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English Pages 241 [247] Year 2013
In the Beginning
Siphrut Literature and Theology of the Hebrew Scriptures Editorial Board STEPHEN
B. CHAPMAN III
TREMPER LONGMAN NATHAN
MACDONALD
Duke University Westmont College University of Cambridge
1. A SevereMercy:Sin and Its Remedy in the Old Testament, by Mark J. Boda 2. Chosen and Unchosen:Conceptionsof Electionin the Pentateuch and Jewish-ChristianInterpretation,by Joel N. Lohr
3. Genesisand the Moses Story:Israer~Dual Originsin the HebrewBible, by Konrad Schmid 4. The Land of Canaan and the Destiny of Israel:Theologiesof Territoryin
the HebrewBible, by David Frankel S. Jacoband the Divine Trickster:A Theologyof Deceptionand YHWtt's Fidelity to the AncestralPromisein the facob Cycle,by John E. Anderson 6. Esther:The OuterNarrativeand the Hidden Reading, by Jonathan Grossman 7. FromFratricideto Forgiveness:The Languageand Ethics of Anger in
Genesis,by Matthew R. Schlimm 8. The Rhetoricof Remembrance:An Investigation of the "Fathers"in Deuteronomy,by Jerry Hwang 9. In the Beginning:Essays on CreationMotifs in the Ancient Near East and the Bible, by Bernard F. Batto 10. Run, David, Run! An Investigation of the TheologicalSpeechActs of David's Departureand Return (2 Samuel 14-20), by Steven T. Mann
In the Beginning Essays on Creation Motifs in the Ancient Near East and the Bible
Bernard F. Batto
Winona Lake, Indiana EISENBRAUNS
2013
© 2013 by Eisenbrauns
Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America www.eisenbrauns.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Data
Batto, Bernard Frank. [Essays.Selections] In the beginning : essays on creation motifs in the ancient Near East and the Bible / Bernard F. Batto. pages cm. - (Siphrut : literature and theology of the Hebrew Scriptures ; 9) ISBN978-1-57506-267-9 (alk. paper) 1. Creation-Biblical teaching. 2. Bible. O.T. Genesis l-XI-Criticism, interpretation, etc. 3. Middle East-Religion. 4. Middle Eastern literatureHistory and criticism. I. Title. BS1199.C73B382 2013 221.6-dm,"father of humankind." An eighth-century B.C.E. Phoenician king, Azitiwada from Karatepe in Cilicia, invokes El as "creator of the earth" (qn 'r~). In Genesis 14:19 Abraham likewise invokes this Canaanite deity under the title "El Most High, creator of heaven and earth" ('el 'ely6n qone siimayim wa->are$).Analogously, at Ugarit El's wife Asherah is termed qnyt 'Im, "creator of the gods." Nowhere in the Canaanite tradition are we informed of the process by which creation of either the physical universe or of humankind took place, however. Some scholars speculate that the process involved a sacred mar-
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riage between El and his wife Asherah, but this is by no means certain, as the ancient Near East contained a variety of traditions about how the gods, humankind, and the physical elements were generated. The Ugaritic Baal cycle deserves special mention. It is usually classified as a Canaanite version of the Combat Myth, since we witness therein a struggle of the storm-god Hadad-more commonly known by his title Baal ("Lord")-to achieve control and to assert order. As the storm god, Baal was believed to control the winds and the rain, important elements in the agricultural economy of that region, where during one half of the year virtually no rain falls. Considered a matter of life and death, the cult of the storm god was immensely popular. Even so, the Baal cycle should not be understood simply as an alternate version of the Combat Myth. Six fragmentary tablets from Ugarit tell of Baal's battles against two rivals for the throne. The one foe is Yamm, "Sea, alternatively called by his twin names Prince Sea and Judge River. Yamm is usually considered the Canaanite equivalent of Tiamat, primeval ocean. After an exhaustive battle, which Baal nearly lost, Baal finally subdued Yamm with the aid of two divinely crafted weapons-and some help_from his ferocious warrior-sister Anat. After overcoming other difficulties, Baal finally was awarded a palace from which his thunder could encompass the earth. But unlike other versions of the Combat Myth, the Baal cycle is not simply a struggle for cosmic order. Like Baal, Yamm is a son of El, the divine sovereign in Canaanite belief; so the conflict between Yamm and Baal appears more a struggle to determine which of the two will succeed El as the divine sovereign. In this regard, the story resembles more a succession narrative, analogous to the struggle for the throne in Judah between the various sons of King David, than a Combat Myth wherein the creator's arch foe is chaotic primeval ocean. 41 Nevertheless, because Yamm's name as "Sea" was evocative of the antagonist in the Combat Myth, it was inevitable that the composer of this Ugaritic tale would draw upon the imagery of the Combat Myth to add color to his story and definition to its characters. Probably for this reason, combat-myth motifs may be perceived as lurking just below the surface of the Baal cycle. Similarly, in Canaanite iconography Baal is depicted variously as treading on the back of the sea or atop Mt. Saphon and wielding a club and spear (fig. 21), or as striding on a charging bull and brandishing lightning bolts. 42 11
