Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries 9789087904074, 9789087904050, 9789087904067

Citation preview

Indian Diaspora

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Indian Diaspora Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries

Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (Editors) National University of Singapore, Singapore & Memorial University, Newfoundland, Canada

SENSE PUBLISHERS ROTTERDAM / TAIPEI

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISBN 978-90-8790-405-0 (paperback) ISBN 978-90-8790-406-7 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-8790-407-4 (e-book)

Published by: Sense Publishers, P.O. Box 21858, 3001 AW Rotterdam, The Netherlands http://www.sensepublishers.com

All Rights Reserved © 2008 Sense Publishers No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

TABLE OF CONTENTS Models and Modeling in Engineering Education Preface

vii

Acknowledgment

ix

1. Introduction: The Search for Voices among Indian Diasporic Elderly Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh

1

2. The Punjabi Diaspora in Canada: Listening to the Voices of the Diasporic Punjabi Seniors in Canada Amarjit Singh

13

3. The Remaking of Aging among Indian Americans Sarah Lamb

55

4. Migration, Transnationalism and the Indian Elderly in the West Rohit Barat

79

5. Vindri of KualaLumpur Maya Khemlani David

93

6. The Lived Experiences of Gujarati Elders in Singapore Mehta Kalyani and Kiran Shah

107

7. From Voices to Engagement Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh

123

About the Authors

143

Index

145

v Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

PREFACE

“The vanquished and the victors, the subalterns and the sahibs, have equal claims on our attention .... clearly there are areas [e.g., communities of the diasporic Indian seniors] where Indian communities have been settled for long periods of time .... without having a significant effect on the countries of their residence ....[but] they, too are integral parts of the diaspora.” “... how rich, varied, contradictory and confusing the subject [Indian Diaspora] is, defiantly rejecting the easy grasp of smug theory.” (p. 15) Brij Lal, Peter Reeves & Rajesh Rai (2006). The Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

vii Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Our deepest gratitude goes to all the senior Indians who participated in each of our research projects, as they shared their life journeys with us enthusiastically, inspirationally and freely. It was a culturally enlightening experience as history came alive, and their resilience emerged to the surface. It is the essence of this resilience that explains their ability to endure all the adversities, and face the odds that came their way. What is sometimes missed by some researchers is the creative energy expanded by these seniors in adapting to their family circumstances, and changing social context. We can learn much from their lives and voices- what they say, how they act and live their lives. We are indebted to our spouses especially who generously let us pursue our dream of producing a book on senior Indians across the world. They shared our desire to recognize the lives of these first generation of immigrants who ventured to distant lands to survive and succeed. We are appreciative of the support of our family and friends, colleagues and interested ethnic peers - all of them played a part in making this publication possible. “I would like to acknowledge the support provided by members of the Singapore Gujarati Society, the Singapore Jain Religious Society and the Bori community in Singapore. My colleagues at the Department of Social Work, National University of Singapore have shown much academic interest in my work, and for this I am grateful. It has energized me to reach the final goal despite the odds that rose. Close friends who are too many to be named have given me their unstinting support and I would like them to know that I truly appreciate their enthusiasm in reading my work. Finally, I am grateful to my daughters, Lavina and Jasel who have been my inspiration.” (Kalyani) “I would like to thank my colleagues and the staff in the Faculty of Education, Memorial University, Newfoundland, Canada. Also, at University of Hawaii, Manoa, I wish to thank colleagues in the Department of Sociology and Educational Foundations. I am grateful to professors Kiyoshi Ikeda, Eldon Wegner, Bill Wood and Tony Lenzer for providing me support and encouragement on many occasions. My friends Ruth Larkin, Baldev Mutta, John Witeck and Rupinder Singh have exposed me to field work with the elderly in ethnically, racially and culturally diverse communities in Hawaii and Toronto, respectively. Joan Oldford, Gord Ralph, and Bill and Barb Roberts, and Carol Matsumiya have helped me in many ways. Clar Doyle, Dave Dibbon and Tim Seifert shared with me insights about administrative and ethical issues involved in the production, distribution and consumption of knowledge in academic units. I thank all of them. My friends Professors Gary and Gerry Gairola from University of Kentucky and Jagdish Sharma and Gay Reed of University of Hawaii, have asked insightful questions about the concepts of diaspora and the diasporic subjects and have been good conversational partners. I truly appreciate their friendship. I thank Indru and Gulab Watumull, Watumull Foundation, Hawaii for helping me to start my work with the diasporic Indian seniors. My heartfelt thank you to my immediate family members ix Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

(Mary Cornelia Power, the entire Power clan, David Patrick Power Singh, Neera Ann Bird Singh, Tala Mita Singh Cancio, Mori Cancio) who have been a constant support. While working on this book I have always kept my father in my mind. He passed away this year (2007) at the age of ninety-seven. He lived in India with my sisters Veena, Papli and my niece Dr. Parmeeta Singh. My sister Babu and brother Modi and their family members (Nehchal, Simrit, Neil, Sandeep and Kokil, in Toronto are the ones who keep the siblings and me together by constantly providing family information. I am indebted to all of them. Many thanks to our ohana in Hawaii: Marilyn and Bob Taylor, Mike Hamnett, Frank Nutch, Fred Larson and the kids Kit and Nash, Chris, Mike and Lynn, Pono and Dawn, Wess and Stacy, Kawena and Cyndy. Special thanks to Laura Walsh for constant help. Finally, we thank our series editors, Professors Shirley Steinberg and Joe Kincheloe, McGill University, the Paulo and Nita Freire International Project for Critical Pedagogy, for their understanding, encouragement, and interest in our work on the Indian Diaspora. We thank Michel Lokhorst, SENSE Publishers for helping us in getting ready the manuscript for publication.” (Amarjit)

x Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KALYANI MEHTA AND AMARJIT SINGH

1. INTRODUCTION: THE SEARCH FOR VOICES AMONG INDIAN DIASPORIC ELDERLY

It is the individual distinctiveness of the various disaporic communities, however, that stands out and underlines the enormous complexity and variation in experience. (p. 9) Brij Lal, Peter Reeves & Rajesh Rai (2006). The Encyclopedia of the Indian diaspora. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Seniors are “open books of experiences,” books that too often go unread. They are rich with the treasures of memory. Seniors need and want to be listened to, and to share their experiences and wisdom with others. This process of relating their memories is extremely rewarding for their well-being and that of the listener. Therefore, part of our overt agenda for producing this book has been to give voice1 to the Indian diasporic seniors. The contributors to this volume have tried to achieve this goal by creating safe places and sites2 where the seniors of the Indian diaspora could reveal aspects of their life stories in their own voices as they experience aging in the context of the complex history of the Indian diaspora. In fact this book is about people aged fifty-five and over of the Indian Diaspora experiencing old age in different cultural and social settings. With the globalization, trans-nationalization and internationalization of all aspects of life, diaspora studies have emerged as vibrant areas of research, but diaspora studies related to aging and the well-being of older adults still need to be carried out. This book attempts to narrow this gap. Experiencing old age is never an isolated phenomenon. The life histories of older people are intricately intertwined with the histories of their families, communities, nations as well as global trends. In this sense, the plight of the individual self is related to the social self of the others. Understanding of the individual’s pains and happiness can not be fully appreciated without having a deep sensitively to the social self of the larger social structure. (Mills, 1959; Odin, 1996; Aboulafia, 2001) If there is any validity to these statements, it follows that the causes of the personal troubles of the seniors of Indian diaspora can not be attributed solely to the individual senior person. The voices of the diasporic Indian seniors included in the case studies offered in this book make it clear that the seniors are not very keen to accept the idea that their personal concerns can be ascribed exclusively to their cultural differences or by labeling them “traditional”, using already existing dominant and binary concepts of “modern” and “tradition”. They see themselves as active participants in their aging process in various aspects Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 1–11. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

of the global cultures and social structures. Therefore in the context of transnationality and other global trends mentioned earlier, in this book we ask: Who are the diasporic Indian seniors? Where do they come from and when? How do they feel as they grow older in different societies and cultures and experience the aging process? How do they construct images of their social selves? How do their self constructed images influence their social interactions with others, and how do those social interactions with others in turn transform their behavior patterns?3 For our purpose the answer to these questions is that without an understanding and savoring of the history of the Indian diaspora, we can only partially be in a position to listen to the voices of those seniors and make sense of their experiences, their struggles and their successes in life. To fully talk about the long and complex history of the Indian diaspora is indeed a Herculean task, and the purpose and scope of this book greatly limit discussion of the very rich and interesting aspects of the history of this diaspora. However, the contributors to this book attempt to make many preliminary remarks on the specific aspects of the history of people of the Indian diaspora. Thus the contributors provide the context in which they locate their respective case studies.4 These case studies provide safe spaces for the Punjabi, Bengali, Sindhi, and Gujarati seniors of Indian diasporas to voice their concerns about their everyday lives. The countries represented in this volume are United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Malaysia, Singapore, and East Africa. Further, past, present, anticipated and imagined global social trends keep creating new social, political, cultural and economic, demographic and nationstate contexts, in which diasporic Indian seniors of all backgrounds keep charting their own individual life courses as they experience all aspects of the aging process – social, psychological, biological. This has been possible, first perhaps, due to the fact that the Indian senior diaspora is not a homogeneous group of elders. Secondly, because social and cultural structures change, new forms of social self emerge.5 Thirdly, although aging is a social process, each individual faces unique experiences as she/he goes through different stages of the aging process. These aging processes mentioned above unfold in the contexts of local, regional, state, national and global political economies, and of the welfare and non welfare oriented policies of their respective nation – states. The contributors to this book try to build their analyses by focusing on the voices of seniors of the Indian diaspora. Those voices, combined with the biographical observations, commentary, and multilevel analyses of the contributors, should provide readers glimpses of the quality of aging being experienced by the seniors. There are many stakeholders interested in the well-being of the Indian diasporic seniors. These include immediate family members and friends, a myriad of government and private service providing agencies, religious and cultural organizations, and various professionals – social and community workers, cultural workers, and social scientists – psychologists, sociologists, economists, anthropologists, gerontologists, physicians, political scientists, geographers,

2 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE SEARCH FOR VOICES

architects, city planners and developers, and educators, including teachers, students, and reformers. We hope this book will be of interest to all these stakeholders. There are many dimensions of aging - physical aging, psychological aging and social aging. We (the editors) believe the key questions with which those stakeholders should be concerned are: Are the diasporic Indian seniors experiencing “optimal”, “usual” or “pathological” aging while they age in different cultural and nation-state contexts?6 What can stakeholders gather from the voices of Indian diasporic seniors? How can the stakeholders prepare themselves to listen to the authentic voices of those elders? What can the stakeholders do to create safe sites and places where those seniors feel empowered enough to help themselves to work toward realizing full human potential as they grow old? What does growing old mean to the diasporic Indian seniors? These are critical pedagogical questions.7 The authors in this book provide readers some answers to these questions through offering them aspects of life stories of the Indian diasporic seniors. These life stories should provide rich contexts for the stakeholders to make their own assessment of the seniors’ situation. This self awareness of their own self assessment of the seniors’ plights, we hope, may become a guide for actions by stakeholders to support seniors in improving the quality of their lives in later years as they grow and age in their respective countries and settings, for aging is both an individual and social process.8 Cultures and communities in India have several levels of complexities. The same is the case with Indian diasporic cultures and communities. The authors in this book explore areas that relate closely to the lives of the diasporic Indian seniors. For example, Professor Amarjit Singh’s chapter hones in on Punjabis in Canada. The Punjabis hail from the state of Punjab in North India. There were several waves of immigration into Canada from Punjab, and so his chapter looks at those who came in their early adulthood as well as those who have come in their late adulthood. According to him “a recurring theme which emerges in their stories concerns the perceived quality of their interaction with service providers and the younger generations. The Punjabi seniors often feel that many service providers and young people do not know how to listen sympathetically to the life stories of older persons with different cultural experiences.” It appears that the senior diasporic Punjabis feel they need to problematize some of the stereotypical values held about them by their own community, as well as the larger macro system and wish to carve out their own new social self. Singh provides an excellent summary of the earlier research by other scholars on the Punjabis in Canada, and he reports the fascinating findings of his own empirical research. Professor Sarah Lamb writes on the experiences of Asian Indians in the United States. The richness of the anthropological approach is illustrated in her narration of the journeys of these Indians who hail from North India. “Transnational living does not involve just picking up of people or cultural systems and importing them to another nation, however. After spending some time in the U.S., Indian American seniors end up self-consciously taking on, with reluctance and eagerness, practices, values and modes of aging they regard as ‘American’.” She adds light to how

3 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

diasporic identities are lived and produced. Her respondents were all immigrants who had left India to join their adult children in the United States. Professor Rohit Barot elucidates in fine detail the story of a Gujarati family that captures the transnational intricacies, and challenges. The story culminates when an ageing mother could not find a ‘home’ with her children, and her ultimate decision about how she wanted to live out her final years. The family’s life spans India, Africa, U.K., and Sweden. Barot raises very relevant and contemporary issues and the responses of the older and younger generations to such issues as the question of living arrangements, language, cultural traditions and state services. “In view of growing pressure on the elderly persons, the stereotypical view that the ‘Indians always look after their own kind’ has failed to have much substance. What was regarded as unthinkable and unacceptable, that is, for the elders to break away from the families of their sons and to live alone, has become much more of a reality.” Changes in values of the second generation, the disappointment of the parent generation and the influence of state policies interact in different ways in different countries. The Indian Diaspora is colorful, and the ways in which ageing brings another layer of complexity on family dynamics, is a rich area for study. Professor Maya David uses a microscopic approach into the life of one Indian Sindhi woman in Malaysia. The case study is illustrative of the resilience, strength of character, perseverance and pragmatic traits that typify many elder immigrants. The life story of this lady starts in Mumbai (Bombay), India and takes a turn when she migrates to Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia to join her husband. In this case, the lady “grew old” in the new host country, and her journey of trials and tribulations is certainly touching. Maya David writes in a narrative style which flows in tandem with her approach. “This research also takes cognizance of the fact that in a transplanted environment, the place of the Sindhi woman of the first generation was not just in the kitchen but also in the family business. It reveals the intuitive economic knowledge of the unschooled Sindhi woman and the leverage money gives her.” The adjustment of an uneducated female Indian to a multi-cultural society, where Sindhi language is not the common spoken language, is an eyeopening story. Professor Kalyani Mehta and Kiran Shah introduce the reader to the Singaporean Gujarati community, which is a blend of traditional and modern lifestyles. The history of immigration and the development of the community are described before the analysis of the perceptions, daily concerns and dilemmas of the older generations is discussed. The unique location of the island of Singapore, which is only five hours away by plane from Mumbai, enables Singaporean Indians to make frequent trips to India, and in this way facilitates the regular contact of cultural and social ties. Hence, it is often said that Singapore enjoys a balance of Eastern and Western influences. “Following retirement, a real dilemma was faced by many senior Gujaratis. The questions arose: Should we return to India or should we continue to remain in Singapore where our children live? For some, the view was that they missed their homeland, India, but could not resettle there. There was an inner conflict due to the pull in both directions.” Mehta and Shah tease out the

4 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE SEARCH FOR VOICES

dilemmas that face the senior Gujaratis in Singapore as they try to plan for retirement – to go back to their roots or to continue living in Singapore? Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (the eds.) in the last chapter highlight some insights gained through the work of the contributors to this book and describe the organization and functioning of selected programs designed to enhance the wellbeing of the diasporic Indian seniors. Kalyani and Singh draw several lessons from the voices and experiences of the diasporic Indian seniors. They emphasize the intricate and complex pathways that connect the diasporic Indian seniors with their ethnic and sometimes religious communities while simultaneously recognizing their negotiations with the mainstream society. The diasporic Indian seniors are active participants in shaping their relations to changing family circumstances in the context of globalization. Finally, the impetus to write this book also comes from our desire to meet the demands of our students whom we teach in the contexts of multicultural societies and classrooms. Our students come from diverse backgrounds and bring with them rich social and cultural capital. In many cases they are directly involved in care giving to their aging parents, aunts and uncles, and grandparents. We also teach courses to professional students who work in the areas of community development, social work, health care delivery systems, and who specialize in other academic disciplines. These students bring with them field based practical knowledge and experiences. Their field-based practical knowledge enables them to couch their voices in subtle nuances of everyday lived experiences. Students demand that this form of nuance-based practical knowledge should be recognized in the development of curriculum9 at all levels of training and educational institutions. In producing this book, the contributors have tried to heed their advice and voices in a variety of ways.10 For example, in this book all contributors in their respective chapters provide a relatively extensive list of references, endnotes, and relevant statistics taken from government census reports, and a review of research carried out both at micro and macro levels in different countries. This should serve as a guide for those who want to study further, and who might find themselves having a desire to know a particular topic in greater depth in a comparative framework. As editors we have encouraged all the contributors to write in a language accessible to all stakeholders and lay public, such as family members and the seniors themselves who may not relish excessive jargonized social science language. We hope that, albeit in a modest way, this book will prove useful to all those students and to their teachers. NOTES 1.

We realize that voice is not something that someone gives to others. It is something to be engaged and critically understood. Voice is often problematic, yet it is central to any sense of personal action and power, that is agency. While a great deal has been written on voice as critical pedagogical category, no attempt is made here to review the literature on this category. However, it suffices to mention that the exercise of listening to the voices of the diasporic Indian seniors, and to all the stakeholders who are interested in their well-being, enables us to realize what forms of knowledge and cultures those groups bring in the form of cultural and social capital. It is important to know

5 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

2.

what sorts of cultural and social capital get reproduced and produced when different voices are engaged in real life situations. Once the seniors come to realize that their voices are liberating, they can build on that freedom. They can feel confident in solving real and perceived problems pertaining to their daily lives in their own specific ways. We should remind ourselves that in this process of prioritizing the voices of the diasporic Indian seniors all parties involved are simultaneously teachers and learners. Part of the struggle for voice, in pedagogy, is to help the seniors to develop a language that can serve as a means to empower them to socially transform their lives. Further, we should remember that lived experiences and language are linked together. We speak out of our lived experiences, for in fact there is no other way to speak. Therefore, if we do not have freedom to speak out our experiences, we might become voiceless. If the individual is voiceless, does it mean that individual is negated? Silenced? Our orientation is that if the Indian diasporic seniors, with the help of other stakeholders, can use their voices to produce “local knowledge” and “local theories” about their own aging process in relation to the larger debate in society about aging, they might be able to speak to their own specific reality with confidence. They could self-consciously reflect on their own construction of old age and on their own transformation. In writing this book we are claiming that integrating case studies presented in this book into pedagogical practices give us a site to engage the voices of the diasporic Indian seniors and other stakeholders. For this way of looking at the struggle for voice, in pedagogy, see Doyle, Clar & Singh, Amarjit (2006). Reading and teaching Henry Giroux. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., Giroux, H.A. (1989). Schooling for democracy. London: Routledge, Giroux, H.A. (2003). The abondone generation: democracy beyond the culture of fear. New York: Plagrave Macmillian, Giroux, H. A. (1993a). Living dangerously: multiculturalism and politics of difference. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc, Giroux, H.A. (1993b). Border crossing: cultural workers and the politics of education. New York: Routledge. For conversations about notions of sites, place, public spheres, pedagogy, cultural work and cultural workers, and their relation to the ideas of teaching, learning and education, curriculum development, and teacher education, see Singh, A. (1996).” World Englishes as a site for pedagogies of the public spheres,” Revista de Languas para fines especificos, No. 3, Marzo-Abril, Universad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Espana – Spain, 303-328, Singh, A. (2000). “World Englishes, curriculum change and global career opportunities,” in Singh, A., Baksh, I.J. & Hache, G. (2000). Studies in Newfoundland education and society, Vol. 111, 773-750. St. John’s: Memorial University, Newfoundland, Canada. Singh (1996: 311-312) noted that in the ream of certain forms of cultural studies and critical theory, the notion of cultural site and practice are talked about in a specific way. For example, Simon (1994) explains that a cultural-political site is not an ordinary situation. It is a complex and conflictual location where intricate representational forms are worked out and produced. It is a place where a multiplicity of forces (determinations and effects) are at work to produce a particular practice. Different things can and do happen at a specific site at a particular time. A site is a place where different possibilities of uses and effects interact.” According to Simon (1994:40) “the notion of ‘site’ refers… to a specific material form with a particular relationship to time and space with which modes of production and distribution of representations are accomplished.” A site is a contested terrain. According to Simon it is a place where, “the past is traversed to competing and contradictory construction.” Further, he suggests that ‘cultural workers intending to initiate pedagogies of historical reformation need an understanding of topography on which these struggles are taking place.” (Simon, 1993:128) To struggle at a site means taking into account the specificity of the particular context in which one is located in relations to others. There could be many sites of production for a particular struggle. Simon (1994:128-129) provides a simple list of the sites of popular memory production….” See, Simon, I.R. (1993) Teaching against the grain: Text for a pedagogy of possibility. New York: Bergin & Garvey Simon. I.R. (1994). “Forms of insurgency in the production of popular memories; The Columbus quincentenary and the pedagogy of counter commemoration” in H.A. Giroux and P. McLaren (1994) (Eds.) Between borders: Pedagogy and politics of cultural studies. New York: Routledge. Following Simon, one can see how aging and getting old as sites could be taken up (e.g., integrated) by the diasporic Indian seniors where they could engage themselves in various forms of struggles and negotiations with

6 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE SEARCH FOR VOICES

3.

4.

others. Old age and specific issues surrounding it could be taken as sites at myriad places – in households and public venues, such as sports arenas, schools, business forums, embassies, airline counters, hotel lobbies, governmental offices, shopping centers, bus and train terminals, international trade centers, the information highway, movie theaters, temples, birthday parties, marriage ceremonies, religious festivals, national day celebrations, cultural parades, fashion shows, funerals, child birth celebrations, eating places, and so on. The contributors (Singh, Mehta and Shah, Barrot, Lamb, Khemlani-David ) in this book demonstrate to some extent how in fact the diasporic Indian seniors use these places as sites. These sites can also be seen as expansion of the public spheres in which the seniors have opportunities to voice their concerns. The concept of “the public sphere’ was originally developed by Habermas in his 1962 book, The Structural transformation of the Public Sphere. According to Fraser (1994:75 )”the idea of the ‘public sphere’ in Habermas’ sense is a conceptual resource… it designates a theater in modern society in which political participation is enacted through the medium of talk. It is the space in which citizens deliberate about their common affairs, hence, an institutionalized arena of discursive interaction.” She explains, “this arena is conceptually distinct from the state; it is a site for the production and circulation of discourse that can in principle be critical of the state.” Further, she asserts that “the public sphere in Habermas’ sense is also conceptually distinct from the official economy; it is not an arena of market relation but rather one of discursive relations, a theater for debating and deliberating rather than for buying and selling. “ She states, thus this concept of the public sphere permits us to keep in view the distinction between the state apparatuses, economic markets, and democratic associations, distinctions that are essential to democratic theory.” Fraser has expanded this concept with respect to theorizing the limits of democracy in late capitalist societies. See, Fraser, N. (1994). “Rethinking the public sphere: A contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy,” in H.A. Giroux and P. MacLaren (1994) (Eds.), pp. 74-98, Op. Cit. For further discussions of these concepts and their relations to teaching and learning, youth culture, students’ and teachers’ cultural capital, curriculum development, education and training of professionals and working as intellectuals and cultural workers, see, Doyle, C. , Singh, A. (2006). Reading and teaching Henry A. Giroux. New York; Peter Lang Publishers, Inc., and Paulo Freire (2005). Teachers as cultural workers. Letters to those who dare teach. Boulder: Westview Press. On the subject of relationship of self and other being discussed here, see Vohs, K.D. & Finkel, E.J ((Eds) (2006). Self and relationship: connecting intrapersonal and interpersonal processes. New York: The Guilford Press. The usefulness of small scale, community and neighbourhood based studies is well recognized by the social science community. The contributors to this book note that most studies on diasporic Indian seniors are small scale studies. We will see in this book the review of those studies. Smith’s (1999) comments on small scale research projects involving Maori communities are useful here, and so are presented in some detail. Smith writes about the concerns of Maori researches in New Zealand and the challenges they face in articulating indigenous research agenda in the context of a highly institutionalized world of research. Her observations may throw some light on how to appreciate the place of small scale research done by local people who are deeply involved in the well-being of their communities. She points out that “…research is highly institutionalized through disciplines and fields of knowledge, through communities and interest groups of scholars, and through the academy.” She reminds us that research is a political process since it “is also an integral part of political structures: governments funded research directly and indirectly through tertiary education, national science organizations, development programmes and policies.” Further, like governments “corporations and industries fund their own research. Their research programmes can involve large amounts of money and resources, and their activities take place across several parts of the globe. “ Others like “non-government organizations and local community groups also carry out research and involve themselves in the analysis and critique of research. All of these research activities are carried out by people who in some form or another have been trained and socialized into ways of thinking, of defining and making sense of the known and unknown. It seems rather difficult to conceive an articulation of an indigenous research agenda on such a large scale.” This is 7 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

5.

6.

7.

so, she explains, because “to imagine self-determination, however, is also to, imagine a world in which indigenous peoples become active participants, and to prepare for the possibilities and challenges that lie ahead.” (p. 124) She goes on to say that “... in addition to reasons outlined earlier … about the general regard for research by indigenous peoples, there is another reason for a reticence in naming an activity or project as research. Research is also regarded as being the domain of experts who have advanced educational qualifications and have access to highly specialized language and skills.” The diasporic Indian communities are interested in producing their own culturally relevant knowledge. But it is not easy to do so in real life situation, because they have to constantly engage the so called ‘research experts’. Smith explains, “communities carrying out what they may regard as a very humble little project are reluctant to name it as research in case it provokes the scorn and outrage of ‘real’ researchers. Furthermore, indigenous communities as part of the self-determination agenda do engage quite deliberately in naming the world according to an indigenous world view.” (p. 125) In this context one could appreciate the usefulness of the small scale studies. Theodoratus (1984-1989) ) also endorses the usefulness of small scale studies, and his 1984-1989 series compiles research on the presence of small ethnic communities in the United States and Canada that might otherwise not have been noticed by larger group projects. For review of the earlier literature on this line of thinking, see, Zurcher, L.A. (1977). The mutable self: a self concept for social change. Beverly Hills: Sage Publication. Also see, Singh, Amarjit, Wilfred Martin and Rupinder Singh (1991). “The modes of self of south-Asian elderly in Canadian society: towards reconstructing interdependency.” Multiculturalism, Vol. XIII, No. 3, 3-9. All articles in this book document recent evidence to demonstrate the extent to which the diasporic Indian seniors are successful in developing new modes of social self in the context of global changes that surround them. What does growing older mean if it is not simply the passage of time, having another birthday? In gerontology “ increasingly, scholars argue that chronological age is a relatively meaningless variable … Age is only a way of marking human events and experiences; those events and experiences are what matters, not time itself … Time’s passing is of concern only because it is connected, however loosely, with other changes: physical, psychological, and social.” (p. 4) In gerontology in the past, researchers searched for the “normal changes that accompanied aging; a most important part of this research was to distinguish normal age changes from pathological or disease processes that become more prevalent with age but were not caused by aging. With the growing knowledge about the modifiability and variability of physical aging processes, the distinctions among usual, optimal, and pathological aging emerged … ‘optimal’ aging is characterized by minimal loss of physical function and a healthy, vigorous body; ‘pathological’ aging is aging accompanied by multiple chronic diseases and negative environment influences. ‘Usual’ ageing refers to the typical or average experience - somewhat in between pathological and optimal”… “Psychological aging processes include changes in personality, mental functioning, and sense of self during our adult years.” (p. 5) Gerontologists make many generalizations in this area: “First, personality does not undergo profound changes in later life… For example … the grumpy old man was very likely a grumpy young man. Although the developmental challenges and opportunities we encounter do vary through our lives, the strategy we use to adapt to change, to refine and reinforce our sense of self, to work towards realizing our full human potential are practiced throughout our adult lives.” (p. 6) “Social aging is a multidimensional and dynamic force. It includes the transitions into and out of roles, expectations about behavior, societal allocation of resources and opportunities, negotiations about the meaning and implications of chronological age, and the experience of individuals traveling the life course and negotiating life stages.” (p. 7) See, Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S. (2001) (2nd Edition). Aging: the social context. California: Pine Forge Press. “The primary preoccupation of critical pedagogy is with social injustice and how to transform inequitable, undemocratic, or oppressive institutions and social relations.” Burbules, Nicholas C. and Rupert Berk “Critical Thinking and Critical Pedagogy: Relations, Differences, and Limits,” in Critical Theory in Educational Discourse, Thomas S. Popkewitz and Philip Higgs, eds. Butterworth’s, 1997. According to Sullivan (1987:63) “a fundamental assumption of a critical

8 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE SEARCH FOR VOICES

8.

9.

pedagogy is that it is a broad educational venture which self-consciously challenges and seeks to transform the dominant values of our culture.” Likewise, Leistyna & Woodrum (1996) assert that: “Critical pedagogy is primarily concerned with the kinds of educational theories and practices that encourage both students and teachers to develop an understanding of the interconnecting relationship among ideology, power, and culture... [that] challenge us to recognize, engage, and critique (so as to transform) any existing undemocratic social practices and institutional structures that produce and sustain inequalities and oppressive social identities and relations.” According to Giroux (1997: xiii) pedagogy “involves the production and transmission of knowledge, the construction of subjectivity, and the learning of values and beliefs.” Kellner explains, “Critical pedagogy considers how education can provide individuals with the tools to better themselves and strengthen democracy, to create a more egalitarian and just society, and thus to deploy education in a process of progressive social change.” Kellner, Douglas. “Multiple Literacies and Critical Pedagogies.” Revolutionary Pedagogies - Cultural Politics, Instituting Education, and the Discourse of Theory. Peter Pericles Trifonas, Editor. New York: Routledge, 2000, Giroux, H.A. (1997). Pedagogy and the politics of hope: theory, culture, and schooling: a critical reader. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. See, Morgan & Kunkel (2001), op. cit., and also, Quadagno, J. (2002) (2nd Edition). Aging and life course: an introduction to social gerontology. Toronto: McGraw-Hill. The 1970s saw the rise of critical pedagogy. It rose in resistance to so-called transmission approaches to education and curriculum. Therefore, in our reading we find that in critical pedagogy a distinction is often made between the pedagogical goals and curriculum goals of teaching and learning. Curriculum goals generally entail providing students the opportunities to learn the already existing forms of knowledge produced within the framework of dominant paradigms. Pedagogical goals require more than this. They are framed to bring about progressive social change. See endnote 7. Based on our research (see Doyle, C. and Singh, A., 2006, op. cit.) in the “field”, we have developed the RCIT (Reflective and Critical Internship Teaching model), a model of teacher education designed to engage students with curriculum that aims at achieving both the curriculum and pedagogical goals. In this model we envision that generally there are three forms of knowledge production that dominate our daily conversations and lived experiences. We label these forms of knowledge as common sense knowledge, professional knowledge, official knowledge, and defined them as follow: common sense knowledge is taken for granted dominant cultural norms, values, attitudes, self concepts, behavior patterns, and overall orientations which we have acquired through socialization in cultures and societies. It constitutes more of our personal opinions and idiosyncrasies. The professional knowledge is produced by various professionals, such as sociologists, psychologists, and so on, and their respective professional organizations. The official knowledge is produced by the state, i.e., various government apparatuses, such as the department or ministries of education, health, economic development, and so on. In building the RCIT model we find ourselves more inclined to accept the assertion that it is the on going conversations we have with others that makes it possible for us to live together and solve our problems. Therefore, the model encourages students to self-consciously combine the three forms of knowledge described herein when they engage in communication with others. We have found that when students do that, they feel more empowered. They are more likely to make sense of their environment (personal and social predicaments in which they find themselves due to their specific locations in general social structure) more confidently. Empowerment also entails prefigurative politics and living. Kaufman (2003:277-8) writes that “prefigurative politics is based on the belief that we are creating the new world we are advocating as we go, and so we should try to build in the present, the institutions and social patterns of the society we are working toward.” And “in prefigurative movements, we are reweaving the social fabric. We are creating an alternative social world, and the relations we create along the way lay the foundations for the relations we will have after we achieve our goals.” See, Kaufman, C. (2003). Ideas for actions: relevant theory for radical change. Cambridge, Mass.: South End Press. Also see, Schon 1987, 1983.

9 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH 10.

Giroux is one of the leading voices within the discourse of critical pedagogy. One of the important tenets of Giroux’s thought about curriculum is that teachers and professors should need to take seriously those cultural experiences and meanings “that students bring to the day-to-day process of schooling itself. If we take the experiences of our students as starting point for dialogue and analysis, we give them the opportunity to validate themselves, to use their own voices” (1981, p. 123). This suggestion does not fit well to “a predetermined and hierarchically arranged body of knowledge [that] is taken as the cultural currency to be dispensed to all children regardless of their diversity and interests” (p. 123). He further explains that the concept of hidden curriculum allows us to make “linkages between schools and the social, economic, and political landscape that make up the wider society, the hidden curriculum theorists provided a theoretical impetus for breaking out of the methodological quagmire in which schools were merely viewed as black boxes” (1983, p. 45). Giroux maintains that curriculum must not be limited to the domain of the few and the privileged, but it must center on the “particular forms of life, culture, and interaction that students bring to school” (2005, p. 104). He writes “critical pedagogy always strives to incorporate student experience as official curriculum content. While articulating such experience can both be empowering and a form of critique against relations that silence, such experience is not an unproblematic form of knowledge” (Giroux and Simon, 1989. p.231). Giroux suggests, “instead of stressing the individualistic and competitive approaches to learning, students are encouraged to work together on projects, both in terms of their production and evaluation” (2005, p. 104). Like Giroux, we realize that that curriculum should go beyond the experience of students’ life. It should expand their boundaries and borders “while constantly pushing them to test what it means to resist opression, work collectively, and exercise authority from the position of an ever-developing sense of knowledge, expertise, and commitment’ (p.104). According to Giroux and Aronowitz what we need is “really useful knowledge that draws from popular education, knowledge that challenges and critically appropriates dominant ideologies, and knowledge that points to more human and democratic social relations and cultural forms” (1994, p. 153). See, Giroux, H.A. (1981), Giroux, H. A. (1983). Ideology, culture, and process of schooling. Philadelphia: Temple University Press; London: Farmer Press; Theory and resistance in education: a pedagogy for the opposition. London: Hienemann Educational Book, Giroux, H.A. and Simon, R.I. (1989). Popular culture, schooling, and everyday life. Granby, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey, Giroux, H.A. (2005) (2nd.Ed.). Schooling and the struggle for public life: democracy’s promise and education’s challenge. Boulder, Colo.: Paradigm Publishers, Giroux, H. A. and Aronowitz (1994). Education still under siege. Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, Doyle, C. and Singh, A. (2006), op. cit.

REFERENCES Aboulafia, M. (2001). The cosmopolitan self: George Herbert Mead and continental philosophy. Champaign, IL: The University of Illinois Press. Burbules, N. C., & Berk, R. (1997). Critical thinking and critical pedagogy: Relations, differences, and limits. In T. S. Popkewitz & P. Higgs (Eds.), Critical theory in educational discourse. Butterworth’s. Doyle, C., & Singh, A. (2006). Reading and teaching Henry Giroux. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Fraser, N. (1994). Rethinking the public sphere: A contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy. In H. A. Giroux & P. MacLaren (Eds.), Op. Cit. (pp. 74–98). Freire, P. (2005). Teachers as cultural workers. Letters to those who dare teach (Expanded Edition with new commentary by P. McLaren, J. L. Kinchelo, & S. Steinberg). Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Giroux, H. A. (2005). Schooling and the struggle for public life: Democracy’s promise and education’s challenge (2nd ed.). Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers. Giroux, H. A. (2003). The abondone generation: Democracy beyond the culture of fear. New York: Plagrave Macmillian.

10 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE SEARCH FOR VOICES Giroux, H. A. (1997). Pedagogy and the politics of hope: Theory, culture, and schooling: A critical reader. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Giroux, H. A. (1993a). Living dangerously: Multiculturalism and politics of difference. New York: Peter Lang Publishing. Giroux, H. A. (1993b). Border crossing: Cultural workers and the politics of education. New York: Routledge. Giroux, H. A. (1989). Schooling for democracy. London: Routledge. Giroux, H. A. (1983). Theory and resistance in education: A pedagogy for the opposition. London: Hienemann Educational Book. Giroux, H. A. (1981). Ideology, culture, and process of schooling. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. London: Farmer Press. Giroux, H. A., & Aronowitz. (1994). Education still under siege. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey. Giroux, H. A., & McLaren, P. (Eds.). (1994). Between borders: Pedagogy and politics of cultural studies. New York: Routledge. Giroux, H. A., & Simon, R. I. (1989). Popular culture, schooling, and everyday life. Granby, MA: Bergin & Garvey. Habermas in his 1962 book. The structural transformation of the public sphere. According to Fraser (1994:75). Kaufman, C. (2003). Ideas for actions: Relevant theory for radical change. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. Kellner, D. (2000). Multiple literacies and critical pedagogies. In P. P. Trifonas (Ed.), Revolutionary pedagogies - cultural politics, instituting education, and the discourse of theory. New York: Routledge. Leistyna, P., & Woodrum, A. (1996). Context and culture: What is critical pedagogy. In P. Leistyna, A. Woodrum, & Sherblom (Eds.), Breaking free: The transformative power of critical pedagogy (pp. 1–7). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Educational Review. Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. New York: Oxford University Press. Morgan, L., & Kunkel, S. (2001). Aging: The social context (2nd ed.). California: Pine Forge Press. Odin, S. (1996). The social self in Zen and American pragmatism. Albany: State University of New York Press. Popkewitz, T. S., & Higgs, P. (Eds.). (1997). Critical theory in educational discourse. Butterworth’s. Quadagno, J. (2002). Aging and life course: An introduction to social gerontology (2nd ed.). Toronto: McGraw-Hill. Schon, D. (1987). Educating the reflective practitioner. New York: Basic Books. Schon, D. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York: Basic Books. Simon, I. R. (1993). Teaching against the grain: Text for a pedagogy of possibility. New York: Bergin & Garvey. Simon, I. R. (1994). Teaching against the grain: Text for a pedagogy of possibility. New York: Bergin & Garvey. In Giroux & McLaren (1994). Singh, A., & Doyle, C. (2006). Reading and teaching Henry Giroux. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. Singh, A., Martin, W., & Singh, R. (1991). The modes of self of South-Asian elderly in Canadian society: Towards reconstructing interdependency. Multiculturalism, 13(3), 3–9. Singh, A. (2000). World Englishes, curriculum change and global career opportunities. In A. Singh, I. J. Baksh, & G. Hache (Eds.), Studies in Newfoundland education and society (Vol. 111, pp. 773–750). Singh, A. (1996). World Englishes as a site for pedagogies of the public spheres. In Revista de Languas para fines especificos (pp. 303–328). Spain: No. 3, Marzo-Abril, Universad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Espana. Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples. London: Zed Books Ltd. Sullivan, E. (1987). Critical pedagogy and television. In D. W. Livingstone (Ed.), Critical pedagogy and cultural power (pp. 57–75). Massachusetts: Bergin & Garvey Publishers. 11 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH Theodoratus, R. J. (Ed.). (1984–1989). The immigrant communities and ethnic minorities in the United States and Canada. New York: AMS Press. Trifonas, P. P. (Ed.). (2000). Revolutionary pedagogies - cultural politics, instituting education, and the discourse of theory. New York: Routledge. Vohs, K. D., & Finkel, E. J. (Eds.). (2006). Self and relationship: Connecting intrapersonal and interpersonal processes. New York: The Guildford Press. Zurcher, L. A. (1977). The mutable self: A self concept for social change. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.

