stayed there. My father used to hunt there. He used to go and talk to his relation. He used to holler, "You alive yet?" T h e old man hollered back, "Yes, yes!" When the first settler came into L'tsaladdy, a doctor came in. My father and the rest of us were moving down to Camano. A White doctor called us into shore. I got vaccinated; all the kids got it. They vaccinated my right shoulder. I never got smallpox. They got killed from smallpox at Skagit City. Lots of Indians got killed. At kikialos. at Fir—they got killed there. Mr. Ball brought smallpox. He was a logger. He married an Indian woman, Mrs. Joe Lish; he stayed with the Indians. That is the way the Indians died. We traveled around in canoe, but we never got out. We were scared to get out and look. T h e first White men to come in the river all got Indian women—John Wilson, William Kayton, John Wilbur, Jim Abbott. They all raised pigs for their own use, and sometimes they sold them—Jim Abbott, John Wilson, John Wilbur. John Fornsbv, Bill Moore, and Tom Moore started the first camp at Skagit City. I must have been over ten years when I went into the camp and worked. I stayed in a Skagit camp, old Fornsby's camp. He was the first man logging at the mouth of the river. I got White people's name, because I worked right in the camp. They wanted me for a greaser, to put grease on the skids to haul logs down to the water. I worked a long time before I learned the language. I know "ax." I learned that first. I worked in the woods. When I learned a few words, it was all right. I talked good to the White man. My boss, old Fornsby, was making a landing across below Utsaladdy. I was chopping a limb. That log touched the ax, and the ax slid right into my foot. Blood came out from my leg. I was laid up for quite a while. Old man Fornsby helped me lots when I got cut. I could just crawl around. Fornsby asked, "Are people from Boston high class?" John Wilbur was driving a team. 1 was greasing skids. I asked him, "Are you high class?" His father was a Boston. 1- They do that yet. They call each other, "Slave. Low class." I have heard boys say that down at La Conner. They used to get crazy when they were drunk. My grandfather had a woman slave. He was high class. A man might get A horse or a cow, then he was high class. Nobody would say anything to high-class people. It doesn't matter if it is a woman. They have to be nice; never bother her. I saw ladies like that down at Lower Skagit, clabid 1 3 was not really high class. They had a big potlatch at La Conner. The daughter of Chief Joseph, a Swinomish, was married to a Victoria fellow, the chief of his tribe. His name was waxolq'. (There is a young man now by that name. This chief was his greatgrandfather.) After they 1 2 John Wilbur, the White man mentioned here, was the first husband of John Fornsby's second wife. is The "chief" representing the village of Nookachamps, or daqwatcabs, who signed the Point Elliott Treaty of 1855. His name appears in the list of treaty signers as Ch-lah-ben, Noo-qua-cha-mish band.

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got married, they wanted her man to come for the potlatch. T h e Victoria people brought this woman down to La Conner. Five men at La Conner gave the potlatch: tatawat, "Chief Joseph," who was Swinomish and half Lower Skagit; kutkattcto, a "Swinomish chief"; bxelbid, a "Swinomish chief"; stodubkud. a "Swinomish chief," Peter Charles' grandfather, this is Peter Charles' Indian name now; and k'abaxad, a "Swinomish chief." They broke up little cedar sticks into short lengths and tied them in a bundle. They gave them to the ukladk; that is what they call the man. T h e chief sends him— pays him. He goes around in a canoe with two or three others to call the people. My father was living at Skagit City. They came after him there. They threw a stick to my grandmother and to Susan's grandmother [John's stepmother], too. They wanted her to go down because she is a relation of the Swinomish chiefs. A man from Nookachamps told me, "I'll take you along with me." I said, "All right, I'll go." T h a t was the first potlatch I saw when I was a kid. They called Lower Skagit, Upper Skagit, and Lummi. When we got down tlicre in the canoe, the others said to that Nookachamps man, "This won't do. Somebody might kill you. You have to sing [a power song)." This man said, "You are right. I will put on my clothes when I sing." He put on his hat with feathers. He sang. T h e people pounded on the sides of the canoe. We got close. T w o or three fellows came out in canoes. They said, "They have been looking for you. Those people are looking for you. They are going to have xadsatl [contest between two tribes on their arrival at a potlatch gathering]." One of the Skagit used to be a warrior, Jimmy Moore's uncle, my father's relation. He was not afraid a bit. He jumped out of the canoe. T h e men all jumped off the canoe. We went floating away; there were no men there. All the women were still sitting in the canoe. T h e men ran right into the house. The Lummi wanted to xadsatl with the Skagit. They had a big pole across the house, pretty near one foot big, a pretty good-sized pole, so they couldn't get over it. T h e Lummi were on one side; the Skagit on the other. Each side tried to get over the pole. T h e Skagit sang tubcadad [warrior power song]. They caught one Lummi by his hair. My father was holding the fellow by his hair. They were trying to pull him over the pole. T h e other Lummis held him; my father pullfd his hair. It hurt that fellow. T h e Lummi sang, "I'm not scared of anybody." That is what the Lummi sang at the potlatch in La Conner—it is just like tubcadad, but different, k'waxk'ud is the name of the Lummi song. He is a tough fellow. He is not afraid of anybody. T h e chiefs of the Swinomish were hollering, "Don't kill each other. Don't think about what the old-timers did." T h e Lummis had a sharp knife tied on the end of a pole. They cut a Skagit man right on the leg. T h e Lummis pretty near got this man who was cut, but other fellows caught him. T h e Swinomish chiefs were hollering to stop the people from doing bad. They stopped the people from making war. "Don't do anything. Just do good." They stayed in the house trying to get over the pole for two or three hours. When they were done, the Lummi beat the Skagit. T h e Lummi are good at singing. When they got done, they called my father's wife. Some of her relations there wanted her. We took our dried meat and dried salmon. They packed the stuff inside the house. We gave the Swinomish chief skins.

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They used to send a canoe out to Anacortes to meet the Victoria people. They went to see if the people were coming. Two or three canoes of these Indians, Victoria people, came. They came back ahead to warn the Swinomish that the people were coming. They brought lots of blankets in the canoe. When they first came, the relations of the wife of the Victoria chief called, "Come and help us, boys." Twenty men lined up, reaching to the house. They carried the blankets on their shoulders. They passed the blankets over the left shoulder to the woman's father, who was a chief too. They brought the people into the house. T h e chief who gave the potlatch hollered, "We'll commence in the morning to give things away." "All right! All right!" In the morning, when they finished eating, then they commenced. T h e house was flat on top, only slanting. They piled blankets on top of the house. All the chiefs were on top of the house. Chief Joe was up on top of the house, the chief who gave the potlatch. He was the first to give blankets. He called the man's name, then handed the blanket down. They gave all the names. They called a man from the other end of the building. They walked a long ways from the end of the building. Some fellow that can talk good, they paid him. Dave Baxad, my relation from Snohomish, was one. One man had another man working for him, hollering, calling the names. They called my father when they gave things. Joe called, "watsabulitsa, one blanket." My father got four blankets. Some other Skagit got the same. T h e chiefs daughter from Victoria got the most blankets. Pretty nearly all the people got blankets. They made a raft on two canoes. T h a t lady, the wife of the Victoria chief, got on the raft and sat on the planks between the canoes. They piled up blankets, caps, shirts, everything—all around her so that you could just see her head sticking out. They shoved the canoe out about twenty feet from shore. They hollered, "Come on, everybody, get a pole." Her husband took things from there and threw them. They call that xubalik". He threw the blankets for his wife. They threw caps first. T h a t was the first cap that came in. Indians had never seen caps before. My father got one. T h e people got sticks to catch things. They threw them up high so that the people could get them with their sticks. One man cut shirts up and gave each person a piece. (They didn't cut the caps.) T h e Indians here had never seen shirts before. They threw blankets. If four fellows caught the same blanket on their sticks, they tore the blanket into four pieces. Finally they got guns and threw them up, too. They threw a flintlock gun. Someone knocked the gun, and it fell in the water. My father went in the water, felt for the gun, and dragged it out. It was the first gun my father got. It had a flintlock stone in it. My father was lucky. The Victoria chief threw those things away because he was married to the Swinomish people. He helped them as the Swinomish helped the Victorias when they went down there. T h e people stayed there two or three days and then went back home. Blankets were pretty scarce. Only the Victorias brought a whole lot of blankets. T h e Skagit got their first guns and first blankets at that time. These were little blankets with marks on the end. T h e Swinomish went back to Victoria and ex" [threw gifts away] there. They paid tliem back. They packed blankets up to the house there. My father went down there when they went back.

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My father killed lots of deer and bear with that flintlock gun when there were no guns around. I used to get scared when I went around with him. I went around Skagit City, Dry Slough, with him. He wanted me to go along. He shook, shook the canoe. He had the gun. I was behind paddling. Game jumped two or three times and fell right down. He killed lots of bear and deer with the gun. T h a t was the first gun my father had. Indians used to have no guns, just bow and arrow. T h a t flintlock gun was a good gun. My greatgrandfather, my grandfather's father, xolta, was from sbaliuq". sbaliuq" used to be great people. They sang just like young people when they traveled in a canoe. I didn't live at sbaliuq", but I used to see them—they were some relation to my father, those sbaliuq" people, sbaliuq» fought. One of them was killed by a man from La Conner when they were drunk down at Utsaladdy. They had a potlatch at Skagit City. (White people were here then.) A fellow, stodubkud, from La Conner came up. He didn't know about the fellow from sbaliuq" who was killed. T h e sbaliuq" shot this fellow, stodubkud. Peter Charles' grandfather from La Conner. He was my father's wife's relation. Oh, they got scared. My father got his gun. They stopped the sbaliuq" from shooting. But my father shot at one sbaliuq" fellow in a canoe. He fell right over in the canoe into the water. That old man fell overboard, but he never got shot. He just got scared. T h e sbaliuq" were against my father for a long time. My father and my grandfathers moved up-river from Skagit City to sikwigwilts to their house. When they got up to the little lake, they saw sbaliuq", mean fellows, coming down. They told my father, "sbaliuq" coming down." My father got his gun. I walked behind him. T h e sbaliuq" called to my father, "What's the matter you missed us when you shot." "I never shot you. That old man fell overboard, but he never got shot." I thought they were going to shoot each other right in the road. All my grandfathers and Susan's grandfather were there. "Why did you miss when you shot at us?" "I shot at you fellows, because you killed my wife's relation." All those folks had guns—my grandfathers. They all had guns. They talked rough there. "Why did you, qwaxaius (my father), miss me, qwaxaius, when you shot?" Both had guns, standing on each side of the road. My father had got me a little short gun, a flintlock. I had that one. "We never say a word. We quit. We don't want to have a row with you." My father said he had never got mad at sbaliuq" people, that he always talked good to them. They quit, sbaliuq" said, "We are never going to talk like that to you." My father said, "I'm not going to say anything to you, my relations." sbaliuq" used to be mean people. They thought that fellow was shot, but he wasn't. Oh, they lost a whole lot of things—one good canoe they lost. They paid things to the Swinoinish. They never passed by those Swinomish people down at La Conner. Those sbaliuq" couldn't travel there for a long time. My father's wife belonged to that tribe of stodubkud, the Swinomish chief. My father felt sorry when he was killed, and he shot at the sbaliuq", but didn't hit them. T h a t old man who fell overboard was just scared. I heard them talk about the Catholics coming to Whidbey Island. He came and walked way up the woods and put a cross on the other side of Coupeville. T h a t cross

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stayed there a long time. He was the first priest to come. One priest came. 1 4 He came and walked in the woods, quite a lot of people with him. H e lit a match and burned a little grass. T h e y said, " T h a t man is a devil, because the fire burns where h e walks." T h e y f o u n d out about matches. T h e y thought he was all right. Lots of them didn't care for the priest. T h e chiefs went to the priest. T h e priest got them to baptize all the kids, all the girls, all the men, anyone willing to be baptized. T h e y had something like a map h u n g up. It told where you go when you die. Old Chief Snatlem had one. It told people where they go when they die, where their souls go. It had G o d at the head, the old devil's place down below. T h e r e was the devil where people are going if they are not good. People were afraid. Some believed it; some didn't. J u s t like now. T h e y kept that picture in church. T h e chief told the people about the picture. It was hanging up at the end of the church. W h e n stlalbebdkud came, I used to go with my chief, stlalbebdkud, Campbell's grandfather, was Klickitat. H e just ran away from there because an Indian doctor wanted to kill him. T h e y were going to kill h i m , but he got away. He just came and married a woman. He brought mass from east of the mountains, from the priests there. He used to tell people all about things, you know. T h a t ' s why the Indian knows how to pray before he eats. T h a t is where they learned them to pray, stlalbebdkud was in a smokehouse. Lots of people got in the smokehouse when the old man came over from Klickitat. T h e y used to learn lots. T h e y called him " c h i e f , " because he did this work with the Catholics. Father Chirouse was the first priest at T u l a l i p . i ' H e came down from Klickitat. He came out about O l y m p i a . Old Father Chirouse learned o u r language and made that p r a y e r " I n the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, A m e n " in Indian. T h e old people couldn't talk English; that is why he did that. T h e Father could speak Snohomish and talk to the old people. T h e U p p e r Skagit went d o w n there to take the kids to school, and they heard the priest then. Charley Hilaire's mother, my aunt, my mother's sister, took me to the mission school at T u l a l i p . i « I used to stay with my mother's relations when I got to be a big boy. I was baptized when I was over ten. I used to know it all [the religious teaching]. I had to confess for the priest when I was in school. Once we went to O l y m p i a with two canoes, one with two sails, when Seattle was a small little town. Father Chirouse took us. W e camped in Seattle. W e made a show in the hall back there. Some Indians went along. T h e y used to sing Indians' songs. T h e y laughed. When we got through playing in Seattle, we went clear down to a place this side of Olympia, to Nisqually. T h e r e were soldiers in there. Father Chirouse took us to where the soldiers were. We played just like we were soldiers. T h e y laughed. Those fellows were glad when we got there, down there at Olympia. T h e y gave us lots of things—clothes to make a coat, pants, shoes. T h e y gave us hats. T h e y were glad that Father Chirouse took us over there. T h e agent there—what was his name? Old Father Chirouse had a big a p p l e tree and a pear tree in that place where he i ' Francis Norbert Blanchet was the first priest to visit Whidbey Island. T h i s event took place in May, 1840 (Bagley, 1932, Vol. I, p. 91). i r< Chirouse came to T u l a l i p in September, 1857, when J o h n was two years old. He was the first resident priest in the area between Seattle and Bcllingham. 1° Chirouse began this school in 1856 and remained at the head of it until 1873. J o h n Fornsby probably attended it while in his early teens.

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stayed when he came out from the Klickitats. He had four acres. We had a good time when we got there. He told the boys, "Just help yourself, boys, that's mine." When we came back, we had lots to eat. We had a big canoe (aotxs). T h e other young fellows had a smaller canoe. Canoes travel fast when they have two sails. We were scared that the canoc might tip over. We came back, and it blew south wind. We never stopped in old Tacoma. We just went past it. Old Father Chirouse said, " T h e boys, they will be going to school. They will learn the White man's way. They will talk the White man's language." And all the Indians do. They talk the White man's language. T h e Indians say, " T h e dead have a place, just like where we are. They just live good like where we are." There must be some kind of a river where they are. T h e dead people live together. One tribe lives together. T h a t is what the old people say. T h e old people used to sing at Priest Point. Their powers went down there to where the dead people were. When I was staying with my aunt, I saw the people there at Priest Point. Old Father Chirouse didn't believe in it. "Don't you go, boys; that's the devil'» work." T h e people there at Priest Point danced all night. Old man tsa6s was sick. He was one of the Snohomish. He was sick all the time. He got people to see if he had gone to the land of the dead. He was down there with the dead. They said, "Let's go look for him." They found him down there. They found that man. T h a t fellow tsa6s was sick all the time, and the doctor said, "I think the dead have got him. My friends, you help me, help me find the dead." We were there, some of the few boys who were there. I watched the old people, what they did. They were dancing like they do at La Conner. They got some sticks like this [the cane Johnny held in his hand]. If the dead people do something, they fight. T h e doctors told the people all to stand up and dance. They were in a house just as big as the house down at La Conner, bultadak is the name of the power they sing. T h a t is the power that goes down to the dead. There must have been fifty men who sang that. There were five or six men who were Indian doctors, old fellows, and that White man who had ghost power. He would sing what the dead sing. There were lots of Indian doctors. They call it oyoiyos when the doctors work together. They were awake all night, dancing all night. Father Chirouse didn't want us to see the old way. There was one old man who had an owl power. He went ahead and sang right in the road where they went. Some other fellows were afraid, "My power might stay down there and can't come back." T h e dead are great people—powerful. They have a strong power. T h e r e is a river down there where the dead live. When the doctors got to the river, owl hollered, "o • • hu .. u • • h u . . , " and all the dead listened. They thought somebody had died, so they went out to the shore. T h e powers had different canoes to cross the little river. They all got in canoes. T h e dead got in a canoe which looked like a crooked log with the ends sticking up. T h e powers took a big canoe. They took a big cedar which made a big canoe. Nobody paddled; the power made it go. T h e old owl was ahead. They asked the dead, "Where is tsa6s? Where is tsaos?" "His power is with his son." T h e dead were right on the beach singing when the powers got to the shore. T h e old owl got out, "u • • hu • •" Owl made this noise inside the house. T h e dead got scared, too, of the doctor powers and the others. (These are people, but not people, just powers.) There was one man who jumped right onto the lost fellow and took

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him. T h e dead had him wrapped up inside their house, and the powers took him right out. " H e has been lost a long time," Owl told us. T h e dead got mad. His relations got mad. T h e y didn't like to let tsaos go back. T h e y were scared; they couldn't do anything. [Here Johnny began to sing.] When they got into the canoe, they sang. T h e n they landed again. As they came home, they sang their power. T h e y had a good time that night. All the people in the smokehouse danced when they took tsaos back, " T h e y got tsaos" T h e sick man talked to the people when they got back. " I died." T h e y put that power back into him. T h e y put it into h i m right away. " T h a t dead man had your power. You come. You are going to stand u p right between us." T h e Indian doctors danced around him. When they gave him that power, he didn't stand up. T h e n he stood up and sang. I hadn't heard him for a long time. He got up and walked around-like. T h e old man sang that power. He sang his power song when the doctors gave it to him. Everybody helped him. It was the salt-water power. It brings luck for hunting porpoise and seal, for going out in the canoe with a spear and throwing it into the animal. T h e y were glad that the old man with that salt-water power got well. T h e y all sat down. Right by tsaos was a big pile of blankets, new blankets. He had to pay. He talked good to the people. He gave each doctor a new blanket for his work. " I am going to pay you xokobolitsa. [white trade blanket]. T h e doctors got his power back. T h e old man was all right for quite a while. T h e owl goes first when they go to the land of the dead. He makes a light with his eyes. He is powerful. My grandma's father had owl power. My grandma's father, sk'wabkud, was sick for a long time. He was going down to Camano. T h e y camped in the mouth of the river. He was sick. T h a t was when he first found out that owl was his power. In the evening, late, the owls came close to camp at night, "u . . hu • •" " I never eat anything. You go and get me a duck," the old man said. T h e y had mats stretched out where they camped. Old owl dropped a duck—a fat one—right on the mats. He killed a duck and brought it to his master. He understood what that sick man said. T h e old man said to his sister, " G o out and see what is on the m a t . " She made a light on a stick and went out. T h e owl had cut the head off and eaten it, and then dropped him. My grandma cooked it right away. Her father had been sick a long time. Owl is a strong power. He understands the Indians when they are talking. He went and got a fat duck. My grandma cooked the duck—lots of gTease, lots of grease. A big clam shell that she hung under the duck got filled with grease. She let the sick man eat the grease. " T h e y helped me good." He really had power. Only one man had power to talk to owls. My power was flying around. Owl makes a light for the road where they go. He is the first one to go to the dead. Sam Dan and I tried it once. Old Sam Dan was kind of slow; his power didn't travel fast. T h a t fellow we helped got all right. T h e last time the Lower Skagit gave a potlatch, they called the L u m m i . T h i s was the last time. White people were here then, but there was no law then. T h e y didn't care what the Indians did. T h e y gave the potlatch across from Coupeville. I was down

