In Praise of the Beloved Language: A Comparative View of Positive Ethnolinguistic Consciousness [Reprint 2011 ed.] 9783110813241, 9783110150902

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In Praise of the Beloved Language

W DE G

Contributions to the Sociology of Language 76

Editor

Joshua A. Fishman

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

In Praise of the Beloved Language A Comparative View of Positive Ethnolinguistic Consciousness

by

Joshua A. Fishman

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

1997

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

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Fishman, Joshua A. In praise of the beloved language : a comparative view of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness / by Joshua A. Fishman. p. cm. — (Contributions to the sociology of language; 76) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-015090-5 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Anthropological linguistics. 2. Language and culture. 3. Ethnicity. 4. Nationalism. I. Title. II. Series. P35.F48 1996 306.4'4'089—dc20 96-36653 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Fishman, Joshua Α.: In praise of the beloved language : a comparative view of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness / by Joshua A. Fishman. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1996 (Contributions to the sociology of language ; 76) ISBN 3-11-015090-5 NE: GT

© Copyright 1996 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Disk conversion and Printing: Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. - Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer GmbH, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Just because the history of language is usually, in our times, kept so rigidly apart from conventional political, economic and social history, it has seemed to me desirable to bring it together with these. Hugh SetonWatson. 1977. Nations and States: An Inquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Boulder: Westview, p. 11. It is difficult for a speaker of English, the property of nations, to grasp the volatility of a small ethnic group in situations which seem to threaten its language...[because] its language is both a refuge and an outlet for underlying tensions. Thomas F. Magner. 1988. Language and nationality in the Balkans: The case of Yugoslavia. Geo Unguis tics. 14, 108-124. Cited from p. 120.

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Dear brothers, do not be misled by insincere voices that say that a language is only an outer form, a secondary consideration; that we must not forget about more important matters just because of language and nationhood. These are voices of false, hidden enemies of our nation. Freedom, no matter how great, means nothing without nationhood, because without nationhood freedom is freedom for others, for our oppressors and lords but not for us. Did English freedom help the Irish? Did Hungarian freedom help the Slovaks?...What good does it [freedom to use English] do the Blacks in the Southern states of the United States, this freest Union in the world?... Wherever your language and your nationhood are disregarded, you are oppressed, no matter how liberal the country may be...[W]here your language is excluded from schools and offices, freedom is taken away from you, from your nation, more than by police or by censorship. Karel Havlicek Borovsky (1821-1856) The thread of all three [classical holy languages], Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit, is woven into the very makeup of the soul of the Hindi language. Naturally, the same spirit of self-sacrifice, the same spirit of service and the same spirit of cooperation vibrates in the innermost soul of Hindi... It is the cord, softer than air and stronger than steel, that has united the hearts of the common people for thousands of years. It has remained the support, the solace, the vital force, and the inspiration of the common man's life. Bal Ganadhar Tolak (1856-1920) To pass on to posterity one's own language, more highly developed, more refined, and more precise than it was before one wrote it, that is the highest possible achievement of the poet as poet. T. S. Eliot (1888-1964) The [main] problem is that there are nations whose historical rights are not disputed and, on the other hand, nations whose rights are disputed... This question does not concern only small nations, ... somewhere at the margin of European history, but appears on a worldwide scale ... [But] we are speaking here of the Macedonian nation, fully conscious of the conditionality of the term when this is projected into the past. However, such conditionality is present when we project into the past [other national names which]... cannot ... adequately cover all periods in the his-

viii

tory of their nation, or frequently even their present area. [From the point of view of certain outside scholars and governmental spokesmen] the only right remaining to the Macedonian people ... is the use of a separate literary language, which is viewed as being without a popular basis,... as if there did not exist a national unit which speaks this language. Every nation has the right to object to ambushes of its past, even if the past consists only of the rewards and glory earned by those simple people who have plowed and planted the soil. B. Koneski (1921-1993) There is no achievement without effort. If we want to be lazy and easygoing and "happy-go-lucky" we can rest content with "everybody's Swahili", this easy language for simple minds, and prove to the Europeans that we are indeed inferior. So far, Swahili, the one that we have been using, has only been a lowly language, below the prestige of the European rulers' English, a servant of the foreign rulers of our minds and of his language, to fulfill some menial tasks which English did not bother to do. If Swahili is to be our national language, it must be equal to English, a true language, on whose perfection countless generations have worked. Such a language must be learnt by hard effort. Let us sit down and do it! Abdallah Khalid (dates unknown)

Foreword

Reading this manuscript by Joshua Fishman vividly reminded me of an incident that occurred at a congress, held in Spain in 1993, whose theme was Nationalism in Europe: Past and Present. Following two days of papers and discussions ostensibly concerned with the nature of nations and nationalism, a participant from a Balkan country, which at the time was the scene of large-scale ethno-nationally inspired carnage, poignantly voiced his disillusionment with what he had been hearing. He noted that he had hoped to gain additional insight into the forces motivating the national groups within his country, but that he had found nationalism, as described and analyzed at this conference, to be totally divorced from popular sentiments, inner convictions, and perceptions, which are so conspicuously bared at times of inter-group conflict. Nothing that he had heard helped to explain the passions that underlay ethnonational identity. This criticism, offered in an understandably emotional voice, caused a temporary discomfiture among participants. However, following a rejoinder-in which a leading writer on nationalism, after perfunctorily expressing sympathy, asserted that nationalism in Eastern Europe was vitally different from that found in Western E u r o p e - t h e congress complacently proceeded along earlier lines. In my opinion, the criticism so hastily disregarded was totally justified and, with equal justification, could be levied against the general literature on ethnonational identity. The literature reflects the views/analyses of outside observers. But the essence of national identity does not reveal itself through the microscope; it does so through the ethnic prism with which members of an ethnonational group view themselves and the world. Probing the nature of the national bond requires that we at least try to perceive the world through Armenian, Japanese, Russian and other ethnic eyes. Here, Plato's analogy of the shadows on the wall of a cave seems appropriate. The outside observer can view the essence of the nation only very indirectly, and therefore only dimly and imperfectly, in shadowy form. Probing the essence of a nation's identity requires not an appreciation of objective reality but of the group's perception of reality; its sense of unique origin, for example, is not rooted in chronological/ factual history but in sentiment/felt history. And thus, the rational acceptance of the chronological/factual history of the English nation, which

χ

Foreword

chronicles its Angle, Saxon, Jute, Dane, and Norman admixture, weakens not a whit the intuitive conviction of the English that they are an unadulterated, ethnically pure people. Contrariwise, no arsenal of facts concerning their common ancestral background can convince either the Serbs or the Croats that they share a common national identity. Indeed, in the 1960's, long before the dismemberment of Yugoslavia, an attempt by the government to create a single Serbo-Croatian dictionary (to be printed in both Cyrillic and Latin scripts) floundered in the face of Croatian and Serbian insistence - all facts to the contrary notwithstanding - that the two languages were distinct. After all nineteen major cultural organizations within the Croatian region issued a declaration asserting the uniqueness of Croatian as a separate language, a group of Serbian intellectuals responded in kind, maintaining at least as fervently as their Croatian counterparts, the individuality of their own tongue. Confronted with this outburst of ethnonational emotion, the then effectively authoritarian regime of Tito was forced into a most unusual retreat and the plan for a single dictionary was dropped. Thus can ethnonational perceptions conquer facts. Joshua Fishman has long been cognizant of the need for imaginative research in order to move from outward observation to the view from within. More than a decade ago, I wrote that "Fishman has certainly begun excavating in this area [to discover techniques for] the effective probing of the subjective dimensions of the national bond," and now we have the results of that imaginative research. He focuses on the emotive and symbolic significance of language as perceived by those who consider it their own. He taps these perceptions by compiling a remarkably broad sample of quotations concerning the native language, a sample transcending peoples and continents and extending over centuries. Where the outside observer perceives the language of a people as the means for intra-communication, these voices from within speak of it as the very embodiment of the nation: its soul and its spirit. To anyone who wishes to comprehend the passions underlying conflicts where language is an issue - Quebec, Latvia, Wales, etc. - this work by Fishman will provide essential preparation. Fishman identifies a number of significant themes and subthemes and then examines the frequency with which they appear throughout his sample. The range in their relative universality is stark. Students of nationalism should be particularly impressed by the one-hundred percent association that people make between their language and ethnicity. Such universal and near-universal perceptions on the part of ethnonational peoples

Foreword

xi

without regard to place and time obviously challenge "exceptionalist" assertions, such as that postulating fundamental differences in ethnonational perceptions among the people of Western as contrasted with Eastern Europe. The author's humane attitude concerning endangered or oppressed nations and cultures permeates his comments throughout. This attitude must certainly be attributable in part to his attentativeness to the voices that he has so laboriously assembled and analyzed for us. What emerges most clearly from all of the citations is the immense worth that peoples everywhere place upon their ethnic identity and particular culture. It strikes me that in documenting the near universality with which people intensely value their unique group-characteristics, Fishman offers the strongest moral and ethical case yet for their protection and encouragement. Following the thematic dissection of his sample, Fishman contrasts his approach and findings with those of several leading writers on ethnonationalism. Standing alone, this section can be recommended as an astute critique of the state-of-the-art of current scholarship on national identity. The common weakness of these outsiders' theses is their stress on rational explanations to the exclusion of the emotional, passionate, non-rational dimensions of identity. This common inadequacy flows from their deafness to "the voices from within". In In Praise of the Beloved Language, Joshua Fishman has informed us how this inadequacy can be overcome. The beneficial, long-term impact of this innovative work upon the study of national identity should be enormous. Walker Connor, Reitmeyer Professor of Political Science, Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut and McConnell Professor of Human Relations, Pomona College, Claremont, California

Contents

Foreword Preface

ix xvii

Chapter 1 "Up front" about topic, methods and limitations

1

1.1. Delimiting the topic: what this book is and what it isn't about 1.2. Sampling problems, solutions and implications

2 7

Chapter 2 Sanctity: Where language and religion meet 2.1. Spirit and soul 2.2. Materia sancta 2.3. Language as a moral issue 2.4. Parallels to nature and the body 2.5. Life and death 2.6. Summary

11 13 16 18 20 25 27

Chapter 3 Ethnicity

31

3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 3.6. 3.7.

34 37 39 45 48 53 57

Kinship Of hearth and home People, culture, identity History/heritage: Past, present and future Cognitive and emotional contributions Unity: Territorial, cultural and beyond Summary

Chapter 4 Status planning

61

4.1. Responsibility for the language (status planning): Introduction 4.2. Rejecting past insult and injury

61 63

xiv

Contents

4.3. 4.4. 4.5. 4.6. 4.7.

Cross-language comparisons The moral obligation (and the natural right) to foster The struggle for a life with dignity Status aspirations and satisfactions Dreams and displays of wealth, power and demographic strength 4.8. Summary

88 91

Chapter 5 Corpus planning

95

5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 5.6.

Rejecting negative attributes "A thing of beauty is a joy forever" Modernization: Perfecting the perfect Codification: Systematizing the sublime The written language: The symbolic apogee Summary

Chapter 6 Summary: Inside in, outside out; different voices, different views 6.1. Introduction: What do we gain by listening to "the voice from within" in the study of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness? 6.2. Contrasting the perspective of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and that of most humanistic and social science inquiries vis-ä-vis the ethnicity-sanctity relationship 6.3. The points of view of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and of the humanities/social sciences in connection with ethnicity 6.4. The recognition of language status concerns in the humanities and social sciences 6.5. The social sciences and humanities consider corpus planning for contextually disadvantaged languages 6.6. Negative evaluations of ethnicity and of ethnolinguistic consciousness 6.7. On varying stages and intensities of ethnocultural saliency and on the factors which influence them 6.8. Summary: Revisiting language and ethnicity

68 72 75 79

97 101 104 108 111 114

119

119

125

131 143 151 156 165 171

Contents

xv

Appendix A: Citations

181

Appendix B: Quantitative description and evaluation of the data

299

Notes

307

References

331

Index

343

Preface

I have been giving lectures and talks to academic and lay audiences and teaching courses called "Language and Ethnicity" for about a quarter century. These talks and lectures have been delivered on literally every continent and my courses have been given not only at my own university but at others to which I have been invited as a member of the Visiting Faculty (e. g., at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 1973, and at Stanford University 1993 and 1996) as well as at the Linguistic Society of America's prestigious "Summer Linguistic Institutes" (e. g., University of Hawaii 1975, University of New Mexico 1980, Stanford University 1984). At all of these institutions I have usually assigned my own texts to the students, doing so in order to focus on a perspective that I had initially formulated in 1963, when working on the final version of my Language Loyalty in the United States (1966). At that time it first became clear to me that ethnicity and nationalism were distinct but related phenomena, tied to each other sequentially (nationalism always being the later of the two, if it developed at all), but distinguished by degree of collective selfconsciousness and problem-focused mobilization (nationalism clearly outdistancing ethnicity in both respects). Little by little, I developed both of these themes further, adding several important details, e. g., in my contributions to the Social Science Research Council's watershed conference on "Language Problems of Developing Nations" (also the title of the volume that Charles Ferguson, Jyotirindra Das Gupta and I edited [1968], collecting most of the papers of that conference), until these distinctions and relationships became major components of my Language and Nationalism (1972, 1989), my Rise and Fall of the Ethnic Revival (1985) and my Language and Ethnicity in Minority Ethnolinguistic Perspective (1989). The present book, however, is a byproduct of a certain dissatisfaction which, nevertheless, I began to feel, after several years of proceeding with American students and listeners along the above lines. It was not so much that my earlier efforts began to strike me as wrong in and of themselves, as much as that they began to strike me as looking-in from the outside and commenting upon a gripping human experience (a typical scholarly stance), rather than trying to understand it from the inside and to convey it from that perspective. Fortunately, I have also had several opportuni-

xviii

Preface

ties to try out this newer (at least for me and for this topic) "inside view", before committing it fully to paper. These opportunities also convinced me that American lay audiences, as well as undergraduate and graduate students (and, perhaps, other primarily English mother-tongue audiences both within and without the university setting) needed to be approached in a way that they could "take" in connection with the inside view of language and ethnicity. Coming from environments, both familial and academic, in which ethnicity is seldom discussed in terms of reference related to their own identities, they frequently have biases, positive or negative, but really no first hand experience with the phenomena under discussion. As a result of much trial and error, as well as many discussions with helpful students and attentive colleagues, I have discovered an "order of priority" with respect to ethnolinguistic interest, understanding and involvement among the audiences that I have had most contact with and that I have had foremost in mind. Therefore, in this book, I have placed first (with very minor deviations) those things that are of most interest to most of such readers, and I have placed last, those things that are of least interest (or of interest to the smallest number). This may not always correspond to the most "logical order of presentation", but in connection with considerations of ethnicity, psychology must apparently be invoked before logic, rather than afterwards. Perhaps this is not a bad idea in connection with other subjects as well. Essentially, this book focuses on the inside view of the language and ethnicity connection, leaving a rather lengthy comparison between this view and the more "scholarly" (but also more commonly entertained) outsider view for last (or nearly last). The outside view, whether positive or negative, should be postponed, I have come to believe, until students know a little more of what the language and ethnicity linkage is all about within those ethnocultures and among those spokespersons who experience this linkage most keenly and comment upon it most vividly and poignantly. Few American students have any real idea of "why their languages seem to be so important to all those contentious peoples way out there" or about how widely (and for how long a time) that very "matter of great importance" is and has been talked about, worried about, advocated, defended, and treasured — including, in different historical periods, — in their own speech-community. For years before I began teaching about language and ethnicity in this "insider" fashion, I began collecting bits of evidence (citations) revealing the positive things that people all over the world had said and were still saying about their own traditionally associated "beloved" languages.

Preface

xix

Often I would read a citation about Language X to an advocate of Language Ζ and ask him or her to "Guess what language this is about". In almost all cases they would guess it was about their own "beloved language" (although it never was) and that gave me the idea that the content of language praises might really be quite parsimoniously structured the world over. The true structure would have become much clearer, I'm sure, had I attracted a whole team of confederates and if we had collected much more data from many times as many languages. Perhaps that will still be done. Nevertheless, I have decided to follow the adage "It is not incumbent upon you to finish the work, but merely to point a new direction". If I have, indeed, pointed to an interesting and revealing new direction in the study of language and ethnicity, that itself will be a tremendous gratification to me. If it is also, in some measure, accepted by my colleagues and students, then that will be an almost unsurpassable compliment. Stanford University, July 1995. (with particular thanks to the Interlibrary Loan and Reference Desks at the Green Graduate Library, to the Library itself, and to the Departments of Linguistics and Education, all of which have repeatedly been my "homes away from home [= Yeshiva University]" since the mid 60's).

1. "Up front" about topic, methods and limitations

This book departs from more usual presentational approaches in at least two ways. Instead of integrating the statistical treatment with the text and placing methodological issues in an appendix, this text will place most statistical considerations in an appendix and start off with a consideration of its own methodological and topical limitations. Even the lay reader, i. e. the non-sociolinguist, should be encouraged and assisted to realize fully what this book is and is not about and what the limitations are that pertain to the data and to the analyses upon which it is based. Findings cannot be any better than the data from which they are derived and a consideration of the adequacy of that data should not be either discouragingly recondite nor buried unobtrusively where few will peruse it. On the other hand, a professional lifetime of doing research and of teaching research design and statistics (to social and behavioral scientists, on the one hand, and to humanities specialists, on the other hand), has left me with the sad conclusion that many readers simply skip over such matters out of a conviction — based on countless negative experiences — that they will never really understand them. Accordingly, I have decided to place the latter material in a quantitative appendix (Appendix B), where it can be consulted by those who are interested in and adept at these matters. The conclusions and implications that derive from the analyses reported in that appendix are, of course, woven into the main body of this book at various appropriate places throughout the presentation. The main body of this book is devoted to the non-quantitative analysis and interpretation of the thematic content of statements of praise and commitment pertaining to a sample of vernacular languages from all over the world. Most of these statements were initially intended to be understood by ordinary laymen (in the hope that they could and would influence the feelings and behaviors of such laymen) and I, for my part, have also tried to make my analysis and discussion generally understandable, particularly to both the non-linguist, on the one hand, and to the nonstatistically oriented reader, on the other. If I have failed, insofar as level of presentation is concerned, I hope that my readers and reviewers will let me know so that I can try again.

2

1. "Up front"

about topic, methods

and

limitations

Since the matters that are treated in this book pertain to the lives and goals of ordinary men and women wherever language issues are on the agenda, it seems no more than right to me that this book be understandable to them. However, since language issues are emotional and partisan, there will certainly be some readers who will disagree with my point of view or conclusions. That is only to be expected. Nevertheless, I would hope that any disagreement will, at least, be based upon an understanding, rather than upon a misunderstanding, of the material I have presented.

1.1. Delimiting the topic: what this book is and what it isn't about This book is to the study of nationalism what medical anthropology is to the study of modern Western medicine. Medical anthropology emphasizes the patient's point of view with respect to the curative practices and health care experiences within a particular culture or sample of cultures. Modern Western medicine encompasses a particularly powerful subset of these practices and experiences, one that has spread throughout the world. Nevertheless, it is far from being either the totality of such practices and experiences, on the one hand, or from providing (or even considering) the patient's perspective on them, on the other hand. Just as traditional folk medical practices can change (and be changed) over time until they may become indistinguishable from those of modern Western medicine, so ethnolinguistic consciousness can metamorphize into nationalism, a relatively modern, organized, politicized and activated transformation of ethnolinguistic consciousness. Unlike nationalism, ethnolinguistic consciousness per se may or may not be salient in people's lives. Its views are more commonly available to consciousness, i. e., they are retrievable as needed, rather than constantly being in consciousness. 1 An inquiry into ethnolinguistic consciousness reveals what a speech community believes and what attitudes it has concerning the vernacular(s) that the community identifies with itself, as its own. Nationalist movements have almost invariably utilized these views in mobilizing populations, i. e., nationalist movements utilize the vernaculars and the beliefs and sentiments that have become attached to them, in order to organize and unify populations, to render salient their consciousness of the practices, beliefs, values, commitments and other cultural traits that they may

1.1. Delimiting

the topic

3

be said to share, and to activate these populations on behalf of causes that are purportedly to their greater collective advantage. The vernacular has frequently played a major role in nationalist movements, both as a medium for mobilization as well as a desideratum, i. e., as an object of value, on whose behalf mobilization is called for. This is an outgrowth of the obvious need of modern movements for mass media of communication, both print and non-print, and of the potentially symbolic role of any vernacular in "standing for" (i. e., in representing) an ethnocultural aggregate, both to insiders and to outsiders. Language is, after all, the supreme symbol system of the human species. As such, every vernacular also lends itself readily to becoming symbolic of the speech community that has consistently utilized it intergenerationally and for which it has become an obvious cultural boundary-maintenance mechanism. Finally, a major portion of every culture is necessarily linguistic (viz. prayers, laws, folklore, education and the daily rounds of constant verbal interaction — i. e., the culturally normative ways of asking, thanking, complimenting, scolding, etc., etc. — that make every society "tick"). At home, at work, in government, at prayer, in the shops and at play, language is part and parcel of the texture of human social life itself, thereby further fostering both the frequency and the intensity of the language and culture link. Once that link is pointed out and stressed or rendered salient by those who first arrive at ethnolinguistic consciousness (usually teachers, preachers, scribes and elites or proto-elites), such consciousness often becomes both more accessible and more long-lasting for the rank and file as well. Initially, both the overt and the symbolic interrelatedness between an ethnolanguage and its associated ethnoculture are merely latent and quiescent. Through exploring this interrelatedness, as we hope to do in this book, we discover both the most potentially activizable attitudes and beliefs as well as those that have already been cultivated by nationalist movements. These are the attitudes and beliefs that nationalisms may focus upon, embellish, and render dynamic (declaring them to imply moral and behavioral imperatives), as part of their more general mobilizational efforts. Without the mass media such mobilization is not possible on any larger scale, but without the ethnolanguages no deeply moving mass communication at all is possible. Accordingly, ethnolinguistic consciousness, stressed and elaborated, becomes a component, a channel and a goal of nationalism. Nevertheless, ethnolinguistic consciousness is neither equivalent to, nor inevitably linked to, nationalism. Recent events in Central and Eastern Europe have paid both eloquent and disturbing testimony to the recurring and prominent role of language

4

1. "Up front"

about topic, methods

and

limitations

in modern ethnonationalisms. From Slovenia to Kirgizia and from Estonia to Georgia, local languages have sprung forth either again or anew, after generations of apparent quiescence, as desiderata of new or reborn nationalist movements. Suppressed languages have been accorded recognition (sometimes arising out of hitherto quiescent ethnolinguistic consciousnesses which had lasted for many generations, if not centuries), to claim the honors now perceived as being due and long denied to them, just as suppressed peoples have arisen to honor their long suppressed languages, and thereby, to bolster their certainty that they themselves, the peoples, would not once again become suppressed. Both noble and horrible deeds sometimes flow from such mobilized consciousness, even as they sometimes do from other foci of consciousness, such as religion, patriotism, social class and ideologies related to gender, age and professionalism. Having pointed out the possible "flow chart" between ethnolinguistic consciousness and nationalism, it must also be stressed that this book is not about nationalism per se. It also does not deal with the whens, whys or hows of the rise and development of nationalism. There are already many fine books about such matters, 2 and I myself have addressed my attention precisely to such questions in a book that attempted to present a general theory of the relationship between language and nationalism. 3 Instead of dealing, once again, with nationalism as such, this book focuses on the positive content of language consciousness as revealed via a sample of the world's languages. It seeks to answer questions such as: What are the positive views about their vernaculars that have been expressed by peoples the world over? Are there any regularities to these views, across time and across space? Are there more common and less common themes and, if so, which are which? Are some themes more distinctly European (Europe having been the cradle not only of modern nationalism but of modern and mobilized ethnolinguistic consciousness as well) and others less distinctly European, or have some themes now become rather uncommon in Europe while they have become more common elsewhere? Are some themes older and others younger, even given a primary focus on the past few centuries? All in all, this book is an attempt to describe, classify, interpret and make a few quantitative comparisons in connection with the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness. This is a topic which has thus far been left untreated in the voluminous literature on ethnicity and nationalism. But why study only the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness? Is there no negative content that also requires attention? Indeed

1.1. Delimiting

the topic

5

there is. However, the negative content (or even the ambivalent "how beautiful it is, but, unfortunately, how destined to die [or 'regrettably already dead']") is frequently either explicitly or implicitly rejected by its positive counterparts (see, e.g., sections 4.2. and 5.1. in the status planning and corpus planning discussions, below, respectively), and, therefore, it is overcome by the advocates of more positive views. Where the negative content cannot be overcome in this manner, due to the preponderant power of a rival vernacular (i. e., the power of that vernacular's supporters), the negative content ultimately leads to relinguification and re-ethnification, that is to say, negative ethnolinguistic consciousness, when it prevails, is self-liquidating. For both of the above reasons, negative language consciousness is neither an independent factor nor a generator of popular movements of its own in the course of ethnocultural development. 4 If it deserves more attention than I have given it here, e.g., in conjunction with an examination of inter-ethnic (and, therefore, interlinguistic) rivalries — although it appears to me that such rivalries often finally engender a preponderantly positive imagery of ethnolinguistic consciousness on each side — it may still be in order to postpone such attention until the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness is better understood. Furthermore, it should be stressed that there is nothing about positive ethnolinguistic consciousness per se which necessarily leads to a monolingual monopolization of the community's communicative repertoire. Many speech communities exhibit such positive consciousness and yet they remain thoroughly bilingual and even full of admiration for one or more languages of wider communication. Their positive ethnolinguistic consciousness serves to provide them with a securely anchored "authentic" identity, rather than primarily a justification for expelling "foreign devils" or xenophobic monolingualism. Finally, I am very conscious of the terrible excesses of certain nationalist movements at the very time that this book is being written and of the punitive language legislation that is being enacted in some of those connections. Do I not worry, I am often asked, that my book may contribute to such activities by dignifying them via endless citations and by attempting to present them in their own perspectivally positive frame of reference? In all truth, although I do cringe when bloody headlines come to my attention, I draw a line — and I do not think it is an artificial line — between contributing to an understanding of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and fostering an acceptance of nationalistic horrors. The difference between studying the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness and practicing the evils of nationalism 5 is, to my mind, like

6

1. "Up front" about topic, methods and

limitations

the difference between gender research and sexual harassment, between studying aging and engaging in institutionalized age-discrimination, between religious inquiry and religious bigotry, between investigations into the correlates of social class and preaching class conflict. In each instance, the latter term or phrase involves an aggressive and destructive miscarriage of the reflective activity designated by the former term or phrase. Furthermore, if ethnolinguistic consciousness is not the same as nationalism, as has already been pointed out above, then it certainly cannot be the same as or directly contributory to "the horrors of nationalism". But, I am sometimes further asked, cannot the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness be put to negative uses? My answer is that it certainly can, but so can word processors, education, motherhood, cherry pie and early spring. Indeed, there is no limit to the number of things - or ideas - that can be put to negative uses, somewhere, at some time or by some one. But that is quite different than claiming that the objects or ideas that are put to bad uses are, therefore, automatically bad in and of themselves. When linguists work to put together dictionaries, hardly anyone criticizes them nowadays for all of the bad things that can be said and done by people who use, or might use, some of those "bad words" that even (or precisely) the most serious dictionaries inevitably include. This book is in part a compendium, and in part, an analysis of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness. As with the words in a dictionary, much of the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness is often put to no use at all, or is put to various positive uses too, such as bolstering the self-concept of the weak and disadvantaged, fostering mother tongue education and adult literacy, facilitating greater involvement in democratic processes, etc., etc. The conclusion to which I have come from all of the above is that listing the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness, every bit as much as that consciousness itself, is neither intrinsically good nor bad per se. I cannot predict what uses will be made of this content (or of the knowledge of such content that this book will make readily available). My only claim is that those who would like to know more about what various peoples currently believe and have believed in the relatively recent past about their vernaculars — whether because of their interest in languages, in ethnomovements, in education, in literacy, etc., etc. — will now have a source (at the moment, probably the only focused and cross-linguistic source) that should help them explore this interest further. Although this may still be an inadequate source, my hope is that it will become both an aid and a prod for the preparation of better sources on this topic in the future.

1.2. Sampling

1.2. Sampling problems, solutions and

problems

7

implications

There is usually a difference between the way social research should and could be done in the best of all possible worlds and the way it is done (and often has to be done) in the real world. Why is there such a difference? Because researchers are limited in time, funds, ideas and ability; nevertheless, they must do the best they can with what they have. They cannot wait until the best of all possible worlds comes to pass (for it never will), so they try to conduct their studies as best they can. In the best of all possible worlds, a study such as this would analyze a randomly selected sample of statements (each being an expression of the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness) taken from a random sample of all of the languages of the world. However, neither the universe of languages nor the universe of statements has ever been completely enumerated and neither of them ever will be. Accordingly, no one has a random sample of data of the kind I am interested in, from a random sample of the languages of the world, and, what is more, no one ever will. The best I have been able to do is to pick my languages in such a way that European and non-European languages would be about equally represented. I have spent a professional lifetime "networking" with language scholars all over the world, but my contacts are relatively better in Europe and in the Asia/Pacific area than elsewhere, and they are particularly meager in Africa. This means that my data certainly cannot be appropriately interpreted via contrasting the themes encountered on one continent with those encountered on another (particularly where Africa or the Americas are singled out for contrastive purposes), let alone contrasting one language with another, because they have not all been sufficiently well (let alone randomly) sampled. The themes that have been identified in my data present a related set of methodological problems. Not only do the languages studied not constitute a random sample of the world's languages but the themes encountered were not selected from a random sample of all statements expressing the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness even for the languages included in the study. The statements of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness that have been studied were obtained in two ways. Either I encountered them in books dealing with those languages with which I have professional familiarity or, much more commonly, specialists whom I contacted encountered them in books (or other printed sources) dealing with the languages with which they have professional familiarity. In the latter cases, the specialists responded to my request

8

1. "Up front" about topic, methods

and

limitations

that they each send me two or three "characteristic statements", primarily from the last century or two, that "sing the praises o f ' the language of their specialization. Quite probably another specialist would have selected other "characteristic statements" and perhaps their respective themes would have differed, from somewhat to greatly. I do not know. Although this method of selecting languages is far from random, it was simply the best that I could do on the one hand, and on the other hand (and more importantly), it could not represent any conscious or unconscious wishes to select languages in some thematically pertinent way, since the thematic categories were first discovered from the data and were, therefore, entirely unknown when the languages themselves were selected. Furthermore, since neither I nor the specialists involved knew what themes would finally be discerned when the data was analyzed, the citations themselves could not have been selected, consciously or unconsciously, in such a way as to maximize or minimize the themes that were subsequently discovered. Thus, although the method of sampling statements expressing positive ethnolinguistic consciousness was also far from random, it was, once again, the best that I (or any one else, I do believe) could do, on the one hand, and (more importantly) it could not have consciously skewed the findings in any particular thematic direction, on the other hand. All of the statements expressing positive ethnolinguistic consciousness were initially written out on slips. I then classified (or "content analyzed") these slips into themes twice, one classificatory attempt being at a remove of three months or more from the other. The levels of agreement were quite high (between 85% and 98%, depending on the category), indicating that my classificatory system was, at the very least, fairly clear to me. Whenever the same slip was classified differently on these two occasions it was then finally reclassified on yet a third reading and the category boundaries were thereupon also better defined and demarcated. At this point, after I was sure of my own classifications of the data, a random sample of all statements was presented to an independent reader for classification in accord with my written classificatory framework. This time the level of initial agreement was even higher (90% to 100%), all of the categories having been by then quite well defined, and the few cases of disagreement were amicably adjudicated. Since my major research goals are rather broad-gauged (e.g., to determine whether European and non-European expressions of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness are basically similar or dissimilar) it seems to me that my necessary departure from any kind of random sampling (stra-

1.2. Sampling problems

9

tified, quota, or other) is not a very terrible or damaging departure from the best of all possible worlds. In some ways the methodology followed is as acceptable as that used in finding out which of two parties, the Republicans or the Democrats, is ahead in a nationwide race, without being able to predict thereby the results state by state, let alone election district by election district. Quota sampling is used in such polls, to make sure that all major parts of the country are adequately represented in the study sample. In my case, the two parties are "Europe" and "nonEurope" and I do believe that these two entities are adequately represented, and that their constituents were selected in a non-purposive fashion (i. e., not in any obviously biased fashion calculated to produce any particular foreseeable set of results). Thus, I believe I am justified in proceeding with my analyses, even though, admittedly, no truly proportional sample of languages could be selected continent by continent. Under the circumstances of one investigator working alone, without outside budgetary support of any kind (not an unusual part of the definition of the real world of language-related research in the USA in the mid-nineties), it was, I believe, the best that could be done, and overall not at all a bad initial approach to answering the types of questions that interest me in connection with the positive content of ethnolinguistic consciousness. As a result of this study, the preliminary demarcation of major themes and sub-themes within positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and the even more preliminary recognition of the differential prevalence of some of these themes (at least insofar as "Europe" vs "non-Europe" is concerned) will both be better appreciated than was hitherto the case. And when the time comes, as it soon hopefully will, when exhaustive studies of the positive ethnolinguistic consciousness of individual national communities and sub-national speech communities can be undertaken, the data presented in this volume will permit the ample contrastive and contextual comparisons that are required in order that individual clinical cases too can be better understood.

2. Sanctity: Where language and religion meet

There are Holy Languages and holy languages, although the boundary between them is a permeable one, particularly when viewed in historical perspective. The Holy Languages are those in which God's Word, or the word of the earliest and saintliest disciples, prophets, preachers and advocates was (or still is) received. The holy languages are those in which God's (or God's disciples, prophets, etc.) Word was (or still is) spread. The languages take on and symbolize the sanctity of the Word itself, thereby becoming Holy Languages. Accordingly, the sanctity of Biblical Hebrew and Koranic Arabic, of Sanskrit and Pali, of Classical Mandarin and Javanese, and even of Syriac, Latin and Greek, of Coptic, Armenian, Ethiopic, Old Church Slavonic and several additional scriptural languages of Eastern Orthodox Churches, (some of which have bridged the gap between Holy and holy) is by direct and presumably unmediated transmission or something very close thereto. Their sanctity is established, reaching far into the past and into the endless future, even though their understandability to ordinary believers and practitioners may often be dubious and problematic. Such lack of understandability may even be interpreted favorably, in terms of the mysterious nature of sanctity as a whole, being above and beyond mere human understanding and, indeed, as reflecting, underscoring and even adding to the very aura and mystery of sanctity per se. God's very own Word is widely considered to be Holy even when it is not entirely clear to mere mortals and, precisely because it is God's word mere mortals cannot fully fathom it. Little wonder then, that the language consciousness of those who are attached to Holy Languages, none of which have been vernaculars for well over a millennium (and probably none of which were ever vernaculars precisely in their currently sanctified forms), is suffused with a conviction of sanctity and accompanied by the experience of sanctity. Much of the world, however, is particularly under-represented in conjunction with Holy-language links to locally validated religio-linguistic consciousness — a variety whose detailed exploration is also beyond the scope of our current more ethnically-iocxisQd inquiry - and it remains to be seen whether any such under-representation is discernible either in terms of the prevalence or the content of the expressions of positive ethHolinguistic consciousness that we are examining.