12 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

AMARJIT SINGH

2. THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA: LISTENING TO THE VOICES OF THE DIASPORIC PUNJABI SENIORS IN CANADA ABSTRACT

This chapter has two parts. The first part is designed to serve pedagogical and curriculum goals as outlined in Chapter one in this book. It reviews selected research in the area of social gerontology involving South Asian seniors in Canada, provides definitions of some key terms, discusses aspects of the South Asian Punjabi Sikh diaspora in Canada, provides statistical information on diasporic Punjabi seniors in Canada, and reviews studies done on them in Canada. Part II spotlights the voices of Punjabi seniors themselves. Research has shown (see endnotes) that the aged memoirist feels good when given the opportunity to express herself/himself about the joys and problems of aging. More recently, the concept of voice has been used as a tool for reflective personal and social transformation and empowerment (see Chapter one in this book). Building on these research based insights, Part II documents cultural themes that have emerged in the life stories of the diasporic Punjabi seniors now living in Canada (mostly in the Toronto area, but also in Atlantic Canada). Punjabi diasporic seniors have many stories to tell to those whom they encounter daily at various sites. Among them are professional agencies which provide services to the seniors of different cultural backgrounds. This author and a team of other “cultural workers” have been interacting with the diasporic Punjabi seniors for more than two decades in formal and informal social settings – for example, at places of worship, weddings, social parties, shopping centers and various other sites - where routine activities of the everyday life of these seniors unfold in relations to others. What we have learned from them is that generally, diasporic Punjabi seniors often feel that many professionals and agencies who provide services to them do not fully know how to listen empathetically to the life histories of an older person with different cultural experiences. Further, the seniors claim that this is also the case with the younger members of their family; young folks often do not know how to listen to them respectfully. The voices of the seniors presented in the second part of this paper should be seen as an attempt on their part to produce cultural knowledge. This knowledge could be a learning resource both for the seniors and for those who are interested in their well-being. Learning from the voices of the Punjabi seniors, the author concurs with them in concluding that programs and projects that provide safe sites for the diasporic seniors to voice their stories should be developed. Further, the professional service providers and families, friends, and relatives concerned with the well-being of Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 13–53. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

these seniors need to understand the culture and history of the seniors they are trying to listen to in order to listen well. I have organized this chapter in two parts. The first part presents a brief history mainly of the Sikh Punjabi diaspora in Canada and other related material. The material in this part should serve pedagogical goals (see Chapter One in this book). In the second part, I discuss my recent work with the Punjabi diasporic seniors in Canada. The concept of voice is an important one for this book (see Chapter One in this book) and this chapter. Therefore, in the first part, I try to allow the researchers to speak through their own writings. Hence, instead of completely paraphrasing their research on the Punjabi seniors, I present their direct voices. This I do by citing rather lengthy quotations from their work. In the second part, I give voice to the Punjabi diasporic seniors. This I do by listening to their stories carefully and, by creating conditions that enable them to freely narrate their stories. Finally, I add my own voice by way of making comments and framing the presentation of material in this chapter. It is my hope this chapter will enable both professional students and general readers to ask critical pedagogical questions (see Chapter One in this book) pertaining to the Indian diaspora, and the place of Indian seniors in it. Professional students, teachers, service providers, family members, and researchers may also reflect on their own locations and ask what role they can play in enhancing the well-being of diasporic Indian seniors and intergenerational relationships. PART I

Who are Punjabis, where do they come from, and how do they feel as they grow older in North America and attempt to integrate in their new environment? How should one prepare to listen to them with care? Why should we be concerned with these questions? I will elaborate on these questions later in this chapter. For now it is sufficient to mention that if we could simply listen to the stories of the diasporic Indian seniors, we might be able to assist them in enhancing their well-being in significant ways in the later years of their lives. This is one of the key insights that informs the discussion in this chapter. This insight is supported, I will soon discuss, by research in social gerontology, critical pedagogy and daily experiences of those who provide various forms of services to the Indian diasporic seniors. In our case in this chapter, another useful assumption is that meaningful and culturally sensitive listening to the voices of the diasporic Indian seniors requires a deeper level of understanding and savoring of the complex history and culture of the South Asian and Punjabi diaspora in Canada. For, without being sensitive to these two insights, we would only partially be in a good position to listen thoroughly to narratives of those seniors and make sense of their experiences, struggles and successes in Canada and, for that matter, anywhere else. To talk about the history of the South Asian Diaspora is a big task. This requires that the chapter be organized in a certain way. Therefore, an attempt is made to (1) provide definitions of some relevant terms, (2) review aspects of the history of the South Asians and the Punjabi Diaspora in Canada, albeit in a fragmented manner, 14 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

(3) make a few preliminary remarks on research in social gerontology involving Punjabi, South Asian and Asian seniors in Canada, and (4) review the demographic profile of the Punjabi seniors and studies on them in Canada. Part two of the chapter presents the voices of the diasporic Punjabi seniors. 1.DEFINITIONS

Before proceeding, a definition of terms is necessary. Therefore, terms such as “Visible Minorities”, the “Punjabis”, “ageism” and “spirituality” need to be carefully defined. Visible Minorities: In Canada, Statistics Canada groups people from Asia together and labels them as visible minorities. In the United States people from Asia are named Asian Americans in general and include people who have origin in Southeast Asia (China, Japan, Philippines, Korea, Vietnam and other cultural groups, including Pacific Islanders). South Asian includes people from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, but also people of Indian origin from Caribbean nations, Fiji and East Africa. Within South Asian migration, issues such as permanent migration, labor migration, refugees, asylum seekers, illegal and/or undocumented migration have a long history and have been studied by many researchers. Punjabis: The Punjab, land of the five rivers, is an area which was divided between India and Pakistan after the partition of India in 1947. Punjabis are a group of people who identify their mother tongue as Punjabi, one of the many languages spoken in India. Most Sikhs, if not all, speak Punjabi. Therefore, Punjabis are generally seen by others as people belonging to the Sikh religion, but there are many Hindus and Muslims who also speak Punjabi as their mother tongue. Thus there are discourses (conversations) about Hindu Punjabis, Muslim Punjabis and Sikh Punjabis, as well as references to a single group of Punjabis as a cultural group regardless of their religious backgrounds and nationalities. So there are many nuances here as we talk about the Punjabis. Furthermore, after the partition of India in 1947 which divided the Punjab area, most Sikhs now live, along with Hindus, Christians and others in the northern province of Punjab in India. In Punjab the Sikhs are the predominant group by population, and the state language is Punjabi. Note as well, there are large numbers of people in Punjab in Pakistan, who speak Punjabi and are predominantly Muslim. Ageism – Myths and Stereotypes: Punjabi seniors often have to deal with ageism. Ageism is an ideology, like racism and sexism, which encourages the tendency to generalize, categorize and simplify the diverse histories, voices, experiences, struggles and successes of seniors by lumping them into a single set of representation. A recent CARP (Canadian Association of Retired People) report (2002:2) points out that this tendency “manifests itself through a variety of myths about seniors.” According to this report, some of these myths are: seniors are all alike and predictable; they all live in institutions; they are all frail, sick, dependent or senile; they are all rich; they cannot learn new things; they are useless and cease 15 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

to contribute to society; they are all isolated and lonely; they are waiting to die; they become aimless in retirement and die soon after they retire; they are vulnerable and therefore more easily victimized than younger people; and that they are all devoid of sexual feelings and experiences. The most prevalent “myth” that is held by many about Punjabi seniors in Canada is associated with ageism, is that they are ‘illiterate’, hold ‘traditional Punjabi’ values, do not understand ‘modern Canadian’ values, and are unable to appreciate and negotiate what the modern, industrial, liberal, democratic, western societies like Canada have to offer in the context of cultural globalization. Spirituality: Spirituality is a recurring theme in the stories of Punjabi seniors. However, there is often a lack of agreement over what spirituality is, and therefore, defining and understanding spirituality is also problematic. For the purpose of this paper, spirituality includes a wide variety of things people do and say as they go on living in relations to other people. Everyone is spiritual in the sense that “everyone is an intellectual”. Spirituality is intertwined with all the actions one takes toward God. That is, practicing one’s religion involves meditation, prayer, and fasting. It also involves experiencing a higher power outside religion. Spirituality is searching for meaning, purpose and direction in one’s daily life; seeking harmony, peace and unity with the ultimate power. Spirituality is a capacity to love others and be loved by others. It is a relationship that one is able to establish with something larger than oneself. What follows is a brief history of Punjabis in Canada, and a discussion in more detail of studies conducted in the area of aging and on Punjabi seniors in Vancouver and Toronto. 2. SOUTH ASIAN DIASPORA AND THE DIASPORIC PUNJABIS IN CANADA

South Asian Diaspora In the following discussion in this chapter the term Punjabis often refers to the diasporic Sikh Punjabis. Most Canadian Punjabis are a part of the South Asian diaspora, which in itself is a part of the larger Asian diaspora in North America and in other parts of the world. Thus, the situation of the diasporic, i.e. the Punjabi seniors living outside their countries of birth, like the situation of other diasporic South Asians, may best be understood in the context of the building of the British Empire, Asian migration to North America, the partition of India into two free nations – India and Pakistan in 1947, and globalization and internationalization processes. For example, some have concluded that the South Asian diaspora came into being with the end of slavery in the British Empire.1 Today, people of Indian origin are everywhere.2 Lal (1996:167) points out that the creation of this diaspora is a remarkable phenomenon. The resurgence of interest in overseas Indian communities, especially since the 1970s, has perhaps been inspired by the intensification of the great debate over the nature of slavery in the United States, the precarious political positions of 16 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

Indians in a number of former British colonies, and in the increasing visibility of overseas Indians in the international labor and capital markets. Descendants of Indian indentured migrants constitute an important part of this Indian diaspora. With the globalization, transnationalization, and internationalization of all aspects of life, diaspora studies have emerged as vibrant areas of research, but diaspora studies related to elderly still need to be carried out. As far as we know, even the Sikh Studies program has yet to initiate any large scale research related to the Punjabi elderly diaspora. In addition to those macro level factors mentioned above, I have observed that there are many other micro level factors and layers of specific local nuances that impact on the daily lives of the diasporic Punjabi seniors in North America, as well as on the everyday lives of South Asian diasporic seniors. The micro level aspect of the daily life of the Punjabi seniors will become clear as we review studies done on them and present their voices in the second part of the paper. Suffice it to mention that many Punjabi seniors worry about normal day-to-day routines. For example, in idle moments, the elderly wonder and think about themselves, their friends, material relations, love, sex, health, economic and psychological security, what to do tonight or tomorrow, the approach of death, the purpose of life or religion and spirituality, and cultural values acquired during youth. For the Punjabi seniors living in North America, these day-to-day concerns acquire specific meanings. For example, most Punjabi seniors have been born and have spent the larger part of their lives outside Canada. This means that most of their early socialization has taken place in other societies and cultures, like India. The Punjabi seniors are aware of this fact. They realize that their behavior patterns, values, likes and dislikes, expectations and aspirations reflect “Indian” values, although to some extent they have acquired “Canadian” values because now they live in Canada. But they realize that some of the new values they have acquired conflict with values held by their relatives and peers still living in India. Most Punjabi seniors see themselves as active participants in their aging process in North America, constantly trying to navigate the way through negotiation with their children, grandchildren, their daughters-in-law and other care givers. Those who interact with them on a daily basis have long realized that diasporic Indian seniors, including the Punjabi seniors, have never turned away from the tensions that exist between structure and agency (Singh, Martin and Singh 1991, Mutta, Singh, Kaur and Singh 2004, Verma 2002, Lal 1996). In my observations, the diasporic Punjabi seniors appear to possess high spirits and a propensity to overcome most odds encountered in their daily lives. Punjabis in Canada The Early British Columbia Experience: In reviewing the early British Columbia history between the period of 1886-1913, many writers have noted two main trends: (1) increased immigration, and (2) the racial character of the Canadian immigration policy. 17 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

First, British Columbia, as an outpost of the British Empire, was a magnet for immigrants during the Clifford Sifton period (1896-1905). Sifton advocated massive agricultural immigration as the key to general Canadian prosperity. In 1901, he said that “...our desire is to promote the immigration of farmers and farm labourers. We have not been disposed to exclude foreigners of any nationality who seemed likely to become successful agriculturalist...” (Timlin 1960: 518). Immigrants from Asia, like the Japanese, and immigrants from other parts of Europe besides Britain, like Norwegians, came to British Columbia during this period. The first small group of Sikhs came to Canada to attend Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee in 1887. They liked the country and between 1904 and 1908, some 5,000 Sikhs arrived in British Columbia. (Knowles 1997: 76) Most of them found work in the lumber mills or in the logging camps (Norris 1971: 231). Secondly, during the Sifton period, promoting emigration from Britain was deemed a politically correct move, even though there were relatively few good agriculturalists left in Britain. The main reason was that “English Canadians took it for granted that the government [Canadian] would do everything possible to retain the British character of the country [Canada]” (Knowles 1997: 70). Thus perhaps not so ironically, between the period of 1908-1913, many writers noted the existence of virulent racism and discrimination towards the Punjabi immigrant community as well as the racial character of the Canadian immigration policy which existed until 1962.3 As mentioned above, many studies show that early Punjabis in British Columbia were not treated well; they were subjected to racial and discriminatory immigration policies. This sort of treatment turned the Punjabis into a distinct and reclusive group with little desire to establish any degree of cohesiveness with Canadian society of the day. This experience led them to develop close ties with the homeland in Punjab and, in later years, motivated them to create what many contemporary writers have called a ‘Little Punjab’ (Verma 2002, Nayar 2004). Further, during the first half of the twentieth century, the Punjabi immigrants were largely adult men who came to Canada without their wives and children; they came with their families only well after the Second World War. Studies on the nature of the Punjabi diaspora point to the fact that they came to British Columbia mainly to improve the position of their family in Punjab through acquiring capital. These early Punjabis were sons of land owners in Punjab. The parents wanted their sons to go to Canada, earn money and remit it to them so that they could pay taxes levied on them by the Colonial government in India (Verma 2002, Basran and Bloria 2003, Nayar 2004, Martyn 1990). In order to keep the British character of Canada and America, attempts were earlier made to stop the flow of Asian immigrants from China and Japan using various means, especially through enacting exclusionary laws.4 For example, in Canada, the regulation stipulated that all immigrants must come to Canada directly from their countries without any stop-overs on the way. Since there was no direct steamships service from India to Canada, this was an ingenious device to completely stop immigration from India. This action by the Canadian government resulted in a famous incident in the history of Punjabi immigration to Canada and 18 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

the United States. Gurdit Singh, a Sikh, decided to challenge the new regulation. He did this by chartering a ship, named Komagata Maru, in Hong Kong. On May 23, 1914, this ship brought 376 prospective Punjabi immigrants to Canada directly from India. However, when the ship arrived in Canadian waters, the Canadian authorities did not allow it to dock at Burrard Inlet in Vancouver, and Punjabis on board were not allowed to leave the ship for two months. After a lengthy court battle, the ship was forced to return to India on July 14. On arrival in India, some passengers were arrested and others were ill-treated by the colonial government of the day. A more detailed account of the Komagata Maru incident appears in almost all the books on the history of Sikh migration to North America.5 The Punjabis continued to fight against the subsequent barriers introduced by the government to shut down their entry to Canada. Interestingly, the 75th Anniversary of the Komagata Maru incident was celebrated on July 14, 1989, in Vancouver. A plaque commemorating Komagata Maru was placed at the Gateway to the Pacific in downtown Vancouver. It reads: “On May 23, 1914, 376 British Subjects (12 Hindu, 24 Muslims and 340 Sikhs) of Indian origin arrived in Vancouver harbour aboard the Komagata Maru, seeking to enter Canada. 352 of the passengers were denied entry and forced to depart on July 14, 1914. This plaque commemorates the 75th anniversary of the unfortunate incident of racial discrimination and reminds Canadians of our commitment to an open society in which mutual respect and understanding are honoured, differences are respected, and traditions are cherished.” (Basran and Bolaria 2003: 102) This shows that the Punjabis were not passive, submissive participants in Canadian society. They were dynamic settlers in a progressive industrial economy and they remain so to this day (Verma 2002). The Ontario Experience: The Sikhs were in British Columbia at the beginning of the twentieth century, but their story is different in Ontario. It was only in the mid1950s that their presence was felt in the province. This was largely due to a liberalization of the immigration laws, which introduced a quota system. By 1965, the number of Sikhs in Toronto was about four hundred. Many among them were students and professionals who came to Canada from India, East Africa, and the United Kingdom. The first Gurdwara was opened at 269 Pape Avenue in Toronto in 1965, on the quincentenary of the birth of Guru Nanak (1469-1539). He was the first guru of the Sikhs and the founder of the Sikh faith. Gurdwara means ‘the door of the guru’, where the Sikhs generally worship; Hindus, Muslims and Christians generally worship in temples, mosques and churches, respectively. For some Sikhs this difference in nomenclature is important for their identity. As in other parts of the world, over the years the Sikhs have evolved from being a purely religious group to becoming a vibrant ethnic and cultural group in Toronto. They now have well developed charitable, political and cultural organizations in Toronto.6 The Sikhs are now represented in all sectors of the Canadian society.7 Basran and Bloria (2003: xii) divide the discussion and analysis of migration from India to Canada into four time periods: Indian migration from 1900-1908; 1909 to the 19 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

Second World War; post-war period to 1966, and Indian migration since 1967. Basran and Bloria (2003: 106) write that Indo-Canadian “community is now more heterogeneous in regard to income levels, educational achievements, labour force participation, and occupational differentiation. In the case of the Sikh community, the Sikhs are predominately a young population and the majority of whom are still foreign-born, recent immigrants.” Nayar (2004: 15-16) identifies five waves of Sikh immigration to Canada: “(1) the early arrivals, in the first half of the twentieth century; (2) white – collar professionals, who migrated in the 1950s; (3) blue-collar labourers, who immigrated during the 1970s; (4) family members who arrived through sponsorship or arranged marriages beginning in 1951 and continuing to the present; and (5) immigrants arriving after Operation Bluestar in 1984 on the basis of being ‘political refugees’.” As with the Sikhs, there is now a relatively vast amount of scholarly literature available on the experience of the South Asian diaspora in Canada, the United States and other countries.8 In Canada, the immigration policies helped to define the character of Canadian immigrants over the centuries. Peter Li (2003: 34) provides a concise account; “...the single most important factor contributing to the growth of the visible minority in Canada has been immigration since the 1970s. The changes in immigration regulation in 1962 and then in 1967 removed national origin as a consideration in selecting immigrants.” Further, “since 1967, immigrants have been able to enter Canada on the basis of educational and occupational qualifications, and family ties with Canadians and permanent residents of Canada.” This was a significant change. Li explains that “the removal of racial or national barriers in immigrant selection has facilitated immigration from the Third World countries.” Several other bills have been passed by the Canadian government to regulate immigration to Canada.9 3. SOCIAL GERONTOLOGY RESEARCH AND SOUTH ASIAN/PUNJABI SENIORS

It is fair to say that there are no large scale survey studies conducted on the diasporic Punjabi seniors alone which are published and readily available to the large public (Koehn 1990, Koehn and Stephenson 1991). In contrast, there has been some work done on South Asian seniors in North America, and relatively more on Southeast Asians (mostly Chinese and Japanese). This work has been done under the rubric of ethnic aging or cross-cultural aging research, and is readily available to the general public in the United States and Canada in the form of published journal articles and chapters in various books.10 Most of the research in the area of ethnic aging was done on the Anglo-white and the Afro-American seniors. Later studies were conducted on the Hispanic and Latinos elderly and the elderly of other cultural groups such as Francophone elderly in the province of Quebec. Many of those studies have been reviewed by Singh, Kinsey and Morton (1991), Singh and Kinsey (1993) and Driedger and Chappell (1987) and others working in the area of ethnic ageing. 20 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

However, some research was done involving the diasporic Punjabi elderly per se.11 Most research on these elderly consists of small scale studies using qualitative and participatory action research methodologies based on small samples, and are conducted by people who themselves, or their families, are long term residents of communities where the diasporic Punjabi elderly live and engage various agencies which provide services for the elderly. These are lay and professional people who are well acquainted with the diasporic Punjabi elderly, with the complex nuances of Punjabi cultures as well as with the cultures of governmental and non-governmental, non-profit social and cultural agencies. Some of those ‘cultural workers’ in Toronto have been involved with Punjabi seniors for more than twenty-five years. In some instances, the research is done by graduate students (for discussion on small scale studies, see Chapter One, and Smith 1999, Theodoratus 1989). 4. PUNJABI ELDERLY AND STUDIES ON AGING PUNJABIS

Demographical profile of Punjabi Elderly According to 2001 Canada census figures, – South Asian people formed the second largest group of visible minority in Canada with a total of 971,075, next only to Chinese.12 – About a quarter of these people (238,460 people) were 45 years or older in age, with a large chunk of 182,370 in the age group 45-64 and 39,355 in the age group 65-74, the remaining being in the age group 75 and above.13 – A total of 79,416 Punjabis in Canada (39,795 males) in the age group 45 and above, constituted a third of total South Asians in Canada in the same age group. They also constituted about 29% of all Punjabis in Canada. – There were total of 271,220 Punjabi people in Canada. – Of the total Punjabi population about 45% of Punjabis lived in British Columbia (121,745), a further 41% lived in Ontario (110,545) and about 8% in Alberta (22,535). – Among the senior Punjabis aged 65 and above, 7855 lived in Vancouver, 7085 lived in Toronto, 1015 lived in Calgary, 540 in Montreal, 435 in Victoria etc.14 – It is clear that a larger proportion of the Punjabi seniors aged 65 and above lived in two largest metropolitan areas in Canada. A similar assertion hold to Punjabis aged 45 years and above, with approximately half being males. Statistics Canada figures showing low-growth projections for South Asians as a visible minority by age group and sex, Canada, 1991 to 2016, showed that the total population of South Asians for both sexes between the age group of forty-five to seventy-five years and over will increase from 109.6 thousands to 441.0 thousands in 2016. Further, Statistics Canada projecting low growth scenario, population of South Asian males seventy-five years of age and over will increase from 6.6 thousands in 1991 to 47.4 thousands in 2016. It is important to note that there will be more South Asian females (27.6 thousands) than males (19.9 thousands) who will be seventy plus years of age in 2016 in Canada. This might mean that older women 21 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

may require different levels of care. On the whole, in 2016, in the age group between forty-five and seventy plus, there will be 211.9 thousand South Asian males and 229.2 thousand females in Canada.15 Similar high growth scenario projections for visible minorities in Canada show that there will be more visible minority women (3745.9 thousands) than visible minority men (3713.6 thousands) in Canada, in 2016, in the age group of 0-75 plus.16 Looking at figures presented herein it can be calculated that in Canada, South Asians of both sexes, seventy-five years of age and older, will comprise a higher per cent of the total visible minority population in 2016. These changing demographics involving South Asians and other visible minorities, and the sex differences among the aging population of these groups will more likely have implications for formulating, implementing and evaluating any social policy directed towards the well-being of South Asian seniors in Canada. Studies on Aging the Diasporic Punjabis As mentioned earlier several studies were carried out on ethnic seniors in North America in the 1980s and early 1990s by various scholars and culturally specific organizations. This was done under the general rubric of ethnic aging in the areas of social gerontology and other social science disciplines such as sociology, anthropology and psychology.17 After reviewing those studies, Koehn (1990: 19) concluded that “very little is known about the aging experience of Indian immigrants in Canada.” Moreover, those studies are not done on Punjabi seniors per se, and it is difficult to know how the findings of the studies apply to Punjabi communities in Vancouver, Toronto and other cities, especially considering their specific and varied immigration histories and experiences. For example, Nayar (2004: 21) points out that “the Vancouver Sikh community has layers, for example, different waves of migration, different religious orientations or subsets.” And furthermore, she states that “each generation of the Sikh community has adapted to Canadian society in its own way. Likewise, each has its own way of orienting itself towards multiculturalism policy [of Canada].” (p.194) Therefore, this section discusses only those studies that are directly related to Punjabi seniors, especially findings related to Punjabi women. Later in Part II section of the paper we mainly will hear voice of men. We hope this will provide some insight into both males and females diasporic Punjabi elders’ experiences. Martyn (1990) studied two hundred fifty suburban immigrant seniors, fifty-five years old and over, belonging to five different ethno-linguistic groups in British Columbia (Punjabi, German, Cantonese/Chinese, Korean and Portuguese). The focus of her study was to determine the availability of resources to these five groups. Along with others, her sample included twenty-five Punjabi women and twenty-five Punjabi men. She reviews studies done on the various aspects of South Asians and Punjabis and their experiences as visible minorities in Canada and British Columbia, and concurs with those researchers who argue that Punjabis have been exploited and discriminated against throughout their history in British Columbia (Indra 1979, Sharma 1997). She then concludes (Martyn, 1990, p. 100) 22 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

that “it is this economic exploitation and discriminatory treatment that distinguishes the Punjabi group of seniors from the other four groups that have been discussed in the present study.” On the whole, she found that comments from the Punjabi seniors “were more negative in nature than other groups. Family relations, work, income and dependency are the domains associated with negative statements about old age” (p. 104). She reported that the Punjabi seniors in her study summed their attitude towards old age by saying that the “old age is just to survive” (p. 98). Further, she concluded “the Punjabis have the least resources of the five groups” (p. 110). A most repeated theme for both men and women Punjabi seniors was that their children do not listen to them and do not respect them (italics and emphasis added by me). In addition to this, Punjabi senior women were not pleased with the expectations that they should provide child care and clean the house on a regular basis (pp. 106-107). A few Punjabi seniors of both sexes who had some formal education did not feel that way. Martyn (1990, p. 105) reports that in fact they felt that “aging afforded them more respect.” However, she reported that “the domain that received the most positive statements was spirituality. Comments centered on the themes of old age as the time that is now free for prayer, for more frequent trips to the temple and for thoughts of the after life” (p. 104) (italics and emphasis added by me). The most positive comments were made by Punjabi senior men who had relatively more formal education than the Punjabi senior women. Martyn’s (1990) study revealed several other things: 80% of the Punjabi seniors were sponsored by their children, 59% of these seniors had lived less than ten years in Canada and so could not collect government income, most seniors worked as laborers on the farm because this was the only job available to them, for much of the winter Punjabi senior women were home bound and could not meet their peers, women were afraid to go out on the street in their neighborhood because they feared verbal and physical violence by local teenagers, most of the Punjabi senior women did not understand and speak English and so felt lonely and isolated; Punjabi senior women were less optimistic than Punjabi men about aging, had less education, reported less involvement with peers and community organizations. Further, Martyn (1990) reported that “Punjabi females are the least satisfied with their living arrangement, of all groups, male or female” (p. 105). Therefore, most Punjabi senior women (61%) preferred to live alone in their own apartments, if they could afford one. Martyn reported that one respondent summarized the feelings of other Punjabi senior women this way: “When you get old you need your own small house so that you can live with pride, you will get respect from your children, you can live in your own way, visit your friends and your friends can visit you” (p. 106). Nayar (2004) studied three generations of the Punjabi diaspora in Vancouver. Although her study is not strictly done in the tradition of social gerontology, it contains rich and insightful information about the “first generation” Punjabi seniors, defined by her as the Punjabis who were fifty-six to eighty-eight years old. Her sociological study was based on “eighty semi-structured interviews with three generations of Sikhs....” and “... active participant observation at several social and religious events and programs for seniors and youth” (p. 20). Out of this sample, 23 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

she interviewed ten males and eight females of the first generation Punjabis (fiftysix or older up to eighty-eight). Most of the Punjabis she interviewed had come to Canada in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Her research “takes the households as a unit of analysis and distinguishes the generations on the basis of stages in life” (p. 21). While analyzing and discussing her data, Nayar talks about the first generation Punjabi, both male and female. Nayar’s research also has much to say about the second generation Punjabis (thirty-one to fifty-five years old), which could be considered as soon to be part of the Punjabi elderly population. In this paper, however, I highlight those findings which relate to the first generation Punjabi women for the reason mentioned earlier. One recurring theme in Nayar’s findings is that the first generation Punjabi elderly are “traditional” because they are “illiterate”, because they function within the framework of “oral tradition”. This conceptual lens that she uses appears to color most of her interpretation of the data she collected on the first generation Punjabis. For example, according to her “the first generation.... is limited.... by the orality mode of thinking...” (p. 131). Again, in the context of the gurdwara rituals she points that “many members of the first generation - especially those who are illiterate - believe in what they are told” (p. 130) and “the orally transmitted (cultural and religious) beliefs are accepted at face value,” and so on (p. 128). Nayar found that the first generation, especially women, were deeply involved in spiritual practices. These Punjabi senior women expressed their spirituality through regularly participating in the rituals of gurdwaras, by rote recitation of prayers, by not eating meat or drinking alcohol, and by respecting sacred space and sacred speech at face value. However, the Punjabi senior women were most aware of often dysfunctional politics of gurdwaras, and were dissatisfied by the lack of caring attitudes shown by the gurdwaras towards the Punjabi elderly (p. 132). Further, Nayar reports that the Punjabi senior women thought that it was good for younger Punjabi women to work outside the house, but in doing so they should not lose the traditional value of respecting their elders, especially the mothers-inlaw (p. 55). Nayar states “there is resentment among the first generation that working women do not always listen to their elders the way women of the first generation listened to their mothers-in-law in India” (p. 55). Again, “many in the first generation perceive the younger generation as ‘rude’ to parents or grandparents...” (p. 57). (Italics and emphasis added by me). In the area of child rearing, the senior Punjabi women tend to emphasize the need for elders to provide guidance to children to grow and live in the right way, meaning that children should not blindly adapt to Western notions of individualism and self-orientation. (Nayar, 2004, p. 91). In the area of social control, Nayar found that “even as they try to adapt to living in the modern society, first generation Sikhs continue to operate according to kinship loyalties.... They continue to maintain their traditional notion of community izzat means of social control...” (p. 165). The notion of izzat, that is honor, is very important to Sikh elderly women, according to Nayar’s study. For example, they seem to disagree with interracial marriages more so than others (p. 166). In trying to project one’s izzat, “the goal is to save face by not being seen or talked about” in a negative way by 24 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

others (p. 166). Nayar found that many first generation Punjabi seniors like Canada’s multiculturalism because it allows them to create “Little Punjab” in Canada. The kinship ties and use of the gurdwara as sites where the first generation Punjabi seniors generally meet to re-live their memories of village Punjab are instrumental in creating feelings among Punjabi seniors that they can live in Canada just like they lived in India (p. 194-195). As a consequence of this self-imposed isolation, “... the first generation’s interaction with Canada’s mainstream and even with other South Asians is often very limited where it exists at all,” according to Nayar (p. 195). In addition to this, Nayar goes on to report that many Punjabi senior women are still unable to understand or speak English. Thus, language becomes the major barrier, further preventing many of those women from interacting with the mainstream. Although the first generation Punjabi seniors are “illiterate”, they nevertheless appreciate the Canadian welfare system which offers them government sponsored health care and pensions, says Nayar. However, the first generation Sikh seniors do not actively seek information from care givers. Punjabi elderly prefer to hear about services available to them through word of mouth or friends. Nayar points out that “... it is not uncommon for first generation Sikhs to hide key information from care workers or to seek traditional solace from modern institutions” (p. 197). Koehn (1990) studied elderly Punjabi women in British Columbia. She writes that “the objective of this thesis are twofold: first, it aims to elucidate the experiences of immigrant Punjabi women sponsored in their later years by sons and daughters already living in British Columbia, Canada; second, it examines the impact of immigration legislation on that experience” (p. ii). She herself collected the data in the form of open-ended interviews with sixty-two participants. Her sample was stratified among five subsets and was comprised of twelve elderly Punjabi Sikh women, fourteen elderly Punjabi Sikh men, twelve younger Punjabi Sikh women, eight South Asian community leaders and sixteen South Asian service providers. All participants in her study were residents of the lower Mainland British Columbia districts of Surrey, Abbotsford, Greater Vancouver, Burnaby, Delta, Richmond, and New Westminister, where most of the Punjabis live. Koehn’s study provides many insights into how elderly Punjabi women negotiate new lives and new lands in the context of a long history of Punjabi immigrants in British Columbia, including a history of Asian and South Asian immigration. Here I emphasize only some of her findings pertaining to Punjabi elderly women for the reason mentioned earlier. Koehn (1990) writes that the Punjabi elderly women prefer to attend gurdwara regularly, where they participate in the cooking and serving of the meals. These women believed in the Eastern philosophy of aging according to which it “...is a more of a cultural and spiritual process than it is a biological” and “... old age is a time for personal growth and fulfillment, for greater spirituality” (p. 17) (italics and emphasis added by me). In the area of health maintaining behavior, Koehn and Stephenson (1991) found that the Punjabi older women may prefer to visit traditional practitioners or try home remedies, and that the seniors reported the least awareness of services available to them (p. 24). In the area of family relations, 25 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

those Punjabi women reported that their sons and daughters expected them to clean the house and take care of grandchildren. Many Punjabi women felt culturally isolated and said that they were often treated like slaves by their children who brought them to Canada. In this regard, the older Punjabi women had many stories to tell about elder abuse in Canada in Punjabi families (p. 25). Older Punjabi women in Victoria also reported that many sponsors did not realize the seriousness of the great responsibility involved in supporting an elder parent for ten long years before they can avail of any government assistance in Canada. This long-term dependency of the elderly on their children shapes most of their experience in Canada, and in some cases leads to elder abuse. One conclusion reached by Koehn in her study was that “...dependency period be reduced to a maximum of five years or less through changing the existing immigration legislation” (p. iii). A somewhat similar study to Koehn was conducted by Sanghera (1990) in Vancouver, but with different results. Dhaliwal (2002) studied dietary practices of older Punjabi women in Ontario. Her study was based on a convenient sample of nine Punjabi women with rural backgrounds, who were between fifty to seventy years old and lived with their families in the West end of Toronto for five to fifteen years, and who prepared at least one meal daily for their respective families. They did not write or read either English or Punjabi. Dhaliwal’s study provides many insights into the food habits of Punjabi women in the context of general food habits of the Asian population. However, “food habits of the Asian Indian population is very diverse and it is hard to study them as groups from a nutritional point of view,” explains Dhaliwal (p. 3). She reviews extensive literature on South Asian cultural values, diet intake and heart disease including Canadian studies, British studies, studies conducted in Punjab and studies conducted on Indian population in South Africa. According to her, this review shows “that cultural values, beliefs, and attitudes towards food, influence food intake of adults of that culture” (p. 5). This also is the case with the Punjabi women, because they are the ones who normally buy and cook food. Dhaliwal makes it clear that “dietary recommendations from Health Canada often have little relevance to Punjabi Indians because they do not reflect their community’s preferred foods” (p. 3). She writes that “the findings of the study suggest that for older Punjabi women, eating is a traditional cultural experience that involves several themes; the body knows its needs, good taste implies health, tradition drives practice, and environment affects eating habits.” She explains, “although older Punjabi women seem to know there is a relationship between a healthy diet and good health, their dietary practices may not always reflect this knowledge and belief” (p. 80). Gill (2002) studied four Punjabi women who were twenty-six to thirty years old. Although she studied younger Punjabi women, her review of literature provides many insights into the lives and experiences of Punjabi women in Toronto. She reviews the literature in the area of anti-racist perspective in community development and on empowerment process. She shows how the concept of “voice” as a pedagogical category can be utilized to study experiences of Punjabi women. Therefore, her study is reviewed here. She writes that fundamental to her study 26 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

“... is the commitment to the advocacy of an effective and caring working relationship between minority women and community professionals for the benefit of optimal resettlement for families new to Canada. My desire is to bring women who remain at the margin of society to the core of society in an attempt to empower them to overcome barriers to social integration” (p. 5). Similarly, Nankpi (1994) studied perception of social support among fifty young immigrant Punjabi Sikh mothers in Edmonton. Her study contains an interesting review of literature about various aspects of the lives of Punjabi women, including social support network literature. The results presented in her abstract “showed that immigrant Punjabi mothers are more likely to involve female Punjabi friends in their support networks.” (See, her Abstract) Another related study was done by Krause (1989). Verma’s study (2002) on the Punjabi diaspora in twentieth century Canada is not directly related to old age concerns of Punjabi seniors in the sense discussed in this chapter. Verma’s work combines oral narratives with other methods of collecting data and contains analysis of many interviews she conducted with elderly Punjabi women and men in Vancouver and in India. She writes “the unstructured interviews ....were conducted in British Columbia between 1988-89 and 1993 with the focus on individuals who had come to Canada in the 1920s and 30s.” Further, “the interviews with their contemporaries in Paldi, Punjab took place during an intense two-month period in the autumn of 1993. These interviews provide a valuable perspective on village development, caste attitudes, ritualistic traditions, changing customs, local balance of power and emigrant/immigrant experience” (p. 231). Voices of Punjabi seniors included in Verma’s book provide interesting insights into how they translated their experiences into actions to proactively achieve their goals in the British Columbia context where Chinese and Japanese immigrants who came before them had been labeled as unwanted. For example, one of Vermas’s informants, a 77 year old female, says, “when Bishan Kaur came to the village on my daughter’s marriage she did not wish to live in the village. Life was good for them in Canada, very rich, full of luxury, they lived like Maharajas [royalty]. Money was good in Canada, they dealt there in dollars.” Another of her informants, a 72 year old man, explains why he wished to be in Canada: “working the whole day in the fields with hands would have not made me a rich man. The struggle in the Punjab farms was miserable. One worked in the scorching heat with no comfortable place to rest, whereas my family in Canada could help me attain the comfort of life” (p. 206). A male informant of 88 years old, says, “Mayo Singh did not bring me to become a worker in the mill. He brought me to Canada because I could earn money and send it back home to help improve my family’s living conditions (p. 207).” In conclusion, the review of studies on the Punjabi diasporic senior to this point clearly points to their experiences, struggles and successes in Canada. This information should help us to sharpen our listening skills while interacting with the diasporic Indian seniors. My colleagues and I (See, Singh, Martin and Singh 1991) studied the way of acting and doing things by the diasporic Punjabi seniors, that is their mode of self in Toronto. Our goal was to listen to the voices of Punjabi seniors, to record the 27 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

seniors’ mode of self and whether it was changing or not, and to discuss responses of the seniors in terms of their implication for developing community services (e.g., clubs and centers for seniors, home health care) that would enhance the quality of their life in Canadian society. The material for this study was gathered through informal interviews with forty Punjabi seniors. All participants spoke Punjabi, so by this definition they were Punjabi seniors, although some of them were Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. All were male and had college degrees or equivalent education. They were asked to give twenty responses to a single question, “Who Am I”? Earlier in response to this question, Zurcher (1977) found that people tend to possess four modes of self or being: physical self, social self, reflective self, and oceanic self. This framework was used to analyze the data. Analyses of data revealed that the social mode of self was prominent among Punjabi South Asian seniors. The social mode of self is associated with person’s institutionalized statuses (e.g., “I am a professor” or “I am a nurse”). For example, most seniors in the study responded to the question by saying “I am a good government servant”, “I am a married man”, “I am a good mechanic”, and so on. Many of those seniors also presented the reflective mode of self quite frequently, especially when they talked about their lives in Canada and their lives in relation to their grown-up children. The reflective self-concept or mode of self reveals a person’s way of feeling and acting in a social setting. The reflective dimension also includes aspects of one’s spirituality. The Punjabi seniors expressed their spirituality by answering the question “Who Am I” this way: “I am a man who worships daily,” “I am a man who has faith in God,” “I am a man who does good to all,” “I am a man to whom God is merciful,” “I am a man who believes God is love, loves God,” “I am a man who goes to temple,” “I am a man who does not know what will happen next - after death,” “I am a God fearing man,” and so on. The physical and the oceanic modes of self were expressed only by a few senior respondents. They responded to the questions by making these statements: “I am good swimmer,” “I am an athlete,” meaning that they were physically strong and healthy, considering their age. The oceanic mode of self-concept reveals that the person is removed from interpersonal networks or has no commitment to social setting, or feels isolated and alienated. A few seniors in the study responded to the question “Who Am I” in this typical way: “I am like a stone, kicked around by everyone.” We concluded that the Punjabi seniors possessed multiple modes of self-concept which allowed them to be active participants in Canadian society. Therefore, they can not be treated as entirely ‘traditional people’ having ‘traditional values’ which are fundamentally in conflict with the dominant EuroCanadian white culture.18 PART II

Voices of Diasporic Punjabi Seniors In social gerontology there is a widespread tradition of investigating the reminiscences of the elderly, and it is held that reminiscing is associated with wellbeing. In the course of their lives, human beings accumulate a vast amount of 28 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

experience, and in their advanced years they have much to share with others about effective living. Studies show that listening to the accounts of the experiences and feelings of older persons assists them in coming to terms with the last stage of their lives.19 Therefore, a myriad of service providers and younger generations, especially the Punjabi youth, may take note of this insight. Further, this insight should be an important component of programs and projects designed to enhance the well-being of seniors everywhere, including the Indian diasporic seniors, such as the Punjabis. I have had the opportunity to interact with South Asian seniors, particularly the diasporic Punjabi seniors, in parts of Canada and the United States since 1981, and continue to have this opportunity. I am now a diasporic Punjabi senior myself. I have interacted with the Punjabi seniors in informal and formal social settings - for example, at places of worship, weddings, parties, family gatherings, shopping centres, bus and train stations and various other places such as social clubs, senior centres, at work places and conferences. These are some places where the routine activities of everyday life of many Punjabi seniors unfold. In these informal and formal social situations I have listened to Punjabi seniors’ life stories in Hawaii, Greater Toronto Area, and the Atlantic provinces of Canada. During my conversations with them over these many years, I have observed the emergence of a recurring theme in the stories of Punjabi seniors. This theme points out a common perceived concern. It has to do with the quality of their interactions and relationships with service providers and the younger generation. The seniors feel that many service providers and young people do not quite know how to listen empathetically to the life stories of an older person with different cultural experiences.20 This feeling is typically summed up in the voice of a Punjabi diasporic senior in Atlantic Canada, “I find this society does respect the immigrants but they try to keep them and their social organizations at arm’s length.” The voice of another Punjabi senior in Toronto echoes the same theme this way, “Memories are very closely connected to cultural background, and so listening to them require deep understanding of that cultural background. Generally, service providers and agencies in Toronto do not have such deep understanding of Indian and Punjabi cultures.” The ability to listen well to another person empathetically is the most important factor in successful communication.21 Therefore, in this section the focus is on listening to the voices and the life reflections of some diasporic Punjabi older adults living in Toronto and Atlantic Canada.22 These voices were recorded during the period of 2003-2006. LISTENING TO THE VOICES OF THE DIASPORIC PUNJABI SENIORS: TWO PHASES

We (my colleagues in Toronto and I) listened to the voices of the seniors in two phases, in different contexts, and with two different goals in mind. In the first phase (a) of listening to the stories of the diasporic Punjabi seniors, our focus was on the prevalence of elder abuse in the Punjabi community in Toronto. Therefore, 29 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

in this context our interaction with the seniors was somewhat “structured” and “purposeful”, in the sense that we wanted to know if the seniors were experiencing any form of abuse in their daily lives. In the second phase (b) we extended our scope of the listening process through making our interaction with the diasporic Punjabi seniors “open ended”, i.e., we listened to voices covering wide range of their past and present experiences, and to the voices that anticipated their future experiences. In Atlantic Canada I interviewed the seniors of the Indian diaspora. (a) Prevalence of Elder Abuse Mutta, Kaur, Singh, A. and Singh, R. (2004) studied elder or senior abuse in the diasporic Punjabi community in Toronto. The project was conceptualized by a team of professionals and lay workers at the Punjabi Community Health Centre (PCHC) under the general theoretical rubric of building social capital in the Punjabi community. The Centre serves the diverse communities in the Greater Toronto area, particularly the Region of Peel. Five hundred seniors ranging from fifty-five to eighty plus years of age completed a questionnaire consisted of fortythree items. More than forty seniors shared their stories with the members of the research team and thirty-one seniors participated in the focus groups. Twenty senior centers and clubs gave consent and participated in this study. The quantitative data revealed the existence of different forms of abuse in the Punjabi community in Toronto. For example, the top three answers concerning abuse were: verbal abuse 26.4%, physical abuse 13.1%, and financial abuse 7.4%. Other responses were: not respected 6.0% and forcing us to work 3.9%. In order to discuss this complex topic, the research team decided to, at random, initiate conversations with the diasporic seniors at various public places such as bus stops, malls, parks and other social places where seniors would generally gather. These are the forty Punjabi diasporic seniors who participated in the study. A team member captured the voices of the seniors in a story format. The member listened to the conversations with the seniors carefully and empathetically and made notes of those conversations based on his memory. The members, including myself, translated the notes from Punjabi to English. Collaboratively, in light of the literature review in the area of elder abuse, we analyzed and commented on the stories. Due to lack of space in the following presentation, only some aspects of the voices of twenty Punjabi diasporic seniors are included. The letter “A” represents the team member who had the conversation with the seniors, and the letter “B” represents the voice of that Punjabi senior. Many themes have emerged in these stories. These themes appear to contain elements that constitute various forms of “elder or senior abuse”, according to available research literature on this topic. (for selected review of this literature see Mutta et al. 2004) All conversations were held with men. For various reasons, it was not feasible to talk to the Punjabi senior women in this round of research. Also, the educational and social status of each of the twenty seniors could not be precisely identified. However, in general, they have a wide range of educational and professional backgrounds.23 The next round of

30 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

research needs to rectify this gap in research on the Punjabi elder or senior abuse by focusing on the voices of the diasporic Punjabi elder women. Story One (Discussion in a Bus) A: B: A: B: A: B:

Sat Sri Akal (a Punjabi greeting). How are you? Oh! I am fine... What do you mean? I am just a stone. The stone can be thrown anywhere, the stone doesn’t move from where it has been thrown. Since my arrival in Canada, I have experienced the same feelings. But why are you comparing yourself with a stone like this? My brother, stone can also be converted into an idol for worship but it can also be used as a worthless object. Did you get it? Analysis: Worthlessness as a form of abuse. Feelings of worthlessness seem to be the theme in this story.

Story two (Discussion in a Bus) A: B:

Sat Sri Akal How are you? How could I be? It is four o’clock in the afternoon. I am going to work. When I left for work, I had to have an insulin injection. My mouth is dry. I am also feeling a bit tired. Sardar Ji (Respected word for Sikh men), in this country the property (owning house) is killing me. We have a nice home. But, my family wants to buy another house. Why is there a need to change a house so often? Day and night we have to work. I had thought that when I stay with my son in Canada, I would be able to spend my old age in peace and quiet. But, shift work is killing me. My wife also gets tired while working at home. (Bus stop came and discussion terminated.) Analysis: Feeling of exploitation in family as a form of abuse. Perhaps both husband and wife are feeling “exploited” by the family. This seems to be the main theme in this story.

Story three (Meeting in a mall – after initial greetings by A) 31 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

B:

I have four sons in Toronto. My wife and I live in a senior’s home. I also worked in Canada for 15 years. I was in the Indian Army back home. My wife baby - sits my youngest son’s children for 5 days and she only spends two days with me. This age is about spending time together and talking about the past events. But I end up spending 5 days in the plaza. I sit here for 5 days and spend time just sitting. Oh yes, for me this is Canada. What did we get – loneliness, and children who are selfish? They keep thinking about themselves. Many times I feel that my wife should be with me and we should spend time together talking about the past. Now she comes on Fridays and is usually very tired and becomes quiet, very quiet. Then everything is quiet anyway. What is this? I hope you understand. Do meet me again. This way time passes quickly. Analysis: Feelings of gender exploitation as a form of abuse. He longs for a relationship with his wife but she has other household responsibilities. Perhaps this is a subtle way of saying that the wife is experiencing gender and other forms of ‘exploitation’.

Story four (Waiting at a Bus Stop – after initial greetings by A) B:

I am 80 years old. I have never seen my wife naked. When I was in India, I used to go to my fields around 4 or 5 AM. I had a very small house in the village. Due to lack of space, my wife and I used to make love in the farm house. In Canada, everything is different. Men and women are more open. What a country this is – you make a mistake and you can get away with it by saying “I am sorry”. I do like this country, though. Analysis: Cultural taboos surrounding sexuality as a form of abuse. The theme in this story seems to be “culture conflict” and a perceived degree of freedom in Canada to express feelings.

Story five (Meeting in a restaurant... - after initial greetings by A) B:

We don’t have a “centre” that can teach us what our responsibilities are. In my whole life I never changed baby’s diaper. New environment forces you to learn new things. Sometimes it becomes very difficult for us. Sometimes I think these small things lead to frustration. We want to learn, but in our own way. But we are helpless and this helplessness forces alienation and frustration.

32 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

We should build a centre – this may solve some problems. Analysis: Social isolation as a form of abuse. The theme is that no “center” exists which can meet the needs of the seniors. Contexts in which Punjabi families live are changing. For example, gender roles and relations are changing resulting in isolation. Story six (In a Plaza – after initial greetings by A) B:

Seniors are isolated and lonely. Everyone has left them. Nobody wants to spend time with them. Even children have deserted them and have no time for them. Because no communication exists, how can anyone help another person! Sometimes I feel that my children are thinking that I am a fool. Sometimes I feel they hate us. Analysis: Isolation and loneliness as a form of abuse. Isolation and loneliness are recurring themes in many of elders’ stories, like in this one.

Story seven (Conversation on the street – after initial greetings by A) B:

Children do not have the time to talk to us therefore we are under great deal of mental stress. This is the main reason...... Analysis: Stress and neglect as a form of abuse. Lack of communication is the central theme in this story, contributing to feelings of stress and neglect (as abuse) among the Punjabi seniors.

Story eight (Bus stop – after initial greetings by A) B:

Try to understand seniors. Seniors are longing for the time when their son, daughter-in-law or granddaughters would be looking at them in a caring manner and would ask them to sit down near them.... No time in this country for this sort of intimate interaction. Analysis: Lack of intimacy as a form of abuse. Need to improve intimate relationship between seniors and adult children and grandchildren seem to be the theme in this story. 33 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

Story nine (Subway, stop – after initial greetings by A) B:

Today, my children have everything which we never possessed. We could not even think of the things that my children have. But, in families, there is no “closeness”, “wellness”, and ability to sit together and discuss things. Somehow the ability to discuss one’s life events is disappearing. We are all running to achieve something but that something keeps running away from us. We are all tired – often we don’t know where we are going...(A moment of silence follows.) Analysis: Lack of spirituality as a form of abuse. The theme highlights a need for spirituality in everyday life instead of overly emphasizing material part of the daily life. Story ten

(In a mall – after initial greetings by A) B: A: B:

Sometimes I feel that seniors are sick, lonely, confused and frustrated. When we were in India, we were all fine. We only start feeling these things here. Sometimes, I sit in a park for many hours and contemplate.... You can spend your time attending activities at the senior’s club? I once went to a senior’s club. They are all directionless. All are trying to create a new identity for you in old age. Analysis: Undermining one’s social self as a form of abuse. The theme is related to issues related to identity and social self. He is longing for time spent in India and reflecting on the need to have a new identity in Canada. Story eleven

(In a subway train – after initial greetings by A) B:

The children have a tendency to think that we are not important to them. This attitude of younger generation makes us feel more isolated.... Analysis: Denial of recognition as a form of abuse. How to come to grips with the changing relationship with children seems to be the theme.