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there with the L o w e r Skagit. Some Skagit came. M y father went down there. T h e y had lots of people—some Snohomish—lots of people in that place. T h e y had lots of blankets and money that they gave away. T h e L u m m i landed at the beach. Everyone went down and packed u p their things. T h e L u m m i didn't have to carry things—only their blankets. T h e y brought something to eat. T h e y helped those people who gave the potlach. T h e Indians f r o m the Skagit took down fresh salmon. Ha, that is why they had a good time down there. T h e y cooked the salmon with potatoes. T h e y had a big pot with coffee. B e f o r e that they drank cold water. T h e y had no sugar and no flour. T h e Skagit and the L u m m i sang right in their canoes. T h e y both stood u p in their canoes and sang. T h e y sang their power songs, k ' w a x k ' u d they sang. T h e L u m m i sang k ' w a x k ' u d , the best song they got. T h e y had a good time. Some fellows sang heyida; they had a d r u m . T h e other fellows stopped; the m a n at the other end started to sing. T h e r e was a m a n way u p on the end of the building. T h e y had blankets way up on the top of the house. T h e y just dropped one f o r the person they called. T h e y gave away a whole lot of things, $2.50 for each m a n . My father got a blanket. I got one blanket that time. My mother's relation, w h o was giving things, gave me one blanket. He put a little white blanket around me. I was a little boy and I packed wood into the house so they gave me a blanket. T h e agent in T u l a l i p stopped them from giving things away. T h e y just wanted to pay the other people and give something away. T h e agent said, " Y o u mustn't give people things. Don't you do it." I was over ten years old when the agent stopped them. T h e y had a few potlatches among themselves after that, but not a big time. I was working in a camp with my relative cousin Charley Hilaire, in T u l a l i p . T h e n I went with his folks to dig clams near Coupeville. T h e n we went to xulbatsid. the place where fishermen stay, this side of L a Conner, right in the mouth of the river. I was staying with my relatives there. We were playing outside. W e threw rocks. I threw a rock and hit that fellow, the son of the lady I was staying with. H e got hit right on the ankle bone outside. Oh, he was hurt. I told him I didn't mean to hurt him, and he got mad at me. He was walking way off, and the rock slid and hit h i m on the foot. I was scared. I didn't want to go in the house, because he was m a d at me. I wished I could go up to my father. I thought, " I guess I will go home to my f a t h e r . " (I was coming back from salt water to Skagit City.) I lay down outside. I was scared; they were mad at me. I didn't want to go in the house; I lay down there in a cave and slept. Finally old lizard came right u p to me in my face, and he talked to me, and he told me how to sing the song. I was asleep. A n d then he taught me how to sing the song. I was scared. H e came inside my mouth. I said, " I am going to sing you bye a n d bye." H e said, " A l l right." [Fornsby's first encounter with lizard power.] T h e r e was another fellow there, my relation, in the other house. I slept at night in his canoe; there were mats there. He came in the morning and f o u n d me asleep in his canoe; "What's the matter? W h y are you sleeping in the canoe?" " I got scared. She got mad at me. I would go up to my father if I had a w a y . " He said, " I am going u p tomorrow, going u p above to J o e Maddox's. Y o u go with m e . " H e had a relation there married to a White man. T h e next morning I said, " I am going home now. I got away. I am going home to my father. T h e old man is going up to see a lady up there." T h e y tried to stop me, but I didn't want to stop. I took my satchel, and I went along with that old m a n . W h e n

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I got up there to his relation's place, I said, " W e l l , I'm going to walk up to my father. T h e r e ' s a road there." T h e y asked, "What's the matter with that boy?" " H e just wants to go home to his father." I walked way up and then I hollered, " C o m e over and get me in a canoe." My father took the canoe and got me across. " O h my, where did you come from?" he asked. I told my father, " I was staying with people there in La Conner. I came h o m e . " When I got home, oh my, my father was glad. I told my father, " I got scared. T h a t ' s why I came here." He said, " T h e y must be crazy, to get mad at you. T h e y always send word for you to come down and stay with them." Yah, I got home that time. I was in the second reader at school. T h e old people didn't want boys to go to school. T h e only way they trained the children was to wash in the morning and the evening. W h e n they had a big rain, they said, " Y o u will go home and swim in the river." My father was at Port Madison. My aunt, the first cousin to my father, got married over that way. Her father was from sikwigwilts tribe. My father used to go down there and stay there; he had some relations down there. T h e r e was another fellow, my father's relation, from Port Madison, who came after his son at T u l a l i p . " I will take the boys to Port Madison. Your father is there." Father Chirouse said, " I t is all right if you bring the boys back." T h e y never brought me back. T h e y wanted me to train myself for power. I missed school at T u l a l i p . Oh, I was glad that I learned something. W h e n they took me away, geel I was sorry. T h e y never brought me back. Only my father and my grandfather and my aunt sometimes trained me. W h e n I went down to Port Madison, my aunt wanted me to stay over there. My aunt trained me there. "Don't you sleep all night. You get up and walk at night. You will be powerful." My aunt used to like me to stay there all the time. T h e y had sxexetib (a secret society) at Port Madison. It is hard; they put medicine in people. W h e n they want people to sing, they put them in a place for eight or nine days with nothing to eat and nothing to drink. T h e y let the fellow lie there. T h e n it comes to a time, and they make him sing. Gee, I got scared. T h e y sang different, " i ' i ' i ' i ' a ' a ' a ' a V kind of growling. T h e y talked or sang right close to the people. T h e people sat close, and they went around, singing right in the people's faces. Nobody laughed. T h e y were kind of mean when they heard someone laugh. Once we were playing at Port Madison, singing that sxexetib song. We had heard them singing the song. One man heard us playing. He came there. He didn't want us to play with it, to sing that song. We got scared and ran away. W e got scared and ran in the brush. He might do something to us when he came close. T h e n we quit singing that song. We sang it no more. My uncle stayed there. He told me, " W h e n you can, you travel in the night. You are easy to get power." I said, "All right, uncle." Those people over there always sing k'waxk'ud [wealth power].i" I used to get up in the night and swim right on the beach. I thought there was a power coming. She ran. I sat down and hid. I thought she was a power coming. 17

k'waxk'ud is a power which animates long wooden poles called tustid-

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I got u p , a n d I was g o i n g to catch h e r . I j u m p e d a n d c a u g h t h e r . I t h o u g h t I was g o i n g to get t h e p o w e r of a r e g u l a r I n d i a n , b u t she wasn't a p o w e r . She was a girl, a big girl, like Susan's girl, t h e oldest o n e . She was l o o k i n g for p o w e r . I asked, " W h a t is it? D o n ' t you c o m e to swim t h i s way w h e n you want to swim. I m i g h t t r a m p in y o u r tracks, a n d you will get sick. T h i s is t h e way I have to swim." I asked h e r , " W h o s e d a u g h t e r a r e y o u ? " " Y o w , y o w . my m o t h e r is L o w e r Skagit." If I w e n t in h e r tracks, she m i g h t g e t sick. I used to watch p r e t t y close f o r that. I d i d n ' t w a n t to travel w h e r e fellows traveled in t h e n i g h t . T h e y told t h e kids n o t to d o t h a t . You h a v e to w a t c h y o u r chances. I used t o w a t c h t h a t . If somebody travels in your tracks, you m i g h t get sick a n d d i e . T h a t girl d i e d . She d i d n ' t live l o n g a f t e r t h a t t i m e . T h e y j u s t told m e t h a t later, because t h e n I c a m e b a c k t h i s way. I b e a t t h a t l i t t l e w o m a n t r a v e l i n g o n t h e beach. She n e v e r m a r r i e d . She d i e d b e f o r e t h a t . She was t r y i n g to get k ' w a x k ' u d [wealth power], a n d she d i e d . T h e n a m e of ray k ' w a x k ' u d is snowelic. I got t h a t p o w e r f r o m P o r t Madiaon. I tell p e o p l e t h a t I stole t h a t p o w e r . T h a t girl got n o t h i n g to sing; s h e got n o p o w e r . She was j u s t as b i g as Lucille.i» H e r m o t h e r b e l o n g e d to L o w e r Skagit; she was m y m o t h e r ' s relation. She h a d m a r r i e d a m a n over t h e r e . I was scared to tell t h e p e o p l e a b o u t h e r . T h e y told me, " W h y d o n ' t you get m a r r i e d t o t h a t w o m a n ? " I said, " S h e is too y o u n g to get m a r r i e d . " k ' w a x k ' u d is like s i n g i n g o u t i n a c a n o e o n salt w a t e r . You sing t h a t in a canoe o u t o n salt w a t e r . It will b r i n g t h i n g s q u i c k , h a n d y . I e a r n s o m e t h i n g f o r w o r k i n g or d o i n g s o m e t h i n g . T h a t is t h e way it comes. You m i g h t d r a w a c a n o e w o r t h o n e h u n d r e d dollars, a b i g h i g h - p r i c e d canoe. My f a t h e r gave p o t l a t c h e s two o r t h r e e times, a n d a w h o l e lot of Skagits w i t h liim. H e gave a p o t l a t c h in f r o n t of B u r l i n g t o n , b u t o n t h e r i v e r close to t h e b a n k . T h a t was a t s w i w i c u b , t h e m o u t h of t h e N'ookachamps w h e r e it e m p t i e s i n t o t h e Skagit. T h a t was a b o v e t h e r a i l r o a d b r i d g e . My f a t h e r h a d a b i g house n e a r t h a t b r i d g e o n the M o u n t V e r n o n side of t h e river. T h e y w e r e fixing u p t h e i r g r a v e y a r d . T h e Victorias c a m e to s i k w i g w i l t s a n d a t e a lot. T h e y a t e a lot of b r o w n sugar, flour, a n d rice. T h e y used I n d i a n spoons. Chief George, q o i y a d " , w h o used to stay o n San J u a n , c a m c too. H e talked s o m e of his l a n g u a g e , b u t h e talked o u r l a n g u a g e too. Cowichans came, sbaliuq" c a m e , a n d all those p e o p l e f r o m way up-river. Nooksack p e o p l e a n d I . u m m i came. My a u n t , my f a t h e r ' s sister, b r o u g h t a w h o l e lot of Nooksack. My f a t h e r a n d two o t h e r fellows gave t h e p o t l a t c h . T h e s e two fellows were his wife's uncles. O n e u n c l e was a n o l d m a n , o n e was y o u n g e r . T h e y used to trap. My f a t h e r used to h u n t a n d sell beaver hides a n d b e a r hides. His wife's uncles, Susan's g r a n d m a ' s uncles, w e r e f r o m s u l a t l a b c : they lived by t h e lake back of M o u n t V e m o n . T h e y gave away all m o n e y , too. T h e y gave a w a y $6oo. My f a t h e r gave $ i o o ; t h e y o u n g e r uncle gave $400. My f a t h e r a n d t h e o t h e r fellows gave m o n e y away. T h e y fixed u p t h e i r graveyards. T h e y b u r i e d t h e d e a d p e o p l e . T h e y h a d a p o t l a t c h at t h e m o u t h of B a k e r R i v e r , r i g h t across t h e river. T h e s b a l i u q u s a n g h e y i d a (wealth p o w e r ) t h a t time. T h e y h a d to sing a f t e r they were all t h r o u g h . W h e n they got t h r o u g h g i v i n g things away, they sang. T h e y h a d a r a f t o n i s Lucille W i l l i a m s was ten years old a t this t i m e .

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two shovel-nose canoes. (That wax61k' from Victoria used salt-water canoes because he was in salt water.) They had the two canoes close to the shore. T h e sbaliuq" did that right in the river. They had a sbaliuq u woman on that raft. They threw the things right on the shore. They threw the things right on the ground. T h e people caught thcin on poles. They didn't call the names. God, sbaliuq" gave a whole lot of things, money, too. They sold lots of bear hides and beaver hides at Victoria. They used to bring a good price. They gave things away. T h e people had to pay the sbaliuq" back. My father gave them some money. Oh, they were glad. It was pretty near all money that they gave away. They paid fellows to work in their graves, to dig in the ground. When that was done, they gave the people some money. They had a big smokehouse there. They used to have a saloon across there and sold liquor, when there was no law, I guess. You get crazy the first time you sing. You don't want to eat anything, just drink water. You get crazy like when you drink liquor. Sometimes when I shook, when guarding power came to ine, my grandmother came and held me. I was singing there and I could feel the power come into me like wind, and I fell back into George Williams' arms. Men were dancing and singing hard around when I sang. ADULTHOOD

T h e chiefs could marry the Indians. They could make a marriage. I found my wife by ill) self. I got married before they knew it. When I got her, then they talked about it. When they commenced to talk about it, they asked if that was all right. "Yes, it's all right." We got married our way. Sometimes the youngest ones got married just with talks by the chiefs of both families. We got married just on talk. My first wife, Lucy, a young little woman, was Nookachamps. They got the chief of Nookachamps to talk about it. Chief of Nookachamps talked about it. Chief of sikwigwilts talked about it. They said, "All right. They are married. All right." It was that blood that spoiled me. I got married. I lost my thirty dollar shotgun, almost new. My brother-in-law, I ga\c him that gun. I bought that gun from a White man who worked in the camp. He gave us lots of blankets, so I gave him that gun. T h a t was a pretty good gun, too. My wife's mother and father were dead; they were all dead. Her brother took care of her, of little Lucy. We lived there at Skagit City. I was there all the time. I used to have a little house alongside of my father's house. I bought the lumber and built the house. I didn't like to live in that big house, my father's house. I liked it outside better. It was a pretty good little house. Henry Wright, a White man, married to my cousin, gave me everything when I got married. He gave us dishes, buckets, kettles. Nookachamps arc good people. They had small houses. Some had houses as long as this house. They had one or two houses in there to dry fish in. Lots of fish got u p Nookachamps Creek. Pretty soon there would be lots of silver salmon in the trap. They used to make a basket trap to catch fish. They opened the basket and poured them out. I told my wife, "Let's go up to the old people. We'll buy flour, sugar, rice, and feed the old people." She had a brother at Nookachamps. She said, "All right, if you like to stay with the old people, my grandfather." I bought a barrel of flour at Skagit City from Dan Gage. Dan Gage had the first store at Skagit City. I told him, "I might stay there a month."

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FORNSBY

So we went with the canoe in the morning. We passed Mount Vernon and camped right at the mouth of Nookachamps Creek. Oh, they were glad. Cee! All her relations came and pulled the canoe up out of the little creek. There were no Whites there then. That was before the White people came. Later some White fellows took up a place there. Then the Indians got out of the way. My wife's father was Nookachamps. Her mother was Nookachamps. Oh, they were having a good time there with silver salmon. T h a t old man, my woman's grandpa, he was glad. They gathered in one house and ate. They cooked the rice and made a soup. My wife's relations, her grandfather, her brothers were there—Nookachamps people. They gave us lots of salmon when we went home. We packed it in a canoe. When we went home, we had lots of salmon. We hung it in the smoke, took the guts out, and partly dried it. I was working right below Mount Vernon in a load camp after I was married. Oliver Anderson was the boss. I was driving a team for him with four yoke of cattle. I caught hold of a bad bush. It was sharp. I was driving the yoke, and I held the handle. It was getting worse. 1 laid off. I told tlic boss, " I can't work." 1 went out one time to lie down. I told my wife when I got awake, "There's a snake there." There was a whole pile of snakes right under my pillow. They were just round, coiled up under my pillow. My wife told me, "You get up. There's a whole lot of snakes under your head." Oh, she got scared of those snakes. I said, "Don't get scared. He just comes to see me when I get sick. He is my power. Don't get scared. Don't you kill them." I got up and talked good to them. There were ten snakes, one big one and nine young ones. Oh, they helped me good. Lizard comes and helps me, too. Lizard helps you cure sick person. Lizard is a little short snake. It is just like people, that lizard, a doctor power. It has legs in front and legs behind. They crawl around, dadesxaix is lizard. kwaskedib [George Snatlem, Jr., the grandson of the man who built the potlatch house] gave a potlatch below Mount Verfion. T h a t was the last time they held a potlatch down there. If I give a potlatch to you, I give you something worth money. Bye and bye comes your chance to give things away. You call me over to your house, and give me a job, and pay me for it like I pay you. They didn't really do that; they paid him for what he gave them. They wouldn't forget it; they knew. He would give him a little job and pay him just the same. It was just like they paid him back his money. They paid those Victoria people. They called the La Conner people and told them that kwaskedib was going to potlatch below Mount Vernon, kwaskedib threw one slave that time. They were out on the river on a raft. They threw one slave, a boy. He fell down right close to the river bank. That time I gave a $50 canoe to two men. They just divided the canoe's price, and one man took the canoe. t'salwulq is my name. He was my mother's great-uncle, a Whidbey Island fellow, one of the chiefs. I got my name when I had my first wife. One old chief was here from Lummi; he was my relation. He was T o m Williams' grandfather and some relation to my mother. It was at Henry Wright's place down near the fork of the North River. They asked me if I had an old people's name. Mrs. Wright, my cousin, said, "You give Johnny the name of an old-timer." An old man was staying there.

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319

T h e old man, the Lummi chief, said, "All right. I give him a name." He was a good old man, my relation. I paid him five dollars for giving me that name. I paid him. They used my name in gatherings, t'salwulq- Every time they got anything, they always called me by that name. When they were together and had a big time and I was in the gang, they would call me, holler, give me that name, and give me a blanket or money, $2.50. They called me by that name. They hollered to me. They heard it from the fellow who gave me that name. t'salwulq is an old chief's name from Whidbey Island. He used to go with kwaskedib all the time, kwaskedib was from Lower Skagit and Upper Skagit, too. He used to come up here to Concrete and stay at fishing time. He was a chief, t'salwulq was a Lower Skagit chief. He used to go along with kwaskedib all the time; he was a first cousin to kwaskedib- At gatherings, they used to say, "You got a good name. He used to go along with kwaskedib-" I talked good to them, too. This was just the style. If a man had no name, he was no good, "no man at all." There was lots of talk about a man when he got a name. T h e man who gave the name said, " T h a t man belongs to the highest tribe. He is going to have the highest chief's name." He told the other people that way. People used to ask me, "Where do you belong?" I said, "I'm a Skagit man. Lower Skagit; my mother is Snohomish." That is when the name comes handy. They call the name. "Yes, you belong to that tribe." They say, "We know that man now. He is Snohomish, Skagit. He is a man from that tribe." I didn't stay very long with my first wife. I was lying down, and she got blood on my leg. [Here he pointed to his thigh.] I left her. My power all got scared and went away. I went swimming. We both swam. She swam, and I swam. Woman's blood is just like poison to power. They didn't care if I sang; they wouldn't come. My powers acted just like they were wild. They stayed away for quite a while. T h e old-timers used to have a little mat house outside. T h e woman stayed there until the end of her time. They counted how many days, then they went in the house. My wife didn't stay in a little house. She stayed in our house. I went to Port Gamble over there to work. I left my wife at home. I guess my wife was sorry. I never said anything. I just told her I was going to Port Gamble to work. I got in the canoe. We sailed over there. My power came back when I was away. I went a long ways—to Port Gamble. I was scared of blood. There was a big mill there where they used to work. Some Skagit boys, my partners, went with me. Joe Bower, a relation of Susan's grandmother, was one of them; the others were two boys, and one old man and his wife. We took a big canoe over there. There were two sails on the canoe. My, they went fast in the wind, stiwatl was the kind of canoe. That belonged to the old man with us. He was my father's cousin. We made pretty good little money for awhile, going over there. I came home with J i m Conner on his sailing boat. He used to sell potatoes, cabbages, and other things at Port Gamble. I saw him Saturday. "What are you doing down here, Johnny?" "I'm working. Will you take me home and my lumber?" "All right, John, we take you home. It won't cost you nothing." I packed my lumber in two sailing boats. When I came home, my partners were in the canoe. They came home too. My wife, little Lucy, was going to come back after that. We were staying at Henry

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W r i g h t ' s . Henry W r i g h t was a W h i t e m a n w h o was married to an Indian w o m a n , my relation, ray cousin. A n o t h e r lady, a bad old lady, came and took me away. T h a t old lady from La C o n n e r came and took me away. T h a t old lady f r o m La C o n n e r h a d lost her m a n , J o h n W i l b u r . H e was the first m a n in Skagit C o u n t y from Boston. His father was a Boston. H e gave $100 for her w h e n he got married to that lady. He paid her uncle. T h e woman's side paid J o h n W i l b u r something worth $100—blankets to use in the house. She had lots of children by W i l b u r — T a n d y

W i l b u r , John W i l b u r . Mrs. W i l b u r

James is one of T a n d y ' s grandchildren. A W h i t e lady came and married John W i l b u r , a n d he let go that Indian w o m a n f r o m L a C o n n e r . W h e n J o h n W i l b u r died, they had a case a b o u t his land. T h e y w a n t e d to find o u t how Indians get married. T h a t old lady, his Indian wife, won some of the land. T h a t W h i l e lady g o t pretty near half of the land. T h a t old lady w h o came a f t e r me was over thirty. I was about forty. She came u p to get me. Sometimes w o m e n went after men. T h a t old lady came u p to Mrs. Henry W r i g h t ; she was her relation. I thought she was coming lu visit, b u t she was c o m i n g a f t e r me. Four o r five w o m e n came with her. T h e y wanted to lick that w o m a n I had. She d i d n ' t want me to hold that y o u n g lady. 1 told them, " Y o u folks better g o home. W e don't want you to be here and have a row." T h e y licked L u c y ; they pulled hair w h e n they f o u g h t . O h , they had a hell of a time, cadcadzo. " w o m a n

fighting

about

a m a n . " T h e one that wins gets the m a n and marries h i m . My first wife left. She d i d n ' t w a n t to stay there. I let g o of my young lady. N o , I d i d n ' t want h e r to go. I never said a n y t h i n g to her when she left, just "good-bye, L u c y . " T h a t was b a d f o r her to leave because of another w o m a n . A w o m a n has to talk lots to get a h u s b a n d back. I told Henry W r i g h t , "I guess I'll g o to L a C o n n e r , H e n r y . T h o s e w o m e n are b o t h e r i n g my w o m a n . I'll q u i t w h e n we are d o n e with the clearing." I am sorry I let g o of my y o u n g woman. She went back to her brother. She wanted to come back. B u t that lady f r o m L a C o n n e r w o u l d get m a d if she came back. T h r e e o r f o u r came from N o o k a c h a m p s and wanted me to go back to m y first wife. I told them, " I can't h e l p it. T h a t lady came u p to get m e . " M y brother-in-law, my wife's brother, was mad. H e never came to sec me, b u t he was mad t h o u g h . My first lady got sick and died. W h e n that old lady got me, she took me to La Conner. 1 got married by a priest w h e n I got to L a Conner. M y second wife's family gave us lots of

blankets—three

o r four, buckets, dishes, and everything. T h e n I stayed d o w n there at La Conner; we p u t u p a dike. I had been w o r k i n g d o w n at the Fornsby camp, and I heard that the Swinomish p e o p l e were p u t t i n g in a d i k e and that W a s h i n g t o n , D.C., would help them. If a man worked for a h u n d r e d days, h e w o u l d get forty acres. T h a t is why I went. I q u i t and settled u p w i t h the boss. I worked over a h u n d r e d days d i k i n g for e v e r y t h i n g — l a n d , clothing. I am the o n l y one living n o w of the p e o p l e w h o p u t u p the dike. I got twenty acres of timberl a n d and tide lands. Dr. B u c h a n a n p u t me at Edison. I had twenty acrcs of marsh. I had 140 acres of that land I took up. I look land and that was why I went d o w n there. M y mother had relations at Swinomish, T o m m y George, and all those chief fellows. W h e n my g r a n d f a t h e r used to travel in his canoe, he camped right there with the p e o p l e at Swinomish. I married a woman f r o m that tribe; that was why I stayed there. I was the first to marry a w o m a n from Swinomish.