12

2. Sanctity:

Where language

and religion

meet

The transition from Holy language to holy language comes about as a result of a conviction that contrasts markedly with those mentioned above, namely, a conviction that more people will be reached, or reached more fully and convincingly, if God's word can be brought to them in their very own vernacular, rather than in a Holy non-vernacular. This view is basically justified as maximizing and democratizing the unmediated accessibility of Holy Writ, or of other important texts that are ancillary to Holy Writ and, indeed, that such greater accessibility is God's own will6. Over time, therefore, much of the sanctity which originally resided in the Holy has, in some religious traditions, become associated with those vernaculars that have come to be markedly associated with the holy. In the West, we tend to identify this progression of Holy to holy primarily with Protestantism (although, of late, Catholicism has joined in this approach, to some degree, as have, perhaps even more ambivalently, other religious bodies as well), but it is far from unknown in those parts of the world where Protestantism is generally absent. Indeed, the association of language with holiness, i. e., with Holiness-once-removed, is probably a more prevalent phenomenon worldwide than is the phenomenon of Holy Languages and, in addition, it is more fully within our purview, since it pertains to ethnically specific vernaculars and, therefore, to ethnolinguistic consciousness per se, rather than only to religio-linguistic consciousness which, more often than not, is supra-ethnic in scope. It is through the association of one's own vernacular with holiness that ethnolinguistic consciousness draws upon the power of supreme, widely unquestioned and fully canonized traditional verities and transfers some of the aura of this association to ethnolinguistic movements and to their programs of problem solution as well. These movements themselves are often characterized by a fervor, a messianic zeal, that has led to their being dubbed "secular religions" "quasi-religions" and "the religions of modern secular sociocultural mobilization". On the other hand, the basic secularism of most modern ethnolinguistic movements (there have been very few mass movements in modern times associated with reviving religious classicals in their classical form) is probably responsible for the fact that traditional religious imagery, powerful though it may be, makes a relatively modest contribution to modern ethnolinguistic imagery as a whole. Religion is often mined by some of these movements, but, with the exception of the recently reborn fundamentalisms, it is generally not enthroned by them. Nevertheless, although positive ethnolinguistic consciousness may place its major emphases elsewhere, it still attaches itself to sanctity and, even more often, attaches sanctity to itself to an impor-

2.1.

Spirit and soul

13

tant degree and, as we will soon see, various versions of (and allusions to) "holy people-holy language" imagery are not hard to find. All in all, moral texts and principles are often explicitly associated with ethnomoral (and, therefore, ethnolinguistic) traditions, whether ab initio or by virtue of subsequent circumstances. Even if and when these texts are no longer taken literally, there often remains an attachment to their associated language which easily calls notions of sanctity into play.

2.1. Spirit and souf The most common ethnolinguistic theme within the religious realm is the one that refers to the vernacular as the spirit or the soul of the ethnonational collectivity, of its individual members, or of their traditional faith. Not infrequently, the language itself is recognized as having a spirit or soul of its own. This is not necessarily an explicitly religious theme, and, indeed, it may not even be invoked in any precisely religious way. In fact, this very plasticity, a usage that is sometimes religious and sometimes not, may even explain its relative popularity. However, whether taken as a metaphor or not, it originally derives from the religious realm and, therefore, I will begin this discussion of language and sanctity with it, precisely because of its popularity. Although the metaphor, if that is what it is, is still in very current usage, its origins probably trace back to Johann Gustav Herder's 18th century writings and provide ample testimony to the continuing evocativeness of this formulation for much modern ethnolinguistic thought and sentiment. Our data reveals an Alsatian 1 reference to the "dialect" as "the soul of the people" and as the "delicious dialect ... which I ... carry in my spirit". 8 Berber 2 adds the observation that de-ethnization is "a genocide of souls" and Byelorussian 2 informs us that it is the "foundation of spiritual life", "the soul of the nation", indeed, its "supreme manifestation". 9 Black English 2 opines that it is "the language of soul" and that blessed are those who "have had bestowed upon them at birth the lifetime gift of soul". Filipino 1 is convinced that "a national soul cannot exist where there is not a common language" and Finnish 2 takes the position that "attempts to influence the people will be in vain unless the spirit of their language is understood seriously and in depth". French in Quebec 1 claims that "its language is its soul" whereas our Frisian 1 text stipulates that "the Creator created his [the Frisian's] soul according to that language and that language according to his soul" because "just as the

14

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

soul and the people is one, so there must be one [and the same] language for the soul and for the people". Indeed, the same text goes on to claim that "we did not get two languages from God [rejecting in this elliptic fashion the co-sanctity of Netherlandish, the larger surrounding language which all Frisians must know, while their knowledge of Frisian per se is far more problematic], one for this part and another for another part of our soul". Finally, we are informed that Frisian is the language "in which we speak about the salvation of the soul". As might be expected, given the ubiquity of this Herderian theme, it is particularly strongly represented in our German citations. German 2 claims that the language reflects "the accomplishments and the individuality of the German spirit" as well as that it lets us "see the spirit of the Nordic people in a special way" and, furthermore, to glimpse the "spirit of the German people of the future". All in all, German 2 is viewed as "a reflection of the German spirit in its uniqueness". Hebrew 1 claims that it "emerges from the same fiery furnace in which the very soul of the people emerges" and that it is the unifying "spirit ... of a people scattered". 10 Hindi 2 states that "the soul of our country ... is permeated by and expressed in the speech forms of the people". Furthermore, "the thread of all three [classical holy languages], Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit, is woven into the very makeup of the soul of the Hindi language. Naturally, the same spirit of self-sacrifice, the same spirit of service and the same spirit of cooperation vibrates in the innermost soul of Hindi". Indonesian 1 is lauded for the "new spirit you will impart [to the people]" and for being the "flame of my [the cited author's] spirit" and "the companion of my ... soul". All three of our Japanese citations refer to spirit/soul. Japanese 1 deals with the script and views it as having "a close connection with the ... people's spirit" whereas Japanese 2 [focusing on the language as a whole, including its script] comments on its "eternally inspired ... unique spirit, its kotodama", while Japanese 3, in turn, concludes that the language "comprises everything which is intrinsic to the soul of ... [the] nation". Korean 1 is prescriptive in that it considers "mending our use of the national language ... [as] precisely the way to find ... [i.e., to return to or revive] the spirit of our nation". Latvian 1 refers to the language's role in fostering understanding of "what they [the ancestors] understood of their spirit" as well as providing "insights of their living spirits ... the living spirits within them" and pleads with the modern generation not to "forget the bridge which you have to cross to reach the nation's heart, soul and spirit". Clearly then, the "living spirit" which Latvian 1 recognizes as residing "[with]in Latvian words" also yields "spiritual insights" as well.

2.1.

Spirit and soul

15

Macedonian 1 is also replete with references of this kind. "Through the sounds and words of our native language ... we receive our first spiritual nourishment" and "become their [our parent's] spiritual descendants, as we are in the physical sense their bodily continuations". Any rejection of the language is also a rejection of parental "spiritual care and upbringing" in so far as the individual is concerned, and "a radical spiritual transformation" insofar as the people as a whole is concerned ... since "faith and language, these are the soul of a nation". Maori 1 looks forward to the time when a widespread relearning of the language will "loosen" (i. e., liberate) the spiritual power that is within the language. For Papiamentu 2 the language is "spiritual strength ... flowing through your veins" and for Polish 3 "the history of the spirit of the nation". All of our Slovene sources also mention this particular theme. Slovene 1 considers the language "good food for the souls ... [to] gladden ... hearts and ... lighten spirits". In Slovene 2 it "echoes from soul to soul" and in Slovene 3 "the commotion of the soul" is considered indicative of "the height which our language will reach in the near future". Sumatran 1 recognizes the language as "an extension of our spirit" Swahili 2 agrees with the view that the language is "the voice of the soul of the people" and, therefore, that it is a "perfect means of expressing the [people's] soul..., culture and ... perceiving their world". This, therefore, fully justifies "the rigid discipline which the spirit of this language requires of those whose minds and souls it takes possession". Our Uzbek 1 citation refers to the "language ... [as] the spirit of a people, its soul". Obviously, both "spirit' and "soul" are plentifully associated with the vernaculars and through them, in turn, the vernaculars are associated with religion (faith), both explicitly and implicitly, with other sanctified desiderata such as the ethnic ancestors and with the people's glorious future yet to come and, above all, with a perceived dynamic ethnocultural capacity to appreciate its own link to the divine, to be sensitive to moral values, to remain loyal to verities, to be both creative and authentic simultaneously. Spirit and soul are part of the affective, cognitive and overt behavioral link between religion, language and ethnicity, a powerladen "tri-unity", the power of which the modern world has often underestimated to its own detriment. Indeed, what we now refer to as "national consciousness" was itself often referred to as "the spirit of the people" in the earliest decades of this century, not to mention during the century before, when Herderian rhetoric was still very prevalent in all educated as well as popular sources.11 Linking the beloved language to the Su-

16

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

preme Being and "Ultimate Cause", a link which is sometimes explicitly and sometimes metaphorically made, is a way of saying that the language is of supreme value and that it is perceived as the source from which all other ethnonational virtues flow.

2.2. Materia

Sancta

"Spirit" and "soul" are terms taken from religious discourse and metaphor, to be sure, but they are both rather vague terms, because they do not themselves clearly denote any of the uniquely sacred objects, persons, beliefs, texts or transcendental forces of specific religions. Every religion has its own pantheon of Holies. These pantheons are populated by very specific and very direct reflections of, pathways to or designees of the Ultimate and Supreme Holiness, or, indeed, that very Holiness per se, i. e., they consist of much more definite materia sancta than those implied by such amorphous references as "spirit" and "soul" The beloved language itself is often one of these holies, sometimes quite independently so, but, more frequently, its holiness is by association with other holies which language denotes, records and heightens. Thus, in a definitely sanctified association, Byelorussian 1 is praised for possessing "the first translation of the Bible into a modern Eastern Slavic vernacular" while English in England 1 recognizes basic similarities between itself and Christianity (both reject eloquence and prefer the naked truth). Estonian 2 is extolled for the "spiritual riches" that reside within it and Irish 3 for being the "bearer of an outlook on life [that is] deeply Christian". French in France 3 claims that "French culture has something in common with religion ... [in that] the French language is its sacred speech, somewhat as classical Arabic is the language of Islamic religion". Latvian 1 proclaims itself a language of "faith ... [and] a sacred bequest from our ancestors", and for Macedonian 1 it is boldly asserted that "He who attacks our language is as much an enemy as he who attacks our faith. Faith and language, these are the soul of a nation". Nynorsk 1 views itself as something that "our ancestors ... entrusted to us as a sacred inheritance". Polish 2 is also viewed as "a sacred heritage" while Serbian 1 is associated with "hidden intimations ... [of mystic] secrets". Slovene 2 calls out "do not sever your bonds with God! ... Only those who knew how to preserve what God has given them ["prayer in your language"] will gain God's justice and goodness". Yiddish 2 is viewed as having been hallowed by the inscrutable Holocaust itself, just as formerly it had been hallowed (Yiddish 3) by "the truly righteous and

2.2. Materia Sancta

17

the veritable saints of every generation ... [who, in "previous holy generations"] would mix Yiddish exclamations into their [Hebrew-Aramaic] prayers ... and always formulate their innovative [halachic12] interpretations and expressions only in Yiddish and Loshn-koydesh [HebrewAramaic] together" to such an extent that no other vernacular "has ... absorbed so much sanctity of Torah and of the process of learning the Talmud" as has Yiddish. As for non-European settings in this vein, we encounter Afrikaans 1 as the language of "our parents' worship" and of their "dying prayers" and, precisely as such, "sacred to us". How much more sacred is it in light of the fact that "the Dear Lord placed us in Africa and gave us the Afrikaans language (again Afrikaans 1), just as "for every nation He has decided its language". Arabic 2 is the language associated with "our religious traditions", while in the case of Black English 1 we note that the language itself "began to be formed" by the Black Church. For French in Quebec 1 the view is advanced that "our language is intimately linked to our faith ... to all that is dear to us, to all that is sacred" ... [because, continues French in Quebec 1] "it was in this language that our missionaries, our bishops, our martyrs prayed". But it is not the language per se, but rather the immersion of the language in sanctity that is the heart of the matter (for French in Quebec 1). "If it kept its language and lost its faith, it (Francophone Canada) would become what the French [in France] have become — a people fallen from ancient grandeur, a people without influence, without prestige". Clearly, the two together complement each other crucially. French Creole 1 also protests "against the religion of the French language" but, on the other hand, compares the decline of Creole to "the kneeling of a cathedral". Persian 2 exhorts its supporters to "continue ... the holy struggle for expanding and preserving this language" and Tamil 1 is viewed as suffused with mysteries as profound as "the origin of the world". The ultimate in holiness, of course, is reached when the language is associated with the Godhead itself, and claims along those very lines are not at all rare. Afrikaans 1 is associated with "the sacred name of our dear Lord Jesus". French in Quebec 1 is particularly rich in "godly" references. French-Canadians are enjoined that in order "to remain what providence ordained" - both Catholic and French — [they] "must keep [both] faith and language in all their purity ... A people's language [is] . . . i n the hands of the Creator. God has given us the French language. Through it He accomplished great things in our midst ..., great men ... battles ... defeats ... sorrows ... joys ... triumphs, all that is dear and sacred." Frisian 1 is similarly focused on sanctity of the very highest

18

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

order. The very soul of the people was created by the Creator "according to that language and the language according to [its] ... soul; the powers that God gave [to the Frisian people] will attain their fullest and most developed blossoming ... [only] in [Frisian]... It is our duty not to despise that which is God-given, but to honor Him therein". Demanding official recognition for Frisian is a "God-given" right, for "we did not get two languages from God ... but only one ..., the [one] in which we praise the Lord, ... in which we call the Saviour". Godhead associations are also not unusual in non-European contexts. Hebrew 2 obviously refers to itself as "the Holy Tongue" a tongue given to the Jews by (according to Hebrew 1) "the master of all nations". Our Maya Kaqchikel 1 citation dwells on the view that "God gave each people its own language, without one being superior to the other. Maya Kaqchikel is the language that God gave us and through this medium we communicate with Him ... Our language is one of God's blessings ... God gave us talent through Kaqchikel." Konkani 1 makes a more general or ecumenical point: [Konkani] is the language "in which we pray to God ... Christ taught the fishermen in their own language. The Buddha delivered his sermons in the language of the people." Quechua 1 invokes the self-designation of the "tongue of the [God-] sun" and, as "blessed Quechua" it proceeds to intone the benediction "May the Gods always help the learned of humankind [who study Quechua everywhere]." The above citations illustrate that there is an appreciable and recurring association between various vernaculars and specific designations of sanctity. As we will note, below, this association also has further topical repercussions within the general pale of sanctity. It should also be mentioned, perhaps, before we proceed to examine these additional sanctityrelated themes, that while there is a slight tendency for European languages to be over-represented in connection with materia sancta references, i. e., represented above and beyond their representation in our sample of languages as a whole, this tendency falls somewhat short of being great enough that we could not justifiably conclude that it was a mere chance finding.13 That being the case, we will not undertake to speculate about possible reasons for the moderate over-representation we have encountered.

2.3. Language as a moral issue Wherever fidelity is well-defined, there apostasy is likely to be well defined as well. Where language maintenance is viewed as moral rectitude,

2.3. Language as a moral issue

19

there language shift is likely to be viewed as tantamount to moral transgression. Accordingly, among those who are associated with lesser used and lesser recognized languages — languages particularly exposed to shift and loss — there are those who arise to proclaim their "rights" and to stress their "obligations" to these languages. And even safe languages deserve to be made even safer, for in an increasingly interactive world there are few who are really and fully safe. Thus, Afrikaans 2 insists that "the nation that speaks this language has the right to be acknowledged as such" and Croatian 1 posits that "it is the inalienable right of every people to call its language by its own national name" Those who are tempted to adopt other, more widely recognized and possibly more advantageous languages, may be admonished to "go back you fool, go back to your home (Bengali 1)" and those who do not heed this advice may be warned that "abandoning our language would be true national apostasy" indeed, even "if [the nation] ... kept its faith while renouncing its language ... it would soon be absorbed [by its neighbors] (French in Quebec 1)". In this view, maintaining the beloved language is a supreme commandment, one that is even more important than keeping the faith itself. The language which is a companion, key and expression of the faith may, indeed, become not only an article of faith but a faith in its own right. The abandonment of a supreme verity is a horror incarnate and the horror of language abandonment is portrayed in a variety of striking ways. It may be viewed as tantamount to patricide, as in the case of Guarani 1, where it is lamented that "its own children ... tried to kill it" 14 , or, as in the case of Russian 2, where it is feared that it may yet be one of the few cases on record of a people killing its own mother tongue, or it may be even more explicitly compared to the abandonment of one's filial duties, as in the case of Wolof 1 whose "own children are deserting it, leaving it alone with its heavy burden". In Macedonian 1 imagery, language abandonment is tantamount to such inhuman behavior as acting "thanklessly toward our parents in return for their spiritual care and upbringing". But more widespread than patricide and thanklessness toward parents is the opprobrium directed at language abandonment more generally and the moral lapse of which it is indicative. "For those who can speak it, to neglect to do so ... is a betrayal (Irish 3)", for "the worst country is one that has abandoned its indigenous language (Hausa 2)". Such abandonment is equated to giving up "this rich treasure of the past (Nynorsk 1)", to being internally divided and fragmented (Kashmiri 1) and, finally, it is equated with the ultimate horror of all moral dislocation, namely, with being "the equivalent of suicide (Romansh 1)". Clearly, non-fidelity to

20

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

one's own language is often viewed as a major calamity, but this is so not only in strictly individual terms pertaining to the relations of one person to another, but it is also in sociomoral terms, in terms of the most primordial, intimate and affectionate associations and commitments, indeed, in terms of the very highest order of fidelity and obligation to which human beings are capable, namely in terms of the relations of human beings to a moral order that is above them. It is the order of sanctity which, in the final analysis, defines the ultimate realm of morality among humans and among the societies of humans and it is there, in that order, that the beloved language is often discovered to reside. The association of the beloved language with all that is dear and holy obviously leads to the association of its abandonment with all that is base and reprehensible. Thus, on both accounts, the language is capable of becoming a moral issue on a very broad front. The language "rais[es up] its by now far from peasant people" (Byelorussian 1). It is the "language of freedom (Dutch 1)". It is "old, honorable and dear (Estonian 2)", and "a people has no right to renounce it (French in Quebec 2)". It "creates ... [for the child] the values" of his or her people (German 2). It not only cures "moral ills (Indonesian 1)", a property shared by sanctity and its mysteries more generally, but, like them again, it is uplifting, in that it also "polishes ... crude behavior". In Manyjilyjarra 1 the language and law, custom, tradition, morality ... "how to behave" are all one and the same and indistinguishable one from the other. Because it preserves the quintessential verities "honor demands (Nynorsk 1)" that we retain it, or, if it has already been lost, that we exert ourselves to regain it. The beloved language represents the moral order. It functions similarly to that order in ennobling human life and, in addition, it is co-constituative of that order. It is not just the conventional norm; it is not just the natural and ubiquitous tool of comfortable communication with one's "own kind". It is also, for some, the heart of morality itself, morality that one can hear and see and feel, even as one brings it forth from one's self. And once again we find that, all in all, European languages are characterized in morally suffused ways proportionately somewhat more often than these languages are represented in our sample of languages and citations as a whole 15 .

2.4. Parallels to nature and the body Whether or not humans are believed to have been created "in the image of G o d " and whether or not the human body is viewed as "a holy vessel",

2.4. Parallels to nature and the body

21

human life and its corporeal manifestation are viewed as part of the natural order. The beloved language too is often associated with these very fundamental, very natural (and at the same time very sanctified and unfathomable) experiences: the world of nature and the world of the body. Without the beloved language there would be literally nothing, just as without God, without nature and without the body human life itself is simply unimaginable. Just as the pastoral literature of early modern Europe quintessentially located all human virtues in the bucolic countryside, and in its unspoiled life "close to nature", so ethnolinguistic consciousness often finds the beauties of nature reflected in the beloved language and, conversely, expresses devotion to the language in metaphors of nature. Our Basque 1 citation compares the quality of life without the Basque tongue to the prospects of "the leaf ... in autumn" and to the world if the sun were to refuse us its life-giving light and warmth. Bengali 1 compares the language to a "lotus garden" and the Indonesian 1 metaphor is to the "roar ... [of] thunder, lightning that shatters" but also to the sound of "rushing water, by gentle winds blown". French Creole 1 declares that its decline would be as shocking as "the total fast of a foliage". German 1 compares itself to a "living stream that flows forth, in happy times, from the entire people". Slovene 1 compares itself to "tender shoots [that will] develop into a strong tree and bear abundant fruit" Wolof 1 asserts that "it has never been barren". Several languages utilize the metaphor of roots and rootedness. Afrikaans 2 claims to be "deeply rooted" in its nation and German 1 believes its roots to be "watered and refreshed, stimulated and encouraged to put forth new leaves and blossoms". Korean 1 considers the language to be the "roots" of the culture, thereby stressing all the more the urgency of saving "the roots of ... [the] language" itself. Quechua 1 lauds the "strong roots" which enabled it to flower on, notwithstanding neglect and persecution. Rusyn 1 claims that "it is being uprooted" and that losing Rusyn is tantamount to losing one's "roots". Sindhi 1 speaks of the language as having its "roots firmly and deeply fixed" in the soil and Sindhi 2 of being "very much conscious of its roots to the soil". Slovene 1 finds "its roots in simple hearts". Yiddish 1 describes itself as being "rooted and in full strength". Obviously, a polysemic metaphor is in play here, the concept of "roots" having gone beyond agricultural or floral to biological, psychological and cultural implications. Quechua and Welsh reveal the largest repertoires of references to nature. Quechua 1 characterizes itself as the "reaching of the sun ..., speech of mother earth, seed of golden trees ..., born of thunder's roll ..., from

22

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

the earth c[o]me forth". Quechua 2 is even more rhapsodic. It recognizes itself "in the lilly's fragrance, in the rainbow's glorious raiment, ... impenetrable as a forest" ... This tongue announces the shout of the river ... It appears as the Andes' snowy peaks, it imitates the heaven's tears; this tongue flies above the very clouds ... In the whistling of the wind blowing through the grasses it finds a song ..., the sun's brightness, ... the red moon's silent path, ... the laughter of the shining stars." Welsh 1, not to be outdone, claims that in its language "the sky lowers more darkly, the lightning flashes more vividly, the thunder rolls more heavily, the tempest-tossed ocean dashes itself against the rugged rocks more awfully and more grandly, the brook murmurs more sweetly, the lark pours forth a sweeter note and springs up to the heavens more lightly, the peacefulness and the calm of nature, the light and the shade ... seem to be brought out in bolder relief ... Whether the bard describes the lily or the rose, a drop of dew or a dashing waterfall, the effect of the wild wind of the mountains or the soft breezes of summer" all is more telling, closer to reality, to the actual experience thereof, in Welsh. And, ultimately, it is also from the endlessly cyclical world of nature that the metaphor and certainty of rebirth are derived. Berber 2 speaks of the language as being "on the verge o f . . . resurrection" assuring, therefore, a "rebirth of the Berber ... culture" as well. Romansh 1 finds its birth at the moment of its speakers' "thousand year old freedom". Wolof 1 considers the language a "glowing light [which] shall be revived again." and Wolof 2 identifies it with "the renaissance [= rebirth] of our civilization". Even when it is a dormant seed, seemingly dead to the world, the language carries within itself a built-in capacity to revive and to revivify all that it touches. Clearly, this notion has had important religious implications as well. It should be noticed that in connection with nature we are dealing frequently with citations derived from non-European and (late-) late modernization contexts more generally, where the world of nature has not yet surrendered to the primacy of urban life. Evoking "the crack of the slingshot, the blow of the weapon (Quechua 2)" and flying "faster than the eagle (Wolof 1)" are not images that can greatly sway those who are daily exposed to the blandishments of modernity, even if and when they become post-modern defenders of the environment. However, there is no such problem when we turn to bodily imagery in connection with the beloved language. Fortunately, the body becomes at least somewhat less outmoded when impacted by modernity than does nature as a whole.

2.4. Parallels to nature and the body

23

Afrikaans 1 associates the language with being fed at the mother's breast. Bengali 2 claims that it is "in our dreams, when we are fast asleep" and Alsatian 3 views itself as "the language of the senses, of feelings". Arabic 2 considers itself to be "the heart of Arabic nationalism" and French in Quebec 1 claims that "one need only look into one's heart ... in order to convince oneself' of the beloved language's importance. Frisian 1 is designated as "the language of [the Frisian's] heart and of his deepest being", and German 2 refers to the mysterious "biological forces [that] have created in the German language ... [something] which is exclusively German". The Indonesian 1 poet views the beloved language as "the companion of my body ... the mirror of my grieving heart" and Korean 1 characterizes "our language ... [as] the blood and life of the nation" which, unfortunately, "has been disfigured ... [and] lost its original appearance". "We ... must feel a special warmth in our hearts" Latvian 1 tells us, on hearing and using "a ... voice from the mouths of our ancestors ..., words [which] are fragments of our ancestors' beating hearts". In this sense the language becomes a triumph over personal death, for it is a living bridge which connects the bodies of today with the bodies of the past and, hopefully, with those of the future as well. This idea of a physically living entity is more abstractly put in the Malay 1 reference to the National Language as "virile and viable". Macedonian 1 spells out the language link to bodily continuity. It sees the beloved language as the means through which the people "become their [ancestors'] spiritual descendants, as we are in the physical sense their bodily continuations". However, Macedonian 1 also returns to more direct physical imagery by warning that "for a nation to renounce its own language is ... to cease to regard itself with its own eyes". Mariamu 1 makes an association with food transferred from the mouth of the mother to the mouth of a pre-verbal child. Polish 1 praises a people "united in the brotherhood of heart and language", thereby both separating and relating physical and linguistic desiderata. Rusyn 1 makes no such separation. The language should be guarded "as if it were your eye". Quechua 2 views itself to be "in the heart of language" ... in the wild puma's birth, in the vanishing condor's flight". Slovene 1 finds itself in (and also "gladdens") all "simple hearts" and Serbian 1 is even more vitalistic. "The language of our people [is our blood] ... He has the blood who ... knows ... the language" Sumatran 1 is equated to the breath of life: "We breathe so that we can go on living". Swahili 1 is likened unto the "scent in my nostrils and in my heart".

24

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

Vietnamese 1 "is like your hand which serves for everything you do". Wolof 1 provides a double image. "Our language is shedding tears ... [H]ow can one taste with someone else's tongue?". For Yiddish 2, "the streets, alleys and courtyards spoke and breathed in Yiddish. That language accompanied us from our first breath of life. The birthpains of our mothers were accompanied by Yiddish". How shall we understand this substantial array of bodily associations with the beloved language? Is it all "just metaphor"?, just "turns of phrase"?, just "evocative imagery?" To some extent such down-playing may be justified, but it would probably be a serious mistake to do so entirely. The physical imagery in connection with ethnonational emotion, conviction and action more generally, flows from the basic and underlying sanctity of kinship. Kith and kin are real flesh and blood, real tears and eyes and mouths and breasts, real breath and birthpains — and even more than real, they are set aside as hallowed. There is definitely a "being" dimension to the ethnonational experience (which is not to say that there are not other dimensions as well, as we will soon note). This dimension is not at all necessarily inter-ethnically hierarchical, i. e., it makes distinctions between "us" and "them" without necessarily being ideologically racist (although, as we all know, such distinctions can easily slide into racism too and into the complete denial of other people's sanctity). This "being" dimension is also expressed in connection with the beloved language. Sometimes more explicitly and sometimes more abstractly; sometimes directly related to the bodies of the ancestors and sometimes focusing on those of contemporaries alone. However, in the long run, even poetic license has to ring a bell and that bell, with endless repetition from various sources, reverberates with and helps augment the well of feelings, beliefs, devotions, observances and bodily images that constitute part of the associational world of ethnomoral-ethnonational loyalties, as well as the feelings, beliefs, devotions, observances and bodily images surrounding and defining the beloved language. There is layer upon layer of sanctity - modern and primordial intermixed, without any possibility of neat separation and logical systematization — of God and nature, of holy bodies and moral commitments, of birth and death and life after death. And, in and between and together with and part of them all, there is frequently the felt presence of the miraculous beloved language as well. Its association with the world of nature and the world of the body provides it with two further links — whether conscious or unconscious — to the realm of sanctity.

2.5 Life and death

25

2.5. Life and death Just as the very building-blocks of human existence (nature, the body) are commonly experienced as infused by and partaking of sanctity, so, necessarily, are life and death themselves frequently interpreted and experienced in this fashion. The cycles of nature and of human life are not only linked but they are common metaphors one for the other. Accordingly, a very substantial number of expressions of ethnolinguistic consciousness make reference to the life and death role of the beloved language. The direction of the vivification is frequently from the language to the people, but it is far from uncommon to urge that the people vivify the language so that, in turn, it can revive them. Indeed, Ainu 2 claims that the "one thing that is even closer to us ... [than] ... life ... is [our] language" and Alsatian 2 claims that the language constitutes the struggle "for the integrity of my nature, for the permanence of my living roots in the irreversible depths of time". Our Basque 1 citation refers to nature and to life and death repeatedly in claiming that "If Basque disappears, we will not be able to revive it" and, furthermore, "without it [i. e. the Basque language] the [Basque nation's] institutions cannot exist. The disappearance of Basque would cause the ruin of that nation beyond all hope of recovery; it would die as the leaf dies in autumn when nature withdraws the life-nourishing sap from it, as all traces [of life] would disappear from the world if the sun were to refuse us its life-giving light and warmth". Byelorussian 1 draws the inevitable conclusion that flows from the above conviction: "Do not abandon your language so that you yourself do not die" which Byelorussian 2 explicates as "a nation lives and flourishes ... while its language lives. With the decline of its language ... the nation ceases to exist" Estonian 2 is proclaimed to be "the most essential factor in the preservation and endurance of our nation", just as German 2 guarantees "the continuation of our folk-nation ... ' the existence, the unity and the spirit of the German people in the future". French Creole 1 proclaims itself "not a dying language," notwithstanding its "losing at times a few secret variegations" and French in Quebec 1 admonishes that although [our] "material riches would not evaporate into the air if we abandoned the language ... let us remember that nations, like individuals, live not by bread alone" and "it is no more permitted to nations than to individuals to commit suicide". Guarani 1 exults that it "hasn't been displaced by those who sought to kill it" and Hawaiian 1 reminds one and all of "the extreme importance of a living spoken language in the survival of a ... people". Hindi 2

26

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

considers itself to be "the support, the solace, the vital force ... of the common man's life". Without their beloved language dire forebodings are expressed by Indonesian 1 ("If you disappear or fade, my people are doomed") and Kaqchikel 1 ("If the Kaqchikel language is dying, it is the Kaqchikel people who are dying .... For the Maya Kaqchikel to allow its language to fall into disuse, is to allow the ... nation to cease ..., [to] disintegrate and cease to be part of human history"). Korean 1 continues in the same vein: "To bring back the life of our language is to bring back the life of our nation ... Without ... our national language we cannot hope that the nation will remain alive". Maori 1 fully reveals the "ambidirectional" nature of the life-giving and life-preserving relationship when it exclaims "We have to make it grow and live, ... otherwise our language will become dead and static, no longer the life line of the people". Polish 1 views the language as "the only remnant of our existence ... [which] will find a secret way to stay alive so that the entire nation will not die again ... [Accordingly, its] right to immortality is undeniable" and Polish 3 agrees, claiming that the beloved language is "the source of the immortality of the nation". Quechua 2 proclaims that "this tongue introduces one to life's life itself ... Everywhere it brings life". Romansh 1 opines that "to abandon it [the beloved language] would be the equivalent of suicide" i. e., not only equivalent to death but to a dishonorable, unworthy death at that, whereas "an exuberant vitality keeps the RaetoRoman people working for its own mother tongue, which has been [falsely] called a 'dying language'". Serbian 1 equates "each folk word" with "a person ... alive" and views the language as a whole as imbued with the potential for "a new life", one that is capable of overcoming any reverses. Rusyn 1 proclaims "How paradoxical it is that the living Rusyn language now needs immediate defense" i.e., that that which normally gives life should now itself need aid in order to continue living, at the moment that it still "lives in every Carpathian village" and in a far-flung Diaspora as well. Serbian 2 recognizes that "our language is the preserver of the people. As long as the language lives ... so long will our people live". Sindhi 1 prognosticates that "the language of the Sindhi people will survive and grow from strength to strength" and Sorbian 2 posits that as "a living language ... [it] guaranteed the survival of the Sorbian people". Sumatran 1 is viewed as unforgettable "from my birth and youth, until the grave envelopes me". Tok Pisin 1 protests "How on earth could one suggest stamping out the language in Papua?" and Turkish 2 proudly views itself as "the Turkish living language" in comparison with the language of the Ottoman past. Wolof 1 exults: " How wrong are those who call it dead".

2.6. Concluding comments

27

A Hawaiian proverb summarizes the perceived life and death role of a language with respect to its traditionally associated ethnoculture: "With language rests life; with language rests death (Hawaiian 2)", reminiscent of the Hebrew maxim that "life and death are in the hands of the language (or the tongue)". Hebrew 1 also provides perspective on the dangers of relinguification and re-ethnification, when it warns that the adoption of any post-exilic Jewish vernacular 16 "would endanger the existence of the people as a single collectivity", i. e., it would end the very life of the Jewish people as the historically venerable and continuous collectivity that it has known itself to be (and that others have recognized it as being) for millennia. Quite clearly, language loss is often felt to involve profound changes in the continuity of preferred life styles and customary cultural acts. Those who oppose such loss frequently refer to them by invoking the metaphor of death. Those peoples - relatively few though they may be - who succeed in weathering relinguification without identity loss (or — fewer yet - without ethnocultural loss), then begin a new metaphoric cycle of life-claiming assertions and death-fearing trepidations vis-ä-vis their newly found or newly created beloved language. The actors change, but the play goes on; identity may continue but the script has changed. To "feel the same" is not to "be the same" as every recovered amputee will testify.