34 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

Story twelve (In a grocery story – after initial greetings by A) B:

Old age is not a burden. We have worked hard. We are still ahead of the younger generation. This is a matter of understanding. Sometimes we create problems for ourselves. We need to understand that old age and being young are two separate entities and cannot “gel”. Only when both sides can work together, only then we can do something (come up with results). Try to understand self... Analysis: Dysfunctional integenerational relationship and ageism as a form of abuse. Here the theme is that understanding and working with youth could solve problems. That is, issues related to intergenerational relationship and ageism need to be addressed.

Story thirteen (In a video store – after initial greetings by A) B:

We literally have sacrificed everything for our children. When our time came, all roads were closed. Children are looking the other way. Why are we suffering from isolation and disrespect? Analysis: Lack of respect as a form of abuse. Longing for respect from one’s children in old age is the theme in this story.

Story fourteen (In a mall – after initial greetings by A) B:

We had sold everything back home when we came to Canada. We did not keep anything for ourselves. When we came here, we found out what old age is. We are now dependent on our children for everything.... Analysis: Helplessness and dependency as a form of abuse. Increased feelings of helplessness and feelings of dependency on others in old age is the theme in this story.

Story fifteen (In a mall – after initial greetings by A) A:

Why don’t you come to the senior’s club? 35 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

B:

A: B:

I like to attend. I love to meet my friends and talk to them. My family is very reluctant to allow me to come. They are fearful that once I start coming here I may disclose what is happening in the home. Often I feel we are now destined to keep on working... What is going on at home? Nothing, nothing is going at home.... Analysis: Economic exploitation as a form of abuse. The story may perhaps contain an element of concealing of “economic exploitation” or “other forms of abuse” that might be occurring in the family.

Story sixteen (At a movie theater – after initial greetings by A) B:

The laws of this country are very strange. Daughter-in-law has the real power. She is also controlling my son. I cannot even go to see or meet my own son. My daughter-in-law’s mother and father are residing with my son. Sometimes I become very lonely. What kind of country is this? Analysis: Poor family relationship and neglect as a form of abuse. Poor family relationship seems to be the theme in this story.

Story seventeen (At a social function – after initial greetings by A) B:

My wife does not have the time for me. All day she works at home. She cooks and cleans the house. Whenever there is a little time, she ends up feeding her grandchildren like a little baby. Often, I want to talk to her. I want to go out for a walk with her. I want to watch a movie with her. But, she doesn’t care.... Analysis: Lack of intimacy and neglect in the family as a form of abuse. Poor relationship with wife and gender related role in a family is the theme in this story.

Story eighteen (At a marriage party – after initial greetings by A) B:

I have learnt much from “time”. I am an educated man. I have kept the control of my finances, which I even do not share with my wife. I only take out from the bank whatever I need. At the time of festivals, I buy gifts for my children and grandchildren. I have made my will. Sometimes I think that

36 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

the strength of relationship is very weak now-a-days. Everything is like a “show”. I often feel a great deal of pain... Analysis: Lack of intimacy, neglect and isolation as a form of abuse. The theme in this story is gender and changing family relationship and how to deal with those changes. Story nineteen (Street encounter chatting – after initial greetings by A) B:

My family members wanted me to get a life insurance. I declined. I don’t trust my children. What if after two or three years they kill me. Life insurance money will go to them. No I will not get life insurance... Analysis: Fear of economic exploitation as a form of abuse. Mistrust between seniors and their off-springs is the theme in this story.

Story twenty B:

(near a Gurdwara – after initial interaction with A). Everyday I go to the Gurdwara (Sikh temple). I spend the entire day there. In the evening when I come home, I have a few drinks and then I sleep. This has been going on for the last 6 years. My son or my daughter-in-law never asked me how I spend my day. Sometimes I feel that if Gurdwaras did not exist, all seniors would have died of hunger. Analysis: Dysfunction family relationship as a form of abuse. Loneliness, lack of respect and dysfunctional relationship with adult family members.

(b) Extending the Listening Process: Reflecting on Listening to the Punjabi Seniors In various formal and informal settings we listened sympathetically to life stories of the Punjabi seniors and asked them many questions. The discussion presented herein offers insights into the situation of the Punjabi elderly as they reflect on their life stories in the context of Canadian society. Our Habits and Values are Changing: It became very clear to me, at the outset that seniors felt good about themselves when institutional and non-institutional settings provided them with the opportunity to get together and share their life stories. The voice of a Punjabi senior, Papa, in Atlantic Canada is typical: “Talking with others does enable me to say things about various aspects of life at old age. Your questions made me go deeper into different levels of complexity and the whole process does feel good. If you talk individual to individual you feel better, but in group people don’t feel that much comfortable. Discussions help to bring out 37 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

my feelings and enable me to focus on my attitudes toward my family and my faith. Sometimes I attend seniors meeting where I find older ladies relate their experiences which make them happy and they feel very good about it relating to other people”. Through these stories they told others how much their “self” had changed - how they had become more reflective, meaning that they now thought about their own needs and aimed at gaining an understanding of their own situation at this stage of their lives. Through their stories they told others that this was a shift from their earlier “self”, which made them do things for their families first. The voice of another Punjabi senior, Dada, in Atlantic Canada is typical, “As you get older your habits and values change. I think if you are active your habits change. As I am growing older I am gaining more patience. Even minor things others did used to bother me five to ten year ago. Now I do not pay any attention to what others do ... I am still working part-time. My son tells me why are you working, why don’t you stop, why don’t you go somewhere else and enjoy doing other things? The enjoyment I get working in my backyard, I don’t get that much anywhere else... I don’t want to travel, I don’t go anywhere ... A person should be active and productive as long as one can... my children criticise me but I am happy what I am doing at this age.” Importance of Family History and Sacrifices: As I began to listen to senior’s stories in a more focused way using a social perspective on life course, I soon realized that the stories of the Punjabi seniors were full of richness and nostalgic in nature. For example, the seniors often talked about their own great-grandparents, grandparents, parents, aunts and uncles, and other kin members as well as the social and cultural conditions in which their ancestors had lived. In Dada’s words, “My father was in army, and so he was often away from home for long period of time ... He was replaced by my uncle ... we lived in a joint family ... I always thought he was my father...” The parents remained the dominant figures in the life stories of these elderly. Most seniors had kind things to say about their parents – e.g., their parents had loved them and protected them and did many things for them to the best of their abilities. The voice of a Punjabi senior, Chachaji, in Toronto is typical, “Culture is also changing, so old time cultural values are very different. You can not fully understand the memories of the seniors unless you have some understanding of history of those old times.” At the same time, the seniors were very self-conscious about how others interpreted their behaviours in Canada. Therefore, they wanted service providers in Canada to realize that, in order to understand the behaviour of Punjabi seniors, it would be beneficial to appreciate the way their parents functioned in the context of Indian cultural norms and socialized them during their childhood. I gathered from their conversations the seniors wanted me to acknowledge their parents as individuals worthy of admiration. Some elderly told me stories about how their ancestors had secured and held land for farming. They told stories of the deaths of their grandparents and parents, of losing a spouse, of leaving their work, of becoming grandparents, of their families, and how the families had been involved in forging the life careers of several generations of people in their extended family. They talked about their childhood and adulthood, their high school, college or university experiences, their 38 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

teachers’ personal characteristics and their teaching styles. Many seniors also talked about how worried they became when they saw their friends’ deteriorating physically because it reminded them that they would soon face similar situations. The stories were filled with themes of death. Tayaji’s, a senior from Atlantic Canada, words, “I want to die young. It means not lying on the bed and thinking some one should take care of you. In this part of the world nobody has time to look after you when you are lying on the bed. So I want to die when I am active.” Some of the elderly were afraid of death, while others were not afraid of death but feared physical deterioration, which they believed to be worse than death. One theme that also often emerged in their stories was that since older people have only a few years left before they die, others should simply comply with their wishes. That is, they seemed to be saying to others: don’t argue with me, just deliver services which I need for my well-being. The voice of a Punjabi senior, Babu, from Toronto mentioned earlier in section (a) is typical, “I once went to a senior’s club. They are all directionless. All are trying to create a new identity for you in old age.” Others told of how their parents influenced their decisions in pursuing education and obtaining professional jobs in India. They talked about their own aspirations and achievements, their well-being vis-à-vis others in the family and people outside the family. The stories of the elderly revealed how much time they spent in comparing their financial situations with others and how they perceived issues surrounding relative deprivation and distributive justice in terms of being treated equitably. Other elderly talked about how they and their spouses had negotiated workforce entries and exits or the allocation of hours, days and years to paid employment and unpaid work to accommodate the needs of their children and other members of the family. They told of how their family members negotiated job choices in order to enhance the social status of the family. Many elderly talked about how some members of the family decided to immigrate to Canada, about their own motivation to come to Canada and how their friends in Canada helped them to settle in their new environment. Some of their stories revealed how they had revised their decisions regarding retirement to accommodate the needs of their children. History has Shaped our Lives: Many elderly talked about events in Indian history with great zeal. They talked about the era of great epics - Mahabharata and Ramayana; they told stories of Gautama Buddha and the Great Mughal emperors; they told of their understanding of the Mughal empire in India and how, historically, it affected the social, economic, cultural and political situations of various regions in India; they talked of the British Raj that followed the decline of the Mughal empire; they spoke of the formation of the Indian National Congress Party in the early nineteenth century and of the independence movement of Gandhi and of India at that time. The seniors often revealed their own and others’ experiences during the partition of India into two separate nations, India and Pakistan; they also spoke of post-partition India, of Nehru’s India, of government policies of Westernization, industrialization and urbanization. Tayaji is helpful here, “When partition happened, it was hard for my parents to cope with that 39 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

period, to take care of us when we were too young. They had no means to start fresh in the new land where there was less development in term of irrigation... My parents were agriculturist ... Partition affected whole of my life. I may have been different than what I am today – professionally, economically, and physically. I think it would have been definitely better.” The stories of seniors who came from a rural background were filled with details of the Green Revolution in India and its impact on rural India. So understanding events in Indian history are important in truly understanding our seniors. Keeping in Touch with India provides cross-cultural perspectives: Many seniors regularly read Indian newspapers published in different Indian languages; they also listened to local radio and T.V. programs on India and radio programs directly broadcasted from India; thus their stories were full of analyses of Indian political parties, policies and leaders. The seniors often told me many stories about communal strife in India. They told me that they felt puzzled when some service provider or others in the neighbourhood told them not to think about India, its past, present and future. Tayaji’s voice is assertive, “That’s my motherland. I can’t swallow that. I still love my motherland, where I was born.” Their lament seemed to be that many local officials, not having been exposed to news from India, knew very little of the history of India and had little interest in learning it. Some elderly felt that they, themselves, had a comparatively broader view on world issues than many personnel working for governmental agencies. Many of those people were born and raised in small communities in Canada. The seniors spoke of how often they had been asked where they were from. The seniors thought that not being born and raised in Canada sometimes drew stereotypical and negative reactions. However, the seniors felt pride in having cross-cultural perspectives on issues. In Tayajis voice, “People in Canada and India have the same kind of attitude in many ways. They are not different from many parts of the world. People want to be appreciated. There is need for more cohesion between each culture. Particularly, the awareness of other religions is essential to develop broad thinking.” From their conversations, it was noted that some younger service providers, realizing the limitations of their own socialization in small communities, had made plans to travel abroad, and they were often invited to visit the families of the seniors in India. The seniors expressed satisfaction with these kinds of exchanges because all parties felt good in building cross-cultural bridges. Focus on the Present quality of Living: Focusing on themselves, these elderly told stories about how they socialized their own children and what kinds of selfconcept and self-esteem they expected their children to have. They talked about their own self-esteem and own sense of control; they talked about gaining new roles in Canada, the loss of previous roles in India and how these changes made them happy or sad. Some told stories about situations that made them feel lonely, isolated and alienated from their families and friends. One gets this sense in stories told by seniors in Toronto, mentioned earlier in section (a). In their conversations they expressed concerns about events in their past lives, but their main concerns remained with the quality of well-being in the present situation. Uncleji, a Punjabi senior in Atlantic Canada, spoke in an emphatic voice, “I am very active in temple 40 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

activities. We often invite religious speakers. When they tell us that Indian culture and ancient religious books require that Indians should be other worldly, we challenge them. We don’t buy into that kind of interpretation. I think ancient as well as modern Indian culture encourages us to live in the present. That means work hard, buy big houses and cars, educate your children and enjoy your family life to the full, here and now.” The seniors claimed that they were trying to extend their “self” to find the strength to cope with the present and to deal with their fears about the future. In their stories they indicated that one of their main concerns was to convey to the service providers that as they were loved by their friends and relatives in India in the past, so should they be loved, or at least appreciated, by others in their new situation in Canada. CONCLUSION

When we listen to the reflective voices and stories of the elderly, it helps them to come to terms with the final stages of their lives. In addition, the individual memoirist feels good when given the place and opportunity to express feelings, emotions and sentiments associated with the problems and joys of aging. Allowing seniors to voice and reflect upon their life stories in a safe environment (site) with empathetic listeners should be an important component of programs and projects designed to enhance the well-being of seniors everywhere. The last chapter discusses some of those programs. Listening to others with a caring attitude is a competency which can be learned (Khayatt 1995, Gudykunst and Hammer 1983, Anderson and Jack 1991). A variety of agencies, professionals, family members, and extended informal network of people deliver health and social services to seniors at different levels of care to enhance their well-being. Those care givers will benefit if they acquire sound “good enough” knowledge of the history and culture of each ethnic and cultural group with whom they communicate professionally. Learning such background knowledge is even more important if they are to communicate with the elderly who lived in different cultures before moving to North America, like the Punjabi seniors in this study. Further, the value of knowledge produced by the elderly through reflective voices should not be underestimated. This knowledge should be treated as a rich source of “cultural and social capital”. It can be used for pedagogical purposes to transform social interactions and relationships among youths, seniors, and caregivers. Many youths and seniors face a range of challenges in today’s global village - an environment in which multiple and diverse cultural voices exist and manifest themselves. Collectively and individually, their voices compete with - yet complement - each other in making sense of mutually interdependent lives. In Chachaji’s words, a diasporic Punjabi senior from Toronto, “The memories of the seniors allow them not only to connect with each other, but also with the younger generation, for the younger generation also needs to have a sense of the past, because the past also belongs to them. Without the past, the younger generation can

41 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

not fully make sense of their present situations and imagine their future dreams and desires.” NOTES 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

Clarke, et al. 1990, Tinker 1974, 1976, Cumspton 1956-57, 1953, Huttenback 1976, Saunders 1984, Bhana 1988), Morse (1935) has drawn attention to Canada’s imperial relation with Great Britain and its implication to immigration restrictions put on for people from India. Except: Cape Verde Island, Guinea Bissau, North Korea, Mauritania, and Romania. See, Manguru 1987, Dabydeen and Samroo 1987, Birbalsingh 1989, 1993, Klass 1988, Mishra1979, La Guerre 1985, Subramani 1979, Mahabir 1984, 1985, Dew 1989, Gillion 1962, 1977, Hazareesingh 1975, Indian Centenary Review 1945, Manguru 1987, Mansingh 1979, Nath 1989, Pineo 1984, Ruhoman 1948, 1988, Jain 1989, Thomson 1975, Twaddle 1975, Clarke et al. 1990, Wiebe and Mariaspa 1978, Sandhu 1969, Sandhu and Mani 1993. Verma 2002, Bolaria and Li 1988, Basran 1983, Trumper and Wong 1997, Satzewich 2000, Bhatti 1974, Buchignani and Indra 1985. The Punjabi immigrants had been and are still greatly impacted by the racist reaction of the host society. See Sharma 1997, Johnston 1979, Judge 1993, Lal 1976, Ward 2002, Kurian and Srivastva 1983, Li 2001, 2003, Fergusan 1975, Allen 1990, Roy 1989, Hawkins 1972, Henry and Tator 2002, Omi and Winant 1994, Jakubowski 1997, Kelley and Trebilcock 1998, Knowles 1997, Basran and Bloria 2003, Li and Bloria 1983, Satzewich 1992, 2000, Wyzan 1990. Knowles 1997, Li 2003, Lee 1991, Strope-Roe and Cochrane 1990, Yip 1990, Chan 1991, Hune et al. 1991, Broadfoot 1977, Sunohara 1980, Wu 2002, Lowe 1996, Takaki 1998, Wyzan,1990, Zia 2002, Singh 1971, Agrawal 1991, Hing 1993, Jensen 1988, Espiritu 1995, Omi and Winant 1994, Sowell 1981, 1994, 1996. An important amendment to the Immigrant Act was introduced in an attempt to stop East Indian immigrants from coming to British Columbia. It is known as the “continuous journey regulation”, see Buchignani, Indra and Srivastva 1985. Especially in Hugh Johnston 1979, and Nayar 2004, Basran and Bloria 2003, Knowles 1997. The Komagata Maru episode also attracted the attention of the Ghadarites. (Singh 2001) Singh 1990, Kirkwood 1965, Edmonstone 1969, Buchignani and Indra with Ram Srivastva 1985, Singh 1983, 1986, O’Connel et al 1988. The Sikh population is spread out through the Greater Toronto area (GTA), with the largest concentration in Etobicke, Malton, Mississauga, and Brampton. See, Mutta 1992, 1997. Minhas 1994, Chadney 1984, Redway 1984, Basran, Gill, and Maclean 1995, Singh 2001. Many scholars have written on the Sikh history and experiences in Canada. Their comments also shed light on the aspects of Sikh experiences in America and other countries. See, McLeod 1986, 2002, Chadney 1984, 1986, Jagpal 1994, Johnston1992, O’Conell et al 1988,Verma 2002, LaBrack 1988, McLeod 1986, Helweg 1979, 1985, 1986, Helweg and Helweg 1990, Judge 1993, Barrier and Dusenbery 1989, Dusenbery 1981, Bolaria and Basran1985a, 1985b, Buchignani, Indra and Sirivastva 1985, Chadney 1986, Bains and Johnston 1995, Nayar 2004, Johnston 1979, Singh 2001, Tatla 1991, Singh and Tatla 2006, Sanghera 1991, Leonard 1997, Krause 1989, Bains and Johnston 1995, Kirkwood 1965, Edmonstone 1969, Singh 1980, 1986, Singh 1990, Pettigrew 1975, de Sonza 1986. Redway 1984, Li 1996, Sharma 1997, Bhatti 1980, 1974, Chadney 1985, Gangules 1947, Gillions 1962, Hazareesingh 1975, Desai 1963, Bhachu 1985, Srinivas and Kaul 1987 Chandrasekhar 1985, Kondapi 1951, Sandhu 1969, Prasad 2000, Mishra et al 2002, Mishra 1990, 1979, Basran and Bloria 2003, Varma and Seshan 2003, Clarke, Peach and Vertvec 1990, Glasgow 1970, Nasra 1994, 1995, Kurian 1991, Lal 1983, Milton 1987, Niehoff and Niehoff 1960, Saran 1985, Nelson 1993, Dabydeen and Samaroo 1987, Buchignani 1979, Helweg 1985, 1986, Helweg and Helweg 1990, Lee 1991, Hess 1974, Holland 1943, Shepherd1993, Yip 1990, Weibe and Mariaspa 1978, Geoghegan 1874, LaGurerre 1985, Despres 1967, Premi and Mathur 1995, Boyd 1991, Sandhu and Mani 1993, Mutta 1997, Singh 1971, Min 1995, Nelson 1993, Agrawal 1991) Also, several chronologies and timelines sources on Asian and Sikh histories are now available on the inter-net

42 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

http://www.english.uiuc.edu/maps/poets/a_f/angel/chrono.htm, http://www.web.net/~ccr/history .html, http://home.istar.ca/~cye/sikhs%20in%20Canada.html, NK”http://www.lautexas.edu/course-materials/ sociology/soc308/satomi/sp/99/chrono.html”http://www.lautexas.edu/course-materials/sociology/ soc308/satomi/sp/99/chrono.html, http://www.jcrelations.net/en/?id=1405, http://people.lib.ucdavis. edu/tss/punjab/chrono.html) Li 2003, Knowles 1997) Wood (1983), Samuel (1988) Kurian (1991) Kurian and Srivastva 1983, Nayar (2004), Premi and Mathur (1995), Daniels (1994) provide further information about emigration from the Indian subcontinent to different parts of the world, including Sikh emigration from India to Canada. Ujimoto and Hirabayashi 1980, 1981, Gelfand and Kutzik 1979, Nusberg and Osako 1980, Hayes, Kalish and Guttman 1986, Manuel 1982, McNeeely and Cohen 1983, Ujimoto 1983, 1987, 1988, Marshall 1987, Ujimoto and Naidoo 1984, Niaidoo 1995, Driedger and Chappell 1987, Rahim and Mukherjee 1984, Assaand, Dias and Richardson 1990, Vatuk 1980, Boyd 1991, Radchiffe and Lundrigan 1988. The research on the Asian seniors in general, however, was carried out mostly during the late seventies, then eighties and nineties and had little direct use for understanding the living situations and various levels of needs of the Punjabi elderly residing in British Columbia. In British Columbia most Punjabis live in the lower Mainland of British Columbia districts of Survey, Abbotsford, (including Clearbrook and Matsquie), Greater Vancouver, Burnaby, Delta, Richmond and New Westminister (Koehn 1990) and in Toronto the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), including Etobicoke, Malton, Mississauga and Brampton is where most Punjabi elderly and their families live. See Dhaliwal 2002, Mutta, 1997, 1992. Dhaliwal 2002, Mutta 1997, Singh, Martin and Singh 1991, Mutta, Singh, Kaur and Singh 2004, Koehn 1990, Nayer 2004, Verma 2002, Martyn 1990, 1991, Gill 2002, Sandhu 1984, and George 1988 have reviewed those studies which are directly and indirectly related to Punjabi seniors in Toronto and Vancouver. Source: Visible Minority Groups (15) and Sex (3) for Population, for Canada, Provinces, Territories, Census Metropolitan Areas and Census agglomerations, 2001 Census – 20% Sample Data. Source: Visible minority population, by age group (2001 Census), Canada. Statistics Canada, Census of Population. Last modified: 2004-04-25. For more statistical information, consult 2001 Census. Source: Detailed Mother Tongue (160), sex (3) and age groups (15) for population, for Canada, Provinces, Territories, Census metropolitan areas’ – and census Agglomerations, 1996 and 2001 censuses – 20%. Sample data Product 97F0007XCB01001, Statistics Canada 2001-2004 (Sample) December 10, 2002. Source: Statistics Canada, Projections of Visible Minority Population Groups By Sex Sex, Canada, Provinces And Regions June 1, 1991-1996, 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. South Asians (Modified, Showing Only Selected Age Groups). Source: Statistics Canada, High Growth scenario Projections Of Visible Minority Population Groups By Sex, Canada, Provinces, Regions, June1, 1991-1996, 2001, 2006, 2011 And 2016. Total Visible Minority. Age group 0-75 plus. McNeely and Colen 1983, Manuel 1982, Ujimoto 1983, 1987. Within this broader trend, a few studies were undertaken involving Asian and South Asians seniors in Canada, especially in British Columbia and Ontario. See Naidoo 1995, Rahim and Mukherji 1984, Mutta 1997, Koehn 1990, Koehn and Stephenson 1991, Stephenson 1991, Martyn 1990, 1991, Gill 2002, Dhaliwal 2002, Mutta, Singh, Kaur and Singh 2004, and Singh, Martin and Singh 1991 have reviewed some of those studies. According to one explanation this is so because the multi-linear outlook on modernization emphasizes the unique creative ability of humans and their capacity to mix modern and traditional values together in a manner that allows them to negotiate and reinterpret their new environment in the most appropriate way. Some scholars believe that no culture or society is completely modern or traditional. That is, in each culture there are modern and traditional elements, depending upon the meanings people attach to these elements at any given time. The meaning of being modern and 43 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH

19.

20.

traditional acquires a more flexible and pragmatic definition. This way of thinking (see, Rudolph and Rudolph 1984, Gusfield 1967, Rosenthal 1983), is close to the symbolic interactionism. See, Deegan and Hill 1987, Zurcher 1977, Blumer 1969, where it is emphasized that people present a certain mode of self to negotiate with another to work out their everyday problems. People are actively involved in presenting their self to others in a manner that allows them to experience some control or power. Also see, Hamnett et al. 1984, Dissanake and Wilson 1996. Projects such as oral history, living history, life review, the reflection or life evaluation are designed to record the reminiscences of the elderly. Each program has a different emphasis: “some projects value oral histories of the aged for historical data; other promote such reflections, as Becker et al. (1984) claim,” reminiscences can be used in life review therapy with the aged in order to assist them to come to terms with the last stages of their lives.” This conclusion has been reached by other researchers such as Butler 1963, Kaminsky 1978, 1984, Lewis and Butler 1974) Linton and Oldstein 1969. Long, Anderson and Williams 1990, reviewed relevant data and provided various insights into the reminiscences of the elderly. They distinguished between “life review” and “life reflection” or “life evaluation” approaches, noting that reminiscences of previous life experiences by older people “can be an affirming experience in developing a perspective about one’s own life and integrating that life into a larger cultural stream” (p. 63). However, Butler 1963, had already contended that oral interchange of autobiographical information, or “life review”, often entailed “little emphasis on evaluating life experiences and determining what has been learned about living such experiences” (p. 62). Similar conclusions had been reached in earlier studies by Froehlich and Nelson 1986. Kaminsky 1984, Meyerhoff and Tukle 1975 and Long et al. 1990, therefore focused on determining what has been learned by the older adults from such experiences. They asked older participants “to think in terms of their lives as a whole and then to make certain important judgements from their broad perspectives” (p. 62); they labelled this approach “life reflection” or “life evaluation”. Studies done by Becker et al. in 1984 proposed that the aged memoirist feels good when given the opportunity to express himself/herself about the joys and problems of aging. They stated that “it has been well documented that the aged not only enjoy relating their own life histories to others, they also like listening to the accounts of the experiences and feeling of their contemporaries” (p. 84). Outside the field of social gerontology, to greater extent, the concept of voice has been used as pedagogical tool for reflective personal and cultural transformations, critical pedagogy projects, for making claims and assertions about individual citizenship and group rights and dues, and for prefigurative politics and living . See, Kaufman 2003, Smith 1999, Giroux 1988, 1991, Schon 1987, 1983, Simon 1992, 1994, Singh 2001a, 2001b, 2001c, 2000, 1996. Kaufman 2003:277-8, writes that “prefigurative politics is based on the belief that we are creating the new world we are advocating as we go, and so we should try to build in the present, the institutions and social patterns of society we are working toward.” And “in prefigurative movements, we are reweaving the social fabric. We are creating an alternative social world, and the relations we create along the way lay the foundations for the relations we will have after we achieve our goals.” (See Chapter One in this book). Martyn 1990, 1991, Koehn 1990, Nayar 2004, have noted the theme in their studies. See the first part of this paper. Punjabi older people now living in Canada, like other South Asians and visible minorities, are trying to integrate into the Canadian social structure (Johnston 1988, Djao 1982, Mutta 1992, Buchignani 1977, 1979, Dusenbery 1981). Therefore, they regularly come in contact with many government and non-government social agencies and people who work for those agencies. Those agencies and people are there to provide a variety of services to older Canadians, including the Punjabi seniors. The Punjabi seniors have many stories to tell to them. Martyn (1990, p.109) explains that when in her research she introduced the idea of circulating a survey in many communities, “...there were members of the Indo-Canadian community who felt that the survey was unnecessary because they believed that seniors did not need any thing but home and family.” These sites are contested spaces: “The seniors who were interviewed stated otherwise. Both the men and women stated that they wanted places near their homes where they could meet with peers and feel respected, get information about health concern and find out for themselves about services available to seniors.” Similarly, Nayar (2004, p.198) comments, “The system of seeking resources and support

44 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA

21.

22.

23.

from the social system is foreign to the first generation. This generation does not feel comfortable in going out and seeking help, especially in regard to taboo subjects.” In contrast “First-generation Sikhs prefer to get to know people in the community with whom they can talk about their problems. Therefore, in order to break the cultural gap between the traditional orientation and modern society, ethno-specific or language-specific organizations must go out to the gurdwaras and senior groups.” However, Klopf and Cambra (1993) contend that true listening accounts for only 45 percent of the total amount of time people spend communicating with each other each day, as most communication is done poorly: “We ignore, or worse, misunderstand and often forget about 75 percent of what we hear. Rarely do we listen for the deepest feelings that people frequently include in their messages. We are poor listeners probably because we do not know how to listen. We may hear well, but not too many of us have acquired the necessary skills to listen well... Hearing and listening are dissimilar processes ....,” (p. 99). I have presented voices of the Punjabi diasporic seniors in Hawaii elsewhere. See, Singh, A. (2000). “The voices and well-being of some diasporic Punjabi seniors in North America,” Guru Nanak Journal of Sociology, Vol. 21, 1-2, April-October. Department of Sociology, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, India, pp. 1- 28. Out of 500 participants, 30.4% were female and 69.6% were male Punjabi seniors. Almost 94% identified themselves as Punjabi, 88.4% were from India, 63.8% were Canadian citizens, 38.8% had college degrees, 32.2% had less then grade ten, and 27.4% had no formal education.

REFERENCES Agrawal, P. (1991). Passage from India: Post 1965 immigrants and their children. Palos Verdes, CA: Yuvati. Allen, I. L. (1990). Unkind words: Ethnic labelling from redskin to wasp. New York: Bergin & Garvey. Anderson, K., & Jack, D. C. (1991). Learning to listen: Interviews, techniques and analysts. In S. Gluck & D. Patay (Ed. and Trans.), Women’s words: The feminist practices of oral history. New York: Routledge. Assanand, S., Jides, M., Richardson, E., & Nancy-Marrison. (1990). The South Asians. In Nancy Waxler – Morrison, J. Anderson & E. Richardson (Eds.), Cross-cultural caring: A handbook for health professionals in Western Canada (pp. 141–180). Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Bains, T. S., & Johnston, H. (1995). The four quarters of the night: the life journey of an immigrant Sikh. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University. Barrier, N. G., & Dusenberg, V. A. (Eds.). (1989). The Sikh diaspora: Migration and the experience beyond Punjabi. New Delhi: Chanakya Publications. Basran, G. S., & Bloria, B. S. (2003). Migration, race, class and gender. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Basran, G. S., Gill, C., & Maclean, B. (1995). Farm workers and their children. Vancouver: Collective Press. Basran, G. S. (1983). Canadian immigration policy and theories of racism. In B. S. Bloria, P. S. Li (Eds.), Racial minorities in multicultural Canada (pp. 3–14). Toronto: Garamond Press. Becker, D. G., Blumenfield, S., & Gordon, N. (1984). Voices from the eighties and beyond: Reminiscences of nursing home residents. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 8(1–2), 83–100. Bhachu, P. (1985). Twice migrants: East African settlers in Britain. London: Tavistock Publications. Bhana, S. (Ed.). (1988). Essays on indentured Indians in Natal. Leeds: Peepal Tree Press. Bhatti, F. M. (1980). A comparative study of British and Canadian experience with South Asian immigrants. In K. Victor Ujimito & G. Hiraboyashi (Eds.), Visible minorities and multiculturalism: Asians in Canada (pp. 43–61). Toronto: Butterworths. Bhatti, F. M. (1974). East Indian immigration into Canada 1905–1973. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Surrey. Birbalsingh, F. (1993). Indo-Caribbean resistance. Toronto: TSAR Publications. 45 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH Birbalsingh, F. (Ed.). (1989). Indenture and exile. The Indo-Caribbean experience. Toronto: TSAR Publications. Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliff, NJ: PrenticeHall. Bolaria, B. S., & Peter, S. Li. (1988). Racial oppression in Canada (2nd ed.). . Toronto: Garamond Press. Bolaria, B. S., & Basran, G. S. (1985a). Profile of a Sikh community in the Canadian mosaic: A research report. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan. Bolaria, B. S., & Basran, G. S. (1985b). Sikhs in Canada: History of Sikhs in British Columbia: A research report. Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan. Boyd, M. (1991, Spring). Immigration and living arrangements: Elderly women in Canada. International migration, 25(1), 4–27. Broadfoot, B. (1977). Years of sorrow, years of shame: The study of the Japanese Canadians in world war II. Toronto: Doubleday Canada. Buchigmani, N., Indra, D., & Srivastava, R. (1985). Continuous journey: A social history of South Asians in Canada. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Buchignani, N. (1979). South-Asian Canadians and the ethnic mosaic. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 11(1), 48–68. Buchignani, N. (1977). A review of the historical and sociological literature on East Indians in Canada. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 9(1), 86–107. Butler, R. N. (1963). The life review: An interpretation of reminiscence in the aged. Psychiatry, 26, 65–76. CARP (Canadian Association for Retired Persons/Canada’s Association for the Fifty-Plus). (2002). Ageism: Aging without age discrimination. Toronto. Chadney, J. G. (1986). India’s Sikhs in Vancouver: Immigration, occupation and ethnic adaptation. In S. Chandrasekhar (Ed.), From India to Canada: A brief history of immigration: Problems of discrimination, admission and assimilation (pp. 59–66). La Jolla, CA: A Population Review Book. Chadney, J. G. (1985). Indian’s Sikh in Vancouver: immigration, occupation and ethnic adaptation. Population review, 29(1–2), 59–66. Chadney, J. G. (1984). The Sikhs of Vancouver. New York: AMS Books. Chan, S. (Ed.). (1991). Entry denied: Exclusion and the Chinese community in America, 1882–1943. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Chandrasekhar, S. (1985). A history of Canadian legislation with respect to immigration from India. Population review, 29(1–2), 11–34. Clarke, G., Peach, C., & Vertovec, S. (Eds.). (1990). Asian overseas: Migration and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cumpston, I. M. (1956–1957). A survey of Indian immigration to British tropical colonies to 1910. Population Studies, 10, 158–165. Cumpston, I. M. (1953). Indian overseas in British territories, 1834–1854. London: Oxford University Press. Dabydeen, D., & Samaroo, B. (Eds.). (1987). India in the Caribbean. London: Hansib, University of Warwick, Centre for Caribbean Studies. Daniels, R. (1994). The Indian diaspora in the United States. In J. M. Brown (Ed.), Migration: The Asian experience. New York: St. Martin’s. de Sonza, A. (1986). The Sikhs in Britain. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. Deegan, M. J., & Hill, M. (Eds.). (1987). Women and symbolic interaction. Winchester, MA: Allen and Unwin. Desai, R. (1963). Indians immigrants in Britain. London: Oxford University Press. Despres, L. A. (1967). Cultural pluralism and nationalists politics in British Guyana. Chicago: Rand McNally. Dew, E. (1989). Surinam: Transcending ethnic politics the hard way. In F. Birbalsingh (Ed.), Indenture and exile: The Indo-Caribbean experience (pp. 126–139). Toronto: TSAR Publications.

46 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA Dhaliwal, S. (2002). Dietary practices of older Punjabi women. Masters of Science thesis, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario. Dissanake, W., & Wilson, R. (Eds.). (1996). Global/local: Cultural production and the transnational imaginary. Durham & London: Duke University Press. Djao, A. W. (1982). Asian Canadians and the welfare state. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 14(2), 91–98. Driedger, L., & Chappell, N. L. (1987). Aging and ethnicity, toward an interface. Toronto: Butterworths. Dusenbery, V. A. (1981). Canadian ideology and public policy: The impact on Vancouver Sikh ethnics and religious adaptation. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 13(3), 101–119. Edmonstone, W. (1969, August 2). Sikhs open first temple in Toronto. The Toronto Star, p. 85. Espiritu, Y. L. (1995). Asian American pan ethnicity. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Ferguson, T. (1975). A white man’s country. Toronto: Doubleday Canada. Froehlich, J., & Nelson, D. Z. (1986). Affective meaning of life review through activities and discussion. American Journal of Occupational Therapy, 40(1), 27–33. Gangules, N. (1947). Indians in the empire overseas. London: The New India Publishing House. Gelfand, D. E., & Kutzik, A. J. (Eds.). (1979). Ethnicity and aging: Theory research and policy. New York: Springer Publishing Co. Geoghegan, J. (1874). Coolie: Emigration from India. Calcutta: Government Printer. George, T. (1988). Canadian Sikh women and menopause: A different view. International Journal of Sociology of the Family, 18(2), 297–307. Gill, S. (2002). Revealing moments: Voices of Canadian Sikh women in a community health program. Master of Education thesis, York University. Gillion, K. L. (1977). The Fiji Indians: Challenge to European dominance, 1920–1946. Canberra: The Australian National University Press. Gillion, K. L. (1962). Fiji’s Indian migrants: A history to the end of indenture in 1920. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Giroux, H. (Ed.). (1991). Postmodernism, feminism, and cultural politics. Albany, NY: New York State University Press. Giroux, H. (1988, Winter). Literacy and the pedagogy of voice and political empowerment. Educational Theory, 38(19), 61–75. Glasgow, R. A. (1970). Guyana, race and politics among Africans and East Indians. The Hague: Moncton. Gudykunst, W. B., & Hammer, M. R. (1983). Basic training design: Approaches to intercultural training. In D. Landis & R. W. Brislin (Eds.), Handbook of intercultural training: Issues in theory and design (Vol. I, pp. 118–154). New York: Pergamon Press. Gusfield, J. (1967). Modernity and tradition: misplaced polarities in the study of social change. American Journal of Sociology, 72(35), 1–62. Hamnett, M. P., Singh, A., Kumar, K., & Porter, D. (1984). Ethics, politics, and international social science research: from critique to praxis. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hawkins, F. (1972). Canada and immigration: Public policy and public concerns. Montreal: McGill– Queen’s University Press. Hayes, C., Kalish, R., & Gultman, D. (Eds.). (1986). European-American elderly: A guide for practice. New York: Springer Publishing Co. Hazareesingh, K. (1975). History of Indians in Mauritius. London: Macmillian. Helweg, A. W., & Helweg, O. M. (1990). An immigrant success story: East Indians in America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Helweg, A. W. (1986). Sikhs in England. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Helweg, A. W. (1985). India’s immigrant professionals in Toronto: The study of a social network. Population Review, 29(1–2), 67–79. Helweg, A. W. (1979). Sikhs in England: The development of a migrant community. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

47 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH Henry, F., & Tator, C. (2002). Racist discourse in Canada’s English media. Toronto: Canada Race Relation Foundation. Hess, G. R. (1974). The forgotten Asian American: The East Indian community in the United States. Pacific Historical Review, 43, 576–596. Hing, B. O. (1993). Making and remaking Asian America through immigration policy, 1850–1990. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP. Holland, Sir R. (1943). Indian immigration to Canada: the question of Franchise. The Asiatic Review, April, 167–172. Hune, S., et al. (Eds.). (1991). Asian Americans: Comparative and global perspectives. Association for American studies series. Pullman, WA: Washington State University Press. Huttenback, R. A. (1976). Racism and empire. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Indian Centenary Review. (1945). One hundred years of progress 1845–1945. Port of Spain: Indian Centenary Review Committee. Indra, D. (1979). The portrayal of South Asians in Vancouver Press, 1905–1976. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2(2). Jagpal, S. S. (1994). Becoming Canadians: Pioneer Sikhs in their own world. Maderia Park: B.C. Harbour Publishing. Jain, U. (1989). The Gujaratis of San Francisco. New York: AMS Press. Jakubowski, L. M. (1997). Immigration and the legalization of racism. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing. Jensen, J. (1988). Passage from India: Asian Indian immigrants in North America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Johnston, H. (1992, Spring). Voyage of the Komagata - Maru: The Sikh challenge of Canadian colour Bar. American Review of Canadian Studies, 22(1). Johnston, H. (1988). The development of the Punjabi community in Vancouver since 1961. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 20(2), 1–19. Johnston, H. (1979). The voyage of the Komagata Maru: The Sikh challenge to Canada’s colour bar. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Judge, P. S. (1993). Punjabi’s in Canada: A study of formation of an ethnic community. Delhi: Chanakya Publications. Kaminsky, J. (1984). The use of reminiscence: A discussion of the formative literature. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 7(1–2), 137–156. Kaminsky, J. (1978). Pictures from the past: the use of reminiscence in casework with the elderly. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 1, 19–32. Kaufman, C. (2003). Ideas for action: Relevant theory for radical change. Cambridge, MA: South End Press. Kelley, N., & Trebilcock, M. (1998). The making of the mosaic: A history of Canadian immigration policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Khayatt, C. (1995). Revealing moments: The voices of one who lives in the labels. In C. James & Shadd (Eds.), Encounter: Culture, values, identity. Toronto: Between the Press. Kirkwood, L. (1965, January 18). Globe and mail. p. 12. Klass, M. (1988). East Indians in Trinidad. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Klopf, D. W., & Cabera, R. E. (1993). Personal and public speaking. Englewood, Colorado: Morton Publishing Co. Knowles, V. (1997). Strangers at our gates: Canadian immigration and immigration policy, 1540– 1997. Toronto: Dundurn Press. Koehn, S. D., & Stephenson, P. H. (1991). Indo Canadian women (Punjabi). In P. H. Stephenson (Ed.), Victoria multicultural health care research project. Prepared for the Secretary of State, multicultural Canada and the intercultural association of greater Victoria. Koehn, S. D. (1990). Negotiating new lives and new lands; elderly Punjabi women in British Columbia. Master of Arts, thesis, University of Victoria, B.C., Department of Anthropology. Kondapi, C. (1951). Indians overseas 1938–1949. London: Oxford University Press.

48 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA Krause, I.-B. (1989). Sinking heart, a Punjabi communication of distress. Social Science and Medicine, 29(4), 563–575. Kurian, G. (1991, September). South Asian in Canada. International Migration, 29(3), 421–433. Kurian, G., & Srivastva, R. P. (1983). Overseas Indians: A study in adaptation. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. La Brack, B. (1988). The Sikhs of Northern California, 1904–1975. New York: AMS Press. LaGuerre, J. (Ed.). (1985). Calcutta to Caroni: The East Indians of Trinidad. St. Augustine, Trinidad: University of the West Indies. Lal, B. (1996). The odyssey of Indenture: Fragmentation and reconstruction in Indian Diaspora. Diaspora: Journal of Transnational Studies, 5(2), all, 167–188. Lal, B. (1983). Girmitiyas: The origins of the Fiji Indians. Canberra: The Journal of Pacific History. Lal, B. (1976). East Indian in British Columbia, 1904–1914. A historical study in growth and integration. M.A. thesis, University of British Columbia. Lee, J. F. L. (1991). Asian American experiences in the United States: Oral histories of first to fourth generation Americans from China, the Philippines, Japan, India, the Pacific Island, Vietnam and Columbia. Jefferson, NC: MC Failand and Company. Leonard, K. (1997). Making ethnic choices: California’s Punjabi Mexican Americans. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Lewis, M. J., & Butler, R. N. (1974). Life review therapy – putting memories to work in individual and group therapy. Geriatrics, 29, 165–173. Li, P. S. (2003). Destination Canada: immigration debates and issues. Don Mills: Oxford University Press. Li, P. S. (2001). The racial subtext in Canada’s immigration discourse. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 2(1), 77–97. Li, P. S. (1996). The making of post-war Canada. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Li, P. S., & Bloria, B. S. (Eds.). (1983). Racial minorities in multicultural Canada. Toronto: Garamond Press. Linton, J., & Oldstein, S. C. (1969). Therapeutic aspects of reminiscence. p. 50. Long, J. D., Anderson, J., & Williams, R. L. (1990). Life reflections by older kinsmen about critical life issues. Educational Gerontology, 16, 61–71. Lowe, L. (1996). Immigrant acts: On Asian American cultural politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Mahabir, N. K. (1985). The still cry. Personal accounts of East Indians in Trinidad and Tobago during indenture (1845–1917). Tacarigua, Trinidad & Ithaea: Calaloux Publications. Mahabir, N. K. (1984, August 28–September 5). East Indians in Grenada: A study in absorption. Third University of West Indies Conference on East Indians in the Caribbean. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad. Mangru, B. (1987). Benevolent neutrality. Indian Government policy and labour migration to British Guiana 1854–1884. London: Hansib Publishing Limited. Mansingh, L. (1979, September 16–22). Cultural heritage among East Indians in Jamaica. Second University of West Indies Conference on East Indians in the Caribbean. University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad. Manuel, R. C. (Ed.). (1982). Minority aging: Sociological and social psychological issues. Westport, CT: Greenwood. Marshall, V. W. (1987). Aging in Canada: Social perspectives. Markham: Fitzhenry and Whiteside. Martyn, C. (1991). Hidden faces: A survey of suburban immigrant seniors. Unpublished report prepared for the Burnaby Multicultural Society. Martyn, C. (1990). Shaping the meaning of old age: Exploring differences and opportunities among immigrant seniors. Master of Arts degree theses, Simon Fraser University. Milton, I. (Ed.). (1987). The South Asian Diaspora in Canada: Six essays. Toronto: The multicultural society of Ontario.