JOHN

FORNSBY

g2 1

I lived in that last house right across from L a Conner. A lot of people was in that house. T h a t was my wife's brother's house. T h e y wanted us to stay with them, you know. It was all right. T h e y were pretty good fellows there. I used to take care of the old man good. I used to haul water. I stayed there and took care of him until he died. He, my brother-in-law, lost his wife first. T h e old lady, my wife's mother, lived f o r quite a while. She used to live with us, too. T h e y had f o u r fires in that house. I had a heater, a stove, for mine. T h e others had wood fires. T h a t was a big smokehouse. 1 8 M y wife and I had one fire. One old fellow, a relation of my brother-in-law's stayed there, too. He had a wife. My wife's sister, Elsie Andrews, used to stay there with her husband. My brother-in-law had a fire. He was married. Old Charlie Aysi, ray wife's stepfather, and my mother-in-law lived there. My brother-in-law was the head of the house, and me, I helped him. He was a pretty good man. He told me to make a house alongside of his house right there across f r o m L a Conner. Me and my partner. J i m m y , a relation of Susan's grandmother, built my house with the l u m b e r I brought from Port Gamble. W e used to haul water in the summertime when the wells got dry. I never had trouble with my brother-in-law. J i m was a good man, J i m Swalakud. My brother-in-law's l a n d was alongside of my land. 1 put in oats every year on my land. W h e n we put up the dike, those y u k ' w t a came down to L a Conner to pick hops. I bet they were scared when they were over at I.a Conner. T h e y never slept at night. Some fellows pretty near had war there. T h e y got mad. W e were scared, and those y u k ' w t a pretty near got killed. T h e y got kind of scared. T a n d y W i l b u r — m y stepson's boy—his wife got sick. She was going to have a baby, but she couldn't get him down. Mrs. Charlie W i l b u r , my stepson's wife, caine right in the house and stood by my bed. I went down to see T a n d y ' s wife. She h a d been pretty near half-dead f o r two or three days. T h a t was a big boy; that was the first boy. It pretty near killed the mother. I said this way, " M y grandfather, that was his power, lizard, and I am going to try it on this lady and try to get that baby o u t . " I sang; I sang. I took M r . Lizard and I put him inside next to the baby. T h a t baby was pretty near half-dead. I told Mrs. Charlie Wilbur, " I ' m going to lie down. Y o u just wake me up if the baby starts in. I am going back to bed." I heard the baby cry in half an hour. Lizard did that; that is what he is good for. My grandfather used to do that for women when there were no Whites. T a n d y gave me $ 5 for doing that f o r his wife. She was a Chinese woman. H e r father was a young Chinaman and married her mother, an Indian woman. T a n d y W i l b u r married their daughter. T h a t baby is a big boy now. I was glad to help babies—little Chinese. He was in the war, halfChinese. Mrs. Joseph Casper used to slay where Gus Stone lives. I walked there f r o m my placc. It must be a five-mile walk. My lady came along. T h e y told me there, " Y o u r cousin, Mrs. Casper, is pretty near dead." I felt sorry; my power got strong. T h e babywas pretty near half-dead. T h e baby was nearly dead. It was pretty near a week, three or four days, since she started. " T h i s power of my grandfather can cure anyone," I told those people. " I saw him do it when I was a k i d . " I talked there awhile. I just took lizard and put him in a pan of water. I took lizard and took him up to the lady. I couldn't stay there. If I stayed is An Indian communal unattached house.

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there and watched, the baby wouldn't come out. I went home and walked. T h e n he caine out. In about two hours, someone came and told me, " T h e baby got out, but he is pretty near dead." " O h , we'll fix him. Give him something, and he will be all right." [Here Johnny sang his lizard song.] Lizard is powerful when he gets a job. They came and told me, " T h e baby is out, but he is half-dead now." "Give him something to taste. He will lie all right. Oh, we'll fix him; give him something to eat, and he will be all right." Someone took my lizard and my snake power too. When my powers went, I would have been pretty near dead if an old doctor who used to stay with Jimmie Jones hadn't helped me. His name was dzabius- He was a relation on my father's side. He helped me. My father took him down to the other side of Bristow's place. (Edward Bristow had me for an Indian judge.) 20 I was scared. Someone had taken my lizard and my snake power way far away. If it weren't for that old man, I would have died. He brought my power. T h a t old man had woodpecker power. T h a t is powerful; it had a red head. It helps people too. T h a t old man found my powers, snake and lizard, and look them back, to nic. You know, it was funny. T h a t old man was blind like me. He was sitting on a log. His head went down. T h e r e was just me and the old man home, and my father. "You have to look out for that old man, Daddy. He might fall off the log." He held a cane like mine. Lizard went to help him. I said, "Uncle, that is lizard you got on your hand." I told my father, " G o up and get him, Father." A snake came behind him. "Don't you kill that snake. Daddy. Don't you kill it." T h e old man came right up to his bed. T h e snake came right after him. T h e old snake followed him clear up to his bed. T h e old man got scared. I said, "That's all right. He will go back." T h e old man said, "You are powerful." T h a t old man asked, "Don't you want to sing your power, snake?" I was not strong; I needed help. T h a t old man helped me. He was my uncle, but not a close uncle, my father's relation from sbaliuq". T h e old man brought my powers. I put them in the water. Snake—I sang for snake. Snake is powerful, strong. He helps me when people are sick. Snake has two heads. That sure looks powerful, those big ones. T h a t old man with woodpecker was a powerful old man. He helped me good too. If it wasn't for that old man, I would be dead. I didn't pay him enough. I paid him $5. T h e next day the powers gave us smelt. It was just like a round rope outside on the beach. My father's wife went out, held her dress out, and scooped them up off the beach. T h e police in T u l a l i p had stopped the Indians from singing power. T h e people 20 A "John Folensby" is listed as an Indian judge for i8g6 among the T u l a l i p Indian Agency employees (U.S. Indian Affairs, 1897, Vol. II, p. 570). It seems likely that this is John Fornsby, since the older Indians substitute "1" for " r " in English words. Variant spellings of Indian names by Whites, even when these names are of White origin, is by no means uncommon. Fornsby would have been forty-one in 1896, which fits his own statement that he married his second wife and went to live near La Conner on the Swinomish Reservation when he was about forty. Edward Bristow was the White farmer hired by the Indian Service on the reservation at this time and probably selected the local Indian judges.

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were not allowed to sing any more. If somebody sang, they put them in jail. T h e agent and the police didn't want the people to do what they used to do, to sing something. I came pretty near finding a man who died at Tulalip. That is how we got the Treaty Day danccs. A man got lost in T u l a l i p in the wintertime. Lots of people were looking for him. Agent Buchanan said, "If John finds that man, I'll let them use all the power they want and have a time." I got a guarding power board, made it from cedar bark. There were two or three boys, a group there, trying to find that fellow. We went a little ways, the guarding power board pointed. We went up a little way and took it again. It commenced to snow; the snow was dropping. Our feet got cold, but we made a little fire to warm our feet. Guarding power said, "We find him." He was ahead. We were only eighty yards away from where the man was lying, but we gave up. We gave up there, and we went back on the same trail we came on. I beat all those fellows who were looking for the man. Some looked way off. In the summer a timber cruiser found him. A logger found him, a logger fellow who traveled in the woods looking for timber. This White man who had traveled around looking for logs found this dead Indian about sixty feet from where we stopped with the guarding power. That Indian had got lost. He went way up there. He fell down, hurt himself, and got sick in his head. He sat down on a log and kept shooting, shooting, and nobody came. He sat there shooting. He was about two or three miles back of Tulalip. T h e White logger found him dead with shells by him. He used to have good teeth. They took that. They brought him to La Conner, that fellow. T h e Indian agent in T u l a l i p gave us the songs back. When we took the Treaty in La Conner, I made a guarding power board for Dr. Buchanan. T h e fellows told me, "Don't make any power boards. They can't shake." I said, "If it is my power, they will shake." "It will be a shame if that power board can't shake." "If he's not my power, he might not shake, but my power can shake any time." We sent Henry Berry down to the Quinault reservation for elk meat. He went down there, and those fellows brought us one elk meat. He was our relation, a boy who was married over there at Taholah. They have lots of elk. We got elk. They brought an elk. When they came and brought us the elk, they sang, kind of slow singing. It was a different power from ours. They packed oranges, something good to eat, on their backs. George Kriege was the boss for the man who got elk. We paid those fellows $ i o or $20. T h a t song was just like playing; it was a pretty good, powerful song. They wanted me to sing heyida [wealth power] in T u l a l i p when we took the Treaty. They wanted me to sing to the White people, to show them how we do it. They had picked out the best talker, the one the people wanted. Chinee was the one. He hollered out. When they got done talking, they called the man. I led the song when we started the Treaty Day celebration at Tulalip. Dr. Buchanan liked it. "That's a good song, Johnny." They let me sing first at Tulalip. T h e others sang one song at a time. They called John Skudab to come up and sing for the people. He came up and sang k'waxk'ud [wealth power] for the people. He was a pretty good old man. In the middle, I sang guarding power. William

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shouted a n d said, " A l l r i g h t , J o h n n y , g o a h e a d . " T h e w o m e n teachers wanted to see g u a r d i n g power. I d o n ' t see w h y they c h a n g e d their m i n d s and wanted to sec I he Indians sing p o w e r . I gave t h e m g u a r d i n g p o w e r . T h e p o w e r boards ran h a r d inside that school building a n d shook hard. T h e teachers got scared. T h a t b i g g u a r d i n g p o w e r b o a r d , the oldest one, that was the o n e that was a w f u l strong w h e n we got started. Y o u could h a r d l y hold h i m back. T h e teachers got scared. I guess they t h o u g h t the g u a r d i n g p o w e r w o u l d try to h u r t them. G u a r d i n g power is just like a person. H e k n o w s w h a t h e does. T h e W h i t e ladies were scared. I guess they t h o u g h t g u a r d i n g p o w e r was g o i n g to fight. " N o , g u a r d i n g p o w e r just gets r o u g h to show y o u . " T h a t is h o w w e got T r e a t y D a y . D r . B u c h a n a n d i d n ' t w a n t the Indians to have the old time way. B u t that t i m e they saw h o w the Indians fixed power. A n d he saw the g u a r d i n g p o w e r shake right in the room, r u n n i n g a r o u n d the school b u i l d i n g . T h a t is w h y those folks h a v e a t i m e now 011 T r e a t y D a y . T h a t h e y i d a was the first song I sang at T u l a l i p . h e y i d a t o m e s f r o m the upland, f r o m the back. T h e r e m i g h t be a lake o r some place w h e r e their home is. Just the chiefs sing the heyida- I told those W h i t e p e o p l e , " I t is j u s t the chief Indians w h o sing that song." T h a t h e y i d a easily get things; it is w o r t h m o n e y . T h a t is the way it goes, and the way that k ' w a x k ' u d goes too. It makes it easy to get things. W h e n von get heyida, y o u are l u c k y . Some of y o u r friends will give you s o m e t h i n g that is worth money. W h e n chiefs g i v e potlatches, they h a v e to sing heyida. T h a t is w h e n they sing heyida. O n l y a few of t h e m h a v e it. M y m o t h e r ' s side used to h a v e heyida- T h e L o w e r Skagit o n W h i d b e y c o u l d sing that song. C h i e f S q u i q u i was one, and some other fellows. C h i e f S q u i q u i was a cousin of my mother's. H e lived first right across from Coupeville. T h e y h a d h e y i d a up-river. S o m e of these fellows here, some of the o l d people, used to sing heyida. T h a t was their p o w e r , h e y i d a is good p o w e r . [Here J o h n n y began to sing the song.] T h e r e are words in it, b u t y o u can't understand them. W e went o v e r to V i c t o r i a w i t h canoes. M i c h a e l C o o p e r , the chief of the Victorias, called us to g o a n d h e l p h i m . 2 i I n d i a n s f r o m the Skagit used to sell hides t h e r e — b e a r hides, deer hides, beaver hides. T h a t is w h e r e they learned to drink whiskey. W e used to get five gallons in a can. It took us a day a n d a half to go. W e c a m p e d on San J u a n Island. It is a nice placc with just gTass a n d n o timber. T h o s e rocks there h a v e water. W e f o u n d water. I guess the W h i t e m e n fixed it so they c o u l d get water. I n d i a n s used to live there. T h e y liked that p l a c e at fishing time. T h e y used to troll for silver salmon. T h e old m a n , my relation, w h o used to stay there is dead. H e was a relation of my gTandma. T h e y used to stay on San J u a n . T h e y used to have a house of their o w n t h e r e — a smokehouse. T h e y were there w h e n the soldiers were there. T h e y were there w h e n the soldiers came on the island. T h e r e were lots of deer there. O h , that man, he cried for his g a r d e n . T h e d e e r j u m p e d o v e r the h i g h fence; he couldn't keep 21 M i c h a e l C o o p e r was first elected chief of the Songish in 1894; he was reelected in 1898 for a n o t h e r four-year term. A f t e r this d a t e the lists of chiefs are n o longer included in the C a n a d i a n I n d i a n Affairs reports. Fornsby was thirty-nine in 1894. Since his visit to C o o p e r occurred a f t e r C o o p e r b e c a m e chief, he was p r o b a b l y in his forties at this time.

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them out. He told us when we landed there to stay just overnight and we would go out hunting in the morning. I was scared. We did get one deer; they were fat. It must be a good place for deer on San J u a n Island. T h e White man was sorry—he put peas in his garden—and the deer jumped in. He had a high fence, but they jumped right over. T h a t man just used to cry for his garden. That Indian there talked his language and ours; he is half Skagit. His language is like Lummi. His name is qoiyad". T h e soldiers called him Captain George. He was from the people on Guemes. They moved down to that island; they just stayed there for fishing time. He had a house right up where the water is. One of his boys, his oldest boy, was powerful. He had tubcadad. He came pretty near to fly up. That young one had a power, too, but not like his brother. They stayed on the bay and had a good time for deer and fish. They stayed there for trolling spring salmon. Michael Cooper, the chief of the Victorias, wanted us to go and help him. His mother was from Lower Skagit. (She was dead then.) T h a t is why he was our relation. He was my grandchild. His mother just married a White man and stayed right there in Victoria. His father was named Cooper. He was a half-breed; that is why some didn't want him to be the chief. When the old fellow died, they had put Cooper for chief. basoq's was the name of the tribe where he lived, right across from the town of Victoria in a little bay. 2 2 He was pretty sick when we got there. Some fellows had done it. They had killed him, taking his power, his mother's power. I told him, "It is dangerous when we can't find your power, your mother's power. This fellow is against you." Those Sanetch people wanted to be chief; an Indian doctor wanted to get the chief's job. I told Cooper, "You are not going to live." Some fellow had got his power. They had a different power there. I saw them singing it in the road at potlatch time. It was fish-like, with a mouth, and crawled along the road. It came from salt water, power from salt water. Cooper found it in the salt water. It is just like a shark. It has a big mouth and long teeth like a pig's teeth. T h a t fellow Cooper was a great singer. Some people got that power hard. I saw two or three fellows dancing in the road, crawling around on the road. They had a fish animal, just like a shark, but a little different. It had teeth. When I was over there. Cooper asked me and my partner if we wanted to see the little log house where the White people first stayed. We found the little log house. There was a big-handled plough and a place to cook bread and hard-tack. They put dirt on the rocks. It got hot in there, and they put the bread in. T h e first White fellows that came in there lived in the house. They called their names, but I forgot them. Cooper liked me to stay there. I said, " I can stay here, but I got a job down home. I'm planting some oats every year." He thought I could cure him, from the way he talked. They gave us a lot of things to eat—bread—when we came home. They gave us lots of bread, sugar, coffee, and everything. When we came home, my partner and I just divided. My nephew was with me; he used to be an Indian doctor when he was a young man. He was my sister's son, a doctor. I had two sisters on my mother's side. She was married to someone before my 22 T h e Lhungen-speaking people of Sooke Inlet, the bay west of Victoria, on Vancouver Island (Boas, 1891c, p. 563).

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father got her. She had two Snohomish girls. One was the mother of Jimmy Adams, that fellow with me. We came back in a canoe too. He gave us a good salt-water canoe, aotxs. It was pretty near a $100 canoe. One end was up higher, and it was smaller in the bow. Cod, that canoe went fast when it traveled. It had a sail. They gave us a sail, oarlocks, and oars. We came sailing, when we came home. When we were coming back, we said, "Let's buy some salmon." They were trolling for silver salmon off San Juan Island. We went close to a canoe. "You got salmon? How much for one?" " T w o bits." Fish was cheap. We bought two fish and had a good time. Oh, see the White people fishing there. By God, we could sail good with that canoe. I went to Lummi once in it. We took ducks over to my cousin in Lummi. T h e wind made the canoe go fast. That was a good canoe. T h e people at T u l a l i p had lost their graveyard. They wanted guarding power to find it. They told me, "We will make two power boards out of rags." They wanted me to make it. Guarding power went around; he went and told me, "It's fight there." We found out that the guarding power knew where the dead were. We put two or three fellows working. Well, I found the dead. They moved the graves. We dug a real graveyard. T h e people had a time. T h e farmer, Ed Bristow, told the people to move their cemetery, to put the dead down in graves and bury them. My brother-in-law and I gave a sgwigwi [potlatch] that time. T h e Swinomish had moved their graveyard out to the other side on a little island when the White people settled in La Conner. They put the dead people on top of the ground and made a little house with shakes on the top for the roof over the dead people. This was after the White folks had come. They took sticks and little posts, fixed the sticks, and put the dead man in there. They made a little house on the top to keep the dead in. Then the farmer, Ed Bristow, told them to move that graveyard. That was when I made a potlatch. I did it with my brother-in-law. We fixed up our graves. That house of old kwaskedib at Skagit City washed away. T h e house posts, with his powers on them, went down-river by themselves. They floated down by themselves. They must have washed away and fallen in the water. They floated from Skagit City down to La Conner. It landed by itself, right in the back of the bay. It was funny it went down there. They found it right there. It was old kwaskedib's house post, about three feet wide and four feet thick and eight feet high. It had a picture on it of kwaskedib's power. Yes, it was nice. They moved old kwaskedib down to La Conner. He had been buried back of his smokehouse at Skagit City. That was when I made a potlatch that time. That was when we got that house post of kwaskedib. I called the Lummi. Lummi people came. We packed that house post and stood it up where there was no rain. Four of us packed it. I paid them for the house post. They packed it around. Those Lummi fellows packed it up to the house. We had to dig a hole in the ground to fix it. I put him up against a dry place. I gave a fellow from Lummi who worked more than the other fellows a horse. I had a new little saddle horse. I bought that little pony from cowboys. I gave them

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$20 for that pony. He was nice to ride, that little pony. It was a pretty good little horse. One fellow took that horse and paid the other men. He was glad to get that horse; it was good to ride. He was glad to get that little pony. That man from Lummi fixed the grave. He was my relation, Charley Edward's father-in-law I think it was. You have to have a power to dig a grave. Some have the power skaiyoxesid, the power of the dead. T h e dead power goes in with the man and fixes the grave. Only that one man can fix it up. You can't get a man who has no power to fix up a grave. T h a t man from Lummi gathered up the dead from the graves, made one coffin, and put them together. Loon's name is swok'wad. He has a home some place in a lake. He generally conies up in the evening and goes down in the morning. He is awake all night to hunt ducks. He stays in lakes. He used to stay in the lake back of Mount Vernon. I used to see two in there. He is a curing power. You use him just to cure sick people, any kind of sickness. He might cure my headache, any kind of sickness. T h e y are good to eat. They used to kill them with bow and arrow. A whole lot of people would eat them when they killed them. I saw them and killed them at salt water. I had a rifle. Joe Campbell gave me that rifle. T h e loon was coming along the shore. By gosh, I shot him. He just rolled over. He was fat, fat. I let those folks eat it when I went back to La Conner. I was a little scared to eat him. He might be too strong, and I would get sick; but the old people, they liked him. A fellow was drowned here when they were working on the boom. Johnson, they called him. We found him with guarding power right up here at the mouth of the Sauk. There used to be a store in there, two miles above there. He was right in the bend of the river, where the river is kind of crooked. T h e water took him right in there. T h e body was hanging right out in the water; it wanted to go down in the water. It was just hanging there; it wanted to go down. Guarding power pretty near took me out of the canoe, it was so strong. I did that once in Oak Harbor. Billy Barrel was sick. They didn't know what was the matter with the man. They told him, "You will have to take a White man for a doctor." They couldn't find Barrel's power. This was right at Oak Harbor. I found out. I found out. Guarding power got him. My partners helped me. We sang guarding power song. I got over $100. He was glad. Well, we made one power board; Barrel had only one power. Only one guarding power made him sick. We brought one power board. When he commenced to sing, he said, "That's my sickness." We got the power board; then we had singing the next night. We told people, "Barrel wants you people to come down tonight. He is going to sing." They used to like Barrel. They took some bread, took some sugar, took some tea. They wanted to help him. T h e power boards were shaking; they came to him. Guarding power rubbed all over his body, his legs, and arms. He rubbed, rubbed him. He put power right into him. I sang the guarding power song myself. T h e power boards shook all over Barrel. T h e power got into him. T h e n he got strong. We had a great time. I suppose I stayed there about one month and helped him, me and my partner— Sam Dan, Morris Dan's father, Caspar Dan's father. My cousin was Sam Dan's wife, Mrs. Sam Dan. We always got together when we helped a sick person. Yes, they got all right. I told Barrel, "Well, I go home now. I just got some work to do, but I came down to help you."