2.6. Concluding

comments

The importance of the relationship between positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and religious beliefs, objects, values, practices and metaphors should not be minimized. First of all, it involves a frequently occurring association, and that itself is some indication of importance. However, the linkage between positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and religion also transcends its mere numerical prominence. Religion not only constitutes a belief system and a value system but it also constitutes a behavior system. Religion both motivates and activates. Wherever it is encountered, it concomitantly provides a powerful and even an unquestionable rhetoric and an inspirational imagery. It links the beloved language to eternity, i. e. to permanent imperatives that remain operative both prior to life and after death, and to priorities and obligations that are more powerful than those of life itself. The link of language to religion is a link to the world of the mysterious (the world of "souls" and "spirits"), to

28

2. Sanctity:

Where language and religion meet

the world of the superhuman (of God, of Saints and Prophets and of the manifold incarnations of the Godhead) and a link to the domain of ultimate concerns with good and evil, with salvation and apostasy, with commitment to decency and fidelity as well with the rejection of apostasy, disloyalty, ungratefulness or abandonment of whatever may be the sanctities of any culture anywhere. As the late 20th century rebirth of fundamentalism has demonstrated (a rebirth, it might be added, which has occurred in the very midst of what had been heralded as the era of "post-modernism"), pieties may not be for everyone, but neither are they to be "sneezed at" and counted as over and done with merely because they do not derive from the rational stance of empirical science nor because they are not "politically correct" from the point of view of those with internationalist predilections. Even outside of the fundamentalist orbit (indeed, even among the denizens of the world of science itself), religion has shown a capacity to continually control at least that corner of daily life which most human beings invoke on occasions of stress and of distress, of celebration and of mourning, of memorable life-cycle events and of public and private commemoration. Similarly, positive ethnolinguistic consciousness does not need to be forever foremost in consciousness in order to be readily recalled to consciousness as needed. It too, like religion, is a comforter and a moral directional indicator, and it too has permeated much of the atmosphere of life-styles that are both modern and secular. What is noteworthy about "secular religion" is not that it has replaced particularistic and theistic religions (it hasn't), but, rather, that the world of secular modernity has required, created and even legitimized religious forms in order to legitimize itself. What is noteworthy about ethnic (and ethnolinguistic) consciousness is not that it has replaced more traditional and established religions (it hasn't), but that it has so often successfully adopted and fostered the discourse of religion, on the one hand, and the substance of religion, on the other hand. The fact that we have found slight tendencies for certain religious themes to be not only somewhat more frequently European but also to be of somewhat more recent vintage, may also be considered indications that religious themes are likely to remain part of the message and of the imagery of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness for a very long time to come. They are not withering away in modern, rational cultures by any means. Nor do they need to be taken literally in order to remain powerful, both in the emotional and in the overt behavioral spheres. However, while it is crucial that we realize the importance and the nuanced multi-dimensionality of religious themes within ethnolinguistic

2.6. Concluding comments

29

consciousness (indeed, that we realize that there are ethnocultural settings in which religion per se is encountered full-blown and in a completely synchronic relationship with ethnolinguistic consciousness), it is also important that the relationship between religion and ethnolinguistic consciousness not be exaggerated. Religious themes are not the only themes, nor even the dominant themes, encountered in conjunction with the beloved language. Finally, it might be ventured that the association of language and ethnicity with religion provides them both with easy access to the theme and to the perceived reality of constant rebirth and reincarnation that religions old, new and still forming all seem to savor. Phenomena so firmly anchored or associated with religion cannot be expected to rapidly fade away or to be less than of long term significance. Indeed, religion (and the beloved language too) need not occupy the central place in modern life in order to eternally return, reappear, re-attract and be re-discovered. The widespread rediscovery of the beloved language toward the end of the twentieth century was a surprise only for those who are surprised by the continuity of matters of the spirit - both for good and for ill - even within the secular and materialistic parameters of contemporary history.

3. Ethnicity

Our discussion, in the previous chapter, of the links between language and religion, may also have prepared us somewhat for the realization that religion and ethnicity are often intimately related to and, indeed, interpenetrated with one another. This is patently clear in the cases of Orthodox Judaism (where the designations "People [or Children] of Israel" and "House of Israel" simultaneously pertain to an aggregate that is religiously and ethnonationally defined), 17 in Eastern Orthodoxy (where every people has its own Orthodox church with its own autocephalic structure) and in the various ethnoreligions of many Asians, Amerindians, Australian Aborigines and Africans. Indeed, most of the oldest religions were probably of this joint ethnoreligious type, coming up and existing within a specified ethnic framework, such that their religious and their ethnic boundaries were initially coterminous. Even with the spread of some religions across ethnic boundaries, strong associations have remained and yet others have come into being between local ethnicities and the local realizations of supralocal religions. As a result, designations such as "Irish Catholic" (as distinct from "Italian Catholic"), "Bosnian Moslem" (as distinct from "Egyptian Moslem") or "Cambodian Buddhist" (as distinct from "Tibetan Buddhist"), are not merely regional doctrinal delimitations (such as "Southern Baptist") but they are indications of specific and enduring ethnoreligious co-occurrences. Many of the "new religions" that have continued to arise during the past few centuries have tended to foster new ethnic identities of their own (e.g., the Amish, the Happy-Healthy-Holy Organization, the Nation of Islam Church, etc.). Clearly, both religion and ethnicity can provide all-encompassing principles of aggregation, behavior, belief and motivation. Both can be extremely long-lasting bases of aggregation (which does not mean, of course, that they are necessarily as eternally unchanging as either of them may claim to be), and, indeed, their interpenetration is often the very outcome both of their co-presence and their stability. However, the apparently eternal twain not only meet but also come apart as well. Thus, while "historically deep" ethnicities that are split into different religions may be rarer than religions that have crossed ethnic boundaries, they are not so rare in the modern world as not to be present in all parts of the

32

3.

Ethnicity

globe. The spread and diversification of Christianity, Islam and Buddhism (with or without accompanying military and colonialist activity) have produced such initial anomalies as Protestant Irishmen (in addition to Catholic Irishmen), Christian Arabs (in addition to Moslem ones), Moslem Bengalis (in addition to Hindu Bengalis), Catholic Ukrainians (in addition to Eastern Orthodox ones), etc., etc. Nevertheless, notwithstanding these examples of diversification and separation between religion and ethnicity, it still remains the case that most ethnonational entities are overwhelmingly of a single religious composition and that their most common "associated religions" are still the very ones with which they have been traditionally associated. The historical depth of many of the ties between religion and ethnicity tends to further strengthen the religion and ethnicity relationship. Furthermore, it tends to also infuse religious themes and overtones, images and metaphors into ethnic discourse with respect to the beloved language. Just as the basic core of religion is characteristically its stress on morality derived from a putatively supernatural source, so ethnicity has a characteristic stress as well, namely that of natural bonds and obligations vis-ä-vis others with whom a putative common kinship is shared. Although these two bases of aggregation can reinforce one another (the family classically being the prime-socializer into the mores of the culture), they tend, increasingly, to have separate authority structures and institutional bases. Accordingly, each can appeal for a following of its own and on its own. With modernization, new urban political, educational, commercial, industrial and technological elites arise. The attenuation and final displacement of the medieval feudal "estates" (such as clergy, nobility and commoners in England and France) left the field of secular aggregation and legitimization to be increasingly dominated and mobilized by ethnonational claims and afflliative principles. These claims and principles have stressed common origins (kinship), common customs (culture) and, as we shall see, the rights and obligations that "naturally" flow from them. The family — both in its broader ("family of orientation") and in its narrower ("family of procreation") manifestation - is held together by mutual rights and obligations which seem to be enshrined in and hallowed by nature itself, and, as we shall also see, nature itself (with all of its religious overtones, as per section 2.4, above) is not seldom called to testify or bear witness on behalf of the ethnic family and its tongue. For the past four centuries the ethnic principle of aggregation has waxed and waned in appeal, rivaled not only by religion but also by socioeconomic class-related principles and by universalistic or pan-human principles as

3. Ethnicity

33

well, but, all in all, it has stood the test of time unexpectedly well (certainly, unexpectedly well insofar as the advocates of other principles of political grouping are concerned). Indeed, ethnicity has become a truly major (and, perhaps, the truly major) aggregational principle of the modern and even of the post-modern political world. Just as modernity did not bring with it the frequently predicted death knell of religion, but, instead, has frequently worked out a mutually self-serving modus vivendi with religion (and, as we have seen, has even stimulated a counter-reactive rebirth of fundamentalism, which ostensibly rejects modernity, whether in whole or in part), so ethnicity has by no means weakened, much less brought about an end to, modern identity and social action. Indeed, the two (modernity and ethnicity) have actually become omnipresent and inseparable co-realities. In the New World as in the Old, in the New Nations as in the Old, the aspirations, the sentiments and the commitments vis-ä-vis one's ethnic family, and ultimately, the readiness to create structures and institutions that will implement an ethnonational organization for major sectors of societal behavior, have come into being for periods of longer or briefer saliency. In times of discontent and threat, trouble and travail, the American sense of being American is no weaker than the French sense of being French, notwithstanding the fact that the latter identity is historically so much deeper and more fully-formed than the former. Whether the state strives mightily to consolidate and create the ethnonationality (as in Mexico or in Morocco) or the ethnonationality struggles to give birth to its own political domain (as in the case of the Macedonians or the Basques and Catalans), the ethnonational principle apparently comes to feel equally natural, appropriate and available for whatever societal problemsolving purposes that may come to pass. What pervasive and recurring societal need, modernity-reinforced even if not entirely modernity-engendered, does putative kinship with a particular slice of humanity speak to? What need does it gratify, even if only with fluctuations, that more civic, rational, "efficient" and liberally inclusive affiliative principles can only supplement but, seemingly, cannot fully replace? This question - rarely asked about the family or about other bonds often experienced as primary — still remains a substantially unanswered one (and, some would doubtlessly say, even a dangerously speculative one), since, all in all, the principle of ethnonational aggregation has been much more argued about, more praised and vilified, defended and attacked, than studied as a phenomenon to be perspectively understood. It has been confused with its extreme aberrations in a way that sexuality is never confused with

34

3.

Ethnicity

sexism, age with ageism or liberty with anarchy. But on one thing scholars, advocates and critics seem to agree: among its most recurring tools all over the world, among its major symbols and, part of its very essence or message, we find, more often than not, a traditionally associated language. With this particular chosen and beloved language it has felt, claimed and created an association and identity that are simultaneously experienced as eternally, creatively and inspirationally inseparable. Although separations and new attachments do occur, they are experienced as cataclysmic misfortunes for at least those that have already arrived at prior ethnolinguistic consciousness.

3.1.

Kinship

If we decide to recognize the designation "mother tongue" (or some other metaphoric association of the beloved language with "mother[s]") as still functionally evoking the image of one's own "mother" (rather than as being no more related to that image than is the term "mother" in "mother board", a technical term in use among computer specialists) then we must report such usage for Afrikaans 1, Bengali 1 and 2, Estonian 2, Frisian 1, Hausa 1, Kaqchikel 1, Konkani 1, Maori 2, Mariamu 1, Nynorsk 2, Papiamentu 2, Polish 1, Romansh 1, Rusyn 1, Sorbian 1 and 2, Swahili 2, Tamil 2, Tok Pisin 1, Uzbek 1 and Yiddish 2. Perhaps even the designation "native language" (i. e., the language acquired closest to one's birth) should be considered as having kinship associations and, if so, Afrikaans 1 and 2, Bengali 2, French Creole 1 ["first language"], Hawaiian 1, Lithuanian 1, Maori 1, Macedonian 1, Papiamentu 1, Uzbek 1 and Yaqui 2 should also be acknowledged in this connection. What needs to be recognized, however, is that speech communities probably differ in the degree to which literal imagery is operative in connection with particular mother-mentioning or mother-implying expressions. For some, "mother tongue" is a deeply emotional language designation, an expression that refers, in Afrikaans 1, to "the language of our very heart... ; the language we first used at our mother's breast". In Mariamu 1 it is the language literally passed along via food from the mother's mouth. For Papiamentu 2 it is "the language that is staunchly defended so as "not to be snatched away from the hearts of children". In Tamil 2 the language is associated with a "mother ... capable of feeding courage and exemplifying the authentic characteristics of the race and of the country". For Uzbek 1 it evokes the memory of the "mother's lullaby"; for Yiddish 2 "the birth-

3.1. Kinship

35

pains of our mothers". On the other hand, there are doubtlessly many languages for whom a designation associated with "mother" does not have (or at least no longer has) any such connotations and where "mother tongue" is merely a census designation, at best, and an ambiguous census designation, at worst. Nevertheless, all words have their semantic penumbras and the frequent association of the beloved language with "mother" may draw it into a number of metaphors, similes and allusions that it would not otherwise have. In English, it seems to me, the association of language with "father" (and "fathers") is far less common than is the expression "mother tongue" and, therefore, when the term associated with language is "fathers)" (as it is in French in Quebec 2, Latvian 1, Polish 1, Slovene 2 and Somali 1) it is more likely to indicate a conscious association between language and close kinship than that indicated by the possibly more routinized expression "mother tongue" 18 . Actually, there are also many cases in which both parents are explicitly mentioned, e.g., Afrikaans 1 (where it is remembered as the language of both parents' dying requests and injunctions), Amharic 1 (where it is stressed that honor for one's father and mother is more obligatory by far than respect for one's in-laws [=Geez]), Frisian 1 ("the one and the same language in which we [first] say 'father' and 'mother'"), Kaqchikel 1 ("our parents have conserved Kaqchikel and we simply cannot cast it off now as if it were worth nothing"), Macedonian 1 ("the first voices which we heard were the voices of our fathers and mothers ... [in] our native language"), Nynorsk 2 ("[the language which enables us to] sing so warmly about our mother and father"), Rusyn 1 ("[we should] speak the language which our parents and grandparents spoke"), Vietnamese 2 ("husbands ... wives ... children ... parents") and Yaqui 1 ("[the language of our] parents and ... tribal elders")' but there are also others in which fathers are specifically singled out. French in Quebec 2, e.g., recognizes that "our fathers fought for, and with their lives paid for ... [their language]". Latvian 1 claims that "our fathers ... nurtured this language". Grandmothers are explicitly mentioned in Cheyenne 1 ("My grandmother ... told me funny stories in Cheyenne"), Manyjilyjarra 1 ("the word [i. e., the language] of grandfathers and grandmothers") and in Mariamu 1 ("the same [language] for you, for me, for my mother and my grandmother"). A pre-modern (aboriginal) context clearly comes to the fore when the beloved language is specifically connected with grandparents. Of course, the word 'fathers' also has a broader implication than just one's own immediate biological father; "fathers" also connotes "forefa-

36

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thers" and "ancestors". Indeed, the latter terms are the ones explicitly utilized in Afrikaans 1 ("legacy of our forefathers"), in Estonian 3 ("links us to our ancestors", in French in Quebec 1 ("language of our ancestors"), in the cases of Hausa 2 ("the language used by [our] ancestors and bequeathed to their descendants"), Indonesian 1 ("my ancestral heritage"), Irish 3 ("the language our ancestors spoke), Kaqchikel 1 ("Our language is one of God's blessings that our forefathers received thousands of years ago"), Konkani 1 ("It is the heritage that our ancestors have bestowed on us"), Latvian 1 ("a sacred bequest from our ancestors ... [which tells us] what our ancestors felt in their souls", a "resounding voice from the mouths of our ancestors, ... our ancestors' beating hearts, ... the living spirit within them"), Macedonian 1 ("We should ... remain faithful to the spirit of our forefathers"), Manyjilyjarra 1 ("The ancestors gave them to us. We are still interested, listening, believing."), Nynorsk 1 ("this rich treasure ... which our ancestors have faithfully preserved and entrusted to us ... "), Polish 3 ("from the remote time of the forefathers" and "[through Polish] we are in touch with the spirit of our ancestors ... [and] we are our ancestors' continuation"), and Swahili 2 ("[a language created] unconsciously by the countless generations of our Bantu forefathers"), Ukrainian 1 ("the cultural link of generations") and Yiddish 3 ("previous holy generations"). Indeed, "ancestors" and "forefathers" are probably the dominant connotations of "fathers", so that the latter term is not only restricted to the immediate family (the generalization being explicitly mentioned in Serbian 2: "the more we ... care for our national language the further we have extended ... the longevity of our family and our entire posterity"). "Fathers" often connotes history as well ("four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a nation conceived in liberty ... "). All in all, ancestors (and "forefathers"), family ("mother", "father") and posterity are the past, present and future of a single kinship dimension and is sometimes explicitly recognized as such (note, e.g. "the language used by [our] ancestors and bequeathed to their descendants" in Hausa 2). It constitutes a dimension which can permeate outward and onward, to kin far and near, to the entirety of "home and country, ... the people with whom we live and ... love and ... honor (Nynorsk 2)". Because the kinship link stretches from antiquity through the present into the distant future, the language that is associated with kinship becomes a bond and a bequest linking the generations. The Ainu 2 "want to ... pass it on to the people of the next generation" and Arabic 2 views it as the means of "connecting] the present with the past". For Polish 3

3.2. Of hearth and home

37

"there is an indissoluble relationship that exists among generations". Uzbek 1 proclaims that "our people handed it down to us ... bequeathed it to us." Yiddish 2 goes further and recognizes the imperative to "hand it on to coming generations". All in all, kinship represents a triumph over the limitations of the individual body (with its own penumbra of sanctity) and the limitations of the individual mind. It reaches outward to notions of the collective body ("the body politic") and the collective mind. The language is also their elan vital, the mysterious ethnolinguistic family bond in constant action. The beloved language is the ongoing extension, realization and implementation of that bond, stretching over time immemorial. Without it, it is implied, there could be no intergenerational continuity via early and proper socialization of the young. Without it, there would literally be no life worth living. Kinship is the core of ethnicity, of being and belonging, of being as belonging. Its bodily-continuity implications relate it to sanctity. In the context of intergroup grievances, however, its affective overtones can contribute to a terrible dynamic vis ä vis those who are beyond the pale, unlinked to the hallowed intergenerational somatic essence. Within the pale, kinship links the beloved language to all that is intimate, consoling, protecting and one's own. The beloved language is not only felt to be one's own, but it is of one's own, from one's own and both a promise of as well as a demonstration of longevity far beyond the normal span.

3.2. Of hearth and home It is a short leap from "kinship" to "childhood socialization", "home" and "intimacy"; indeed, some would say that it is no leap at all. They are all bound together in the realm of affect, mutual responsibility and familiarity; in short: Gemeinschaft. One's earliest human interactions necessarily fall into this domain, and therefore, it is also unsurprising to find the acquisition of the beloved language associated with the "first impressions [of the world]" (Afrikaans 1), with the "first contacts ... with the sensory world (Alsatian 2), and with "the education of ... [the] sense organs" (German 2). However, infancy is not only the period of first language acquisition, but it is also when many of our most basic and lasting attachments are formed. By "growing into the world of the German language" the child becomes "part of ... the German people ... a member of the community, a culturally and historically connected being" (German 2). This fateful

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outcome begins so innocently, via acquiring the language of the "home ... [other] children ... neighbors" (Konkani 1). But what begins as the language of the "privacy of the home" and of the most "direct, ... real contacts" (Alsatian 3), on the one hand, and is handed on via "affection for our children" (Konkani 1), on the other hand, soon takes on more particularistic implications as well and becomes "the language of the home, ... the language of the Paraguayan family" (Guarani 1). Navajo 1 places responsibility for the language on the "home[s] ... and communities throughout the Navajo nation". Finally, the beloved language is that language without which a people cannot be "masters in their own house" (Romansh 1). The Book of Esther tells us that in the ancient Empire of the Medes and the Persians the King's urgent proclamation was sent to each people in its own language "so that every man should bear rule in his own house" (Ch. 1, v. 22). While it may well be that a man's home should be his castle, it also seems that without one's own language safely ensconced in that home, one's own home is often not experienced as one's own. Perhaps this is so because without one's own language, the throbbing link to one's own formative cognitive and affective experiences of "being at home" is sundered. Actually, the language itself can also be experienced as one's home, indeed, sometimes as "the only thing that a person can really call his own" (Estonian 2), as many an expatriate has come to realize, and those who would wander from it willingly, in search of foreign treasures, are admonished to "go back, you fool, go back to your home" (Bengali 1), because only "it allows [one ]to feel at home", only it is the language of community (Alsatian 3). Yiddish 2 uses this metaphor to embrace the entire human life cycle. "Infants were rocked to sleep in this language, just as one worked in it, engaged in commerce, quarreled, made love, sang songs, told jokes, celebrated joyous occasions and followed the hearse to a dear one's everlasting rest in the cemetery, all in that delicious Yiddish". Thus, while remaining within the precinct of kinship, while stressing family and home, the beloved language can transport one, at least figuratively, from earliest sensory consciousness to group membership, from cultural identity to cultural mastery, from intimacy given and intimacy received to the most basic objects and experiences of loyalty and affection ("home"), objects and experiences that, through the sense of linguistic continuity, one never completely leaves behind until one leaves behind mortal bonds as a whole. The beloved language, particularly when denied and wronged, calls forth associations not unlike those of the exiled Ulysses (Odysseus), who, sentenced to wander endlessly,

3.3.

People,

culture, identity

39

gazed at his home from afar and observed the smoke that rose from its chimney. He was then more certain than ever before that there was no home like his home and no smoke like that which rose from his chimney. Like many commonplaces of normal life the world over, but more so than most commonplaces precisely because it is both referent and means of expression, i. e., simultaneously part of culture and the chief means of communicating about culture, the beloved language can come to be perceived of and valued as both unique and as the guarantor of uniqueness in the very commonplaces with which it is bound up. It, better than most other symbols, can render the commonplace unique and authentic. Particularly when it is perceived as lost or threatened, the Odyssian longings that it inspires are poignant and moving in the extreme.

3.3. People, culture,

identity

We have already come across the referent "people" several times, but the time has come to focus upon it. It is primarily a popular (rather than a scientific) term, but it is an inescapable one in ethnolinguistic discourse and often a powerful one and even a troublesome one too. It is a frequent (perhaps, in English, the most frequent) designation when referring to ethnic aggregates and, as such, it is often intimately related to the beloved (ethno-)language as well. The relationship between the two, a designated human aggregate and its traditionally associated language, is conceived of in various ways at various times, but some of them, as we shall see, seem to be considered very intense and absolutely fundamental. Until the vagaries of history produce them, Portuguese mother tongue Hungarian aggregates or Quechua mother tongue Konkani aggregates will seem to be anomalies indeed, rather than "natural pairs". And should such pairs ever come into being, it will be a long time before they seem like "natural pairs' either to themselves or to the world at large. Within the universe of apparently "natural pairs" the beloved language is often viewed as reflecting the characteristics of its speech community, but the opposite direction of reflection is also far from uncommonly entertained. In the most extreme cases, the two (the language and its historically associated distinctive community) are viewed as not only inseparable but as deeply involved in each other's very creation and existence. A very common and relatively undemanding image is that of the language as a true reflection of its community. Thus, Berber 1 is viewed as "the symbol of a strong personality attached to its proper identity",

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and Black English 2 is portrayed as "simply an honest vocal portrayal of Black America". Estonian 2 is considered to be "exactly as mean and/or as noble, as bad or as good, as feeble or as effective as we ourselves" and Finnish 2 is thought to reveal "the nature of a people most perfectly." G e r m a n 2 is touted as a "reflection and an expression of G e r m a n destiny" and K o n k a n i 1 claims that "our language is a mirror that reflects our society". Polish 3 claims that the beloved language is "a mirror ... [that] reflects ... the feelings of the nation", while Polish 2 provides this view with additional detail by claiming that the language is "an external reflection of our most internal essence ...It has always been the way we have been." However, over and above being a highly valued symbol and reflection (or reflector) of the people, the beloved language is a (or even "the") mainstay of the people's uniqueness. For Afrikaans 1, if one "deprive[s] a nation of its language ... one turn[s] it into a deaf-mute ... deny[ing] it knowledge of its forefathers, as it is contained in their proverbs, expressions and adages". Alsatian 3 extols the language because it enables Alsatians "to place each other" and Arabic 2 recognizes it as part of the "values and traditions that distinguish Arabs f r o m other h u m a n beings". For Byelorussian 2 it has "unique features" and is "the supreme manifestation of ... [Byelorussian] ... cultural identity", even though it admittedly shares linguistic features with other members of the East Slavonic family. Berbers are "conscious of the specificity of their language" (Berber 2) a n d Cheyenne 1 "help[s one] ... overcome ... [an] identity crisis ... a n d make[s one] aware of ... Cheyenneness". Finnish 2 recognizes " h o w favorably the Finnish language speaks for the inhabitants of this country ... [their] intellectual qualities ... [and] beautiful and fortunate individuality". Those writers "who tried to kill it [French Creole 1] in themselves or in their writing, lost, without their knowing it, the best chance for their authenticity", because "it is one of the ways of submersion in our Creoleness". Irish 1 is considered "proof of her [Ireland's] distinct n a t i o n h o o d . " Japanese 2 is praised for "its unique spirit, its Kot o d a m a ("spirit of the language"), ... its totally distinctive position a m o n g the languages of civilized peoples. There simply is n o other language that is in any way comparable to it. Everything about Japanese is different". W h a t exactly is it about the people that the uniqueness of its language pertains to (or creates and reinforces)? Basically, it is either its culture (its beliefs, values and way of life) or its identity (its self-concept), or both. Ainu 3 relates the language to "the Ainu ways" and Arabic 2 relates

3.3.

People,

culture, identity

41

the language to its "culture, way of life and traditions". Croatian 1 advocates "its own language to express its national cultural identity" and French 3 claims that "the obvious close bonds which exist between a specific language and [its] culture ... are more direct and obvious in the eyes of the French. French people [are] ... the most conscious of their culture ... and feel that diffusing [their ... ] culture without [their] language is a betrayal". Hawaiian 1 is proclaimed to be "a vital link to the perpetuation of the people's culture" (and a "cultural treasure" in Hawaiian 2) and Hebrew 1 views itself as the vehicle "of the ethnonational creativity of a people scattered". Indonesian 1 recognizes in the language the "refined feelings, ... art and culture ... [of the] people's fine upbringing" and Kaqchikel 1 stresses that "one's mother tongue is the foundation for a people's culture . . . . For us whose mother tongue is Kaqchikel, our culture is Kaqchikel". Maori 1 sees in the beloved language "the rich cultural heritage of these people", just as it sees in the language "a development and expression of Maori culture". Navajo 1 claims that "Dine' (two syllables; the name by which the Navajo refer to their language and to themselves) language, history and lifeways make the Dine' a unique people". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 expresses itself more poetically, recognizing in the language "the mighty breath of genius, sighing to awake and urge the masses onward". Polish 3 also departs somewhat from the usual usage by recognizing the language as an indicator "of the civilizational level of our nation". Konkani 1 credits the language as being "an indispensable part of our culture", while Korean 1 concludes that "without a living language, education, literature, arts and religion ... will neither be ours nor find a place to take root". Persian 2 views the beloved language as having created "one of the richest cultures in the world", but Romansh 1 takes a more limited view, claiming only that the language fosters Romansh ethnocultural identity, just as Serbian 1 credits the language with having created Serbian "cultural consciousness" rather than Serbian culture per se. Spanish in Puerto Rico 2 defends both "Spanish language and culture", together, "in ways which are beyond question". Swahili 2 views the language as "a perfect means ..., of perceiving [the authentic Swahili] world" of the past. Turkish 2 is convinced that the language not only "has the potential to become again a language of great knowledge, thought, art and culture" but that it can rise "to a level suitable for ... science and culture of the 21st century". Uzbek 1 warns that "a people that has lost its language has lost its nationality, history and culture" and Yaqui 1 views "native language skills" as essential for "maintaining] the language and the culture of the tribe". Although it is quite obvious that

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Ethnicity

"culture" does not mean the same thing in each of the above citations, it is also obvious that "culture" is a desideratum related to distinctiveness of identity and sophistication of attainment and that in both respects it is viewed as inseparably linked to the beloved language. As Yiddish 2 puts it: "children absorbed Yiddish and Yidishkeyt [traditional Jewish culture] together", the one being the carrier of the other. The perceived essentiality of language to identity is obviously implied by many of the above citations, for ethnocultural distinctiveness and authenticity, totally perspectival though they be, are viewed as building blocks of national identity. An unusually large number of citations focuses on this theme more explicitly, i. e., they address the issue of language and ethnonational identity and existence directly. Ainu 1 views the language as necessary for all who would "preserve the culture of the Ainu" and Ainu 2 dubs the language as more necessary than the necessities of life itself ("food, clothing ... "), while Ainu 3 sees a causal link between "think[ing] of the Ainu language" and being "one of the Ainu people ... feel[ing one's] ethnicity". Alsatian 1 states flatly that "without the dialect there would no longer be any Alsatians", while Alsatian 2 expresses this centrality more allegorically, as an aid to "guarding] ... essential reality, to the holy things of ... [our] beginnings" and Alsatian 3 designates it more conventionally as "the specific expression of this human group, the vehicle of their individual and collective experiences, the mainstay of their folk culture". Arabic 2 believes that "there is no Arabic nationalism without Arabic and there is no Arabic without Arabic nationalism 19 . The Basque 1 insistence "let everyone who is of Basque descent be Basque in language", since the name Basque, in that language itself, specifically indicates a speaker of Basque, logically leads to the conclusion that "without it [the Basque language] the ... [Basque national] institutions cannot exist". Berber 2 affirms (with clear indictment of Arabization efforts in the Magreb) that "one cannot recognize the existence of a people and, at the same time, oblige it to part with its language" and Black English 1 cites the language's "mighty achievement of having brought a people ... to [its] present ... place" and considers this the very hallmark of a genuine language. Byelorussian 1 states that "it was with the rebirth of the Byelorussian language" that the pioneers of the Byelorussian revival were able to "commence ... their great and difficult task". Czech 1 admonishes "do not be mislead by ... voices that say that a language is only an outer form, a secondary consideration" and concludes "to take care of your own people, [it is necessary] to speak it, to elevate it and wake it up". Dutch in Belgium 1 recognizes that

3.3. People, culture, identity

43

Flemings and Netherlanders are "indeed the same nation ... [for they are] identical in language, character and costumes" and Finnish 1 considers it the "nation's most precious possession ... [because it - the language — is] just like the Finnish people in whose likeness it was born. [E]very nation has a different language according to its own nature. A manly and able nation has a noble and clear language, but an unenlightened and unfortunate nation has one of poor and weak quality." (a direction of causality - from nation to language - also shared by Finnish 2), prompting a comparison with the biblical view that man is created in the likeness of God (Genesis 1:27). The French Creoles of the Caribbean 1 view their language as "linked to our very existence; ... The language which more than any other belongs to us", both at conscious and unconscious levels. Frisian 1 is regarded as "the foundation of all... pro-Frisian efforts". German 1 states that "the more freshly a people strives and grows, the fresher its language strives and grows", while German 2 claims that "our entire people [has built] ... the magnificent structure of the German language as a mirror image of German life", ... as "the mirror of the nation,... a large and fitting image of ourselves". 20 Guarani 1 sees in the language "the indisputable indication of Paraguayan nationality ... the index of our nationality ... and of the distinctive individuality of the Paraguayan people" and Irish 2 sees in it the sine qua non of the people's very existence, because "Either it [Irish] becomes the language of the Irish people or the Irish nation vanishes" (and formulated by Irish 3 as the language's being "an essential part of our nationhood" and the very "roots ... [of] ... the tree", all in all: "a great part of ourselves". Japanese 1 views its script as "the inner foundation stone of the nation" and Kaqchikel 1 warns that "once a people loses its own language, it loses its identity", a sentiment which Nynorsk 2 echoes when it claims that it is "the prime characteristic of the Norwegian people". Macedonian 1 expresses the loss of identity that would result from loss of the language as akin to that of "a man who has lost his way and does not know where he has been, nor why he is going in one direction and not in another". Filipino 1 expresses the essential link between language and "peopleness" by avowing that "until we have that [a national language] we shall not be a people", while Polish 1 extends this line of thinking into the future by claiming that "as long as there is the language there is also the Polish nation" and that "Polish ... serves as the cornerstone of [our] national fame". Quechua 2 identifies the language with the "greatness" of the people, rather than with the people per se, but Romansh 1 returns to the necessary equivalence of the two with its slogan "Tanter rumanschs

44

3.

Ethnicity

be rumanschs" ("Among the Romansh people, nothing but Romansh") and reinforces this thrust with a biblical metaphor, warning against "selling one's birthright for a mess of potage [=German or Italian]". Rusyn 1 claims both directions of causality, i. e., "once there is a people there is a language" and "without a native language there is no native people". Serbian 1 proclaims that "the language ... makes us, in our cultural consciousness, what we are today" and Serbian 2 extends this directional line of reasoning into the future by claiming that "as long as our language lives ... so long will the people live too" ... because the language can "always be the foundation of a new life (Serbian 1)". Slovene is among the languages that warns of the evils of language shift. "Abandon Slovene", we are admonished in Slovene 1, "and we lose our people ... [for they] will fall back into their previous state of national unconsciousness". Sorbian 1 attributes to the language "the nature of the people ... the character of the people ... [its] customs and traditions." Sumatran 1 believes that "without a language the nation disappears", but Tamil 2 derives the age of the language from the age of the people, believing that because "the Tamils are one of the ancient human races", therefore, "the Tamil language can ... lay claim to great antiquity". Furthermore, Tamil 2 views the language as "exemplifying the authentic characteristics of the race and of the country" of its speakers. Uzbek 1 claims much more, stipulating that "it is one of the fundamental conditions for a people to become a people", because "[a] people that has lost its language has lost its nationality, history and culture". Ukrainian 1 adopts the maximalist view that "the Ukrainian language ... is the determining factor of the existence of a nation". Wolof 1 takes an evaluative rather than an existential position, claiming that "a culture is nothing without the language and tradition that grow along with it", comparing any such culture to "a cock stripped of its crest, a king without a crown or throne". Yiddish 1 is both directionally and evaluationally restrained vis a vis the language and nationality or language and culture relationship — perhaps due to its post-exilic origin - when it posits no more than that "Yiddish is our language and will remain our language" or that it is "a bulwark against assimilation (Yiddish 2)". Clearly the links between the beloved language and ethnocultural/ ethnonational identity are frequently felt to be not only present but intense indeed. However, the very ubiquity of this felt link enables us to summarize it along more parsimonious lines. Almost three-quarters of all of the languages in our sample are included in the citations implying some direction of causality to the language and people/nation-culture-

3.4. History/heritage

45

identity link, thereby making this topic one of the most frequent constituents of ethnolinguistic consciousness. Roughly a third of the citations in this area merely claim an "associational" or "reflective" ("mirror", "symbol") link between the beloved language and the ethnoculture to which it has been historically attached. 21 The remaining roughly two thirds of the citations mention a more essentialist and explicitly causal link between the two, the beloved language being viewed as the crucial constituent of ethnocultural uniqueness and existence or even the sole causal determinant of that uniqueness and existence.22 Some very few languages are represented in both camps, but this apparent "inconsistency" should not surprise us, since, on the one hand, different citations are sometimes involved and, on the other hand, the latter view, the stronger of the two, is certainly capable of conceptually subsuming the former, the weaker of the two (although the opposite relationship may not be equally logically acceptable). However, we are clearly not dealing here with syllogistic logic and clearly distinct categories but, rather, with the very special logic nourished by affection and loyalty. Finally, it should be noted that while our citations in connection with the issue of causal priority - all in all - are equally derived from European and non-European languages, the former are more likely to adopt the "strong" view than the "weak" one. 23 Clearly, the strong Herderian claim (and, therefore, the strong Whorfian claim as well), derived as it is from a longstanding European tradition of speculation and valuation pertaining to the claimed causal relationship between language and culture, has subsequently spread appreciably outside of Europe as well. Nevertheless it is still encountered within Europe much more often than elsewhere. Finally, it may well be that the "strong view" is simultaneously still spreading to non-European thought about non-European languages, while at the same time it may be reappearing in various European settings that had formerly entertained this view and then had de-emphasized it for a while.