41. So Wayne Pitard, "The Combat Myth as a Succession Story at Ugarit," a paper delivered at the Joint Meeting of the Midwest Region of the Society of Biblical Literature, the Middle West Branch of the American Oriental Society, and the American Schools of Oriental Research, held at Olivet Nazarene University, Bourbonnais, IL, February 11-13, 2011. 42. On a stele from a temple in the Neo-Assyrian provincial capital Hadatu (Arslan Tash), the storm god strides atop a vigorous charging bull, brandishing lightning bolts in each hand. The deity's dress has been adapted to that of the Assyrian version of the storm god (Adad), revealing the staying power of this popular deity, worshipped throughout
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Baal's second foe was Mat, "Death." In this episode, Baal was at first vanquished by Mat and forced to descend into the jaws of Death. In the end, however, Baal was rescued by his powerful sister Anat, and Mot was slain. Because the crops fail upon Mot swallowing up the storm god and then revive when he is released from Death's jaws, this aspect of the Baal cycle is often interpreted as the Canaanite explanation for the alternating annual cycle of scorching dry summer months of no rain, followed by the winter months of abundant rain clouds blowing off the Mediterranean Sea. Others prefer to see here a metaphor for alternating years of drought followed by years of plenty. In any case, the struggle between the storm god and Death is but an extension of the theme of the struggle between cosmos, or creation, and chaos, or nonexistence.
S. Hebrew Ideas of Creation Geographically and culturally, the Hebrews may be considered a branch of the Canaanite group. The Hebrews shared many conceptions about creation in common with their Canaanite neighbors; one finds these prominently in the Psalms, in Job, and in the Prophets, especially in the second half of the Book of Isaiah. One also finds echoes of Egyptian creation motifs in the Bible. But for reasons not fully understood, the classic Hebrew creation account of Genesis 1-11 was most influenced by the geographically more distant Mesopotamian creation myths, rather than by the nearby Canaanite ones. Unfortunately, there are no extant iconographic representations of Hebrew creation mythemes, thus closing off one important avenue for reconstructing Hebrew conceptions of creation. Like other societies in the ancient Near East, ancient Israel had its distinguishing features. Most distinctive for Israel was its Yahwistic religion, which during most periods of Israelite history was the official state religion-though during some periods syncretism with Assyrian and especially Canaanite Baalistic cults prevailed in the temple at Jerusalem in the southern kingdom of Judah as well as in the royal sanctuaries of the northern kingdom of Israel, to say nothing of popular religious practices which seem to have been even less pure. Reforming Yahwistic priests and the classical Israelite prophets strove mightily against such syncretistic religious practices, though often without much success. Yahwism demanded exclusive worship of Israel's national god, Yahweh. But few, if any, among Israel's religious leaders and theologians were monotheists in the philosophical sense, that is, believing in the existence of only one God. Numerous biblical passages attest an Israelite belief in Yahweh as the supreme deity among other gods: a divine sovereign surrounded by a host of lesser gods (for example, Gen 3:22; 6:2; 11:7; Exod 15:11; Deut 10:17; 1 Kgs 22:19-23; Ps 136:2; Dan the whole of the Syrian region since the third millennium. Louvre, AO 13092 (= ANEP, no. 501; Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World, 216 #294).
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Fig. 21. Stele known as "Baal of the Lightning. 11 The Canaanite storm-god Hadad holds in his raised right hand the club used to smite his foes. With his left hand he thrusts downward a spear whose top branches into either vegetation or a lightning bolt; either motif would be appropriate to Baal. He strides upon what appears to be either mountains-his palace was situated on Mt. Saphon-or, more likely, a wavy sea-he was renowned (or having defeated his archrival Yamm (Sea). The small human figure standing in front of the deity upon a pedestal likely is the king of Ugarit, beneficiary o( Hadad's protection. From Ras Shamra (Ugarit). Louvre, AO 15775. Photo ©RMN; used with permission.