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" A l l right, I'm glad you help me. Other fellows, Indian doctors, didn't help me." He was singing when we left him, crying with his power around the beach when we left. Power comes into his boss. It gets right inside and makes him sing. They got me to go down to Nooksack. They came down to La Conner and got me to go to Nooksack. There was a man sick down below at Nooksack. He was my aunt's husband. She was my father's cousin who was married at Nooksack. They took mc in a wagon to Nooksack. It took a long time to travel to Nooksack. T h e man was lying out on the floor. He had hot fever. He was just like crazy. He had a hard sickness, a fever. That is a pretty hard sickness. He had some kind of fever. He moved all the time, lay down here, got up, lay down there. He was crazy. Somebody had taken his power away. I asked my aunt, "Did your man have a quarrel with someone?" "Yes." I don't know what they call that river where the man he quarreled with lived. Those fellows had a row. "You have a power, and I have a power. You are strong, but I am not going to die." Those powers, curing powers, were fighting. That old man had some kind of animal power—mountain animal. His power was pretty near dead when we brought it over there. T h e power was right in a mountain. They kept the power in jail. I tried to help him with my power, but he had got it pretty bad. I guess the man from that river did it. I told my aunt, " I can't help that man now. He's gone." He died that night. That man had just sold land to a White man. He had $1,000 in gold. Some fellows went out early in the morning on the Nooksack River. They went out and dug a hole alongside of a big spruce log. They dug about ten feet long and three feet deep. They found no money. No one knew where it was. T h e old lady, my aunt, said, "I'm going to die with my man. I have nothing to wrap him in." T h e money was lost. He had about one thousand dollars in a can. I said, "If somebody will help me, I will try to find it." I got four men and made a guarding power board. Those men from the Nooksack tribe didn't know how, but I had two Skagit with me. I made two guarding power boards, just tied with a rag. I had the first one, and four of us caught hold. We went out. T h e rest just followed us. There was a little log right at the end of the garden. I asked, "What were you folks doing here?" when the power boards touched the log. Those guarding powers knew. They took me right into that bush. I asked that lady. "We buried this money right here in that bush. He buried it right in that place." They dug about three feet deep, about the length of my cane. They dug deep. Guarding powers searched around there. T h e old man had kept moving that money. He dug a big hole to keep potatoes in near the house. He kept the money there. T h e lady talked to me, "You had better go to that dead man who owned the money." We went to the little dead man in the house. My guarding powers searched the man, searched his hands and head. Guarding powers searched the man. He used to keep the money at the head of his bed. He kept that money three or four days in that place. T h e house was like a barn, with no floor. We made a fire in the middle and warmed up the guarding powers. We had a hot fire to warm them up. Guarding powers looked all around, looked in the corners, looked all around. They took us into a hole. They took a board and threw it away. I asked the woman what was in the hole. " Y o u r man had money there?" She said, "Yes, he had money there long ago." T h e man kept money in the hole two or three days so no one could get it.

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T h e n the guarding powers went out in the garden. They went straight into the hole where the fellows had been digging in the morning. It was three or four feet deep, three feet wide. T h e powers stopped right in the middle where they had been digging. T h e guarding powers knew the money was buried there. They stopped quick. I told the people that I wouldn't give up. I looked. T h e Nooksack didn't tell me how much money it was. "Give me something to dig with. You have some kind of shovel?" I wouldn't give up. I gave my guarding power board to my partner. I dug with my hands. T h e ground was soft. I found out that the ground was soft. I dug around, dug as far down as I could. I felt something down there. It was two feet below where the people were digging. I asked that lady what the money was in. She said, "Can." I felt around; it was kind of loose. I got it loose and pulled it up. "Here you are." My aunt said, "Now you save mc. I was going to hang myself; I had nothing to wrap my man in. I was going to die with my husband." I took that can, sat down, and opened the can. There were twenty dollar gold pieces in the can, a thousand dollars. I covered it up. The old lady wrapped the can and took it away. T h a t guarding power is a powerful thing. He knew where the old man was working, digging two or three places. He hid the money outside. Guarding power knew that the old lady was standing up, watching for people, when the old man buried the money. "You were sitting down on the log," I said to her. It takes a man who understands how the sticks work to use guarding power. A man has to watch. I got good pay for that. I made one hundred dollars. They said, "Why didn't you give her just half back? She would never give the money if it were her." T h a t guarding power found the money. T h a t guarding power is great if a man knows it pretty good. I looked in the people's eyes. "You did well, Johnny." I think that a fellow who was digging in the morning had found it and hid it that way. I got a hundred dollars in gold to go home with to La Conner. T h a t old lady gave me one mountain goat hair blaifket. I got good pay that day. [Lucy Williams, who is a cousin of Johnny's niece and the widow of Johnny's grandson, gave this version of the story above: Money in a big pot belonged to a dead man. He had buried money before his death. Everybody went and looked for money. Old Johnny Fornsby and guarding power look for it. They called old Johnny Fornsby to go and look with guarding power. They buried it deep. He went around, followed the people first. After they were through following, they tried to dig in there. They pretty near gave up, those fellows who held guarding power boards. Old Johnny Fornsby said, "My power tells me it's there. All right, if you fellows give up. I call for shovel." Two men dug. They had not gone very deep when they found the money. The wife said, "I don't know where the money is." Old Johnny Fornsby only got twenty-five dollars. If it wasn't for him, the money would be there yet. He is good at guarding power.] I was a boss in the hop yard when they were picking hops in Puyallup. I was in charge. I was the head of the yards. I saw one old man, a West Coast fellow, cure Johnnie Joe, when he got stuck with a bone. Johnnie Joe was eating fish from a can. He opened the can; that fish in the can generally has bones. I was busy watching the people in there. He was in the field. I said. "I'm busy now. I'll give you ten dollars. You had better go get that West Coast fellow. He will cure you."

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He went over there to the fellow and told him he had got a bone in his throat. I told him, "This fellow got choked with a bone." T h a t West Coast man said, "I ain't going to wait long." He took his coat right off where he was sitting. He sang a curing power song. Ladies came and helped him. T h a t man worked with his mouth. He sang. He sucked that thing out on the outside of the throat. He didn't work hard. He pulled the bone outside. He got the bone out and showed Johnnie Joe it was a salmon bone. He asked him, "You all right?" Johnnie Joe pulled money out, "I'll give you ten dollars for helping me." "All right." He made ten dollars. He got his power from the big ocean, that West Coast man. I told him, "I am glad you help this fellow." Gosh, he made money fast. He had power from the big ocean, from salt water, from something in the ocean. Those West Coast people come from islands up on the northwest coast, from islands off Vancouver. They came down in the early days when they first raised hops down at Puyallup. They never came before. I never saw them when 1 was a kid. They just came down when they raised hops. They are just the same kind of people as us, only they speak a different language. When we got picking hops in Puyallup, they moved us up to Nisqually and then to Chehalis. We kept on going. I had a pretty good boss, Quarry, from Puyallup. His father had a place at Puyallup. Jimmy Pinkums was another man who wanted me to get pickers. Those people back of Seattle talked a different language. All I saw of those people was when I went hop-picking. They had nice hops at Chehalis. T h e people there all got drunk. I was sorry. I told my boss, "I can't help it." At Chehalis, the people talked good. An old lady brought her two sons, men, to me. They had found out that I got pickers. She shook hands with me. She said, "I am one of the tribe of kwaskedib. Snatlem. My mother was Snatlem's sister." She had been married to a Squakson first. T h e Squakson people brought her to Chehalis and married her there. Those fellows, her sons, looked just like Lower Skagit, looked like Snatlem. She came to visit me. I told her, "I heard about your mother, that Squakson Indians married her. I knew it." She had found from my name that I belonged to her relatives. We had pickers back of Olympia and back of Chehalis. I had pretty near one hundred pickers there. They were Chinook. They talked kind of like Chinook. I watched when they picked. They talked real Chinook. Henry Berry lived with the Chinook when I was a kid. He belonged to those people over there, at the mouth of some river. Henry Berry's mother from Chinook is still living. She wants to see the Chinook awful bad. They call "water" tsuk' u in Chinook. [Here John laughed.] T h a t is a bad one; it sounds like skunk's dirty place. 2 « We would have two children if they hadn't died. Our girl had kind of a boil right in her breast. She died with that. She was kind of a big girl. We had a little boy. He died when he was not old. He died young. We did bad to him. We were up there to William Gage's place. We came u p on horseback. I never thought of the horse our little boy was riding, and she ran back home. He rode back 23

tsuk' u means "anus" in John's own language.

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h o m e . T h a t horse ran clear h o m e and never stopped. T h e n e x t m o r n i n g my baby was dead. T h e horse shook h i m too m u c h . M y wife was an old lady. She used to be J o h n W i l b u r ' s wife. OLD ACE M y brother died; my girl died; my w i f e too. W e had x o d a l i k " for the dead, w a o x d u d s k a i y o , "eat with the d e a d . " I did that w h e n I was d o w n there at L a C o n n e r with those folks. T h e y hired a lady f r o m Joe Joe's mother's side; she came f r o m B.C., was C o w i c h a n . She was married to Joe Joe's father, that old m a n f r o m Swinomish. T h e y hired her, and they had to pay her something. T h e m a n that works on those things has to holler for the dead to come. T h e y holler for lots of them, call their names. She called in the C o w i c h a n language. Some of the dead speak C o w i c h a n . T h e o t h e r people k e p t away from the fire. Everybody hid and sat way back. T h e dead w o n ' t come if they are close. A l l the relations gave something. T h e y b o u g h t new calico and wrapped something to eat in it a n d threw it on the fire. T h e relations ate too. H a r d tack showed u p there. I had never seen it before. T h e p e o p l e ate hard tack and they threw some on the fire. T h e y threw bread a n d apples on the fire. Everyone was p u t t i n g stuff on the fire. T h e dead came to the fire. T h e dead h i d the food; the p e o p l e had somet h i n g for them to p u t it in, the calico. Some of them ate it right there. T h e dead were scared at the fire. T h e y had to g o back quick. T h e y were scared that people m i g h t get them. If p e o p l e get the dead, they will come back to life. W h e n they got through, the people p o u n d e d sticks and scared the dead away. T h e n the dead w o u l d be good all the time for the people. She did it, that w o m a n . T h a t time my partner told me, " S w i n o m i s h G e o r g e is g o i n g a l o n g w i t h two dead m e n , his brothers. T h e y are taking h i m away. T h e y have h i m right on their arms. Y o u go get h i m . " " N o , you g o . " His brothers came a n d took h i m a l o n g on their arms; they walked h i m along. N o b o d y went after him, and he died. H e was T o m m y George's father. T h e dead came and took h i m away. If my p o w e r had g o n e to get him, he w o u l d have been all right. T h a t old m a n died; he d i d n ' t believe a n y t h i n g . H e said n o dead men h a d got h i m . T h a t is w h y the old m a n died; he d i d n ' t believe a n y t h i n g . It was over a m o n t h after that, and he got sick a n d died quick. I saw w h a t the dead did. My p o w e r saw the dead. Elizabeth D a n is my sbalotsid [in this case, spouse of dead sibling], I have lots of sbalotsid [spouse of d e a d relative or relative of dead spouse]. I d i d n ' t w a n t a w o m a n after my woman died. I was scared that I c o u l d n ' t m a k e a living, couldn't work. T h e old-timers used to go to their sbalotsid. T h e y h a d to d o that, every one. If he had a sbalotsid, they didn't care if he had two, three wives, h e had to take his sbalotsid. T h o s e chiefs had three o r four. T h e chiefs stopped d o i n g that. If a m a n doesn't like his sbalotsid, h e doesn't have to marry her. If she is a good lady, he marries with her. Now, if they don't w a n t to marry sbalotsid, they don't have to. I felt sorry. I stayed with Elizabeth and her father. I guess they wanted m e to marry her, b u t I didn't. I left. T h e West Coast p e o p l e

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don't w a n t to marry sbalotsid. O n e West Coast fellow

2* People of the west coast of V a n c o u v e r Island, the British C o l u m b i a n m a i n l a n d , and the near-by islands.

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was telling me about it. T h e y don't want to get killed. A woman is just like some kind of animal if the man dies. It has to be four years before the woman can take her sbalotsid. T h e n they can marry. T h e West Coast people are scared of the woman. If she gets married quick, she will kill the man again. If she wants to get married, she has got to wait four years. These people here don't care. T h e y want to get married with sbalotsid- Here they wait for a year or two. Elizabeth had been alone for a long time. My brother died with a hard sickness. Her other husband was the same way. T h e West Coast man said, "She must be a wild animal." ( T h a t animal lives in the mountains; it must be lion.) After my wife died, I lived with my brother, Susan's father, and Susan. T h e three of us lived together in a little house. Susan was in school. She had long hair when she was young. When she went to school, I combed her hair. I used to comb my race horse, so I knew how. I fixed it up. I had twenty acres of timber land and tide lands. My wife wanted to deed it to her grandchildren. I lost it. J o h n Wilbur, my stepson, lost it. He didn't pay taxes on it. He got crazy from drinking too much and spent lots of money so that I lost that land. He paid no taxes. I thought all the time he was paying taxes. I never asked hitn. Twenty acres of marsh, that was good land. It was quite a lot of money lost, wasn't it? He got crazy from drinking too much. I never had any trouble since I was a kid. I'm getting old now. Only once I stayed in a jail—at Sedro-Woolley. Some of my friends gave me a drink. T h e y caught us and threw us in jail. All the bosses were good to me. T h e Justices of Peace there in SedroWoolley were Ed Wells and Charley Van Neff. " W h y , J o h n Fornsby, what's the matter? You stayed in La Conner and got wood for me when I was in La Conner, when I was a blacksmith." I got no fine. T h e y just turned me out. T h a t was the only time I got into trouble. I had no trouble. I have tried to be good, good to my relations. T h e y take crazy boys to Monroe.:» T h e y took my brother's son, Elizabeth Dan's son. He acted pretty bad; wanted to steal something. When I had my eyes operated on in Seattle, my stepson took me down. T h e r e were lots of crippled fellows there—one had a rock on his leg. He lived outside Deception Pass. Gosh, he never slept. A J a p there woke lip in the night to take care of those sick people. I was in Seattle pretty near a month. T h e y operated on my eye—cataract —they called it. T h a t cataract came back again. Indian doctors are just like W h i t e doctors. Some can't cure anything. You go to some doctor; he is no good. He can't curc you. Guarding power helped me down at the smokehouse when I was sick. I was sick all over. I couldn't walk; I was kind of weak. I told the fellow, Petey J o h n , I was all in. I asked him to try to see what he could do. Petey said, "All right." All the boys came there, La Conner and Snohomish boys—Jessie B o b b , August Dan. All these fellows came and helped me. My guarding power came to me. He came right up and looked at me. He looked at my sickness. My mind was lost. My power was lost, so I got sick. It was a different power from guarding power that was lost. T h e y made the tustid [power that animates two long poles] shake. T h e next morning I felt better when they got through. T h e guarding power found my doctor power and brought him back. T h e guarding power talks, but not a lot. T h e powers fought each other. Some other person's power camc and took my doctor power away. Guard2« Monroe refers to the State R e f o r m School.

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ing power went, hunted for the power, picked him up, and brought him back. If you lose your mind, guarding power will go get him and bring him back. Guarding power brings back the soul too. Jimmie Jones used to have g u a r d i n g power. He was powerful too, just like me. He died. He was shaking when he died. He had guarding power. I was going to help him, but he couldn't make it. I told him, "If they take you into the smokehouse and let some people help you, they might make you well." But somehow he didn't want to. I don't want to join the Shakers. My brother was a Shaker. T h e y wanted me to join the Shakers, but I didn't want to. I said, "I am a Catholic; that is enough for me. Father Chirouse baptized me." T h i s Shaker religion is pretty near the same as doctor power. T h e Shakers find lost souls, lost power. T h a t Martin u p at L y m a n pretty near died. T h e Shakers cured him. My father went and looked for power when people were sick, because he was a Shaker. 0 masi hai hai skajit jisus k ' w a k ' w a o hai hai. T h a t is my brother's song when he was shaking. He got that Shaker song and everything. Nobody helped him. He just got it by himself. He shook. T h a t was Susan's father. I got another brother, younger than Susan's father, but he died, my father's boy. Once they were shaking in Joe Williams' house. I was scared to go to the Shakers. I think they don't like doctors. Finally Mrs. T o m Williams said to me, "Come down to Joe Williams' house. Those two women are crazy, yalob [term for uncle or aunt w h o is a sibling of a dead parent]." 1 said, "Yes." " T h o s e Shakers want you down there to help those two ladies." " W e l l , I guess I'll go and see the Shakers. If the Shakers help me, it will be all right." T h o s e women were crazy when I got there. T h e y were shaking; doing most everything. I told Campbell, "You folks will have to help me with all those folks who are Shakers. You will have to help me when I take that doctor power away." " A l l right, all right, you can help those ladies." W h e n I sang my power, that doctor power stopped and listened to me. T h e y were in those two ladies that got crazy. " N o w , you Shakers help me. Y o u help me take the doctor power away." I got them out. T h e y were right in those ladies. Those doctor powers, we took them away. W h e n we got the doctor powers away, those ladies sat down and never said anything. People talked good, " T h a t ' s all right." T h e Shakers couldn't get those doctor powers; that was pretty hard. T h e doctor powers got in them. W e took them away. T h e Shakers took some of the doctor powers away. T h e ladies were never crazy after they helped them. It is bad for some people to get doctor powers from a long way off. T h o s e Yakima people are awful. Some of those people are bad doctors. T h e y are mean doctors. Sometimes doctor powers want to come this way to see the Shakers. T h o s e doctor powers are just a meanness when they come to a place. Yes, I helped those two ladies that night. T h e y had to take the doctor powers away and send them back where they belong. T h e y took the doctor powers back. T h e y sent them back. Those ladies had doctor powers in them, not other power. If the doctor's power gets killed, if another doctor takes it away and it gets killed, the first doctor might get sick and die. How do they kill him? T h e y fight like dogs and chew each other. T h e y are mean, mean people, those Yakima people.