3.4. History/heritage:

Past, present and future

That the beloved language is often experienced as a uniquely self-identifying desideratum is clear from several already listed (Section 3. 3) citations that stress a proprietary and exclusive claim thereto . A few others of this type are, e.g., Dutch in Belgium 1 ["let us honor our language, ... enjoy our own"], English (in England) 1 ["it is our own"], Irish 3 ["it is our very own"], Frisian 1 ["so much our own"] and Sumatran 1 ["a nation

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Ethnicity

with its own language"]). Even the name of the beloved language can be viewed as an active causal force (see, e.g., English in the USA 3: " ... the name of the language ... has a powerful influence in stimulating and preserving the national ideal]") and its origins can be viewed as suitably replete with a very mysterious quality (Tamil 1: " . . . as mysterious as the origin of the world"). This quality of specialness is further revealed and strengthened in the perceived link with ethnohistory which the language represents and the heritage that it simultaneously constitutes, accesses and symbolizes. For French in Quebec 2 the language "[is the] practical way toward preserving this sacred ... French heritage" and for Konkani 1 it is "the heritage that our ancestors have bestowed upon us". In Latvian 1 it is referred to as "a sacred bequest" and in Norwegian Nynorsk 1 it is "a sacred inheritance" and "a national heritage [that] still remains in a condition to be bequeathed unto us". For Polish 2 it is "this sacred heritage [that] joins us with the past" and Slovene 2 admonishes us to "Preserve this heritage!" Uzbek 1 acknowledges it as "our national heritage" and as "our culture's most valuable legacy". The link with the past is also operative at the individual level (e.g., Bengali 2 ["the language we hear first"] and Swahili 1 ["the language of my childhood"]), but it is as the nation's link to its past that the beloved language is most frequently acclaimed. Byelorussian 1 cites its use in outstanding medieval legislative and literary monuments, and pre-revolutionary Chinese claims the distinction of being the world's oldest extant language, while Chinese Potunghua 1 associates the characters with "our nation's long and illustrious history". Estonian 2, having been "salvaged from olden days, [an] ancient heritage", boasts of its link to "the remote dimness of millennia past". French in Quebec 2 refers to francization as "an act of piety toward our history" and Hindi 2 is viewed as reflecting "the history of our country". Indonesian 1 is praised as the "ancestral heritage" and Irish 1 is viewed as "a bond which connects [Ireland] ... with such a past history as hers is". Indeed, "to long for the revival of the national language" is to wish to see the national history returned to a place of honor"(Irish 1). Therefore, Irish 3 is presented as "the key to our past, ... the accumulated experience of a people, ... a vehicle of 3000 years of our history", just as Macedonian 1 is viewed as a key to where the people "has been" in its historic journey, a past which must be affirmed at all cost, [because] every nation has the right to object to ambushes of its past" (Macedonian 2), ambushes which occur via self-seeking re-interpretations of that past by rivals and enemies. Manyjilyjarra 1

3.4. History/heritage

47

is viewed as the guardian and preserver of the authentic historical record and Norwegian Nynorsk 1 is regarded as a "rich treasure of the past". Navajo 1 links language and history explicitly, together with "lifeways", all three being equally the markers of a "unique people". Polish 2 claims that the language "joins us with the past" and Polish 3 claims that through it "we follow the history of the nation". Sindi 1 is touted as "an old ... language which has its roots firmly and deeply fixed in the past" and the introduction of writing in Somali is an accomplishment that is unforgettable in history". Spanish in Puerto Rico 2 is admired for its "almost five centuries [as] the language of Puerto Rico". Tamil 1 advances a claim to being "the first language spoken ... when [humans] emerged from the stage of ... gesture and grimace" and Turkish 2 claims to be "one of the world's oldest and most rooted languages". History is a continuing and endless stream. Those languages that survive history's vicissitudes are praised either for their endurance or for their adaptability. Alsatian 2 is likened to "living roots in the irreversible depths of time", and is (in Alsatian 1) "the language of the people who have lived [in Alsace] for over 15 centuries", the means whereby (in Alsatian 3) they can "be in communion with their past". Black English 1 is "the creation of the Black Diaspora ... that has transformed ancient elements" and Byelorussian 2, being equally specific in its historical focus, refers to the "Great October Socialist Revolution ... and the Communist Part [which] opened up vast potential for developing Byelorussian language and culture", its major recognition since the time that "it had [had] the status of official language in a large medieval state". French in Quebec 1 is the language in which "the founders of the colony, the Champlains, the de Maison-neuves, the Laviolettes, conceived their bold schemes. It was in this language that our heroes, the Montcalms and the Levis, commanded their soldiers in the glorious battles of the last century". German 2 is the language that "lets us perceive ... [our] history in its glory and in its low points, as well as its destiny, ... [indeed, it is] a truly pure German edifice in whose expansion and preservation all the historical forces have worked throughout centuries". Irish 1 is a "great national monument" ; [and asks, rhetorically,] "is Ireland, after 3000 years, to throw away her ancient tongue" which connects her with her own history, particularly when it and only it can "buy us security or survival" (Irish 2). Quechua 2 "led in establishing human civilization, ... therefore, its greatness cannot be overturned". Rusyn 1 persists against all reverses, as demonstrated by the fact that "it has not been eradicated either here [at home] or there [in the diaspora]" and, accordingly, "Ru-

48

3.

Ethnicity

syns [too] are tenacious". Uzbek 1 is crucial for preserving "the heritage created by our people over the centuries"; without it everything is lost: "nationality, history, culture". But persistence in the past and continuity in the present have their very definite implications for the future as well. Estonian 2 "will proceed from us to the coming generations". Polish 2 "is the link joining the present and future generations ... [via which] we pass on [the] ... heritage", a guarantee, as Serbian 2 recognizes, that the people "will not dissolve [with]in another people, they will not perish". But survival alone need not be the ultimate goal of history. For German 2 there is the further promise of "destiny" and for French there is a "glorious mission" (in Quebec 1) and (in France 3) even "universality". William Stewart (in 1962 and again in 1968) posited historicity to be a major parameter of attitudes toward language. Our citations confirm his view to some extent, but also indicate that historicity - i. e., the popular sense of history — is itself firmly embedded within the overarching and much more fundamental and internally varied context of ethnicity. Popular history is usually ethnohistory. It is from this contextual perspective that we can easily recognize and even expect the inevitability of the progression from the historical component of national identity to the cognitive and affective consequences of the long-term association that is sensed to exist between the beloved language and the particular speech community whose very own it is.

3.5. Cognitive and emotional

contributions

Although many modern specialists view language primarily as a means of communication, some, particularly sociolinguists and anthropological linguists would strongly disagree with any such reductionism. As for the beloved language, it is repeatedly viewed as "more than just that (a vehicle of communication)", indeed, "as much more than just that". Arabic 2 reminds us of this explicitly, as does Arabic 1, insisting that it is "not only [or "simply"] a means of communication" and Polish 2 admonishes us again with its declaration that it is "not just a means of communication". We have already noted how often it is viewed as a formatively active sociocultural and sociohistorical force. We must now acknowledge that it is viewed as cognitively and emotionally formative as well, i. e., as affect expressing, arousing and deserving, and, in that sense, also as national character related. Norwegian Bokmäl 1 considers the language to contain "the mighty breath of genius, sighing to awake and urge the

3.5. Cognitive and emotional contributions

49

masses onward" and Hebrew 1 sees in it "all of the intellectual values with which this people lives". Irish 1 discovers "enshrined" in it "the thoughts of generations of Irishmen", while Irish 3 sees the opposite direction of causality. The language having been "molded by the thought of a hundred generations of ... forebears" is, therefore, the "bearer ... of a philosophy, of an outlook on life ... [that is] rich in practical wisdom". Frisian 1 tells us that "In Frisian a Frisian can really ... think ... [because] this language he really understands deeply and directly". Konkani 1 "is part of ... [the] true being" of its speakers and Macedonian 1 provides its people with "its own eyes ... its own mind and reason", without which it would be "like a man ... [that] does not know where he has been nor why he is going in that direction". Polish 1 claims that "Polish is the first and inseparable part of all Polish teaching", indicative of the view that without it one cannot learn how to be Polish, because "Polish writings, for so many ages, ... have left many signs of national wisdom" within the language itself. German 1 claims that "the people in its dark and secret life and works ... create and shape the language" and German 2 recognizes that the language possesses a certain "genius" in that it contains "a reflection of the world view and the essence of the German personality" and of "the inner viewpoint ... of the German mensch [personality)]". Hausa 1 opines that "our culture, our intelligence and our talents ... are all determined by our knowledge of our mother tongue" and Malay 1 fosters "national consciousness". Because of its role as either the creator of distinctive ethnocognition or the preserver, reflector or carrier of such cognition "the beloved language" becomes a distinctively suitable channel or instrument of cognition more generally. Afrikaans 2 is recognized as the instrument of the "innermost thoughts" of Afrikaners and Alsatian 3 believes that it "lends itself easily to teaching acceptance and respect for the differences between peoples". Arabic 1 posits that it is "deeply ingrained in the great Arabic intellectual tradition" and Arabic 2 recognizes in Arabic "the Arab personality". Black English 2 holds that "to those so blessed as to have bestowed upon them at birth the lifetime gift of soul, these are the most communicative and meaningful sounds ever to fall upon human ears", just as perfect Chinese [P-R] thought is viewed as being projected by a "healthy and perfect written language". English in England 2 is praised as "noble" because "it is not possible to write a page without experiencing positive pleasure". Estonian 2 considers itself to be "established in the people's unconscious" and Estonian 3 believes the language to be "intellectual". French Creole 1 sees itself as linked to "our deep self, ... our

50

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Ethnicity

collective unconscious, ... our common genius, ... the river of our alluvial creoleness. We dream in it . In it we resist and accept ourselves. It is [in] our cries, our screams, our excitements. It irrigates each of our gestures" and "completely agree[s] with the Haitian proverb 'Pale franse pa vie di lesprit ' (speaking French is no proof of intelligence)". French Creole 1 goes on to claim that "[e]very time a mother, thinking she is favoring the learning of French, ... represses Creole in a child's throat, [she] is in fact delivering a blow to the latter's imagination, repressing his creativity. School teachers [have been] ... the slave traders of our artistic impulse". German 1, once it "gains power over the intellect of the child", results in the child's consciousness being "normed after the consciousness of the community". Hindi 2 prides itself on being "the inspiration of the common man's life" and Hindi 2 finds in it "self sacrifice, ... service, ... cooperation". Japanese 3 holds that "[t]he typical psychology of a given nation can be learned only through familiarity with its native language" and Konkani 1 is needed "to undo the darkness of ignorance", without causing "our love of other languages ... [ t o ] suffer" in the slightest. Macedonian 1 enables its native speakers to "absorb the psychology of our fathers and forefathers" and Polish 1 "possesses the fame that comes with wisdom". Polish 2 claims that it has "matured together with Polish thought" and Polish 3 views it as "expressing ... the most lofty of thoughts". Quechua 1 is considered to be a "treasure of wisdom, fortress of knowledge, ... reasoned thought and mind" and Quechua 2 possesses the attribute of "inspiration". Sorbian 1 claims that "how they think, what they yearn for ..., that and much more, pours itself into the [Sorbian] language and also flows from it". Swahili 2 is considered a "perfect means of perceiving their [the Swahili's] world ... embod[ying] as no other can, the life and thought of the Swahili", as a result of having been fashioned in the minds of the ancestors. Uzbek 1 is proclaimed as the language in which "we learn to think, starting with those hours when our senses first absorb our mother's lullaby". Books written in Quoc Ngu, Vietnamese's Latin alphabet writing system, are "the only means of enlightening the masses (Vietnamese 1)" and via Welsh 1 "the heart beats quicker and the sympathies are more readily enlisted". Cognitive benefits are also not infrequently claimed. Frisians [1] will "attain equal facility " in no other language and Filipino 3 "hasten[s] greater understanding [and] appreciation". Yaqui [1] is "necessary to the children in order to better understand and learn the other two languages (English and Spanish)" that are necessary in Yaqui society. Hausa [1] and

3.5.

Cognitive

and emotional

contributions

51

Tigrinya are simply "easy to learn" or "among the easiest and most orderly languages", a claim also advanced by Afrikaans 2 ("It is the easiest ... of all languages spoken on earth" and by Hindi 1 ("can be learnt easily and rapidly"). Additionally, cognitive creativity, spontaneity and imagination are also recognized as linked (whether associationally or causally) to "the beloved language". Arabic 1 is admired as "cultural, civilizational and intellectual". French Creole 1 celebrates the writers and artists that it has inspired. Guarani 1 is recognized as a "wise language". Kaqchikel 1 claims that "God gave us talent through Kaqchikel" and Hindi 2 claims to "be inspired" (by the speech forms of the people). The Slovene 3 of the common people is so stimulating that it is worthy of being written down and emulated by writers (avoiding thereby the use of foreign words with their "foreign spirit"). Turkish 2 is recognized as having "the potential to become again a language of great knowledge, thought, art and culture" and Yiddish 1 fosters its own "intelligentsia, ... highly educated folks with higher degrees". Similarly elaborated is the emotional role of "the beloved language". One of the most common themes, in this connection is the link between "the beloved language" and affect. Afrikaans 1 is described as the "language of our very heart" and Afrikaans 2, as the language of "emotions, feelings". Arabic 2 is depicted as related to "feelings and aspirations" and Bengali 2 as "the language in which we express our sense of happiness and sorrow, pleasure and melancholy". French 2 is recognized as "one of the most glorious signs of the happiness of the state". In Frisian [1], we are told, "a Frisian can really feel" because it is the language in which we "laugh about a joke, in which we sing out our good fortune and groan tomorrow and the day after tomorrow". Maori 1 is depicted as related to the "inner life and feeling". Konkani 1 fosters a "great bond among the people that share (it as) a mother tongue, ... [having] entered into people's hearts", being the language "in which we express affection for our children (and) ... quarrel with our neighbors". Latvian 1 is the language in which "living hearts express ... their joys and sorrows, ... their insights, ... their loves and hopes, ... [the] bright sparks of their [ancestors'] observant minds". Papiamentu 2 is in "the hearts of [our] children" and the song of Papiamentu 3 is "fiery, ... cheerful, ... spirited", so that "no sorrow nor joy can pass (one) by". Polish 2 expresses "grief, reveille for resistance and a psalm of hope" and Polish 3 "has grasped ... the feelings of the nation ... and given them shape". Quechua 1 is associated with the "joy and ... sorrow" of Inca kings and Inca queens of centuries

52

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Ethnicity

past, and Quechua 2 is associated with "carrying joy to other people ... (and) unerringly rais(ing) one up from grief, from contention, from sorrow ... (to) rest in the laughter of the shining stars". Sorbian 1 is part of what the people "yearn for, what brings them joy" and the speaker of Swahili 1 "depends" on the language during times of exile and wandering. The language per se also inspires hope. "Turkish 2 arouses "enthusiasm, exuberance and dynamism". Uzbek 1 is the language in which "we first express the feelings of our heart" and Yiddish 3 fosters "a bond of friendship, affection and kinship, (so that) a Jew far from home (is) never lonely", since Yiddish speakers are to be found the world over. As for other specific emotions, it is claimed that the beloved language provides consolation. Polish 1 acknowledges the "comfort it is for the heart, anguished by the peril of its motherland, to still speak and hear the mother tongue". As long as the (Irish 3) language lives ... on the lips of the people ... we are assured of success". In the case of Maori 1 the reverse direction of causality is assumed and it is claimed that "providing there is confidence and faith" the language will be relearned. Humility is fostered, refreshingly, in connection with Byelorussian's [1] "homespun rags" and "simple appearance". But the language can also be motivating and activating. Polish 1 asks "what measures will you take to keep alive the name of Poland through the language?" and Quechua 2 is praised for having "brought glory" to the Inca empire. The personality of the people is (or is in) its language, we are told in diverse ways. Furthermore, Berber 1 is "the symbol of a strong personality attached to its proper identity". A related by-product of the language is self-respect. Knowing Cheyenne 1 enables one to "establish firmly a good self concept" and French in Quebec 2 claims that "refrancizing ... would constitute an act of selfrespect". French 1 asks "why do we beg from other tongues?", particularly when it comes to writing, and Hausa 2 sees in its national language "independence, self-sufficiency and pride". Pride is also associated with the beloved language in the case of English in the USA 2 ("[B]e proud of it ... [L]et us put off livery, cease to be the butlers of another people's language"), Filipino 1 ("We shall never have any genuine national pride until we have a language of our own") and Sorbian 2 ("[A] pure form of Sorbian ... kindled their own national pride"). Linked to it is bravery, in connection with Berber 1 ("[I]t has been able to bravely face both time and its traps"), courage, in connection with Papiamentu 3 ("fearless courage ... lifted it up from the ground") and Tamil 2 ([likened to a] "mother ... feeding courage") and Yaqui 1 increases its speakers' "self esteem". Finally, and quite naturally in this context, we come to patriotism as well.

3.6.

Unity: territorial,

cultural and beyond

53

Irish 1 claims that "to wish to see the national history and literature in their due place of honor [via reviving the language] ... is true patriotism". French in Quebec 2 believes that "Refrancizing ... fulfills] a pressing patriotic duty". Hindi 3 opines that "to learn Hindi before independence was a symbol of love of country." Obviously, the source of so much strength and dedication deserves not merely respect but honor as well. English in England 1 is "the more to be honored because it is ... [our] own", just as English in the USA 1 claims that "our honor requires us to have a system of our own, in language as in government". Dutch in Belgium 1 proclaims "make it known that you too are eager to see ... [your] language honored and it will be honored", while French 1 proclaims that "the stars did ... conspire for the honor and increase of our language" and concludes that "natural law" itself "obliges us to guard the dignity of our language". Clearly, providing both cognitive and emotional benefits such as the foregoing, the very least that "the beloved language" deserves is to be guarded and defended, both in its own right and as the shield that it is for other verities.

3.6.

Unity: territorial,

cultural and

beyond

Although territoriality (viewed either as an ethno-economic or as an ethno-political resource) is often considered to be as obvious a requirement of ethnocultural existence as is the reciprocal use of language, it is striking that territoriality per se is rarely mentioned in connection with the beloved language. Among the few exceptions is the Irish 3 equation of "the restoration of the unity of the national territory and the restoration of the language" as the foremost national tasks. Korean 1 claims, which is both maximalist and directionally unambiguous in connection with the two, "The reason that our nation could preserve this land for over 5000 years ... is precisely because we had a national language" and concludes that the language is "the most definitive way of achieving democracy and unifying our land". The Polish 2 view may be considered equally firm, but it lacks directionality, claiming only that "equal to the land of the forefathers is the language of the forefathers". Slovene 2 also values land and language equally, urging one and all to "hold on tightly to your language, with the same love as you do to your land". Rusyn 1 is more enumerative than emphatic (viz: "Rusyns have been preserving their ethnic memory, language, land and culture for two thousand

54

3.

Ethnicity

years"), land and language both being listed, but no order of priority being implied. Tamil 2 merely plays upon the polysemic nature of the term Tamil, which "denote[s] the race (speaking the language) and the country (in which it is spoken) ... Tamil [is] a ... symbol ... of [both] country and race". Telugu 2 asks rhetorically "Why [the king's pronouncements should be] in Telugu?" and answers, [because] the land is a Telugu one". The Sumatran 1 claim that "wherever Pertja [=Sumatra] is, there is my language" is rather ambiguous, since the former is far less relocatable than the latter. This is all we have found in our data-pool, insofar as integrative references to ethno-territory are concerned. Should the paucity of connections between the land and the language be considered as indicative of a lesser interest in the former than in the latter? Probably not. Our data has been selected because it focuses on language and, therefore, it is not a good indicator of the relative prominence of other major referents such as "the land" in ethnocultural consciousness, referents about which there is ample independent testimony that cannot be adequately accessed via co-occurrences with language. Thus, it is not any relative paucity of references to the land that we are pointing out here, but the relative paucity of associations between "the land" and "the language". The language is rarely invoked, as it is in the Korean case, as a desideratum for safeguarding the land, nor is the land invoked as a requirement for safeguarding the language. Of course, there have been few instances in modern history when entire peoples have abandoned or been driven off of their land, but such examples are not hard to find in the sum total of human history. Apparently, it is not the land per se that is in question in the modern period as much as is ethnocultural self-determination and intergenerational continuity. The latter matters, of course, are frequently referred to in singing the praises of the beloved language and the beloved language is clearly viewed as linked to, protected by and crucially protecting them all. Perhaps it is also worth reflecting on the possibility that language advocacy and rivalry need not necessarily imply advocacy and rivalry with respect to land and sovereignty as well. The above-mentioned paucity of references to a language-land linkage is clearly contrasted with the frequency with which a link is claimed between the language and "unity". Unity is normally considered a blessing, but this is not invariably the case. If unity is interpreted as loss of local autonomy, it is rejected (as, e.g., when Dutch in Belgium [^Flemish] 2 fears being submerged within the greater Netherlandish orbit, when Croatian 1 storms against losing its own identity within a Serbian dominated

3.6. Unity: territorial, cultural and beyond

55

Serbo-Croatian, or when English in the USA 2 calls for a separation between "United Statish" and "British" and English in the USA 3 resolves to be known as "American" and not as "English"), but if it is interpreted as fostering autonomy it is coveted. Thus, unity between social classes is referred to by Arabic 1 when it extols the language as "a means of understanding between the Arab peoples and the Arab intellectual elite", on the one hand, while unity within the elite per se is referred to, when extolling the language's contribution to "intellectual unity ... [and] the unification of Arab thought", on the other hand. Chinese 2 extols the writing system in intra-territorial terms, as a factor that helps overcome the "unfavorable effect on political, economic and cultural life ... (of the) diversity in dialects", and Chinese 3 praises it for helping to "unify the people of our country". Dutch in Belgium 1 returns us more fully to the intra-ethnic fold. Because of their shared language, Dutch in Belgium and Dutch in the Netherlands build "(one) national literature". Estonian 2 views the language as joining the people together "even when we are on foreign paths abroad", a factor that "will some day [ again] reassemble and reunite [us]", just as Estonian 3 views it as "a bond between all of us in time and space ... [which] binds us together and captures us". Filipino 2 aspires to "the achievement of a common language ... in attaining the necessary unity among patriotic segments of the population" and to overcome "the fragmentation of the Filipino nation [that] is perpetuated by ... the problem of language unification" and Filipino 3 itself is claimed as "an instrument of unity and peace". Finnish 1 "unites the people under a common legislation", because (Finnish 2) "it is especially language which holds a people together and acts as a connecting bond between its members". French 3 is not only "simultaneously the means and the symbol of national unity", but, above and beyond the foregoing, it "unite(s) the races and cultures without extinguishing their distinctive traits and differences" because it is "the place and reconciliation of the ethnic and cultural components of the French nation and civilization". German 2 is recognized as something which "bind(s) peoples, hold(s) them together, without (which) they ... fall apart. Indeed, "the genius of the German language" constitutes "an enormous monument to pure German oneness, ... an undying testimony of unity, ... the strongest connection that holds the German people together". Hausa 1 views itself as a channel for "resisting] the people who are trying to divide us". Hebrew 1 is proclaimed as "the link that united the separate segments of a single way of life ... The historical unifying link that bound the Jewish people to its history

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Ethnicity

and to its original culture" and admires "the healthy national instinct" that has always recognized that its rejection in favor of any diaspora Jewish language "would effectively break [the Jewish people] into segments". Hindi 1 avers that "only Hindi can be ... a (unifying) language" in India, Hindi 2 views it as "the cord, softer than air and stronger than steel, that has united the hearts of the common people for thousands of years" and Hindi 3 recognizes it as the "all-Indian language". Indonesian 1 is called "the tie that binds my goal" and Kashmiri 1 prophesies that "we are like a house divided against itself ... hav[ing] lost our mother tongue, ... [but] ... there will come a day when you will be glad to say ... [we] were divided and had lost [our] tongue, but have now at last luckily found it again by great effort". Kaqchikel 1 is recognized as responsible for the "people's ... unity" and Konkani 1 claims that "we may have remained apart because of religion or political opinion, but our language can bring us together [; indeed, we] are all bound together because of our language". Latvian 1 "bridge[s] heart with heart, soul with soul, spirit with spirit, ... [being] something that brings us together". Lithuanian 2 is considered "the most common bond" and Norwegian Bokmäl 1 concludes that "we want to be one people" and "one language ... (can) enable us to gather harmoniously and achieve progress". Polish 1 enables the people to be "united in the brotherhood of heart and language" and Russian 3 views itself as the "interlanguage" of the USSR, "not something extraneous and enforced, ... [but] a second native language to the USSR's many peoples". Serbian 2 is seen as the means whereby "the people ... can understand one another and be unified in their minds" and Spanish in Puerto Rico 1 is the nation's "one and only vernacular". Sumatran 1 stresses that a people's "feeling of solidarity is fostered by its [own] language" and Tok Pisin 2 considers itself the "only language in which all can communicate". Yiddish 1 counteracts the claims of Hebrew and of major coterritorial languages (such as Russian, Polish or German in the 1920s or such as English today) by stressing that "whoever desires to be as one with his people must also adopt its language". Inter-territorial unity is also claimed, but far less frequently. Some of the Chinese, Dutch, French, German, Hindi and Korean claims, mentioned above, may actually also be of this latter kind, but the claim is most explicit for Arabic 1 ("[the] unifying element ... from Yemen ... [to] Marrakech"), Konkani 1 ("bring[s] together the Konkani people that are scattered all over the globe") and Yiddish 3 ("[brings] together Jews from all corners of the world ... in a bond of friendship, affection and kinship").

3.7. Ethnicity:

Sectional

commentary

57

There are also a few praises that are inter-territorial without being unity related. Thus, Hausa 1 mentions that "many [countries] have Hausa speakers living in them". French 3, on the other hand, stresses that "the universality of the language entails the universality o f . . . [French] civilization" and Russian 3 focuses attention on its role as "a means of exchanging experience in communist development, ... [providing entre] to the revolutionary traditions and rich cultural heritage of the Russian people ... [becoming] one of the basic sources of further enrichment of [nonRussian] national languages, ... [culminating in] the emergence of the Russian language as the interlanguage". The Swahili 1 reference constitutes a wish rather than an evaluation: [may the language] "prevail over areas formerly unconquerable". Claims such as those of French, Russian and Swahili (and, to some extent, somewhat similar claims by English in Great Britain 1, Irish 3, Persian 2 and Spanish in Puerto Rico 1), all claiming to be making contributions to humanity or to worldwide civilization (whether on an imperial or anti-imperial basis), are not only interterritorial. They are supra-ethnic and, accordingly, neither territory nor unity related within the discourse-realm of ethnicity. They all point in more incorporative or integrative directions than the ethnocultural ones that interest us here. All in all, the relative paucity of inter-territorial ethnicity-linked claims brings us back to the relative paucity of linkages of language with the land that were discussed at the beginning of this section. Very few peoples see themselves as eternally inter-territorial. Most of our data is drawn from a period relatively close to state consolidation. Accordingly, it is the consolidating, unifying function of language in achieving a single people or, at least, a single state, which is stressed. Unity of the people (via the language) and unity of the land are, therefore, usually understood to be redundant and, therefore, it is the unifying contribution of the language which is stressed by data such as that being discussed here. Such unity, it is often assumed, will, in the natural course of events, bring along with it the possession of the land as well.

3.7. Ethnicity: Sectional

commentary

The recurring intellectual critique of ethnicity, whether liberal or conservative, has always stressed its "basic irrationality" (under which its purported "contentiousness" is subsumed) and, therefore, its factual unsuitability and moral unacceptability for sophisticated social theory or hu-

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3. Ethnicity

mane social interaction. There may be more to the foregoing premise than to the conclusion derived therefrom, but rationality too, apparently, is incapable of avoiding its own endless array of socially dislocative and inhumane problems. Indeed, if the past century be taken as an adequate sample of the benefits of rationality, then clearly the level o f social disorganization that engulfs much of modern and post-modern "supra-ethnic" societal functioning also leaves much to be desired. Furthermore, it is even more obvious that rationality has not fully satisfied the Pandora's box of human longings, i. e., it has neither created nor corresponded to an inner reality that responds or corresponds to various other "wave lengths" in human social motivation as well. "Out there", on those other wave lengths, we quickly find the afifiliative and the sanctity needs of most individuals and aggregates, ethnicity being a common component and combination of these needs and positive ethnolinguistic consciousness being one of their manifestations. It is undoubtedly true (as we have observed via many o f the citations reviewed above) that our notions o f nature, of the body, o f kin and of home, are often replete with mystery and with passion. Our notions of the beloved language are often similarly characterizable. These notions recurringly and alternately comfort and alarm huge portions of humanity. The interpretations of reality to which they correspond are often central to their very being and will not be shamed, set aside nor even downgraded merely because they do not correspond to modern notions o f "objective practicality" or to "the highest level o f critical rationality" o f which our species is capable. Seemingly, a totally rational humanity might be a contradiction in terms, an oxymoron, because any such humanity would be lacking in other very basically human respects. Which is not to say that fascination with and dedication to the beloved language is a constant, merely because it is so frequently associated with such eternal concerns and verities as sanctity, morality, nature, the body, kin and life or death. Even the latter concerns are not constants. They go in and out of consciousness, for most people and in most modern societies, waxing and waning in prominence and even experiencing additions, deletions and changes of emphases with respect to the assumptions that pertain to them and the claims that they make upon us. Apparently, false prophets do not invalidate the perceived reality of sanctity, nor do modern sciences and post-modern economies invalidate, for most people at least some o f the time, their experienced validity of ethnicity. Even though modernity does influence the exclusive saliency of sanctity and ethnicity, the fact that religions and ethnicities (frequently manifested in

3.7. Ethnicity: Sectional commentary

59

conjoint ethnoreligious co-occurrences) must share the stage with other bases of knowledge, faith, loyalty and action does not detract from their deep-structure capacity to come to the fore. What is being posited here is not some sort of primordiality, for that would be tantamount to being mysterious about mysteries. All that is being claimed is that both ethnicity and ethnolinguistic consciousness are still more common aspects of early individual and group identity-socialization, as well as being substantially self-renewing and self-confirming by-products of stable societal interaction than is commonly recognized by modern social theory. As a result of their rooted (even if muted) nature, sanctity and ethnicity both reflect and create or recreate the sociocultural assumed realities to which they pertain. While it is true that ethnicity also appeals to certain supra-rational factors in the makeup of humanity (and even in the make-up of modern humanity), it is neither mysterious nor irrational to appeal to perceived ethnicity and to invoke ethnolinguistic consciousness when to do so would activate affective bases of social action. It is also neither laughable nor disingenuous for the assumed content of ethnicity and ethnolinguistic consciousness to be modified and innovated over time, as surrounding contrasts, conditions and circumstances dictate. Indeed, is this not the rational thing to do? Is this not what happens to manifestly rational beliefs, values and bases of aggregation and social action? Finally, we must speculate whether the frequent association of ethnolinguistic consciousness with ethnicity per se is a universal, an inevitable interactive facet or byproduct of ethnic identity, observance and actionpotential. Our own data casts doubt on any such claim and no such proposition is being advanced here. Nevertheless, the co-occurrences of language and ethnicity, both as conscious and as unconscious principles of collective identity and collective action, are sufficiently common for us to be clearly and unapologetically interested in the dimensions and interpretations that most frequently occur in connection with them. Such dimensions as kinship, hearth and home, people-culture-nation, history/ identity, unity and cognitive-connative makeup, provide more than merely powerful imagery of belonging. They also provide integrative meaning: goals, values and priorities; in sum: self-understanding and understanding of the surrounding world. Clearly, such interpretations of the beloved language, constituting as they quite literally do a Weltanschauung, cannot easily be dispensed with, whether for the sake of civility or, indeed, even for the sake of some larger, more neutral and content-free notion of rationality per se. (Also see chapter 6, below)

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Ethnicity

Quite the contrary (and as the last decade of the twentieth century has painfully rediscovered), the ethnic dimensions and associations of the beloved language literally call for action on its behalf. The dimensionality of such calls and of such actions will now receive attention in the section that follows.

4. Status Planning 4.1. Responsibility for the language (status Introduction

planning):

Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness subsumes an imperative for social action on behalf of the beloved language, particularly given the aura of sanctity and the essence of ethnicity in which such action can be totally immersed. The relationship with the beloved language is not a platonic one that can be satisfied by respectful but inaudible worship from afar. The language not only deserves assistance in the societal arena, but it requires and even demands such assistance. The language is not an abstraction derived from an intellectual perspective on a considerable variety of lexical, phonological and grammatical realizations in diverse societal and geographic strata. No, the language is, as so many other aspects of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness demonstrate, an intimately experienced and highly valued verity, a palpable object of esteem, affection, reverence and dedication. At any particular time, its state and status are experienced, by its adherents and activists, as the state and status of an entire way of life, of a deeply preferred and fully specified enactment of ethnolinguistic identity. At some abstract level, given sufficient historical perspective, any external, behavioral enactment of ethnicity and the internal identity with that ethnicity, may (and does) become separated one from the other. Over time, there may have been many ways of identifying as Xian (Irish, Jewish, etc.) and not all of them may have been associated with speaking Xish. But the phenomenology of most ongoing positive ethnolinguistic consciousness recognizes a far different reality, a reality in which the ethnic language, the ethnic identity and the ethnic culture (behaviors, beliefs, artifacts) are all completely intertwined. It is this very intertwining that constitutes the "heart of the matter". Those who recognize that they are obliged to rise to the beloved language's defense seek to create for it and for its associated way of life the societal circumstances that will enable them both to function with the dignity and security that are rightfully their due. Above all, ethnolinguistic consciousness of responsibility for the language comprises an implicit or explicit call to action, and not only on behalf of the language but, inevitably, on behalf of the ethnolinguistic

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aggregate as well, and on behalf of a particularly preferred pattern of language-permeated ethnocultural identity. The language is not only believed to imply the life-pattern, but it is believed to express, invigorate and safeguard the latter as well. Thus a call for action on behalf of the beloved language is no more and no less than a call for ethnolinguistic self-protection, self-promotion and, in sum, for the attainment of honorable ethnolinguistic standing (which may or may not imply ethnopolitical equality) in a world made up of manifold other adequately protected ethnolinguistic aggregates. Of course, consciousness of responsibility for the language need not necessarily be linguistically monocentric. On calmer reflection, it may become clear that other languages are also needed as well, perhaps for /mergroup economic, diplomatic and even intellectual relations. But the acceptance of a pluricentrically conceived responsibility for the beloved language, i. e., one that provides entry to other-ethnic or supra-ethnic languages for the discharge of certain stipulated functions within the ethnosocietal life-space, may well require prior satisfaction of the i'niragroup imperatives of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness on which our discussion here focuses. Self-respect and self-confidence are frequently prerequisites for respecting others, as well as for overcoming egocentrism, whether in language or in other realms of social interaction. Responsibility for the language (more usually referred to as "language status planning" in the sociolinguistic literature) involves the conviction that, essentially, the beloved language is no worse than any other; yes, basically no worse than the most widely known languages of today or the most glorious ones of the past (and, perhaps, even better in some telling ways). What differentiates all of these languages is, primarily, the functions entrusted or made available to them in their own ethnolinguistic communities and, more secondarily, the functions that they discharge at the intercommunal level as well. These functional differences, it is believed, subsequently dictate corresponding differences in corpus adequacy, particularly with respect to amplitude of econotechnical vocabulary and the standardization of spelling and grammar (about both of which there will be much more to be said in our discussion of the counterpart to status planning, namely, corpus planning, in chapter 5). However, before the functional repertoire can be extended, all previously widespread self-deprecatory views concerning the beloved language must first be vigorously brushed aside. Any invidious comparisons with other languages — whether modern or antique - must be firmly rejected. One's duties toward the beloved language must become salient and societally

4.2.

Rejecting

past insult and injury

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supported efforts to redress current functional grievances must be initiated and maximally supported. On the whole, it is an array of modern functions that is aspired to, since positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is basically a modernizing phenomenon (even when it is accompanied by various deeply held traditional goals and convictions as well). The successful attainment of such an array of functions and the attainment of guarantees of broad-based authoritative support for these functions, constitute both the goal and the definition of successful and modern status planning.