49 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH Min, P. G. (1995). Asian Americans. New Delhi: A Sage Focus Edition. Minhas, M. S. (1994). The Sikh Canadians. Edmonton: Reidmore Books. Mishra, P. K., & Mohapatra, V. (2002). South Asian Diaspora in North America: An annotated bibliography (Research monographs of Asian-Pacific studies 3). Delhi: Kalimago Publications. Mishra, V. (1990). Little India. Meanjin, 49, 607–618. Mishra, V. (Ed.). (1979). Rama’s banishment: A centenary tribute to the Fiji Indians 1879–1979. Auckland: Heinemann. McLeod, W. H. (2002). Historical dictionary of Sikhism. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. McLeod, W. H. (1986). Punjabi’s in New Zealand. Amritsar, India: Guru Nomak Dev University. McNeely, R. L., & Cohen, J. (1983). Aging in minority group. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. Meyerhoff, B., & Tufte, V. (1975). Life history as integration: an essay on experiential model. Gerontologist, 16(6), 541–543. Morse, E. W. (1935). Immigration and status of British East Indians in Canada: A problem in imperial relations. M.A. thesis, Queen’s University. Mutta, B., Singh, A., Kaur, A., & Singh, R. (2004). Building social capital in the Punjabi community: Research on elder abuse (A project funded by the Ontario Trillium Foundation). Toronto: Punjabi Community Health Center. Mutta, B. (1997). Needs of South Asians in Peel. Mississauga, ON: Region of Peel. Mutta, B. (1992). Sikh community and gaps in social services in the greater Toronto area: A need assessment study. Toronto: Ontario Council of Sikhs. Naidoo, J. C. (1995). The South Asian experience of aging. Multiculturalism, 8(3), 3–6. Nankpi, S. T. (1994). Perception of social support among immigrant Punjabi mothers in Edmonton. Master of Nursing Dissertation, University of Alberta. Nasra, M. S. (1994). An overview of present and future immigration dynamics in South Asia. International migration, 32(2), 217–268. Nasra, M. S. (1975). Immigration dynamics from and within South Asia. International migration, 33(3/4), 559–625. Nath, D. (1989). A History of Indians in Guyana. London: By the Author, 1970. Nayar, K. E. (2004). The Sikh Diaspora in Vancouver: Three generations amid tradition, modernity, and multiculturalism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Nelson, E. (1993). Writers of the Indian Diaspora: A bibliographical source book. New York: Greenwood Press. Niehoff, A., & Neihoff, J. (1960). East Indians in the West Indies. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Publications in Anthropology. Norris, J. (1971). Strangers entertained: A history of the ethnic groups of British Columbia. Vancouver: Evergreen Press Limited for the British Columbia Centennial 71, Committee, 231. Nusberg, C., & Osako, M. M. (Eds.). (1980). The situation of the Asian/Pacific elderly. A publication of the International Federation of Aging. O’Connell, J. T., Israel, M., & Oxtoby, W. E. (1988). Sikh history and religion in the twentieth century. Toronto: University of Toronto, Center for South Asian Studies. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in the U.S. from 1960 to the 1990s. New York: Routledge. Pettigrew, J. (1975). Robber Noblemen: A study of the political system of the Sikh Jats. London: Picnics. Pineo, H. L.-T.-F. (1984). Lured away: The life history of Indian cane workers in Mauritius. Moka: Mahatma Gandhi Institute. Prashad, V. (2000). The karma of brown folk. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Premi, M. K., & Mathur, M. D. (1995). Immigration dynamics: The Indian context. International Migration, 33(3/4), 627–666. Radchiffe, S., & Lundrigan, M. (1988). The immigrant seniors project. Canadian Journal of Pacific Health, 79(March/April), 11–15.

50 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA Rahlim, A., & Mukherjie, A. (1984). South Asian in transition: Problems and challenges. A needs assessment study conducted for Indian immigrant aid services. Scarborough, Ontario: Indian Immigrant Aid Services. Redway, B. (1984). Spotlight on Indo-Canadian national association of Canadians of origin in India. Vancouver: NACOI, B.C. Chapter. Rosenthal, C. J. (1983). Aging, ethnicity and the family: Beyond the modernizing theory thesis. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 15(3), 1–16. Roy, P. E. (1989). White man’s province. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Rudolph & Rudolph. (1984). Modernity of tradition: Political development in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (Reprint ed.) Ruhoman, P. (1948). Centenary History of the East Indians in British Guiana 1838–1938. Georgetown: East Indian 150th Anniversary Committee, 1988. Samuel, T. J. (1988). Immigration and visible minorities in the year 2001: A projection. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 20(2), 92–100. Sandhu, T. (1984, June). Social distance and the pidginized speech of Punjabi women in British Columbia. M.A. thesis, University of Victoria. Sandhu, K. S., Mani, A. (Eds.). (1993). Indian communities in Southeast Asia. Times Academic Press. Sandhu, K. S. (1969). Indians in Malaya: Some aspects of their immigration and settlements 1786– 1957. London: Cambridge University Press. Sanghera, G. (1990). The male Punjabi elderly of Vancouver: Their background, health belief, and access to health care services. M.A. thesis, University of Surrey. Saran, P. (1985). The Asian Indian experiences in the United States. Cambridge: Schenkman Publishing. Satzewich, Vic. (2000). Capital accumulation and state formation: The contradiction of international migration. In B. S. Bolaria (Ed.), Social issues and contradictions in Canadian society (pp. 51–72). Toronto, Canada: Harcourt Brace. Satzewich, Vic. (Ed.). (1992). Deconstructing a nation: Immigration, multiculturalism and racism in 90s Canada. Halifax: Fernwood. Saunders, K. (Ed.). (1984). Indentured labour in the British Empire, 1834–1920. London: Crown Helm. Schon, D. (1987). Educating the reflective practitioner. New York. Schon, D. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York: Basic Books. Sharma, K. A. (1997). The ongoing journey: Indian migration to Canada. New Delhi: Creative Books. Shepherd, V. (1993). Transients to settlers: The experience of Indians in Jamica, 1845–1950. Leeds: Peepal Tree Press. Simon, I. R. (1994). Forms of insurgency in the production of popular memories: The quincentenary and the pedagogy of counter commemoration. In H. A. Giroux & P. McLaren (Eds.), Between boders: Pedagogy and the politics of cultural studies. New York: Routledge. Simon, I. R. (1992). Teaching against the grain: text for pedagogy of possibility. New York: Bergin and Garvey. Singh, A. (2001a). Classroom management: A reflective perspective. New Delhi: Kamishka Publishers. Singh, A. (2001c, Winter). Reflective notes on modernity, changing organizations and teacher education. The Morning Watch, 28(3–4). Singh, A. (2000, Winter). Practicing ‘cultural work’ and roving leadership. The Morning Watch, 27(3– 4). Singh, A. (1996). World Englishes as a site for pedagogy of the public sphere. In RLFE (Revista de Lenguas para fines especificos) (pp. 305–328, articulo Monografico). No., Marzo-Abil, Universidad de Las palmas de Gran Canaria. Singh, A., Doyle, C., Kennedy, W., Rose, A., & Ludlow, K. (2001b). Teacher training: A reflective perspective. New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers. Singh, A., & Kinsey, B. (1993). Lay health and self-care beliefs and practices: Responses of the elderly to illness in four cultural settings in Canada and the United States. In R. Masi, L. Menshah, & M.

51 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SINGH McLeod (Eds.), Health and cultures: Policies, professional practices and education (Vol. 1, pp. 197–228). Oakville: Mosaic Press. Singh, A., Kinsley, B., & Morton, J. (1991). Informal support among the elderly in four ethnic cultural settings in Canada and the U.S.A. International Journal of Contemporary Sociology, 28(1–2), 57– 83. Singh, A., Martin, W., & Singh, R. (1991). The modes of Jeff of South-Asian elderly in Canadian society: Towards reconstructing interdependency. Multiculturalism, 13(3), 3–9. Singh, B. (2001). Canadian Sikhs: Through a century (1897–1997). Delhi: Gyan Sugar. Singh, G., & Talta, D. S. (2006). Sikhs in Britain: The making of a community. Zed Books. Singh, G. (2004). The rise of Sikhs abroad. New Delhi: Rupa and Co. Singh, J. (Eds.). (1986). Sikh symposium 1985. Willowdale, Ontario: The Sikh Social and Educational Society. Singh, J. (1980). Dynamics of Sikh organizations. In Proceedings: Sikh conference. Ottawa: The National Sikh, Society of Ottawa. Singh, P. (1990). Sikh traditions in Ontario. Polyphony, 12, 130–136. Singh, R. (1971). Days of the Sahib are over. Georgetown: By the Author. Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and ingigenores peoples. London: Zed Books Ltd. Sowell, T. (1996). Migrations and culture. New York: Basic Books. Sowell, T. (1994). Race and culture. New York: Basic Books. Sowell, T. (1981). Markets and minorities. New York: Basic Books. Srinivas, K., & Kaul, S. K. (1987). Indo-Canadian in Saskatchewan: The early settlers. Regina: India Canada Association of Saskatchewan. Stephenson, P. H. (Ed.). (1991). Victoria multicultural health care research project. Prepared for the Secretary of State, Multicultural Canada and the Intercultural Association of Greater Victoria. Stropes, R., & Cochrane, M. R. (1990). Citizens of this country: The Asian British. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Subramani. (Ed.). (1979). The Indo-Fijian experience. St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Sunahara, A. G. (1980). The politics of racism: The uprooting of Japanese Canadians during the second world war. Toronto: Lorimer. Takaki, R. (1998). Stranger from a different share: A history of Asian Americans (Revised ed.). Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Tatla, D. S. (1991). Sikhs in North America annotated bibliography. Greenwood Press. Theodoratus, R. J. (Eds.). (1984–1989). The immigrant communities and ethnic minorities in the United States and Canada. New York: AMS Press. Thompson, G. (1975). The Ismailis in Uganda. In M. Twaddle (Ed.), Expulsion of a minority: Essays on Ugandan Asians. London: Athlone Press. Timlin, M. (1960). Canada’s immigration policy, 1896–1910. Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 26. Tinker, H. (1976). Separate and unequal: India and the Indians in British Commonwealth, 1920–1950. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Tinker, H. (1974). A new system of slavery: The export of Indian labour overseas, 1830–1920. London: Oxford University Press. Trumper, R., & Wong, L. (1997). Racialization and generalization: The Canadian state, immigration and temporary workers. In B. S. Bloria & R. von Elling Bloria (Eds.), International labour migration (pp. 153–191). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Twaddle, M. (Ed.). (1975). Expulsion of a minority: Essays on Ugandan Asians. London: Athlone Press. Ujimoto, K. V. (1988). Aging, ethnicity, and health. In B. S. Bolaria & H. D. Dickinson (Eds.), Sociology of health care in Canada. Toronto, Canada: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Ujimoto, K. V. (1987). The ethnic dimension of aging in Canada In V. W. Marshall (Ed.), Aging in Canada: Social perspectives. Markham: Fitzhenry and Whiteside. 52 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

THE PUNJABI DIASPORA IN CANADA Ujimoto, K. V. (1983). Introduction to a special issue: Ethnicity and aging. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 15(3), iii–vii. Ujimoto, K. V., & Naidoo, J. (1984). Asian Canadians: aspects of social change. Guelph, Ontario: University of Guelph. Ujimoto, K. V., & Hirabayashi, G. (Eds.). (1981). Asian Canadian: Regional perspectives. Selection from the Proceedings of the Asian Canadian Symposium. Canadian Asian studies association, Mount Saint Vincent University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Ottawa.. Ujimoto, K. V., & Hirabayashi, G. (Eds.). (1980). Visible minorities and multiculturalism: Asians in Canada. Toronto: Butterworths. Varma, S. J., & Seshan, R. (Eds.). (2003). Fractured identity: The Indian Diaspora in Canada. New Delhi: Rawat. Vatuk, S. (1980). Cultural perspectives on social services for the aged in India. In C. Nusberg & M. M. Osako (Eds.), The situation of the Asian/Pacific elderly. A publication of the International Federation of Aging. Verma, A. B. (2002). The making of little Punjabi in Canada: Patterns of immigration. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Ward, W. P. (2002). White Canada forever: Popular attitudes of public policy towards orientals in British Columbia. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Wiebe, P. D., & Mariaspa, S. (1978). Indian Malaysians: The views from the plantation. New Delhi. Manohar. Wood, J. R. (1983). East-Indian and Canada’s new immigration policy. In Kurian & Srivastava (Eds.), (pp. 13–29). Wu, F. H. (2002). Yellow: Race in American beyond black and white. New York: Basic Books. Wyzan, M. L. (Ed.). (1990). The political economy of ethnic discrimination and affirmative action. A comparative perspective. Westport, CT: Prager. Yip, Y. C. (1990). The tears of Chinese immigrants. Ontario: Cormorant Books. Zia, H. (2000). Asian American dreams: The emergence of all American people. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Zurcher, L. A. (1977). The mutable self: A self-concept for social change. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.

53 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

SARAH LAMB

3. THE REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS1

ABSTRACT

Seniors from India form a relatively new but fast-growing immigrant group to the United States. Most come to America in order to be close to their U.S.-settled children, striving to sustain the long-term bonds of intergenerational reciprocity and affection that many view as central to an “Indian” and “good” family and old age. But life in America can never be the same as an envisioned life in India. People move back and forth between geographic and conceptual worlds, and in so doing take some values, practices and images from “India,” and some from “America,” creating new, complex forms of family and aging across what sometimes appear as gaping divides between generations and nations. The research is based on nearly ten years of ethnographic fieldwork among Indian families in the San Francisco and Boston cosmopolitan areas, concentrating on the mixed-ethnic (Gujarati, Punjabi, Bengali, etc.) families associated with an Indo-American community center in the San Francisco South Bay. Soon after I arrived back from India, where I had been studying aging among Bengalis,2 I met an older man from Gujarat. He lived with his wife in his daughter’s spacious Palo Alto home, having come to America after retiring as a minor railroad official, to be with his U.S.-settled children in his old age. “You are interested in Indian aging?” he inquired eagerly when I met him at an “IndoAmerican seniors” meeting. “Well, you must visit me.” He had spent much of the past few years reflecting on “Indian” versus “American” modes of aging. When I arrived at his home, he apologized for having no tea (his wife was visiting their other daughter, and his daughter and son-in-law were of course at work), and then he launched into his account, opening with an anecdote about the quandaries surrounding getting a cup of tea in America: One gentleman came from India, old man, just to find out whether he would be comfortable here with his children. I met him. I said, “How are you?” “Oh, I’m not happy.” . . He gets up at six o’clock, he requires a cup of tea, he is moving here and there, waiting for a cup of tea. The children, they get up at 8:00, or 7:30, busy with all their activities. . . . At 9:00 or at 8:00-8:30 there will be a breakfast table, so many cups of tea and all these things. “But what is the use of all this?” [the man said,] “Early in the morning I don’t get it.” I told him that it’s very bad of your children, huh? to lock up the tea and the sugar material? He said, “No, no, they’re not locking.” I said, “Then why Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 55–78. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

don’t you prepare?” He said, “No, I don’t like.” Then I said, “You better go to India. You better go back to India. In India, if you take a second cup, or a third cup of tea, they will object, they will object. Here, you can take even ten cups of tea, prepare yourself, any material you use, your children will never object. But, if you want their time, they will object. They will object if you want their time. So, better go to India. Here is not the place for you.” This anecdote points to what I soon learned to be common images held by older Indians living in the United States: Namely, that even if maybe there is less material prosperity in India (i.e., people cannot always afford as many cups of tea as they might want), then at least families in India are closer, and old people are better served. America is the land of material prosperity; India is the land of intimacy, and time. It points to some of the ways that Indian Americans and their families self-consciously grapple with the problem of how to refashion aging, family relationships, and national-cultural identity, out of the perceived competing images and values of India and the United States. Following the 1965 U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Act, which vastly opened up immigration opportunities for people from Asia, Indians have been one of the fastest-growing immigrant groups in the United States (Leonard 1997; Lal, Reeves and Rai 2007). From 2000 to 2005, the Asian Indian population in the United States grew from 1,678,000 to 2,319,000, a growth rate of about 38%, higher than that of any other Asian American group. Asian Indians now constitute about 1% of the total U.S. population.3 Initially especially, the majority of Indians came on the basis of preferred occupational skills, as highly educated young professionals, or as students in graduate and professional schools. Thus, the Indian American population has been very “young” as a whole.4 However, as earlier migrants have matured and put down roots in the United States, many have begun to express a deeply felt social-moral desire and obligation to bring their aging parents over from India. In India also, the public discourse within urban middleclass circles is that aging in the nation has become a major contemporary social problem, due to the vast number of Non-Resident Indian or NRI children living abroad who have left aging parents behind.5 So, many Indian American adults are bringing their parents to the United States—for permanent residence or long-term visits—in an effort to maintain the close intergenerational ties that they continue to regard as important to a valued and culturally Indian mode of family and aging. Although much literature has been produced over recent years on the growing South Asian American diasporic community, this literature has concentrated largely on the younger generations, the migration histories of young adults, the ambiguities of second generation identity, and the like.6 Yet, aging looms large in the ways many Indians in America think and talk about their identities and lives. This chapter concentrates on aging as an important and revealing dimension of the diasporic experience of Indians in the United States. It scrutinizes especially the ways Indian Americans refashion aging out of the transnational flows—of people, values, sentiments, goods, state policies—between India and the United States. How does aging come to signify both “Indianness” and “Americanness” in the South Asian American context? How do elders and their families strive to craft 56 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

meaningful modes of aging—and with it, valued and viable forms of personhood, family, and society—as they make their lives in the United States? METHODOLOGY

Fieldwork for this project was conducted in the San Francisco/San Jose and Boston areas. Over an eighteen month period in 1994 and 1995, and during annual summer visits since that time, I spent time with Indian American7 families in the San Francisco area (largely in the South Bay, near Silicon Valley), where I accompanied older immigrants to local seniors’ meetings; observed initiations into American citizenship; volunteered (as a member of the board and chauffeur) in an IndoAmerican community senior center; and interviewed people about their life stories, hopes, dreams, losses and struggles. From 1996 on I continued to do much of the same in the Boston region. In both the San Francisco and Boston areas, Indian Americans live largely in a scattered array of mixed ethnic, urban and suburban neighborhoods, in comfortable middle-class and upper-middle-class homes.8 Research subjects were mostly from India and mostly Hindu (though with some Sikhs and Jains), and largely Bengali and Gujarati (though with some Punjabis, other North Indians and South Indians). I conducted interviews primarily in Bengali when speaking with Bengali seniors (though generally in English when speaking with their juniors), and otherwise conversed in English. The younger generations of Indians in America are almost all fluent in English and tend to prefer English even in their homes. Almost all of the older Indian Americans (coming largely from well-educated social classes) are also conversant or fluent in English, although some feel more comfortable and able to express the nuances of their feelings and observations in their mother tongues. Thus, English was regrettably an imperfect medium of communication in some cases. Most of the people I have grown to know have been associated in some way, as members or friends of members, with the Indo-American community center where I volunteered, or with an organization for Bengalis overseas, Prabasi. Others are simply neighbors, colleagues, or friends of friends. Fieldwork in the United States was complemented by previous extensive research on aging in India and by longtime friendships with several transnational families extending between Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) and the United States. The names of all informants have been changed to protect their identities. It should be noted that I use terms such as “senior,” “old” and “older”— consistent with categorizations made in Indian American circles—to refer to those who are over about age sixty, who (if once professional) have now retired from work, and whose children are grown and married. The chapter will first look at discourses and practices of “Indianness” and aging in America, and then consider how modes of aging and family become what my informants term a hybrid “Indian American.” The reader should keep in mind that discussions of India focus on Indian Americans’ representations, imaginings and remembrances—for representations and memories of one place, conceived while in

57 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

another, make up an important part of the ways transnational spheres are lived and produced.9 Aging in “India,” from America Indian Americans speak of aging in an “Indian” society as essentially a family matter, in which aging parents live with and are cared for by adult children. Such a system of intergenerational intimacy makes up the heart of the “joint family,” which many represent as a quintessentially Indian way of life, morality, tradition and aging. According to visions of the proper joint family, parent-child ties entail life-long bonds of reciprocal indebtedness. Children—conventionally most often sons and daughters-in-law—live with and care for their aging parents out of a profound sense of moral, even spiritual, duty to attempt to repay the inerasable “debts” (rn) they owe their parents for all the effort, expense and affection their parents expended to produce and raise them.10 In their discussions about why they have come to the United States, older Indian Americans as well as their adult children almost always invoke visions of an Indian multigenerational family. When they explain the workings of reciprocal intergenerational relations, it is interesting to note that it is almost precisely the same things that parents once gave to their children that children are later obligated to return to their parents: material support, services of caring, sentiments, and the performing of key life cycle rituals (table 1).11 Table 1. Images of “Indian” intergenerational reciprocity Media of transaction Phase 1: Initial giving (parents --> children) material support services

sentiments body life cycle rituals

food, clothing, money, shelter, education e.g., serving food, daily care, cleaning urine and excrement-all requiring a great deal of effort love, affection given via birth 1st feeding of rice, marriage, etc.

Phase 2: Reciprocated giving, or the deferred repaying of debts. (adult children --> elderly parents) food, clothing, money, shelter e.g., serving food, daily care, cleaning urine and excrement (if parent becomes incontinent) love, respect children reconstruct for parents as ancestors via funeral rites funeral rites

First, parents and children each in turn provide the other with material support-food, clothing, money, shelter, funding for education, and often (for this group of immigrants) passage to America. Equally as important, parents and children provide each other with the services of caring for the other: cooking, serving food, cleaning, massaging tired limbs, bathing, and (an oft-mentioned example among the senior generation) cleaning up urine and excrement--a service parents inevitably provide for their infant children, and which children can be required to 58 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

provide for incontinent elderly parents. The parental end of such providing of services especially is frequently described by older and younger Indians as requiring vast expenditures of effort: Parents exert so much to raise their children, more than their children could ever repay. Parents and children also engage in the reciprocal exchanging of sentiments, particularly forms of love. Here, a parent and child would not exchange precisely the same (equivalent) kind of love, but their exchanges should be equitable.12 Parents shower on children love and affection throughout life, while children give parents love coupled with hierarchical respect. (Bengalis, for instance, describe affection, sneha, as a form of love flowing down from seniors to juniors; while respect, samman, is a form of love flowing up from juniors to seniors.) Finally, many older Indians further describe the reciprocal giving of life cycle rituals and bodies (such as through birth and funeral rites) as an important part of parent-child relationships in India; but (as will be discussed further below) most do not feel that they can expect these dimensions of intergenerational reciprocity to continue in America. Parents thus rarely invoke the desire to be ritually processed and honored as ancestors as a factor motivating them to migrate near their children. The expectation of participating in the first three dimensions of reciprocal exchange--of material support, services, and the sentiments of family intimacy--are what are crucial. This is why senior parents come: to enjoy what is now due them in old age, and to maintain the closeness and proper working of family, even across the expansive divides of disparate nations. Gopal Singh, a Punjabi Sikh man in his seventies, explains his immigration to the United States quite precisely in terms of his, and his children’s, expectations to participate in such a system of long-term intergenerational reciprocity. He describes intergenerational exchanges of not only forms of material support, but also of bodies (via birth), affection, talk, and the “sharing [of] sorrows and happinesses:” My wife and I were living in India. Our children [two daughters and one son, all of whom had become naturalized American citizens] thought that there is nobody to take care of us, as we had brought up our children. We . . . gave birth to them, provided a house for them, brought them up, gave them an education, and sent them to the United States for better life. . . . So, we came here to join our children, to spend the evening of our life with our children. Because if we give to someone, we [in turn] need someone to care for us, to talk to us, to share our sorrows and happinesses. We shared the sorrows and happinesses of our children, and they share our sorrows and happinesses. . . . This is why we have come here, to live with our children and spend our old age. Some speak very precisely also in terms of wanting to reap the rewards of the ‘investment’ they have made in their children. 75-year-old Gujarati immigrant Matilal Majmundar answered, for instance, when I asked him why seniors come to America: What they feel is that, they had brought up their children, spent so much money on them. And then, when [the children] become prosperous 59 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

[in America], their wives or their husbands will get the benefit, [and] they [the parents] won’t get it? You understand? That particular idea is there: Why should we not share the prosperity of our children?, for which we were accountable. Grown children also readily express their own desires to reciprocate toward their parents. “Culturally, I can’t imagine it any other way,” reflected Nita, musing about having her parents with her in her home. Some adult children further speak of wanting their parents to come live with them to help care for their own children while they may be out working, and to counteract what they see as the excessive “Americanization” that they and especially their U.S.-born children are experiencing. They hope that their parents will help preserve in their homes Indian cultural traditions surrounding not only family mores but also language, food and religion. It should be noted here that although the discourse is that “children” reciprocate toward their parents, in most parts of India, it is more precisely sons and daughters-in-law who provide most of the material support and daily labor of care, as well as perform funeral rites, for their elders. Daughters are formally relieved of their debts to their parents through the marriage ceremony, when they take on obligations to their parents-in-law. In the United States, however, many senior parents do live with daughters, providing various explanations for such an unconventional arrangement: First, if a U.S.-settled daughter’s parents-in-law do not wish to move to the United States, the daughter’s marital home can become free for her own parents. Second, many Indian daughters in the United States are working and earning their own incomes, thus reducing the stigma that many Indians attach to staying in a daughter’s home—for parents would not be materially dependent solely on their son-in-law. Finally, it is common for an Indian daughter to return to her natal home at the birth of her first child; but if it is not feasible for her to return to India for childbirth, it seems natural for her parents to come at the time of parturition to the United States, and they then may end up staying on. Other parents simply live with their American daughters for a good portion of each year, without making her home their only permanent one. Such reciprocal intergenerational exchanges between parents and children create an emotional and physical intimacy, one that ordinarily requires proximity. Many feel that intimate parent-child bonds cannot be sustained, for instance, if distant children merely supply funds to hire a servant or an institution to provide elder care, without being present to share in the daily emotional and bodily exchanges of living together. Transnational intimacy can thus be created via establishing physical proximity through migration, enabling the carrying out of reciprocal intergenerational exchanges. Incorporating elders into a close, physically proximate extended family becomes an enduring sign of a highly valued “Indian” identity, and of a good family, good society, and good old age—forged across the disparate spaces of India and America.13

60 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

Aging in “America,” among Indians Transnational living does not involve simply the picking up of people or cultural systems and importing them to another nation, however. After spending some time in the United States, Indian American seniors end up self-consciously taking on practices, values, and modes of aging they regard as “American,” although often ambivalently doing so with both reluctance and eagerness. In negotiating the intimate practices of their daily lives--making tea, cashing a government welfare check, taking a bus to a senior center, visiting a hospital--Indian Americans take some values, practices, and categories from one nation/culture (what they represent as “India”) and some from the other (“America”), living simultaneously across the two now overlapping worlds, transforming each cultural system, and themselves, in the process. To examine more closely the making of transnational lives through modes of aging, let us consider the transactions that take place between senior Indians and adult children after they have lived for some time in America. Many of the exchanges that my informants imagine to constitute an “Indian” system of intergenerational reciprocity become in America or Indo-America halted, reversed, and displaced onto the state. 1. Transactions of material support: old people, families and the state Most of the adult children in the Indian American families I know and know of in the San Francisco and Boston areas do provide a substantial degree of material support for the elderly parents they help bring over from India. Of the thirty-two immigrant “seniors” I work with most closely, for instance, twenty-one (or about two-thirds) live in the homes of their adult children, where they are provided shelter and food (or at least food supplies), and often a bit of spending money. Those who do not live with their children tend nonetheless to receive quite a lot of material support from them, such as money deposited regularly in a bank account, the gift of a car, medical expenses paid, and air tickets to and from India purchased. However, the state also ends up taking over some or much of the responsibility of providing for these senior immigrants--in the form of Supplemental Security Income welfare benefits for the aged, Medicare health insurance for the aged, state-subsidized senior apartments (which some move into), senior bus passes, discounted lunches at senior centers and the like--resulting in a whole new configuration of the social-moral relationship between old people, families, and the state. At first, many are perplexed by such a system of state-support of the elderly. Vitalbhai Gujar, for instance, described to me the confusion he experienced during his initial interview with welfare agents. Nearing seventy, he had come to the United States from Gujarat, India several years earlier to live with his only son, a naturalized American citizen and an engineer who was married to a Gujarati-born woman. Gujar regularly attended a nearby multi-ethnic senior center, where once or twice a year social service agents would come to speak about the federal Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program for the elderly and how to apply.14 61 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

He thus went to inquire at the local social service office. He recalls the puzzlement he felt: “Why are they defining me as indigent, when my son makes money?” Vitalbhai Gujar in fact had no resources of his “own” in the United States, having come to America too late in life to begin new work here, and having had (like most of his compatriots) to leave behind any resources in India, due to Government of India regulations restricting the outflow of money from the nation. But he had considered himself appropriately well provided for in the household of his son. If in India, he stressed, he would not consider himself, nor be considered by others (the community or state), to be “indigent.” Vitalbhai Gujar went on, though: “If the American government defines things this way, and if we are living in America, then why not accept?” In fact, many like Gujar who immigrated to America late in life do end up accepting SSI-aged benefits. Among the senior members of the Indo-American community center where I volunteered, directors estimated that anywhere from 50 to 75 percent were receiving SSI. Of the thirty-two people I work with most closely who are over age sixty-five, 75 percent receive SSI.15 Further, not only do many senior immigrants receive SSI, but they also make use of senior bus passes, state-subsidized senior apartments, discounted lunches at senior centers, Medicare, and the like. These older immigrants come to see SSI and other such state programs for the elderly as part of a quintessentially “American” way of doing things, and of aging. In America, many Indians explain, children do not provide for their parents--and this is not due at all necessarily to moral laxity on the part of children. Rather, older parents do not even expect or want their children to support them. They value independence and self-sufficiency, and are averse to being “burdens” on their children. Nor does the state ordinarily expect adult children to care for their parents, a presumption Indian immigrants encounter in their own interactions with state agencies, such as when applying for SSI. Swapna Goswami, a Bengali woman now in her sixties who has lived in the United States near her children for nearly twenty years, explained: “The American government doesn’t think working men and women should care for their parents. People should support themselves by working and setting aside retirement funds, and by getting SSI.” At an IndoAmerican seniors’ meeting, a member told the group a story of an Indian son who took his father to see a surgeon in the United States. The doctor said to the son (encouraging the son to get his father on Medicare), “Why should you have to pay for the surgery?” “What a different kind of society from ours, this America is!” he concluded. Some find disturbing this novel mode of imagining the relationship between an old parent, an adult child, and the government. Vitalbhai Gujar, who nonetheless was using SSI, said to me: Have you heard of the buro ashram? old age home? . . . Seniors from India are using the U.S. government like an old age home. They come here, and the U.S. government takes care of all medical expenses, food. [I asked, “Do you think that’s wrong?”] Yes! And it’s bad for families, too. My son is not taking on his responsibility of caring for me! And then their children are not

62 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

learning from them--they think just that the government should do it. . . . They’re forgetting the Indian system. Swapna Goswami spoke disapprovingly of a Gujarati friend: “She says she is here to see her kids. But I say, ‘If you come to be with your kids, then why don’t you live with them?’. . . It’s an abuse of SSI, and an abuse to old people, to allow them to be supported by SSI and not their kids.” Many I know, however, have gradually come to value and even enjoy dimensions of what they see as an American mode of aging, in which elders support themselves or are supported by the state, rather than being dependent on their children. A good proportion of senior Indian immigrants, especially those who are still married, end up using their SSI money to seek out their own apartments, some in state-subsidized senior complexes. One morning in 1994 I discussed such modes of aging with two older Punjabi Sikh men, Gopal Singh and Teja Singh–two good friends who had been in the U.S. for over ten years. At the time, I did not yet know either of them well. I had just recently begun research on the subject and still assumed that most Indian seniors would prefer to live with their children: Gopal Singh: So, the [Indian] seniors have decided that they would like to live close to their family, but prefer their independence and freedom. We prefer our independence and personal freedom. Teja Singh: As the American seniors. SL: So, some decide to live separately? TS: Yes, yes. Independent living means respectable living. But, [only those] who are getting this SSI, who are getting medical coverage-then only one can live independently here. GS: Yes, Indian elderly see the American elderly living in the senior homes [subsidized senior apartment complexes] in USA, and their lives are excellent. SL: Oh, you think their lives are excellent? [surprised] GS and TS: Yes! SL: Would you like to do that also? GS: Yeah, we would like! TS: I’m living that way! I’m living that way right now! On another occasion, Gopal Singh spoke to me eagerly about how one doesn’t even need to depend on children here, since the state provides for so much--SSI, Medicare, senior centers. “Why, we can even call 911 if something goes wrong. We tried it once,” he said with delight. “Why would we have to live with our children?” A senior Gujarati man, Manubhai Daiya, explained his transition to such an “American” mode of living. When he and his wife first came to America in 1986, they came to be with their daughter (a naturalized citizen) and help care for her children while she and her husband worked. Then six years later, he explained: “After we became senior in American parlance--that is, age sixty-five--we received SSI. So we thought we may as well launch out on our own, and accustom ourselves to American life.” So saying, he and his wife moved into a separate apartment, 63 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

where they are supported almost entirely by SSI. He describes with enthusiasm the “independence” and “freedom,” and the reduction in family conflict, which they have enjoyed since moving into their own home. Other seniors underscore that even in India, where people ordinarily expect children to support their elderly parents, they would not want to be entirely dependent on their children.16 Especially among those in this group of middle and upper class families (those well-off enough to fund passage to the United States), people would hope to retain at least some resources in their own name until they die--perhaps a retirement pension, or a separate savings account, or some family property--to help ensure that they maintain a degree of independence, respect and leverage over their children throughout their old age. Seniors thus express feelings of discomfort and humiliation in having to ask for everything from their children, even any little bit of “pocket money” to ride the bus, buy a small gift for a grandchild, or make a temple offering. Since Government of India regulations restrict the outflow of cash from the country, very few Indian seniors who immigrate to the United States late in life are able to bring their own resources with them; many thus feel relieved and grateful if they are able to receive SSI or find a part-time job. Lata Parikh, who was able to earn a little working in a child care center and who also received SSI, told about life in the U.S.: “You have to earn your pocket money! You know, if you don’t have any other and have to beg from your children [laughs a little, sheepishly]. Of course, they don’t mind, but any time, you don’t, you don’t feel like asking them for every penny you spend.” In these ways, many senior Indian immigrants see themselves as self-consciously learning to forge a partly “American” way of aging, by acquiring much of what they need to live on from the American government or from work, instead of from their children. 2. Transactions of services: unreciprocated flows in a land of prosperity Another major transformation that transpires in the working out of intergenerational relations in Indian American families involves the transaction of services. Recall that in an envisioned “Indian” system of intergenerational reciprocity, adult children not only provide material support for their elderly parents but also key services, such as cooking and serving food, tending to household chores, providing companionship and entertainment, and the like. The common perception among Indian seniors in America is that juniors do not end up reciprocating such services to their parents (or at least not as much as the seniors expect and would like), which is a key source of tension and perceived failure and disappointment on the part of seniors. The main problem (expressed by juniors and seniors) is that juniors are too busy working (they do not have any time) to provide services, such as companionship, cooking, serving, or the intensive care required when an elder becomes ill, bedridden or incontinent. Therefore, although juniors may provide foodstuff, tea materials, etc., for their parents, they do not consistently prepare and serve meals. I asked Gauri Das Gupta, a Bengali woman in her eighties who spends about half of every year with her only son in San Francisco and half in 64 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

a Kolkata old age home, if her American daughter-in-law, Jill, does the cooking. She replied, acceptingly, resignedly: “Bou? [daughter-in-law?] Cooking? She doesn’t pay much attention. How could she? She comes back from work at ten or eleven. My son, there’s no exact time he returns. Therefore, I don’t eat much. When I get hungry, I eat a bit.” The absence of cooking can loom as a formidable problem, especially for senior men who in India may have never learned even to prepare a cup of tea. Vitalbhai Gujar was proud to have learned how to make tea for himself (he would boast at Indo-American seniors’ meetings, “I’ve never once asked my daughter-in-law to make me even one cup of tea!”); but he still did not cook. Every morning he looked in the refrigerator to see if his daughter-in-law had left any prepared food there for his lunch. Rarely did he find any; so he would take the bus to an Indian restaurant, where he was able to buy lunch with his SSI money. Elders who do end up needing very much care (for instance, those who become incontinent or senile) hope to be able to return to India, where they may have a remaining relative--a child, niece, nephew, or cousin--who could care for them, or where at least they could afford to hire servants. Many worry about not being able to carry out such plans, though: “Just when you have the most need to go is when you aren’t able to go!” Lata Parikh exclaimed at an Indo-American seniors’ meeting, as people were envisioning their own future infirmities. So, some (still in small numbers) end up in American nursing homes, where the care may be professionally superior, and adequately funded by kids and/or the state, but where the old person is perceived as being radically cut off from kin, unnaturally alone at the end of life. Furthermore, it is not only that Indian American juniors do not provide services for their elders; another facet of Indian American aging is that it is often the seniors themselves who end up providing the household’s domestic services, thus reversing the expected direction of transactional flows and extending their phase of giving into old age. Senior women in particular are often the ones who end up taking on the responsibility of domestic work--cooking, childcare and housecleaning--to facilitate the external paid work of their daughter-in-laws or daughters. Men also take on domestic work, though. Men who might have, in their previous lives in India, never even prepared one cup of tea, take up vacuuming, cooking, child care. Manubhai Detha, now 72, had arrived in the U.S. from Gujarat, and told me with some pride mixed with chagrin that he makes eighty chapatis a day for his working children in their extended household of eight, while he also supplies the after-school childcare. Vitalbhai Gujar teased: “Here, all seniors get their ‘B.S.C.’ degrees–degrees in babysitting and cooking! We are all babysitters and cooks!” So, gendered as well as generational relations are transformed—as older men become newly domestic, and older women remain domestic beyond their normal years of domesticity. In so doing, they perform services that a servant might otherwise do, and reverse the mother-in-law/daughter-in-law relationship as it is more commonly played out and perceived in India (see, e.g., Lamb 2000:57).

65 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

Many say that they do not mind doing such work, which gives them a feeling of purpose and closeness to their grandchildren, and allows them to transmit to the young ones “Indian” culture. Senior Indian parents frequently also describe their performance of household work as a beneficial means of contributing to what they see as a primary aim of life in America--material prosperity through work. Nirmala Shankar, in her late fifties, had moved with her husband from Mumbai to be with their married son and daughter-in-law after they had children. She recounted with apparent satisfaction how she and her husband did all of the housework--cooking, shopping and cleaning: “This way our children can concentrate on their employment.” However, senior parents do not like being taken for granted by their children, or scolded by their children if they do not do things (such as taking phone messages in English) the right way. Matilal Majmundar proclaimed, in discussing the plight of Indian seniors here: It is one thing to be acquainted with the grandchildren, it’s one thing to love them. And, it is a second thing to be responsible for them, to baby sit them. That they don’t like. . . . They [Indian seniors] complain severely. “What is this? Are we babysitters? They are saving money, they are saving babysitters’ money for us. Are we babysitters? Huh? And at this age we have to do all these things?” So, this is their complaint. 3. Transactions of sentiments: intimacy lost? Another crucial dimension of the working out of Indian American modes of family and aging concerns the exchange of sentiments. The problem is not a matter simply of who provides the material support, or who performs the labor of household services, but of a lack of closeness, a loneliness, a being caught in a house all day surrounded by cold fog, without even a phone call from a son. An important part of Indian perceptions of junior-to-senior intergenerational “service” (called seva in many North Indian languages) is love and honor. This is what many Indian seniors feel to be the most seriously lacking here--the failure of the return gift of the sentiments of love and respect that make up close intergenerational relations. Ajit Parikh and his wife Lata, from Gujarat, reported to me how “in India,” senior parents remain the ‘virtual’ head of the household.17 If a wedding invitation comes, it will be addressed to the household’s most senior member. If an important decision is to be made, the elder will be consulted. In reality, he acknowledged, elderly parents often do not really have that much authority. “But that ‘virtual head feeling’ should be there.” In America, he professed, it’s not. Many, further, are unconvinced that their children really want them near. Matilal Majmundar reflected: [W]e give the general impression, all the seniors give the general impression that they are here because their children desire that they should be near to them. In fact, the children are not that much particular. They don’t mind, but they are not that much particular. Because it’s a botheration after all. Old people are a botheration. 66 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

Swapna Goswami was weeping one afternoon when I dropped in, because it was a three-day weekend and her son (who lived in a neighboring apartment) had not yet visited them. Her husband told me gently: “Her problem is that she is living between East and West. Like an Indian mother, she still thinks that her son should call her every day, come over to see her every day. But he has lived in USA most of his life. He won’t do that.” Dhirubhai Kumar, who traveled each year between his Bay Area son’s family and his original Ahmedabad home, told of the blow he felt when his “Americanized” son would not take his 70-year-old wife to the doctor: “So, my eldest son, I told him that it is better that she should go for x-ray, and that tomorrow will you take her to the doctor for x-ray. He said, ‘I have to go play tennis.’ [Pause. Deep sigh.] And in India if anybody speaks like this, it’s an insult.” 4. Transactions of bodies: the endings of death Finally, Indians living in America also often halt rituals of reconstructing ancestral bodies for and serving parents after death. Many, especially juniors, feel that such ritual attention to ancestors is no longer important in the American context. Many seniors state that even if they would like these rituals to be practiced, they cannot expect their children to do so in America. Some doubt whether the elaborate Hindu funereal transactions between sons and parents really amount to anything anyway: “What is the use of all this when in normal life [my son] has been maltreating me?” one man queried. Others plan explicitly transnational funerals, instructing their children to send their ashes back to relatives remaining in India, so that proper funeral and ancestral rites can at least be minimally practiced there. American medicine has also significantly influenced immigrants’ visions of death in America. As yet only a few seniors in the communities in which I am involved have died. But a few cases and stories have had a profound impact on the visions, thoughts, and concerns of others. One case in particular was discussed a lot at Indo-American seniors’ meetings over a period of several months. A senior Gujarati man (whom I had not known personally) had had a heart attack. His son called 911, so he was taken to the hospital. There he was put on life support technology and died over a period of weeks. The ordinary Hindu dying rituals such as lying on the floor—practiced to help purify the person and body, loosen worldly ties, and help the soul (or atma) leave at the moment of death (Lamb 2000: 158-60; Madan 1987: 134-35)—could not be practiced in the hospital. At one point, the man’s son and wife indicated that he should be put on the floor, but the nurses did not understand or could not accept the request. So he died in the hospital, in bed, hooked up to machines. In musing over the event, people reflected that in the “Hindu” way, the body would be discarded when old and used, like old clothing; but in the American system, a call to 911 results in attempting to keep the body alive as long as possible. As death and dying in America become less family affairs, moments for expressing and extending intergenerational family ties, they become increasingly medicalized ones. Dying in the United States is perceived to be located outside of the family and in hospitals (and in the state, through 67 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

phenomena such as Medicare and 911), and managed through a highly “advanced,” admired, at times welcomed, and yet disturbingly binding and individualizing-non-familial--medicine. For these reasons, many senior immigrants state that they would like to return to India to die.18 In scrutinizing the transactions of goods, services, sentiments and bodies practiced by older Indian immigrants and their children, then, we see four major dimensions of transformation from a perceived “Indian” to a creatively hybrid “Indo-American” mode of aging and family. First, modes of exchange within families become modified toward a lifetime unidirectional flow from parents to child, thus radically altering cultural notions of life course and entitlement. Aging becomes redefined to make elders lifetime givers to their children, rather than principally reciprocal receivers. Incidentally, this is also the way that native-born Americans tend to think of intergenerational exchanges, believing commonly that there should be a one-way (and thus non-reciprocal) lifetime flow of resources from seniors to juniors, ending if possible with an inheritance left to juniors after death.19 A second dimension of change in this reworking of Indian American aging is that the state in America takes over much of the support of elders that children would otherwise provide--supplying not only material support (such as SSI money or subsidized housing), but also the performance of services: Senior immigrants who wish to can seek out daily companionship, entertainment, cooked meals, and even trips to the hospital through state-funded programs such as community senior centers and 911 operations. Third, Indian immigrants describe aging and family life in America as entailing increased “independence” and “personal freedom,” coupled inevitably with a loss of intimacy. When people imagine the ways intergenerational relations work in India, they speak of love as being inextricably wrapped up with the giving of services and material support: All three dimensions of a parent-child relationship are tied together, as almost one and the same. So, if services and material support are provided by the state or by an “independent” self, and not by children, then love—no longer embodied in material things—becomes abstract, tenuous, uncertain. Parents and children become “independent” and “free,” but in the process they lose love. Finally, all this takes place in a perceived context of prosperity: America is/as the land of material prosperity. Pursuit of material success is the main reason seniors provide to explain their juniors’ passage to America; but it is pursued and embraced with ambivalence. In striving to work out their lives here, and the kinds of transactions that make up aging and families, the immigrants I know in these ways find themselves living amidst a transnational conjuncture of cultural and political forces. They take some symbols, values and practices from what they imagine to be “America,” and some from “India,” living each cultural system within the interconnected spaces of India and the United States. In so doing, they engage in the working out not only of aging and family but of nation and culture: what is “India,” what is “America,” what is it to be “Indian” in “America”? 68 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