334 JOHN FORNSBY I cured one lady who got crazy at La Conner. I got Skagit boys down there— Napoleon, Jim McLeod, Jake Hanrison. She got crazy that time. She just got worse. Other doctors didn't help her. Those fellows, three or four, couldn't help her. I told those Skagit boys to come down and help her. When I got there, all the Indian doctors went away. That lady was Mrs. Joshua. Indian doctors thought we were not going to help her. Guarding power followed the mind of the lady. Guarding power got the soul and brought him back. Guarding powers are just like people when they get started. That lady at L a Conner who was crazy got well the next day. Another old lady got crazy once, and guarding power helped her. She was married to a White man, a farmer. She burned all her things—dresses and other things. T h e farmer sent her away. T h i s lady told the farmer that if she didn't get well, he would have to send for me. T h e White man came to get me, "Come along and see the woman there." Guarding power helped her. They want $20 a month to take care of me at L a Conner. T h e n I have to buy my bread and help them buy wood. I don't know how many times I paid $10 for a rick of wood. Wood is high, they say. Oil is good. There is no waste. I was getting poor [thin] when I was down there. I was getting awful small. I gain a little bit when I eat now. I get cold before daylight. I have to get me a good blanket. I lost my good blanket; someone stole it. It was worth $10. Those people are just like crazy. They have some good blankets down at Mount Vernon. A fellow at La Connor has good medicine for eyes. Walter Dan said, "Grandfather, I can show you good medicine." " I want any kind of medicine." He is Mrs. Walter Dan's son. He is my grandchild. His wife is good, too. She would take me to the toilet and leave me alone there. I was getting poor when I was down there. That old lady [Mrs. Steele] that I stayed with always left me alone at home. Mrs. George Dan from La Conner was asking about me; Susan told me this morning. They might come to see me, if they have nothing to do. I am going to quit going down to see folks at La Conner. They are against me. When I got down to the smokehouse at La Conner, I sang twice. Nobody helped me. Henry Berry got mad. He said to them, "Why don't you help your friend?" Nobody helped me. They didn't say anything. I sang k'waxk'ud. Nobody helped me when I sang it, though. They will help me on guarding power. I didn't take my guarding power boards down. There are lots of little houses in La Conner for rent, but that is too far away for me. They have water and wood. I don't know how much that is a month. If I can find a home, I will be all right. It is better for me to stay alone in a little house with just enough room for two or three. I like to go down to La Conner when they raise up a trap [fish trap]. T h e y get everything—skate, flounder. God, I would like a fish now—fresh salmon. We bought a hump-backed for fifty cents. It was worth $10. Mrs. Steele and I got one big fish. We put it on ice. Joe Williams took me along when they went to Yakima. I had a hard time there. They had a ditch right next to a creek. T h a t helped me good, too, when I got into the water. T h e hot weather bothers me. I got lost when I went out at Yakima. There were a whole lot of tents where Joe

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Williams was staying. An old lady was home. She saw that I was lost and talked her language to me. She was Sanetch. A Sanetch fellow talked to me. He was getting drunk, talked away, and made his wife laugh. He talked his language too. "You understand my language?" He was a little drunk. Sanetch is a tough language. I can't hear it very good. They talk pretty near like Lummi, a little different. They talk a different language. Joe Williams took me to the place across from Seattle. I don't like that place across from Seattle. I was there with the folks. They went to town; everybody went. I got no dinner; everybody was gone. It is funny. When I feel kind of sleepy and I get into bed, I can't sleep. Then I will try to sleep, and I can't do it. I get tired when I am lying down. I feel like I want to take a walk, but if I walk when I am blind, I get lost. Once I went clear up to the road that goes to town. Joe Williams came after me. He and a kid came after me. It was in the night. I told Joe, "I'm lost. Is that you, Joe?" "Yeh." I'm easy to get lost now. I'm blind. Those folks do pretty good, but the money goes fast for groceries. I help them out when my check from Tulalip comes—$40. They owe lots of debts at the store. I get $36 a month, and it all goes for groceries. There is some kind of animal in my car at night. He rattles in the dishes. I try to scare him away. He stays around outside, making noises. Skunk. Skunk is a power. There is a long story about skunk. [Here Fornsby told a long story about skunk. During part of it he laughed very hard and kept telling me, protesting, "Don't laugh, grandchild, don't laughl" "People laugh and fall down when I tell this story."] Skunk was outside my car last night. He knocked. Susan was scared last night. She never went out. She was afraid of skunk. Susan's mother killed one skunk right on the head. Susan's mother killed the skunk above Rockport. She got pretty near killed; she lost her wind. I don't like to have skunk for power. One fellow, Peter Charles' uncle, said his power is skunk. "Don't go there, boys, don't go there. His skunk is going to sing." We laugh. Skunk is a bad animal. If he comes to the smokehouse, he will kill everybody. I told Susan we could give her boys names, the names of old people. That would be an Indian name. She didn't say anything. T h e four sons of Joe Williams—George, Okie, Junior, Buttons—"I will take you boys to Charley Anderson's house and give you an Indian name so people will know where you belong and what tribe your mother and father are from." Now we are going to fix the boys, the young people. We will give them the grandfather's name. I asked Geòrgie Williams if he would like that. He didn't say anything for a long time. Yes, we'll give them all names of the old-timers. " T h e n people will know who you are and where you belong when you get to be a big man." Then Geòrgie said, "That's all right." My own name is one of the old chiefs; they gave me that name. We will give Geòrgie Williams the name of an old man who belonged to the Skagit, Charlie Anderson's uncle, who used to stay at Hamilton a long time ago. yalahàtsid is George Williams. He was the grandfather of Susan, the father of Susan's mother. He was a Skagit man. He was one of the Skagit chiefs. Both George and Junior want an Indian name.

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W e will give patfus to J u n i o r . Mrs. T o m Williams, the boy's grandmother, is the niece of patius. T h e y have to be relatives when they give the name. W e will give patius to J u n i o r . Mrs. T o m Williams, the boy's grandmother, is the mother's brother. He was from Lummi. He was a young man when he died, släxsud is the name of that man. I am going to give my name to Button, t'salwulq- I will take my grandmother's father's name. He used to have three guarding powers. I didn't know this when I made my three guarding power boards. I am going to do this at next Treaty Day; I will take the name sk'wäbkudAt Long Lake (sulätlabc) the powerful Indians used to sing. T h e y caught power right there; they held them. Susan said she dreamed guarding power. Susan's grandmother was from Long Lake. I said to her, " Y o u are not allowed to tell what you dream. If you tell it, it will be no good. Your power will be no good. You sing it when you are an old lady." She dreamed she watched guarding power go along; no one held it. I guess guarding power is still there in Long Lake if some young man, young boy, got over there and swam in the lake. A boy that belongs to sulätlabc, o r a girl too, a girl could get him. If Susan will go along with me to the T r e a t y Day dances, I will try to get her to sing in there and see if the guarding power boards will shake. Sometimes a sick fellow will think that he has not got a power. No sir, he has got a power. He will get helped; he will get well. W h e n he gets through singing, he will get well. Down at La Conner I helped Henry Berry; I helped Caspar D a n ; I helped George Dan's little girl. W h e n I came here, I wondered how those fellows are now—are they all well by now? Casper came here. I said, " O h , that is a good thing you come. How is Henry Berry and that girl?" T h a t little girl had died. She got out of wind, and she fell. She had been sorry about something, and she got sickness. Her soul went away. T h e dead got it. She lives down there where my place used to be. Her father got land down there that belongs to his father-in-law. He has good land. T h e y thought Caspar Dan was going to die. He was low down sick. H e thought he was going to die. Mrs. Andrew J o e came up to get me. She came in a car. T h e way we fixed him was to make him sing his father's song. His father was Sam Dan [John's curing partner]. He is all right today. My power found his power, took it, and gave it to Caspar. I cured him good. W h e n he got that song, he sang it. He got all right. He was singing it in that smokehouse. You know that lady, Mrs. J o e Billy. She got sick down at La Conner. I told the people, " I t is that man's power, her cousin's power, her mother's power. I think she will sing." She came back to La Conner and sang it down at the smokehouse. T h a t lady is all right. She sang her cousin's power. T h e y took her doctor power away. I sang power; I sang my power. T h e n she sang. I made her sing, so she would get well, you know. If you get sick, somebody will help you and find out that it is your father's power or your mother's power. T h e n Mrs. J o e Billy sang her father's power, after she sang her mother's power. I helped Henry Berry, too, when I was down there at La Conner. He said, " I want J o h n n y Fornsby to help me. He helped me before." I had helped him o n e time up the river. He got all right that time. Henry Berry has siod [power which protects the home]. It is a good song. T h e y

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always get sick about that power; you take that away. I just sat. I put that power in cloth, some good cloth. T h e n I hung it by ray guarding power boards. Guarding power takes care of the power. He is just like a captain. He stays there and takes care of it. W h e n you want to sing it, he brings it right into the owner. I helped Henry Berry. He hasn't sung yet. H e wants to sing, but he is going to wait until wintertime. In the wintertime, I guess he will sing. He wants me to help him. W h e r e are my guarding power boards? Upstairs. I have a j o b for Treaty Day. T w o fellows are going to sing T r e a t y Day. Caspar Dan is going to sing k'waxk'ud [wealth power], and Henry Berry is going to sing skaib [wound-healing power]. I am going to make tüstid for Caspar Dan. Power takes the soul away. W h e n a man wants to sing, the power will bring his power right into him. T h a t is why they hang guarding power boards up. T h e y keep the power right there until the owner sings. I haven't sung my guarding power songs for a long time. I left them here while I was down in La Conner. Guarding power beats doctor power. Sometimes doctor power can't help a man, but guarding power is a powerful thing. He knows what the man is thinking about; a powerful thing. He is all head and no body. He is stöbe [male, man]. T h e r e are no sladai [female, woman] guarding powers. Some fellows just dream guarding power and make it. If you just dream it, it is no good. I f you find it, living, in the day time or night time, then it will help you. T h a t guarding power counts how many years you have been born. He counts how old you are now. He knows. T h e r e is a fellow I met down at Charley Stowe's. J o e Williams was down there. We wanted to find out where our net had gone. Susan helped me. We used guarding power. T h i s fellow had put the net in a sack, and carried it on his back, and took it down to the house. By gosh, here is the net in the sack. T h a t fellow was going to set it. W h e n you get lost, guarding power will find you. T h a t guarding power is like people; he knows where it is when men can't find it. A dead person got the soul of Susan's boy. His grandma, Susan's mother, came and took the soul of the boy away. H e saw her at the other side of the church. He vomited, but had no fever. I cured him. My power brought his soul back. T h e next morning he was all right. Andrew Williams, my grandchild, learned guarding power from me. I gave him guarding power. He was all right. He had tubcadad too. I t is good for war fighting. H e used to have a good tubcadad when he first sang in L a Conner. Gee, but those Williams died quick. Andrew lost his wife, and he got sick and died quick up here. He lost a power. Some one got his power. By gosh, he didn't live long. H e had Indian doctor power for rock down in salt water. He dove and caught him; salt water doctor power, Indian doctor power in rock under salt water. When it comes up, it is like a duck swimming around. T o m m y Bobb's uncle [Peter Charles] has guarding power. I used T o m m y Bobb's uncle's guarding power boards at La Conner. I had left my own here. People don't like T o m m y Bobb. He gets mad easy if people don't help him when he sings. He puts his guarding power boards in his car. A man wants to thank young people; that is what they like. T o m m y B o b b tried to find the lady who was drowned at Nookachamps. Lots of people were looking for her. He brought his guarding power boards from La Conner. T h e White man said, "You can't find her. I don't think you folks can find her. You

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can't find that lady. She is in a log jam." (This White man found a fellow one time at the mouth of the river. He had been fishing and drowned. T h e White man who found him has ghost-head power.) Tommy Bobb never found the lady who was lost. Lots of them with guarding power don't know how to look for a person when he gets lost. Tommy Bobb can't tell what his guarding power says. T h a t makes me sorry that we didn't find that lady in Nooksack. They were going to get me, but nobody came down to get me. It is too late now. If they had taken me there just after she drowned, I would have found her. They wanted me to go to B.C. year before last for Treaty Day. They wanted my guarding power. I don't like that place much. I don't feel good there. T h a t White man from Seattle who always goes to see the times at L a Conner told me, "Don't you go, Johnny. You stay with us." It is too hard for me. You have to go into the steamer and go to Victoria. I don't like to go on water. This year I might go to La Conner or to Charley Anderson's house on Treaty Day. Charley Anderson is at Nooksack. He has a smokehouse with a good floor. I don't think guarding power will run good with a floor. Charley Anderson has a big smokehouse, but it has a floor in it. He has a stove; it is not smoky at all like at La Conner. 1 will try to see what Charley Anderson is going to do. DREAMS Last night I was amongst a whole lot of people. I was with those folks. We were working with something. We were cutting something. I was with my father sometimes and my brother, Susan's father. We were working some place. I dreamed that. He [my father] died a long time ago. My grandmother died too. I dreamed last night that there was a big time in some house. I didn't know which house. T h e house was built like sikwigwilts tribe. It was just like that house. A sick fellow was there. We sang; we sang. Then he commenced to sing. When we sang, I woke up. He sang siodI dreamed about power last night. I dreamed k'waxk'ud last night. I sang. Did you ever dream something? I dreamed about those people who used to live here a long time ago—Jake Harrison and another fellow. We were hauling logs— three of us. I had horses then. We were hauling logs with horses. I dreamed about the old people, a fellow I used to stay with. They used to work for me cutting bolts. My, there used to be lots of Indians. I dreamed about the old-timers who used to sing. They asked me, "What are you going to do, grandchild, what are you going to do? Are you going to yodub [give a spirit dance]? What song are you going to sing? What power are you going to sing?" " A l l right. You sing me, grandchild, when you sing." I asked, "Which one?" "sk a g w a x , that is the one." My grandfather used to be a man to catch salmon in the winter. I know that sk a g w a x . He has wanted me to sing it for a long time. " T h e n I am going to sing it. You watch it. I'm going to sing three times." That is why my grandfather was good for salmon when he went out. My grandpa, the youngest of my grandfathers, the one that used to fish from two canoes, had it. Susan's greatgrandfather had that power too. Nobody sings that song now. I sang it three times; then I got weak, in my dream.

JOHN

339

FORNSBY

ADDITIONAL BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE BY

MARIAN W.

SMITH

John Fornsby mentions above that Tommy Bobb of La Conner has guarding power, a power similar to one of his own. An account of this power, obtained with other data from Tommy Bobb in 1938, is added here to fill out the record and to suggest some of the changes which are occurring in the power concept under modern conditions. Tommy Bobb makes no claim of being a shaman and is not so regarded by the other Indians. A t the time the information was obtained, he was a Shaker and was, therefore, not willing to sing or use the old power. He had just moved into a new house and was getting along fairly well economically. T h e differences between the accounts of John Fornsby and of Tommy Bobb are due not only to the brevity of the latter (I worked only two afternoons with T o m m y Bobb) but also to the fact that Tommy Bobb, a much younger man than Fornsby, was not deaf and could be easily questioned. Consequently, his account contains much more explanatory material obtained in response to questions. T h e account is given almost verbatim from field notes; the most important change made was to shift back from the third person, in which the notes had been written, to the first person in which they had, naturally, been given. T h e account includes observations on Tommy Bobb's handling of his guarding power boards, and these have been left in the third person. Note that the incident with which my notes end, the story of Fornsby's success with guarding power, is not told by Fornsby at all. Fornsby's reputation undoubtedly rested on a number of such incidents, and the calm acceptance of his performance demonstrates the great respect in which he was held. It will also be noticed that Fornsby's rather slighting reference to Tommy Bobb's power becomes, in the light of Tommy Bobb's own account, a simple statement of fact. M y uncle h a d s k w a d e l i t c h [ g u a r d i n g ] p o w e r , t w o sticks. T h e y a l w a y s c a m e in p a i n , two o r four. O n e m a n h a d three, a n d my uncle d i d n ' t u n d e r s t a n d this. H e said there s h o u l d be t w o or f o u r . H e told m e that they should c o m e to m e , that I s h o u l d take the boards a n d k e e p them in my house a n d then they w o u l d protect it. I was o n e of the f o u r m e n w h o held it [the boards] sometimes w h e n my uncle sang. A f t e r my uncle d i e d , I k e p t t h e m . O n c e I got sick. W h e n m y w i f e a n d boys w e r e o u t getting wood, I was lying in bed, a n d I d r e a m t , b u t t h o u g h t I was awake. I saw two boards, they c a m e to m e l i k e boys, t w o brothers, dressed i n c e d a r b a r k w i t h

340

JOHN

FORNSBY

fine long hair and their faces painted red. They called in a doctor, a Shaker, for me, and he said: "You stand at a fork in the ways; this way goes the Shaker way, and it costs nothing; this way goes the skwadelitch way, and it costs lots of money." T h e boys had told me to dance. I had to give a sing for four nights each winter for four years. Then I could quit. I chose the Shakers, and they came and shook and drove the skwadelitch away. They didn't come back, but I hear the song real faint every once in awhile, singing to me. Last week a man was sick, and the Shakers went and shook. While I was shaking, one of the skwadelitch came to me. I sang. People didn't know what to make of it. I only half knew what I was doing. T h e skwadelitch told me the man was going to die. He got cured by Shakers and was around fine. He said he wanted to go and camp with his boy. He generally didn't want to. So they went, and two days after the Shaker meeting he died. (He brought the skwadelitch boards down from the attic to show me. They were about fifteen inches by a foot [notes include sketch of boards], and one was slightly larger than the other, a hardly perceptible difference.) This [the larger board] is the eldest. But in real work the youngest can tell more. T h e man (or woman) whose power they are sings the song. Two men hold each board [diagram and details omitted]. T h e movements of the boards tell [in pantomime] what is to happen. T h e man who sings asks them questions when they get going good [kind of rotary motion at about chest level, arms extended three-quarters]. Where is so-and-so? How are they? [May be asked of people, of things, or of future events.] They move quickly to one side in the direction in which person or thing is. How are they? or how will they be? T h e boards rise up straight. If dead, they go down and make the outline of a grave and motion for covering it with soil. Once a woman accused my brother's dog of killing one of her sheep. My uncle got out skwadelitch. They showed a direction, indicated a steep climb, a low log and near it a very high one and in between a little sheep. This can be seen by all the people there but the man who has it [whose power it is] can tell it best and he is the one who says it out loud. T h e next morning they went to that place and there was the ewe with a lamb. T h e ewe had the lamb between the logs, and since it couldn't jump, the old one stayed there with it. Before I was married I had a sweetheart at Skokomish, used to write lots of letters. Once I held skwadelitch close to my breast and asked it sincerely. It rose straight up in the air and made motions like writing. I felt real good then. My mother had a house on the reservation, but no one lived in it, because it was "funny," haunted, could hear footsteps, walking upstairs and in the attic. It made you feel queer. Once we had no place, and we went there, took the boards, and put them in the house. We never heard anything more, and when we moved other people went in and there has been no trouble since. They [skwadelitch] are like a big rough dog that won't let any bad spirits around. They want me to be cold, and go hungry and thirsty, and work for them, and to really get them, then to dance. (He doesn't know yet what will happen, although he is a good Shaker.) (When he was holding the boards, one of the children started to touch them, and both Tommy Bobb and his wife immediately prevented it, he moved the boards out

JOHN

FORNSBY

341

of reach, and she pushed the child away. He handled them carefully, as if with reverence, and said, " W h e n I hold them, I . . . " T h e r e was an interruption, and after it he went on talking in general terms. As he held one of the boards, with the other resting on his lap, it began to shake. His hand did not move, certainly not from the wrist. B u t although his hand was apparently quiet, there was definite movement in the board. After thirty o r more seconds of this, he stopped talking, looked down at the board, and moved it half an inch nearer the other board so that it tapped against the quiet one as it shook. He glanced up at his wife and said, "It's just rarin' to g o ! " T h e n he jerked the boards apart, rewrapped them in cloth, and laid them aside.) Once her [his wife's] sister lost some money when she was drunk, and we got Fornsby to look for it. Skwadelitch showed that the friend who was with her had taken the money out of her pocketbook when she laid it aside and had put it in her stocking. It was already spent. Before Fornsby sang skwadelitch, we thought the money was just lost. T h a t woman's husband is still paying it back.

GLOSSARY OF TRIBAL NAMES

BELLA BELLA BELLA COOLA BILQULA CHEHALIS, 1 CHEHALIS, 2

CHEMAKUM

CHILCOTIN

CHILLIWACK

CHINOOK CLALLAM

COAST SALISH

COMOX

COOS COWICHAN

COWLITZ

Wakashan-speaking people of mainland British Columbia, especially at Milbank Sound. Salish-speaking people of mainland British Columbia, especially at Dean Inlet. see Bella Coola. Coast Salish of the Chehalis River, north of the Columbia, Wash. See also Upper Chehalis. Coast Salish of the Middle Fraser limited to Harrison River, especially at its source in Harrison Lake. (It is not known whether the names of these two distant groups of "Chehalis" are linguistically identical or not.) Distinct language group, which includes the related Quileute, now said to be extinct. Formerly occupying the northeastern shore of the Olympic Peninsula, especially in the neighborhood of the present site of Port Townsend, Wash. Athapascan-speaking people of the Chilcotin River country, British Columbia, extending south to Chilco Lake and the Lillooet. Coast Salish of the Middle Fraser, of the Chilliwack River drainage, near the present sites of Chilliwack, British Columbia. Chinookan-speaking people at the mouth of the Columbia River. Coast Salish on the northern shore of the Olympic Peninsula, on either side of the present site of Port Angeles, Wash. Peoples of the river and coastal areas of western British Columbia, Washington, and Oregon, speaking related languages of the Salish linguistic stock. "West of the mountains" Salish. Northernmost of the Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia on Vancouver Island and adjoining islands, just south of the Kwakiutl, British Columbia. People of the Oregon coast speaking languages of the CoosSinslaw stock. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, of the southeast end of Vancouver Island and the lower Fraser, especially the people of Vancouver Island near the present site of Duncan, British Columbia. Coast Salish of the Cowlitz River, a northern tributary of the Columbia, Wash.