4.2. Rejecting past insult and injury The imperative to assume responsibility for the beloved language presupposes a rejection of the status quo ante, that is, a rejection of any prior lowly status and any negative attitudes that may have been associated with it. When carried to their logical conclusion, the continuation of any such prior deleterious treatments or views threatens to lead (and sometimes even aims at leading) to the weakening and, ultimately, to the demise of the beloved language. Consequently, the assumption of responsibility for the language starts with the rejection of what are taken to be the destructively false premises and perceptions that have unfortunately been widely accepted before. We will begin with the rejection of those premises and perceptions that have no explicit cross-linguistic content, although, clearly, the entire process of rehabilitation of the beloved language initially takes place within a linguistically contrastive context. The rejection of the disguised or undisguised "death wish" that is so often expressed by opponents of the language is, in some instances, clearly recognized. Afrikaans 1 rails against the need "to stand in our own courts like strangers". Ainu 2 proclaims that "we will not allow Ainu to go into the museum". Arabic 2 rejects the colonial interests that "attack ... our traditions - social, religious, linguistic". Berber 1 rejects the condescension and trivialization that fosters the view that the beloved language can "be preserved like pieces in a museum". Byelorussian 1 refuses to be "driven out" from polite society and from higher social functions and Byelorussian 2 calls for an end to "repression of the nationalist intelligentsia" — the obvious guardians of the language — "[aimed at] ... squeezing it] out of almost all spheres of life" ... and an end to the "terrible times when it ... [is] mocked and banned by all manner of oppression" On the contrary, a return to the early glories of the "Great

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October Socialist Revolution" is called for, when "a policy of Byelorussifying all aspects of society" was instituted. Cheyenne 1 bemoans the view that it is "of little consequence" because of the current paucity of its literary functions, a view also expressed by Afrikaans 1, Konkani 1, Korean 1, Norwegian Nynorsk 1 and Somali 1. Czech 1 points out that "wherever your language and your nationhood are disregarded, you are oppressed, no matter how liberal the country [=mid- 19th century AustroHungary]". Even English (in Great Britain) 1 has to insist that "necessity itself doth call for English" (16th century) and, four centuries later, English in Great Britain 2 still bemoans the fact that it "is not more generally studied" and calls for an end to the circumstances responsible for the sad fact that there are so few who "can construct a few good sentences or, still less, a few good paragraphs [in] ... English." Estonian 2 underscores the fact that it is no longer (as it is so widely misperceived to be) merely "a language of ... hunters, fishermen, herders, tillers and sailors, ... peasants oppressed into primitivity and enslaved, ... poor townspeople". Filipino 1 exclaims "Did you ever hear of anything more humiliating, more terrible than that (=the absence of "a common national language")?; a lack which bars its leader from "telling the people what I think and feel". Finnish 1 addresses its shortcomings both objectively and ironically: "That Finnish has not yet risen to the level of other European languages should not surprise anyone who knows how it has been held in contempt until these (= 19th century) times, Some of the gentry ... have deemed our language so [deficient] that they have not wished to spoil their mouths with it and we can but wonder if they have not been ashamed to live in a country where such a language is spoken". Finnish 2 resolves to overcome "the exclusion of Finnish from the social intercourse of the educated classes and its neglect as a literary and standard language". French in Quebec 1 rejects the gratuitous advice that one "ought, out of self interest, to renounce ... [one's] language" and swears to remain steadfast to it "even if faithfulness ... would expose us to relative poverty", just as Caribbean French Creole 1 rejects the "tragedy lived by many of our writers [which derives] ... from the castration which, linguistically, they were victims of during their childhood[s]". Guarani 1 underscores that it is "totally independent", even though its current struggle must be against those among "its own children" who rejected it in "pedagogical ..., intellectual ... and scientific [spheres]"; nevertheless it has not been displaced. Irish 1 bemoans the mistaken view that "this wailing over the language is all sentimentality (rather than anything of substance)", countering that charge with the observation that "patriotism is ... also

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(sentimentality)". Accordingly, Irish 1 refuses to be "neglected and allowed to perish", such loss being equated to "a national calamity" that is abetted by "the trusted political leaders of the people, and many priests in Irish speaking districts, [who] are unable or unwilling to speak to their audiences in the language the latter best understand, and which the speakers, if consistent, should encourage". Korean 1 bemoans that it is "not even getting the respect it deserves". Latvian 2 refuses to succumb to "the dismay experienced by a people whose language and national identity stand on the verge of extinction", just as Maori 2 remembers that "it was usual for many Maori to be whacked" for speaking the language in school and refuses to continue to accede to the negative social conditions which have obtained over many years and which have "led many Maori to devalue their language and their cultural heritage, ... (to feel that it) is a social and educational handicap". Navajo 1 strongly rejects the easily anticipated consequences of having "less than half of the Dine' children entering kindergarten this fall ... be[ing] speakers of the Dine' language". Quechua 2 calls out that it is neither (as some snidely imply) "last nor least" and, "though some want to beat it into submission, it lifts itself up in raw strength". Papiamentu 3 defends itself against being on "the ground in a whirlwind of disputes". Romansh 1 is certain that proud "Raeto-Romans ... would never consider ... the renunciation of such an appreciable advantage" as their language provides for them, via its substantial proximity to both the surrounding Germanic languages, on the one hand, and the Romance languages, on the other. Rusyn 1 calls out "Do not be ashamed or embarrassed about your language!" The number of its speakers is such that it is not "really a small ... [and certainly not] a micro-language". Spanish in Puerto Rico 1 protests that "one cannot tear out such a[n advanced] people's language, [a language associated with one of the world's great [literatures and civilizations], as one tears out weeds from uncultivated ground". Swahili 1 complains that its "fame has remained burrowed and unknown". Ukrainian 1 bitterly attacks the regime's "destruction of the Ukrainian creative and scholarly intelligentsia" and the resulting "artificial narrowing of the domain of the Ukrainian language", whose culture has been caused thereby to lose its integrity, because "the processes of its development have been ... in ruins". Uzbek 1 castigates the time when "we were afraid to speak our mother tongue at meetings, ... [we] degraded our native language, ... [we] belittle[d] it ... [and were] perfectly comfortable with ... [our] ignorance [of it, to the point of being] ... spiritually destitute" and it now looks forward to the time when "our age-old

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national cultural treasure, which had gathered dust in the archives, would finally be returned to its rightful owner and heir" and when its works would not be "burned in bonfires", nor hidden to r o t . . . "under the earth or in the waters or rivers or lakes". "Just imagine", Uzbek 1 continues, "a hundred people sitting at a gathering where only five or six of them did not understand Uzbek. Yet such meetings were not conducted in Uzbek ... Even among our intelligentsia there are some who feel it is inappropriate for their children to speak their mother tongue at home. The children who grow up in such families do not respect their mother tongue". As a result of all the foregoing "we do not know our ancient Uzbek language at all. We are not even attempting to learn it. ..[It] is gathering dust" and the so called "freedom of the national language and its equality ... amount to nothing and [are] simply empty words". Wolof 1 rejects the circumstances that lead "children ... [to] desert ... it, leaving it alone with its heavy burden. Those who speak it are labeled out-ofdate, ... [and, therefore,] claim they don't [speak] too well ... [because it] is not 'scientific' enough". Yiddish 1 rages against "assimilationists [who] spit upon it and persecute i t . . . [In former times,] the old [Czarist] regime used strong-arm tactics to extirpate Yiddish and didn't permit it to attain a sure footing anywhere. On every side Yiddish faces bitter enemies [even today]". Yiddish 3 laments "how far we have departed from the previous holy generations ... to so neglect and to lose our age-old language". So much for the chorus of rejection of primarily functional and noninterethnic pejoratives. However, the restriction of functionality necessarily has consequences for (or derives from prior views about) the nature of the language itself. Accordingly, Black English 1 and 2 rail against the view that it is not a real language at all, but merely incorrect English, "patronizingly called a dialect" derived from equal doses of speech impediment, laziness and lack of education. However, its Big Brother, English in the USA 2, rejects "the curious notion that our language is a mere loan from England" [and, therefore, that Americans are not at liberty to alter it in accord with their own history and culture], or that it is merely "a vulgar dialect... to be used only with deprecation". Just as Afrikaans 2 rejects the notion that it is merely a dialect of Dutch rather than "the language of ... a whole nation", so Byelorussian 1 underscores that it is no longer merely "a tortured voice, a peasant tongue", a language "left quite untouched by discoveries, creativity, upheavals in industry, technology, politics", nor will it now agree to being "an ugly duckling ... in its own home". Croatian 1 refuses to be "reduced to the status of a local dialect", while Frisian 1 rejects the "pernicious dualism" that considers

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it "merely good enough to be a vernacular, as if it were only some sort of dialect". On the other hand, Norwegian Nynorsk 1 does not reject its regional origins and claims that if Norway had early "asserted her political independence, then our principal language would ... have been [derived from] the country's dialects, the center around which they all revolve" and Norwegian Nynorsk 3 rejects the view that "the speech of most people [should be] stigmatized as wrong or bad ..., looked down upon ... as unsuited for general use". Quite the contrary is the case, according to Serbian 1 protagonists: "Literature has to learn from the [language of the] people". Rusyn 1 opposes the view that it is merely "a dialect of Ukrainian", a view which denies "its specific features that are different from Ukrainian." Clearly, the corpus deficiencies mentioned most frequently are those that would preclude autonomous ethnonational and ethnolinguistic effectiveness within the realm of modernity. Indeed, it is the control (or, at least, the greater control) of one's own modernity which is at the very heart of the status planning imperative within ethnolinguistic consciousness as a whole. On the other hand, the pursuit of modernity may also be a somewhat conflicted one, since many of the virtues of the language are related to rural and traditional verities. Alsatian 3 admits to (and, indeed, boasts of) being a rural and intimate patois. Korean 1 recognizes that "the countryside ... has always played such an important role in maintaining and preserving the essence of our language", an essence which is threatened now that "the whole country is changing to an urban industrial society". Maori 2 remembers longingly the dignified status accorded to the language "in Maori hui (the traditional Maori assemblies) and on other official occasions on rural and urban marae (the ceremonial space in front of a Maori meeting house)". Nynorsk 1 recognizes that "to the farmer belongs the honor of being the deliverer of the language", a language that "was kept up and cultivated in our valleys and along our shores". Serbian 1 acknowledges that in the peasant "the people's life is strong, the feeling for the soil and for destiny ... He has the blood ..., the soil and knows the customs and the language". Swahili 2 opines that "the only sanctuary ... which is still truly African is our mother tongue in its traditional use". All in all, this tension between tradition and modernity is one that ethnolinguistic consciousness frequently encounters and, almost always, resolves, as we will see, in favor of a modernity that is under its own tradition-and-rurality infused influences. The charge that the beloved language cannot be both the instrument and the symbol of modernity (particularly of precisely such syncretistic modernity) is ulti-

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mately and repeatedly rejected and its rejection provides a point of departure for the status planning that is advocated and pursued.

4.3. Cross-language

comparisons

As every teacher knows, a comparative stance with respect to knowledge or opinion frequently adds to its personal relevance and its power to convince. Unsurprisingly, therefore, in matters of language advocacy too, interlinguistic comparisons are very common. Some languages are considered "better" than others and the beloved language is, quite commonly, considered, by its advocates, to be in the company of the best, if not the very, very best of all. But if this is true in general, it is true all the more in particular, i. e., every language has (or has had) a particular other language that its advocates believe (or have believed) it to be "as good as or even better than". This belief is a powerful reinforcer of responsibility for the beloved language, because the latter must be assured its due (or overdue) standing in the eyes of one and all, and particularly in the eyes of its previous rivals and detractors, rather than in the eyes of its true believers alone. Accordingly, comparisons with specific other vernaculars are particularly likely to reflect "sensitive" periods of historic and continuing altercation or competition. This is so for Afrikaans 1 in its plaint that "our children wind up as parrots in our own schools ... [Our] Dutch [i.e., Afrikaans] is equated with the Kaffir language [i. e., excluded from use]". Arabic 2 voices its anguish vis-ä-vis Western Christian, colonial and postcolonial languages that have pushed it aside. Bengali 2 rejects those who are "under the spell of the illusion of making Urdu their mother tongue, at the direct expense of Bangla" . Similarly aggravating for Byelorussian 1 is its relationship to its neighboring Polish and Russian rivals and erstwhile oppressors. Croatian 1 rejects pre-partition Yugoslavia's constitutional reference to "Serbo-Croatian or Croatoserbian ..., as if the Croatian literary language does not exist or as if it is identical with the Serbian literary language ... In practice ... [this] means [that] the Serbian language ... [is] systematically imposed". English in USA (1 and 2) feels obliged to contend that it is as good as British English; Dutch in Belgium (both 1 and 2) feels obliged to render itself safe vis-ä-vis French and to urge Dutch speakers (Dutch in Belgium 1) never to "be ashamed to use it when speaking with people who think French is better", and, indeed, to "always let [one's Dutch] accent be heard when ... speaking French".

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For Estonian 1, "an advanced foreign language", most probably either German or Russian, poses a major problem and for Estonian 2 it is important to be recognized not only as a "vehicle of expression for a highly civilized nation and state", but as being "fully adequate to render the writings of Shakespeare,... Dante, Goethe", as can those same neighbors and rivals. For Finnish 1 and 2 it is the favorable comparison to Swedish that is crucial; for French 3 it is the comparison to English; for French Creole 1 writing it is the comparison to French writing. Frisian 1 protests against "turn[ing] over a major portion of life ... to the stronger and more powerful Dutch influences that pour in from all sides", because to continue to do so means that "Fryslan will go down to defeat, with its language and everything else". Guarani 1 proudly stands up to the "language of the [Spanish] conqueror", just as Hausa 1 and 2 stand up to English, the "foreign language [which serves] as our official language" and has been "imposed ... by others". Hebrew 1, much before the establishment of a secure demographic base in Palestine (later: Israel), is concerned about unnamed upstart post-exilic Jewish vernaculars (Yiddish, obviously, foremost among them). Korean 1 bemoans that it has been "attacked by foreign languages, ... beaten up by Chinese character words, stomped upon by Japanese and chased off the land by Western languages". Latvian 2 points a finger at Russian (unnamed but clearly the "person [originally] living in the corridor", who has subsequently put up an entire building for himself, at the expense and inconvenience of the true owner of the apartment). Lithuanian 1 is also dismayed by its disadvantage vis-ä-vis Russian. Macedonian 1 refuses any longer "to have everything dictated to it by another [language]", most frequently Serbian or Bulgarian. Malay 1 is defensive vis-ä-vis Tamil, Chinese and English. Bokmäl Norwegian 1 is deeply concerned in connection with Nynorsk Norwegian (whose adherents "delay, disturb or spoil our harmonious advance", even though it maintains that "their newly fabricated Nynorsk" can never amount to much) and, vice-versa, Nynorsk Norwegian 1 and 3 oppose those who are "pledged to matters Copenhagian" and who have thus far "had the upper hand in the management of society". Nynorsk 1 is sarcastic about the "rare patience" with which "we allowed ourselves to be dominated by others", thereby losing "our treasure and our honor, ... the language of our ancestors" and Nynorsk 3 laments that its "written language has been suppressed, stigmatized as wrong or as bad, ... looked down upon ... [and] individuals not given the opportunity to use it". Norwegian Bokmäl 1, for its part, also calls for steadfast-

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ness and advocates "never [to] agree to the demand of two languages of equal rights in Norway ... It is not possible!". Filipino 2 sees in English "an obstacle preventing the Filipino masses from achieving true learning and real progress". Papiamentu 1, in view of the "vitality and courage, capricious sweetness and resounding eloquence" which it shares with all other Hispanic tongues, views itself as not a whit inferior to any of them. Polish 2 identifies with other languages that imply "Western [rather than Eastern, i. e., Russian] manners". Quechua 1 and 2 both bridle against Spanish, with Quechua 1 recalling how "outsiders arriving, toward Quechua turned their hate; forbidding its speaking, sought rather to destroy it". Romansh 1 expounds on the problems that are caused for it by German and Italian. Russian 1 defends itself in comparison with "the majesty of Spanish, the vivacity of French, the firmness of German, the delicacy of Italian". Rusyn 1 champions its unique differences vis-ä-vis Ukrainian; similarly Sindi 1 vis-ä-vis Urdu, with the additional twist of warding off the languages of all the conquerors [Arabic, Persian, English] who came and went over centuries. Sindi 2 points out that "many fundamentalists hold strong convictions [as] to the superiority of Urdu as an exclusive vehicle of Islamic identity (next to Arabic) ... and insist on using Urdu for state functions, [thereby] ignoring] Sindi [entirely]". Obviously, Sindi "resents the encroachment of Urdu in [its] ... own home" and is totally "reluctant to yield a superior place to it [there]". For Slovene 1 the historical contender has been German. The then as- yet-unwritten Somali 1 protests bitterly at being eternally "a bewildered student.., learning other peoples' languages, the languages of the colonizers and their lackeys". Sorbian 1 opposes German exclusivism. It sees no reason why German should not be "our second means of communication", but it "must by no means be used in ways that harm the Sorbian language and culture", because "where the mother tongue of the Sorbs was forcibly denied them, there the [Sorbian] social networks disintegrated ... until [they] ... were fully assimilated". Understandably, Spanish in Puerto Rico 1 and 2 show more than a little concern about English in the USA. Swahili 2 protests that "it has only been a lowly language, below the prestige of the European rulers' English, a servant of the foreign rulers of our minds and of his language". Ukrainian 1 rejects the Soviet regime's "distorted national policy and Russification", which have resulted in Ukrainian's "displacement from virtually all spheres of society, ... the destruction of the Ukrainian creative and scholarly intelligentsia ... [and] the artificial narrowing of the domain of the Ukrainian language". Vietnamese 1 views French

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as a "borrowed instrument that one first has to learn to use", unlike "one's own hand". Welsh 1, finding itself in a double-bind situation, advocates opposition to English, notwithstanding its awareness that such opposition will "kill ... our chances of attracting English factories", because lack of such opposition would mean that Welsh would die altogether. For Wolof 1 the problem is French (by which so many are "blindly enticed", thus causing themselves "to be devalued"). At one time or another in their histories, all languages have had rivals and predecessors, and, therefore, often come to see their own futures as relative to and as reciprocal to those that once sneered at them. Although many of those making cross-linguistic comparisons, en route to supporting their own status planning aspirations, refer to competing vernaculars, there are also a goodly number who refer to classical languages (or to languages "more classical" than their own) in this same advocatory process. Amharic 1 bemoans those "scholars [who] like to write ... only in ... Geez" and urges them to "abandon this old language to the church", just as the Europeans have done with their respective religious classicals (in order to foster their own individual vernaculars), for to do otherwise is tantamount to "mourning the death of your fatherin-law but not that of your father". Sixteenth century English 1 in Great Britain remembers that Latin too [the language which "remind{s} us of our thralldom"] was uncouth before it was used for refined purposes, just as it is confident that the future use of English for such purposes will not harm the community of scholars. In the early 20th century, English 2 in Great Britain is still competing with the language of the ancient Greeks for its own more honorable place in the curriculum of better schools. French 1 compares its literary creativity favorably with the multifaceted array of Greek and Latin classics, pointing out that the classic writers themselves actually wrote in their own vernaculars rather than in yet older languages of cultures other than their own. Thus, it is the example of Boccaccio that French 1 believes it should follow, so that the vernacular will be used even by those who know Latin well. Polish 1, then without a state of its own, finds comfort in the fact that Greek and Latin live on even after their political entities have crumbled. While Quechua 1 and 2 are praised for being the language of the ancient Inca kings and queens, Russian 1 is found to possess the "richness and concise imagery of Greek and Latin ..., [t]he powerful eloquence of Cicero, the majestic stateliness of Virgil, the pleasant rhetoric of Ovid". Spanish 1 reminds us that "a multitude of [classic] poets, orators and philosophers ... brought them [then vernacular Greek or Latin] ... to a peak" and Ferdinand and Isa-

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bella are urged to enable and, indeed, encourage contemporary (late 15th century) writers to do likewise for Spanish. Telegu 1 (and 2 as well) sweepingly declares the beloved language to be "the best among all vernaculars" insofar as Sanskrit-relatedness is concerned and Yiddish 1 is proud that, vis-ä-vis scriptural Hebrew, it "does not need to be revived ..., replanted ..., strengthened", being every Jew's vernacular (in the Poland of 1920). Not only is the interdependence of status planning and corpus planning clearly reflected or implied in the above citations, but so is the strain toward modernization which has already been mentioned and about which more will be said below. Modernization implies the ability of the beloved language to be fully intertranslatable (and to be seen as being fully intertranslatable) with languages whose modernity and excellence are already beyond reasonable doubt. Accordingly, favorable comparisons with other languages, vernacular and classical, are part of the very process of gaining for the beloved language the improved status that is its due. However, obtaining such improved status is not only arguably desirable and possible; it is, as we will now see, a moral imperative, a goal which honorable sons and daughters of the beloved language (which, as we have seen, is not just metaphorically referred to as the "mother tongue") will pursue and attain.

4.4. The moral obligation (and the natural right) to foster Fostering the beloved language is often viewed by its advocates as a moral obligation rather than merely as an optional behavior. The language not only deserves to be protected, safeguarded and fostered, but it is one's duty to do so, i. e., there is a definite moral imperative that is involved. This position is akin to that which is taken vis-ä-vis other verities and sanctities, that is, the beloved language is often viewed as one of the normative, constituent values of decent society. The defense of that which is good, right and holy is, necessarily, itself good, right and holy. Fundamental values are "primitives" in the sense of being absolutely fundamental and irreducible to other, more primary or essential values, and all such basic values are inter-related and inseparable from one another. The beloved language is itself often just such a "primitive" and "absolute" value and, therefore, its defense and propagation are presentable as self-evident commandments for all who are capable of right-thinking and altruistic or even self-sacrificing devotion. Since the beloved language is

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closely and inseparably associated with other verities, the moral imperatives that exist to defend the latter also directly and obviously apply to the language as well. Not to do so would be unthinkable and clearly morally reprehensible. Afrikaans 2 maintains that "the nation that speaks [its own] language has the right to be acknowledged as such". Indeed, only such a nation deserves recognition. Ainu 2 maintains that it is "worthy ... to work for the Ainu language" and Ainu 3 considers it a moral "obligation to recall and regain this precious language", indeed, it is "the duty of this generation to pass on the Ainu language to our children" [all italics here and throughout this section are mine and underscore expressions of moral invocationJAF], Basque 1 stresses that "if we are patriots, we must seek, via deeds", to propagate the language, and Berber 1 adds that to do otherwise is "negligence" vis-ä-vis the people's heritage. With the appearance of perestroika Byelorussian 2 invokes the still unsullied moral imperative associated with "Leninist principles" in order to foster concern for salvaging the language before it is too late. Croatian 1 claims "the inalienable right of every people to call its language by its own national name", rather than having another name [Serbo-Croatian] foisted upon it, even if "this language is shared in its entirety or through a separate variety by another people". Dutch in Belgium 1 scolds the "fathers of the fatherland" to recognize their "duty" toward the language. French 3 is, consensually, a "matter of state" and, therefore, "a constant subject and object of care". French Creole 1 deserves protection by all interested in being "discoverers of the creoleness of Creole" (a local verity) and Estonian 2 equates holding the language "in high esteem" with "enhancing] our national self-confidence". Irish 1 is considered to be "a sacred national trust' whose fostering is "a national duty". "Refrancizing" Quebec is regarded, by French in Quebec 2, as "an act of love for our province, of piety toward our history" because "we have received ... a legacy ...We have a duty to preserve it in order to hand it on in turn". Frisian 1 considers it "our duty not to despise that which is God-given but to honor Him therein", proclaiming "the right of Frisian's language to live", this right being both "God given and [a] human right", and operative "throughout all of Frisian life" rather than just in connection with "the barn, ... 'evening chatter'; ... common folk, ... the weekday ... [and] Smalltalk". Filial piety is presumably a universal moral obligation, one encountered in biblical, non-biblical as well as post-biblical cultures. Thus Afrikaans 1 bolsters its claim to communal support on the basis of being

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"the language in which our father, on his deathbed, issued his last exhortation to us" and, therefore, "we applaud any attempt ... to protect our beloved, sacred mother tongue". Amharic 2 reminds the listener that the language "has persisted from the time of our forefathers" and must be fostered so as to similarly "benefit ... future generations". Czech 1 asks, rhetorically, "Would you like your old father, who does not know German, to be looked down upon by any tramp?". Kaqchikel 1 invokes filial respect for the language, as does Manyjilyjarra 1, which calls upon respect for the ancestors ["the ancestors left their languages for the younger generation to keep"] in justifying its own call to "make it [the language] multiply" and to keep "listening, interested, believing" on an intergenerationally continuous basis. Other moral imagery abounds as well. Hebrew 1 recognizes an obligation derived from the fact that the language "has served the Jewish people faithfully, in the purest sense of the term 'served' and, therefore, it, in turn, now justifiably deserves to be served". Irish 3 considers the "restoration of the language to be one of two "greatest ... uncompleted national tasks", just as Irish 1 considers it to be "true patriotism". Lithuanian 1 views itself as "guarding] and protecting] ... rights throughout the state" and, therefore, as rightfully defended itself. Maori 2 views continuing to speak the language, or at least learning to do so, as both "a responsibility" and a "privilege". Macedonian 1 considers it to be "our duty and our right" to show "favor toward our native language" and declares that "we are duty-bound to love our language because it is ours", while Macedonian 2 champions "the historic right to linguistic independence". Navajo 1 proclaims that "the Dine' people are ultimately responsible to ensure that all children of the Dine' acquire Dine' language skills". Norwegian Nynorsk 1 considers regaining the language to be something that is demanded by one's "honor". Persian 2 invokes the imperative of a "holy struggle for preserving and expanding this language". Polish 1 asks rhetorically: "What measure will you take to keep alive the name of Poland?", the latter being an obvious byproduct of preserving the language. Rusyn 1 believes that "every small people has the right to use its own language and culture and to preserve its national memory. In short ... the right to be itself'. Serbian 2 equates the defense of the beloved language with extending "the moral life and the longevity of our family and our entire posterity". Spanish in Puerto Rico 1 depoliticizes the future retention of Spanish by stressing that what is at stake is "a vehicle of ... culture" [i.e., an obvious verity] rather than merely the future political status of the island, while Spanish in Puerto Rico 2

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stresses the "dignified and respectful relationship" which ties it to its tongue. Tamil 2 contends that "it is not wrong to speak about [our] language, ... to claim our rights and to come together to obtain our rights". For Ukrainian 1 it is a "chief task of the state to ... nurture love of one's national language". Uzbek 1 focuses on."the historical responsibility and duty which rests upon our shoulders : it is our duty ... to preserve the wonder of our native tongue". Vietnamese 1 motivates its own defense by stressing that "no country ... can be called civilized ... [if it] does not have its own language and writing". Yiddish 2 asks rhetorically "do we not owe something to the Yiddish language?" and, answering its own query, it concludes that "we ... must ... exert ourselves to maintain it as long as we live", because "the [holocaust] martyrs so near and dear to us cried out in Yiddish in their last wailing screams, prior to their agonizing deaths". All in all, having noted previously (chapter 2, above) that the beloved language is often associated with sanctity per se, it cannot come as a surprise that improvement in its status can be justified on morally suffused grounds such as those reviewed here. The language is a moral entity that calls out for succor to all who are righteous and right-thinking. It calls out in terms that cannot and should not be denied without the entire moral claim of the ethnonational universe being simultaneously denied and violated. Whether virtue is its own reward or it is rewarded by "higher authorities", the fact remains that, in a moral universe, what is just and true must not only be appropriately maintained and rewarded, but that it must be clearly seen to be maintained, fostered, propagated and rewarded as well.

4.5. The struggle for a life with dignity Obtaining for the beloved language that status which is its proper due, will generally require a long and difficult struggle, whether via promoting resistance to a cruel status quo that has so often even been internally accepted, or via increasing resistance to a negative status quo which has been externally imposed. This view is foreshadowed by many of the previously mentioned cross-linguistic comparisons vis-ä-vis the languages of rivals and oppressors (see section 4.4., above). In many cases the earlier glories of the beloved language were lost as a result of conquest, either at the hands of immediate neighbors or by colonizers from afar. In other cases, superior econotechnical power or ethnocultural refinement and attainment lured away the language's educated classes or its mobility-seek-

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ing young and its natural leadership, even before the full benefits of modern life or the dignity of independence were ever fully savored. Such indignities of past wrongs call out to be redressed, to be set aright, even though it is never easy for the weak to attain justice or to become the masters of their own destinies. But the struggle itself presents possibilities for both direct and indirect rewards. Not only may the avowed beneficial end-goals of the struggle ultimately be attained, but the very process of pursuing such a struggle for dignity is community creating, consciousness raising and language stimulating. Victory may not be attained (or fully attained), in the sense that rival languages may no longer be fully displaceable or entirely replaceable, but the very process of struggling to dignify the beloved language renders it more fully recognized, appreciated and utilized by more of its own sons and daughters than would otherwise be the case. "The best defense is a good offense", it has often been said, and in the realm of ethnolinguistic consciousness the metaphor of attack, revolution or complete reversal of fortunes (a "worm's turn", so to speak) is no stranger, albeit, fortunately, more as goal or dream than as reality. Indeed, it is not the metaphor most commonly employed, because it is not a possibility that can normally be realistically attained or even entertained. Even some of those who do employ this metaphor do so only with tongue in cheek, as a manner of speaking, although it is a dimension of their positive ethnolinguistic consciousness for all that. Alsatian 2 vows to go on "fighting, through the use of the patois, for the integrity of ... [its] nature". Dutch in Belgium 1 calls on its constituency to "do something ... to make it known that you too are eager to see our language be honored and, [then] you will see: it will be honored". French Creole 1 boasts of having finally "conquered it, this French language". Guarani 1 claims that "all those who fought against it and tried to kill it have died themselves, whereas Guarani lives on and triumphs". Indonesian 1 vows to "assist and defend" the still helpless infant tongue. Latvian 1 proclaims "the power that it holds" vis-ä-vis "the needs it [alone] can fulfill". Macedonian 1 looks forward to the day when it "will drive out from Macedonia the [foreign] interests ... and in their place will rule". Nynorsk 3 looks forward to the time when "the Norwegian people can liberate itself linguistically [and] use their dialects freely [as well as] the Nynorsk written language". Quechua 2 predicts that it "will raise itself up" and Sindhi 1 claims that "not only [has the language] survived all these [foreign] onslaughts, but even prospered". Serbian 1 speaks ominously (from the perspective of recent headlines) of using "language in a

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war for the liberation of intellectual and political consciousness". Swahili 1 "come[s] forth like a stream and prevails] over areas formerly unconquerable". Ukrainian 1 speaks of "mighty undertakings [and] massive support". Welsh 2 recognizes that what is required is "will power, struggle, sacrifice and endeavor ... [which are] only possible through revolutionary methods" ... It will be nothing less than a revolution to restore the Welsh language in Wales", a revolution that can begin by insisting "that annual licenses will not be paid unless they are obtainable in Welsh, ... that every summons to a court should be in Welsh". Yiddish 1 crows that all "who were supposed to hate [it] or at least to turn up their noses at it ... have now [been forced to change their minds and have] adopted [it]". A much more common metaphor is one of last ditch resistance to extinction, of dedication to overcome desperation, of the worried search for proper care for an invalid, rather than of triumph. Afrikaans 1 protests that "they want to forcefully root out our mother tongue amongst our children" and Afrikaans 2 vows to resist "the fiercest efforts to exclude [it]", including its "intentional destruction". Ainu 1 greets the fact that "we have now started to build a breakwater, a sea wall. We are an ever-increasing rock". Bengali 3 is an "indomitable slave . . . " overcoming "torturous oppression". Berber 1 alludes to "measures [that] must be taken", and Berber 2 urges even such feeble steps as "cling[ing] to thorny branches" so that the "language and culture will soon wake up from their sleep". Black English 1 views its entire existence, its very being, as a struggle, an "absolutely unprecedented journey". Byelorussian 2 eschews "individual measures of a cosmetic nature" and proclaims the urgent need for "decisive [collective] action ... to save the ... language and culture, and therefore, ... the Byelorussian people from spiritual extinction". Chinese 2 vows to overcome the "difficulties in ... [the ancient writing systems] national construction". Czech 1 foresees the possibility that "other people, foolish and malicious, will make fun of ... [the beloved language] ... and even those folk whom ... [Czech is] trying to help ... [may] not see the need for your language and [may] not give you credit for it". Dutch in Belgium 1 strives to "promote our shared language and our shared culture ..., preserve, honor and embellish [it]". English in Great Britain 1, "the bravest for circumstance", aspires to bear "the joyful title of our own liberty and freedom" in the face of its bondage to Latin. English in the USA 2 calls out "[Let us] try to be the masters and creators of our own [language]", rather than slavishly following the British lead in matters of usage. Finnish 1 calls for the assistance it so ur-

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gently needs in order to become what it truly deserves to be, namely, "rich and flourishing". French in Quebec 2 recalls that "our fathers fought for and ... with their lives often paid for their choice ... to remain Catholic and French" in both language and identity and "courageously defended their ... language, written and spoken", even if doing so would (according to French in Quebec 1) stand "in the way of [rapid] material progress". Frisian 1 urges its followers "to demand that which is their due" and reminds its constituency that "it is not a game, the Frisian struggle; it is a life and death struggle, to exist or not to exist, to be or not to be". Guarani 1 proclaims that it has "withstood every attack from the conqueror's language". Hausa 1 vows to be "determined and dauntless in our struggle". Indonesian 1 finds its "strength undiminished" and Irish 3 lauds "those who gave their lives so that not merely a free but an Irish speaking nation might be possible", since [in the words of Irish 2], only "the Irish language will" [guarantee security and survival for Ireland], "Nothing else will". "The task of restoring the language as the everyday speech of our people is a task as great as any nation ever undertook. But it is a noble task", Irish 3 concludes. Macedonian 1 recognizes that "obstacles are always placed in the path of the development of a new literary language", requiring "efficacious, cultural and political action ... [to overcome] the political interest of powers which cannot easily reconcile themselves" [to surrendering their illicit privileges]; nevertheless, our "national interests force us to defend our language". More practically put, Macedonian 2 declares that the "defense [of our language] will be successful ... only if it is united and organized". Nynorsk 3 lauds "the struggle [of the] people of the countryside ... to establish ... their language". Papiamentu 2 will "dedicate ... [its] effort to elevate ... [its] name and secure ... [its] status" in search for a "rightful place ... among the languages of the world, with legitimate recognition ... [and] appreciation of status", by tapping "the indomitable independence ... which enabled ... [it] to resist the Portuguese, the Dutch and also the English". Romansh 1 speaks of the people's "tenacious attachment" and Rusyn 1 proclaims that it "has not allowed itself to be eradicated". Slovene 2 asks rhetorically "What will you do when they want to take your language from you? Will you know how to defend [it] ..., [or] will you subserviently bow your heads?" And Slovene 2 calls out to its constituents: "Do not let anyone take it away!" Somali 1 calls out "We must support the Revolution and discard foreign languages". Uzbek 1 cultivates the consciousness that "throughout the centuries, our people has continued

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to struggle boldly for our language's development. No matter how invaders' flames burned them", thanks to the people's untutored realization that this language was crucially related to their "age-old national treasures". Sorbian 2 calls for "an active defense against all attacks from the outside". Sindi 1 will overcome all obstacles and "grow from strength to strength". Vietnamese 2 urges its countrymen "to consolidate national independence, to strengthen and enrich the nation" by learning how to read and write Quoc Ngu [the Vietnamese romanized writing system]. Particularly women should do so "since innumerable obstacles have prevented them [before] from ... making themselves ... citizens in the full sense of the word". Welsh 2 is ready to "pay [for] ... [the] expensive consequences" that would result from resisting English. Yaqui 1 dedicates itself to the "maintenance of the ... language and the culture". Yiddish 1 boasts that its speakers now "rise to the defense of their vernacular", particularly (according to Yiddish 2) because "the tragedy that has befallen our language is [so] inestimable that many have now begun to recognize it (Yiddish 3) as an "impregnable defense [in the struggle] against assimilation", so much so that even secularists come to "conduct themselves as Jews" when they speak it. Clearly, resistance takes on many forms and utilizes the imagery of different historical contexts and experiences, including a good bit of selfdelusionary muscle-flexing. Thus Papiamentu 2 considers itself "indestructible". Sorbian 1 speaks of itself as "powerful". Yiddish 1 views itself as "fully alive, deeply rooted in full strength among the people ... [and as] becoming even] stronger in recent years". Late fifteenth century Spanish 1 luxuriously maintains that it requires no more urgent approach to attaining the goal of "teaching] the language" than "the flowering of the arts of peace". But others are not so fortunate, nor so relaxed. "We cannot afford to postpone our efforts", Irish 3 warns. But these efforts cover a multitude of envisaged statuses which the "struggle for a life with dignity" envisages, a struggle, of course, not only for the beloved language but, necessarily, for its speech community as well.