Choosing to Remain: NRI Parents20 in India Not all older Indians whose children live abroad end up moving themselves overseas. Over the past several years, I have done fieldwork as well with older Indians who have expressly chosen not to migrate abroad to join Non-Resident Indian children, thereby creating from within India, some feel, a form of transnational, transcultural mode of aging and family. S. Swaminathan, a widower for the past twelve years who lives entirely alone in Kolkata, observed: “Generally we are a very family-oriented people. My whole life revolved around my children. Naturally, if I could stay with them, I would. But I can’t because they are abroad. My children do allow to have me live there, but I wouldn’t want to-- I prefer to stay alone.” In fact, rather than settle permanently with their children abroad, many NRI parents very deliberately choose to remain in India, even when their children are urging the parents to join them. The key reason elders provide for refusing to settle abroad is that such a move ends up entailing a relationship of utter dependence of the parent on the child. Although Indians widely find it normal and appropriate for an elder parent to depend on an adult child to a great extent, as we have seen, the parent would, ideally, retain some significant degree of self-reliance. For instance, the whole family may be living in the parent’s home, rather than the parent in the child’s; the parent may maintain his or her own savings account and/or pension; the parent may have many relatives, colleagues, friends and neighbors nearby with whom he or she can freely associate; and the parent may be able to get around independently to nearby markets, social contacts and temples, by foot, bus or taxi.21 These are arrangements that older parents of NRI children in India can easily practice. The NRI parents who remain in India argue, however, that in America, Indian elders become utterly and completely dependent on their children, for not only material support, but also for transportation, entertainment, and almost all social contact. This is especially true for those whose children live in smaller towns or remote suburbs. Elders describe feeling easily bored, isolated and demeaned. Visits of up to several months can be very enjoyable, but not permanent residence. Many hope that their children will return to India. Narayan Sarkar, who lived alone in south Kolkata with only his wife, his two children settled abroad, queried with a tone of mixed nostalgia and resentment, “My children who have such qualifications, why are they in that country [odese]? Why not in our country [amader dese]? . . . They should develop their own country. All the well-educated kids should come back to India, to develop their country, and to be near their parents.” He then paused, and continued with an air of bitter irony, acknowledging that it was to a large extent his own agency that had brought him and his children to the current situation that he disparages: “A bonus of my career was that we gave them a good education. And then this— With that great education, they leave. I want two things, you see: I want maximum studying for my son. I want my son to do maximum studying, at the best schools, with the best opportunities. AND: I want that he will stay here, and that I will live with him.” Yet Viraj Ghosh, 72— whose only son, a professor, has also settled in the United States—proclaims: “At

69 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

this age, it’s better to live separate. . . . If an old man says that he needs to have his son live with him, then the son won’t advance, and the country won’t advance.” Some NRI parents in India actively cultivate independence, as do some of their counterparts in the United States, also transforming aging from a principally family-centered to an increasingly individual-centered way of life. They partake of the charitable and for-profit organizations emerging in India’s urban centers to offer social, emotional and practical support for elders living apart from children— a sort of outsourcing of care from the family to the market. They join the flurry of new clubs emerging in cosmopolitan centers for “senior citizens,” clubs that emphasize the cultivation of peer friendships, active volunteerism, independence, and life-long hobbies—pursuits especially appropriate for an individualistic, rather than centrally family-oriented, sense of self. And some even turn to the old age homes that are springing up across India’s cosmopolitan centers—a phenomenon that many regard as startlingly new in the nation.22 Most approach such a project of living without children with complex ambivalence, endeavoring to take some from what they see as traditional ways and some from the new, grappling strategically with what they view as the profound changes and demands of the contemporary global era. Particular Lives Before closing, I wish to focus in a bit more detail on a few individuals’ stories, as a means of pointing—more fully than can be done through generalizations—to the varied, complex, ambivalent and deeply felt ways that new modes of aging and transnational worlds are worked out through particular people’s daily practices and reflections. Matilal Majmundar came to the U.S. in 1985 to join his wife and eldest daughter, after retiring as a minor railroad official. His wife had come two years earlier to see her second grandchild born, and finally Matilal decided to join them. “When I came over here,” he told, “I was completely bored. I used to take a bus, I and my wife, to East Ridge, and then come back by the second bus, spending our time like that, talking together. And I was very much doubtful whether it was correct for me to come over here.” A very outgoing person, he would try to strike up conversations with other people on the bus, but he recalls that, “out of ten, seven people would snub me.” “Americans don’t communicate much, first of all,” Matilal rationalized, “and secondly, they are not very free with people of other nations. . . . Unless you are willing to suffer some humiliation, you will never be able to come here.” Many years have since passed, and Matilal now describes with effusive pleasure how he has achieved the best of both the American and Indian worlds. He lives with his wife in a guesthouse on the grounds of his daughter’s spacious, lovely Palo Alto home. His daughter and husband supply room and board for the senior couple, and they receive the rest of what they need (spending money and medical expenses) from the government. Matilal’s wife does all the cooking and after school child care for her daughter and husband, and Matilal helps with homework, 70 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

plays cards, and watches TV with the grandchildren. The whole extended family dines together. Several years ago, he decided to become a U.S. citizen so that he could vote (he is keen on defending the rights of African Americans and immigrants) and be assured of receiving the welfare benefits citizens are guaranteed. Because of the professional success and material prosperity of his daughter and son-in-law, and what Matilal sees as the real generosity of a wealthy state (that can offer SSI and medical benefits to senior immigrants), Matilal feels that he--who was a relatively menial civil servant in India and had married his wife of a higher class through a love marriage sixty years earlier--has finally been able to bring his wife the comfortable and prestigious living that she deserves. Now Matilal spends the bulk of his time organizing and providing advice for more newly arrived senior Indian immigrants. He writes a column on aging in a local newspaper, travels the country to give talks on aging at various IndoAmerican community centers, and is a central figure behind the Indo-American Community Senior Center in the Bay Area. He also tutors adults in math at the local library who are working to complete their GED.23 He told: I have been telling people that when I came over here I suffered a lot of difficulties. So now that I have passed that stage, my work is that others should not suffer those difficulties that I have suffered. . . . This stage, when I have no trouble of my own, my financial no trouble, health no trouble, no trouble of spending my time [big smile]. So, I am perfectly satisfied with my life! So my work now is to see that I may be useful to others. As for his plans for dying, he says he does not care what his children do or do not do afterwards; but he has worried about how to manage a decrepit old age. He reflects: If you go to India, they will definitely talk to you, “Oh, there is life [after death]” and all these things. Nothing. In their heart they know that there is no life. Once you go, then you are completely forgotten out of history. There will be no trace. . . . So, it doesn’t much matter what happens after I die. But, my wife and I have spent a lot of time discussing what will happen if we cannot take care of ourselves. . . . We don’t want to be dependent on the children. . . . We don’t want to go to a nursing home. The position of nursing home— intolerable. I have visited the nursing home. I have visited, yes, and I have seen people suffering. I tell you, there is such a bad situation has come over here. That because of medical facilities, we are living too long. Ideally, he and his wife would return to India in late, decrepit old age, but realistically, such a journey may then be impossible. “The only consolation is that if one of us goes first, the other will not have much time more to pass.” Gopal Singh, an older Punjabi Sikh man (introduced above), frequently speaks of all the positive, wonderful, great things about American life. He exclaims: “This is the heaven on earth! . . . Old age is a gift from God when spent in dignity, as in this country.” He tells of American seniors: “Anyway, they are happy. They take 71 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

pleasure in meeting together, meeting friends, they go to picnics, and everybody is happy. . . . We see smiling faces everywhere.” He pronounces about living alone in America (with his wife), apart from his children: “I prefer independent life. I like to live on my own instead of living with relatives. I am happy now.” It was difficult, however, for him to arrive at such positive assessments. I was not able to witness directly the complex process of his working out of life in America, having met him twelve years after his arrival in the United States, and being myself a native American, a member of the nation/culture he is struggling to comprehend, and thus someone to whom he might not wish to reveal everything. But the arduous process of his gradual reworking of his own taken for granted assumptions about the world, family, America, and India seep through his writing and discussions. Singh has been writing a book on his reflections on aging in America. The book, large portions of which he read to me, has been ten years in the making. Much of it is prescriptive, happy, and cheery in tone, and reads like a positive advice manual for living as a senior Indian in the United States. One gets the feeling that in writing and reading the book, Gopal Singh is not only trying to convince and edify others of the principles he lays out, but himself. His own painful stories, though not explicitly narrated, help shape the book--for instance, when he writes of what an Indian senior should not do here, such as be crushed at an Americanized child’s divorce (it turns out that one of his children did divorce), or expect children to take their parents with them on their family vacations. One particularly poignant sequence of passages struck me. After relating how senior Indians in the United States may do best to decide to live “independently” apart from their children, he goes on to narrate: “Never turn up uninvitedly, unexpectedly at your children’s place. When you are living independently, that is. Never drop in at your children’s house unexpectedly or uninvitedly. You have to call them first that you are coming.” (I envisioned him dropping in on his kids and being painfully turned away, or being profoundly shocked by what he confronted there.) Yet the next passage was read with increasing eagerness, tears coming to his eyes: Keep your door open for your children: They need not call! Tell them [just to] press the door and come in--at any time! They are welcome. . . . When they want to come, they are always welcome, day and night, without any calling. We feel great pleasure in meeting our children! . . . Children visit parents off and on . . . . One can almost see the glow of happiness on the faces of old parents when children visit. Singh resides now with his wife in a senior apartment complex where several other Indian couples live, in the same city as his children. He has lunch every day with his closest friend, another Punjabi, and they frequently stroll together to a nearby American senior center, for discussion, events, and card playing. He sees his kids primarily on the weekends, and he takes his wife to the local Sikh temple each Sunday. Adult children of senior immigrants feel many of the same predicaments and pleasures--of being pulled and drawn in different directions, with their parents, 72 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

in/at the conjuncture of disparate nations. Pranab Das Gupta (son of Gauri Das Gupta, introduced above) has been in the United States since college, for more than thirty years, and views himself as “absolutely American.” He describes cuttingly his widowed mother’s expectations that she be cared for by her son in old age as “old-fashioned” and part of a “medieval view of life,” but imperative nonetheless. “There’s no question I have to do it,” he said. He and his American wife, Jill, support his mother entirely, which is not always easy for them. (Pranab, however, is “totally opposed” to SSI for seniors whose children can afford to support them). They have her spend half the year with them and half the year in a Kolkata old age home, this way preserving some time and space for themselves as an American married couple and also allowing her to maintain her ongoing emotional attachments to India. The elder woman travels to and from India on the airplane by herself, with a credit card and calling card supplied by her son in case anything goes wrong. Pranab often appears quite short with her, “Ma, the tea is dripping!”, “Don’t you know where the biscuits are?” But he also tends to her needs affectionately, bringing Bengali books for her from the university library, cooking occasional meals, and sometimes taking his work home so that she will not have to be alone all day. Nita (Matilal Majmundar’s daughter), much less ambivalently, finds immense value and pleasure in living with and supporting her parents in their old age. She asked her parents to come from India to live with her, her husband and children, “because culturally I couldn’t imagine it any other way.” Her parents receive SSI money but a reduced amount, because Nita and her husband provide them housing (the separate cottage in back of their home) and food (they all eat their meals together in the front house). Nita and her husband are both busy and successful professionals (both having immigrated from India to pursue higher education in the United States), and over the years Nita’s mother has performed most of the family’s childcare and cooking to enable the younger couple to work. Nita’s only regret, she says, is that there is not enough time to spend with her parents. She yearns to be even closer to them and speaks nostalgically of the life she remembers having in India, when family members could just sit together and talk endlessly. She once told me, a bit baffled, that she believes her parents have become even more “American” than she and her husband. She muses with some regret, “My parents have become so independent here that sometimes they don’t give us the chance to help them.” In such ways, senior Indian Americans and their families engage in complexly poignant processes of (re)interpreting a whole cluster of values and images, what they see as a whole way of life: of intimacy and prosperity, dependence and independence, tradition and modernity, India and America. Indians making their lives in the United States are thus not Indian or American; they are neither at the same time that they are both. They forge their lives, reinterpreting both India and America, through complexly multivalent, transnational--yet intimate--processes of cultural production.

73 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB

CONCLUSION

This chapter has focused on a vital dimension of the lives of transnational Indian Americans--their making and remaking of aging--as a means to shed light upon the ways transnationality and diasporic identities are lived and produced. The narratives examined here of senior Indians who come to live with U.S.settled children suggest as well that certain programs be more widely implemented to improve the well-being of older South Asian Americans. I opened this chapter with a narrative outlining the dilemmas of a recent South Asian American immigrant, distraught by the fact that his children were not making him morning tea. Matilal Majmundar, now well settled into a very independent American lifestyle, counseled his friend: “Here, you can take even ten cups of tea, prepare yourself, any material you use, your children will never object. But, if you want their time, they will object. They will object if you want their time.” People may feel ambivalently about America as the land of independence. But, the prevailing sentiment among older Indian Americans is that, although they may have come to the United States primarily to be with their children, they will inevitably be disappointed if they expect family intimacy to be the primary source of meaning and support in late life. Those who end up feeling the most settled and fulfilled in the North American context are thus those who purposefully branch out beyond the family, partaking of the more independent and peer-oriented way of life that they find to be culturally and politically salient in the United States. U.S. communities could, then, work much further to develop extra-family sites of sociality and productivity accessible to older South Asian Americans, such as the Indo-American Community Senior Center where Matilal Majmundar spent many of his days, Hindu and Sikh temples, and social and cultural programs for the South Asian community organized within local multi-ethnic senior centers. NOTES 1.

2. 3. 4.

The research on which this article is based was supported by a post-doctoral fellowship in the Medical Anthropology Program at the University of California-San Francisco, and by a Mazer Award for Faculty Research and the Louis, Frances and Jeffery Sachar Fund at Brandeis University. Previous research in India which informed this piece was funded by a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellowship, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, and the American Institute of Indian Studies. I would like to thank several friends, colleagues, mentors and editors for perceptive comments and insightful discussions that sharpened the arguments presented here: Ed Black, Amy Borovoy, Jennifer Cole, Jean Comaroff, Kathleen Hall, Robert Hunt, David Jacobson, Nita Kumar, Harikrishna Majmundar, McKim Marriott, William Mazzarella, Diane Mines, Linda Mitteness, and Khachig Tololyan. Most of all I am indebted to the Indian American persons and families who enabled me to work among them. To protect privacy, the names used in this paper are all pseudonyms. See Lamb 1997a, 1997b, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002. http://factfinder.census.gov. The 1990 U.S. Census counted Asian Indians age 65 and over at only 1.6 percent (Winokur 12). The 2000 U.S. Census lists Asian Indians over 65 years of age at a gradually increasing 4.0% (Census 2000 SF2 Tables DP-1). Many older Indians, however, move back and forth between India and the

74 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS

5. 6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

United States, often maintaining official residency and nationality in India, and thus do not show up in the U.S. census. See, for examples, Dupont 2000, Lamb 2007, Shankardass 2001, Sundaram 2001. Important works on South Asians in the United States include: Agrawal 1991, Jensen 1988, Kalita 2003, Khandelwal 2002, Leonard 1997, Lessinger 1995, Maira 2002, Narayan 2002, Purkayasta 2005, Rangaswamy 2000, Rudrappa 2004, Shukla 2003. Khandelwal (pp. 139-159), Lessinger (pp. 124-128) and Rangaswamy (pp. 193-216) do include brief discussions of South Asian American elders and intergenerational relationships. There is no uniformly accepted term to refer to people from the Indian subcontinent living in the United States. “South Asian,” the term in widest use within academic circles, refers to people from the contemporary countries of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bhutan (although masking often deeply felt differences of language, nationality, religion, etc.). People of Indian descent living in the United States refer to themselves by a variety of labels, including “Indian American,” “Indo-American” and simply “Indian.” Since 1980, “Asian Indian” has been the official U.S. Census category. See Anand, George (52, n.3), Kibria, Leonard (1997, 2000), Natarajan, Nelson, Prashad, Radhakrishnan, and Shankar for further discussions of these labels and their socialpolitical ramifications. On the whole, immigrants from India in the U.S. have had a high socio-economic status, following the 1965 U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Act, which allowed Asian immigrants to enter the U.S. on the basis of preferred occupational skills. The class backgrounds of Indian Americans are gradually becoming somewhat more varied, however, as (sometimes less professional) family members come under the Family Reunification Act, or as second generation children pursue various paths. For discussions of the history of South Asian immigration to the United States, see Agrawal; Hing 69-73; Jensen; Leonard 1997; Lessinger 1995; and Visweswaran. The aim of this chapter is not, then, to compare aging as it is or was in India to aging among Indians in the United States. For work on aging in India, see, e.g., Cohen; Lamb 2000; Rajan et al 1999; van Willigen and Chadha 1999; Vatuk 1980, 1987, 1990. For related discussions of how such systems of long-term intergenerational reciprocity are envisioned and practiced by families in India, in a Delhi suburb and a Bengali village respectively, see Vatuk 1990 and Lamb 2000:42-114. Actual practices and experiences surrounding aging in India (as elsewhere) are of course highly complex, varied and fraught with ambiguity, as Cohen 1998, Lamb (1997, 2000) and Vatuk (1980, 1987, 1990) show. This table is close to one I made when studying aging and families among Bengalis in India (Lamb 2000:49), for I have found that similar notions are expressed regarding parent-child reciprocity in both West Bengal, India, and among senior Indians in the United States. For further discussion of the concepts of equity and equivalence (or equality), as they operate in diverse ways within families, see Hashimoto and Jacobson. Within India, popular contemporary discourses in gerontological texts, the media and everyday talk also present aging within close, “joint,” multigenerational families as part of a “good” and “Indian” society. A “bad” old age, neglected elders and the break-up of joint families are widely viewed as resulting from the intertwined forces of colonialism, Westernization and modernity (Cohen 1998; Jain and Menon 1991; Lamb 2000:70-114). The Supplemental Security Program is a federal program established in 1974 to provide a nationally uniform guaranteed minimum income for the aged, blind and disabled. Until 1996, both citizens and legal immigrants could receive benefits under this program, provided they met other eligibility requirements pertaining to age, blindness or disability, and financial resources. Since the passing of a new bill (Welfare Reform Bill #H.R.3507, now Public Law 104-193), immigrants arriving after 1996 are not eligible for the program, until or unless they become citizens. It is important to note that of all the Indian immigrant seniors I knew who were receiving SSI, each was a recent immigrant. That is, they had come to the United States late in life to be with their children. Of the fewer senior Indian Americans I know who migrated to the United States sufficiently early in their lives to work here, and thus earn Social Security credits and amass 75 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB retirement funds, none are receiving SSI. Within Indian American households in general (those not limited to households including recent immigrants age 65 and over), welfare use is low: In California in 1990, only 7.4% of Asian Indian households received any form of public assistance (California Census 1990: Table 116, p. 256). 16. Ethnographic research in India has shown as well that while older people believe it appropriate for senior parents to be largely supported by their sons, they would not want to be fully dependent on them (Vatuk 1990, Lamb 2000: 51-53, 85). Sylvia Vatuk describes attitudes among older people living in the suburbs of Delhi: “[M]y informants . . . stressed repeatedly the importance of property for ensuring a comfortable old age—not only because it is always better to be well-off than to be poor but because control of economic resources enables the older person to command good treatment from those upon whom he or she is physically dependent” (1990:79). 17. Of course, in India, actual relations between juniors and seniors are also complex and charged with ambiguity (e.g., Cohen; Lamb 2000, 2002; Vatuk 1990). I am exploring Ajit Parikh’s representations of India, made from America. 18. Writer Tahira Naqvi’s short story “Dying in a Strange Country” portrays an older Pakistani woman’s gripping fears of dying in America when she visits her Connecticut-settled son. See also Firth 1997 for a rich look at beliefs and practices surrounding death and dying in a British Hindu community. 19. For discussions of such American attitudes about intergenerational support, see Clark 1992; Hashimoto 1996; Vatuk 1990; and Vesperi. Of course, America is a highly diverse nation. Carol Stack 1996, for instance, writes of deeply felt obligations among African Americans in the rural south to provide and care for the aging grandparents and parents who raised one (1996: 107-121). 20. “NRI parents” is a common phrased used to denote the parents remaining in India of Non-Resident Indian children. 21. See Vatuk 1990 for an examination of elder Indians’ reluctance to become entirely dependent on children within joint family households in the Delhi suburbs. 22. I examine such trends in further depth in Lamb 2005 and 2007. 23. GED refers to the “General Equivalency Diploma” to indicate a high school level of education.

REFERENCES Agrawal, P. (1991). Passage from India: Post 1965 immigrants and their children. Palos Verdes, CA: Yuvati. Anand, R. S. (1994, February 18). What should we call ourselves? Let’s debate. India-West. Clark, M. (1972). Cultural values and dependency in later life. In D. O. Cowgill & L. D. Holmes (Eds.), Aging and modernization (pp. 263–274). New York: Appleton Century Crofts. Cohen, L. (1998). No aging in India: Alzheimer’s, the bad family, and other modern things. Berkeley: University of California Press. Dupont, J. (2000, January 28). An Indian director’s stirring vision of old age. International Herald Tribune. Firth, S. (1997). Dying, death and bereavement in a British Hindu community. Leuven, Belgium: Peeters. George, R. M. (1997). From expatriate aristocrat to immigrant nobody: South Asian racial strategies in the Southern Californian context. Diaspora, 6, 31–60. Gillespie, M. (1995). Television, ethnicity and cultural change. New York: Routledge. Hall, K. D. (2002). Lives in translation: Sikh youth as British citizens. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hashimoto, A. (1996). The gift of generations: Japanese and American perspectives on aging and the social contract. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hing, B. O. (1993). Making and remaking Asian America through immigration policy 1850–1990. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Jain, M. & Menon, R. (1991, September 30). The greying of India. India Today, pp. 24–33. 76 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

REMAKING OF AGING AMONG INDIAN AMERICANS Jacobson, D. (1993). What’s fair? Concepts of financial management in stepfamily households. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 19, 221–238. Jensen, J. M. (1988). Passage from India: Asian Indian immigrants in North America. New Haven: Yale University Press. Kalita, S. M. (2003). Suburban Sahibs: Three immigrant families and their passage from India to America. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Khandelwal, M. (2002). Becoming American, being Indian: An imimgrant community in New York City. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kibria, N. (1996). Not Asian, black or white? Reflections on South Asian American racial identity. Amerasia Journal, 22, 77–86. Lamb, S. (2007). Aging across worlds: Modern seniors in an Indian Diaspora. In J. Cole & D. Durham (Eds.), Generations and globalization: Family, youth, and age in the new world economy (pp. 132– 163). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Lamb, S. (2005). Cultural and moral values surrounding care and (in)dependence in late life: Reflections from India in an era of global modernity. Journal of Long Term Home Health Care, 6(2), 80–89. Lamb, S. (2002). Love and aging in Bengali families. In D. P. Mines & S. Lamb (Eds.), Everyday life in South Asia (pp. 56–68). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Lamb, S. (2001). Being a widow and other life stories: The interplay between lives and words. Anthropology and Humanism, 26, 1–19. Lamb, S. (2000). White saris and sweet mangoes: Aging, gender and body in North India. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lamb, S. (1999). Aging, gender and widowhood: Perspectives from rural West Bengal. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 33, 541–570. Lamb, S. (1997a). The beggared mother: Older women’s narratives in West Bengal. Oral Tradition, 12, 54–75. Lamb, S. (1997b). The making and unmaking of persons: Notes on aging and gender in North India. Ethos, 25, 279–302. Lal, B. V., Reeves, P., & Rai, R. (Eds.). (2007). The encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Leonard, K. I. (2000). State, culture, and religion: Political action and representation among South Asians in North America. Diaspora, 9, 21–38. Leonard, K. I. (1997). The South Asian Americans. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Lessinger, J. (1995). From the Ganges to the Hudson: Indian immigrants in New York City. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Madan, T. N. (1987). Non-renunciation: Themes and interpretations of Hindu culture. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Maira, S. M. (2002). Desis in the house: Indian American youth culture in NYC. Temple University Press. Maira, S. M. (1999). Identity dub: The paradoxes of an Indian American youth subculture (New York mix). Cultural Anthropology, 14, 29–60. Naqvi, T. (2001). Dying in a strange country. In T. Naqvi (Ed.), Dying in a strange country: Stories (pp. 1–16). Toronto: TSAR Publications. Narayan, K. (2002). Placing lives through stories: Second-Generation South Asian Americas. In D. P. Mines & S. Lamb (Eds.), Everyday life in South Asia (pp. 419–433). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Natarajan, N. (1993). Introduction: Reading Diaspora. In E. Nelson (Ed.), Writers of the Indian Diaspora: A bio-bibliographical sourcebook (pp. xii–xix). New York: Greenwood Press. Nelson, E. S. (1992). Introduction. In E. Nelson (Ed.), Reworlding: The literature of the Indian Diaspora (pp. ix–xvi). New York: Greenwood Press. Prashad, V. (1999). From multiculture to polyculture in South Asian American studies. Diaspora, 8, 185–204. 77 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

LAMB Purkayasta, B. (2005). Negotiating ethnicity: Second-Generation South Asian Americans traverse a transnational world. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Radhakrishnan, R. (1996). Is the ethnic ‘authentic’ in the Diaspora? In Diasporic mediations: Between home and location (pp. 203–214). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Rajan, S. I., Mishra, U. S., & Sankara Sarma, P. (1999). India’s elderly: Burden or challenge? New Delhi: Sage Publications. Rangaswamy, P. (2000). Namaste America: Indian immigrants in an American metropolis. Pennsylvania State University Press. Rudrappa, S. (2004). Ethnic routes to becoming American: Indian immigrants and the cultures of citizenship. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Segal, U. A. (1991). Cultural variables in Asian Indian families. Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Human Services, 72, 233–241. Shankar, L. D. (1998). The limits of (South Asian) names and labels: Postcolonial or Asian American? In L. D. Shankar & R. Srikanth (Eds.), A part, yet apart: South Asians in Asian America (pp. 49–66). Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Shankardass, M. K. (2001, May 4). Societal responses. India Seminar, pp. 1–8. Shukla, S. (2003). India abroad: Diasporic cultures of postwar America and England. Princeton University Press. Shukla, S. (2001). Locations for South Asian Diasporas. Annual Review of Anthropology, 30, 551–572. Stack, C. (1996). Call to home: African Americans reclaim the rural south. New York: Basic Books. Sundaram, V. (2001, June 1). Delhi couple fill in for absent NRI children. India-West, 26(30), A36. van Willigen, J., & Chadha, N. K. (1999). Social aging in a Delhi neighborhood. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. Vatuk, S. (1990). To be a burden on others: Dependency anxiety among the elderly in India. In O. Lynch (Ed.), Divine passions: The social construction of emotion in India (pp. 64–88). Berkeley: University of California Press. Vatuk, S. (1987). Authority, power and autonomy in the life cycle of North Indian women. In P. Hockings (Ed.), Dimensions of social life: Essays in honor of David G. Mandelbaum (pp. 23–44). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Vatuk, S. (1980). Withdrawal and disengagement as a cultural response to aging in India. In C. Fry (Ed.), Aging in culture and society (pp. 126–48). New York: Praeger. Vesperi, M. (1985). City of green benches: Growing old in a new downtown. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Visweswaran, K. (1997). Diaspora by design: Flexible citizenship and South Asians in U.S. racial formations. Diaspora, 6, 5–29.

78 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

ROHIT BAROT

4. MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY IN THE WEST

ABSTRACT

This chapter explores the position of the elderly from British South Asian communities. In order to highlight the issues which they face, the chapter outlines the context of colonial and postcolonial migration and settlement that takes Indians both to the outposts of the Empire as well as to metropolitan Britain. The author uses a case study in order to show how migration separates the elderly from their sons and daughters, leaving them isolated and alone. When their sons and daughters attempt to resettle them in metropolitan surroundings of a European society, the elderly face estrangement and loneliness that can intensify their personal suffering. The author shows that voluntary and statutory organisations in Britain have now responded to special housing need of the Indian elderly by providing them sheltered accommodation. This change shows that the ideal of protection of the elderly in a joint family home is undermined by migration and social change. South Asian communities are well-established in Britain and there is a tradition of research and writing on their migration and settlement in the United Kingdom (Desai, R., 1963; DeWitt,J. J.;1969; Helweg, A.1986; Tambs-Lyche H, 1980; Ballard, R’,1994; Visram, R., 1986, 2002). Brij V. Lal’s recent publication The Encyclopaedia of the Indian Diaspora (2006) provides a detailed body of information about settlement of Indians in different parts of the world although the index makes no reference to either elderly or old people in global South Asian Diaspora. Dealing with migration, settlement and social organisation of different groups, these studies rarely concentrate on the effect of migration and settlement of the elderly South Asians. In contributing to this theme, the present volume provides a useful source of information on South Asian elderly in different parts of the world and this chapter examines the effect that migration, diaspora and transnationalism have on the family and elders who find themselves in a new destination after having been ‘twice migrants’ (Bhachu, P., 1985). The material for this chapter is derived from a number of case studies which the author is familiar with and supplemented with his wider personal and anthropological observations amongst the Gujarati Hindus living transnationally in Europe and America and parts of Africa including their original homeland in Gujarat. Migration and settlement in the West brings about a radical change in the family as it increasingly fails as a tradition to provide support to the elders. This narrative is concluded with a discussion of alternatives which provide shelter to the elders but also shows that Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 79–91. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

family relations have changed in the course of migration and transnational settlement. First of all, it is essential to clarify the terminology that is used in this paper. In the British social science context, the term South Asian stands for men, women and children who trace their origin and identity to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and to regions in any of these societies. They may have come to Britain from any one of the British imperial outposts in Asia and Africa. As Ballard (2001) reports in his detailed analysis, there are now 2,010,541 South Asians living in Britain and they constitute 4.00% of the population of the United Kingdom. 1,028,539 Indians are the largest South Asian minority followed by 706,752 Pakistanis and 275,250 Bangladeshis. Age divides population in all societies into a number of different categories from childhood to old age. The expression elderly refers to men and women who are described as being old. Who is and is not old may vary from one place to another. At the very least it is useful to draw a distinction between institutional definition of the elderly as being different from the self-conception of those who may or may not regard themselves as being old. In the British institutional context, the elderly may refer to various states of mental and physical health associated with growing old in addition to definitions which depend on the formal age of retirement. While policy based institutional definition may possess certain features essential for describing who is old, self conception may or may not comply with this policy definition of old age. Be that as it may, policy based concept of the elderly combined with being old as a form of self-ascription must define both institutional and individual dimension of old age. In order to locate the South Asian elderly in Britain, first of all it is essential to outline briefly the colonial and postcolonial South Asian migration and settlement in Britain with some comparative comments on similar migration to the United States. The settlement has to then account for both diasporic and transnational components which draw the Indian elderly in a particular orbit of social relations. Such relations can fundamentally vary from those categories of the elderly for whom the story of life is confined to their native social, cultural and geographical milieu. For families and communities exposed to patterns of migration, the story is more complex and requires the actors to come to terms with living in different societies at different times. In a decade or so, the elderly can move their residence from one continent to the other through several different states and societies. Such transnational positioning of the elderly must become a well-recognised pattern as more and more people move from their traditional homelands to locations considered unthinkable for permanent settlement until after the end of the Second World War. The story of South Asian migration to Britain is now a well-known feature of the migration studies. Therefore a brief sketch is sufficient to outline the main features of this migration to the United Kingdom. It is best to differentiate between colonial and postcolonial migration as the latter is mediated much more by forces of decolonisation rather than by conventional push and pull explanation. As it is well known, the British rule in India and its global imperial manifestation has been 80 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY

one of the most important factors in the movement of people of Indian origin (Tinker, 1974, 1976, 1977; Clarke, C., Peach, C., & Vertovec, S. 1990; Ghai and and Ghai 1970; Tandon 1973; Dotson F & L., 1968). Besides moving to far reaches of the Empire, Indians began to settle in England from the begining of 18th century as demonstrated by Rosina Visram in her historical study of the Indian presence in the United Kingdom (1986, 2002). There is a simple chronology of this settlement which, for the purpose of this paper can be divided into two distinctive phases which are separated by the period of Second World War. Historical evidence suggests movement of people of Indian origin in relatively subordinate position to Britain throughout the course of 18th, 19th and 20th century. In her most recent publications Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History, Visram provides a wealth of data on Indian presence in Britain for more than 250 years (2002). There were a minority of Indians who lived for an extended period of time in the UK but movement to the UK and return to one’s homeland was a more common pattern. The later part of the 19th century saw steady arrivals of young Indians who came to obtain higher education to Britain, Mahatma Gandhi himself being an interesting example of this pattern. The beginning of 20th century shows a steady arrival of Indian professionals, mostly men, who, in specific instances, married English women and then settled in the UK instead of returning to India. These middle class professional men formed the core of Indian community in Britain before the Second World War and played a decisive part in the movement for freedom of India. A Bristol based narrative of Sukhsagar Datta’s life gives an example of permanent settlement in Bristol and active involvement in the Labour Party for freedom of India (Barot, 1988). The significant feature about such professional and middle class Indians was their close contact with white English society and their successful adaptation to living “in Rome like the Romans.” However the Indian migration to Britain from South Asia takes a different form from the one that had occurred from the beginning of 20th century till the end of the Second World War. As the period of decolonisation came about, it formed an interface between the colonial and post colonial realities of migration. Decolonisation saw the formation of new South Asian states of India and Pakistan (1947) and subsequently of Bangladesh (1971). These were far reaching historical changes which affected those components of South Asian population whose association was stronger with rural and semi-rural background than with centres of privilege and power that were evolving in the newly independent nations of India and Pakistan. In Britain the middle class Indians had seen themselves as Indians. The struggle for freedom strengthened this pan-Indian identity. Once the freedom was won, with the passage of time, this Indian nationalist identity went through a pattern of differentiation that brought into play self-consciousness of regional, linguistic, religious and caste and village based identities of particular groups, a process that has been well-identified in the study of groups of South Asian origin in Britain (Ballard, 1994). The complex pattern of group formation that has taken place is relevant to explaining the position of the elderly as they have increasingly occupied a position that highlights the relationship between sending and receiving

81 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

societies and making the transnational aspect of migration and settlement an important feature of their experience. This experience marks their displacement from the orbit of their own communities to somewhat uncertain and precarious future at times with their kith and kin who have chosen to live abroad over a period of past fifty years or so. This theme of transmigration and displacement is presented here through a case study that highlights how the Indian elders become marginal as their young sons and daughters emigrate to distant destinations. For Indians generally and Gujarati Hindus in particular, the most important social institution in their everyday life is the family. It is in the context of the patrilineal family that men, women and children occupy positions of lesser or greater authority. Both age and gender bear on the distribution of authority. Although family members exercise authority in a way that varies widely between different families, it is fair to say that men exercise more authority than women. Through their ownership and control of land, business or professional jobs, older men earn respect in their community and their family. Men, women or children tend to accord them respect that kinship and affinity strengthens and makes an enduring feature of family life and social organisation. Words used for the elderly in Indian languages, for instance vadil in Gujarati, would have implied experience and wisdom. The elderly would ensure relative well-being of their fold and sustain cohesion that would see the family through the life cycle from birth to death and beyond. As a social organisation, social relations in the family may contain inequities of gender and age. Women and small children, especially young girls, can be less than equally treated, but the words for family such as kutumb or parivar evoke an image of harmony and cohesion. Even if family members quarrel and fight, the normative assumption is that ultimately members of a family hang together and share joys and burdens of what they may have to go through. Family as an ideology remains influential even in the US and UK where the traditional ‘white’ family made up of husband, wife and children has steadily declined in favour of relationships which derive much more from individual choice than from continuity of traditional family system. Politicians and policy makers frequently return to the family theme as an icon of cohesive and harmonious relations when they express deeply felt apprehension for family fragmentation of the kind where a single mother can keep her small children house-bound and go on a holiday. The unease the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair has expressed recently about the loss of respect and its restoration back to communities almost invariably touches on the family as an institution of some significance. In contrast to such themes of breakdown in interpersonal relationships, family among the Indians still retains a fair semblance of respect and regard for the welfare of each member of the family, especially children. The Indians who live outside the shores of their motherland are often believed to maintain close family ties and a system of interpersonal support that has become a popular image of the Indian family in media and among the service providers in Britain. Although family in different Indian communities still retains some of the basic features of Indian family life, it is apparent that migration has made a great impact on Indian family relations in the UK, USA, Canada, Australia as well as in countries like the 82 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY

Netherlands and Sweden where Indians live. This chapter explores one particular trajectory of migration that links Gujarat to East Africa and subsequently to countries in Europe and Britain through a biographical narrative of a family that the author is familiar with. For the purpose of this historical and factual narrative, the author has chosen a general family name Patel, a surname now widely known in the UK and US as referring to an enterprising community from Gujarat and Saurashtra regions of Western India. Mr Patel and his brother were born at the beginning of the 20th century and lived in a small village in a relatively impoverished part of Saurashtra in India. They owned a small plot of land which had been mortgaged to redeem some family debts incurred by the seniors of an earlier generation. Mr Patel’s elder brother had decided to leave their village to try his luck in Mumbai to achieve two objectives. He wanted to work and earn enough to pay off the debt on land and support his younger brother at school so that he could get some basic education. He spent several years in Mumbai and worked as an assistant in a clothing merchant shop where his basic work was to carry heavy loads of clothing material from one shop to another. It was in the course of his work that he began to meet people from various parts of Gujarat, but especially from Charottar as they were migrating to Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika and to Nyasaland, now known as Malawi. At the beginning of the 20th century, migration to colonial Africa was very attractive to Gujarati Indians as those who went there settled well and enjoyed levels of earning which were, for ordinary Indians, hard to achieve back home. Stories of this migration and the success that it brought circulated in towns and cities all over Gujarat and in cities like Mumbai where potential migrants were most likely to find themselves. Senior Mr Patel met some of these successful traders and merchants in Mumbai. They persuaded him to accept that there was little future for shop keeping and prosperity in Mumbai’s Crawford Market and that he should head for a trading centre in Kenya or Uganda and, after initially working for an Indian merchant, should set up his own shop, make money and earn respect and get married. Senior Mr Patel went to Kenya and then to Uganda where he eventually established a small retail shop. Such shops provided a focus for trade and commerce all over East and Central Africa before the beginning of the First World War. Senior Mr Patel achieved his twin-goals of redeeming the family land and educating his younger brother, junior Mr Patel. Apart from a small segment of upper and middle caste class people, secondary school education was barely available to the masses in India. For junior Mr Patel to have passed his Matriculation Examination was an outstanding success. He too followed his elder brother and spent the rest of his life in Mombasa in Kenya. Both the brothers were married and, as it was common in those days, had large families. When they were poor, the brothers maintained a close relationship that was to gradually change after their long term settlement in Kenya and Uganda spanning a period from 1920s to the end of their lives between the early sixties and early eighties. The narrative now concentrates on junior Mr Patel’s life and his wife, two sons and five daughters who were all born when Kenya was still a British colony. Mr Patel had a white collar employment that carried a mark of respect and regard for him in the local community. His seven children grew up in an Indian 83 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

neighbourhood and reached schooling age in 1950s. His eldest daughter died after an illness leaving four sisters and two brothers who lived with their parents and went to school in Mombasa. Although the relationship between Mr Patel and his wife was unstable, the four sisters and brothers grew up with security in 1950’s and early 1960’s. The post war period saw the decolonisation of India followed by creation of two different nations of India and Pakistan, so South Asia was itself a source of change that stimulated migration from new nations of India and Pakistan to Britain. The process of decolonisation gathered momentum that was to influence nationalist movements all over Africa, leading to the independence of Ghana in 1959 and then independence of Kenya (1963), Uganda (1962) and Tanganyika (1961) leading to further independence of Zambia and Malawi and eventual formation of an African state of Zimbabwe. Decolonisation made a major impact on the structure of threetiered African societies which consisted of white colonial power at the top, Indian minorities in the middle and African masses regarded as being at the bottom, at least in local political self consciousness. All this began to change rapidly as African leaders, now political masters of their own newly independent countries, desperately wanted to see African advances both in politics as well as in the economy that was still largely controlled by the people of Indian origin (Ghai D.P. and Ghai Y, P., 1970). The proportion of Indians who became citizens of the state in which they were born and where they had spent a good part of their life was smaller than those who decided that their post independence insecurity was better dealt with if they held on to their British passports. It is a well-known historical fact that decolonisation as a political change made a big impact on self-awareness of Indians in all the territories of post colonial East and Central Africa. Soon after independence, the African states, began to implement the policy of Africanisation according to which one had to be a citizen of the country in order to secure certain rights, especially citizenship right which would determine the extent of freedom or constraint that would apply on the basis of citizenship (Tandon, 1973). Africanisation policy soon began to impose restrictions on Indians in new African states with expression of hostility that marked public reaction that was powerfully expressed by President Iddi Amin of Uganda who finally decided that the Indians should be expelled from the country for milking the local economy (Humphrey D. and Ward, M., 1974). Government of Kenya had imposed restrictions on noncitizen Indians and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania nationalised all property through the Arusha Declaration of mid 1960s. Indians were rapidly on the move and leaving their East African homeland, not so much to return to post-independence hardship in India but to find better and stable economic prospects and new homes in the West. Junior Mr Patel, who was soon to approach his retirement, had passed through a very difficult period. His children were soon to complete their secondary school education and they all faced, like thousands of Indians all over Eastern Africa, the prospects of a rather uncertain future and began to consider moving to Britain as British colonial subjects. The British feared the sudden arrival of thousands of East African Indians to the United Kingdom and rushed through measures to control the 84 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY

flow of people. The Labour Government imposed racist immigration controls through the passage of Second Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1968, introducing descent as a feature of citizenship and distinguishing patrials and nonpatrials on this basis, primarily to prevent British Indians from East Africa from coming to the United Kingdom. These far reaching political changes and a sense of insecurity that affected East African Indians had a very significant effect on Mr Patel, his two sons and his four daughters. There were a variety of factors that affected the future of Mr Patel’s children. Mr Patel’s retirement coincided with an illness that kept his right leg heavily swollen for a long period of time. This had affected his mobility. The relationship between him and his wife had deteriorated over the years to leave little sense of togetherness between them. Mrs Patel had taken a bold step of setting up a little tea shop in the locality where they lived and invited ostracism and stigma as it was considered improper for a woman to have an independent stall such as the one that she had. It was assumed that the family would find it difficult to marry their daughters through the traditional procedure of arranged marriage. However, the girls themselves were fully aware of the precariousness of their situation and did not particularly wait for parental approval when they met suitable young Indians (or a non-Indian in one case). They went ahead to establish close personal relationship with them. As a consequence, the three daughters married and followed the footsteps of their husbands in leaving their home town for destinations further afield. One of them settled on the Eastern seaboard in the US, and two of them settled with their husbands in London and Leicester and the fourth sister eventually had a German partner with whom she has now lived for a long time. As for the two young sons, they followed what numerous young men did when they faced both exclusion and insecurity in their home town. Young people were leaving their homes as quickly as they could to reach Britain before the imposition of the 1968 Commonwealth Immigration Act. Both the brothers came to London. Eventually they met Swedish girls and were persuaded to move to Sweden where they finally settled and set up their own households. As a consequence of these almost inevitable changes, what Mr and Mrs Patel saw was a departure of their children to lands from where they were less likely to visit their parents. A pattern that is common in such migratory narrative is for parents to join their sons (rather than their daughters, following the patrilineal norm of sons looking after their parents) to reconstitute the family unit marked by dependence of parents on their children. The most cursory observations show that if children have gone away to the UK or to the US, parents begin to spend some time with them on a regular basis and much more so after birth of a grandchild. Then sons and daughters require support from their parents who look after their grandchildren. Although the brothers had their own children, Mr Patel or Mrs Patel did not go to visit them. Some years before Mr Patel died at the age of 84, he came and visited his daughters’ families in Britain (but not in the US) but was unable to visit his sons in Sweden. After having experienced cold climate and somewhat harsh social surroundings which tended to intensify his isolation, he had felt that he was better off where he was in warm Kenya. After this visit, he never 85 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

came back to Britain. He lived on a small pension that had decreased in value and he may have grown poorer. Eventually he became very ill and passed away. Although he and Mrs Patel had a long conflictual relationship, she suddenly found that although she had friendly support in the local community, she had no kin to support her and to look after her in Mombasa. Her daughters in Britain and one of the sons in Sweden were worried about her situation. This anxiety about their mother prompted them to organise her settlement in the UK if possible or still better near her eldest son in Sweden. As a dependent of someone who had settled in Britain or in Sweden, she was unlikely to face any exclusion based on strict immigration controls in the UK or in Sweden. Eventually she came to Britain and initially stayed with her daughter in Leicester. However, the situation was extremely difficult for her daughter whose husband resented his mother-in-law staying with them especially when he had to look after his own parents although they were not in a difficult situation of the kind that his mother-in-law faced. Pressure was brought to bear on Mrs Patel’s son in Sweden to make arrangements for her to settle there. In the arrangements that her son made for her, there was one dimension which was at least crystal clear to her son and it was that his mother was never going to live with him, his wife of a Middle Eastern origin and their two daughters. Their own dwelling was much too small to leave any space for an elderly woman who may need regular support to get around. Contrary to traditional Indian expectations, the son told his mother that it was going to be impossible for her to share accommodation with him and his family. What he did was somewhat unconventional from the point of view of his mother. He consulted Swedish Social Services and Welfare Departments to find her a protected accommodation. After an assessment of her case, the Social Services in Sweden provided her a suitable place to live and also arranged for some home help to be administered by Swedish and English speaking staff. After all arrangements were confirmed, Mrs Patel travelled to Sweden to live in the same town where her son lived but she was to live in a separate place provided and supported by the welfare state. From the accounts from those who often met her, this experience of living by herself without any companionship or regular contact with someone she could speak to her in her own language made her very unhappy and sad. Although I was aware of her plight, it was impossible for me to meet her and to grasp fully the magnitude of her distress, anguish and suffering. She had to cope with the realisation that after the death of her husband, not only was she all alone but also that no one was going to care for her in her old age when she was unable to look after herself. Her stay in Sweden lasted for a very short time, as she decided that all she wanted to do was to return to Mombasa where people she had known for most of her life, unrelated to her through ethnicity or culture, would look after her. She returned to live there and depended on the local community till her health began to fail and she died far away from her sons and daughters and her grandchildren, with whom she had no opportunity to establish close and lasting ties. One of her daughters and the son from Sweden travelled across to Mombasa to witness her cremation that was shrouded in deep sorrow and, ultimately marked almost total marginalisation of 86 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY

Mrs Patel from her natal community which could not rescue her from poverty and destitution that she had to live with. In concluding this chapter based on a this biographical narrative, it is essential to offer some important provisional remarks. The main purpose of this case study is to indicate that migration makes a significant impact on family solidarity as members of a family face the prospect of migration in their rapidly changing circumstances. It is doubtless that ideology of family solidarity and respect for one’s father and mother remains an iconic norm in diasporic Indian communities. Once the family members leave their homeland to settle further afield, the reality begins to change. Mrs. Patel’s experience of finding out that she could not live on a permanent basis with either one of her daughters in Britain or with her son in Sweden highlights the kind of suffering that the elderly might experience when they find themselves entangled in having to choose between ‘the devil and the deep blue sea’ in that their comfort, safety and well being are increasingly at risk whether they live with their children or not. Relocation is a possibility that is fraught with all sorts of problems which the young can manage more easily than those who are old and less adaptable to new circumstances. Their sense of loss is inevitable in the options they have before themselves. However, the purpose of this narrative is not to suggest that such a bleak choice is what Indian elders are likely to face in many cases. While narratives of emotional trauma, despair and suffering are significant, it is perfectly possible to show that many families bring about a successful and happy restoration of their relations after they have left their home grounds and regrouped themselves in a specific place after their initial dispersal from their normal habitat. It should be emphasised that many young Indian families enable their parents to settle with them and support them in the final phase of their life. However, it is important to note that changes in relationship between the generations draw our attention to social changes and the emergence of patterns which seem to put the elderly at a disadvantage when they join their children for permanent settlement. Both in Britain and North America, marginalisation of the Indian elderly seems to be a notable fact. Last quarter of a century in the UK shows that a remarkable change is happening in the way in which the younger generation may now view their older parents. At least traditionally, perhaps less than fifty to sixty years ago, as Cecile Joaquin-Yasay has noted recently,’ The elderly used to be a term of endearment among a very large youthful population. The numbers of the elderly have increased and shall continue to increase; as life spans increase, the elderly are now older than the 60-yearolds of yesteryears; they are getting poorer and marginalized; and they are being called the aged, a term connoting a type of burden to present-day family life (Cecil Joaquin-Yasay, 1996). It is worth dwelling on Yasay’s significant comments in order to grasp the nature of social change that is emerging as a factor in migration and formation of diasporic communities. Although Bollywood films, Zee TV and Sony Asia soaps transmitted from India to its diasporic audiences in the UK and USA, continue to 87 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

show reverence for the old and their influence in social life, marginality of the elderly appears to be a distinctive feature of the migration context of their lives when they have retired. As Yasay notes, once upon a time, the elderly enjoyed a special position of regard and respect for providing guidance and support to their sons and daughters in their old homes as well as in their new diasporic domestic life. Although not in all cases, but in a significant number of cases the author has noted that “who will look after the elderly father or mother” has become a contentious issue for the modern urbanised Indian family as it seeks to identify itself as an autonomous social entity without having to cope with those who belong to an earlier generation. In historical and ethnographic accounts of Indians living in diaspora, the elderly seem to receive much less attention than the new generation and its progress, prosperity and success. In her interesting comparative study of Indian diaspora in Britain and the US, Sandhya Shukla focuses on many different aspects of diaspora life, especially the way the younger generation is forging a new and hybrid identity. It is clear that the family and its changing relationship and increasing marginality and exclusion of the elderly has no place in her narrative (Shukla, 2003). However, Pravin Sheth (2001), a political scientist who taught in Gujarat and joined the family of his sons in Georgia and California has a remarkable chapter on the position of the elderly in the US in his book about the Indians in America. According to his account, it is evident that Yasay’s comments on the elderly as a burden is most appropriate for those circumstances in which they live in isolation in a suburban home and may suffer denigration and humiliation, with a growing cultural gap between them and the family of their sons. There are a variety of socio-cultural conflicts which occur in those diasporic families where the elderly parents may have joined their son or daughter from India or from the location of their settlement in any one of the ex-colonial society like Kenya, Uganda or Tanzania or other far flung places. The parents may be sensitive enough to recognise that they no longer have the authority to influence family of their sons or daughters and the authority may reside with the son or daughter depending on the nature of specific circumstances. In such instances, the realisation that that they hardly have any say in matters affecting the family may come as a painful realisation to the elderly as they may have to comply with norms brought into practice by their sons or daughters. Especially if they have grandchildren, complexities may arise to unsettle the grandparents. Even when they can communicate in English (not always the case), difficulties in communication can occur between the grandparents and grandchildren as well as between parents and their offspring. Although Indian communities both in the US and in UK have taken steps to preserve their linguistic heritage through their own voluntary associations and language classes, the teaching of language in the US or UK occurs in a linguistic framework that assumes predominance of English as a medium of communication. The process of adaptation in UK and US and limited contexts for using Gujarati effectively may make Gujarati a rather rudimentary and symbolic form of communication. Though grandchildren may still understand what is being said in Gujarati, they may respond in English which the grandparents may or may 88 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY

not comprehend. It is possible that grandparents may not know enough English to communicate effectively with their grandchildren and if they can, the grandchildren may regard their spoken English as being comic and funny, thus intensifying a feeling of hurt and humiliation experienced by the grandparents. In addition, sons and their wives as well as grandchildren may regard the elderly as being quaint and funny and thus fail to offer them respect that the grandparents may expect both from their own children and their grandchildren. Excluded from the mainstream conversation in the household and confined to themselves or to a television set, it is possible for the elderly to experience both displacement, marginality, despair and depression. Although in sadness and humiliation, the elderly may still prefer to live uneasily with their sons and daughters rather than by themselves. The scenario which is worse than living in humiliation with their son or daughter is when their son or daughter states categorically that they do not wish their parents to stay with them. Whatever the circumstances and justification by sons and daughters for such a decision, it comes as great shock to the elderly as they feel that their deeply felt ties to their children are being eroded. This is precisely what Mrs Patel experienced when she was invited to stay in the UK or Sweden. Mrs Patel decided that it was better for her to return to her modest arrangement in her home town in Kenya. At least she had a place to return to. In instances where the elderly parents may have left their homeland for good in the hope that they will live permanently with their children, the future may turn out to be bleak if they feel more or less imprisoned in unfriendly diasporic spaces. Pravin Sheth has documented such an incident from his observations in the United States. In one of the shocking examples that Sheth noted, concerned parents had joined their son and his wife. The young couple were so unwilling to look after the husband’s parents that they dropped them in a large shopping mall and hoped that they would somehow never come back. Shopping mall security helped the elders to contact their friends who reprimanded the son and his wife and put them to ‘shame’ in their community to ensure that they did not treat their parents with heart-breaking insensitivity. J. Redelinghuys and A. Shah (1997) note that population of ethnic elders has increased from 1% to 3% of all ethnic minority individuals between 1981 and 1991 in the UK (Office of Population Census and Surveys (OPCS), 1982, 1993). They also confirm that the composition of the ethnic elderly group included 41% of Indian subcontinent origin. With the rising population of the elders among the UK Indians, who should the parents finally stay with has emerged as a serious welfare issue for the elders. For instance, in order to save heating costs, a settled young couple may encourage the parents to leave home with them when they go to work so that they can be dropped at a public library. They would stay there for much of the day before being collected in the evening. In view of growing pressure on the elderly parents, the stereotypical view that the ‘Indians always look after their own kind’ has failed to have much substance. What was regarded as unthinkable and unacceptable, that is for the elders to break away from the family of their sons and to live alone, has become much more of a reality. In all the major British cities, various local authorities and voluntary 89 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

BAROT

organisations have responded and supported homes for the elderlies from Indian communities. As their website shows http://www.sanctuary-housing.co.uk/ homepage.html, ASRA Midlands Housing Association was founded in 1979 to respond to elderly Asians becoming homeless, living in isolated conditions and suffering from physical and verbal harassment. The word ASRA means shelter or refuge in Hindi and Urdu. The initiative arose from the jointly-held belief that Local Authority provision for the needs of the South Asians was often non-existent and, where it did occur, it could not deal with the group’s particular linguistic, cultural, dietary and religious needs in a satisfactory manner. ASRA achieved this aim by acquiring and converting some larger properties in the Highfields and Belgrave areas of Leicester from the late seventies. Now ASRA works in 8 local authority areas in the Midlands region and ASRA Midlands manages 900 homes. Besides supporting the elders from South Asian groups, it also supports housing schemes for women fleeing domestic violence, and accommodation for people with mental health problems and learning disabilities. ASRA Midlands is unique in that it understands that the provision of homes for people with an Asian lifestyle requires a pragmatic and sensitive approach to issues ranging from the management of sheltered schemes to their geographical location; the latter being essential in order to create an environment in which tenants are happy, able to access established community support networks and which meets their cultural, spiritual and linguistic needs. For example the Association provides a 24 hour multi-lingual emergency Control Centre for older residents living in sheltered housing schemes. It also provides lifeline services for people who require reassurance and support but also wish to retain their independence whilst living in the comfort of their own homes. This scheme has been a great solace to elders from the South Asian community. It is an effective and successful project that has enabled the elders from South Asian background to free themselves from oppression and abuse by their daughters and sons. While this voluntary effort is worthy of merit, it should be noted that the traditional community organizations, especially the caste organizations, may step in to offer care for their elders when the care is partially funded by the local authorities. Oshwal Elderly Welfare Association Supporting Independence Team in London assists older people to make more effective use of services provided to help them to live as independently and as comfortably as possible. This can be achieved by reducing the number of enquiries that an older person needs to make in order to access services. Undoubtedly, such alternative provision enables the elders to live in comfort and security for the duration of their life time without oppression, despair and humiliation. Such developments in nearly every major city in Britain illustrates that migration and diasporic settlement in advanced industrial societies has created a necessity for institutions which can and do look after elders from South Asian communities. REFERENCES Ballard, R. (2001). Current demographic characteristics of the South Asian presence in Britain: An analysis of the results of 2001 census. http://www.art.man.ac.uk/CASAS/pdfpapers/sasians2001.pdf. 90 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MIGRATION, TRANSNATIONALISM AND THE INDIAN ELDERLY Ballard, R. (Ed.). (1994). Desh pardesh: The South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst & Co. Barot, R. (1988). Bristol and the Indian independence movement. Bristol: University of Bristol Historical Association. Bhachu, P. (1985). Twice migrants: East African Sikh settlers in Britain. London, New York: Tavistock Publications. Cecile Joaquin-Yasay. (1996). Creating awareness of the issues and problems of the elderly among planners and policy makers. In the local community Asian population studies series No. 145, implications of Asia’s population future for older people in the family (Asian Population Studies Series, No.145, p. 131). Clarke, C., Peach, C., & Vertovec, S. (Eds.). (1990). South Asians overseas: Migration and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Desai, R. (1963). Indian immigrants in Britain. London: Oxford University Press for the Institute of Race Relations. DeWitt, J. J. (1969). Indian workers associations in Britain. London: Oxford University Press. Dotson, F. & L. (1968). The Indian Minority of Zambia, Rhodesia and Malawi. New Haven: Yale University Press. Ghai, D. P., & Ghai, Y. P. (1970). Portrait of a Minority: Asians in East Africa. Nairobi: Oxford University Press. Helweg, A. W. (1986). Sikhs in England. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Humphrey, D., & Ward, M. (1974). Passports and politics. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Lal, B. V., Reeves, P., & Rai, R. (2006). The encyclopaedia of the Indian Diaspora. Editions Didier Millet Oxford University Press. Redlinghuys, J., & Shah, A. (1997). The characteristics of ethnic elders from Indian subcontinent suing a geriatric psychiatry service in West London. Aging and Mental Health, 1(3): 243–247. Sheth, P. (2001). The elderly generation: Kaleidoscopic pattern, in Indians in America: One stream, two waves, three generations (Chapter 2). Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Shukla, S. (2003). India abroad: Diasporic cultures of post-war America and Britain. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tambs-Lyche, H. (1980). London Patidars: A case study in urban ethnicity. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Tandon, Y. (1973). Problems of a displaced minority: The new position of East African Asians (Report No.16). London: Minority Rights Group. Tinker, H. (1977). The Banyan Tree: Overseas emigrants from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Oxford: Oxford University. Tinker, H. (1976). Separate and unequal: India and the Indians in the British Commonwealth 1920– 1950. London: C. Hurst & Co. Tinker, H. (1974). A new system of slavery: The export of Indian labour overseas 1830–1920. London: Oxford University Press. Twaddle, M. (Ed.). (1975). Expulsion of a minority: Essays on Ugandan Asians. London: The Athlone Press, University of London. Visram, R. (2002). Asians in Britain: 400 years of history. London: Pluto Press. Visram, R. (1986). Ayahs, lascars and princes. London: Pluto Press.

91 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MAYA KHEMLANI DAVID

5. VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

ABSTRACT

Fictional literature (e.g. The Return by K.S. Maniam, and The Joy Luck Club by Amy Tan amongst others) have told tales of minority groups who migrated to faraway lands. In this particular study, a factual account of an elderly naturalized Malaysian Sindhi woman is recounted in an interview. It traces her life both in India and then in Malaysia, her outlook to events in her life as a Sindhi, her responsibilities as a mother and her religious beliefs. This study sheds some understanding of how the inner strength of an individual can help her withstand the many challenges that face her as a migrant from a diasporic minority group. Vindri’s story makes it clear that whilst maintaining expected norms of cultural behaviour i.e. sociocultural practices of her environment as a Malaysian Sindhi woman, it is possible at the same time to attain a sense of self if circumstances so determine and if one has a strong self of the importance of family. When this becomes the raison d’ etre in a strong personality then traditional mores and norms are adapted and at times circumvented. Background to the study Ethnographers such as Dumont (1970) posit that, in Indian culture, the emphasis is on the collective, and every person is submerged in the social whole. The social order is valued over individual affairs, and each person lives for the interest of the society, not for himself or herself. In a similar vein, social psychological literature that attempts to explain cultural differences describes Indian culture as a collectivist culture (Hofstede, 1980; Triandis, 1988, 1995), in which needs/goals of the collective (family, caste, community) are given priority over needs of the individual. According to this literature, ‘self’ in collectivist cultures is sociocentric (Shweder and Bourne, 1984) or interdependent (Markus and Kitayama, 1991), as contrasted with the construal of self as independent, which is more characteristic of Western individualistic societies. Kakar (1978) describes Indian society as a hierarchical society in which autonomy is devalued and conformity is encouraged. In terms of traditional practices in Indian matrimony, Macionis (2001: 469) notes that arranged marriages are common and divorces are not. Repercussions are inevitable for members of the community who choose not to practice these conventions, hence it is not surprising that numerous studies (c.f. Macionis, 2001; Hogg and Vaughan, 1998; Baron, Byrne and Barnscombe, 2006) have shown that individuals who belong to a group must adhere to the conventional norms Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 93–106. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

otherwise they will be ostracised by other ingroup members. In time, the acceptance of conventional norms as common sense takes place. Fairclough (1995: 12-13) terms this as the adherence of the “orderliness of discourse” which “is a matter of conformity to a framework of discoursal and pragmatic rights and obligations, based on the degrees of naturalisation which symbolises particular ideological representations of social relationships.” Aim of the Study As I listened to ‘Vindri’, a Malaysian Sindhi woman who talks about her life and her sense of being, it was clear that, whilst maintaining expected norms of cultural behaviour and expected behavioural norms i.e. sociocultural practices of her environment as a Malaysian Sindhi woman, it is possible at the same time to attain a sense of self if circumstances so determine and if one has a strong self of family and family preservation. When these become the raison d’etre in a strong personality, then traditional mores and norms are adapted and at times circumvented. Individual studies of this sort which do not fall into generalized patterns must be brought to light. However, at this point it would be necessary to provide the setting in which this study took place. Background to the Setting Malaysia is a multi-ethnic, multilingual country with a population of 23.27 million in 2000 and at least a hundred languages. Of the total population of Malaysia, Bumiputera (Malays and other indigenous groups) comprise 65.1%, Chinese 26.0% and Indians 7.7% (The Population and Housing Census, Census 2002). While the Malays who form the majority of the population are indigenous, the nonMalays (i.e. the Chinese and the Indians) are considered immigrant communities since many of their ancestors were encouraged to come into the country by the British colonial regime. Within each ethnic group there is a variety of languages and dialects. However, it is not unusual for speakers of a specific ethnic community to know and use another language better than they do their mother tongue (see David, Naji and Kaur, 2003 on the Punjabi community) In fact according to Omar (2003: 100), English is the L1 of 1% of the Malaysian population. Vindri’s Ethnic Community - The Malaysian Sindhi Community The Malaysian Sindhis are a group of diasporic people who originally came from Sind, today part of Pakistan. They are diasporic because their group, in small numbers, spread and settled down across the globe (David, 2001). The Sindhis are normally portrayed as a cosmopolitan Indian trading group united by ties of kinship and community which are reproduced across space through processes such as the circulation of women (across countries through arranged marriages) and family visiting. Hence it is not surprising that these ties have their counterpart in 94 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

the economic sphere, which is commonly characterised by sets of translocal trading linkages. The Sindhis came to Malaysia (then Malaya) to trade, generally in the textile trade. During the Second World War, the community made more permanent establishments in Malaya. This permanent feature was further consolidated by the partitioning of India when India was split into India and Pakistan and Sind become part of Pakistan. The Sindhi Hindus lost their homeland to Pakistan and therefore decided to remain on a long term basis in Malaya and in other parts of the world where they had fled. In Malaysia, with time, the children of the Sindhi community took to more professional and skilled jobs. The existing documentation of Malaysian Sindhis records the community has having about 728 people in 1947 (Sandhu, 1969), and 700 people in 1990 (Bharadwaj, 1990: 11). The Treasurer of the Sindhi Association of Malaysia (July 1995) gives a figure of not more than 600, as of 1994. Of that figure, about two-thirds are below 40 years and a little more than a quarter between 41-60 years of age. About 10% are above 60 years (David, 2001: 18). Diagram 1 illustrates the distribution of Sindhis according to their age groups as of 1994. Diagram 1 61-80 years, 10%,

0-10 years, 15%,

51-60 years, 13%, 11-20 years, 14%,

41-50 years, 14%, 21-30 years, 15%, 31-40 years, 19%

The Malaysian Sindhi community is experiencing language shift (David, 1991, 1996; 2001). The majority of the first generation Sindhi women (hereafter FG1) are not proficient in English and Sindhi is their dominant language. In contrast, Sindhi men of the first generation (hereafter MG1) who are by profession merchants, appear to be fairly competent in English. A variety of Malay known as ‘bazaar Malay’ is the language for cross-cultural and cross ethnic encounters and is known by both the men and the women of the first generation. This variety of Malay has not been formally learnt but acquired in service encounters (David, 2001). 95 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

The second generation of Malaysian Sindhis (G2) who attended English medium schools during the colonial era is more comfortable in English, which has become their dominant language. Many of the second generation of Malaysian Sindhis use their ethnic language generally only with the older non-English speaking members of their community (around 70-90 years of age as of 2007). They use Malay, which at that point in time was taught only as a single subject in schools, with non-English speaking domestic help, for example Tamil or Indonesian maids. Malay is the medium of instruction for the third generation of Malaysian Sindhis (G3-around 10-40 years of age as of 2007) who are proficient in the use of standard Malay. They are also proficient in English which is generally used by their second generation parents. If the second/third generation is from English speaking homes, they use little of their ethnic language (see David, 2001). As a community moves away from the habitual use of the ethnic language (in this case, Sindhi) and gravitates towards the communicative use of a new language (English), the dominant language of the older and younger generation are not the same, since the first generation is more comfortable in Sindhi and use dominant Sindhi, while the younger Sindhis have shifted to dominant use of English. However, as the second generation Sindhis have a receptive knowledge of Sindhi they are able to communicate and understand the use of the heritage language when communicating with members of the first generation. In contrast, the first generation women have a receptive knowledge of some English which they tend to use in communication with their grandchildren. Diagram 2 best illustrates the dynamics of this linguistic diversity of the community in Malaysia. Diagram 2 The Sindhis of Malaysia 1st generation

2nd generation

3rd generation

Members generally have lived and were born in colonial/preIndependence/pre-WWII era

Members generally have lived and were born in the final years of colonial or onset of independence/ post-WWII era

Members generally have lived and were born in the final years of the cold war era

Languages spoken mainly Sindhi Not much proficiency in English

Languages spoken Sindhi and English

Languages spoken mainly English and Malay Not much proficiency in Sindhi

mainly

Despite these different proficiencies in different languages which vary across the generations, the community has close and dense networks and are of the large part related through family and marriage ties. They meet often for social and business interactions and transactions.

96 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

Methodology The challenge of this study was that the researcher had a receptive knowledge of Sindhi and tended to use a code switched variety with dominant English and some Sindhi when talking to the subject. Code-switches are “the juxtaposition within the same speech exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different grammatical system or subsystems” (Gumperz, 1982: 59), which are used to influence interpersonal relations (Myers-Scotton, 1988: 218; Holmes, 2001: 36). People generally use code-switches to bridge linguistic deficits, or to build rapport as the use of the target interlocutor’s most comfortable language entails convergence of social ties. This is a case study of one individual who does not appear to follow the norms expected of Indian women. Case-studies are useful research tools that help illustrate the construct under investigation from the view point of a particular individual. A case-study is particularly useful for our purposes, as it provides a unique opportunity to address and examine how existence is experienced within the conscious life of a woman, and to explore how this individual incorporates a sense of self and uses this to overcome and conquer certain experiences. It is not the intention of this case study to come up with firm causal conclusions, rather the study tends to suggest the possible causal links between life circumstances and behaviour. Hogg and Vaughan (1998) wrote that case studies are well suited to the examination of unusual or rare phenomena which cannot be created in the laboratory. The interview process was semi-structured and dynamic. I generally introduced topics and then followed the subject’s lead, leaving it up to her to decide how deeply she wished to share her experiences and memories. As the interview progressed and rapport was strengthened, the process became dialectical with a mutual goal of understanding her personhood. The interview was conducted in Sindhi/English but was not audio-taped as the subject was not comfortable with the interview being recorded. Field notes and quotes were taken and these became the raw data for analysis. This study uses a “critical pedagogy” approach to achieve the aim of informing, raising awareness and consciousness of the reader about the struggles and achievements of a Sindhi woman in a transplanted environment. Participant This article focuses on the narrative of Vindri (pseudonym), a Sindhi Hindu woman in her early seventies residing in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia at the time of her involvement with this research. Vindri grew up in an urban Sindhi Bhaiband extended family household with her parents, five siblings, paternal uncles, aunts, their children and her grandparents-a typical family unit in the 1940s and 1950s in India. Vindri seems to resemble the norm for the women of her time to a certain extent (e.g. factors such as being raised in a large extended family household and contracting an arranged marriage at an early age). 97 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

Analysis No cry for emancipation of women nor demonstrations nor violence, just a silent acceptance of the traditions, norms and values of society as it was and as it is. Vindri accepted her lot in life, the ups and downs, the highs and lows, whatever the ever changing scenario might bring and moved along with the tide. But Vindri is quietly assertive particularly in life and death situations, and shows her individualism and consequently demonstrates an inner resilience. A strong woman, Vindri was brought up in a typically traditional family in India and an arranged marriage was organized for her at the tender age of 19. She traveled from her home town in Poona (now Pune) to Bombay (now Mumbai) and stayed with her parents and brother and sister in-laws in a joint family household. Soon after the wedding her husband left and went overseas to work, as was the usual practice among the young middle-class Sindhi men. On being asked how she felt when her husband had to leave her soon after the wedding Vindri looked amazed and replied: “Chokro bar vendo ho, chokri sas sah rehundi hui, tindo hiyo ho. (The men used to go out (overseas) and the women remained with the mother-in-law. This is the way it was.) Merdh jo kam ho paisa kamain, zalu jo kam ho bar paedah karnan, sambalan, skool jo dekh bal kernan, adab sekarnan.” [The male’s job was to earn, the women were to procreate, look after and educate the children and teach them the rules.] At the beginning of her marital life, she spent a lot of time and energy performing family duties in an effort to fulfill expectations of others (i.e. her in-laws). Vindri accepted the need to adjust, adapt and adopt herself into her new family. She had seen her siblings do the same and though life was sometimes trying and tiring, the young bride did her best to fit in. The do’s and don’ts of her role as the daughterin-law were deeply entrenched in her sub-conscious. She took it all in her stride, the adjusting, the adapting, the accommodating, the assimilating etc. She says: “Cha ghar mae teendoe ho aesi zananu jo kam ho leikiaan. Dekh ghar ghar joh kahani, sabri ghar mae teendoe aii gharbar.” [Whatever happened in the household we women folk had to hide it and keep it a secret. Every home has its stories and its problems.] However, one incident appears to have considerably upset her. The young bride had to cover her head and face with a veil and never directly spoke to her father-inlaw. Her conversations were mainly limited to the womenfolk, namely her motherin-law and sister-in-law. The mother-in-law always preserved her role as the head and the pivotal figure of authority. The incident that appears to stand out in Vindri’s mind concerned a lovely veil, made of fine organza. She used this to cover her head, as she said, “sejoh wakt” (all the time). This was a sign of respect bestowed on the elders. However, her mother-in-law accused the young bride of being forward and trying to draw attention to herself as the veil she wore was seen as fanciful and attention drawing. As Vindri puts it there was a “hai mechi veih” 98 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

(hue and cry) all because she had not used a viol veil(which was less transparent). She never wore the transparent veil again. She says: “Ses, saura wedah naras teenda hua/ kur-kur karandah megar teriko sah. Ghar jo shanti zaarurat ho.” [Mothers-in-law, fathers-in-law sometimes got angry/they used to groan and grumble but with a sublime diplomacy. The maintenance of peace and harmony was essential.] Discussing the use of a veil, feminist Muslim sociologists like Mernissi (1987) argue that the exclusion and seclusion of women by the veil has to do with the power struggle between fundamentalist men and unveiled women. The tradition of purdah imposes great restrictions on women’s freedom of movement and has been interpreted by feminist scholars like Ali (1993) as a symbolic division of space on the basis of gender, confining women to the domestic domain. Purdah restricts women’s mobility, ensures modesty and limits women’s contact with all men other than their husbands or male kin (Brydon and Chant, 1993). It also symbolizes the invisibility of women in ‘male spaces’ such as the streets or public places (Mernissi, 1987). Yes, life with a joint family was not easy. Vindri was well aware of this. She says, “Beh zaalu maana bacer thak thak teendoh.” This means that with two women in the house pots and pans would clash, i.e., there is always a possibility of a quarrel. But Vindri contends that as the young daughter-in-law her job was to “Meinjo kam ho ghar jo shanti rakh”. [My work and aim was to maintain peace in the household]. Vindri accepted the traditional and cultural values of her time. In matters where she herself was personally involved she tried her best to please the family and put her personal interests and desires aside as is apparent from the veil incident. She believes “Beadoh jo sarla wathea. Gaal samjoh, kiku wakah sah naeh.” [Take the advice from the senior members of the family. Try and understand and not by shouting]. However, underlying the seemingly docile and understanding new bride was a firm and strong willed woman who was ready to overcome all traditions and fight for her beliefs especially when this involved protecting her children. During her stay with her in-laws, Vindri was blessed with two daughters. One day her second daughter fell ill and in spite of all homemade remedies and care the child’s temperature would not abate. Vindri decided that she needed a doctor but the inlaws were adamant about this and said a doctor was not necessary. Children got ill and recovered. What was the fuss about? Having seen incidents in her maternal home where children ended up with polio and were permanently crippled for life, Vindri was determined to seek medical help. In her mother’s home she had seen her niece contract polio due to a similar careless and negligent attitude. Vindri realized that her daughter was doomed unless she asserted herself. Gathering all her courage, she for the first time in the three years of marriage and living in the same household, appealed directly to her father-in-law. He, after many pleas and requests, very reluctantly gave his permission for her to seek 99 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

medical help. However, he refused to give any personal support to his daughter-inlaw. Women of her standing and class never went out on their own without a maid accompanying them but he refused to let her have the household help accompany her to the doctor as she was needed to do the chores. A frightened but determined lady, braving the stares of neighbors and passers-by, Vindri set off down the lane carrying one sick child in her arms with the other grasping her sari and trotting alongside her to the doctor’s clinic. Vindri, today at 78, insists that she made it to the clinic just in time. Her daughter has till today a very negligible limp. If not for her insistence, her daughter would be lame today, Vindri states firmly. Life was not easy for the young bride and when her husband returned, she convinced him of the need for their own home as the family was growing. Hence, Vindri made a home for herself in Mahim (one of the suburbs) of Bombay. She lived in one room while two other women occupied the other rooms. Their husbands were also working overseas. The women were all alone and learnt to cooperate with each other giving companionship and support to one another in times of need. Thus, this type of community living helped tide her over this difficult period. This is not surprising, as psychologists (c.f. Sarafino, 1998) have shown that kinship and friendship bonds allow people to form support networks which contribute to their psychological and material well-being. In 1961, Vindri’s husband asked her to join him in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The fear of a new country, language and culture were overcome by the sheer excitement of joining her husband. It was no joy ride in Kuala Lumpur. Her husband was still a working partner in a textile retail store and money was tight. Soon after, some professional problems resulted in her husband dissolving the partnership. Henceforth, her husband was on his own and Vindri gave him all her support, both emotionally and by becoming involved in the business. They opened their own business, a Sindhi tradition, but it was an uphill task. Vindri learnt to manage the household expenses with the limited money she was given, yet at the same time she maintained social rapport with members of the Sindhi community in Kuala Lumpur. At that point in time there were only a few Sindhi families in Kuala Lumpur but they met every now and then, holding “satsangs” (i.e. prayer gatherings) and organizing kitty groups (ladies social groups). These prayer gatherings were also a place of social gatherings where possible roots of a matrimonial tie could take place i.e. there were many opportunities of a ‘meethi-mathi’ being contracted. Vindri was bubbly, friendly, chirpy, sociable and very much a part of this group. However, although very much status and society conscious, Vindri asserted herself whenever necessary. On one occasion, when there was a gathering in the home of a rich Sindhi, Vindri, who was invited to join the group, agreed to do so with a condition. She would go with them only if they went by bus. She found the taxi fare of “40 cents” exorbitant even when shared by four people as her husband was just starting his business. Vindri’s strong independent nature always asserted itself when and where the welfare of her family was concerned. Spending “40 cents” meant depriving other family members of their legitimate needs. Vindri once again overcame self-pride and status consciousness in the best interests of 100 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

her family. This despite the fact that Sindhi society as a whole is very status conscious i.e. collectivist way of life (c.f. Hogg and Vaughan, 1998; Macionis, 2001). It was a difficult time, the early years of her stay in this new country. The family business was facing difficult times and they stayed in a low cost apartment which was just above their shop, in what is sometimes referred to as a shophouse. They sometimes could hardly make ends meet. However, soon after, they had a lucky break and were given some contract orders for apparel for the Malaysian armed forces. There was work in hand and Vindri toiled day and night stitching batches of uniforms for the army personnel and yet ensuring that meals were provided and the young children taken care of. Once they received the army contract, there was no looking back financially. Life was much easier. Finances improved as did the family’s stature and status in society. At this very early stage of financial growth, Vindri discovered that she had again conceived. She was very much afraid that a third daughter would be born. She already had two daughters and a third would certainly not be appreciated, even by her husband. In Sindhi culture, dowry for a girl child is a social obligation. The birth of yet another daughter would only mean a further drain on the financial resources. Once again Vindri’s far-sightedness and practical nature came to the fore. Vindri made a very difficult decision. She reached an agreement with a Sindhi friend that if a girl was born she would give the child to her. It was an indeed a hard decision but one she felt had to be made in the interest of the newborn child and all family members. A strong woman, Vindri put aside her feelings of motherhood, and was once again ready to sacrifice for the sake for her family. However, it was not to be. When her friend visited her in hospital Vindhri didn’t realize that Sindhi cultural norms and mores required her to place the newborn in her friend’s arms, i.e. “godh rakho” (to place the new-born child in the lap of the “new” mother immediately). Hence, after that first visit, her friend never asked for the child, and Vindri was destined to keep her child. Recalling that delivery and her daughter-in-law’s recent delivery, Vindhri’s thrifty nature made her point out that delivery charges then were only $RM70 as opposed to the present $RM1000. This recall was in obvious reference to the exorbitant delivery charges she had recently paid for her daughter-in-law, who has stayed with her since her marriage ten years ago. Vindri’s thrifty habits have stood her in good stead. Her habit of saving from household expenses continued even when her financial status improved. Money was a means of independence and freedom of choice when making personal purchases or giving gifts in a society which is gift prone (“dethi lathi”). She said, “Jao khape kare ti saga” i.e. whatever I want, I can do. Vindri’s individualism and independence is seen in her statement that she need not ask her husband for money for personal purchases and personal gifts. Time passed and a son was born amidst much joy. Vindri recalls that according to Sindhi superstitions the birth of a son after three daughters is not to be openly

101 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

announced to the spouse and she had to find alternative means of telling her husband that he had got what he desired-a male heir! As the children grew, so did Vindri’s financial and social status. Still life was not without its trials and tribulations. Vindri’s youngest daughter met with an accident. At the hospital, the doctors told her that her child was epileptic. Vindri’s strong and fiercely protective nature came to the fore once again. Staying in the hospital day and night, she took charge and emphatically told the doctor that her daughter did not suffer from epilepsy. Based on their diagnosis the doctors were treating her daughter and giving injections and more injections. The fits and high fever, in Vindri’s opinion, were due to the accident. Vindri watching her daughter’s condition deteriorate, in disgust and anger, trusting her own instincts, and against the doctor’s advice and at her own risk, took her child home and nursed her through this crisis. Vindri’s determination, courage and grit saved her child’s life. Recollecting the incident, Vindri states “I, as a mother, knew my daughter had no fits, what did I care for the doctor’s diagnosis?” Vindri’s instincts and strength and self-belief helped her through this crisis and many more. This same strong sense of self came through recently when her husband had a heart problem. Vindri opted for a by-pass surgery, at that time, a relatively new concept and went against the advice of the icons of Sindhi society. She took her chances saying that if her husband didn’t opt for surgery, she could lose her husband at any time. If he went in for surgery, she might lose him, but he would have a fighting chance of survival. She described this period as one of the worst in her life for she was literally facing a life and death situation. She was also taking a chance with the operation and that too, very much against the advice of the doyen of the Sindhi society, whom she had consulted for advice. Fortunately, with God’s grace, her husband came through the operation successfully. She arranged the marriages for all her four children. Vindri opted to marry her eldest daughter to her sister’s son and her third daughter also to one of her first cousins. Only her second daughter married outside the family circle. Again pragmatic reasons dictated the need for arranged marriages within the family circle. Vindri felt that she knew the in’s and out’s of the family circles better than that of new relations. Vindri was brought up in the tight traditions and culture of old time Sindhi families of India. One of the mores of traditional Sindhi society was that once a daughter was married, parents were deemed to have completed their responsibility to the daughter and that even if she had a bad marriage she had to stick it out. However, whenever tough decisions and the welfare of her family were concerned, Vindri came into her own. For instance, when her eldest daughter who was married to a cousin in India faced financial and emotional problems, Vindri against the advice of her traditional husband, flew to her rescue, used her savings and invested in a little provision shop so that the young couple could eke out a living. However, when this did not work out, she had no hesitation in inviting her daughter and sonin-law to Malaysia and provided them with jobs in her own growing business. In fact, Vindri took over the responsibility of the upbringing and education of her eldest granddaughter, who lived with her when the parents decided to return to 102 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

India. Even when her granddaughter married outside the Sindhi community, Vindri, a great traditionalist who believed in endogamous marriages supported her and organized the religious ceremony in Kuala Lumpur and even invited her large network of Sindhi friends. Pragmatic and forward-looking Vindri realized the importance of supporting her granddaughter so that she would in turn be respected by her new in-laws. A show of strength and support was necessary and Vindri did her best to provide her eldest grandchild this support. Vindri’s strength lies in her ability to adjust, adapt and adopt to changing circumstances. In her personal life this strong woman has had to bear a lot. Her husband once physically abused her. She held her tongue and did not reproach him as there was nothing to be gained in doing so, she argues, “Goatt raja sah soal jawab nae kar ha mae ha ,naeh mae naeh.” [Do not question your husband, say yes when he says yes and no when he says no.] But she showed me the fresh welts on her back and my heart bled for this strong woman who could and would not cry for herself. Her only son has shown a complete disinterest in the family business and does nothing but watch Hindi movies. He does not even like to move out of his bedroom and his wife i.e. her daughter-in-law, has to serve him his meals in the bedroom. Vindri is fiercely protective of her son and does not say anything negative about him. All she said was that she had to console her daughter-in-law who was upset that she could not go to movies or parties with her husband. She told her daughterin-law “Ma aya” (I am here) and tries to take her out to such festivities. By empathizing with her daughter-in-law and constantly ensuring that she makes no difference in her treatment of her married daughters and her daughter-in-law, she has won the heart of the lonely woman. She is in the house with me all the time, she confided to the researcher. At 78, Vindri remains very much aware of local current affairs, the latest Hindi movies and news of members of the Sindhi community. Her conversation is cohesive and comprehensive. And despite suffering from asthma, she still conforms to social norms and moves within her Sindhi social circle and makes her presence felt. She holds kitty parties in her home weekly and is a good hostess not only to her Sindhi guests but to Gujeratis and Punjabi Hindus. She enjoys traveling to different countries and, given an opportunity, takes one of her daughters and or grand-daughters along on such visits. At home she still manages the household as her daughter-in-law works and daily at lunch she sits with her growing grandchildren and takes pride in their achievements. She even accompanies them to their dancing classes. Vindri is open minded and despite being a Hindu recently accepted an invitation by a Pakistani-led visiting Sindhi Christian evangelist group and actually participated in the hand-holding circle that danced around chanting “Jesus loves you.” The Sindhis are known to be adaptable and ready to observe religion, and Bharadwaj (1988: 55) claims: “Sindhis believe in and worship every religion and sect. The Sindhi is extremely adaptable and is ready to observe, not having any highly ritualistic…tradition of his own.” Speaking on religion, she bashfully admits that she does not ring bells, or spend hours in the pooja (prayer) room but has faith in God and lights her agarbati 103 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID

(incense sticks) everyday. Some Sindhis believe in reading a couple of stanzas or chapters from the holy scriptures of the Bhagavad Gita or from the Guru Granth Sahib daily. The former is the Hindu bible and the latter the Sikh. Vindri’s practical nature comes across even in her acceptance of death. She casually mentions that she distributes her jewelry on special occasions, birthdays, anniversaries, Deepavali etc. to her children and grandchildren. She calmly accepts that one of the partners in the marriage might go first, and hence it is wise for her to distribute her assets with her own hands. Even in this aspect, where it is taboo to mention the death of one’s husband, she defies tradition. Vindri, in spite of being a village girl, adapted to a life in urban cosmopolitan Kuala Lumpur and speaks not only Sindhi and Hindi but also Malay and some English. Her strength lies in her down-to earth commonsense and street smart ability to calculate the pros and cons of any situation and her fiercely protective instincts for her family. These have helped her through many rough periods in her life. Despite what appear to be real issues, a wife-beater for a husband, a nonworking and dependent adult son who appears to have withdrawn from life, an unhappy and unfulfilled daughter-in-law, a granddaughter who has not brought home a Sindhi spouse, and her own illness, Vindri lives her life fully. She enjoys her kitty parties and plays her role as wife, mother, mother-in-law, and grandmother with equal aplomb. A traditional and society-conscious woman who is well aware of her obligations as a senior member of the extended family, Vindri flew down to Mumbai recently so that she could be with and console her sister, whose son had just died. A real tribute to womanhood, Vindri emerges as a strong character and the magnet and the backbone of her family, and holds a special place in the Sindhi society of Kuala Lumpur. Her basic concept to accept what cannot be changed and use commonsense to deal with situations as they arise, has stood her in good stead in her life’s journey. CONCLUSION

This paper explores important segments of a Sindhi woman’s life and gives a succinct portrait of the trials, tribulations, and accomplishments of one woman of Sindhi ancestry in the diaspora. Her day is a combination of fierce dedication to her children, her husband, their business and to her larger extended family. This research also takes cognizance of the fact that in a transplanted environment (i.e. a place where the individual/group is a migrant entity) the place of the Sindhi woman of the first generation was not just in the kitchen but also in the family business. It reveals the intuitive economic knowledge of the unschooled Sindhi woman and the leverage money gives her. But most importantly the study discloses that a strong personality, a strong belief in intuition and an inner strength and conviction that tells one that one is right regardless of norms and mores of the society has helped a transplanted Sindhi Hindu woman to abide in her instincts and intuitions where her family is concerned. However, it must be emphasized that Vindri is just one 104 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VINDRI OF KUALA LUMPUR

woman, and her beliefs and inner resilience should not be taken as representative of all Sindhi women. Nonetheless, if women from diasporic communities are able to form their own networks within their ethnic communities and occupy themselves with activities such as child-care - in short, given responsibilities like Vindri, it is most certain that they will be able to empower themselves and others and live “the good life,” one of fulfillment and meaning. NOTE

Not withstanding proficiency differences in the heritage language, Sindhi, the researcher was able to elicit and get information from the subject. The differences in levels of proficiency between the interviewer and the interviewee did not prevent communication and understanding from taking place. More important was the fact that both the researcher and Vindri were members of the same community. This insider focus aided in an intimate sharing by the older woman and the right kind of questions (based on knowledge of the society) being asked by the younger interviewer. REFERENCES Ali, Y. (1993). Race, ethnicity and constitutional rights. In A. Barnett, C. Ellis & P. Hirst (Eds.), Debating the constitution. Cambridge: Polity Press. Baron, R. A., Byrne, D., & Branscombe, N. R. (2006). Social psychology (11th ed.) New York: Allyn & Bacon. Bharadwaj, P. (1990). Sindhis’ international year book: Glimpses of Sindhis around the world. Hong Kong: World Wide Publishing. Brydon, L., & Chant, S. (1993). Women in the third world. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. David, M. K. (2001). The Sindhis of Malaysia-A sociolinguistic account. London: Asean. David, M. K. (1996). Mother-in-Law and Daughter-in-Law relationships: A North/South Indian perspective as seen in Sindhi and Tamil proverbs. Journal of the Malaysian Modern Language Association, (1), 73–80. David, M. K. (1991, December 9–12). The Sindhis in Malaysia-Language maintenance, language loss or language death? In G. Jones C. Ozog (Eds.), Collected papers from the conference on Bilingualism and National Development (pp. 368–380). Brunei: University of Brunei Darussalam. David, M. K., Naji, I., & Kaur, S. (2003). The Punjabi community in the Klang valley, Malaysia: Language maintenance or language shift? International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 161, 1–20. Dumont, L. (1970). Religion/Politics and History in India: Collected papers in Indian sociology. Paris: Moulton Publishers. Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language. Essex: Longman. Gumperz, J. (1982). Discourse strategies. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: International differences in work-related values. London: Sage Publications. Hogg, M. A., & Vaughan, G. M. (1998). Social psychology (2nd ed.). Hertfordshire: Prentice Hall Europe. Holmes, J. (2001). An introduction to sociolinguistics (2nd ed.). Essex: Longman. Kakar, H. (1978). The fall of the Afghan monarchy in 1973. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 9, 195–214.