GLOSSARY

344 DUWAMISH

HAIDA HARRISON

HOH HOMALCO

HUMPTULIP INTKRIOR

SALISH

KALAPUYA KATHLAMET KLAHUSE KLALLAM KLAMATH KLICKITAT

KVVAKIUTL LILLOOET

LOWER FRASER

LOWER LILLOOET LOWER SKAGIT

LOWER THOMPSON LUMMI

OF

TRIBAL

NAMES

Coast Salish of central Puget Sound, of Lake Washington and the Duwamish River, at the present site of Seattle, Wash. Northwest Coast people of the Queen Charlotte Islands, northern British Columbia. Coast Salish of the Middle Fraser, of the lower drainage of Harrison Lake from Doctor's Point south, including Harrison River and Harrison Hot Springs. Sometimes used to include the Stalo. Coast Salish of the Olympic Peninsula, of the Hoh River, Wash. Northernmost of the Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia on the mainland of British Columbia, especially Bute Inlet. Just south of the mainland Kwakiutl. Coast Salish of the lower Chehalis River, Wash. Usually grouped with the Lower Chehalis. Peoples of the Plateau or inter-montane areas of British Columbia, Washington, and Idaho, speaking related languages of the Salish linguistic stock. "East of the mountains" Salish. People of the lower Columbia River speaking a language known as Kalapuyan. Chinookan-speaking people of the lower Columbia River. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, of the mainland of British Columbia, especially of T o b a Inlet, see Clallam. Sahaptin-speaking people of the drainage of the Klamath River and the present site of Klamath Falls, Ore. Sahaptin-speaking people of the country of the headwaters of the Cowlitz and Yakima rivers and of the Klickitat River, Wash. Wakashan-speaking people of northern Vancouver Island and the adjoining mainland. Interior Salish of the country extending from the Lillooet River and northern Harrison Lake to the Fraser at Lillooet, British Columbia. See also Lower Lillooet. Coast Salish of the lower reaches of the Fraser River from Yale to the mouth of the river, especially the people from Coquitlam to the mouth of the river. Lillooet of the lower reaches of the Lillooet River and the present site of Douglas, British Columbia. Roughly, the Coast Salish of northern Puget Sound who lived on the salt water beaches at the mouth of the Skagit River and on neighboring islands. Thompson of the Fraser River country, especially below Lytton, British Columbia. Northernmost of the Coast Salish of Puget Sound, of the San J u a n Islands, Lummi Island, and the present site of

GLOSSARY

OF

TRIBAL

NAMES

345

Bellingham, Wash. Now the people of the L u m m i ReserMAKAH

MIDDLE FRASER

MUCKLESHOOT

MUSKWIUM

NANAIMO

NISQUALLY

NOOKACHAMPS

NOOKSACK

XOOTKA

PENTI.ATCH PORT

MADISON

PUVALLUP

PUYALLUPNISQUALLY Ql'EETS QUILEUTE Ql'I.N'AULT SAANICH SAHAPTIN

vation. Wakashan-speaking people o£ the northwestern part of the Olympic Peninsula in the neighborhood of Cape Flattery and of Neah Bay, Wash. Coast Salish of the drainage of the middle Fraser River from Yale to Coquitlara, including all tributaries both northern and southern. Coast Salish of inland Pugct Sound, especially of the drainage of the W h i t e River, named from the Muckleshoot Reservation, above Auburn, Wash. Coast Salish of the lower Fraser and the Gulf of Georgia, at the mouth of the Fraser River, at the present site of Vancouver, British Columbia. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, of the east coast of Vancouver Island, especially near the site of Nanaimo, British Columbia. Coast Salish of the Nisqually River drainage. Now, roughly, the people of the Nisqually Reservation and of Olympia, Wash. Coast Salish of northern Puget Sound, of lower Skagit River and the Nookachamps drainage, especially at the present site of Mount Vernon, Wash. People of the Nooksack River drainage (now flowing via the Lummi into Puget Sound, Wash., but formerly a tributary of the Fraser). Speaking a probably Coast Salish dialect. Wakashan-speaking people of southwestern Vancouver Island, especially in the neighborhood of Nootka Sound, British Columbia. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, of the east coast of Vancouver Island. Coast Salish of central Puget Sound living on the Port Madison Reservation, on the western side of the Sound opposite Seattle. Mainly Suquamish. Coast Salish of the Puyallup River drainage, especially the people from Puyallup west. T h e people of the former Puyallup Reservation at the present site of T a c o m a , Wash. All the Coast Salish of Puget Sound from T a c o m a south, including canoe peoples and prairie horsemen. Coast Salish of the Olympic Peninsula, of the Queets River, Wash. C.hcmakum-speaking people of the Olympic Peninsula, of the Quileute River, Wash. Coast Salish of the Olympic Peninsula, of the Quinault River, Wash, see Sanetch. Peoples of the southern

Washington

Plateau

or

inter-

346

SALISH

SAMISH SANETCH

SEABIRD

SECHELT SKAGIT SKOKOMISH

SKYKOMISH SLA1AMUN SNOHOMISH

SNOQUALMIE

SONGISH

SQUAKSON

SQUAMISH

STAI.O STILLAGUAMISH SUMAS SUQUAMISH

GLOSSARY O F

TRIBAL

NAMES

montane region speaking Sahaptin dialccts. "East of the mountain people." Peoples of British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and Idaho, speaking languages of the Salish linguistic stock; see also Coast and Interior Salish. Coast Salish of northern Puget Sound, of Samish Bay in the neighborhood of Edison and Anacortes, Wash. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, on the southeast tip of Vancouver Island, north of the present site of Victoria, British Columbia. People of the Middle Fraser of Seabird Reserve, an island in the Fraser River not far from Agassiz, British Columbia, speaking both Interior and Coast Salish languages. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia of the mainland of British Columbia, especially Jervis Inlet. Roughly, the Coast Salish of the Skagit River. T h e true Skagit lived on the east coast of Whidbey Island, Wash. Coast Salish at the head of Hood Canal, particularly those of the Skokomish River drainage. Now, roughly, the people of the Skokomish Reservation, Wash. Coast Salish of inland Puget Sound, of the Skykomish River drainage and just below the Snoqualmie. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia of the mainland and adjoining islands opposite Cumberland, British Columbia. Coast Salish of central Puget Sound, especially the people of the Snohomish River. Now, roughly, the people of the T u l a l i p Reservation near Everett, Wash. Coast Salish of inland Puget Sound, of the T o l t River and the u p p e r drainage of the Snoqualmie, near the present site of Tolt, Wash. Coast Salish of southern Vancouver Island, of Sooke Inlet and the present site of Victoria, British Columbia. T h e i r strongest linguistic and cultural ties were with the Clallam and Lummi. Coast Salish of southern Puget Sound, of North Bay and Squakson Island, now mostly living on the Skokomish Reservation, Wash. Coast Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, of the Squamish River and Howe Sound, just north of Vancouver, British Columbia. Coast Salish of the lower Fraser River, particularly the people from Yale to Haney. Coast Salish of n o r t h e r n Puget Sound, of the Stillaguamish River drainage, especially above Arlington, Wash. Coast Salish of the Middle Fraser, of the drainage of Sumas Lake and Sumas River, a southern tributary of the Fraser. Coast Salish of central Puget Sound, opposite Seattle at the present site of Suquamish, Wash.

GLOSSARY O F T R I B A L SWINOMISH

TUIl.TON THOMPSON

TINNEH TSIMSHIAX TLINGIT TU1.ALIP TWANA UPPER CHEHAL1S UPPER SKAGIT WARM SPRINGS WASCO WISHRAM \VYANOCHE YAKIMA

NAMES

347

Coast Salish of northern Puget Sound, especially of Skagit Bay and Swinomish Slough. Now, roughly, the people of the Swinomish Reservation near La Conner, Wash. Athapascan-speaking people of the upper Stikine River, British Columbia. Interior Salish of the Thompson River and the country extending along the Kraser as far as Yale, British Columbia; see also Lower Thompson. Northern Athapascan-speaking peoples as opposed to the Athapascans of the Southwest. Northwest Coast people of northern British Columbia, especially of the Nass and Skeena rivers. Northernmost people of the Northwest Coast, northern British Columbia. Coast Salish of central Puget Sound living on the T u l a l i p Reservation near Everett, Wa.h. Coast Salish of Hood Canal; see also Skokomish. Chehalis of the upper drainages of the Chehalis and Deschutes Rivers, Wash. Roughly, the Coast Salish of inland Puget Sound who lived on the upper reachcs of the Skagit River drainage, now especially in the neighborhood of Concrete, Wash. Mixed groups of people on Warm Springs Reservation, Ore. Chinookan-speaking people of the Columbia River south of the Dalles. Chinookan-speaking people of the Columbia River near the Dalles. Coast Salish of the Wvnoochee River, a northern tributary of the Chehalis, Wash. Sahaptin-speaking people of the Plateau or inter-montane area, of the country of the Yakima River and the present site of Yakima, Wash. Roughly, the people of the Yakima Reservation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aarne, A. 1910. T h e Types of the Folktale; a Classification and Bibliography. Folklore Fellows Communications, No. 74, Helsinki. Trans. 1928, by Stith Thompson. Abraham, Otto, and Erich M. von Hornbostel. 1906. "Phonographierte Indianermelodien aus British Columbia," in Boas Anniversary Volume (New York), pp. 447474. Reprinted in Abhandlungen zur Vergleichenden Musikwissenschaft, Vol. 1, of Sammelbaende zur Vergleichenden Musikwissenschaft, ed. by C. Stumpf and E. M. v. Hornbostel, Munich, 192s. Adamson, Thelma. n.d. "Chehalis." Manuscript in the University of Washington. 1934. Folktales of the Coast Salish. New York. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, Vol. 27. Andrade, Manuel J. MS. "Chemakum Field Notes." Manuscript in the University of Chicago. 1933. Quileute. New York. Handbook of American Indian Languages, III, pp. 149-291. Association of Official Agricultural Chemists. 1935. Official and Tentative Methods of Analysis. Atwater, W. O. 1901. Principles of Nutrition and Nutritive Value of Food. Washington, D.C. U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Farmers Bulletin, No. 142. Bagley, Clarence B., ed. 1932. Early Catholic Missions in Old Oregon. Seattle. Bailey, B. E. 1943. Nutritive Values of Fishery Products. Fisheries Research Board, Progress Reports, Pacific Coast Stations, No. 57. Ballard, Arthur C. 1927. Some Tales of the Southern Puget Sound Salish. Seattle. University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. 2, No. 3. 934- "Asiatic Survivals in Indian Songs," Musical Quarterly, Vol. 20, pp. 107116. Barnett, Homer. 1938. " T h e Coast Salish of Canada," American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, pp. 118-141. '939- " T h e Gulf of Georgia Salish," Anthropological Records, Vol. 1, pp. 2 2 1 295. Berkeley. Boas, Franz. 1888a. "Indian Skulls from British Columbia, Natural and Artificial Deformation," Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 8, pp. 4-6. 1888b. T h e Central Eskimo. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Report 6. 1889. "First General Report on the Indians of British Columbia," British Association for the Advancement of Science.

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Boas, Franz. 1891a. "Physical Characteristics of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast," American Anthropologist, Vol. 4. 1891b. "Physical Characteristics of the Tribes of the North Pacific Coast," British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1891c. "Second General Report of the Indians of British Columbia," British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1892. "Notes on the Chemakum Language," American Anthropologist, Vol. 5. 1894. Chinook Texts. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 20. 1895a. "Zur Anthropologie der Nordamerikanischen Indianer," in Verhandlungen der Berliner Anthropologischen Gesellschaft. 1895b. "Fifth Report on the Indians of British Columbia," British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1896. "Songs of the Kwakiutl Indians," International Archiv fuer Ethnographie, Vol. 9, Supplement pp. 1-9. 1897. " T h e Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians," in Annual Report of the United States National Museum for 1895. 1898. Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians. New York. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 1, Pt. 2. 1900. " T h e Jesup North Pacific Expedition," in Sonderabdruck aus den Verhandlungen des X I I Internationalen Geographen-Kongress in Berlin, 1889. igoi. Kathlaraet Texts. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 23. 1902. Kwakiutl Texts. New York. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 5. 1907. Tsimshian Texts. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 27. 1908. Kwakiutl Texts. New York. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 10, Pt. 1. 1910. Kwakiutl Tales. New York. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. 2. 1912. Tsimshian Texts (new series). New York. Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. 3, Pt. 2. 1916. Tsimshian Mythology. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Report 31. 1917. Folk Tales of the Salishan and Sahaptin Tribes. Collected by J . A. Teit, M. K. Gould, L. Farrand, and H. J . Spinden, ed. by Boas. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, Vol. 11. 1927- Primitive Art. Oslo. 1928. Coiled Basketry in British Columbia and Surrounding Region. By H. K. Haeberlin, James A. T e i t , and Helen H. Roberts, under the direction of Franz Boas. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Annual Report 41. 1932- Bella Bella Tales. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, Vol. 25. 1935- Kwakiutl Tales (new series). New York. Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology, Vol. 26. >947- Kwakiutl Grammar, with a Glossary of the Suffixes. Ed. by Helene Boas Yampolsky. Philadelphia. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 37, Pt. 3.

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Boas, Franz, and Hermann Haeberlin. 19x6. "Sound Shifts in Salishan Dialects," International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 4, pp. 117-36. Brocklesby, H. N „ and O. F. Denstedt. 1933. "Industrial Chemistry of Fish Oils with Particular Reference to those of British Columbia," in Biological Board of Canada, Bulletin 37, p. 150. Carver, J . S., V. Heiman, and J . L. St. J o h n . 1937. " T h e Effects of Storage on the Vitamin D Value of Columbia River Salmon Fish Meat." Poultry Science, Vol. 16, p. 68. Carver, J . S., and E. I. Robertson. 1939. Vitamin D Content of Salmon Meal as Affected by Methods of Preparation and Storage. Washington Agricultural Experimental Station, 49th Annual Report, Bulletin 384. Clark, E. D., and others. 1923. "Examination of Canned Salmon," Pacific Fisherman, Sept. and Oct. Clough, Ray YV. 1921. Canned Salmon. National Canners Association, Pacific Fisheries Investigations, Report of Chemist. Codere, Helen. 1948. " T h e Swaixwe Myth of the Middle Fraser River: the Integration of T w o Northwest Coast Cultural Ideas," Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 61, No. 239, pp. 1 - 1 8 . Collier, Donald, Alfred E. Hudson, and Arlo Ford. 1942. Archaeology of the Upper Columbia Region. Seattle. University of Washington Publications in Anthropology, Vol. g, No. 1. Collins, J u n e M. MS. "Manuscript Field Notes on the Skagit." n.d. A Study of Religious Change among the Skagit Indians of Western Washington. M. A. Thesis, University of Chicago. Cox, Ross. 1831. Adventures on the Columbia RiveT. London. Cressman, L. S. 1942. Archaeological Researches in the Northern Great Basin. Washington, D.C. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publication 538. Curtis, Edward S. 1901-1927. T h e North American Indian. New York. Vol. g. Salishan Tribes of the Coast; Vol. 10, Kwakiutl. de Laguna, Frederica. 1947. T h e Prehistory of Northern North America As Seen from the Yukon. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 3. Densmore, Frances. 1939. Nootka and Quileute Music. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 124. '943- Music of the Indians of British Columbia. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 136. Devaney, G. M., and L. K. Putney. 1935. " T h e Vitamin A and D Contents of Canned Salmon," Journal of Home Economics, Vol. 27, p. 658. Dorsey, George A. 1902. T h e Dwamish Indian Spirit Boat and Its Use. Philadelphia. Bulletin, Free Museum of Science and Art, Vol. 3, pp. 227-238. Drucker, Philip. 1943. Archaeological Survey on the Northern Northwest Coast. Washington, D.C. Bureau of American Ethnology, Anthropological Papers, No. 20. DuBois, Cora. 1938. T h e Feather Cult of the Middle Columbia. General Series in Anthropology, No. 7. Eells, Myron, n.d. Manuscripts in the Whitman College Library. '879. "Indian Music," American Antiquarian, Vol. 1, pp. 249-253. 1886. Ten Years Missionary Work at Skokomish. Boston. 1887a. " T h e Indians of Puget Sound," American Antiquarian, Vol. 9, No. 1. 1887b. "Traditions and History of the Puget Sound Indians," American Antiquarian, Vol. 9, No. 2.

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INDEX

Aarne, Anti, 343 Abbott, J i m , 307 Abnormal behavior, as defined by Coast Salish, 16 Abraham, Enoch, 38 A b r a h a m , Otto, 94 Acculturation, data on, 6 if., 25 f., 37 ff., 1 1 1 , 1 1 5 f., 152, 188 Adamson, T . , 95 Adolescent, in folklore, 250, 253 Adult, in Cinderella themes, 2 5 1 , 254 Adzes, found at Cattle Point Site, 141 Aggressiveness, in E u r o p e a n and Indian c u l t u r e , 245 Agriculture, not practiced by Northwest Indians before coming of white man, 19 At lul (Northwest Coast tale), 284, 285 Algonkian-Mosan g r o u p i n g of languages, 162 Allerleirauh (Grimms' tale), 273 Aloofness, in Coast Salish personality, 14 A mala (Northwest Coast tale), 267 American Indians, see Indians American Museum of N a t u r a l History, Quinault shaman p o w e r board in collection of, 8G, 87; Salish coiled baskets, 111 American Philosophical Society: Franz Boas Collection of Materials for American Linguistics, 163 Anderson, Oliver, 3 1 8 Andrade. Manuel J . , study of Quileute and Chemakum languages, quoted, 149 Animals: Domestication of, 19 Annie Lee Shakers, 68 Anthropomorphic figures, used in spirit canoe ceremony, 83; other uses, 86 Archaeological excavation, early investigations, 133; at Cattle Point Site, 134 Archer (Northwest Coast tale), 283 Art, studies of artistic endeavor as aid in understanding of psychological proc-

esses, 132; see also Carving, Power boards; Sculpture Artifacts, at Cattle Point Site, 136, 1 3 7 , 140 f., 142; Cattle Point sequence compared with de Laguna's culture sequence, 144 f. Artisans, The (Northwest Coast tale), 276 Ascorbic acid, in Coast Salish food, 22; see also Vitamins Athabaskan Indians, movements o f , 1 6 1 , 166 Atwater, W. O., 30 Awls: Bone, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Baker, T „ 93 Baptism, not a sacrament in Shaker church, 58 Barbeau, C. M., 108 Basket-Maker cultures, possible ties with modern Pacific Coast, 1 1 4 Basketry, procedure f o r study of, 1 1 7 - 2 1 Baskets: California: excellence o f , 1 1 2 , 113; possible connections between Salish and California basketry traditions, 1 1 3 f.; Oregon: discovery of prehistoric basketry products, H3f.; Salish: basketry tradition still alive, 1 1 1 ; literature on subject, 1 1 1 f.; watertight, 1 1 2 ; imbricatcd decoration, 1 1 2 ; possible connections between Salish traditions, and California basketry 1 1 3 f.; design elements in, 1 1 4 f.; importance of, 1 1 6 ; influence of White preferences on design of, 1 1 6 ; design continuity, 124 ff.; tornered baskets, 130; lack of correlation between form and concept of design field, 1 3 1 ; summary, 132 Bateson, Gregory, 2081 Bear Hunters, The (Northwest Coast tale), 277

358

INDEX

Bearskin (Grimms' tale), 274 Becher Bay, Vancouver Island, introduction of Shaker religion, 43 Bella Coola Indians, visit to Germany, 93 Bellingham Bay, White settlement in region of, 153 Bennett, Frank, 65 Berries, in Coast Salish diet, 2 1 ; see also Saskatoons Bible S h a k e n , 69 Blackfoot Indians, 1 1 Blanchet, Francis Norbert, 3 1 m Blind Dupe (Northwest-Coast-tale plot), 249, 256, 283-84 Blind Man Who Became Chief, The (Northwest Coast tale), 271 Blue Light, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Boards: Painted, see Power boards Boas, Franz, recordings of Indian music, 93,94, 95; study of Salish coiled baskets, 1 1 1 f.; quoted, 1 1 4 ; comparative study of Salish languages, 163; quoted, 167; study of Harrison Lake people, >75 fl. Boas Anniversary Volume (O. A b r a h a m and E. M. von Hombostel), 94 Bobb, T o m m y , guarding power of, 337; 34°"4' Bobb family, of Seabird Reserve, 196 ft.; Interior Salish cultural background of, 208; observational records, 225-37; home environs of, 226; kinship diagram, 226 Bone tools, f o u n d at Cattle Point Site, i4.f. Boxes, made by Northwest Coast Indians, i-9 Boy Who Il'oi Helped by the Wolves, The (Northwest Coast tale), 281 British Columbia, f a i l u r e of Shaker church to spread in, 47, 47n " B r o k e n triad," in Salish music, 96, 98 Brother and Sister (Grimms' tale), 265 Brown, Martha, 44, 53 Bruno, J e r r y , G6, 69; Ober letter in possession of, 73 Buchanan, Charles, 72 " B y the Sky-blue Waters of the Minnctonka" (song), 94 Cairns, found at Cattle Point Site, 137 Calcium, amount in dried salmon as shown by chemical analysis, 31