4.6. Status aspirations and

satisfactions

Just as aspirations derived from specific interlingual contrasts spark much of the total status planning drive on behalf of the beloved language, so, in like manner, do aspirations derived from intergroup power differentials, life-style differentials and self-concept differentials. Ethnolin-

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guistic consciousness as a whole is activated by such contrasts and the content of that consciousness is significantly constituted by the lament of the contextually disadvantaged or the crowing of the contextually advantaged in any and all of the above respects. The disadvantages or advantages may be overt and objective or perspectival and subjective. In either case they are real for those who experience them. They are terribly real for the late-modernizing, the internally colonialized, the subjugated from afar, the aggrieved by former defeats, slights and injustices. In recent centuries, the discrepancies in levels and rates of modernization (roughly defined on the basis of criteria such as developed technology/ commerce and per capita gross national product, urbanization, educational level, literacy in non-fiction prose genres, and media links to the rest of the world, all under reasonably indigenous self-regulation and control) have been major sources of intergroup comparison and have fueled corresponding components of ethnolinguistic consciousness among "losers" as well as among "winners". In the modern world, "selfrespecting" languages are languages that are implemented via as many of the functions of modernity as possible, but, above all, via the world of material statuses, rewards and pursuits. Apparently, spiritual satisfactions alone rarely suffice and, indeed, belong to a bygone age. Accordingly, Arabic 1 is eager to be employed in "scientific, mathematical, intellectual and literary disciplines" ... and not "solely [in] ... literature and poetry". Afrikaans 2 recognizes its role as "commercial language", particularly in inter-racial commerce, but it particularly aspires to the status of a "written language" and exhorts its followers to "start reading what is written in this language ... ; write in the language". Amharic 1 is acclaimed as highly "useful for commerce, industry, government" and Byelorussian 2 aims at being used in "all spheres of life" and (according to Byelorussian 1) at keeping "in step with the age". Bengali 2 views itself as "the language in which we converse in hats [= markets] and bazaars, in trade and in commerce, in matters of worldly affairs ... ". Chinese 1 advocates simplifying the traditional characters because doing so will "help [people] increase their professional ability and open the road for far-reaching development". Dutch in Belgium 1 aspires at least to "catch up with ... the good examples of almost all European nations" and English in Great Britain 2 looks ahead to playing "a predominant part in the future progress of mankind". Frisian 1 claims that it is "sufficient for everything ... for all of Frisian life ... Half is ... tantamount to nothing". Hausa 1 is proud of being "employed in the mass media [and] taught ... in many countries around the world ..., even in countries such

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as the United States, Germany, Russia and Britain. In view of this ... is Hausa not a language of international communication?", a language that is used "in many other African countries" and, as Hausa 2 points out, a language that is "used in radio broadcasts heard by millions of people", rather than one that bases its self-respect merely on its use "by poets [or] performing artists" alone. Korean 1 bemoans that it is "not even getting the respect it deserves ... in broadcasting", a crucial early-modern medium. Lithuanian 1 announces that it is "the basis for both the common and the creative work of all citizens" and must, therefore, be "used in all areas of science and in all areas of social life". Maori 1 aspires to being the language of "new ideas, thoughts and experiences ... expressed in and committed to the Maori language". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 is proud of being "the natural medium ... in those places where the life of our laboring people pulsates most fully, in commerce and in shipping, in the manufacturing industries, in technical advances, ... over every steamer, ... over every train", carrying "messages to even the remotest nook of our country", since it alone is the variety of Norwegian via which the people can "achieve progress in connection with everything that is good". Papiamentu 1 aspires to being the language of "radio and television" and Quechua 1 views itself as particularly worthy, given that "many wise scholars ... thirst unceasingly for Quechua" and (according to Quechua 2) "investigate ... this language ..., seeing it is so rich". Romansh 1 is proud that in this age, when additional languages are so indispensable, it facilitates "not only the study of the neo-Latin languages but also the Germanic idioms". In the mid 19th century Russian 1 claims to be appropriate for "the most subtle philosophical speculations and concepts, the various phenomena and essences which express the visible structures of the world of nature and the world of human intercourse" and, two centuries later, Russian 3 boasts of "giving each nation access to cultural and other achievements of other nations ... [and] above all ... the original versions of the immortal creations of Lenin, ... to the advance of science and technology ... [to the] events of world significance", indeed, to being "the second mother tongue for the majority of the Soviet peoples". Slovene 3 wants to be associated with all of "the great dynamics of our contemporary life", in short, with "everything". Spanish (in Spain) 1 is proud (in the 15th century!) of being "elevated", "the companion of empire" and "increasingly required and spread everywhere". Turkish 2 claims the potential of becoming "a language of science and culture of the 21st century". Ukrainian 1 demands its "re-establishment and functioning" in "civic activity, scholarship and culture, manufacturing and

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administration, jurisprudence, information, communications". Yiddish 2 boasts of being "rich in cultural organizations, [a fine periodical] press, schools, libraries, theaters", rather than just being associated with the trials and tribulations of everyday Diaspora life (partially enumerated in Yiddish 1). Behind each of these boasts, claims and demands is the insecurity and concern occasioned by a lingering doubt as to the permanence of the satisfactions already achieved, given the inevitably changing interethnic differentials of the real world. Among the most common aspirations related to modernity is that of becoming linked to official/national functions. In most cases, this represents the underlying aspiration for political autonomy; in others, however, it represents the hope to replace foreign interlopers in the halls of government with the beloved language or, at least, of becoming the recipient of governmental general assistance and public recognition as a matter worthy of attention and cultivation. 24 In all three instances, the association with national or state affairs is viewed as imparting honor and dignity to the language and as having value, power and status implications for the language. Accordingly, Afrikaans 2 pronounces itself "our country's language, our national tongue" and Arabic 1 aspires to be "the language of administration in all sectors" because if "a language is not used in [governmental] administration, [this] implies that it is underdeveloped, and thus, not worth becoming a language of cultured thought". Basque 1 aims at being "extended] ... to the depths of the Basque country" and Berber 2 stresses "the urgent need for the official recognition of the Berber language by the authorities". Chinese 2 recognizes that the spread of Potunghua is an "important political task" related to national unity and Croatian 1 insists that "federal laws and other general acts [must be] officially published in the four literary languages of the peoples of Yugoslavia, Serbian, Croatian, Slovene and Macedonian [rather than in Serbo-Croatian [=Serbian] alone]". English in the USA 1 believes that it is graced by "the fairest opportunity of establishing a national language ... that ever presented itself to mankind". Filipino 1 proclaims "that the time has come for us to have a national ... language", because "until we have that we shall not be a people" and the entire text of Filipino 3 is part of an Executive Order mandating "all departments/bureaus/offices/ instrumentalities of the government" to take "such steps as are necessary for the purpose of using Filipino ... in official transactions, communications and correspondence". Finnish 2 longs for "the achievements of higher culture". Guarani 1 "continues to be the national language of Paraguay ... without any doubt", but now aims at becoming "the lan-

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guage of the nation, with all the privileges to which it is entitled". Rather than merely being "the language of the home ... it will also be ... official, along with Spanish". Hausa 1 is regarded as "the most suitable choice for official language in Nigeria". Hawaiian seeks recognition from the Congress of the United States (not only for itself but also for the various languages of the Native Alaskans and the American Indians), as being worthy of legislation aiming to "protect and promote" them as "spoken vehicles of communication for their [own] peoples and [as] treasures of the world's human heritage". The very reputation of the nation is at stake, from the point of view of Irish 3, for "with the language gone we could never aspire again to being more than half a nation", a zombielike existence of being neither fully alive nor fully dead. Lithuanian 1 emphasizes that "only when people manage to establish their own state can the language ... be developed freely, without foreign interference", but, on the other hand, the language is "the most important foundation for a successful state", just as "loss of independence is the greatest danger to the language and culture of any nation". Bahasa Malaysia [=Malay] 1, already associated with a state of its own, views itself as having "truly become the national language". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 considers itself to be the only variety of Norwegian "which has been, which is and ... which can be [the] national language", but Norwegian Nynorsk 1 begs to differ and is equally sure that it is the "true national language" of Norway. Quechua 1 is inspired by its former use by "Inca kings, Inca queens" in its quest for again being widely utilized. Serbian 1 posits that "its worth [is] equal to that of the state", but by means of this very equation clarifies just how great must be the worth of both the language and of the state. Sindhi 2 aspires to being utilized "in domains of formal and creative communication" and Spanish in Puerto Rico 2 is declared to be "our official language". Swahili 2 is expressly referred to as "our national language", as is Tok Pisin 1, which, "as far as we Papua New Guineans are concerned, ... is our national language". Indeed, Tok Pisin 2 claims that it alone "can do the job [of enabling all to] communicate ... [and] in which the government and people can ... discuss ... the future of the nation". Pre-perestroika Ukrainian 1 "insists on legal and practical assistance by the state ... [for] the re-establishment and functioning of the Ukrainian language", particularly since "it is one of the chief tasks of the state to nurture ... love of one's national language ... Its return to its rightful place requires mighty undertakings by the state", because "the first step toward resolution of all problems connected with national-cultural rebirth is the establishment of Ukrainian as

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the official language of the Ukrainian SSR". Pre-perestroika Uzbek 1 demands that "the Uzbek language must gain the status of the state language" and its "rights"[must be] codified". Welsh 2 wistfully opines that "perhaps the language will bring self-government in its wake" and just as it hopes to "make it impossible for the business of local and central government to continue without using Welsh", it warns that if self-government were to be granted before Welsh achieved official status, the language's "demise would be quicker than it will be under English rule". Apparently, the beloved language is often (not always!) viewed as not viable without a state to protect it and implement it, just as a respectable state cannot long endure without its very own language. What we must conclude when all of our data is considered, is that there is a complex and multidirectional relationship between the state and the language, each being posited as supremely necessary to (and even as preconditions for) the well-being of the other. On the other hand, the foreign-controlled state is also not a unidirectionally deleterious influence, since it too can be a friend or an enemy. The state is, obviously, viewed in various ways, positively, negatively or ambivalently, depending on the particular historical context of the beloved language, but it is always a major consideration among those who mention it. Accordingly, an appropriate status vis-ä-vis the state is a very common ethnolinguistic goal. On the other hand, a more univalent status-goal pertains to the aspiration for an association between the beloved language and education, literacy, and schooling. Unlike the relationship to the state, education is invariably viewed positively and as one of the hallmarks of a link between the beloved language and progress, modernity and mobility. We have already noted earlier the Afrikaans 2 stress on becoming a language of reading and writing, a stress which in modern society clearly implies use of the beloved language as the language of governmentally sponsored schooling. Byelorussian 2 looks back fondly on the 1920s, when it became the language of "schools, the university, other educational institutions and scientific centers" and bemoans the period "from the middle of the 1950s ... [when] Byelorussian schools were closed on a grand scale" ... and since the 1960s and 70s "the decline in number of pupils in Byelorussian schools is catastrophic". Czech 1 proclaims that "where your language is excluded from schools and offices, freedom is taken away from you ... [and] the mouth of the people is tightly locked". Dutch in Belgium 1 aspires to becoming, like other major European vernaculars, namely "the language of culture" (i. e., of education — both higher and lower - and refinement, somehow more comparable to the

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status of French in Belgium). Similarly, Finnish 2 aspires to a time when "higher culture [will] cloth ... itself in Finnish language garments" and Finnish 1 seeks to become the "language of the educated classes ... [and lead the people] toward understanding and enlightenment". French (in France) 3 confidently concludes that "the obvious close bonds which exist between a specific language and culture ... are more direct and obvious in eyes of the French". English in Britain 2, on the other hand, in the very same 20th century, is still pleading that "a little care and some proportion of the years of education" be devoted "to the study of the language". Hausa 1 exclaims that "we have, thank God, enough textbooks published, of which we can be proud". Hawaiian 1 aspires to "Hawaiian medium classes in elementary schools serving Hawaiian speaking children, ... and Hawaiian language immersion programs [for other children]". Since Konkani 1 may lack educational significance, having "few inscriptions", it can only try to satisfy itself on the grounds that it is "on two and a half million tongues" (which is also no little accomplishment). Lithuanian 1, in a very long reference to education, contends that "every child in Lithuania is entitled to attend a school in which his native language is used" and, therefore, demands that "the school functions of the Lithuanian language require particularly effective help from the state ..., not only as the most important subject of instruction but also as the basic medium for teaching all other subjects, ... from kindergarten through to the end of the university". Malay 1 proclaims its "policy to use the National Language as the main medium of instruction at both the primary and the secondary levels" and considers it "incompatible with [that] policy ... to perpetuate a language and racial differential throughout the ... educational system", thereby willingly (eagerly?) sacrificing most Chinese medium and Tamil medium schools (and in some more distant future, perhaps, most English medium schools as well) in Malaysia on the alter of "national integration", in order that "all children will learn under the same roof and use the National Language as the main medium of instruction". Navajo 1 resolves that "all parents, teachers and school employees [should] increase the use of Dine' language in the ... classroom ... [and that] all school administrators and Boards of Education [should] strengthen policies regarding the instruction and use of the Dine' language". Russian 3 posits that its contributions are such as to fully merit and explain "its nationwide study". Somali 1, new to literacy, exclaims exuberantly "See the way we read it. See how literacy is spread". Spanish (in Puerto Rico) 1 resolves that Spanish will remain "the language of culture [and] ... the medium of instruction". Swahili 2 argues that even

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if "[It] must be learned by hard effort". The benefits of doing so, insofar as authenticity is concerned, far outweigh the debits in time and difficulty. Ukrainian 1 must be the assured language of "secondary and post-secondary schools [and] pre-schools" and Wolof 2 recognizes "writ[ing] in our own tongue" as being required "for the renaissance of our civilization". Yaqui 1 seeks "recognition of ... Yaqui language instruction for Yaqui students in off-reservation schools in all grade levels", preceded or accompanied by "preservice training in Yaqui language theory and methodology ... [and] development of criteria for Yaqui language competence and fluency". Yiddish 1 is proud that as "our people is growing up, becoming stronger and more educated, even modern education ... has adopted Yiddish as a language of instruction and ... adult evening courses and ... free universities as well. All in all, a mighty educational and cultural endeavor". The outpouring of interest in having the beloved language become the medium of education reflects the modern school's symbolic role as the representative instrument of an ethnoculturally autonomous order. It is widely (and as far as intergenerational mother tongue transmission is concerned, perhaps mistakenly) believed, that a language that is a school medium is not only societally safe but that it is politically established and protected as well. As the most representative public institution within the orbit of modernity, the school and its personnel have (ultimately if not always initially) played a huge role in the societal recognition and acquisition of vernaculars new to literacy and to modern learning, even if such a role on the part of the school often still leaves weakened or threatened minority languages very far from their goal of intergenerational continuity. This is precisely because schools "are for children" and, as such, they themselves are rarely intergenerationally continuous institutions. However, schools and school-persons are naturally language focused and they play a disproportionately central role in the development of ethnolinguistic language consciousness. In the course of so doing, they convert a factor which is understandably crucial for school success into a factor which is more arguably crucial for societal success. The inverse of this proposition is also felt to obtain. The school (the launching pad not only for literacy and numeracy, but for modern science and societal — including political — action) is crucial for the modern development of the beloved language itself; therefore, the school is viewed as an even more crucial societal institution than it might otherwise be in its own right. Related to the school and its literacy emphases is a concern for literature, whether oral or (more frequently) written. The modern world is one

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in which ethnonational literatures coexist, interact and even, wherever possible, gain recognition for themselves in an international literary community of readers and writers more widely. Byelorussian 2 boasts that it was the language of the "first book ever printed in an East Slavonic language". Dutch (in Belgium) 1 insists that Dutch literature in Belgium and in the Netherlands "is one and the same" because their language is the same. Hausa 1 is proud that "Hausa literature is also the fastest growing and [most] respected literature of all African languages" and, indeed, (according to Hausa 2) "an excellent ... literature that would allow it [the language] to grow and compete with other languages of the world". Hebrew 1 exclaims that not only have "all [Jewish] geniuses created their eternal works" in Hebrew, but that "only those writings that were originally in Hebrew, or were translated into Hebrew, ever attained any general [i. e., intergenerational] ethnonational recognition". Maori 1 acknowledges the need for "Maori authors of story, poetry and song" and a need for "dramatists, artists and scholars". Norwegian Nynorsk 2 considers itself fully appropriate for "a rich and sound cultural life". Papiamentu 1 dreams of being a language of "poetry ... stories ... songs ... newspapers" and Polish 1 praises the role of its literature in preserving "signs of national wisdom". Quechua 2 claims that "[its] literature reveals the greatness of the Inca nation, its work, its upbuilding, the uprightness of its people". Sorbian 1 admires the common-man's access to and appreciation of literature, "each time ... someone else read aloud from Sokolskich Listow". Spanish in Puerto Rico 1 maintains that it is affiliated with a "rich literature [that] influences worldwide civilization". Yiddish 1 proudly admires "... Yiddish journalism ... Yiddish theater ..." and declares that "a refined modern literature has developed in Yiddish and is highly respected by both outsiders and insiders". Written (and even oral) literature may come to have (or, at least, to seem to have) international significance rather than local meaning alone. Various proverbs, stories and, in particular, recited and sung songs seem striking to those who are vernacularly attached to them. Manyjilyjarra 1 stories and Afrikaans proverbs can be seen as having validity far beyond the borders of their own speech communities, contributing as they do to the renown of their speakers. Bengali 3 claims to have "the only song, for the second part of the 20th century". Hausa 1 considers itself to be a "language of international communication ... [for] more and more countries in Africa". Quechua 2 "unravels, unleashes poetry and song ... In the whistling of the wind ... it finds a song". Papiamentu 1 has a "song [that] is fiery" and Slovene 2 "sings from heart to heart" and its "melody

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Planning

... [is] enjoyed with all ... [one's] heart". The tragedy of pre-perestroika Uzbek 1 is summed up in the fact that "the majority of our young mothers do not know how to sing the ala [the traditional Uzbek lullaby]". While the above citations should not be disassociated from a consideration of language and culture more generally (see section 3.3, above), they are focused upon here because it is not only their ethnocultural significance that is being referred to but their specific reference to genres (proverbs, songs) and their frequent association with literacy and with international linkages. The literary genres, particularly when accompanied by visual and auditory stimulation, add additional portions of affect to the affect already suffusing the beloved language from its associations with kinship and sanctity. Patently, therefore, the beloved language needs and deserves a "national" status that will not only insure it internally but one that will give it dignity externally, even internationally, in the wide literary world beyond the ethnonational limits. Above all, such status is a means of ensuring the benefits of a better life for the entire speech community.

4.7. Dreams and displays of wealth, power and strength

demographic

The avoidance of insult and injury and the acquisition of the protective shields offered by modernization, the state and the school, do not constitute the end goals of status aspirations vis-ä-vis the beloved language. They are most often themselves merely means toward ends, namely, various material, demographic, political and, above all, psychological gratifications. To some degree we encounter, among these end goals, benefits that are expressed, unsurprisingly enough, in the economic metaphors so characteristic of modern life. Bengali 1, Estonian 2 and 3, Norwegian Nynorsk 1, Norwegian Bokmäl 1, Polish 2, Serbian 1, Slovene 3 and Uzbek 1 are all variously associated with monetary references such as "gems", "wealth and prosperity" or "treasures" (while Berber 1 is "a rich whole"), strongly implying the tangibly richer life that is accessible only in a social order that operates via the beloved language (or, at least, via that language as well). Even as early as the 16th century, this metaphor appealed to English 1 when it expressed confidence that "in time ... [our language will be] as well sought to by foreign students for increase of their knowledge, as our soil is sought to by foreign merchants for increase of their wealth". Four centuries later this theme becomes even more com-

4.7.

Wealth, power and demographic strength

89

mon, to the point that seemingly peripheral French Caribbean Creoles 1 are convinced that "it would be an impoverishment not to reinvest this language" and "refrancizing" of Quebec is viewed ( by French in Quebec 2) as a "business matter", related to "economic factors", i. e., to "our coming economic reconquest" and to the solution of "our economic problems", en route to becoming once again "masters in our own house". Hindi 3, after independence, is not merely a matter of patriotism, as it was before independence, but, first and foremost, "a self-service". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 provides "prosperity for our country and our people", just as Persian 2 is "our own great and precious national investment" and Tok Pisin 1 is the language "through [which] ... our country has developed and will continue to develop". Wolof 1 warns its speakers "not [to] trade your language for things that are not worth it" and Wolof 2 counsels one and all "value your own tongue". Frequently, the beloved language is identified with dreams that deal with power and, therefore with success or, at least, with a life with certainty, rather than one fraught with trepidation. Chinese 3 views the spread of the standard vernacular [Potinghua] as a major "contribution to socialist revolution and reconstruction" and Dutch in Belgium 1 views itself as a means not only of "catching up with them [the advanced nations of Europe]", but even of "surpassing] all the others as well". English (in Great Britain) 2 prides itself that "[our] mother tongue has already won for itself such an unequaled empire [all] over the modern world". Frisian 1 seeks to gain the "power" to obtain "all rights and privileges" and to dominate "all of Frisian life" and concludes "it is right that we consider it to be in our best interest". Guarani 1 is convinced that "it has made Paraguay the most autonomous country in America, because it has that additional independence that only one's own language can provide". Hausa 1 invokes the precedents of "all the political, military and economic giants of the world [who] only reached that level because they used their own language". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 proclaims a "song of victory for our national language". Macedonian 1 looks forward to "driv[ing] out ... the interests [of outsiders] ... and in their place will rule Macedonian interests, expressed in the Macedonian language". Such action is defended as in line with "national interests". Quechua 1 exults at being "powerful Quechua ... Cusco's powerful tongue" and Quechua 2 speaks of being "firm, strong ... impenetrable" and having "brought glory to ... the Peruvian nation". Rusyn 1 calls for "the complete renewal of ... [its] past glory". Turkish 2 is proud of "the concealed power of our mother tongue ... [which] possesses great force, means and characteristics".

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Planning

Certainty also derives from a sufficient and growing numerical base. Afrikaans 2 is not only "the tongue of all Afrikaners" but "the spoken language of hundreds of English settlers" as well, indeed "it grows from the Cape point to the Zambezi". Ainu 2 crows that "there are more and more young people who want to study Ainu" and Amharic 1 exalts that it is "the language that everyone knows and speaks". Byelorussian 1 is proud that "it lives and grows" and Croatian 1, that it is the language of its own "milieu" (and, therefore, should be utilized by all officials who serve this milieu). Dutch in Belgium 1 is proud that it is not just a provincial variety, but a language that is "spoken in many different countries". French (in France) 1 is proud of "the increasing of our language". Guarani 1 views itself as "[gaining] even more [demographic] strength". Hausa 1 "has the largest group of speakers" of all African languages. The power of Irish 3 would become clear to all "were all those who now have a knowledge of the language to speak it consistently, on all occasions when it could reasonably be spoken". Kaqchikel 1 is convinced that "if God wished that the Kaqchikel language disappear, he would not allow our growth to happen; at present Kaqchikel ... number half a million". Konkani 1 may be a little language, "but it has a great future" (and "two and a half million" is not so little anyway). Malay 2 claims "over 100 million people" and foresees the time when "it will become one of the major languages of the world". Norwegian Bokmäl 1 is "the language of swarming thousands". In the past, Quechua 1 spread "worldwide ..., across the empire ..., by Inca's command", and in the present (Quechua 2) it "is very great indeed". Rusyn claims 1,600,000 speakers and asks, rhetorically, "is this really a small number?" Sindhi 1 claims that "its speakers make up about 10 to 12 percent of the total population of Pakistan", a number presumably far too great to be ignored or dispensed with 25 . Spanish (in Puerto Rico) 1 is a branch of "one of the largest and most widespread [languages] in the world". Tok Pisin 2 "is by far the 'largest' language in the country". The dreams of wealth, power and demographic impressiveness are more often unreal than factual. They are more usually the dreams of the poor, weak and numerically small than of the genuinely unworried. Even the latter may also be quite unrealistic, in their own right. French 3 claims to be "the carrier and the witness of French universalism" and of "the French dream to create the City of God or the city of man on earth". Persian 2 considers itself as being again, in the future "a means of perfecting and expanding human civilization as a whole", just as it was "during centuries past". Realistic or not, and harmless or not, however, such

4.8. Sectional summary

91

dreams are the substantive stuff out of which status planning is sometimes constructed and, given the proper historical context, such as the removal of superordinate power, these dreams may well jump forth into action that is guided by long suppressed self-interest strivings. When the late-modernizing or late-autonomy-gaining worm finally turns, it will necessarily disturb the peace and quiet of those who have attained recognition earlier and at the latecomers' expense. But in their own eyes the latecomers "turning" will not only seem justified but long-overdue and, indeed, merely following an example well established in the surrounding world of nations and peoples (but, now, at last, not at their — the latecomers' — expense). In the pursuit of ethnolinguistic dreams, what's sauce for the goose is oft times considered sauce for the goslings as well, whether or not this is realistic or desired by the now older, wiser and fatter geese.

4.8. Sectional

summary

The sense of responsibility for the beloved language frequently makes use of an anthropomorphic metaphor with respect to the twinned languageand-people. Such references, often deeply intermixed with sanctity and kinship references as well, present the beloved language as if it were a palpable flesh-and-bone entity, indeed, "flesh of our flesh and bone of our bone". The beloved language is not an abstraction, any more than it is a mere "vehicle of communication" It is repeatedly viewed as living, breathing "next-of-kin", whose pains and joys are empathically felt throughout the language-conscious speech community and whose sorrows, in particular, demand redress. Responsibility for the language brings forth a plan of action to be undertaken by those that have already attained the requisite ethnolinguistic consciousness, whereby they will do their utmost so that the excellence of the beloved language is fully appreciated, so that the unjustifiable indignities to which it has been so grievously exposed will be fully redressed and so that, finally, its right to reverence, on the one hand, and to pride of position, on the other hand, will be widely recognized and visibly confirmed. The rhetoric of responsibility for the language vehemently rejects the lowly functional position and the widespread attitudinal disparagement that may heretofore have been its unfortunate lot, a position and an attitude that may have labeled and libeled it as inferior and unworthy, not only intercommunally but, quite commonly, intracommunally as well.

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Planning

Language activists are often engaged in a two-front struggle and the leading wedge and cutting edge in this struggle is the heightening of intracommunal ethnolinguistic consciousness itself. A major weapon in this struggle is the sense of moral obligation to redress the injustices that have been done to the language, viewed as a sorely aggrieved member of one's own immediate family, who, by right, deserves so much better. Just as one must not abandon one's nearest and dearest, in their hour of greatest need, and just as one has the right and duty to intercede on their behalf, so one must respond mightily to the beleaguered call of the beloved language, a response that those who have already attained ethnolinguistic consciousness will naturally spearhead. What the beloved language desires is only what it eminently deserves, and to come to its defense will ultimately gratify not only it, the beloved language itself, but the entire community of its kith and kin as well. Other peoples, in the immediate vicinity as well as elsewhere, who have successfully stood up for their respective vernaculars in the past have already reaped obvious benefits from so doing. The time is viewed as long overdue, for the latecomers too, to come into their rightful patrimony. They may be last but there is no reason for them to remain least, neither in self-respect nor in the respect that others should and will show them once they demonstrate that they, the heretofore late and lowly (whether laughed at for writing French rather than Latin or speaking Rusyn rather than Ukrainian), now confirm and demand recognition of their own worth, their own right to substantial respect, recognition and even cultural support. The rhetoric of the latecomers is self-perceived as the rhetoric of liberty and of equality in the community of peoples and languages. The crowing of the early-birds falls on latecomer ears, as it is intended to, but it often teaches them an unintended lesson that they are not slow to learn. If one seeks a place at the table of the respected and the self-respecting, if one seeks a share in the good things of the world, not least among them being respect, comfort and security, then one's beloved language too must be elevated. The language symbolizes the people, it represents them, it speaks volumes for them, and if they are to be heard and heardout, then it must speak from a position of honor and security as well. However, the circular interconnectedness between language and people is also fully matched by a circular interconnectedness between status planning and corpus planning. One cannot make a silk purse out of a sow's ear and an effective elevation in status can rarely be attained or maintained without considerable change in the nature of the language itself. And so it inevitably comes about that the beloved language, whose

4.8. Sectional summary

93

loveliness was initially given in nature and, indeed, is seen as part of its own ineffable nature, comes to require intervention so that it can more rapidly become visibly and audibly suitable for the new and higher functions that are pursued on its behalf. But the struggle for status elevation is potentially, and perhaps even necessarily, disruptive of an already established social order. If the status of some rises, then the status of others may well be threatened. And although status aspirations are not necessarily a zero-sum game, they are sometimes just that and are even more often perceived to be just that. Liberation and elevation of peoples and of languages, can be profoundly moving experiences, but they can also be profoundly disturbing and even threatening ones. Latecomers and have-nots, regardless of whether they are objectively and even consensually so or merely (as is quite often the case) perspectivally so, are commonly disturbers of the peace of those who are already contextually comfortable. And since status planning is so commonly associated with salient positive ethnolinguistic consciousness, the resulting disturbance is very likely to be interethnic as well. However, latecomers will often not claim exclusive control of all societal functions and, indeed, must frequently pray that the early birds will be willing to cede at least some of their already attained societal hegemony. If, in the interests of a more rational international ethnolinguistic economy, latecomers must continue to be bilingual, particularly in conjunction with higher societal functions, then the early-birds must learn to cede exclusive sway in connection with the lower and middle societal functions where most of everyday latecomer life transpires. It is the early modernizers' bilingualism that is more dubious and begrudging than that of the late modernizers. Greater reciprocal bilingualism, with each side evincing a willingness to compromise its "position maximum", is the only hope for a harmonious future as more and more latecomers awake or shake off their remaining colonial (including internal colonial) fetters. But to hope that the downtrodden will not struggle against their disadvantage is as useless in the modern and increasingly democratic era as to hope that they will not struggle for modernization itself. In a world that is continually more and more interactive and interdependent, modernization can be delayed and "locally colored", but rarely can it be interminably delayed or fully controlled. Barring substantial annihilation and cultural extirpation, alternatives which hardly have any claim to moral superiority, late or "peripheral" ethnolinguistic consciousness will continue to alarm self-satisfied neighbors and to "disturb" the world at large for the foreseeable future. Unfortunately, the excesses of newly-gained positive

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ethnolinguistic consciousness have been and can be expected to continue to be as notable as have been the excesses of the other major social movements of modernity or antiquity, whether they were (or still remain) primarily focused on religious, economic or political goals. On the other hand, latecomers also deserve their share of recognition for the growing sense of the worth of all peoples and languages that has spread throughout the modern world. Perhaps the latecomers have contributed to this recognition more than most.

5. Corpus planning

The sense of moral obligation that undergirds efforts to elevate the status of the beloved language also extends to efforts to beautify, amplify and dignify it as a linguistic corpus (and, most particularly, as a written and literary vehicle). An impressive status cannot be achieved or retained, at least not by any language in an interlinguistically competitive marketplace, without an impressive form to accompany it and to protect it from derision. However, if desirable corpus characteristics are needed in order to deflect attacks against the beloved language's status aspirations, then desirable status characteristics are just as necessary - or even more so in order to change any beholder's views as to the language's corpus adequacy. Nothing succeeds like success and status success may be particularly required in order to provide desired corpus characteristics with their "just" functional desserts, namely, an association with the distribution of rewards and punishments that are based, at least in part, on differential command of the desired corpus. Accordingly, although status planning and corpus planning are linked in true Siamese-twin fashion, the individual members of this pair are not equally matched and they are rarely fully "in sync". One or the other of them always being "overemphasized" from the point of view of outside critics. Whereas corpus changes may be begun earlier, because they depend so largely on specialized initiative and consensus among very unusual "true believers", such planning cannot long continue in isolation of sociopolitical reality. Corpus planning without any commensurate opportunity for gain in status is an empty facade, a meaningless game of language addicts, whereas status gain without commensurate corpus change is more quickly self-correcting, self-repairing, self-completing. Status changes propel corpus changes, much more so than corpus changes propel status changes. Nevertheless, although corpus planning may be "the short end of the power stick", it is an inevitable desideratum for all who have true regard for the beloved language. Corpus planning is the well-deserved confirmation and implementation of a model of beauty which is already in the eye of the beholder. But does natural beauty really require embellishment? Does that which is already perfect really require additional perfection? Is not gilding the lily an admission that the lily was not viewed (sufficiently) golden to begin with? Perhaps such suspicious implications are well founded, but

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intergroup status rivalries and functional pressures inevitably engender their own activist logic. Pre-modern interlingual comparisons are often satisfied by the triumphant recitation of "words that we have for which they have no equivalent". 26 But modern interactions, being essentially interethnic on a broader demographic and functional scale, also prompt awareness of the "words (and things) that they have for which we have no equivalent". Interactions of the latter type bring to the fore corpus planning, to anticipate, to foster, as well as to accompany status gains. The deleterious corpus consequences of previous isolation, neglect and mistreatment must be overcome, whether these be gaps, blemishes or newly detected vulgarisms of clearly undesirably foreign parentage or provenience. The realia, routines and relationships of the modern world cannot (must not!) be ignored and the subtle genius of the beloved language itself — if it can but be fathomed and harnessed — must be one's guide in properly denominating those realia, routines and relationships that have not hitherto been named. Clearly, those who would devote their efforts to the beloved language in this delicate corpus task must have a clearly defined model of the "authentic" to guide them, both in their innovations and in their pruning. This is obviously a very subtle and even largely intuitive affair, and even when the need to cleanse, to refine and/or augment are consensually agreed upon, the exact model of "the good language" that is to direct such efforts can still remain or become a bone of contention. And even when corpus planning is fully underway, it must constantly be made and remain clear that any faults that are repaired thereby are attributable to the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune, rather than to any shortcomings of the beloved language per se. The underlying deep structure, the essentially exquisite perfection, of the beloved language, not only remains beyond question, but it is ever the sensed and acknowledged orienting force behind all corpus planning. At all times and at all costs, it may be argued, the beloved language's attainments in the past and of the moment must be honed, cultivated and upgraded in accord with its own inner elan vital. Unfortunately, however, the language inevitably has various dialects and sociolects, as well as different historical monuments all of which reveal past structures that differ considerably from one another, all of which may make corpus planning consensus difficult to attain. While the opponents of status planning can be written off as enemies or as outsiders, the opponents of any particular approach to corpus planning are most often clearly insiders. Either they are followers of a different corpus planning path, a different image of the beloved language's underlying perfection, or they are linguistic conservatives (linguistisch in-

5.1. Rejecting

negative

attributes

97

novationsfeindlich, the Germans call it), persuaded that one should leave well enough alone and not tamper with what the gods have wrought. Corpus planning is, therefore, prone to be somewhat less than completely harmonious, in the way that family members are often more contentious than are total strangers, both with respect to whether it should be done at all as well as with respect to whether it should proceed in accord with one model or another, or at one speed rather than another. While corpus planning optimally requires considerable linguistic sophistication in terms of historical and dialectological expertise (as well as appreciable familiarity with neighboring languages and even with culturally relevant classical tongues), corpus planning is also constantly influenced (or interfered with) by those who are directing status planning, just as it is inevitably influenced by the convictions, speech-habits and preferences of the targeted clientele of speakers, readers and writers. This is so even though both the former (the status planners) and the latter (the clientele and its literate leadership) are, more often than not, likely to be complete amateurs when it comes to corpus planning. For corpus planning is not "done" when a new corpus is "produced"; it is "done" (in the sense of completed) only when that corpus is adopted and implemented by a speech community that is already in the very midst of speaking, reading and writing the beloved language. This is akin to building a new ship out of an old ship, and doing so at the very time that the old ship is on the high seas. Furthermore, whether engaged in by individuals, committees or agencies, corpus planning involves a fine balance of linguistic skills, public relations skills and enforcement skills, a balance that is hard to come by and often hard to even specify or conceptualize in advance. Like much else in the realm of planned social change, corpus planning innovation is adopted differentially across any community, particularly among adults, and, if it is lucky, it finally trickles down to a new generation (one that did not — could not — notice its arrival on the scene) and is often accepted as natural and even as unnoteworthy, particularly in appropriate institutional contexts (school, court, armed service, etc.). This is particularly so if no widely known and utilized international or informal rivals exist to provide contrary models, but few latecomer languages are as lucky as that.