11:36). This great god had freely chosen Israel as his elect people (Deut 32:8) and entered into an exclusive covenant with them, for which reason Israel was obligated to exclusive devotion and worship of Yahweh God. Accordingly, ancient Israelite religion, at least until well into the postexilic period, may be described as henotheism (the worship of a single deity without denying the existence of other deities) or even as "practical monotheism" or "near monotheism" (acting as if there were only one powerful deity, either by demoting all other deities to the rank of lesser gods or by ignoring them as lacking any power). Also like their neighbors in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Canaan, Israelite theologians readily engaged in mythmaking speculation; that is, they
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created new myths or reworked old ones as explanations for their belief in Yahweh as the divine sovereign and the creator of all. Many of the motifs that we previously encountered appear also in Hebrew literature: a primeval substance from which all creation is made, whether chaotic waters (Gen 1:1-2) or barren desert (Gen 2:4-5); a special creation of humankind, whether out of clay infused with a divine substance (Gen 2:7) or by mere divine fiat (Gen 1:26-28); the earth as a disk floating in primeval water, sealed by a rigid vault to hold back the primeval waters above (Gen 1:6-10; Prov 8:27-29); Combat Myth themes wherein the creator deity overcame his archenemy, chaotic primeval Sea, to bring about an ordered cosmos (Isa 27:1; 51:9-11; Hab 3:8-10; Pss 65:5-7; 74:11-17; 77:17-21; 89:9-14; 93:3-4; Job 26:12-13; 38; cf. Rev 12:3, 9; 21:1). One motif that official Yahwism avoided, however, was the theme of creation resulting from a sacred marriage-although there is evidence for belief at the popular level of a marriage between Yahweh and a divine consort, Asherah, in biblical literature (1 Kgs 15:13=2 Chron 15:16; 2 Kgs 21:7; 23:4, 7) and perhaps also in extrabiblical inscriptions from Khirbet el-Qom and Kuntillet are$).Given the pattern of the prophetic passages we have examined, we will not be surprised to find that the absence of these specific evils is linked to the covenant involving all of creation. For with the stones of the field is your covenant, and the beasts of the field make peace with you. Although the poet uses his license to play freely with traditional materials, the essential form of the covenant of peace is clearly recognizable. Moreover, the freedom of the poet to suggest by allusion, rather than being compelled by slavish explication, attests to the vitality of the concept for both the poet and his audience.
2. Primet1al Pattern
A
It is now time to follow the trail indicated by the prophets and explore the primeval myths to see why the prophets linked them with a covenant of peace. The first primeval pattern to be investigated involves an attempt 12. Although a Sumerian version of the flood story may have been known already in the Ur Ill Period (21st century s.c.E.), it circulated independently and likely became attached to the Gilgamesh tradition only after the Old Babylonian Period. Sometime before the end of the Middle Babylonian Period (ea. 1000 s.c.E.), the Atrahasis version of the flood story was incorporated into Gilgamesh, changing the third-person account into the first person to fit better the narrative structure of the Gilgamesh epic. For details see J. Tigay, The Evolution of the Gilgamesh Epic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), esp. pp. 240-41. 13. See below, pp. 182-184. 14. Cf. Isa 55:12-13, where the jubilation of the mountains and the hills is listed in a series of unnatural phenomena which will serve as an everlasting sign; note also the mention of sii16m in v. 12.
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to annihilate hum:mkind by means of a flood. The paradigm, if not the archetype, for this type is the Mesopotamian myth of Atrahasis. Although the flood myth is attested in other versions across the face of the ancient Near East, including the two biblical sources in Genesis 6-9 (J and P), Atrahasis seems to represent most accurately the original shape of the myth. The interpretation of Atrahasis is still a matter of debate, especially because the ending of the myth is poorly preserved. Nevertheless, enough of the structure is preserved to allow us to determine that the myth is much concerned with the status and function of humankind vis-a-vis the gods. The opening scenes depict unsuccessful inchoative attempts to define cosmic order. The lesser gods rise in revolt against the high gods because of their excessive burdens. A first solution is attempted by the creation of humankind, who would do the work of the gods and especially bear the burden of providing sustenance for them. Accordingly, it was decreed that the ringleader of the rebellious gods should be killed and from his flesh and blood mixed with clay humans would be created. But as humankind grew in numbers, so did the problems. Enlil, the king of the gods, was unable to sleep at night because of the din (rigmu/(IJuburu) raised by humanity. It is most unlikely, however, that the subsequent attempt of the gods to annihilate humankind should be interpreted, as is often done, as a capricious decision by the gods, simply because their king Enlil could not sleep at night because of noise issuing from an overpopulated earth. 15 Rather, the divine decision was taken in reaction to human transgression. 16 Humankind was created so that the gods might rest. Consequently, when Enlil's "sleep"(= rest) was disturbed by the humans' din, it was a violation of right order. The din (rigmu//lJuburu) was not so much the noise generated by huge throngs of people as it was the cries of rebellion against divine rule. Enlil's ability to sleep (= rest) or not appears to have been tied up with his function as the ruler of heaven and earth. He could afford to rest only if his authority was unchallenged. One might compare this to OT descriptions of Yahweh, who does not sleep; if he did, the world 15. A. D. Kilmer, "The Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulation and Its Solution as Reflected in Mythology," Or 41 (1972) 160-77; W. L. Moran, "Atrahasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood," Bib 52 (1971) 51-61; T. Frymer-Kensky, "The Atrahasis Epic and Its Significance for Our Understanding of Genesis 1-9," BA 40 (1977) 147-55; V. Fritz, "'Solange die Erde steht'-Vom Sinn der jahwistischen Fluterzahlung in Gen 6-8," ZAW 94 (1982) 599-614. 16. See R. A. Oden, Jr., "Divine Aspirations in Atrahasis and in Genesis 1-11," ZAW 93 (1981) 197-216; G. Pettinato, "Die Bestrafung des Menschengeschlechts