California, incorporation of Shaker church in, 62 Carbohydrates, in Coast Salish diet, 21 f. Carvings, 77; anthropomorphic figures used in spirit canoe ceremony, 83, 83n, 84; duality of purpose in painting of, 85 f.; from Straits of Georgia and Vancouver Island areas, 87; S w a i x w e masks, 87, 88, 275; see also Painting; Sculpture Catfish, Carrie, 46 Cattle Point Site, San J u a n Island, excavations at, 134 ff.; periods of occupation, 136; types of structure f o u n d at, 137 f.; cultural inventory of early zones, 137-42; of late zones, 142 ff.; indications of adaptations to sea life, 142; comparisons with other areas, 143 ff.; artifact scqucncc of, compared with de Laguna's postulated sequence, 144 f.; results of excavations, 145 f. Cemetery feasts, 192 Charles, Bob, 43 Charles, Henry, 43 Chehalis Indians, introduction of Shaker religion among, 43; Chehalis dialect official language of Shaker Church, 50 Chemakum Indians, location o f , 147; dissimilarity of language to neighboring dialects, 148; possible relationship with Quileule, 148 f.; early disappearance of tribe, 149; present distribution and earlier extensions, 150 If.; cultural and kinship data, 159; see also under Guemes Island; Languages Chicago Natural History M u s e u m , power objects in collection of, 79 Chief's Story, The (Northwest Coast tale), 275 Children: Indian, Coast Salish training of, 10, 14, 17, 25; habits o f , on Seabird Island, 193; study of Harrison Indian childhood, 195 ff.; study of I n d i a n childhood weighted by White cultural background, 196; freedom of motion given to, 197; self-sufficiency of, 198; eating and sleeping habits and attitudes, 199; attention-diverting device, 200; awareness of private property, 2 0 1 ; cooperative attitude toward f a m i l y , 204; sense of sibling responsibility, 205; respect for authority, 206; punishment and scaring of, 206, 207; Fornsby's account of his childhood, 292-306

INDEX Child study, techniques for, 208, 2o8n Chilliwack, British Columbia, music, 101 Chiloquin, Ore., Annie Lee Shakers, 68 Chirouse, Father, 3 1 1 , 3 1 1 n Ch-lah l>en (Indian chief), 307»» Chohed-with-Food (Northwest Coast tale), 272 Christianity, among Northwest Indians, 37; its pattern closely followed by Shakers, 60; distinction between Christian ethics and Indian power concept, 253; see also Roman Catholic Church Cinderella (Grimms' tale), 273 Cinderella theme, its implications, 243 f.; folklore motifs under single heading of, 245 f.; four basic elements in, 245, 246; variant plots, 247-49; analysis of, 2495S; cultural differences in Indian and European treatment of, 252 ff.; distinction between Christian ethics and Indian power concept, 253; methods employed to achieve ends, 253; emotions in Indian and European tales, 254-56; individual's success in Indian versions of, 257; in Grimms' tales, 257 f.; spatial differences in European and Indian tales, 257 f.; abstracts of Cinderella stories, 258-85 Cities of Pacific Northwest, 2 Clallam Indians, introduction of Shaker religion, 43; western neighbors of Chemakum, 147; language, 148; movements, 165 Clay, used in fire bowls on Cattle Point Site, 137 ff.; in stone boxes, 139 f. Cleanliness, its importance in Coast Salish culture, 8 f. Coast Salish Indians, cities of Pacific Northwest on sites of, 2, 4; erroneously classified as primitive, 4, 6; map of urban Northwest territory of, 5; differ from northern tribes, 6, 7; "fish-eating," 7; industrious traits, 8; importance of cleanliness, 8 f.; possessed high degree of specialization before coming of white man, g ff.; training of children, 10; criteria of economic specialization as applied (o, 11 f.; variations of practice among, 12; lack of organizational qualities, 13 f.; religious aspects, 14 f.; found Western theories of individuality of personality familiar, 15; basic con-

359

flict present in life of earlier, 15; personal relations among, 17; analysis of diet, 20, 26-36; early beginnings of Shaker church among, 37 f.; spread of Shaker church, 42-48; distribution of types of painting, 77 ff.; art forms represented power, 84; Swaixwe masks, 87, 88; localization of styles of painting, 89 ff.; representational style most distinctive of Salish painting, 90; painting of, summarized, 90, 91; fishing expeditions to San Juan Island, 134; role of archaeology in reconstruction of culture of, 146; distribution of Chemakum language, 147-60; marriages between distant villages preferred by, 156; Salish Indians; Salish Indians Coeur d'Alene language, used in test of Mosan hypothesis, 167-71 language classifications, 164 f.; study of families of Coast Salish cultural backgrounds, 208 ff.; John Fomsby's life as illustrative of, 287 ff.; see also Interior Columbia River area, types of painting, 77; grave boards, 87 Columbia University, collection of recorded Salish music, 94, 95 Commemorative-funerary figures, 86 Community, as a sociological term, 185 Comox, Vancouver Island, 75; Sapir's study of Comox language, 171 Competitiveness, in European and Indian cultures, 245 Connor, Joe, 46, 69 Cooking, Coast Salish methods, 23 f.; cooking bowls found at Cattle Point Site, 1 3 8 ! . Cooper, Michael, 32471, 325 Cowlitz Indians, introduction of Shaker religion among, 43 Crippled Boy (Northwest Coast tale), 268 Culture, expressed in folklore themes, 243; comparison between German and Indian, 244 ff.; development of Northwest Coast culture, 245 f.; de Laguna's postulated culture sequence, 144 Culture and personality, see Personality Cunning Little Tailor, The (Grimms' talc), 260 Curing ceremony, in Shaker ritual, 58 ff.; see also Shaman Cush, Charley, 39«

3

6

°

INDEX

Dalles, T h e , introduction of Shaker religion, 44; grave boards, 87 Dancing, in Shaker curing rites, 59, 74; in Treaty Day celebrations, 323 f. Davis, Martha, 43 Deficient Boy (Grimms' plot), 270-71 Deficient Boy (Indian-tale plot), 248, 27172 Deformed-Transformed (Indian-tale plot), 248, 275 de Laguna, Frcderica, culture sequence of, compared with Cattle Point artifact sequence, 144 f. Dcnsmore, Franccs, 95 Deserted Boy (Grimms' plot), 275-76 Deserted Boy (Indian-tale plot), 248, 256, 276-80 Deserted Boy (Northwest Coast tale), 280 Design, in basketry, 114 ff.; influence of White preferences on, 116; decoration of imbricated coiled ware, 121 ff.; analytic description of Lillooet globular basket, 123 ft.; description of spherical basket, 129; continuity of design on Salish baskets, 124 ff.; summary, 132 Diet, of Northwest Indians before contact with Western world, 19 f.; analysis of nutritional elements in Coast Salish, 20 ff.; old food habits of Salish still remain, 25, 26; analysis of Coast Salish foods, 26-36; Seabird Reserve, 199 fDirty Boy (Indian-tale plot), 247, 254, 256, 265-69 Dirty Boy (Northwest Coast tale), 274 Disguised Boy (Grimms' plot), 272-74 Disguised Boy (Indian-tale plot), 248, 256, 27475 Division of labor, see Labor: Division of Djiyin (Northwest Coast tale), 263 Dog Husband (Northwest Coast tale), 283 D o g Island, variant name of Gucmes Island, 15471 Dogs, domestication by Northwest Indians, 19/1 Dorsey, G. A., 79 Drum, in Salish music, 97; in Northwest Coast music, 105 Eating habits, Seabird Reserve, 199 f. Eburne Mound, 133; possible relationships with Cattle Point Site, 142-43

Economics, 193; subsistence, 7, 19 f., 136, 188 Economic specialization, highly developed among Coast Salish, 9 ff.; rare among North American Indians, 9 f.; division of labor between sexes and degree of, 10; criteria of, 11 f.; today's Coast Salish have fewer opportunities for, 12; provided only basis for Coast Salish unity, 13; see also Labor: Division of; Money economy Edison, Washington, Samish houses at, 153; W h i t e settlement at, 153 Edwards, Charlie, 151 n; houses belonging to his family at Edison, 153; on Guemes Island, 156 Eells, Edwin, 70 t e l l s , Myron, 70; quoted, 71; article on Indian music, 93; study of Chemakum language, quoted, 148 Elk Hunter, The (Northwest Coast tale), 263 Elves, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Emotions, in Cinderella theme, in Indian culture and in European culture. 254-56 Eskimo, carbohydrates lacking in diet of, 22; diet provided vitamin C, 23, 24; Eskimo (Ancient), culture, 145 Esquimault, Shaker church in, 44 Everett, Wash., Pentecostal Mission, 67 Exchange of goods, among present-day Salish, 6; phrased as "gift-giving," 11 Family, as basic economic unit in Indian life, 10; not basic unit of production among Coast Salish, 11 Family life, of Harrison Indians, 196 ft.; importance of family group, 202; display of affection, 203 Fat, in Coast Salish diet, 20, 21, 22; amount in dried salmon as shown by chemical analysis, 31, 32 Feather cult, 76 Fewkes, J. Walter, 94 Fillmore, John C., 96 Fire bowls, found at Cattle Point Site, '37 ffFish, importance in Indian diet, 6 Fish oils, extracted for dietary use, 21 Five Brothers and the Beaver, The (Northwest Coast tale), 281 Flags, used in Shaker churches, 53-55

INDEX Folklore, cultural values expressed in themes of, 243; comparison between German and Indian, 244 ff.; deals with inadequacies of ordinary man, 250; diversity in background of European and Indian mythology, 253; abstracts of Cinderella stories, 258-85; Northwest Coast: the use of plot in Indian tales, 246 ff.; creation of public scorn, 246 f.; dualism of good and evil not personified in Indian tales, 253; Haida tale, 256; individual's success in Indian tales, 257; compared with Grimms' tales, 257 Food, methods of preservation developed by Indians, 19; analysis of Coast Salish, 26-36 Fornsby, John, birth, 287; kinship diagram, 289; his emphasis on personal aspects in his life story, 290; his English vocabulary, 292; personal document, 292-338; childhood, 292-306; description of childhood home and family, 292 ff.; chief's family and house, 293; recollections of his father, 293 ff.; of his mother, 296 ff.; curing of neighbor by guardian spirit songs, 297; his guarding power, 298; his mother's death, and father's remarriage, 303; journey to Nooksack, 306; adolescence, 306-317; adopts White name, 307; his account of arrival of Catholics on Whidbey Island, 310 t.; his baptism and attendance at mission school, 311; his first encounter with lizard power, 314; his training for power, 315 t.; his father gives potlatches, 316 f.; adulthood, 31730; his marriage, 317; further encounters with lizard power, 318, 320; receives his Indian name, 318; break-up of first marriage, and second marriage, 319 £.; sings at Treaty Day celebration, 323; loses and recovers his snake and lizard powers, 322; gives potlatch, 326; erects house post, 326; his children, 330; old age, 331-38; his sbâlotsid, 331; eye operation, 332; guarding power comes to his aid, 332; opinion of Shakers, 333; naming of young boys, 335; his faith in guarding power, 337; Tommy Bobb's tribute to guarding power of, 341 Fornsby, John (White settler), 307

Four Cousins, The (Northwest Coast tale), 284 Fox and Stehen (Northwest Coast tale), 266 Franz Boas Collection of Materials for American Linguistics, 163 Fraser River area, paintings, 77; commemorative-funerary figures, 86; monochrome style of painting found in, 89; stratigraphie changes, 133; occupation of region since early times, 181; Seabird Island Reserve, 185 Fraser River Indians, analagous to Harrison Lake physical type, 175, 177; comparison with Harrison Lake Indians, 178 table; attitude to shortness of stature, 181, 182; presence of Harrison physical type in Middle Fraser area, 181; intermarriage between Middle Fraser and Thompson, 181; probable cultural relations, 182 Frog King, The (Grimms' tale), 273 Fruit, in Coast Salish diet, 21 Funerals, in Shaker ritual, 58 Gage, Dan, 317 Gambler and the Devil, The (Northwest Coast tale), 285 Gambler-Conqueror (Northwest-Coasttale plot), 249, 284-85 Gambler Who Received Supernatural Aid, The (Northwest Coast tale), 284 Gambling, among Skagit, 304 Gaogal (Northwest Coast tale), 271 Gibbs, George, quoted, 14g, 150 Gift giving, five forms of, 11 Glass Coffin, The (Grimms' tale), 260 Golden Goose (Grimms' tale), 270 Goose Girl, The (Grimms' tale), 274 Gouges: Bone, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Grave boards, 87, 192 Grimms' Fairy Tales, 243 If., 254; abstracts of, 258-85 Grizzly Bear and His Sons (Northwest Coast tale), 265 Group, as basic unit of production among Coast Salish, 11 Growing-up-Like-One-Who-Has-aGrand-mother (Northwest Coast tale), 278 Guardian spirit powers, 73; tcàbkab representation of, 158; in Indian folk-

362

INDEX

Guardian spirit powers (Continued) lore tales, 253; John Fornsby's, 298 ff.; Fornsby loses and recovers his snake and lizard powers, 322; Fornsby's demonstration at Treaty Day celebration, 324; Fornsby's faith in, 337; his dreams, 338; Tommy Bobb's references to, 340-41; see also Power boards Guardian spirit songs, 55, 56, 75, 8in, 84, 107, 288; John Fornsby's neighbor cured by, 297; at Priest Point, 312; early singing by Fornsby, 317; see also Songs and singing Guardian spirits, of Skagit Indians, 293» Guemes Island, language of, 151 f.; Samish settlement on, 154; variant names of, 1540; tcsbkab village, 151-58 passim; native houses on, 154 f.; marriage patterns, 157; peopling of, 157 f.; early village sighted by Spanish ship, 158, ir,Rn; see also Chemakum Indians Gulf of Georgia-Puget Sound area, archaeological importance of, 133; clearer historical focus as result of Cattle Point Site excavations, 143 f. Haeberlin, Hermann K., 95; comparative study of Salish languages, 163 Haida Indians, folktale, 256 Half-tones, in Salish music, 98 Hall, Billy, 65, 66 Hansel and Gretel (Grimms' tale), 276 Harmony, in Salish music, 96 f. Harpoons, found at Cattle Point Site, 141 Harris family, of Seabird Reserve, 196 ff.; typical of Coast Salish cultural backgrounds, 208; home environs of, 209; observational records, 210-25 Harrison Indians, uniqueness of physical features, 175; perseverance of the type, 176-77; comparison with Lower Fraser River Indians, 178 table; attitude toward shortness of stature, 181, 182; study of families of Coast Salish cultural background, 208 ff.; study of Indian childhood, 195 ff.; atmosphere of home, 196; observational records of child study, 210-42 Hart, Joseph C „ quoted, 71 Heck, Mrs. Peter, 43 Heck, Peter, (Shaker bishop), 43, 46, 50, 65-69 Hekin (Northwest Coast tale), 275

Hdyida (power song), 324 Hidden Hero (Northwest-Coast-tale plot), 248, 257, 280-82 Hilaire, Charley, 304, 305, 314 History, linguistic approach to, 161 ff. Hoop, The (Northwest Coast tale), 266 Hope, British Columbia, salmon drying, 26 f. Hop-picking, 329 f. Hornboslel, Erich M. von, 94 House posts, as representational style of Salish painting, 88; on Guemes Island, 158; John Fornsby's, 294 Houses: Indian, communal type of Coast Salish, 15; Charlie Edwards' house at Edison, 153; native houses on Guemes Island, 154-56; Seabird Island house occupancy. 189-91 tables; interior of Coast Salish, 197; Fornsby's descriptions, 292338 passim How a Boy Saved His Village (Northwest Coast tale), 281 Hudson, David, 44 Hudson, Mrs. Jack, 45 Hunt, Jake, 76 Hunter and the Wolf, The (Northwest Coast tale), 263 Hupa Reservation, Shaker churches, 47 Ice Hunting culture, 144 Imbricated baskets, made by Salish Indians, 1 1 2 ; decoration of, 121 ff. "Indian doctoring," Shakers accused of, 59, 60 "Indian Music" (M. Eells), 93 Indian music, see Music; Songs and singing Indians, use of numerous names, 4; classification schemes, 6; economic specialization rare among, 9; division of labor between sexes, 10; varying religious attitudes, 37; disorganization of their own society, 48; general features of music of, 96 ff.; glossary of tribal names, 343-47; see also under Coast Salish; Interior Salish; Northwest Coast; Salish; and specific tribal names Individual, emphasis on, in Coast Salish society, 14-17; determining factors in status of, 182; in Indian folklore, 250 ff.; direction of his success in Indian tales, 257; in Grimms' tales, 257 f. Individualism, in European and Indian

INDEX cultures, 245, 250; conflict between individual and his group, 251, 25m; expression of, in Indian tales, 257 Instrumental accompaniment, in Salish music, 96, 99, ggn; in Northwest Coast music, 105 Interior Salish Indians, location of, 4; language classifications, 164 f.; study of family of Interior Salish cultural background, 208 ff. Intonation, in exotic and primitive music, 93; range of, in Salish music, 96; analysis of Salish, 98 f. Jack, George, 69 Jack, Jimmie, 46 Jackson, Henry, 46 Jacobsen, Adrian, 93 Jadeite objects, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Jamestown, Wash., establishment of Shaker church in, 43 Joe, Harry, 203 ff. Joe family, of Seabird Reserve, typical of Coast Salish cultural backgrounds, 208; observational records, 237-41; kinship diagram, 238 John Slocum Shakers, 69 Johnson, Jakie, 46, 47 Johnson, Johnnie (of Chehalis), 44 Johnson, Sophie, 47 Jones, Bill, 60 Kahasi, The Strong Man (Northwest Coast tale), 262 Kallapa, Lance, 45 Kayton, William, 307 Killian Research Laboratories, 26 King Thrushbeard (Grimms' tale), 272 Kinship system, 11, 13, 15, 156, 159, 188 ff., 287 Kitsap, William, 66, 67, 68, 69 Klamath Indians, Shaker converts among, 46 Knapsack, the Hat, and the Horn, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Knives, found at Cattle Point Site, 141 Koksilah, Vancouver Island, Shaker convention held at, 64-66 Kwakiutl Indians, musical artistry of, 107, 108 " L " (letter), in Salish dialects, 165 Labor: Division of, between sexes, 10

363

La Conner potlatch, 307 f. Languages: Indian, problems in distribution of, 147; linguistic approach to history, 161 ff.; reconstruction of early Salish and Algonkian, 162; Sapir's suggested genetic relationships, 162; structural similarity between Salish, Wakashan and Quileute, 167; Chemakum: dissimilarity to neighboring dialects, 147, 148; possible ties between Chemakum and Guemes Island, 152 ft.; summary, 159; Salish: in urban area, 12; Sapir's genetic relationships theory, 162; present state of Salish studies, 162 ff.; comparative studies, 163; classifications, 164 f.; sound changes as clue to migrations of Salish, 166; Coeur d'Alene language used in test of Mosan hypothesis, 168-71 Lawrence Island, variant name of Guemes Island, 154« Lazy Boy (Indian-tale plot), 248, 26970 Lazy Boy Obtains Bear Medicine (Northwest Coast tale), 280 Lazy Brother Who Became a Whaler, The (Northwest Coast tale), 282 Leadership, economic specialization provided basis for, 13 Lee, Ann, leader of "Shaking Quakers," 68 Lillooet Indians, description of baskets made by, 122 f.; analytic description of globular basket made by, 123 f.; continuity of design in baskets, 131; movements of, 166 Lincoln, A b e (of Nisqually), 44 Linguistic approach to history, 161 ff. Little Peasant, The (Grimms' tale), 259 Lizard power, 314, 318, 321 Lumla, Sara, 44 Lummi Indians, 46; participate in last Lower Skagit potlatch, 313 f. Mackin, J. H., 136 Magic, in Indian mythology, 253 Makah Indians, neighbors of Chemakum, 148; language, 148 Man Who Was Abandoned, The (Northwest Coast tale), 278 Mann, M. G., 60 Marriage, not a Shaker sacrament, 58; patterns of Coast Salish, 156 f.; Forns-

364

INDEX

Marriage (Continued) by's recollections of Whidbey Island weddings, 301 f.; Skagit marriages to slaves, 304 f. Martin, Wilbur, 69 Masks, 77; Swaixwe, 87, 88, 275; significance of Salish, 88 Mason, Billy, 43 Mead, Margaret, 2o8n Melody, in Salish music, 96, 97, 99, 102 tablé Minerals, in Coast Salish diet, 24 Money economy, adopted by Coast Salish, 6; economic unit shifted to family, 12; its effect on position of individual, 15; introduction of, relieved maximal conflict situation, 16, 17 Mooney, James, 74 Moore, Bill, 307 Moore, T o m , 307 Moral evaluation, absent in Indian tales, 25S Moslem grouping of languages, 162; testing of hypothesis, 167 f.; broader grouping with Kutenai and Algonkian, 171 "Mother Ann," see Lee, Ann Mother Holle (Grimms' tale), 265 Mountain Island (Northwest Coast tale), 277 Muckilteo, signing of Point Elliott Treaty at, 292» Muckleshoot Indians, 46; Catholic influence in Shaker church, 49; basketmaking, 113 Mud Bay, favored meeting place of Shaker church, 64 Mud Bay Louis (early Shaker organizer), 43- 44- 53- 60 Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, anthropomorphic figures in collection of, 84; house post in collection of, 88 Music: Exotic and Primitive, study of, as contribution to anthropology, 92 ff.; intonation features of, 93; I n d i a n melodies in American national musical style, 94; methodology of study of, 94; Salish: early studies of, 93 f.; recorded collections of, 94, 95; sources of, 95; traits, 96 ff.; its similarities to other North American Indian music, 96 f.; predominance of percussion instru-

ments, 96; technical analysis, 98-101; melodic range of songs, 102 table; summary, 106-109; links with music of Eskimo and Paleo-Siberians, 106 Mussels, remains of, at Cattle Point Site, '36. 137 Mythology, workings of magic and potency of religion in two types of, 253; spatial differences in Indian and European, 257 f.; abstracts of Cinderella stories, 258-85 Nahanoi (Northwest Coast tale), 266 Neah Bay, Presbyterian and Shaker churches at, 45; Indian agent invites Shakers to, 73 Needles: Bone, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Nelson, E. M., see Tolle, C. D„ and E. M. Nelson Net-sinkers, found at Cattle Point Site, 141-48 Nexantci Boy (Northwest Coast tale), 265 Nez Perce Indians, religious activity of, 48 Nkeolstem (Northwest Coast tale), 279 Nkimtcamul (Northwest Coast tale), 266 Nkkaumsten (Northwest Coast tale), 279 Nooksack, 21; smallpox at, 307 North America, de Laguna's postulated culture sequence for northern, 144 Northwest Coast, cultural differentiations, 7, 13, 21, 27, 77, 87, 148, 158, 182; compared with other areas, 10 ff., 96, 106, 112, 139, 292; compared with European, (5 ff., 14 f., 244 f., 250 ff.; compared with Plains, 23,90, 116; northern compared with Salish, 78, 89, 103 ff., 124, 130 f„ 143; compared with Plateau, 89 f., 112, 115, 133, 137, 143, 144, 192; compared with California, 109, 1 1 2 f„ 114; compared with Basket-Maker, 114; compared with Arctic, 144 Northwest Coast Indians, of northern Vancouver Island and northern British Columbia, 7; diet of, before contact with Western world, 19 f.; varying religious attitudes, 37 f.; attitude toward Shaker religion, 75 f.; Coast Salish art of painting, 77 ff.; religious affiliations available, 76; Salish music compared with music of, 95 ff., 103; melodic