5.1. Rejecting negative

attributes

As was the case with status planning, so too in the case of corpus planning: negative attributions and imagery must first be mentioned and re-

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planning

jected before concerted positive action can make headway. The denial of the negative usually takes one of two paths: either alleged debits are denied outright, or they are explained and interpreted as being due not only to lamentable circumstances that have been brought about by identifiable deleterious forces, but by forces that are essentially reversible as well as quite distinct from and outside of the authentic "nature" or corpus of the language per se. Afrikaans 2 proclaims that it is definitely "not a dialect but an independent language", and, most particularly, "not a dialect of Dutch". Arabic 1 opines that "the hurdles which stand in the way of its development must be removed" insofar as "its rules or writing system" are concerned. Black English 2 angrily rejects the assumptions that it is merely "incorrect usage of the English language" or a byproduct of Black "speech impediments". Chinese 1 and 2 vow to overcome the long-continued "dialect barrier", a by-product of the fact that the "characters ... are ... possessed of many basic inherent shortcomings", which penalize the development of the "country's socialist construction, economy and culture" and, accordingly, Chinese 3 advocates "proceeding] in the direction of phonetization (that is) being taken by all the languages of the world". Czech 1 resolves to overcome the fact that "having been confined to kitchen and cow-barn, [it] does not have words for higher things". Sixteenth century English 1 admits to being "uncouth" and of being lacking in "compass" and "rare cunning", but only because it is still so little used by "the learned community", and twentieth century English in the USA 2 still pleads with its users to "cease to consider it a vulgar dialect ... to be used only with deprecation [vis-ä-vis British English]". Foolish "Americans who try to write like Englishmen are not only committed to unnatural prose, but doomed as well to failure, above all among the English", English in the USA 2 concludes. Estonian 1 rejects the erroneous assumption that because "literary Estonian is ... still [an unlaid egg]", that it must forever continue to be such. Finnish 1 realizes that it is "cumbersome and poor" as well as "crude", but, Finnish 2 stresses, only because its "delayed and hindered ... cultivation" have kept it from being the language of well-educated society and of government. French 2 deeply regrets (in 1635) that "until now [it] has but too much felt the negligence of those who might have rendered it the most perfect of modern tongues", a neglect which the Academy of the French Language must overcome. French Creole 1 proclaims that the time when it was "chased by cultural Kapos 27 and viewed as a profanation of the then idolized French language" must end. Hausa 2, while pleased that it is "receiving a lot of

5.1.

Rejecting

negative

attributes

99

attention through research", also stresses the importance of authoritative use, if its limitations (or those of any language) are to be overcome. Latvian 1 recognizes that its "absence of wide ranging literature" has negative consequences for the language as such, but this is a reversible misfortune that can be overcome by literary cultivation. Norwegian Nynorsk 1 observes that "all writers of our generation are accustomed to despising our folk language", a self-hating view which has then trickled down and produced the "offensiveness and ridicule directed at our folktongue by well-dressed ignorance or by a zealous urge to purge it". Russian 1 is convinced that "if something should be found incapable of expression, the fault is not that of the language but of our own incapacity" and Russian 2 fears (roughly in 1750) that negativism toward Russian leads to "overloading] our language with foreign words", to the point that "we may forget Russian altogether". Somali 1 is proudly dismissive of those "who hate ... our language, who do ... not want it to be written and who thought it impossible to be written". Sorbian 1 regretfully observes that "ours [i. e., our language] he [the German neighbor] considers poor" and begs to differ. Late-fifteenth century Spanish 1 must overcome the view that it is a "lonely language and one that is far from being rulegoverned, and still subject to many changes". While admitting that "its immediate internal circumstances still leave much to be desired", Spanish 1 is convinced that proper royal patronage can handily overcome all of the aforementioned problems. Swahili 2 rejects the view that it is an "easy language for simple minds", just as Tigrinya 1 denies that it is "a defective and unruly language that has no order and cannot be governed by grammar". Turkish 1 is extremely pleased that it has finally progressed beyond the sad stage when "a meaningful and intelligible philosophical article could not be written in our language, nor ... could an understandable and accurate translation be made of any of the classics". The dialect charge is one that has just been mentioned, earlier in this very section (and also see section 4.2., above, in connection with its ramifications for language status), but it deserves additional attention at this juncture because of its corpus implications (not all of them negative, as will be seen). Alsatian's [3] dialect status is not necessarily a debit after all, since it has the beneficial side-effect of allowing its speakers to place one another geographically and experientially. Berber 3 views its dialectal "diversity" as not just a lack of standardization but as "an opportunity and a richness, rather than as a defeat". Estonian 2 is fascinated by the "countless facets and faces" of the language and would deeply regret their loss via any planned uniformation. Konkani 1 reminds us that

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"things keep changing; the plant turns into a tree, the girl into a woman, the dialect into a language" and, clearly, language planning can help hasten this metamorphosis for Konkani. Papiamentu 2 may be "a dialect of Spain", but, rather than being an ugly duckling thereby, it can still "have a place of honor" among other such dialects (presumably Catalan, Gallego, Asturian, etc.). Even writers of "literary Slovene [3] must first accept ... the[ir] dialect" because "linguistic authority comes from below, from the people". Yiddish 2 harkens back longingly to the time before the genocidal muting of its "local expressions and accents that only those who hailed from Byalistok really appreciated". Essentially, the beloved language is not a dialect of some other language, because, in truth, it has its own treasured dialects! Corpus planning admittedly involves cultivation, standardization and professional linguistic expertise, but the folksiness that precedes all of the foregoing is neither necessarily regarded as regrettable nor as undesirable. The so called blemishes that corpus planning seeks to overcome are neither viewed as serious, irreversible nor even (in some cases) truly debits, and their correction is clearly possible. Indeed, "correction" per se may really constitute no more than recognition and acceptance of yet another variety in a repertoire of the beloved language, i. e., in a repertoire which need not obliterate (indeed, that should treasure) the folksiness that it also encompasses. The possible substitution of an artificially manufactured monocentric standard for the natural diversity that has always existed is decried by Dutch in Belgium 2 as "linguistically as well as ethnologically and morally stupid". Even more extreme is the view that "once we tamper with it [i. e., genuine, natural Swahili 2] we leave our only sanctuary of Africanness ... If we want Swahili to be true and African, we must accept it without any [foreign-derived or foreign-inspired] changes". Tigrinya 1 also invokes this theme: "We twist it and turn it to make it look like the foreign languages we have learned, [but] it refuses to assume an alien character ... We must follow it along its own path ... It loses its beauty when we try to dress it in garments that are not its own." Tok Pisin 1 concludes strongly: "Let Tok Pidgin alone." Clearly, although gaps and blemishes must be overcome, there are also many appeals not to throw out the baby with the bath-water, not to misplan, not to overplan, not to stifle, not to lose the natural beauty of the beloved language. Corpus planning clearly has its detractors and "doubting Thomases" within the ethnic gate. Although it grows out of a love for the language every bit as much as does status planning, it is not only secondary to status planning insofar as its effectiveness is concerned,

5.2. "A thing of beauty is a joy forever"

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but, basically, it is a much more ambivalent or internally worrying undertaking as well. Nevertheless, the requirements of modernity can neither be denied nor indefinitely delayed, although they do need to be placed in proper historical, sociofunctional and, therefore, repertoirial perspective. Corpus planning proceeds both consciously and unconsciously, but the case for corpus planning, against hidebound linguistic conservatism and the often popular view of the beloved language as a fixed and unchanging entity, must be made again and again. Perhaps that is due to the built-in tension between a conviction, on the one hand, that the beleaguered beloved language must constantly be embellished and improved, and, on the other hand, the conviction that, at the very deepest level, it is inherently and essentially perfect and sublime. A common compromise between the two is to utilize only (or primarily) traditional roots and forms for all innovations, whether lexical or grammatical, but this approach is not only self-limiting and at risk of archaizing that which must be modernized, but it is also constantly compromised or simply overcome by the facts of life: the beloved language must interact with, and therefore be influenced by, not only the varied worlds of its immediate neighbors but also with and by the worlds of mega-languages arriving via modern communication links with distant lands. Such inevitable contacts also introduce or reinforce a degree of negative corpus imagery and, accordingly, the struggle against such views, just like the struggle against negative status imagery, may never be completely won. Like any demanding lover, the language requires constantly renewed attention and demonstrated devotion.

5.2. "A thing of beauty is a joy

forever"

Corpus praises are probably endless in number and variety, but we must attempt at least to cluster those that we have encountered, for to fail to do so would rob us of exposure to the true affect and hyperbole that are lavished upon beloved languages. Let us begin with attributions in the realm of aesthetics. Afrikaans 2 is praised as "the sweetest sounding, the most gentle" and Bengali 3 is likened to "a gracious beauty", a "wondrous beauty", a "resonant, ... profound and sublime symphony". Black English 1 is admired as possessing "passion ..., skill ..., sheer intelligence [and] incredible music" and Black English 2 as having "lyrical quality" and "the most communicative and meaningful" nuances. Byelorussian 1 has a "lively

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voice". English in Great Britain 1 is admired on the ground that it "cannot prove fairer than it is at this day [1582!], ... a subject so capable of ornament" and English in Great Britain 2 is such "a noble medium" that "it is not possible to write a page without experiencing positive pleasure". Estonian 2 is loved for being "old, honorable and dear ... ' sweet to our heartstrings and to our (and even to a foreigner's) ears" and Estonian 3 "always puts forward something novel and unknown, which should interest us, teach us". Finnish 1 is viewed as "manly and strong", while Finnish 2 opines that it is "melodious, sublime ... young and fresh". The Caribbean francophone Creoles 1 are praised for their "intonations, rhythms, spirit and poetics", while French 2 is praised for its "eloquence", being "the most perfect of modern tongues", a veritable "work of art". Sefardi Hebrew 2 has "astonishing sounds" in the ears of the Ashkenazi "father" of its late 19th-century revernacularization. Indonesian 1 is admired not only for shining softly "like dew that gleams in the bright sunshine", but for sounding "soft and gentle, ... hearty as laughter, ... filled with beautiful things". Norwegian Nynorsk 2, the present day heir of "a beautiful language in former times", still possesses the "finest and warmest tones" to this very day. Papiamentu 2 "vibrates ... with vitality and courage, capricious sweetness and resounding eloquence". Polish 2 is likened to "a harp hanging over the rivers of Babylon, expressing the poets' grief, reveille ... [and] hope", characterized as it is by "seriousness, wealth and simplicity". Quechua 1 is admired for "its sweet speech" and Quechua 2 for "sweeten[ing] its own people's speech". Romansh 1 is likened to "a magic key" and Serbian 1 is held in awe because "its last wave ends, like music, far away in the space of thought and feelings". Slovene 2 is admired for "how beautifully it sounds" and Sumatran 1, because it is "so beautiful and melodious". Telegu 3 is considered to be "singularly melodious. It is the sweetest and the most musical [language] ...; [it] sounds harmonious even on the lips of the most illiterate. It has been justly called the Italian of the East ... [and] bears the palm for its exquisite melody and grace". Turkish 2 is referred to as "our beautiful language", Welsh 1 is "more expressive and harmonious than ... English" and Yiddish 3, longingly, is remembered as "lovely" and [Yiddish 1] as both "beautiful and useful". But aesthetics is merely the most obvious side of beauty. Above and beyond aesthetics there lie fulsome praises pertaining to eloquence (counter-balanced by folksiness) and its bosom companion, elaboration (while treasuring simplicity), purity (while benefiting from judicious con-

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tacts with others), and a variety of characteristics that culminate in outright incomparability. Turning first to the purity/authenticity dimension, we note that Afrikaans 2 views itself as "the purest and youngest branch of the old Germanic or Ditse language stem" although, at the very same time, "it differs completely from the Dutch language". Chinese [PR] waxes rapturous over "the purity and accomplishment" of its writing system. English in the USA 1 is pleased that it is "removed from the danger of corruption ... [via the] endless innovation" that typifies British English, being, instead, enhanced by "uniformity and perspicuity". German 2 extols "the battle for the purity of the German language" which is "a fight for the existence of the unity and the spirit of the German people". Lithuanian 1 proudly proclaims that it must be developed "without any foreign interferences". Papiamentu 1 prides itself that within its repertoire there is a variety that is "refined ..., cleared of barbarisms, ... with elegance [and] without vulgarity", notwithstanding the fact that, as a pidgin, it was "out of necessity born [3]". Sindi 1 is pleased that it is "pure and unsullied, ... not hybrid like Urdu". Sorbian 2 acknowledges "the importance of good and pure Sorbian". Swahili 2 cautions against any continued "carrying] into Swahili the foreign corruption with which we have [already] been infected". Otherwise it will become something "which everybody is free to change, to improve, ... a bastard language". It is only "the traditional Swahili, of those to whom it is their mother tongue and the one of their ancestors ... that is truly African". In contrast we note that Tok Pisin 2 admits that "much of ... [its] vocabulary is borrowed from English ..., but then 60% of English's vocabulary is borrowed from other languages, ... [and, nevertheless,] no one questions English's position in the world today". Turkish 1, on the other hand, insists that the "new Turkish can come into being only when superfluous Perso-Arabic elements have been purged" from the current language. Yiddish 2 is "proud" of its "rooted" (i. e., authentic) quality. Elaboration (or, as we will soon note, elaboration for modernization) is an even more frequently desired virtue in the eyes of numerous beholders than is purity. Its perspectival factual basis derives from every language's fine-tuned indexicality with respect to its own cultural specificity. Afrikaans 2 has "its own rather rich vocabulary". Alsatian 3 is "very rich, ... vocabulary counts and literature ... vouch for this. Its great vocalic and lexical diversity give it surprising elasticity". Arabic 1 benefits from "a great legacy which has lasted for 15 centuries" and, accordingly, Arabic 2 is admired for its "eloquence". Bengali l's "treasure is filled with various gems" and Byelorussian 2 is multifaceted as a result of its "long

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and complex developmental path". English in Great Britain 1 prides itself on being "the best for substance", i. e., "better able to utter all arguments, either with greater pith or greater pleasure" and English in Great Britain 2 sees itself as abounding in "richness and variety, ... flexibility and ... profoundness", while, nevertheless, being "plain, correct and straightforward", so much so that "if an English writer cannot say what he has to say in English, and in simple English, depend upon it: it is probably not worth saying". English in the USA 2 has a self-image of being "brilliant, growing, glowing, vivacious, elastic", with a "splendid efflorescence". Finnish 2 is "lexically rich". Frisian 1 is "so clear" and Polish 3 is praised as having "everything". Norwegian Nynorsk 2 is blessed with "rich characteristics" and Serbian 1 "contains both a sure designation of the thing and the beauty of the sound, and the almost scientifically precise exactness of the concept" in connection with any topic under discussion. Tok Pisin 2 is "able to express almost anything" and Slovene 3 has "an abundant vocabulary" created by the common workers who "still wisely manage and expand ... [it] to this day". We end this seemingly endless recitation of all manner of pre-planned lexical perfections by noting what are basically very widespread convictions, namely, the Chinese [PR] claim that "no language in the world is comparable to ours", the French 2 view that "the advantages that it possesses" (in this case, by being "not only elegant but capable of treating all the arts and sciences [1549!])" are utterly exceptional, and the Guarani 1 statement that it is "unsurpassable by the European languages, ... superior [to them] in nature, wealth" and, in particular, "superior to the other [i. e., Spanish]" with which it is so constantly in touch and so inevitably compared. Telugu 2 makes very much the same point via a rhetorical question: "Do you not know, having talked to everyone, that Telugu is the best among vernaculars?" The excellence of the beloved language is truly without equal, regardless of whatever corpus planning it may nevertheless require. Or perhaps this should be stated otherwise: precisely because the beloved language is basically so excellent, it need not fear nor feel crestfallen if corpus planning is required. Corpus planning is merely an intensification of what is outstandingly beautiful, rich and pure to begin with.

5.3. Modernization:

perfecting

the perfect

Sooner or later, the admirers of almost all languages come to admit their need for lexical modernization if they are to compete with others, even

5.3.

Modernization

105

among their own speakers, in the interactive modern (or modernizing) arena. This is often a bitter pill to swallow, because a frequent basic assumption is that the beloved language is perfect ab initio (vis Basque l's view that it is "perfectly and precisely fashioned" and the views expressed by Finnish 2, Polish 3, Quechua 2 and Sindi 1, below). Such perceived perfection is obviously considered to have lexical manifestations as well, if not first and foremost. Nevertheless, necessity is the mother of invention and lofty, lexically luxuriant languages too can come to recognize their lexical shortcomings or lacunae, particularly if outsiders can be accused of having stifled or thwarted one or another nomenclature within the beloved language's built-in potential for self-sufficiency and spontaneous self-improvement. Accordingly, Amharic 1 wishes that it too would be "improved, ... beautified ... and taught", like the vernaculars of Europe that are no longer brow-beaten by religious classicals. Although we have seen that Arabic 2 considers itself "eloquent" just as it is (V.2), Arabic 1 recognizes its need "to be updated and modernized so as to express modern thought; ... to be enriched and improved by borrowing and coining modern scientific terms in order ... to be able to express the needs of modern life". Basque 1 calls to be "develop[ed]" and "perfected]", but in a manner that is "free of all foreign terms". Dutch [in Belgium] 1 calls for its "embellishment" and sixteenth century English [in England] 1 takes comfort in the fact that "diligent labor" by "learned countrymen" was necessary to "enrich ... [other] tongues" and, therefore, English too "will prove [pliable] ... if our learned countrymen will [invest] ... their labor" in it. "It should be clean-brushed for the wearing", English 1 admonishes, "even though we use and must use many foreign terms", just as "the bravest tongues do, ... even ... those which crake of their cunning". Estonian 1 views itself as becoming "richer, more elaborate and more beautiful", but cautions that "using loan-words from other languages ... is useless and objectionable if ... usable words already exist in the mother tongue ... A genuine Estonian word ... deserves to be preferred". Filipino 3 calls for its own "enrichfment] on the basis of the existing Philippine and other languages" and is confident that the groundwork for "its further development has been sufficiently laid, both in law and in fact". Although, as previously noted (V.2), Finnish 2 considers itself already "lexically rich", Finnish 1 admits that "originally, every language is poor and defective", prior to being cultivated by educated users who, inevitably, have received their education via another language. Characteristically, French 2, through Richelieu's Assembly and the subsequent Academy, finds itself well on the way to being "not only

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planning

elegant but capable of treating all the Arts and Sciences" (in 1635!) whereas Caribbean French Creole 1 exhorts "the Creole poet[s] writing in Creole" to be both "collectors of ancestral speech" and the "gatherers of new words". Guarani 1 is convinced that it has already "grown richer", while Indonesian 1 is convinced that its "depth [is] still unfathomed". Hausa 1 rightly points to the fact that even the mighty English once needed "many years of writing and enrichment through the borrowing of words" Lithuanian 1 relies on the "elevation of Lithuanian linguistics ... [to] rejuvenate ... our native language", while Malay 1 is proud of the collaboration between Malaya and Indonesia in pursuit of "scientific and technical terms" for their joint language, concluding that "it can improve and will be improved". Persian 1 advocates the "use of Persian words instead of foreign, particularly Arabic, ones" (although it also admits that this puristic tendency may lately have been overdone by amateurs) and Persian 2 announces that a "new spirit has been infused into the very essence of the ... language". Polish 2 admits that the "language easily adopted and polonized foreign words, giving them a Polish flavor". While Quechua 2 delights that foreign scholars already consider it to be "so rich", Russian 2 holds that "it is better to try to improve one's own [language]", because the alternative is "to prefer what is foreign". Serbian 1 prefers "the language of our common man, ... the people's word". Serbian 2 is less easily satisfied, however, and calls for the language to be "augmented ... so [that] the people [will] live". Sindi 1 views itself as a "well connected and, [therefore, already a] naturally and fully developed language". In marked contrast, mid-nineteenth century Slovene 1 calls upon all patriots "to develop [it] even more beautifully". Sorbian 2 praises the "Sokol movement" for its exemplary contribution to the "develop[ment of] the Sorbian language" by its "insistence] that all terminology be expressed in Sorbian. This wasn't always easy", it admits. Turkish 1 announces that "a complete cure of our language depends on our finding words to fill the gaps" due to late modernization, and Turkish 2 calls for "researching, developing and enriching" the language. Ukrainian 1 calls for a "complex state program of the development of the Ukrainian language" to compensate for the neglect and rejection that the language has suffered at the hands of the [Soviet] state for half a century. The above chorus on behalf of modernizing the beloved language still leaves unresolved how this should be done, i. e., the source(s) from which a vastly more elaborated econotechnical nomenclature should be derived. Even if the internal treasures of the language are to be plumbed, one

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must reflect if all of its dialectal and historical diversity should be utilized for this purpose or whether only a particular regional, social class or time-related variety should be so utilized. Either of the latter choices might be difficult roads to follow exclusively, but they would both retain the close associations with sanctity and ethnicity, with intimacy and authenticity, that are at the very foundations of ethnolinguistic devotion. Or should internationalisms and loan-words (suitably modified and indiginized), whether from more affluent linguistic neighbors and relatives or from the more anonymous "international community", be acceptable as well, as resources for elaborating the beloved language's vocabulary? If a strict choice between these two different approaches must be openly declared it may be a fateful choice indeed, because either approach is fraught with perils and limitations of its own. Building exclusively on one's own internal resources is exceedingly difficult since the refined distinctions and theoretical linkages recognized by the nomenclatures of modern sciences in the long-modernized languages (such as the suffixes -ate, -ite and -ide in modern chemistry) are simply not duplicable (certainly not quickly so) in late-modernizing ones. However, an overly open and eager acceptance of "foreign influences" runs the risk of sooner or later being exposed to an orchestrated negative counter-reaction in the popular arena. The previously cited Persian 2 fear of untrammeled and discordant innovations has its counterpart in various efforts to be puristic at the same time as elaboration moves ahead. Pre-Revolutionary Chinese boasts of its "purity" and English 1 (in Great Britain) also once boasted (1582!) - in the face of its manifold Normanisms — that it has no more foreignisms "than the bravest tongues do". Korean 1 warns about introducing excessive foreignisms by proclaiming that "we need to mend our ways of using the language as well as mend our way of life", clearly revealing that language use and moral behavior are assumed to go hand in hand. Tigrinya 1 warns, characteristically, that "[the language] loses its beauty when we try to dress it in garments not its own" and Turkish 1 declares that foreign "words and constructions ... are ugly when used in other languages [i. e., other than in their own languages of origin". Clearly, there is a major emotional investment along these lines which elaboration must clearly keep in mind. But there is, inevitably, also the other side of the coin. Whatever inner urge there may be in favor of the pursuit of purism in lexical elaboration, it is constantly beleaguered, particularly in the econotechnical realm and most particularly on the part of late-modernizers that function in the

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shadow of an essentially linguistically similar Big Brother. It is because of a perceived danger of being overly influenced by previously modernized competitors, and particularly by structurally similar Big Brothers, that cautions are constantly expressed about devising, agreeing upon and adhering to an authentic standard ("autocephalic" as it were), particularly insofar as a guide to the formation of neologisms is concerned and most particularly insofar as the more easily protected grammatical (morphosyntactic) system of the language is involved. The inherently greater conservatism and self-containment of grammar (in comparison to lexicon) and the captivating nature of theories of "authentic codification" more generally, make it possible for the true defenders of the beloved language to appear to pursue innovation and purism simultaneously and to advocate a standard that, at one and the same time, legitimizes them both. On the other hand, as we will see, codification too has its problems, because its very striving toward both authenticity and modernization is necessarily conflicted and generates contrary pressures both from those who are totally satisfied with being conservative, on the one hand, and from those totally satisfied with being at the cutting edge of progress, on the other.

5.4. Codification: systematizing the sublime Language planning is an essentially modern undertaking and, as such, it pursues the scientific goals of parsimony and regularity, or, as these goals are referred to in language planning oriented circles: systematization and standardization. Often, these goals are explicitly mentioned when language academies are established (see, e.g., Amharic 2 and French 2), but even without academies they quickly come to the fore in advocacy of the beloved language. Its systematic qualities make Afrikaans 2 "the easiest and most regular in form of all languages in the world", but of seemingly equal importance is the fact that its "structure ... differs completely from the Dutch language". Arabic 1 recognizes that some of the "hurdles which stand in the way of its development" are those that pertain to "its rules or its writing system". Chinese 1 also recognizes that its "characters must be reformed in well-planned steps ["simplification", "standardization" and, finally, "phonetization"], because the various spoken vernaculars of the country are so numerous that popularization of the standard vernacular (modern Mandarin, also known as Potunghua) "is a necessity of socialist revolu-

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109

tion and construction ... and a vital political task" (Chinese 3). But here "standardization" is being used in a very specialized way (to imply national language selection and policy vis-ä-vis the various vernacular languages of China. We, in the West, mistakenly conflate them all via the single catch-all designation "Chinese", only because they all share a single written convention. In the above citation, the term "standardization" is utilized in a vastly different way than when this same designation is applied intra-ethnically and, therefore, /'«ira-linguistically as well. Just such /«ma-linguistic standardization is implied by Estonian 2 when it claims that "[even] if the literary language should spring from the dialect of East Harjumaa and Virumaa ... it will no doubt ... replenish, enrich and perfect itself by drawing upon other dialects too". English in Great Britain 1 is viewed as "excellently well defined ... for the body of the tongue itself' and English in the USA 1 is pleased with its "uniformity and perspicuity", even without an academy, but the French academy (French 2), one of the first to be established in Europe, is explicitly charged "to establish exact rules" for the language. Finnish 2 proclaims itself "inflectionally and structurally so wondrous", full of "original uniqueness", while Guarani 1 is convinced that it "is superior ... in linguistic structure" in comparison to its arch-rival, Spanish. French Creole 1 emphasizes the importance of mastering "its syntax, its grammar", if Creole sensibility is ever to be activated. Hausa 2 prides itself with its "excellent grammar", a byproduct of "receiving a lot of attention through research". Hindi l's structure is such that it "can be learnt easily and rapidly", hence (says Hindi 2) "of all the Indian speech forms Hindi is the most popular among the people". Korean 1 recognizes its need for codification when it concludes that "it is becoming increasingly crucial that we mend our ways of using our national language". Macedonian 1 calls for "general agreement in choosing one [intra-ethnic] dialect as the shared Macedonian literary language", i. e., as its written standard, as distinct from its various spoken (regional or social class) varieties which may then safely continue to differ one from the other. Since written standards are often based upon or most closely related to one or more spoken varieties, Norwegian Nynorsk 1 advises one and all to "listen to how he [the farmer] speaks", but Nynorsk 2 broadens the base of standardization to all "those who love our Norwegian language and labor to cleanse and shape it clearly and comely", [because they] "are the ones who contribute best to further education and culture in this country". Persian 1, alarmed about the possible damage that amateurishness and haste can bring to pass, points out that "the language of a

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people is of great societal importance and ... any undertaking to reform it or subject it to changes requires study, discussion and deep reflection", so that the language "not [be] deflected from its proper course". Serbian 1, on the other hand, calls for "the [authentic] language of ... [the] people" to be used as the model for the literary standard, a position which one of its earliest standardizers (Vuk Karadzic 1787-1864) first enunciated and one to which the recent Communist Yugoslav regime paid lipservice in its thinly disguised pro-Serbian ("Serbo-Croatian") policy. However, Vuk's standardization efforts were, in all truth, quite phenomenal, because he "began with the most difficult tasks: creating an order ... in literacy and [in] language". Swahili 2 prefers the imprint of time to that of distinguished personages or official policy and advocates the "perfection [that] countless generations have [created]". Welsh 1 considers its most "noticeable" regularity to be "its realistic power ... [that] lends an intelligible charm to ... [any] subject". Standardization may very well be a necessity, particularly for the written language which is so closely linked to those higher status functions (in government, education, technology and high society) that were reviewed in Chapter 4, above. On the other hand, standardization also inevitably irks the freer spirits among the defenders of the beloved language. The latter recognize and treasure the counterbalancing virtues of flexibility, variety or individuality, of spontaneity and intimacy in communicative functions, all of which are unpredictable or uncodifiable in advance, almost by definition. Thus, just as elaboration often ultimately runs into the criticism of artificiality and an overabundance of borrowings, so codification frequently runs into the criticism of overly restrictive rule-governedness. British English 2 admires its own "variety" and "flexibility" and views this as part and parcel of its "profoundness". Papiamentu 2 praises its "untamed ..., rough and yet refined" nature, seeing no contradiction between these normally contrasted systematic attributes. Tok Pisin 2 is pleased at being "extremely adaptable" and "tolerant of change". Obviously, neither status planning nor corpus planning can satisfy all admirers of the beloved language, precisely because these admirers are too diversified and even frequently of two minds within one and the same advocatory circle. Nevertheless, either as a result of formal and official spellers, grammars and style manuals, or due to the influence wielded by the usage of exemplary writers, a certain degree of codification is attained and accepted or, at least, followed by a growing number of the beloved language's defenders and advocates. Where this is not the case, i. e., where no consensuality is attained vis-ä-vis the spelling, gram-

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111

mar, or model(s) of good style(s) for different genres, an internecine split within the ranks of the faithful may develop. The beloved language deserves better than that, of course, but codification and corpus planning more generally are politically dominated pursuits, as is status planning and the views that ultimately triumph in conjunction with codification are most frequently those that have the greatest status planning rewards associated with them. Conversely, where no clear status planning advantage is associated with any one or another codification model of the beloved language, then competing alternative usages may continue for lengthy periods. This may cause the overall image of the beloved language to suffer, not only in its own community but also in neighboring communities who view its long term quandary of disorder with disdain and amusement, politely or less than politely, from a distance.28

5.5. The written

language:

the symbolic

apogee

As the symbol of the conjoint attainment of literacy (cultural refinement) and autonomy (cultural independence), the written language is commonly the ultimate intended goal and beneficiary of all modernity-oriented corpus planning initiatives. This is not to say that only the written language is the object or beneficiary of such planning, but were such a view to be advanced — and it has been — it would be an exaggeration whose point had much to be said for it. The written language can be monitored and, therefore, regulated (ever so much more fully as well as more easily than the spoken language) by "authorities", who can often influence the nature of the language employed via their manipulation of rewards and punishments to writers and publishers. However, it is because of its symbolic functions that the written language is so often referred to as the literary language, the national language and the cultured or educated language (which also often becomes a model for a largely parallel spoken variety among those who aspire to "sound cultured and educated"). It is also the particular variety of the language that is most commonly identified with (because it is generally encountered via) its writing system and, as a result, whatever may be the perceived virtues of the writing system are commonly also attributed to it. Advocacy of the beloved language's "authentic" writing system is particularly noteworthy among languages whose systems are still not Western (and, therefore, in apparent need of justification in a world dominated by Western modernization and, above all, by modernization via

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exposure to Western writing). Amharic 1 boasts that "our people have from early times possessed their own alphabet" and Amharic 2 is eager "to establish an Academy ... [in order] to promulgate letters, arts and sciences". Pre-Revolutionary Chinese boasts of "the length of its [writing system's] history and the purity and accomplishment" that it has evinced. Even post-revolutionary Chinese 1 admits that the characters "will ... long ... serve their proper function as tools for recording". Japanese 1 asserts that "script develops along with the human mind and has a close connection with the history ... of a people's spirit", a sentiment that is in accord with the uniqueness and isolation motifs which are so prominent in Japanese ethnolinguistic consciousness more generally. Uzbek 1 proclaims that "abandoning the Arabic alphabet was a great [Russian instigated] loss for our national culture ... We now wish to reclaim our ageold cultural legacy that was created in the Arabic script. In order to do this it is imperative for us to master this script ... Academic programs [must be] ... completely restructured and based on the Arabic script" Just as with the abandonment of the traditional Uzbek writing system "we were ... suddenly ... deprived of our national treasure, acquired over almost one and a half millennia", so "if everyone were [now] to master the Arabic script, it would [re]open a door to [what has become an] ... unknown world". Speakers of several other languages have strenuously resisted efforts to replace their traditional non-Western scripts (e.g., Hebrew, Somali, Uigur, Yiddish) and where superpower insistence on such replacement has prevailed (e.g., among various formerly suppressed Soviet nationalities), this has often initially stunted rather than stimulated literacy. Obviously, scripts are not just interchangeable tools for written communication, any more than are languages per se. Scripts are deeply meaningful ethnocultural and ethnoreligious symbols and instruments. Their symbolism suffuses the written page and the written message. It is not for naught that conquerors, from the outside, and varying ideologies, from either the inside or the outside, have each sought to impose their own scripts upon various "beloved" languages. And even when Ataturk, early in this century, insisted on a Roman script for Turkish, it was ostensibly also in order to liberate it from its Arabo-Persian fetters so that it could be itself. However, most languages whose literacy is a relatively recent, still meagerly diffused or threatened and even dangerous accomplishment, concentrate not on their scripts, but rather, on the virtues of attaining or retaining literacy and of developing the literary/national language per se. Byelorussian 2 reminisces about its having once "given the world remark-

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able examples of ... literature". Cheyenne 1 seeks to overcome the shortcoming of having "been written down for the first time only in this century". Finnish 1 realizes that its "resources will remain unknown until all its words and expressions are collected into books and made available to the whole people". French 1 exhorts "the French to write in their language" as follows: "reader, friend of the French muses, ... thou shouldst not be ashamed to write thine own tongue, but ... thou shouldst, if thou be a friend of France, nay of thyself, give thyself entirely thereto". French 2 points out that the state itself has an interest in this connection, since "one of the most glorious signs of the happiness of a state is that ... letters be held in honor, as well as arms, since they [i. e., "letters"] are one of the chief instruments of virtue". French Creole 1 calls upon its speakers to "reinforce its oral density with the contemporary power of writing" and appeals to its advocates to "build this written language and make it known", because "activating Creole sensibility cannot go on without a prerequisite learning of the Creole language, its syntax, its grammar, its most basic vocabulary, [and, above all,] its most appropriate writing". Seventeenth century English in Great Britain 1 claims to be well-suited "for the customary writing thereof'. Estonian 1 literally presents a program for "the attainment [i. e., for the choice] of a common, uniform literary language". Frisian 1 stresses the need "to write in our own ... language". Lithuanian 1 realizes that the future of the written language lies primarily in the hands of its literary gatekeepers: "teachers, professors, school administrators as well as examiners". Little Manyjillyjarra 1 is elated that "we are putting Manyjillyjarra on paper". Norwegian Nynorsk 1 bemoans the fact that it was "long ... not cultivated in writing" and Nynorsk 2 protests that even now many people "are not permitted ... to express themselves by writing the language" that they speak. Polish 1 proclaims that "the loudest trumpet of wisdom is that of national writings". Czarist Russian 2 protests against the modernizing suggestion that Russians "[should] write as [they] speak" since to do so [that is, to depart from a written style amply influenced by archaic but hallowed Old Church Slavonic] "would be immoderate and finally, no trace would remain of our ancient language". But pre-perestroika Russian 3 is proud to be "one of the basic sources of enrichment of the national [that is, the written] languages [of the non-Russian Soviet peoples]". Sindhi 2 boasts of its "independent literary style" and Somali 1 sings out euphoriously "It's the good day; we opened our eyes. A day unforgettable in history. Our language is to be written". As a result, no longer will "the boys I bettered boast to me of their written language".