105 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KHEMLANI DAVID Macionis, J. J. (2001). Sociology (8th ed.). New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Maniam, K. S. (1994). The return. Skoob Books. Markus, H., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253. Mernissi, F. (1987). Beyond the veil: Male-Female dynamics in a modern Muslim society. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Myers-Scotton, C. (1988). Codeswitching as indexical of social negotiation. In M. Heller (Ed.), Codeswitching: Anthropological and sociolinguistic perspectives (pp. 151–186). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Omar, A. (2003). Language and empowerment. Kuala Lumpur: Persatuan Bahasa Moden. Population and Housing Census. (2001, November 6). Press statement of the population distribution and basic demographic characteristics report. Retrieved February 10, 2005, from the Malaysian Department of Statistics website: http://www.statistics.gov.my/English/frameset_pressdemo.php Sandhu, K. S. (1969). Indians in Malaya: Some aspects of their immigration and settlement (1786– 1957). London: Cambridge. Sarafino, E. P. (1998). Health psychology: Biopsychosocial interactions. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Shweder, R. A., & Bourne, L. (1984). Does the concept of the person vary cross-culturally? In R. Shweder & R. Levine (Eds.), Culture theory: Essays on mind, self, and emotion (pp. 158–190). New York: Cambridge University Press. Tan, A. (2006). The joy luck club. Penguin (Non-classics). Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Triandis, H. C. (1988). Collectivism and Individualism: A reconceptualization of a basic concept in cross-cultural psychology. In G. K. Verma & C. Bagley (Eds.), Personality, attitudes and cognitions (pp. 60–95). London: MacMillan.

106 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KALYANI MEHTA AND KIRAN SHAH

6. THE LIVED EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

ABSTRACT

The chapter aims to capture the lived experiences of Gujarati elders in Singapore who have migrated from India many years ago. A mixed method was used in the research project comprising a survey, focus groups and indepth case studies. The findings reported in this chapter are part of a larger study of the Gujarati community in Singapore. The case studies of twelve Gujarati seniors generated a wealth of data that captured the historical experiences of the first generation of Gujaratis, and the changes that these pioneers had witnessed. The voices contained in the quotes of first hand interviews with the elders lend authenticity to the discussion of the dynamic and multi-faceted process of adjustment faced by transnationals. INTRODUCTION

Historical Background of the Gujarati Community During the first wave of migration which is estimated to be in the 1890’s from Gujarat, which is a state in North West India, the Gujaratis were mainly traders, imbued with the business affinity (Gregory, 1992) and the dream of returning to their homeland, India after they had made their fortune. It has been documented in Kotecha’s book (1994) that Gujaratis were a seafaring ethnic group, as their state had a very long coastline. She writes that Indians from Gujarat had traded with the states in East Africa for many centuries, but they normally returned home after several months of trading. It was in the early 1880s that they started to stay permanently, and co-incidentally the earliest records found in Singapore trace that there were about 28 Gujarati households in Singapore in 1902. Poverty, diseases such as plague, and famine could have been the ‘push’ factors explaining the expansion of emigration around this time (Vyas, 1998). Ved (New Straits Times, 12/1/07) suggests that “the land back home did not produce enough and/or had fighting chieftains who would not allow peaceful economic pursuits” were reasons that could have inspired Gujaratis to embark on journeys overseas in search of a better life. In the late nineteenth century the seeds of a Gujarati community in Singapore were sown. Geographically, the Gujaratis were living in ethnic enclaves in Singapore such as Market Street, Chulia Street, Geylang and Katong. “Within the Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 107–121. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

commercial sector, North Indians occupied a prominent position. The majority of North Indian commercial migrants in the 19th century were Parsis, Gujaratis, Marwaris and Bengalis” (Lal, 2006: 179). Most families lived in ‘shophouses’ - the business /shop would conduct its business on the ground level and the family would reside on the first and second levels. There were many single male immigrants who came at the invitation of their relatives, and worked long hours in order to send remittances back to their parents and siblings in their homeland. In this sense, the Gujaratis in the early part of the 20th century could be classified as a transitional community (Mehta, 2006). Although the cost of living was low, people then had to be thrifty to survive. Even to buy a bus ticket to travel to the workplace was a luxury, even though it cost only 10 or 15 cents. Many walked three or four miles to and from work in order to save the money. Salaries were relatively low. For example, one interviewee who was above eighty years old said that his starting salary was 30 dollars a month! However, the value of money was high so even one cent had some value. The inflow of families The inflow of families from India and Pakistan stabilized the community in Singapore from the mid-20th century. Most Gujaratis traveled by ships in those days. The journey from India would take about 15 days (or more with stopovers) until more efficient cruise liners were introduced: they took about 5-6 days. Initially, the older males had the notion of retiring in their homelands. This gradually changed in the mid- 20th century as the Gujaratis became a settled community casting their future with Singapore’s dynamic and visionary state leadership when Singapore became an independent nation. According to the memories of the older generation whom we interviewed, the Hindu Paropkari Fund (or Hindu Benevolent Fund) which was founded in the early 1920’s was probably the earliest Gujarati organization in Singapore. It had a welfare function in looking after needy and impoverished Gujaratis in Singapore. It also provided free accommodation to Gujarati sojourners in transit to Australia and Fiji (Asmita, 1997). The first Gujarati building was located at 79 Waterloo Street since 1912. It housed the Hindu Paropkari Fund as well as the Gujarati School which was established in 1947. The School later shifted to No. 23, 25, 27 Race Course Lane and then to Goodman Road which is central to most Gujaratis. In 2007, the premises in Goodman Road were sold and a new site was purchased in Joo Chiat Road. With the community taking on more stable characteristics, issues related to language and culture preservation became major concerns. A core group of Gujarati volunteers have dedicated themselves to keeping the mother tongue of Guajatis alive in Singapore.

108 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

The Way it Was The second wave of migration occurred after the Second World War, i.e. after 1945. The composition of the second wave was different from the first as there were not only business people, but also professionals. The trend changed from single male immigrants to families choosing to settle in Singapore. In the 1950’s and 60’s, life was traditional and gender roles were clearly defined. The male was the uncontested head of household, and he was the sole breadwinner. The family’s economic situation rested squarely on his shoulders. The Gujarati female (wife) was entrusted with the duties of looking after the household chores such as cooking, cleaning and raising children. However, unlike contemporary times, the mothers could not supervise the education of the children since they were either illiterate or had only studied for a few years in vernacular (Gujarati medium) schools in India. When women wanted to tread beyond their homes, they would be escorted by their husbands or the male cooks in the more well-off homes! Women were expected to cover their heads with their sarees (for Hindus and Jains) and the shawls for the Muslim ladies. Modesty and fidelity was the motto for the times according to one elderly female who was interviewed as a case study. According to a Gujarati male senior citizen whom we interviewed, the Gujaratis were not interested in politics then. They were only concerned with trade. What were their recreational pursuits? The cinema was a favourite past-time especially on Saturday evening and Sundays. It was affordable and reminded them of their Indian origin. Another leisure activity was walking along the esplanade after dinner, and chatting at the ‘Padang’ (Malay local word for field). The Padang was located opposite the City Hall in the centre of the city. The ladies living in the vicinity would stroll every evening after dinner and congregate at this central venue. Social and emotional needs were thus met in a simple and affordable manner. Most husbands/fathers worked after dinner till about 10 pm so the wives/mothers and children were well occupied till it was time for bed. The Significance of Singapore’s Independence Parallel to the progress of the community was the development of Singapore as a nation. As the community started to form its first social organization in 1956 named the “Yuvak Mandal” (meaning Youth Association) there was a national movement towards independence under the capable leadership of Mr Lee Kuan Yew. The country had been under British rule as a colony since 1918. The Gujarati immigrants had arrived with British passports and there had been no hurdles in their passage from India or Pakistan to Singapore. 1965 was a significant year because it marked the birth of the sovereign nation of Singapore. It was in this year that Gujaratis were legally required to obtain their identity cards and Singaporean passports. This marked the shift from British affiliation to the origin of loyalty to Singapore. Families became citizens of Singapore overnight. Of course, there were some who resisted changing their citizenship, and retained their original national identity, according to one elderly male interviewee. 109 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

What were the living arrangements like in the mid-twentieth century? They varied according to the financial situation of the individual or family. Single males, whose families were still in the homeland, shared a dormitory and living conditions were basic. The slightly better off would live in one or two-room quarters provided by the employers. Wages were allocated to take into account the accommodation provided. Some employers converted kitchens into bedrooms at night for the cook and the errand boys! The well-off Gujaratis lived in simple homes, which were slightly more comfortable than those of the working class Gujarati. There were no television sets then, so swimming and picnics were popular activities on holidays. Older children went to local schools and studied in the English medium. They spoke Gujarati at home and were effectively bilingual. In terms of family structure, they were mostly nuclear families. In some cases where the father invited his brother to join him in Singapore it was a joint family. The first generation immigrants were very thrifty and had a strong motivation to save. They had to meet the expenses of a family in Singapore as well as send home, i.e. India, remittances to parents and other relatives. This is reflected in the following words of an elder male interviewee: “I sent money to my elder brother who was struggling financially in India.” Additionally, those who were having stable jobs or businesses in Singapore helped to bring over relatives such as cousins from India, so that they could escape the sheer poverty and adversities in Gujarat. Gujaratis Today The Gujaratis form a very small minority community on the landscape of the island of Singapore, which has an area of 646 square kilometers. According to the Singapore Census 2000, there were 3,260 Gujaratis (Census of Population, 2000 Release No 1: 9) amounting to less than half a per cent of the population! The population above 65 years made up almost 10% of the Gujarati community i.e. about 312 older people. This may be a conservative figure as permanent residents and dependent pass holders (i.e. dependents of non-citizens) may not have been captured in the Census. There are many Gujaratis who are working in Singapore today on an Employment Pass or Permanent Resident status. Their parents and parents-in-law do stay for long periods of time and sometimes become permanent residents themselves. The gender distribution of the whole community is 48% males and 51% females. To have a better insight into the age distribution, the proportion of youngsters (0-29 years), middle-aged (30-59 years) and seniors (above 60 years) is 39%, 47% and 13% respectively (Census of Population, 2000 Release No 1: 9). In terms of religious affiliation, Gujaratis may be Hindus, Muslims or Jains. Parsis comprise a small community who speak Gujarati but follow the Zorastrian religion. Unfortunately, the researchers were unable to interview a member of the Parsi community despite some efforts to reach out to them. 110 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

The Gujarati community today is a stable and compact community. The majority of Gujaratis are members of the Singapore Gujarati Society (established in 1956) and efforts are made to maintain the rich heritage of the Gujarati culture with the organization of cultural and religious festivals such as Diwali, Holi, Utraan, and Navratri (see the website of the Singapore Gujarati Society at www. gujarati.org.sg). The Jain Religious Society is the second major community organization, and it has a strong Jain following. The Singapore Jain Society is a member of the Inter-Religious Organisation (or IRO), an organization which promotes inter-religious understanding and harmony in Singapore. Both societies have responded effectively to crises related to their homeland such as the Gujarat earthquake in 2001. METHODOLOGY

The researchers/authors, being of Gujarati descent themselves, started a journey of tracing the history of their community in 1999. There is a dearth of literature on the Gujarati community, and they hoped to fill this gap through the research. A survey was conducted to tap the perceptions of the Gujaratis, regarding their community, in relation to their past 10 years, present and future 10 years. A postal survey to 250 families (taken from the membership list of the Singapore Gujarati Society and the Bori community) yielded a response of 74 completed forms, i.e. 30 %. Only Singapore citizens and Permanent Residents were selected for inclusion in the survey. The questionnaires were in the English and Gujarati languages. Selfaddressed and stamped envelopes were also sent out to facilitate returns. In addition, focus group discussions (FGD) were held with Teenagers (below 19 years), Young Adults (20 – 35 years), Middle-aged adults (35 – 59 years) and seniors (60 years and above). These were conducted at one of the researcher’s homes, and lasted for about 2 – 2.5 hours. There were seven members each in the Young Adults and Senior Citizens’ groups, and eight members each in the Teenagers and Middle-aged adults group. A pilot group was conducted with five middle-aged adults to test out the guideline of questions. Some changes were made to the guideline to enable the participants to have a better understanding of the questions asked i.e. some questions were simplified. A total of five focus group discussions were held, and the age range was 18 – 75 years. To delve even deeper into the ‘lived experiences’ of the older Gujaratis, indepth interviews were conducted with twelve seniors, i.e. males (8) and females (4). These case studies generated a wealth of data that captured the historical experiences of the first generation of Gujaratis, and the changes that these pioneers had witnessed. Only four of the interviews were tape-recorded, while the rest, who declined to be taped, had their wishes respected. Notes were taken of these interviews and summaries were made. The recorded interviews were transcribed and analysed. The age range of the case study respondents was 55 years – 85 years. This chapter is the culmination of the analysis and interpretation of the three sources of primary data as well as secondary data such as the Singapore Census of 111 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

Population. The researchers were well aware of the bias possible in the interpretation of data relating to one’s own community, and therefore were cautious. Another limitation is that the sample for the case studies was drawn from their own contacts and snowballing. The focus group participants comprised Gujaratis who responded in the survey that they would like to be called to participate in focus groups, as well as personal contacts. Hence, the results should be viewed bearing this in mind. The survey is by no means representative; however, it gives some indication of the perceptions of the community. As this chapter is about the senior diaspora, the 22 survey responses from seniors and focus group of senior citizens will be reported on. All the case studies will be included in the discussion. The triangulation of methodology is one of the strengths of this research. Knowledge of the mother tongue, Gujarati language, was a strength as it facilitated communication with the respondents, especially the seniors. Due to the ethical responsibility of respecting the confidentiality of the respondents, no names will be identified in this chapter. FINDINGS

Perceptions of past and future Of the senior survey respondents (22) four were women and the rest men. The lack of literacy of the senior Gujarati women was possibly a major explanation for this gender difference. Twenty were born in India, one in Singapore, and one in Malaya (now called Malaysia). The attitude towards the present, as opposed to the past 10 years, was positive in terms of financial aspect, quality of life, and standard of living. The Singapore government’s policies were praised and economic progress perceived as a consequence. However, there was a gender difference. Women tended to view their improvement not only in terms of economic and social progress (similar to the men) but also spiritual knowledge. In terms of future perceptions (defined as over the next ten years) overall there was optimism indicated, mostly ‘better’ or ‘same’ but rarely ‘worse’. Some of the respondents qualified that Singapore would face many challenges economically as the global scene was getting more competitive and it was more difficult for businesses to survive. As the survey was conducted in the aftermath of the Asian downturn crisis, male respondents tended to foresee conditions to stay the ‘same’ but not ‘better’ financially. The retirees indicated ‘same’ or ‘worse’ and referred to their income problems and difficulties of obtaining a job due to their age. An important finding was the general sense that community cohesiveness and social inter-action would not improve in the future. This was qualified by comments that people are too busy, and have no time due to work and fast pace of life to participate in community activities. The younger generations were viewed as having less interest in Gujarati communal activities and the older generation voiced the hope that the Gujarati Society would energize the community to stay involved and vibrant. To quote, “The Gujarati Society has to be more open and focus more on activities for younger generations of Gujaratis.”

112 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

What are their major concerns? A theme that emerged from not only the focus groups but also the case interviews was the concern that the community of Gujaratis in Singapore is becoming increasingly fragmented. This was occurring mainly along religious lines, according to the respondents. A Muslim Gujarati stated that, in the past, Muslims and the non-Muslim Gujaratis had stronger ties. To illustrate from a Muslim interviewee’s own words: “We (Gujaratis) had a lot of unity then. It felt like an integrated society. I think that there was never a question of whether you were Hindu or Muslim. We all came from Gujarat. We shared a common state (of origin) and we all spoke the same language.” They had business links as well as social and familial interaction. On festivals (regardless of whether they were Hindu or Muslim festivals) visitation took place and exchange of food delicacies and gifts was common. Over the years this social behaviour has decreased in its frequency, and people are socializing more within their own religious communities. Even within the Hindu Gujarati community, subsects have emerged such as the Swadhya followers, the Swaminarayan followers, Sai Baba followers and Pushti Margis or Krishna followers. A Hindu Gujarati interviewee put the changes in a succinct manner when he stated that in the past the religious affiliations were considered less important. He said “In the past Gujaratis identified themselves as Gujaratis only.” The uniting factor was their Gujarati descent and culture. The fragmentation of the community presented itself as a concern to both young and older people, who participated in the focus groups. Secondly, there was concern that Gujaratis were becoming more selfish and less charitable, relatively speaking, as compared to the past. An elderly gentleman who was above 80 years old, commented that in the days gone by, people had less cash but they were more generous in giving donations to their community and fellow Gujaratis who were in need. Today, Gujaratis are earning well, but they are selfcentred and not concerned about others in the community, he voiced. To quote, “People spend on themselves and their family members but they are less concerned about their community”. In his view, “Aaje prem jevu naam nathi, loko ne padi nathi. Dil bahu tooka che” (meaning today, there is no such thing as love, people are not concerned about others and their hearts have shrunk). The literature on Gujaratis worldwide has documented the philanthropy of Gujaratis in places such as East Africa (refer to Gregory, 1992). These two major concerns are inter-linked and to understand them we have to locate these seniors in their transmigration and historical context. Their Gujarati identity is very strong as they are the first generation of immigrants to Singapore. Indeed, they have aged in Singapore while maintaining pride in their Gujarati identity. They have an ingrained sense of community belongingness, which they view as lacking in the next generation. The emotional attachment that they feel towards their fellow-Gujaratis in Singapore is buttressed on the common bond of being estranged from their homeland, hence the connection they feel towards their fellow Gujaratis is similar to their love of the homeland, India. Persons from the 113 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

same village or state are often referred to as ‘brothers’ or ‘sisters’ by the first generation of Gujaratis, so the ‘fictive’ nature of kinship is almost as strong as ‘blood’ ties. Against this backdrop, it is easy to understand the ‘grief’ felt upon watching the fragmentation of the community. There is a proverb in the Gujarati language which means that wherever a Gujarati individual travels, a little piece of Gujarat accompanies him/her. It epitomizes the centrality of the traditions and customs of the Gujarati culture to a Gujarati person. Gujaratis take great pride in their heritage which includes universally renown persons such as “Gandhiji” (Mahatma Gandhi i.e. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi who was a leader of the independence movement in India as well as a non-violence believer). Thirdly, it was expressed as a concern that people’s perceptions have changed regarding working habits, lifestyle, ethics of business conduct and family life. Due to longer working hours, working adults have no time for family members and this has repercussions on family relationships. The older generation generally felt that the simple and honest lifestyle of families in the past in the Gujarati community had changed greatly. Business deals are contaminated with greed, whereas in the past business integrity and honesty were regarded as virtues. Fourthly, in the realm of intergenerational ties, the focus group members felt that there was less interaction between parents’ and adult children’s generations within the family unit. The adjustment process between generations in the family unit was being challenged by the changing social values, inter-marriages between Gujaratis and non-Gujaratis, the generation gap in communication styles, the clash of conservative and modern views, and sometimes stress due to onerous responsibilities such as caregiving for young and old. With younger generations being brought up in Singapore, a multiracial society, there was bound to be differences in views as the first generation had been raised in Gujarat and educated (if they had gone to school) in the Gujarati medium of education. A caveat to add is that a minority of seniors has had some years of education in the English language and these find it easier to communicate with the next generation. A focus group member stated that their adult children ‘do their own thing’ and the elders are left to find their own leisure activities. Other members in the group echoed his sentiment. To quote: “In some households, sometimes the working children are so busy with work that they are not free to give company to the ageing parents.” In co-residential households (in the survey about 24% lived in three generation households) the expectations were higher from the senior generation of company and emotional support from the younger generations. While tension and arguments between generations in a family are universal, the strategies employed to deal with them vary from culture to culture. It was interesting that many older Gujaratis felt that in cases where misunderstanding takes place between a parent-in-law and a child-in-law, the solution is for the elders to adapt and not have high expectations of children-in-law, in particular daughters-in-law. Fifthly, following retirement, a real dilemma faced many senior Gujaratis. The dilemma arose: Should we return to India or should we continue to remain in 114 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

Singapore where our children live? For some, the view was that they missed their homeland, India, but could not resettle there. There was an inner conflict due to the pull in both directions. However, in the practical sense, resettling was not considered a good option due to the fact that “Life is very hard in India.” One interviewee said that “I like to stay in Singapore. My friends are here, and I have spent my whole life here. However, I like to visit my relatives in India, and I have done much charity in my village.” “Pardes ma riya pachi, India ma na favei “ (meaning after living overseas, it is not possible to adjust to India). Behind the words of this gentleman, the interviewer could trace the sense of nostalgia and struggles of a persona caught between two ‘homelands’. Related to this dilemma was the concern, “who will take care of me when I am very old?” Dependence on family, especially sons and daughters-in-law appears to be high. The preferred choice of living arrangement for seniors is to live with married sons and their families. The prevailing family system among Gujaratis is the patriarchal system therefore, very rarely do older Gujaratis live with their married daughters. In another project on elders in Singapore, the same preference emerged; only if they have no sons do older Gujaratis consider co-residence with their married daughters. The co-operation and willingness of the sons-in-law towards having their parents-in-law co-residing was a strong deciding factor. The researchers have observed that there is a subtle resistance from the part of the older Gujaratis to live with married daughters, due to the cultural belief that a married daughter belongs to the family of her husband, and therefore her parents should not impose on her. As all the senior Gujaratis had migrated from India most of them did not have any siblings in Singapore. Therefore, the immediate family members i.e. spouse and adult children, are relied upon for care in old age. Nevertheless, with rising cost of living and inflating cost of medical care, the older Gujaratis were worried about their health and need for care when faced with frailty in very old age. This point is raised in some of the other chapters in this book as well. As with older people in other parts of the world, the older respondents had economic concerns (Lal, 2006; Gregory, 1992). The rise of inflation in Singapore and higher standard of living was seen as placing pressures on the working population. The older focus group members discussed the unaffordable medical costs if a person was hospitalized, and how it would burden the adult children. Many older Gujaratis do not have much savings as they had low salaries in their times, and they had sacrificed their own comforts so that their children could receive a good education. Their generation had not benefited from the Singapore government’s Central Provident Fund (CPF) scheme, as it only started in 1955. The CPF scheme is an old age retirement scheme managed by the Singapore government, (for more details see Mehta and Vasoo 2001, and the website www.cpf.gov.sg). As many of them were self-employed it was not mandatory for them to contribute to the scheme. With very little savings and no CPF allowance, it is not surprising that the older generations were highly dependent on their adult

115 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

children, particularly sons. Children may wish to help, they voiced, but can they with the financial expenses they have to face in looking after their own children? To quote a focus group participant: “Finance is a key worry. If we need help, our children or our friends can try to help us. Even if our children wish to help, they have their own family expenses also- How will they be able to help?” There seemed to be a dilemma in the minds of these older Gujaratis, which centred around their expectations that their adult children should look after them but simultaneously they were cognizant of the difficulties, especially economic, that the middle generation faced in looking after the old and young in the family. There was a theme that was repeated in the individual interviews as well as the focus groups – loneliness in old age as a migrant in a foreign country. A focus group participant voiced: “When mobility is lessened, loneliness definitely sets in. Previously Gujarati people used to live next to each other. Now they are spread out. It is worse for elderly who are not accustomed to using public transport. Also, (due to old age) it is not easy for them to climb the stairs.” There was mention in the focus group discussions about the social life in India, which could not be found in Singapore. An elder in India would be surrounded by relatives, familiar neighbors and fellow religious devotees. This enabled the elder to pass his/her time in a setting that prevented loneliness. In Singapore, the sense of loneliness was exacerbated when elders experienced the condition of widow or widower. “For widows or widowers, the loneliness is even greater.” A suggestion was made in the focus group that regular social gatherings for seniors should be organized by voluntary groups so that the loneliness of elders could be reduced. Even if an elder lived with his/her family, regular gatherings with peers were important in meeting their social needs, as working adult children and schooling grandchildren would be absent in the daytime. Lastly, it was pointed out by a few older focus group members that elder Gujarati women need to be helped to become more competent in handling the changing environment; for example they need to learn how to use the computer, and learn how to travel independently using public transport such as buses and the Mass Rapid System (or sub-way). The point was made that such older women needed support from the family especially the spouse, for this to happen. The discussion uncovered the protected and home-bound lives of older Gujarati women. Having little or no education, most older Gujarati women are housewives, and their main public activity is religious in nature. They are involved in the upbringing of their grandchildren, and have usually led secluded lives. Hence, the point made was very relevant as the high level of dependence of older Gujarati women would put them at a great disadvantage if they experienced widowhood. A gentleman in the senior group pointed out:

116 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

“There are some ladies who cannot even use the bus on their own. They are very dependent on their husbands. If they cannot read and write English, they cannot learn the computer!” In the discussion, it was clarified that Gujarati language software is now available and can be used by those who are not literate in English language. However, the crux of the problem is lifelong dependence on the husband, and lack of confidence in learning new technology by the senior Gujarati women above 70 years. Community and identity issues A community problem that was identified was the lack of effective leadership in the leading Gujarati organization, i.e. Singapore Gujarati Society. The older interviewees recognised the need for Gujaratis to be more proactive in meeting community problems. One suggestion made was that the older healthy community members could take the initiative in being more active in volunteering. Generally, among old and young Gujaratis, the desire for the unity of the community to be revived emerged. To quote: “Singapore lifestyle has changed so much. Instead of business, most young adults are professionals. Time is the main constraint. Interest is also lacking (among Gujarati young people) in voluntary activities.” A few focus group members stressed the importance of welcoming newcomers into the community e.g. newly married spouses from other ethnic communities, newly settled Gujaratis (young or old) who have recently migrated to Singapore. From the survey, the concern surfaced of lack of younger members coming forth to volunteer or take the initiative to organize programmes. Older Gujaratis underscored the apathy of younger members in communal activities and programmes. Many senior Gujarati members expressed the hope that Singaporean Gujaratis would maintain their culture in the future i.e. way of life, identity as Gujaratis, traditions and customs, and religious knowledge. Some of their voices are: “It is our duty to prepare our children and grandchildren in such a way that our culture will be preserved. “Grandparents can pass on values by teaching grandchildren epics like the Mahabharat.” The concern for language survival was central to the cultural concern. Indepth interviews reflected this concern also, indicating that for senior Gujaratis the survival of their culture in the host country was close to their heart (refer to Dave, 1991 for more discussion on the centrality of language to the Gujarati culture). As younger generations tend to be pulled towards other types of communities, the elders were concerned about the dilution of the Gujarati culture. On the flipside, some members recognised the need to progress and that traditions could become obstacles to progress.

117 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

Inter-ethnic marriages such as between a Gujarati and a non-Gujarati were becoming more common, and the question of dilution of Gujarati culture in such marriages was real. “Arambe Surya” or ‘karya adhura’ i.e. tendency for Gujaratis to do things in spurts and not have the energy to persevere was a self- criticism raised in one focus group. It was indeed a sign of maturity of a community to look within itself for strengths and weaknesses. According to an elderly gentleman, “In the beginning we start everything very nicely but then we never complete it. We should change this.” Interestingly, members acknowledged that in a multicultural society, Gujaratis can learn much from other communities, and they should mix inter-culturally in order to progress. Some members commented that Gujaratis in Singapore are traditional at home but in education and business they are modern! The juxtaposition of tradition and modernity is also echoed in Kamdar’s book “Motiba’s Tatoos” (1998) where she compares the different generations of Asian Indian migrants i.e. the FOB or Fresh off the Boat Indians and the ABCDs or American Born Cultured Desis (for more discussion see pg 252 of the book). As mentioned earlier, fragmentation of the Gujarati community due to religious sects such as Hindus, Muslims, Jains and smaller sub-sects such as Pushtimarg, Swarminarayan, Swadhyai, Boris and Khojas was discussed (Lal, et. al., 2006:180). Religion plays an extremely important role in the lives of Gujaratis (see Dwyer, 1994: 165 for more discussion on this topic in the context of Britain). However, the emergence of the Gujarati language as a unifying thread among the community, due to the new educational policy of recognition of Gujarati as a minority examinable subject in Singaporean schools, has had positive effects. “More significantly, in 1990, the government allowed the inclusion of Hindi, Punjabi, Bengali, Urdu and Gujarati in the curriculum in an attempt to counter the distress of non-Tamil Indian students who were having difficulty coping with the study of Tamil, Chinese or Malay as a second language.” (Lal, et. al., 2006: 188) Not only the Senior focus groups but also the FGDs of the teenagers and middleaged groups included the theme of language as a unifying bond among Gujaratis. Children of all religious faiths are enrolled in the Gujarati school hence the school experience could feature as a unifying bond in future. During the discussion, the participants were very hopeful that the community could be united through the common language ties. “It is very necessary to bring unity in our Gujarati community.” THE STRATEGIES OF COPING WITH AGEING

Religion and spirituality were extraordinary resources for coping in old age. As one interviewee expressed it: “You must believe in God’s Will, if you can’t accept the faith you might even become insane.”

118 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE

Older women, In particular, emphasised the role of religion intrinsically in their lives, as well as extrinsically, through religious “satsangs” (devotional singing sessions). The ladies interviewed in the case study are members of the devotional group that meet fortnightly, a group that meets their socioemotional as well as spiritual needs (Mehta, 2002). This point has been raised by Diwan, Jonnalagadda, and Balaswamy (2004) in their study of Asian Indians in United States. Their sample consisted of Gujaratis in United States. An interesting finding in their study is that high levels of religious or spiritual activity predicted less negative effect for mental health. How did Singaporean Gujaratis view preparation for death? The merit of doing good deeds, e.g. charity to animals, poor and disadvantaged, helped them to cope with the thought of death and afterlife. Since most of the interviewees were believers in re-incarnation, they had the conviction that good conduct and performing charitable deeds helped them to build up good karma, which would benefit them spiritually in their next life A second very important resource in old age was ethnic community networks, which offered channels for socializing, friendship and informational knowledge. Since the members of the Gujarati community had known each other over several decades, and it is a relatively small community, the bonds are close. Personal qualities were also mentioned as playing a key role when faced with adversity in old age. Self-awareness is important. For example, when a relationship strain occurs one should reflect on one’s contribution towards the strain. Perseverance at times of adversity was also highlighted. Many of these seniors had witnessed the Second World War and therefore they knew the value of endurance. They were humble but wise in their interviews, qualities that had been developed over their long lifetimes. They remarked that they had seen worst times so they were prepared to cut costs and live very simply in late life. As immigrants in a foreign country, the seniors took pride in their cultural heritage and wished to transmit their values to their descendents. They were very highly committed to keeping their traditions and customs alive, especially within their own families. Beyond the family, the ethnic Gujarati community was very meaningful to them. It represented a prime symbol of their identity and in a multicultural society, it also helped to garner the unity and co-operation of the fellow Gujaratis. The researchers have observed that the seniors are very involved in community programs and activities. They put in sincere effort both in terms of finance and time in order to keep alive their cultural treasures. In following this path, the senior diaspora of Gujarati Indians in Singapore have carved a priceless role for themselves. Both by example and by conscious effort, they illustrate to the younger generations, as well as to other older Singaporeans, how to age gracefully. On the topic of positive attitude to ageing, a few mentioned that they take an interest in issues related to the community, stay active and try to contribute wherever possible. They were very careful not to impose their views on their adult children, but where possible they tried to help out. It was not easy, but they were aware that this was the way to inter-generational harmonious ties. The delicate balance they seek to maintain is indeed worth noting as it helps to raise our 119 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SHAH

consciousness of the lives of Gujarati senior Indians and their distinctness. Gerontologists have studied the changes in power that occur with age, how elders are often treated as obsolete, and the caregiving issues that arise when the elder is taken ill or having an operation. The Indian seniors in this study, who were of Gujarati ethnic background, had foresight in preparing for their old age by being active, contributing to their community and maintaining diplomacy in intergenerational family relations. CONCLUSION

On the surface, it would appear that Gujarati elders in Singapore are experiencing the same issues and problems that elders in other countries face. However, in the qualitative data the depth of their experiences emerges. They have to take the painful decision whether to remain in Singapore, where their own children are settled, or to return to India which is their land of origin and has great sentimental and symbolic value. The generation after them would not face this dilemma as they would choose Singapore as their home and would not feel as sentimental about India. The tenacity with which they hold on to their cultural roots and traditions, while simultaneously realizing the importance of progress and mingling with the other ethnic groups, is indeed admirable. At the community level, they have many concerns; the main one being whether the Gujarati culture will survive in the multi-ethnic larger society. They would like to see the community being more united with people taking ownership for their community i.e. the Singapore Gujarati Society. They analysed religion to be a dividing force while language could become a unifying factor. In terms of the prevalence of the Gujarati language in the world, there are 46 million Gujarati speakers across the globe (Wikipedia dictionary). At the personal level, as they are ageing, they have concerns such as high medical costs, long term care and loneliness in widowhood. These are common among most elderly, but the difference here is that they have a high level of dependency on their own family. Their other social support networks such as siblings, relatives and friends from school days are lacking as they have migrated and left them behind in their homelands. The paradox is that they have a more comfortable life in Singapore as compared to India but they have to resign themselves to the fact that socially, they face emptiness and the four walls of their home most hours of the day. They depend on their adult children but do not wish to be a burden to them. It would be appropriate to say that their heart is in one country i.e. the host country, and their soul is in another, i.e. their homeland, Gujarat State in India. REFERENCES Asmita 50th Anniversary magazine of the Singapore Gujarati School. (1997). Singapore: Singapore Gujarati School. Census of Population, Singapore. (2000). Release No.1. Singapore: Department of Statistics.

120 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

EXPERIENCES OF GUJARATI ELDERS IN SINGAPORE Dave, J. (1991) The Gujarati speech community. In S. Alladina & V. Edward (Eds.), Multilingualism in the British Isles. London: Longmans. Diwan, S., Jonnalagadda, S., & Balaswamy, S. (2004). Resources predicting positive and negative affect during the experience of stress: A study of older Asian Indian immigrants in the United States. Gerontologist, 44(5), 605–614. Dwyer, R. (1994). Caste, religion and sect in Gujarat. In R. Ballard (Ed.), Desh pardes: The South Asian experience in Britain. London: C. Hurst & Co. Gregory, R. G. (1992). The rise and fall of philanthropy in East Africa: The Asian contribution. New Brunswick, USA: Transaction Pub. Kamdar, M. (1998). Motiba’s tatoos: A granddaughter’s journey into her Indian family’s past. NY: Public Affairs. Kotecha, B. (1994). On the threshold of East Africa. London: Jyotiben Madhvani Foundation. Lal, B. V., Reeves, P., & Rai, R. (Ed.). (2006). The Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora (pp. 176–188). Singapore: Editions Didlier Millet. Mehta, K. (2006). Gujaratis. In T. Koh’s (Ed.), Singapore: The Encyclopedia (pp. 224). Singapore: Editions Didlier Millet and National Heritage Board. Mehta, K. (2002). Older Gujarati women in Singapore: The socio-spiritual dimension of active ageing. Paper presented at British Society of Gerontology annual conference on active ageing: Myth or reality, 12–14, Jury’s Inn, Birmingham, United Kingdom. (Organised by British Society of Gerontology) Mehta, K. K., & Vasoo, S. (2001). Organization and delivery of long term care in Singapore: Present issues and future challenges. Journal of Aging and Social Policy, 13(2/3), 185–201. (Special issue on the Long Term Care in the 21st Century: Perspectives from Around the Asia-Pacific Rim). Ved, M. (January 12, 2007). Gujarati race ahead to realize their dreams. New Straits Times. Vyas, R. (1998). The glory of Gujarat. Ahmedabad, India: Gurjar-Ananda Prakashan.

WEBSITES: Singapore Gujarati Society www.gujarati.org.sg Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia www.wikipedia.org (Gujarati language) Retrieved on August 4, 2003. Central Provident Fund www.cpf.gov.sg

121 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

KALYANI MEHTA AND AMARJIT SINGH

7. FROM VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

In the Indian case, there is a common ancestral homeland from which people left for various reasons, voluntarily and involuntarily, heading to all corners of the globe.... However, fractured or frayed, ossified or fluid, there is a sense of cultural, religious and historical ties with India, in various combinations of longing and nostalgia (p. 14). There is, somewhere within us, a deep desire to know who we are, where we have come from, and our place in the larger schemes of things (p. 13). The Indian diaspora is large and growing... but we should be cautious about speaking of the Indian diaspora in the singular... there are diasporas within... (p. 13). One may consider oneself to be a part of the Tamil, Sikh or Gujarati diaspora first, but not necessarily at the expense of a wider identification.... Generally, relations among diasporic Indians are harmonious, though occasional friction and misunderstandings occur.... caused by.... contrasting perceptions of culture, when ‘hybrid’ notions clash with ‘essentialist’ notions of what is right and proper (p. 13). Facts do not speak for themselves; they speak when they are spoken to (p. 14). Brij Lal, Peter Reeves & Rajesh Rai (2006). The Encyclopedia of the Indian diaspora. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. In this chapter we first highlight some insights gained through the work of contributors to this book. The contributors listened to the voices1 of the diasporic Indian seniors living in Canada, the United States, Malaysia, Singapore, UK, and Kenya, and, with the help of seniors, have tried to make sense of their voices. We have added our own voices to elaborate on those insights. Secondly, we describe organizations and functioning of some programs designed to enhance the wellbeing of Indian diasporic seniors. What do we know about growing “old” in these countries? Population projections in all these countries indicate that the number of persons over the age of 65, including the diasporic Indians seniors, will increase substantially during the 21st century. It has only recently been realized by many that the number of persons over the age of 65, including the diasporic Indian seniors, is already impressive. The census for these countries is expected to show further increase in the population of people who are sixty and over; also the number of the elderly will Kalyani Mehta and Amarjit Singh (eds.), Indian Diaspora: Voices of the Diasporic Elders in Five Countries, 123–142. © 2008 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

increase in different regions in these countries. It should be noted that total numbers are only one aspect of the situation; further aspects include breakdowns of data by sex, race, ethnicity, nationality, and social class. When this is done, the situation becomes more complex. It is obvious that more and more people in these countries, especially in North America, Asia and Europe, are living longer (i.e., are “old”).2 Thus, the important question is: What do we know about growing old in modern societies? There are many prejudices and stereotypes about old age in all these societies because of the ideology of ageism – i.e. the prejudice or discrimination of one age group against another solely on the basis of age. In North America and Europe this ideology is explicitly recognized in any public debate about the meaning of growing old and the policy making process involving issues related to aging and society. As noted in the previous chapters, Indian diasporic seniors generally have to face many stereotypical behaviors of others towards them. Like others, they are subjected to the ideology of ageism even perhaps more so because in fact migration and old age intersect into a complex process. This process has been described by many contributors in this book. In all cultures people rely on chronological age to call someone old but, in fact, becoming old is a process involving the complex interweaving of biological, psychological, and social elements. Aging is a natural process starting at conception and ending with death. In each culture, stages of human development (childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age) acquire certain meanings and socially defined age norms. That is, at each stage, an individual is looked at by others in certain ways; each stage carries certain images associated with preconceived roles and expectations.3 Gerontology is a field of study which focuses on the aged. It is a broad term and encompasses the study of the aged by many disciplines and professions (e.g., sociologists, psychologists, biologists, political scientists, economists, anthropologists, political economists, social work, geographers, to name a few) and is derived from the logic of aging. Recently, gerontology has become a popular field of study in many Asian countries, including Singapore and Malaysia. Gerontologists are concerned with the well-being of the elderly. It is worth mentioning here that gerontology is not to be confused with geriatrics – the study of the medical aspects of old age. Decades ago, Kalish (1979) talked about ageism, new ageism, and failure models. These terms gave and still give us some idea about dominant perspectives about the aged in North America. According to Kalish, there are groups of people in our society who want to protect the elderly from the people (i.e., ageists) who believe in the ideology of ageism. However, in attempting to safeguard the elderly from the so called ageists, these groups produce their own ideology – the new ageism, which is simply another form of ageism. The term ageism is used as a counterpart to racism and sexism. The underlying idea in the application of the term ageist, “is that ageist individuals and ageist societies or communities or organizations exist,” and therefore, the elderly need to 124 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

be protected.4 And the new ageism, Kalish points out, has the following characteristics: 1. It stereotypes “the elderly” in terms of the characteristics of the least capable, least healthy, and least alert of the elderly, although its rhetoric is punctuated by insistence that “all elderly are not like.” 2. It perceives the older person as, in effect, a relatively helpless and dependent individual who requires the support service of agents and other organizations. 3. It encourages the development of services without adequate concern as to whether the outcome of these services contributes to reduction of freedom for the participants to make decisions controlling their own lives. 4. It produces an unrelenting stream of criticism against society in general, and certain individuals in society, for their mistreatment of the elderly, emphasizing the unpleasant existence faced by the elderly (p. 398). The new ageism ideology discussed above is reflected more pervasively in the Failure Models. In general, these models claim “that this or that older person has failed or is going to fail.” This message is communicated through two related but very different models: (1) the Incompetence Model, and (2) the Geriactivist Model. Kalish explains that the Incompetence Model is: ...an approach that constantly reminds older people how incompetent they are... [It] has been developed in part as a tactic to get funding from governmental and private agencies. In effect, it is the ability to say those persons for whom I am advocate are greater failures than those persons for whom you are advocate. They are such great failures that the only solution to their failure is more money (p. 399). On the other hand, within the framework of the Geriactivist Model, some older people are, themselves, active in the causes of the elderly. Kalish points out that: [the older people] develop a symbiotic relationship with younger advocates, and together they maintain the call for an active and involved old age. The Geriactivist needs the younger associates who have jobs in the community and who can participate in making decisions; the younger advocates – social workers, recreation workers, agency staff, politicians – need the activist older person as both a source of inexpensive support labor and to legitimize the activist position (p. 399). There are other existing models in modern societies that have been used to describe the nature of aging. These are the Pathology Model, The Decremental Model, the Minimal Change Models, The Normal Person Model, and a Personal Growth Model, to name a few.5 Although social gerontologists and social geriatricians have made considerable use of the term ageism, there is growing resistance in certain segments of society and the scientific community to messages contained in the failure models and to

125 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

the ageist’s perception of older people, since these messages seem to have undesirable effects on the elderly, their families, and society at large. The criticism of the Failure Models that is often mentioned in social gerontological literature is that these models obscure individual and group differences in the elderly, and ignore the fact that most of the elderly are intact, functioning effectively on their own, and getting along adequately on what money they have. Further, the definition of “the elderly” implicit in these models is based on sickness and poverty, rather than on chronological age. Moreover, it is stressed that messages contained in these models are damaging to the self-esteem of older persons; that each older individual takes the attitude that the attribute “old” describes “those old people over there,” but not him or her; that these models generate simultaneously anger among the elderly with their families, themselves, and society; that the older person comes to think of herself/himself as impotent, powerless, and victimized, and that he/she feels obliged to redouble his/her efforts which will lead to the assuaging of discomfort; that those older persons who desire to enjoy a passive entertainment, to respond to their inner worlds, to sit around and talk with elderly friends, to stay at home and read, to pray or jog by themselves, and who thoroughly enjoy television, are, by definition, considered unhealthy. The conservative role of social sciences in gerontological theorizing has been recognized by the Gray Panthers in America, who have often bitterly criticized the profession of gerontology: “Gerontology has assured the deterioration of the aged, and has attempted to describe it in terms which ignore the social and economic factors which, in large measure, precipitate that deterioration. By rectifying the attribute ‘old’, gerontology reinforces social attitudes which view older people as stuck in an inevitable, chronological destiny of decay and deterioration. When persons who are old, poor, and stigmatized by society become objects of gerontological research, they are seen as problems to society, rather than as persons experiencing problems created by the society. The natural result of such research is to suggest ways in which older people may adjust to society, rather than how society might be changed to adjust to the needs of older people.”6 On the whole, from our view point, we should be sensitive to the idea that people in North America and Europe, including people of Indian Diaspora, attach different meanings to old age; that they experience old age in varying ways depending upon their interactions with other people; and that the interactional context and process (the environment, the persons, and encounters in it) can significantly affect the kind of aging process a person will experience. For example, many of the changes which are attributed to inherent maturational changes may in fact be due to changes in the interactional variables. Old age is experienced in one’s cultural contexts. Therefore, the importance of social context, cultural meanings, and values to the aging process should be kept in mind. All these factors are dynamic rather than universal or unchanging.