INDEX range in songs of, 103 table; traits in music of, 104 ff.; summary of musical traits of, 106-109; whistles made by, 107; sophisticated quality of their music, 107; decorative themes in art of, 124; boxes made by, 129 f.; distribution of languages, 147 ff.; studies of physical features by Boas, 175; historical processes at work among, 175; physical, linguistic and cultural categories still largely uncorrelated, 183; Cinderella theme in folklore of, 244 ff.; development of their culture, 245 f.; abstracts of folktales told by, 258-85 Noun Reduplication (E. Sapir), 171 Ntsikepsatem (Northwest Coast tale), 263 Ober, Sarah Endicott, letter on behalf of Shakers, 73-74 Offended Hero (Northwest Coast tale), 281 Official and Tentative Methods of Analysis of the Association of Official Agricultural Chemists (5th ed.), 28 Old Woman in the Wood, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Olympia, Wash., Shaker church in, 61 Oregon, Shaker movement in, 46, 62; discoveries of prehistoric basketry products in eastern, 1 1 3 f. Origin of Copper, The (Northwest Coast tale), 266 Origin of the Spear and the Killer-Whale Crest, and of Carving, The (Northwest Coast tale), 277 Origin of the Swaixwe Mask (Northwest Coast tale), 275 Origin of the Toad Crest of the Datcede (Northwest Coast tale), 262 Origin of the Tsu nukwa Image (Northwest Coast tale), 269 Origin of the Wanus Mask, The (Northwest Coast tale), 275 Orphan (Indian-tale plot), 247, 256, 26364 Otis, Oregon, Shaker church in, 46 Owl power, 312 Pacific Northwest, urbanization of, 2; adaptation of Coast Salish to urban life of, 4 ff.; map of Coast Salish territory, 5 Painted boards, see Power boards

365

Painting: Coast Salish, types, 77 ff.; descriptive, 77, 78, 87; monochrome, 77, 78; representational type a characteristic Salish art form, 78 ff.; boards used in spirit canoe ceremony, 79, 80; technique in power objects, 81; personal and representational character of power objects, 82; its intention to represent, not to symbolize power, 84; representational style developed in house posts, 88; localization of three styles of Salish, 89 ff.; influences contributing to Salish styles of, 89 f.; representational style most distinctive of Salish, 90; summary, 90, 91; see also Power boards Parents, attitude toward children, 198 Pelpel (Northwest Coast tale), 272 "Pendulum movement," in Salish music, 96, 98 Pentecostal Mission, Everett, Wash., 67 Percussion instruments, in Salish music, 96, 97; in Northwest Coast music, 105 Personality, aloofness of Coast Salish, 14; physical attributes, 181 ff.; Harrison family, 196 ff.; portrayal of, in Indian tales, 253; dynamic concept of, 254 Peter Joe (Shaker bishop), quoted, 64, 66 Petit Jean and His Magic Wand (Northwest Coast tale), 268 Petit Jean and the Enchanted Prince (Northwest Coast tale), 269 Petit Jean and the Seven-Headed Snake (Northwest Coast tale), 269 Phonetics, in Salish dialects, 164 ff. "Phonogramm-Archives," 94 Phonograph, its utilization for recording Indian melodies, g4 Phosphorus, in dried salmon, as shown by chemical analysis, 31 Physical type, 13, 175 ff. Pigments, used in painting power objects, 79, 80, 8in; in anthropomorphic figures, 84, 85 Plateau, artifacts of, compared with Cattle Point Site, 144 Play, of Harrison Indian children, 197 Plots, in Indian tales, 246 ff.; impulse for success revealed in, 250; abstracts of Cinderella stories, 258-85 Point Elliott Treaty (1855), 287 Political autonomy, in Coast Salish villages, 13 Polyphony, in Salish music, 100, 101

3 66

INDEX

Poor Man and the Rich Man, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Poor Man Obtains Hunting Medicine, The (Northwest Coast tale), 263 Poor-Man-Rich (Grimms' plot), 259-62 Poor-Man-Rich (Indian-tale plot), 247; 262-63 Poor Man Who Caught Wonderful Things, The (Northwest Coast tale), 262 Poor Miller's Boy and the Cat, The (Grimms' tale), 271 Port Gamble, Wash., establishment of Shaker church in, 43 Port Townsend, Wash., Chemakum Indians in, 147 Potatoes, in Indian diet, 21 Putlaicli, 1 1 , 245; at La Conner, 307 £.; last one given by Lower Skagit, 3 1 3 f.; given by John Fornsby's father, 316 "Power," as expressed in Coast Salish painting, 77 ff.; represented in paintings and sculpture, 82, 84 Power boards, used as power objects, 78 ff.; large type, 79-83; "model" boards, 83; portrayed shaman's personal power, 82; varied use of, 86; importance of spirit canoe boards, 91; Skagit types, 2930; making of guarding power boards, 298; Fornsby's demonstration of power at Treaty Day celebration, 323 f.; Tommy Bobb's handling of power boards, 340-41; see also Skwadilitc Prayers, in Shaker rituals, 56, 57 Presbyterian church, established mission

most important Salish painting development, 90; White authority established by Point Elliott Treaty, 287 Puget Sound-Gulf of Georgia area, archaeological importance of, 133 Puget Sound Indians, organized attacks against northern people, 149 f.; determinants of individual status, 182 Punishment, of Harrison Indian children, 206 Puyallup Indians, introduction of Shaker religion among. 43 Puyallup-Nisqualiy Indians, basketry design, 1 1 4 f.

at Neah Bay, 45 Preservation of food, see Food Prestige, in Indian cultural pattern, 245 Priest Point, 312 Primitive Music: Archives of, Columbia University, 95 Protein, Coast Salish diet rich in, 20, 22; amount in dried salmon as shown by chemical analysis, 31 Psychology, studies of artistic endeavors as aid in, 132; see also Personality Puget Sound area, paintings of, 77; representational type of painting found in, 78; power objccts from, 78, 79; representational style of painting found in central, 89; house posts, 89; location of

Northwest Coast tales, 246, 252, 256 Rhythm, in Salish music, 97; Salish songs, 100 Roberts, Helen H., 108; quoted, 114 Roman Catholic Church, ritualistic influence on Shaker church, 49, 57; on Seabird Island, 187; its establishment on Whidbey Island, 310 f.

Queen Bee, The (Grimms' tale), 271 Quileute Indians, possible relationship with Chemakum, 148 f.; present distribution of, 150; structural language similarity between Salish, Wakashan and Quileute, 167 Quimby, Lida W., 400; quoted, 71 Quinault Indians, introduction of Shaker religion, 43; paintings, 77; shaman power figures, 86 Raven (Northwest Coast tale), 262 Religion, in Coast Salish culture, 14 f.; varying attitudes of Indians, 37 f.; types of, available to Northwest Indians, 76; as expressed in Coast Salish painting, 77 ff.; dichotomy between good and evil integral to European, 253; potency of, in European mythology, 253; in Northwest Coast culture, 245 f. Requa, Calif., Shaker church at, 47 Retribution, its place in Grimms' and

Salish Indians, as a term in scientific classification, 4; ingenious devices of, 7 f.; Shaker curing ceremony in relation to culture of, 58, 59; women as musicians and composers, 98; fishing expeditions to San J u a n Island, 134; linguistic kinships, 159; linguistic approach to pre-

INDEX history of, 161 ff.; present state of language studies, 162 ff.; reconstruction of early languages of, 16s; migrations of, 166; structural language similarity between Salish, Wakashan and Quileute, 167; punishment of children, 206; see also Coast Salish Indians; Interior Salish Indians Salish music, see Music: Salish; Songs and singing Salish-Wakashan linguistic comparisons, Sapir's, 171-73 Salmon, catching and storing, 7; food staple of Northwest Indians, ig; still a basic food, 25; method of drying, 26 if.; chemical analysis of, 28-36; analysis of canned, 3 1 ; nutritional value of smoked, 33; as a source of vitamin D, 34; vitamin A content of salmon oil, 34 Samish Indians, 152 f.; movements between Edison and Guemes Island, 153 t.; marriage patterns, 157; linguistic kinships, 159 San J u a n Island, archaeological importance of, 133; a key area for cultural interchange, 134; ethnography of, 134; Fornsby's description of, 324 Sapir, Edward, genetic relationship» among American languages suggested by, 162 f.; Salish-Wakashan comparisons, 171-73 Saskatoons, used in diet analysis, 28; method of chemical analysis of, 30; comparison with some dried and fresh fruits, 32, 35 Status Creek, Yakima Reservation, Shaker church, 44 Scab (Northwest Coast tale), 268 Scharl, J., 244 Sculpture, its intention to represent, not to symbolize power, 84; importance of Puget Sound area in development of Salish, 90; see also Carvings Seabird Island Indians, as a sociological community, 185; close relationship between grandparents and grandchildren, 188; self-contained aspects of, 185, 187; lack of community feeling, 187-94; house occupancy, 189-91 tables; composed of differing linguistic and cultural groups, 192; play habits of children, 193; prestige of property owner-

367

ship, 193; study of children, 195 if.; atmosphere of home life, 196 ff. Secret Paternity (Northwest-Coast-tale plot), 248, 255, 256, 282-83 Seven Head (Northwest Coast tale), 264 Shaker Church (Indian), 15; fusion of old and new beliefs, 37; its founding, 37 f.; its growth and diffusion, 42-48; its limited diffusion in British Columbia, 47; bells, 48-59 passim; rites of, 48-60; church building, 48, 49; Catholic ritualistic influences, 49, 57; Sunday service, 49-52; Chehalis dialect regarded as official language, 50; singing, 50, 5 1 , 55, 56; wearing of robes, 52, their origin, 53; curing and conversion procedures, 53; flags, 53-55; prayers, 56, 57; sacraments, 57 f.; "help" function, 58 ff.; dancing, in curing rites, 59; church organization, 60-66; bishops, elders and ministers, 62, 63; church meetings, 63, 64; testimonials, 65; influence of Pentecostal Mission, 67; Bible Shakers, 69; John Slocum Shakers, 69; the church and the community, 70-76; attitude of early agents toward curing of sick, 71 ff.; attempts to relate cures to "tamanwace" and Indian doctoring, 71 ff.; cultural relationship between Shaker religion and Shamans, 72 f.; Sarah Ober's letters, 73, 74; attitude of Indians toward, 75 f.; John Fornsby's attitude toward, 333; Tommy Bobb's attitude toward, 339; see also Annie Lee Shakers "Shaking," 40 f „ 42 "Shaking Quakers," 68 Shamans, power demonstrations, 58, 59; Shakers assumed function of, 41; cultural relation between Shaker curing and, 72 f.; spirit canoe ceremony, 78 ff.; painted boards made by, 79 f.; boards portrayed personal power of, 82; John Fornsby, most famous, 287 Sherwood, Nancy Kimball, describes Shaker beginnings, 38 ff. She-Who-Has-a-Labret-on-One-Side (Northwest Coast tale), 280 Shuster, Lizzie, 44 Siam (Middle Fraser nobility), 182 Sikwigwilts, birthplace of John Fornsby, 290; first White settlement at, 306 Siletz Reservation, Shaker church, 46

3 68

INDEX

Simmons, Jack, 60 Siwash, as applied to Coast Salish, 6; stereotype Indian, 9 Siuiit (Northwest Coast tale), 270, 27* Skagit County, population in 1940, «87 Skagit Indians, language of Lower Skagit, 148; John Fornsby a member of, »87; emphasis on wealth and property, 291 f.; guardian spirit powers of, 293*1; wars fought by Lower Skagit, 299 f.; differences in Upper and Lower Skagit, 302 f.; ownership of slaves, 303; last potlatch given by Lower Skagit, 3 1 3 f.; bartering of hides for whiskey, 324 Skagit River, 46; first permanent White settlement on, 287; delta area, 291 Skokomish Indians, earliest Shakers among, 43 Skunk power, 335 Skwadelitch (power object), 86; 2930, 298, 340-41; see also Power boards Slaves, owned by Skagit, 303 f. Slocum, John, founder of Shaker religion, 37 ff., 41. 44, 60 Slocum, Mrs. John, 40 f. Smith, Harlan I., 133, 137 Smokehouse, 32 m, 324 Snallem, George, Jr., 318 Social organization, 13 f., 153 ff-, 185; see also Family; Kinship system Songs and singing, in Shaker rituals, 50, 5 ' . 55, 56; source materials in study of, 95 f.; technique of singing, 96; melodic range of Salish songs, 99, 99»; rhythm of Salish, 100; classifications, 101; melodic range of Salish songs, 102 table; extent of archaic character of Salish, 103; melodic range in Northwest Coast songs, 103 table; traits of Northwest Coast music, 104 ff.; summary of Salish traits, 106-109; song ownership related to guardian spirit beliefs, 107; Skagit power songs, 293*1, 297 ff., 312; curing of Fornsby's neighbor by power songs, 297 f.; John Fornsby's early power singing, 317; power songs prohibited by Tulalip police, 322 Sound effects, in Northwest Coast music, ityjn

"Sound Shifts in Salishan Dialects" (F. Boas and H. Haeberlin), 163 Spatial differences, in Indian and European folk tales; 257 f. Spindle, the Shuttle, and the Needle, The (Grimms' tale), 260 Spirit canoe ceremony, power objects used in, 78 ff. Spirit of Wealth, The (Northwest Coast tale), 270 Squaxin Island, birthplace of Shaker Church, 42 Stalo, 192 Star Money, The (Grimms' tale), 261 Starch, in Coast Salish diet, 21 Stepmother (Grimms' plot), 264-65 Stepmother (Indian-tale plot), 247 Stone boiling, 23 Stone boxes, found at Cattle Point Site, 139 fStone points, found at Cattle Point Site, 140 f. Straits of Georgia area, carvings and masks, 77; commemorative-funerary figures, 86; descriptive painting dominant style in, 87, 89 Stratigraphic sequence, in prehistoric Salish regions, 133; at Cattle Point Site, 145 Stumpf, Carl, 93 f. Superna tural-BeingThat-Travelledabout-Naked (Northwest Coast tale), 277 Supernatural Being Who Went Naked (Northwest Coast tale), 272 Suquamish Indians, language, 148 Suttles, Wayne, 134« Swaixwe masks, 87, 88 Sweetheart Roland (Grimms' tale), 264 Swinomish Indians, 46, 75, 154 Sxixetib (secret society), 158, 3 1 5 Tagish Man, or the Origin of the Killer Whale Crest of Manaai, The (Northwest Coast tale), 278 Taholah, Quinault Reservation, Shaker religion at, 43 Tale of the Bad Boy, The (Northwest Coast tale), 279 Tamanawus (curing by shaman), 72, 73; see also Power Tc'i, 207

INDEX Teio, Alec, Shaker missionary, 44, 46, 64; quoted, 72 Teio, Mrs. Alec, 44 Teit, James, 112, 1 1 2 « Ten Years Missionary Work at Skokomish (M. Eells), 70 Theme, development of, in Indian tales, 24; ff.; addition of cultural factors to, 249 Thomas family, of Seabird Reserve, typical of Coast Salish cultural backgrounds, 208; observational records, 241-42 Thompson, Stith, analysis of narrative elements in folklore, 243 f. Thompson Indians, basketry design, 114 ft.; cornered baskets, 130; physical traits, 181; study of family of Interior Salish cultural background, 208 if. Three Feathers, The (Grimms' tale), 270 Three Languages, The (Grimms' tale), 276 Three Little Men in the Wood, The (Grimms' tale), 264 Three Spinners, The (Grimms' tale), 271 Tkulklyogaike, The (Northwest Coast tale), 174 Tolle, C. D., and E. M. Nelson, quoted, 35 Tolt, Wash., Shaker church at, 46 Tools, found at Cattle Point Site, 141 f. Toppenish, Shaker church at, 44 Tradition from Snullel (Northwest Coast tale), 267 Tradition of Satse (Northwest Coast tale), 272 Treaty Day celebration, 323 f. Tribal names, glossary of, 343-47 True Bride, The (Grimms' tale), 273 Tsak (Northwest Coast tale), 280 Tsauda and Halus (Northwest Coast tale), 275 Tsogulis (Northwest Coast tale), 270 Tso wau'us (Northwest Coast tale), 282 Tulalip Reservation, Shaker congregation on, 46; first priest at, 3 1 1 ; Treaty Day celebration at, 323 f.; Indian graveyard at, 326 Turnip, The (Grimms' tale), 260 Twana Indians, language, 148 Twelve Huntsmen, The (Grimms' tale), «74

369

Twining technique, in southern Coast Salish areas, 1 1 3 L Two Travelers, The (Grimms' tale), 260 Ueber die Musik der nordamerikanischen Wilden (T. Baker), 93 Ugly Hero, The (Northwest Coast tale), 267 United States Office of Indian Affairs, early relations between SRakers and Indian agents, 45; reports of early agents on Shakers, 71 ff. University of Berlin: "PhonogrammArchives," 94 University of Pennsylvania Museum, power objects in collection of, 79 University of Washington, collection of anthropomorphic figures, 85; recorded Salish music, 94, 95 Urbanization, of Pacific Northwest, 2; adaptation of Coast Salish to, 6 Utsaladdy (Mill). 30m, 306 f. Vancouver Island, carvings and masks, 77; descriptive painting dominant style in, 87, 89; house posts, 88 Victoria Indians, 309 Village, minimum basic unit among Coast Salish, 11 Vitamin A, in Salish diet, 24; salmon content of, 32, 34 Vitamin C, see Ascorbic acid Vitamin D, in salmon, 34 Vitamins, in diet of Coast Salish, 22 f.; effect of Salish cooking methods on, 23; studies to determine content of, in salmon, 33, 34 Vocabulary, mutual intelligibility determined by, 164; Indian choice of, 292 Vowels, in Salish dialects, 165; in Coeur d'Alene language, 170 Wakashan Indians, .structural language similarity between Salish, Wakashan and Quileute, 167; Sapir's WakashanSalish linguistic comparisons, 171-73 Wakinas, Johnson, 43 Walker, Charles, 60 Walker, James, 60 Warm Springs, introduction of Shaker religion, 44

INDEX Wars, interlribal, of the Chemakum, 149; of the Skagit Indians, 299 ff. Washington, Shaker movement in, 42 ff.; numerous religious cults, 76; paintings, 77. 89 Waterman, T . T . , 79 Waters, George, 68 Weaving, in northern Coast Salish area, "3 Weddings, see Marriage Wedges, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Weight-on-Floor (Northwest Coast tale), 262 Whidbey Island, Fornsby's recollections of weddings on, 301 f.; arrival of Catholics on, 310 f. Whistles, of Northwest Coast Indians, 107 White Bride and the Black Bride, The (Grimms' tale), 264 White settlements, on Skagit River, 287; Indians' fear of Whites, 301; first arrivals at Fornsby's village, 306 f.; marriages to Indian women, 307 Wilbur, John, 307

Wildcat (Northwest Coast tale), 282 Williams, Billy, 43 Williams, Lucy, 329 Williams, Sam, 68 Wilson, John, 307 Wilson Archaeological Fund, 133« Wi-lxao and Her Grandson (Northwest Coast tale), 277 Wolf power, 294 Woman Who Married the Artisan, The (Northwest Coast tale), 276 Wood-working tools, found at Cattle Point Site, 142 Xu mek (Northwest Coast tale), 279 Yakima Reservation, introduction of Shaker religion, 44, 48 Yaxsta (Northwest Coast tale), 267 Yax tsi ^Northwest Coast tale), 279 Youth Obtains Whaling Power, A (Northwest Coast tale), 272 Youth Who Went to Learn of Fear (Grimms' tale), 375 Yowaluck, Louis, see Mud Bay Louis