126 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

Disengagement, low self-esteem, and dissatisfaction are an outcome of the interpretation and meanings generated in interaction between the aged and others. Further, when dealing with the elderly, including the diasporic Indian seniors, given that participants vary in their commitments and the importance they attach to different issues and interactions, the diversity of outcomes should be kept in mind. Individuals of different social, economic, ethnic, racial and cultural backgrounds have different interests that may affect how they experience and react to aging. For example, contributors to this book have shown that the diasporic Indian seniors who identify themselves, and also are seen by others, as the Punjabis, Sindhis, Gujaratis and Bengalis are all Indians in the larger sense, but they and their families have different interests and expectations about how they should experience and react to aging. We realize that not all participants equally influence the encounter, and that there are social and structural constraints which impede interactional opportunities, affecting the content of interactional communication. For example, we note that power is a crucial variable in social interaction, and that it is often not equally distributed. This situation seems to hold true in the case of some diasporic Indian seniors vis-a-vis their location in their families; some seniors remain dependent on their children who have sponsored them, as the contributors to this book have noted. This is also the case for some diasporic Indian seniors when they interact with personnel of organizations which are designed to offer them varieties of services. The perception of unequal distribution of power between the two parties seems to exist, as some Indian diasporic seniors lament that service providers do not know how to listen to them meaningfully. Based on such observations, some may say that our view point paints an optimistic view of the aged. No doubt the interaction model emphasizes no rigid behavior, activity patterns, or experience which is pre-given and essential. Instead, it focuses on the ability and imagination of people to negotiate new ways of coping with old age in the course of interactional encounters. In writing this last chapter we have made use of this perspective; it places emphasis both on environment and individual. All contributors in this volume have noted, and this seems to be an important insight, that generally the most significant social institution in the everyday life of the diasporic Indians is the family. All families in different Indian communities retain some common features of Indian family life, although some of its salient features seem to be changing due to the forces generated by such larger social phenomenon as international migration, settlements in the West, globalization, and transnationalization. Some of the changes in the Indian diasporic families seem to lead to the marginalization of the diasporic seniors. For example, the stereotypical view that Indian families always look after their elderly parents has failed to have much substance. In view of these facts, the government, policymakers, planners, various Indian cultural and caste groups are emphasizing the need to develop many more “alternative” or “complementary” services to provide care to the diasporic Indian seniors in the U.K and North America, including the 127 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

option of offering institutionalized elder care thus leading to institutionalization of the diasporic Indian seniors, who may benefit from this option. Basic to the formulation of social policies and programs for the non - Indian elderly (i.e. mainstream elderly) in the U.K., Canada, and the United States, has been the notion that they are in need of services. Now the same logic is being applied in some cases to look after the needs of the diasporic Indian seniors in these countries. Historically, in industrialized societies, institutionalization of the non - Indian diasporic elderly emerged as a dominant way of meeting their various needs. It is now being recognized in many industrialized countries that mainstream elderly have been over-institutionalized. Schwenger and Gross a long time ago pointed out that “Canada has one of the highest rates of institutional care and institutionalization of its aged of any country in the world.”7 However, at the same time institutionalization of the aged diasporic Indians seems to be considered as a viable alternative by some Indian families. It would be interesting to observe how these changes would further impact diasporic Indian families’ social structures and ways of thinking in future. The dual approach – the reduction of institutional care and the promotion of alternative programs for non - Indians (e.g., periodic admission, vacation care day hospitals, day care, foster care, hostels, and home care, etc.) – are increasingly being considered in North America and the U.K. as a realistic way to deal with this situation.8 In countries such as Singapore and Malaysia, community-based care has been emphasized by the government so the prevalence of institutional care has not been as extensive as in the developed nations such as Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom. Mehta (2000, p. 176) points out that “quality of care is intrinsicsally... related to sensitivity to the cultural and religious needs of residents.” Both institutional care and alternative care, e.g. home care, cannot be effective without the participation of the family; families are still responsible, care-giving agents - both for the diasporic Indian seniors and the non - Indian elderly - who provide substantial physical, emotional, and social support to their ill, elderly relations. Moreover, the home is cherished by most elderly persons, including the diasporic Indian seniors, because home familiarity helps them maintain their autonomy, control, and identity. However, there are some social myths which distort relationships between older persons and their families in all these countries. A long time ago Shanas9 pointed out that one of the social myths widely held in American society (and, by implication, also in most industrialized societies, including Canada and U.K. – and we think also in India, Singapore, Malaysia and Kenya) is that “old people are alienated from their families, particularly from their children. All sorts of theories have been proposed to justify this myth, including those theories which stress the value of the nuclear family in industrial society. Proceeding from the assumption that this myth is ‘true’, there has also been a special emphasis on programs to meet the needs of the alienated aged, who, in keeping with the myth, are assumed to be the majority of the aged.” Further, “the myth that old people are alienated from 128 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

their families and children has guided much of social gerontological research about the elderly for the last 30 years” (p. 3). According to Shanas, based on these myths, many hypotheses have been drawn. Some of these are: 1. Because of the geographic mobility of the population of the U.S., most old people who have children live at great distances from their children. 2. Because of the alienation of old people from their children, most older parents rarely see their children; 3. Because of the predominance of the nuclear family in the U.S., most old people rarely see their siblings or other relatives; and 4. Because of the existence and availability of large human service bureaucracies, families are no longer important as a source of care for older people (p. 6). Shanas points out that “these hypotheses all seem reasonable... [but] despite what everyone knows, each of the above hypotheses has been disproved. In the U.S., most old people with children live close to at least one of their children and see at least one child often.” Further, contrary to the popular belief, according to Shanas, “most old people see their siblings and relatives often, and old people, when either bedfast or housebound because of ill health, are twice as likely to be living at home, as to be resident in an institution,” (p. 6). There is no doubt that for a small segment of non-Indian older persons, institutionalization contributes to their well-being. This might also turn out to be the case for some diasporic Indian seniors if and when they get institutionalized care. However, there are many negative images or myths that are associated with long-term institutional care for the elderly. Smith, et. al.,10 talking about the nonIndian diasporic Indian elderly point out that “of these, perhaps none is more pervasive than institutionalization symbolizing the failure of family support to an aged member,” and that “accompanying the negative images of long-term-care institutions is the negative image of the elderly persons who are residents or patients in these institutions” (p. 438). Some Indian diasporic families, in the context of perceived dominant Indian family values, can not seem to imagine institutionalizing their elderly parents because of these negative images associated with the institutionalized care system. Negative images of the non - Indian elderly who are residents or patients in an institution characterize them as depressed, unhappy, intellectually ineffective, possessing a negative self-image, docile, submissive, and having low interest in their surroundings. Such images accompany negative images of long-term-care institutions, which are generally viewed as “houses of death.” Similarly, some non - Indian elderly and their families also come to believe in these negative images of institutions.11 Consequently, when an older person begins genuinely to require support and assistance, institutional care is often seen by them as the least desirable alternative. According to Smith, et.al,12 “it has become difficult to extract any positive aspects of long term institutional care, especially when considering the family in relation to institutionalization of an older family member.” Further, by not paying much attention to research on family, “it is frequently assumed that those in institutions have been abandoned by their families, or that the families failed in their role of 129 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

service-provider.” Smith explains that popular belief “that the elderly who reside in long-term-care institutions have strained family ties then becomes a widespread notion that fits into the general area of negative attitudes about institutions and those they attempt to serve” (p. 438). However, the recent research literature on the family does not seem to confirm the notion of family breakdown. On the contrary, there is evidence that the relationship between institutionalized elderly parents and their middle-aged children tends to improve following institutionalization of older parents. That is, “data suggest that institutional care can serve to enhance family relations, particularly when family ties have been strained by the needs of the older members.”13 In view of this type of research, and also due to other forces affecting changes in the dynamics of the diasporic Indian families, it is becoming apparent that some diasporic Indian families have begun to believe in the need to provide institutionalized care to their elderly parents. The negative images about the family, institutional care, and the elderly that are so prevalent in the U.K, North America, and other societies, seem to be due to our failure to question assumptions underlying these images. Different ways of looking at institutional care may provide us with positive and balanced images of institutionalization. For example, using the bureaucratic and social-welfare models, Penning and Chappel14 provided a critique of the assumption of unidimensionality underlying these perspectives. They argue “that the complexity and variation among institutional settings for the elderly necessitate a multidimensional approach to adequately reflect the nature of their experience” (p. 269). Their way of looking at institutional care seems to be more positive and meaningful. Penning and Chappell sensitize us to the fact that “facilities for the aged... vary widely in terms of the population which they are designed to serve... [that] the service orientation of the various types of settings is more specific...[that] the levels of care provided by institutions for the elderly also vary...” (P. 271). Further, their interpretation of research in this area suggests “that institutions for the elderly are not inherently ‘good’ or ‘bad’ in themselves. However, environments which do not maintain autonomy and social interaction for their residents will not provide accommodation satisfactory for well-being.” For example, according to Penning and Chappell, “a custodial and caring approach which develops dependence rather than independence will not achieve this goal either... However, to the extent that institutions provide an environment which will maintain or enhance a high quality of life...data suggest they can be ‘good’” (p. 279). The main point is that the concern should be with “quality care” and not merely with the nature of institutional life as such. Moreover, it needs to be recognized that the search for alternatives to institutional care has been primarily motivated by a desire to save money or make money. This overriding concern with saving money has meant, in reality, that there has been very little or no room left to talk meaningfully about ‘good’ nursing homes or ‘bad’ nursing homes. As discussed earlier, the elderly – non-Indians and Indian diaspric seniors - are not a homogeneous group of people, and for some older persons, institutional care is extremely functional. Similarly, not all families – non-Indians or Indian diaspoic 130 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

families - want to get rid of their elderly, but for some families, institutionalization of their elderly does provide a realistic and legitimate way of obtaining relief and care. All this does not mean that family solidarity had been broken down, or that the elderly are alienated from their families. We find that like the global village, Indian diasporic families appear to be “noisy families” with multiplicity of voices interacting in any given situation. These families can be seen as contradictory and contested sites where members of the diasporic Indian families debate the new and old values that they hold. They do this face-to-face in the context of new circumstances in which they find themselves to be located. Everything seems to be contested in light of the old and new situations, places and spaces they now occupy, experience, imagine and visualize. In these moments of engagements and entanglements they are struggling to produce new forms of interactions, networks, self concepts, and discourses. In this way they are engaged in producing relevant forms of social and cultural capital. The availability of culturally relevant and self produced cultural capital in turn allows them to negotiate everyday life struggles at a new level of sophistication in rapidly changing environments in which they, their children and extended family members find themselves. For example, some diasporic Indian seniors complain there is a breakdown of traditional Indian family values, and therefore their sons, daughters, and sons and daughters-in-laws do not listen to them, pay little respect, and are oblivious to their needs. The seniors claim that their adult children do their own thing. In contrast, the adult children use different discourse and claim that their parents are too “traditional”, attached to old dysfunctional family and cultural values, and too interfering in their daily lives. Similarly, some diasporic seniors feel their children leave them home alone too often, and this makes them feel lonely and abused. Their adult children do not see this situation as abusive. They simply make use of another discourse and say their workplace demands a busy life style, and so they just do not have much time to spare for socializing with their aging parents; the adult children say they do care about their parents, provide necessary resources for their well-being, and actually love them very much. For the diasporic Indian seniors, memories of past and present are always alive, and they see those memories as a rich resource input to matters they deem important for the next generation of their family members. These memories are part of their social self, which they like to use while negotiating and carving out new relationships with others as they grow older. The young generation appreciates the seniors’ persistence in holding on to their cultural roots, while at the same time their ability to mingle with people of other cultural backgrounds who live amidst them. One of the lived dilemmas some diasporic Indian seniors face is this: should they spend their old age in their adopted country or return to India. Similarly, younger generations apparently have no major problems with their parents’ spiritual practices. They realize that spirituality in its various forms is a major part of life of all the diasporic Indian seniors. Some seniors practice spirituality by doing yoga and meditations, while others pray in the privacy of their homes, or in temples and gurdwaras. They read and sing verses from traditional 131 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

Indian holy books. They celebrate various festivals, birthdays of Hindu deities and Sikh gurus. They also practice fasting and silence. These seniors believe in god and in its various manifestations. Some volunteer their services to temples and gudwaras, and are deeply involved in their own communities, and with other communities amidst whom they live. These are some of the conspicuous pathways through which the diasporic Indian seniors seem to seek inner peace and tranquility in their hearts and minds. However, there is a general feeling among the younger generations that their parents and grandparents take the teaching inherent in the traditional Indian religious texts too literally, and thus remain traditional bound in their out look, meaning that their parents lack critical attitudes towards those books. The thrust of all this is that stereotypical views of Indian family and cultural norms can not be generalized. The diasporic Indian seniors do not work within the fixed frame work of either traditional or modern; they often function by maintaining expected norms of cultural behaviour while at the same time attaining a new sense of self in modern conditions , allowing them to achieve goals they set for themselves. As one diasporic Punjabi senior in Toronto said, “Indian culture makes both young men and women ‘old’ very early in their lives, because it places too much emphasis on “Ghrihasthashrma” stage of life. Even before young people reach adulthood, they are expected to get married, have children, get good education and job, think about the future of their children, and commit themselves to caring for their ageing parents. These expectations put tremendous pressure on the young. As a result of these expectations, the young people feel being under great stress. You know, being under constant stress makes you older very quickly.” And a diasporic Punjabi senior in Atlantic Canada had this to say: “Indian and Canadian society has different background. Canadians are looking forward to live in the present and the Indians are worried about the future. We (Indians) try to look for the rainy days. We care too much of the future of our children. We try to hold things for the future, but in this culture (Canadian) there are no rainy days. They (Canadians) live by day to day. We should also be living this way in this part of the world. We should adopt this attitude. We should let our children adopt this attitude too, and stop always mentioning to them what we did in India or how things are done in Indian culture back home.” At the same time some diasporic seniors have strong sense of self and family preservation, and these seniors seem to have ample skills to navigate through the maize of contradictory demands made on them in daily lives. In this way they are active participants in the making of the life styles they really want to live, at least to some extent. They are not simply passive victims of their circumstances. To see them as passive and docile old persons would be to subject them to the ideology of ageism and then behave as ageists. Some Successful Programs In this section we describe the process for developing and instituting two programs in the Toronto area for the Punjabi diasporic Indian seniors. The two programs we describe here are: (1) ‘Bhooli Bisri Yade’ (translated from Punjabi into English as 132 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

“Forgotten or Dispersed Memories”), and (2) the ‘The South Asian Buffet”. The first program even today continues to provide sites for the South Asian diasporic seniors, mostly the Punjabi seniors, to interact with each other and share their life experiences freely and safely. The main assumptions behind these programs was that the elderly feel good when given the opportunity to share their memories with their peers, family members , service providers, and others in their neighbourhoods, if these situations as places and spaces are safe and inviting. Singh (see Chapter 2 in this book) has discussed the rationale for developing these sorts of programs. Below we describe these programs in more detail: 1. Bhooli Bisri Yade (Forgotten And Dispersed Memories) This program was conceived in 1989 by a team of community workers under the leadership of Rupinder Singh. The second author of this chapter (Singh) has been a member of this team since then. This program also came to be known as South Asians’ Unforgettable Memories program. This event was held twice a year for and by South Asian Seniors from all over Toronto to meet and share their memories. The seniors came from all walks of life, having a wide range of educational and professional backgrounds. Some of them were village leaders before immigrating to Canada, some lived through World War Two, some described themselves as freedom fighters, and some held professional positions in the Indian army and in other offices of the Indian government in urban centers. Most of them were men, but there were also some women who participated in this program. The seniors were very active in organizing this event. The objective was to bring the South Asian seniors in the Greater Toronto Area together, and to let them meet and expose themselves to the cultural and traditional ways of their peers in Canada. The seniors knew that many of their peers had many talents in areas such as music, poetry, literature, history, journalism, yoga, dance, arts, crafts, games, food, and so on. The goal was to provide the seniors with a relaxed social setting where their peers could share those talents with others. They also knew that many of them loved to share their memories of different stages of their lives: childhood, adolescence, adulthood and “old” age. The seniors were able to find a regular place to meet at one of the Toronto neighbourhood centers with the help of Rupinder Singh, who worked there as Community Activation Coordinator. This program became extremely popular and still remains very popular. Since 1996, this program has become part of the Punjabi Community Heath Centre,15 which is run under the leadership of Baldev Singh Mutta, a veteran community leader in Toronto. It is run exclusively by South Asian diasporic seniors, mostly Punjabis, on volunteer basis. Many other small scale programs involving seniors in their own neighbourhoods have sprung out of this original program. These were: Bat Cheet (Chit Chat). This event was held on the last Friday of every month. Seniors chose a different topic each month and held discussion groups. Many themes were touched on during discussions, and all discussions were videotaped by the seniors themselves. They were helped by some members of the South Asian Seniors’ Video Club, another offshoot program of the original Unforgettable Memories program. In the video 133 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

Club, seniors learned to use video equipment. The seniors loved to learn these skills, because they could use the camera and other equipments to capture other activities taking place in their neighbourhoods, families, and so on. The Bat Cheet group wanted to expand the scope of its operation by conducting outreach. This consisted of Bat Cheet seniors trying to recruit at least two members of other South Asian Seniors’ clubs in Toronto to join them. The South Asians Seniors’ War Memories was another project that stemmed from the original program. Many South Asian seniors and their friends, mostly Punjabis, have lived through World War II and through the struggles and conflicts that marked India’s Independence Movement. These seniors had many experiences to share. This program provided them the safe place and opportunities to express their feeling about these events freely. The South Asians Writer Group program was another off shoot of the original program. Several seniors had experience as journalists and writers, and they wanted to get together in a group. Their goal was to share their memories, write them down and share them with others through local publications and the internet. We end this section with typical voices of South Asian diasporic seniors men who participated in this program in the Greater Toronto Area. These voices were recorded by Rupinder Singh in Punjabi and in Hindi a few years ago, and translated to English by the second author of this chapter. A senior of seventy years of age says “many people don’t know about government programs. There are some thoughts, emotions, feelings that one desires to share with others. We go there (‘Bhooli Bisri Yade’ program) to mingle with others, share snacks, express our feelings and share them with others. That simply feels good.” A senior of sixty five years of age states “we have come from away from a village. We feel great differences here. There is a great difference in the social environment here in Canada and India. In India we went to other people’s house anytime we wished and talked with others. Here there is only this place - ‘Bhooli Bisri Yade’ program – the club. We eat our breakfast in the morning, dress ourselves up and look forward to come over here. Time passes here very nicely. I mean to come here in this club, chit chat with others and let time go by with good feelings.” Another senior of age sixty-nine has this to say “in my view this kind of club should be everywhere. People then come there and indulge themselves in give and take of their thinking. We reach a stage of our lives where we need someone. For that, there should be a club like this where people can sit down together, chit chat, celebrate being happy and share good feelings. This makes everyone feel good and happy.” A senior of seventy years of age offers this reflective voice “when we all get to gather in this club to deal with someone’s problems, there is no need to complicate the situation further. Instead, we should try to get the person out of his troubles. We should provide help to the person, and let him feel good and fetch some degree of happiness.” And finally, a senior of seventy four years of age says “at home people are frustrated, are in bad mood. Nobody is to take care of me. Nobody talks to anyone. Everyone keeps busy with her/his work. A person is a social animal. It’s very hard for a person to live alone. One desires to talk with each other and share feelings with others. That’s why it is very important to have this club – a place 134 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

where people go and share their feelings in a give and take fashion and feel good. I always feel good.” 2. South Asian Seniors’ Buffet Lunch Program The South Asian Seniors’ Buffet program created opportunities for the seniors to share ideas about their diets, health, food habits, illness, sickness, disease, home remedies, encounters with doctors and other health providers in Canada and India, and health maintaining behaviours related to their cultural backgrounds. This program existed for six years. It was housed in a neighbourhood center. The first buffet was carried out by two South Asian seniors. Because of its success, the neighbourhood center gave the project CN$100 “float money”. After that the project evolved into a monthly event. It was held on the last Friday of every month, form 12:00 to 2:00 p.m. From two senior men, the core group evolved into a group of 8 South Asian senior men and women. All participants were volunteers. Outreach for each month’s Buffet was conducted by mail-out of the Buffet brochure. Initially, the brochure was sent to the entire neighbourhood mailing list. Over time, participants revised the mailing list, based on feedback from attendees and their own ideas around who best to target. Childcare was also provided for the attendees by volunteers. Every month, a menu was planned. Much communication was done via a telephone net work. Participants decided who would participate and in what ways. For example, who would cook what dishes, go shopping for the groceries, and do other work. Usually one participant would meet with the core group consisting of seniors’ staff and would buy groceries the day before the buffet. Meals were prepared collectively at the neighbourhood center’s kitchen facilities by a few members of the core group in a rotating fashion. There was payment involved. Those who cooked were paid approximately CN $10 per hour for working from 9 am to 12 noon. Work done from 12 to 3 pm was considered volunteer time, plus any other time, e.g. shopping for groceries. Food was cooked for approximately 40-60 people. The basic menu included one meat dish, a seasonal vegetable dish, lentils, chutney (sauce), mango juice, papadum (fried wafers), raita (yogurt), whole wheat roti (bread), pickles, rice and a dessert or sweet. It was sold on an “All-you-can-eat” basis, for CN$5. Later the price was increased. Other ongoing activities of participants were to periodically clean the storage room, keep track of spices and supplies, revise and update the mailing list. At every Buffet, attendees were asked for their feedback and their suggestions for the next buffet’s menu. Participants also attended ongoing educational forums. For example, they attended a recent forum held by a South Asian nutritionist on cooking specifically South Asian food in a healthy manner, and on the medicinal value of ingredients such as haldi, garlic, ginger, cinnamon and mathi. The point is that there are many agencies16 and people who are interested in designing programs to help the diasporic Indian seniors and their families.

135 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

A program may have many objectives and, in order to achieve various objectives, different approaches can be combined, e.g., educational and therapeutic approaches. The educational component may consist of providing basic information on various topics related to aging, society, and the aged. For example, the main objectives of a program may be to: (1) provide information about aging in order that the family members of an older person can better understand him/her as well as gain insight into their own aging process, (2) provide mutual support and understanding through various intervention techniques, and (3) facilitate problem solving around issues in the relationship with an elderly member in the family. The two programs described here were mostly designed by the diasporic South Indian seniors, mostly by Punjabi seniors. They contributed towards these educational and therapeutic goals to the satisfaction level of all involved. For example, the seniors involved in the Buffet Lunch program had this to say: “The South Asian Buffet Lunch is a fulfillment of a long cherished dream of ours, the seniors, who meet weekly at this neighborhood center. We are privileged to entertain our guests with a delightful cuisine that we prepare ourselves. We feel greatly honored by the presence of our guests who enjoy the delicious dishes and encourage us to expand our menu. We hope our Kitchen will act as a lighthouse in the community and an inspiration for the other seniors to join hands in similar cooperative projects.” The success or failure of any social program is socially constructed. What this means is that social definition of reality is an emerging process; it emerges from knowledge which is socially generated. Social generating of knowledge involves the ordering and interpretation of facts that are gathered by proclaimed experts who possess status and authority. This does not mean exclusion of ordinary citizens, such as South Asian seniors, working together and producing social knowledge in the public spheres. Eventually, some aspects of socially produced knowledge become widely shared both by the experts and by common folk as citizens and are institutionalized as part of the “collective stock of knowledge.” Definitions of realities are based upon this widely shared knowledge. Essentially then, socially constructed programs are based on our attitude toward the aged, as well as our political, economic, and social structure. The two programs described here, in a sense, were socially constructed by all parties involved and perhaps that’s why they were successful. What we all perhaps can learn is that these sorts of programs cannot be successful without the full co-operation and collaboration of the seniors, because the content of the programs has to be worked out through a steady flow of conversations with the diasporic South Asian seniors. For this to happen, a culture of rethinking and acting in terms of possibilities and imagining future communities has to be built among the diasporic Indian seniors and those who work with them through constant communication in the public spheres. This can only successfully be done by bringing the seniors together, listening to their voices, creating conditions where their diverse voices can emerge. Once they have the voice, they may be able to act the way they want, and in doing so may create life styles that make them feel good in relations to others. 136 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

On the other hand, social construction of programs for the diasporic Indian seniors tends to take different shapes when the seniors have to interact with personnel working for government, non-government, and other large funding agencies. In those situations, social reality is generally constructed around the “collective stock of knowledge” produced by taking into account mainly the “expert voices” of government and other officials working for varieties of organizations. Some diasporic Indian seniors feel they need to learn how to more effectively communicate their concerns to others in those situations and to let their voices be heard. In the voice of one diasporic Punjabi senior, Tayaji, “The officials do listen, but often with little outcome … unless there is substantial implementation of your voice, which shows some desired outcomes, mere listening does not make much difference.” Here being unable to communicate in English becomes problematic for many diasporic seniors. Tayaji says that the “main problem with many of our people is that we are not very good in having conversations with those officials. They do not understand. Our accent is different. Our people are good in writing English, but not fluent in speaking English. Speaking is very important.” Taking actions and solving mutually perceived problems are social activities, involving constant communication with each other. If this makes sense, it is important while doing community or cultural work to realize that all individuals and groups involved are teachers and learners in different ways in varying situations. So, we ask: What have the Toronto programs taught us? The first thing we learned was that many mainstream social science models and theories of community work were not always appropriate in conceptualizing and designing programs for the diasporic Indian seniors. This does not mean that mainstream social sciences knowledge should not be used at all. Secondly, we learned that one needs to be able to borrow and mix different theoretical frameworks and methodologies while doing cultural work with the diasporic Indian seniors. In a real sense, this means that one should be sensitive to complex cultural nuances of the Punjabi diasporic seniors and their families. These seniors live in communities that exist in the context of big cities, like Toronto. Such cities, with their relatively greater degree of tolerance for diversity and multiculturalism, are more likely to provide opportunities to be creative and to experiment in terms of problematizing, conceptualizing, implementing, and evaluating programs in different ways, allowing the taking of actions that have yet not been taken. There seems to be some room for transgressing taken for granted assumptions entrenched in some mainstream community development and cultural work practices. Thirdly, we learned that it was more productive to meet and talk with the diasporic South Asian seniors in Toronto in the realm of the public spheres. For example, the seniors were more accessible for discussions and disclosures of their feelings, desires, expectation and commitments at places like gurdwaras, temples, shopping malls, bus stations, tea stalls, grocery shopping centers, marriage parties, birthday ceremony occasions, and many other such places. At these places we could listen to their voices, and also convey our own view points to them in regards to what sort of programs should be developed, what should be the climate and 137 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

setting of places where they would feel comfortable participating in activities of programs designed for them in a collaborative fashion. Those were also the places where we could openly discuss possibilities and feasibilities of developing certain sorts of programs in pragmatic ways. Fourthly, we learned that in contrast to the above, mainstream community service providing organizations require the diasporic Indian seniors to come to predesignated places, where they want to talk to them in formal settings as clients. We learned that it is not easy to get the seniors together without establishing some level of primary group relationship with them, i.e., without establishing some degree of emotional, caring, friendship-like intimate relationship as is the case in the affective sphere of interpersonal communication. In other words, the seniors do not like to be treated solely as clients. In the formal meetings organized by the service providers the professional-client relationship and the embeddedness of dominant social and cultural values in bureaucratic institutions often take priority. Fifthly, we learned that the diasporic Indian seniors do not generally like those mainstream programs that require their clients to participate in well organized activities, where the seniors are directed to do pre-designed specific activities. For example, sit down quietly and watch a video or a TV program on what to eat, or what it entails to become a good Canadian. Sixthly, we learned that some diasporic seniors want to have freedom to contact people who work with them at home via phone, any time. This is quite problematic for the mainstream service providers. Those of us who work with the diasporic Indian seniors, and inherit many aspects of Indian culture, approach this situation in a some what different way – using skills which emphasize the role of friendship in interpersonal communication. In concluding this chapter, the authors would like to emphasise the intricate and complex pathways that connect the diasporic Indian seniors with their ethnic and/ sometimes religious communities while simultaneously recognising their negotiations with the mainstream society. Those seniors who have immigrated in their youth and aged in the host country are likely to have stronger ties with the larger society, as compared to those who have immigrated in their fifties or sixties e.g. those who have immigrated to join their adult children in the host country. From the Toronto experience some lessons are drawn, and may be useful for communities in other parts of the world. The diasporic senior Indians can apply their own “sense of agency” to socially construct their activities to suit their needs. All they need is some resources, manpower and perhaps encouragement. Activities need to bear in mind gendered preferences as well as the variety of programs required for the active and the frail who may require some transport assistance. Language is one of the major factors that limit the active involvement of the diasporic senior Indians into the mainstream activities in their respective countries. The cultural context of aging takes on a new dimension for this special group of diasporic Indians as they are straddled between two cultural contexts i.e the one in their homeland and the other in the host country. They craft creative strategies to adjust to the changing circumstances they find themselves in, never failing to tap

138 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

into their reservoir of life course experiences. In this sense, they demonstrate that aging is indeed a creative process. We end this book by reminding ourselves that part of our agenda for producing this book was to create safe places and sites where the seniors of the Indian diaspora could reveal aspects of their life stories in their own voices. The process of relating their memories to their adult children, grandchildren, greatgrandchildren, and others in their surroundings is extremely rewarding for their own well-being and that of the listeners. The diasporic Indian seniors need and want to be listened to by others. They apparently relish sharing their experiences and wisdom with others. They feel good when others listen to them sympathetically and respectfully. We believe that we were able to create safe places and sites where the Punjabi, Bengali, Sindhi, and Gujarati seniors of the Indian diaspora could reveal aspects of their life stories in their own voices. We listened to their voices at different places and sites. For us, it was a culturally enlightening experience as history came alive, and the resilience of the seniors of the diasporic Indians emerged to the surface. We hope readers of this book will have a similar experience. Further, in historic and ethnographic accounts of the diasporic Indians, the elderly seem to receive much less attention than the new generation and its progress, prosperity and success. This fact, we believe, creates a gap in our understanding of the complex nature of the Indian diaspora. Moreover, what is sometimes missed by some researchers, social policy makers and providers of care to the diasporic Indian seniors is the creative energy expended by seniors of the Indian diaspora in enhancing the overall well-being of their families and communities at large. The diasporic Indian seniors are active participants in shaping their relations to changing family circumstances and changing global contexts. By “giving voice” to the diasporic Indian seniors living in six countries – the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Singapore, Malaysia and Kenya – we hope that, in a modest way, this book closes the gap that currently exits in understanding the rich and complex history of the Indians living in diaspora. We also hope that this book will serve as a useful guide for those who desire to understand the future place and role of the increasing number of diasporic Indian seniors in shaping diverse ageing societies in the age of accelerated globalization. NOTES 1.

2.

For discussion of this concept, see Chapter One in this book. This concept has also been used in ethnography, discourse analysis, audience/reception research, cultural history, and post-colonial studies. For a highly accessible discussion of the concept of voice in many of these areas see, Edles, Laura Desfor (2002). Cultural sociology in practice. Malden, Mass., Blackwell Publishers. 21st Century Sociology, especially Chapter 6, 179-219. Also see, Sim, Stuart, (2005) (3rd Edition) Introducing Critical Theory. Singapore: Tien Wah Press Ltd.. Totem Books in USA., Penguin Book in Canada. There has emerged a simple series of terminology which indicates specific use of the term elderly. That is, people who are 65-74 years of age are labelled as “young-old”; those who are 75-84 years of age as “middle-old”; and those who are 85 years of age and over as “old-old”. It is estimated that “During the balance of the century the percentage increase among persons 85 years of age and over will greatly exceed increase among those who are 75-84 years of age and those who are 65-75 years 139 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8. 9.

10.

of age.” (See The Ontario Council of Health (1978) Health Care for the Aged..., op. cit., p. 1). This way of looking at the elderly will have profound implications for social policies in the future. For example, young children are expected to sleep at certain times, parents expect teenage boys and girls to return home at some fixed time, adults are expected to work hard and earn money, and older people are expected to be wise and compassionate. Morgan and Kunkel explain “age norms are guidelines and expectations about behaviors that are specifically related to age; age norms guide the timing of entry into and exit from social roles, and also more general aspects of social behavior such as attire, demeanor, and language.” Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S. (2001) (2nd Edition). Aging: the social context. California: Pine Forge Press, page 488. For example, the Hindu concept of ageing divides the life-cycle into four overlapping stages - ashramas – literally meaning: halting or resting places, milestones. These four stages are: Brahmacharya, Grihastha, Vanparastha, and Sanvasa. Brahmacharya is a student stage. In the Grihasthashrma one is expected to make money, procreate, work hard to acquire material goods and economic wealth. Vanaprathashrm is a stage where one is expected to attain some degree of psychological wholeness and integration. Sanyasa is a last stage. Here one is supported to cut all bonds with family, society, and worldly pleasures. Although these stages were originally meant for the Brahmin caste who are said to be “twice born”, this traditional model of ageing appears to be familiar to everyone in India and also to the diasporic Indians and gives them a degree of psychological security and coherence to individual life. It is important to note that associated with each stage are various behaviors, ethical standards, level of creative activity, and stages of ego consciousness and ideals. See Prabhu, P. H. (1940). Hindu social organization. Bombay: Popular Prakeshan. Kalish summarizes the views of ageists as follows: “Ageists...express overt and covert dislike and discrimination regarding the elderly. That is, they avoid older persons on an individual level, they discriminate against older persons in terms of jobs, other forms of access to financial support, utilization of social institutions, and so forth. Further, the ageist individual derides the elderly through hostile humor, through accusations that the elderly are largely responsible for their own plight, and through complaints that they are consuming more than their share of some particular resource. They may also contend that older people deserve what they get, are, in effect, a drain on society, are functionally incapable of change or improvement (or, conversely, are capable of change and improvement and should be required to do so with their present resources), and do not contribute adequately to the society from which they are taking resources. Ageism involves stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination, segregation, hostility...the list can go on and on,” (p. 398). Kailash, R.A. “The New Ageism and the Failure Models: A Polemic,” The Gerontologist, Vol. 19, No. 4, 1979, pp. 398-402. See Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S. (2001) (2nd Edition). Also see Quadagno, J. (2002) (2nd Edition). These models are discussed by Kalish, Ibid. For more recent discussion on various other such models, see Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S., Quadagno, J., Ibid. Gray Panthers. Pamphlet distributed at the Annual Meeting of the Gerontological Society, San Francisco, November, 1977. Quoted in Estes, C.L.. (1980). The aging enterprise: a critical examination of social policies and services for the aged. San Francisco. Jossey-Bass Publishers. p. 226. For a recent discussion on this topic see Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S., Quadagno, J., Ibid. Schwenger, C.W. and Gross, M.J. “Institutional Care and Institutionalization of The Elderly In Canada,” in V.W. Marshall (1980) (ed.). Aging in Canada: Social Perspective. Don Mills: Ontario. Fitzhenry and Whiteside Limited, 1980, p. 256. For recent discussion on this topic see Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S.(2001) (2nd Edition). Also see Quadagno, J.(2002) (2ndEdition). For the discussion of the dual approach, see Schwenger and Gross. Ibid., p. 255. Shanas, E. “Social Myth as Hypothesis: The Case of the Family Relations of Old People.” The Gerontologist, Vol. 19, No. 1, 1979, pp. 3-9. For recent discussion on this topic see Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S.(2001) (2nd Edition). Also see Quadagno, J. (2002) (2ndEdition). Smith, K.F. and Bengtson, V.L. “Positive Consequences of Institutionalization; Solidarity Between Elderly Parents and Their Middle-Aged Children,” The Gerontologist, Vol. 19, No. 5, 1979, p. 438.

140 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

VOICES TO ENGAGEMENT

11. 12. 13. 14.

15.

16.

For recent discussion on this topic see Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S. (2001) (2nd Edition). Also see Quadagno, J. (2002) (2ndEdition). Butler, R.N. Why Survive? Being Old in America. New York: Harper &Row, 1975. Smith, et. al., op. cit., p. 438, op. cit. Ibid. Penning, M.J. and Chappell, N.L. “A Reformulation of Basic Assumptions About Institutions For The elderly,” in V.W. Marshall, op. cit., pp. 269-280. For recent discussion on this topic see, Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S. (2001) (2nd Edition). Also see Quadagno, J. (2002) (2ndEdition). The Punjabi Community Health Centre (PCHC) is a small scale community research development enterprise. See discussion of values and necessity of small scale research projects in Chapter One in this book. The Punjabi Community Health Centre (PCHC) is a non-profit community based agency in the Region of Peel in the Greater Toronto Area. It was incorporated as a community based agency and a resource centre in 1995. Developed in the spring of 1990, the Punjabi Community Health Project in Peel is an innovative Health Promotion Project based on the principles of Community Development. The Punjabi Community Health Centre strives to create a healthy and vibrant community, which values the cultural mosaic of the Region of Peel. The PCHC serves the Peel community through community development, culturally appropriate service delivery, partnership with other organizations, research and asset inventories, developing resources and recruiting volunteers from within the community, and consulting and promoting diversity through community outreach. Specifically, it is committed to building social capital in the Punjabi community under the leadership of Baldev Mutta. All those agencies are part of the aging enterprise, defined as “the complex network of programs, organizations, bureaucracies, interest groups, trade associations, providers, industries, and professionals that serve the aged in one capacity or another.” See, Morgan, L. & Kunkel, S.(2001) (2nd Edition). Op. cit., p. 488.

REFERENCES Butler, R. N. (1975). Why survive? Being old in America. New York: Harper & Row. Edles, L. D. (2002). Cultural sociology in practice (21st century sociology, especially Chap. 6, pp. 179– 219). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. Estes, C. L. (1980). The aging enterprise: A critical examination of social policies and services for the aged. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Kalish, R. A. (1979). The new ageism and the failure models: A polemic. The Gerontologist, 19(4), 398–402. Lal, B., Reeves, P., & Rai, R. (2006). The encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Marshall, V. W. (Ed.). (1980). Aging in Canada: Social perspective. Don Mills: Ontario. Mehta, K. (2000). National policies on ageing and long-term care in Singapore: A case of cautious wisdom? In D. R. Phillips & A. C. M. Chan (Eds.), Ageing and long-term care: National policies in the Asia-Pacidic (pp. 150–180). Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and International Development Centre. Morgan, L., & Kunkel, S. (2001). Aging: the social context (2nd ed.). California: Pine Forge Press. Penning, M. J., & Chappell, N. L. A reformulation of basic assumptions about institutions for the elderly. In V. W. Marshall (Ed.), op. cit. (pp. 269–280). Prabhu, P. H. (1940). Hindu social organization. Bombay: Popular Prakeshan. Quadagno, J. (2002). Aging and life course: an introduction to social gerontology (2nd ed.). Toronto: McGraw-Hill. Schwenger, C. W., & Gross, M. J. (1980). Institutional care and institutionalization of the elderly in Canada. In V. W. Marshall (Ed.), op. cit. (pp. 248–256). Schwenger & Gross. Ibid., p. 255.

141 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

MEHTA AND SINGH Shanas, E. (1979). Social myth as hypothesis: The case of the family relations of old people. The Gerontologist, 19(1), 3–9. Sim, S. (2005) (3rd Edition). Introducing critical theory. Singapore: Tien Wah Press Ltd.; USA: Totem Books; Canada: Penguin Book. Smith, K. F., & Bengtson, V. L. (1979). Positive consequences of institutionalization; Solidarity between elderly parents and their middle-aged children. The Gerontologist, 19(5), 438. Smith, et al., op. cit., p. 438. The Ontario Council of Health. (1978). Health care for the aged. Adapted from Health services for the elderly. Final Report of a working group of the Federal-Provincial Advisory Committees on Community Health, p. 9.

142 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Rohit Barot studied at Gujarat University India, Makerere University, Kampala, University of California, Berkeley, and finally at University of London School of Oriental and African Studies for a Ph.D. in Anthropology. He is a Visiting Fellow in Archaeology and Anthropology at University of Bristol. His interest in colonial migration, ethnicity and diaspora stimulated the study of the British Swaminarayan movement and the formation of Bristol Indian communities. His 2007 publication ‘Celibacy and Salvation in the Swaminarayan Movement’ appears in John Hinnells’s (ed.) Religious Reconstruction in South Asian Diaspora (Palgrave 2007). Professor Dr. Maya Khemlani David is an Honorary Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Linguists, United Kingdom and the Head of the Section for Cocurricular Courses, External Faculty Electives and TITAS in the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. As a sociolinguist, Dr. David has a special interest in language maintenance and shift of minority languages. Dr. David has written, The Sindhis of Malaysia: A Sociolinguistic Account (2001, London, ASEAN) and co-written, Writing a Research Paper (2006, Serdang: UPM). Her co-edited and edited publications are, Language and Human Rights: Focus on Malaysia (2007, Serdang: UPM), Language and the Power of the Media (2006, Frankfurt, Peter Lang) and Teaching of English in Second and Foreign Language Settings: Focus on Malaysia (2004, Frankfurt, Peter Lang). Maya David is the Linguapax Prize Winner for 2007. She can be contacted at: mayadavid@ yahoo.com Sarah Lamb is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Brandeis University in Massachusetts, USA. She received her Ph.D. in Anthropology from the University of Chicago. She is the author of White Saris and Sweet Mangoes: Aging, Gender and Body in North India (2000) and co-editor of Everyday Life in South Asia (2002). She is currently researching the ways middle-class Indians--at home and in the diaspora--are reconfiguring aging, gender, and family, as they strive to fashion meaningful modernities. Her forthcoming third book is entitled Aging Across Worlds: Ambivalent Modernities in India and America. Professor Kalyani Mehta teaches at the Department of Social Work, National University of Singapore. She has researched on ageing issues for the past 15 years and has been a consultant at national and international levels. Her research projects have focused on long term care policies, living arrangements of elderly, retirement, widowhood, grand parenting in Asia, cultural aspects of ageing, and suicide. Among her significant publications are books, Untapped Resources: Women in Ageing Societies across Asia, Social Work in Context: A Reader, and journal articles in internationally reputed journals such as Ageing and Society, Journal of Aging and Social Policy, Journal of Cross-cultural Gerontology and Journal of 143 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Geriatrics and Gerontology. She is currently a Nominated Member of Parliament in Singapore. Kiran Shah achieved her first degree in Social Work and went on to do her Masters degree in early childhood education. She has been involved in teacher training in Singapore, Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Myanmar since 1984. She has co-authored a book entitled, A Day in Child Care published by the Association for Early Childhood Educators, Singapore in 1991. As a professional storyteller, Kiran now continues working with students and adults through performances and workshops in Singapore, Australia, U.K. and Hong Kong. Amarjit Singh is Professor of Education at Memorial University, Newfoundland, Canada. He received his Ph.D. in sociology of education from Michigan State University. His writings have appeared in local, national, and international journals. He is co-author of Ethics, Politics, and International Social Science Research, (1984); Teacher Training: A Reflective Perspective (2001); Classroom Management: A Reflective Perspective (2001); and Reading and Teaching Henry Giroux (2006).

144 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

INDEX

Gujarati, ix, 2, 4, 5, 55, 57, 59, 61, 63, 67, 79, 82, 83, 88, 107–120, 123, 127, 139

A ageism, 15, 16, 35, 124, 125, 132 aging, 1, 3, 5, 13, 16, 20, 22, 23, 25, 41, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61–66, 68–72, 74 aging process, 1, 2, 17, 126, 136 Asian Indians, 3, 56, 119

I India, 3, 4, 15–19, 24, 25, 27, 32, 34, 39–41, 55–62, 64–73 Indian culture, 41, 66, 93, 132, 138 Indian diaspora, vii, x, 1, 2, 4, 5, 14, 17, 30, 79, 88, 123, 126, 139 Indian diasporic families, 127, 129, 131 Indian diasporic seniors, 1–3, 5, 14, 29, 123, 124, 127 Indian elderly/elders, 63, 69, 79, 80, 82, 87, 128, 129 Indian society, 58, 93 Indians living in diaspora, 88, 139 intergenerational, 14, 35, 55, 56, 58–61, 64, 66–68, 114, 120

B Bengali, 2, 55, 57, 62, 64, 73, 108, 118, 127, 139 C Chappel, N., 20, 130 community or cultural work, doing, 137 critical pedagogical questions, 3, 14 critical pedagogy, x, 14, 97 cultural worker, 2, 13, 21 D diasporic Indian seniors, vii, ix, 1–3, 14, 17, 27, 123, 127–129, 131, 132, 135–139 Doyle, C., ix, 6, 7, 9, 10

K Kincheloe, J. L., x, 10 Kunkel, S., 8, 9, 140, 141 L Lal, Brij, vii, 1, 16, 17, 56, 108, 115, 118, 123 listening, 14, 27, 29, 30, 37, 41, 136, 137

E East Africa, 2, 15, 19, 83, 85, 107, 113 Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora, vii, 1, 123 F families, 1, 4, 13, 18, 21, 26, 27, 33, 34, 38, 40, 55–57, 61, 62, 64, 68, 73, 80–83, 85, 87, 88, 100, 102, 108–111, 114, 115 Freire, P., 7

M marginalization, 127 Morgan, L., 8, 9, 140, 141

G generational gap, 114 Giroux, H.A., 6, 8–10, 44

P Penning, M.J., 130 people of Indian origin, 15, 16, 81, 84

O old age, defined, 25, 80

145 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4

INDEX

prejudices and stereotypes about old age, 124 professional service providers, 13 programs and projects, 13, 29, 41 Punjabi, 2, 3, 13–31, 33, 37–41, 55, 59, 63, 71, 72, 94, 103, 118, 132–134, 136, 137, 139 Q Quadagno, J., 9, 140, 141 R reflection, 29, 44, 70, 72 reflecting, 34, 37, 55 research literature on family, 130 S seniors, vii, ix, 1, 2, 3, 13–17, 20–23, 25, 27–30, 33, 34, 37–41 services, to provide care to the diasporic Indian seniors, 127 Shanas, E., 128, 129 Sikhs, the, 15, 18–20, 23–25, 28, 57 Sindhi, 2, 4, 93–98, 100–104, 127, 139, 143 Singh, A., ix, x, 3, 6–10, 13, 17, 20, 27, 30 Smith, L.T., 7, 21, 44 social gerontological research, 129

social gerontology, 9, 13–15, 22, 23, 28 social myths, relationship between older persons and their families, 128 social policies and programs, 128 South Asian communities, 25, 74, 79, 90 South Asian diaspora, 14, 16–17, 20, 79 South Asian seniors, 13, 20, 22, 28, 29, 133–137 Steinberg, S., x, 10 stereotypical views of Indian family and cultural norms, 132 successful programs, 132–133 T The Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora, vii, 1, 123 The Indian diaspora, vii, x, 1, 2, 4, 14, 30, 123, 139 traditional Indian expectations/family values, 86, 131 V voice, concept of, 13, 14, 26 Y younger generations, 3, 4, 29, 56, 57, 112, 114, 117, 119, 131, 132

146 Kalyana Mehta and Amarjit Singh - 978-90-8790-407-4