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Sorbian 2 praises those who became "proficient in reading and writing in their mother tongue" and Vietnamese 1 is pleased that "we have a language which ... can be easily transcribed and, therefore, learned in a very short time" 29 . Attaining and maintaining a written language is obviously both a status and a corpus achievement. We have placed it here, with corpus issues, because of its frequent linkages to scripts, to difficult and often contested choices that need to be made between dialectal varieties and, above all, to the intensive elaboration and codification efforts that are required if modern prose texts are to be multiplied in a wide variety of substantive areas. However, the written language, nevertheless, also gives eloquent testimony to the interlocked nature of corpus and status planning. Ethnolinguistically conscious modernizers of the beloved language, those who devote themselves to the development and propagation of its written form and its written creativity, cannot long continue along what must initially be a very thorny path without promising and aspiring to the status opportunities and guaranties that are necessary if their efforts are to be (and to be recognized as) more than mere curiosities after the passage of a relatively brief period of time. Without the requisite status planning (and status planning success), corpus planning is but puffery and nit-picking, all the more so because it so commonly aims at "the literary language", i. e., at a variety that can ultimately be of primary interest only to the most literate and status conscious segments of the population. Much more so than spoken language varieties, the written variety has a future only to the extent that higher functions than those of everyday intimate life are attained and secured.

5.6. Sectional summary Although corpus planning on behalf of the beloved language is, if viewed purely quantitatively, a relatively minor theme, in comparison to status planning, it is, nevertheless, a very vital theme and a deeply emotional one for those — even for those non-linguists — who invoke it. Furthermore, it deserves to be stressed that those who espouse corpus planning are likely to be a major segment of the intellectual elite and, therefore, a vital segment of all those who have attained positive ethnolinguistic consciousness. It is a gossamer web that they weave. It cannot be woven out of praises alone, for were there nothing but praises to be uttered for the beloved language as it is, then corpus planning itself would be

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unnecessary if not impossible. On the other hand, it cannot be fostered by emphasizing the current debits of the beloved language, for were that to be done it would play into the hands of its detractors and opponents. So corpus planning is often a finely balanced and precarious venture, one that is likely to elicit opposition at one time or another, sometimes unexpectedly and sometimes quite predictably and regularly, from those who are on the "other side" of the fulcrum of contending views and forces. All who regard themselves as champions of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness (at times, only a select subset of the entire speech community), claim to have nothing other than the best interests of the beloved language in mind, but only a portion of these sometimes atypical champions may see any virtue in corpus planning of a given kind at any given time. Corpus planning must be viewed as (and, indeed, it often attempts to present itself as) part of the march toward modern roles and status. An overwhelming focus on the topics, role relationships, situations and opportunities of the pre-modern life-style is often too confining and unfulfilling for speech communities who also want their beloved languages to function in the modern politically and intellectually interactive present and in the predictably even more interactive prospective future. Even the "man in the street", the rank and file member of any movement on behalf of the beloved language, must read about such matters in the daily press and listen to discussions about them in one or more modern communication media. The ethnic womb is always warm and comforting. Its nuances and consolations are truly inestimable and incomparable, but, lexically and grammatically, these nuances and consolations are, predictably, neither immediately suitable nor sufficient for coping with the realia and the concerns of the ever-modernizing world and its denizens. Of course, the latter realia and concerns could be handled via another language, one that is already modernized (and preferably one that raises no historical hackles). In all probability, they may very well be handled in just that way at the very highest levels of expertise and authority, but that does not solve the dilemma of the moderately educated "man" in the street. When more ordinary modernizing folk enter into the temple of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness, they generally aspire that their devotion to the beloved language not isolate them from modernity, on the one hand, nor from sanctity and ethnicity on the other. Thus, there is no escaping the challenge of corpus planning for those who labor on behalf of the beloved language, although the extent of such planning will vary with the extensiveness of the modernity functions that are seriously and widely

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espoused for it. Within any context of interaction with the modern world, regulated though that interaction may be from within the beloved language's own speech community, corpus planning efforts that seek to combine or balance interpretations of authenticity and modernity, are inevitable. The result of such a balance is an ethnolinguistically colored modernity, i. e., a distinctive modernity "of one's own", rather than a photocopy of modernity a la Paris, London, Washington or any other longstanding focal-point of outside influence. Accordingly, the delicate and daunting task of perfecting the perfect and of systematizing the sublime is undertaken. Rural (and therefore presumably more "authentic") models are rendered "townworthy", without apparently jettisoning their authenticity, and international models are "indigenized" or "domesticated", often via morph by morph translation plus inflectional adjustment. Whichever approach may be preferred initially, it is often ultimately necessary to use other approaches as well, since the subtlety and sophistication of attaining modernity, a process that has slowly pervaded all major western languages for over two centuries, is both intricate and endless from the perspective of languages arriving more recently on its doorstep. In all truth, modernizing the beloved language is a very difficult task and doing so quickly, even at the level of the man in the street, is an often thankless task, a task more likely to engender quarrels and factionalism than support and agreement. Nevertheless, that which strikes the less sympathetic observer as clearly improbable is constantly undertaken, and even tackling the seemingly impossible is a not infrequent occurrence. The rapidity and pervasiveness of overt acceptance and implementation of corpus planning is, of course, a highly variable phenomenon. There are a few cases of widespread and rapid acceptance of massive corpus innovations. Modern Hebrew seems to be such a case, as may be Swedish, with its constant market-research on the acceptability of proposed neologisms. Even Malaysian/Indonesian may be in this category, although the relative absence of neutral outside observers there makes it difficult to confidently evaluate this case with any certainty. It is also clear that there are many cases of slower and essentially see-sawing acceptance of such innovations even by the urbanizing elite. Turkish, where successive ideologically opposed modern regimes have introduced their own nomenclatures and denigrated those of their predecessors, is a painful example of the latter phenomenon. On the whole, however, wherever the promise of modern status mobility is tangible (i. e., where there is adequate status planning support), on the one hand, and where there is

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an avoidance of the punitiveness that engenders conscious resistance, on the other hand, a new generation usually appears for whom the corpus innovations made before their own generation's time seem natural, unmarked, and indistinguishable from the corpus of the beloved language as a whole. It all appears to most rank-and-file members of subsequent generations like a seamless web and the corpus planners themselves are often surprised rather than merely delighted. "Who would have dreamt, a generation ago", they say to one another, "that our beloved language would so soon be effortlessly employed by young folks for topics that their grandparents never even knew existed?". Whatever praise is owed to these corpus planners, they gladly share it with the assumed "inherent genius" of the beloved language. Like an extremely talented only child, if circumstances permit, the beloved language frequently more than lives up to the fond expectations that its doting parents have lavished upon it. Language planners frequently view themselves as both the children of this genius, as well as its protectors and stimulators, its educators en loco parentis.

6. Summary: inside in, outside out; different voices, different views (Comparing the localized perspectives of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness with the internationally [and intellectually] pervasive perspectives of the Humanities and the Social Sciences)

Having looked long and attentively at the self-portraits yielded by insider ethnolinguistic consciousness, the time has come to ask how these portraits compare with the views of outside observers. "Beauty is in the eyes of the beholder", we know, but "self-beholding" and "other-beholding" of the very same subject yield quite different portraits. Actually, with respect to the contentious arena of ethnicity, the most frequently heard voice, at least in Western intellectual circles, is not merely that of the outsider, but more specifically, that of a particular type of outsider: the purportedly "objective" voices of historians, social scientists and thinkers in the fields of philosophy, religion, government and modern intellectual pursuits more generally. Merely by having listened to the "insider" voice first, we have already reversed the usual order and balance of attention in a quite revolutionary way. The least we can now do, therefore, is to inform our summary and conclusions by recognizing various views that are and have long been more commonly heard.

6.1. Introduction: What do we gain by listening to "the voice from within" in the study of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness? Every perspective (and every methodology) brings with it certain debits and certain assets that are inevitably linked with it. The chief debit of the "voice from within" is that it is self-interest biased, but at least it is admittedly so. However, the voices from without are also necessarily biased — in perspective and in expected audience and reward (and therefore, also in self-interest) - no matter how much they dress themselves up in the garb of science, objectivity, theory and fashionable philosophy or ideology. Like insider views, outsider views too are often reductionistic and simplistic (and therefore, neither fully informed nor informing), a charge

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that outside viewers have long hurled at insider viewers. Actually, there is no way in which one view can be safely and constantly preferred to the other, particularly when each view is monocular and myopic as well. The major difference between the two points of view is that the unique assets of the view from within have long been overlooked and the outside view alone has been carefully cultivated. The present study hopes to be a step in the direction of righting the balance of attention. The ethnographic revolution of the past generation has had relatively little impact on the study of modern ethnicity and the remobilizations along ethnic lines of the past decade have been accorded little internal analysis. Rarely have the ethnic voices been presented, compared or listened to, so that from what is actually said "on the inside" one might better derive what is believed or claimed. We have, perhaps, too quickly intellectualized from the outside ("we" almost always being native or adopted Westerners), without pausing to consider the poetic and romantic imagery and the folk analogies and arguments that reveal the motives, goals, hopes, plans, pleasures and fears of those who are the "subjects" of outsider speculation. Overlooking or minimizing the latter, in our rush to interpret in accord with academic and establishment (even if academic or self-styled "anti-establishment establishment") viewpoints, has necessarily led us further away from, rather than closer to, the very phenomena that have preoccupied us. We have often championed late modernizers and "native peoples", but we have even more commonly refocused our intellectualizations from modernization to post-modernization without letting these peoples speak their own words or disclose their own hearts and minds. We have been worse than the psychoanalysts who "already know" that every problem is one of superego development in the context of id-ego conflict; we have been psychoanalysts who have never even listened to the patients we have undertaken to study, nor collected a pool of data to begin with, so that that patient testimony could be studied in comparative context. We have often been unseemly proud of our own cognitive virtuosity and our pride has hidden from our view the necessary awareness that our analyses may have revealed more about ourselves than about our subjects. We have roundly attacked ethnic biases but we have never asked ourselves what those who presumably display these biases actually say, believe and seek in the ethnolinguistic arena. Very uncommonly has a historian or social scientist said (as did Beaune in her study of late-medieval France) "I am interested in examining how people thought of France, what they said about it, how they expressed their love for it" (1991, p. 4). Instead, when — on rare occasion

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— such views have intruded themselves upon our own theoretically constructed notions, we have immediately viewed them as "manipulatory" (rarely even admitting, as did Hobsbawm, that only views that "clearly meet a felt... need among particular bodies of people" [1983, p. 307] can so be used); as speciously attributing desire, volition and agency to nations as collective actors (without pausing to ask what it is that such usage - and it is exceedingly common and, therefore, it has often been adopted in this volume as well — tells us about the convictions of those who prefer to use it); as "super-hardened cultural traditions" [Fox 1990, p. 7] (without asking why such views can persist, or, indeed, whether only some persist whereas others do not). All in all, we have much more generally attacked the validity of these views than we have listened to them or than we have attempted to fathom their effectiveness or either their manifest or covert meaning. By failing to take the inside voices seriously we have failed to recognize their role in the "processes of identity construction, [processes which are, of course] simultaneously border-generating and border-deriving" (Conversi 1995, p. 77). By impugning or ignoring the very data that we should have been studying, we have failed to see that views from the inside are part and parcel of "the decision about what is 'within' and what is 'outside' and that the latter decision "is the very subject of nationalist [and indeed all ethnic] debate" (van der Veer 1994, p. xv). The words and biographies of willful social actors must never be overlooked in a headlong quest for "the macrosociological relationships of party and police, state and opposition, classes and interest groups" (Johnston 1991, p. 189), particularly not if we also want to answer "how" questions, rather than dealing only with abstract "whys" and "whens" (Melucci 1989, p. 21). Instead, those very words and biographies should inform the scholar's journey toward understanding. The bias of the view from within is part grievance and part self-congratulation. This mixture is definitely not just a minority bias; both the mainstream and the great powers have their intractable complaints and dissatisfactions as well as their egocentrisms. The lesson to be learned from views from the inside is that only such views can be accepted as defining the perceived location and magnitude of grievances. Outsider views tend toward accusations as to "the narcissism of minor differences", concluding that what ails others is exaggerated and does not really hurt or matter in "the larger order of things". But wounds do not heal and doctors do not cure by casting aspersions upon the wounds. A well-tempered humanism can often be both more reassuring and more

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therapeutic. Caliban's grievances against Prospero may never be satisfied, but "poo-pooing" them will not work either and is not exactly an intellectual achievement at any rate. 6.1.1. Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness As the 20th century draws to a close a new "specter" haunts the ever more diverse human worlds, modernizing, modern, post-modern and retraditionalizing alike. "It is a ghost of yesterday and of things to come, but also a liberating spirit" (Tiryakian 1985, p. 1; parodying the Communist Manifesto of 1848). But, as is frequently the case, what is a liberating spirit for some is an oppressive spirit for others, and ethnolinguistic consciousness is almost invariably one of the constituents in either case. The constant imbeddedness of language in manifold societal processes has attracted the attention of sociolinguists for the past quarter century. Critics have often observed, however, that most sociolinguists know far too little about social theory and societal analysis (Fishman 1991a, Williams 1992). On the other hand, our understanding of language in society has hardly been improved by the fact that social scientists and humanists — even those focusing on nationalism — often know even less about language (and usually ignore it to boot), although as venerable a scholar of nationalism as was Carlton J. Hayes (1882 - 1964) - the "dean" or "father" of American studies of nationalism — recognized nearly three quarters of a century ago that the topic "evokes and lives from deepseated and powerful emotions, so that to understand nationalism demands, in addition to a knowledge of history and history of ideas, philosophy, social psychology, anthropology and linguistics" (Hayes 1926, p. 9; italics added). Although our focus in this volume has not been on nationalism per se, nor has our approach been that of any particular branch of linguistics, an effort has been made to remain open both to "voices" and to readings from as many different perspectives as possible. Perhaps it should be reiterated and underscored that positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is by no means the only type of language consciousness. Language consciousness need not be ethnic; it may be inter-ethnic or supra-ethnic (as in the case of shared lingua francas or widespread languages of diplomacy, banking, popular entertainment, supra-local commerce and higher technology). Throughout the world and throughout world history, people and peoples have become aware of advantageous languages other than their own and both formal and informal means have been used to acquire them and to spread them. Language

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consciousness with respect to such languages is not unimportant by any means — and languages which at one time, or for some speakers, have had distinctly ethnic associations have, at other times and for other speakers, taken on some distinctly supra-ethnic connotations. (Note, e.g., the most recent English [in England], French [in France] and Russian citations in Appendix A). Finally, it should be stressed that inter-ethnic or supra-ethnic language consciousness are both largely beyond the scope of our present discussion. Nor is all ethnolinguistic consciousness necessarily "positive". Negative views toward one's own language are not infrequently encountered, particularly among populations under the contrastive impact of culturally relevant classicals or econopolitically more advantageous vernaculars. Such negative views, if long and widely entertained, often contribute to language shift, and ultimately, to language loss. In a sense, they are self-liquidating if unopposed on an intergenerational basis, particularly if revernacularization is permitted, let alone encouraged. Accordingly, as we have already seen in Chapters 4 and 5, expressions of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness commonly start by rejecting the above-mentioned negative views and by attributing any incontrovertibly negative features of the beloved language to deleterious but reversible outside influences. When we learn that the "use of Breton, by Breton-speakers among Breton-speakers is ... [derisively] laughed at" (McDonald 1989, p. 280), that its few remaining functions are largely humorous, or that it is typically used for "talking down" to others who are (by implication) country bumpkins or village idiots for speaking Breton at all, or for mimicking language militants who take the language seriously (indeed, "too seriously"), we are given a glimpse of negative ethnolinguistic consciousness in action. This type of language consciousness is also beyond the scope of our current discussion. Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is not only a "cultural production of cultural identity" (Fox 1990, p. 4) — since patterned avoidance of the traditionally associated vernacular (the phenomenon that I have elsewhere called "being Xmen via Yish", Fishman 1991a, p. 60 — 61) is also a cultural product of cultural identity. Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is part of a subjective map which postulates and positively evaluates common historical depth and cultural "belonging", commitments, experiences and interests. Accordingly, the "simple role of the language ... in mediating social communication" (Hroch 1992, p. 202) can be complexly surrounded by or contextualized via convictions that relate the particular language — as no other - to the perspectivally defining

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behaviors, beliefs, goals and values of a cultural aggregate. Language not only stands for the whole (symbolizing it), but it renders the whole conscious, binds the whole together and implements the whole. The subjective map that the beloved language both builds and inhabits "may be vital in understanding [much of human behavior]" (Farnen 1994, p. 126), far above and beyond the usual limits of language-imbedded behavior and behavior toward language per se. Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is part of the group-defining idea-world. It is not to be trivialized on the basis of its subjectivity, ethnocentricity or unreasonableness. All other deeply held socioculturally shared and society-and-culture defining convictions are subjective, ethno-particularistic and supra-rational as well. In connection with all such convictions our species has attained heights that leave us in awe and depths that leave us despondent. To dream of a post-structural, post-modern world without recognizing and revealing such convictions is to be equally unreasoning at the very time that one attacks the unreasonableness of others. No assumption is made here that positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is part of an "invariant evolutionary sequence" (Fox 1990, p. 4) or that it is the byproduct of unavoidable and universal human developments, even though "the most important aspect of the unity of a people lies in the complementarity of relative efficiency of communication" (Deutsch 1966, as per Snyder 1990, p. 73)30. Why such consciousness has come about at all and why it has become increasingly widespread and important are separate (albeit important) issues, but even these issues might gain in tractability if we paused to scrutinize the content with which such consciousness operates. Having quoted Karl W. Deutsch, above, it may be appropriate to stress that the present volume has attempted exactly the latter type of scrutiny, but not via the external formulas and extensive quantification that typified his masterly and provocative work of the 1950s and 60s. More than most American social scientists of his generation, Deutsch deeply appreciated both the roles of language and of ethnicity in the processes of modernization. He even sought to rehabilitate and operationalize certain older European concepts such as "national will". However, his underlying dynamic assumptions were always economic in nature. Just as so much of recent history has done, so also does the present volume. It turns our attention to the full gamut of topics, motives, goals and priorities provided by the internal view of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and casts serious doubt on the wisdom of reductionism to economic factors or to any other single cause. Culture is simply more, much more, than economics alone, just as language is

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more than merely communication. It is this "more than" view that positive ethnolinguistic consciousness attempts to recognize, to verbalize and to accentuate.

6.2. Contrasting the perspective of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and that of most humanistic and social science inquiries vis-ä-vis the ethnicity-sanctity relationship Both the causal and the associational relationships between religion and ethnicity have long been well recognized (see, e.g., Baron 1947, Hayes 1960, and O'Brien 1988). In some cases the two have been equated, nationalism often being regarded as a modern transformation of (or replacement for) religion, a view which spokespersons for most Western religions have also explicitly rejected (e.g. Smith 1994). Even scholars who would not equate the two have advanced various specific similarities between them. Toynbee has observed that "nationality, like all great forces in human life, is not material or mechanical, but, rather, fundamentally subjective and psychological", just as is religion (cited in Snyder 1990, p. 256). Many have compared the "irrational" and the "invented" features of both religious and ethnic commitments, although only Hans Kohn has expressed the hope that just as "religion did not disappear with the era of religion, but became non-political, less dominant, relative, so national sentiment will outlive the era of ... absolute domination, ... become personal and apolitical, as religion has become" (1937, p. 268 ). Other points of similarity have been pointed to as well. Both religion and ethnicity are socialized in early childhood, via the family, other close relations and the immediate community (Walzer 1991, p. 6; Johnson 1992, p. 203), and both function not only as supports for the dominant mainstream but, in addition, the link between them also "deepens and strengthens the oppositional subculture" (Johnston 1991, p. 205); both are co-present - either under the auspices of civil religion or of theistic religion — "in the production and choreography of [identity forming] ... festivals" (Mosse 1994, p. 321); both articulate and remember only a small selection of historical data and forget the rest, while creating their own facts via "restructuring" (van der Veer 1994, p. 194). Obviously, the two have been intertwined in many parts of the globe for a long, long time and to this very day many "new religions" tend to ethnify their constituencies. As a result, when Schleiermacher announces that "He who

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does not feel the unity of the nation is an alien in the house of God", it is more than a metaphor that is involved, but, rather, the expression of a deeply felt relationship, one that may stem from God every bit as much as from Caesar. 6.2.1.

Where and when religion and ethnicity

meet

Even more commented upon than the general and cross-cultural similarities and interdependencies between faith and ethnicity are the specific historic junctures at which the two have been particularly intertwined. Only a few of these comments will be cited here, because their focus is essentially (and often entirely) innocent of references to ethnolinguistic consciousness. Ranum's exquisite depiction of "national consciousness, history and political culture in early-modern Europe" is understandably rich in observations about "the sense ... of being 'chosen' and subsequently sustained by divine favor ... [which] infuses early modern national histories (1975, p. 3), as well as being particularly sensitive to the "religious elements receiving heavy stress in the early formation of national identities, ... God's interventions ... always being recorded" (ibid., p. 4) by "churchmen ... primarily responsible for integrating both secular and religious events into a whole" (ibid., p. 5). In his fascinating discussion of the "sources of social power", Mann observes that in the Middle Ages (c. 1150) "the most powerful and extensive sense of social identity [in Europe] was Christian ... Christian identity provided both a common humanity and a framework for common divisions among [Western] Europeans" (1986, p. 381). Llobera continues this Western European focus by stressing that "the 'nationalization' of the church on both sides of the Reformation vs. Counter-Reformation divide had a powerful influence on ethnicity" there. Its influence was obviously even stronger in Eastern Europe, where autocephalic Orthodox churches were organized along ethnonational and ethnolinguistic lines from their very earliest days. Indigenous Asian and African ties between religion and ethnicity are also extensive and have been frequently and insightfully commented upon, particularly by anthropologists. However, it is pertinent to point out that the link between religion and ethnicity is not something which pertains primarily to times and places long ago and far away. It continues to be vibrant even in our own days. In connection with the recent worldwide burgeoning of religious fundamentalism, Horowitz observes that "for the 'Church', the nation rather than the class has historically been the key to the attain-

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ment of power within national boundaries" (1994, p. 5). All in all, there is an unusual degree of consensus here. Although Gross makes the link merely metaphorically, claiming that "national consciousness ... has taken as complete a hold on modern thinking and attitudes as did religion and theology on the thinking of the Middle Ages" (1985, p. 123), Beaune, referring to the Middle Ages, concludes that "church and crown helped spread national abstractions as if they were sacred truths" (1991, p. 321) and Johnston, referring to Catalonia and the former USSR alike, observes that "National churches have been crucibles of nationalist sentiment during repression" (1991, p. 202). From oppression and fundamentalism to the constant stress on grievances that we have observed in our citations there runs an easily grasped thread. Both "my help" and "my people" cometh from the Lord. But how does all of the foregoing bring us to the link between sanctity and ethnolinguistic consciousness? Such a link has been broached many times by the humanistic and social science literature, but normally via quite brief comments which fail to flesh it out to anywhere near the same extent that the link between religion and ethnicity has been amplified. By way of transition from our previous theme, let us start with Liverani, who informs us that "among the conquering Assyrians ... [their] wars were always holy, because 'holy' actually meant 'Assyrian'. Religion is ... nationalized" (1979, p. 301), and it is the language itself which accomplishes this feat. Van der Veer examines a more widespread as well as a more current linguistic link to sanctity, namely, the partial transfer of "the sacredness of the languages of the scriptures", via translations and adaptations, to vernaculars, thereby establishing their literary varieties and imparting to them "a form of 'laicization' of sacred communication" (1994, pp. xiv and 168). Such "secular religion" may be powerfully ideologized in its own right, as becomes evident from Ziya Gokalp's definition of "the new Turkish fatherland" 31 . "A land in which the call to prayer resounds from the mosque in the Turkish tongue, where the peasant understands the meaning of his prayer; a land where the schoolboy reads the Koran in his mother tongue. Oh, son of the Turk, that is thy fatherland". Finally, in order to convey the full flavor of the association in the social sciences between language and sanctity, mention must also be made, before leaving this topic, of an oft repeated view which claims that "linguistic cleavages ... are [even] more certainly divisive than religious cleavages, since they directly hinder personal communication and no one can turn a blind eye to them" [as, presumably, one can do in connection with religious cleavages] (Birch 1989, p. 44). Apparently, those who hold

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such views are both unaware of the "troubles" in Northern Ireland, where Protestants and Catholics alike have had a language in common for centuries (or of those in India, where everyday spoken Urdu and Hindi are virtually the same, every bit as much as are spoken Croatian and spoken Serbian or spoken Orthodox Serbian and spoken Moslem [Bosnian] Serbian), as well as being unaware of the ease with which bilingualism is acquired when it is considered both an individual and a societal asset. Thus, recognition of the experienced language-religion link is often confounded and attenuated due to an underlying intellectual rejection of both. 6.2.2. Morality outside the explicit framework

of materia

sancta

As was the case with our "insider" citations, there are also many "outsider" references to implied sanctity in conjunction with ethnicity, i. e., references that nevertheless do not mention materia sancta per se. Furthermore, although many Western religious leaders repeatedly discern a lack of moral perspective in "parochial" ethnic emphases, nevertheless, many moral texts and precepts are explicitly derived from and most strongly related to obvious and very circumscribed ethnocultural transitions. Furthermore, as George Mosse reminds us, national ideals and selfstereotypes almost universally deal with "the true, the good and the holy" (1994, p. 320). Seth goes further and posits that "the national ideal ... reinforces a moral claim to recognizing and respecting particularism and of legitimating certain universal ideas and ideals [e.g., of countering suppression]" (1993, p. 95). Actually, the view that particularism has a legitimate moral basis, has a strong claim to legitimacy within philosophical thought. It was none other than the great Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) who first proclaimed that "A good man is an autonomous man, and for him to realize his autonomy, he must be free. Self-determination thus becomes the supreme political good" (Kedourie 1960, p. 168). Kant's contemporary, Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) may have attained less renown on the whole than Kant, but his views are clearly more ethnolinguistically relevant. Herder added to Kant's general ethical perspective a focused and very specific ethical and philosophical celebration of language in its ethnic context (see Hroch 1992, p. 201 and section 6.2.3.). Even the great sociologist Emil Dürkheim (1858—1917), although generally uninterested in matters of ethnicity, stated as one of his basic theoretical postulates that language, acquired unwittingly from parents and society, exercises thereafter a collective moral influence on social behavior

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(Bendix 1964, p. 316). Since Dürkheim's basic assumption was that all societal norms are simultaneously moral imperatives — defining good and bad — his views pertaining to anyone's natural use of his or her community's normative language necessarily also had very clear moral implications. Clearly, a claimed moral stance for positive ethnolinguistic consciousness has deep roots in both Western social and philosophical speculation. At the same time, its claim to being related to materia sancta per se is considered to be merely situationally rather than morally true by the lion's share of Western social scientists. 6.2.3.

The "soul" and the "spirit" of the people

As little as either modern social science or humanistic (including historiographic) research operate with notions of God or of morality, they operate even less with notions of "the spirit" of nations or of the human body or of nature as reflections of sanctity. We must return to the writings of the great Romantics of the latter part of the 18th and the early part of the 19th centuries in order to find unembarrassed discussions of the "soul" or of the "spirit" of peoples in those very terms. 32 In their revolt against the "sterile rationalism" and urbanization fostered by the industrial revolution and the growth of natural science, Romantics searched the arts and humanities (and, above all, history) for evidence of the unsullied "national genius" and the "national soul" of their own and other peoples (Kohn 1950, p. 443). Herder was unembarrassed to proclaim that the "true spirit" of a people was to be found in its native language, given that the latter was "filled with the life and blood of the forefathers" (cited by Snyder 1991, 136). The last upsurge of such mystic imagery, at least as far as our current tastes are concerned in the humanities and the social sciences, perhaps intended as metaphor and perhaps not, and untainted by racism, can be found in the writings of the French philologist, historian and literary critic Ernest Renan (1823-1892). For Renan, the nation itself was "a soul, a spiritual principle. ... A great aggregation of people, with a healthy spirit and warmth of heart, creates a moral conscience which is a nation" (1947-1961, 7, p. 18). We must look even further back to find "outsider" references to the beauties of nature and to pastoral (or, generally, non-urban) life with ethnic implications. The German Justus Moser (1720—1794) was one of many Western European statesmen and publicists who saw in rural life the greatest possible stimulant to national authenticity, because it was there that the real and positive values of a people's past still lived unspoiled (Ergang 1933, p. 220). On the

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whole, early national liberation movements were hostile to the modern city. The latter was the equivalent of "the whore of Babylon" 33 whereas the "national spirit" was a by-product of unsullied nature, its sunsets, its dawns, its purity and spontaneity (Mosse 1994, p. 325)34. Who else but Herder would have captured God, nature and ethnicity within a single triangulation together with language: "nationality is the language of God in nature" (cited by Snyder 1991, p. 136). In much of Romantic thought, these four come to constitute an authentic unity. The virtually complete absence of such images from modern social science and humanistic research, and its continued notable presence in citations of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is, in no small measure, related to the estrangement of these two bodies of thought. 6.2.4.

"Insiders" and "outsiders" regarding language, ethnicity and sanctity

What can we now say, in summary, if we compare the views of ethnolinguistic sanctity that emerge from our two sources of commentary, the "insider" citations and the "outsider" research and reflection? Clearly, what is a major theme for the former (not the most major, it is true, but major none the less) is a rather uncommon theme — and a theme with many gaps — for the latter. Whereas in the world of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness, sanctity references are still very much alive and indeed, self-renewing (how else are we to understand the fact that in our current sample of citations it is exactly those citations that deal with sanctity that are often of the most recent vintage?), in the world of humanistic and social science inquiry and commentary, they are often a century or more old, except in a historical or descriptive vein. A modern study of Bosnian or North Indian interethnic "relations" (to put the topic most delicately) might unhesitatingly mention the starkly different sanctity/morality assumptions that the contending parties have with respect to their vernaculars, but these would not be assumptions that most scholars undertaking such a study would personally share or support. On the other hand, in contrast to the humanities and social sciences, this major substantive sub-component of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness — and a self-renewing theme at that (and self-renewing even in Europe, where its venerable time-line is very clear) — is still very close to the romantic and pastoral origins to which it must have contributed and from which it must have sprung. References to the deity, to holy scriptures, to saints, to body and soul, to life and death, to spirit and spirituality, to morality and to its physical counterpart in the unspoiled

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world of nature are either totally absent, ("life and death", e.g.), or virtually so, outside of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness citations or their direct counterparts in other, i. e., in "non-language-related" areas of "insider" ethnic consciousness discourse. In the positive ethnolinguistic citational literature such references are seldom merely "metaphors" or "figures of speech". Rather, such references are the natural stuff of a particular realm of discourse (and of certainty as well as proof), one in which the beloved language may be regarded as only slightly lower than the angels — if that — and in which believers and activists feel themselves elevated and ennobled by their refined dedication and sensitive appreciation in the ethnolinguistic realm. Thus, it becomes clear that the two approaches yield very different perspectives in connection with this thematic focus, each with a great certainty of its own unique sensitivity and moral worth. Both pertain to ways of knowing as well as to ways of living and valuing; both are now to be found worldwide, and neither is about to abdicate in favor of the other. It now remains to be seen whether these two approaches come any closer to each other in the remaining themes that we will now proceed to examine. And while doing so, we may also want to see whether the proportion of explicit references to language - whether the language be beloved or not — within humanistic and social science inquiries and reflections vis-ä-vis ethnicity, remains as low as in other thematic areas as has been the case in the one that we have just examined.

6.3. The points of view of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and of the humanities!social sciences in connection with ethnicity There is quite clearly a huge social science/humanities literature about ethnicity, so much so that it will be necessary to set aside those treatments that pertain to either evaluations (largely negative) of ethnicity, on the one hand, or to considerations of its various stages and differential saliencies, on the other hand, for consideration in sections 6.6. and 6.7. of this chapter. Those two topics have no direct counterparts among the citations of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness proper. Accordingly, the present section will be devoted to ethnicity-related topics such as those which we have encountered in the citational evidence to which Chapter 3 was devoted. The first of these is the purported kinship basis of ethnicity.

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6.3.1. The presumed kinship basis of ethnicity Although the humanities/social sciences literature tends to treat a putative kinship as powerful myth (a myth nonetheless, for all the power that it exercises), at least two of the major figures of late 19th-early 20th century sociology viewed this particular facet of ethnicity much less dubiously. Max Weber (1864-1920), an internationally renowned German thinker who often took and elaborated positions that were at odds with those of Karl Marx (1818 — 1883), recognized the charismatic importance of kinship ties (erbscharisma) in social organization (1978 [1922], pp. 1135-1139]), i.e., its special relationship to ultimate values and its capacity to elicit enthusiastic support for leaders or movements identified with those values. Weber's contemporary, the sociologist Ferdinand Toennies (1855—1936), a thoroughly Germanized Frisian, also fully recognized the significance widely attributed to shared descent, both in a large variety of cultures and throughout time (see, e.g., his 1940 [1887] opus). The subsequent attacks on the validity of a kinship base to ethnicity all revolved around the term "primordiality", a designation introduced in 1957 by the sociologist/social philosopher Edward Shils (1911-1995) and elaborated in 1963 by the anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1963). "Primordiality" smacked of inborn, or at least deeply ingrained and virtually unalterable, characteristics. Geertz contrasted "primordial sentiments" and "civil politics" as possibly alternative bases of social integration in the "new states" of Africa and Asia, with "civil" implying a number of more modern, reasonable and inclusive traits. Although neither Shils nor Geertz attacked the validity of "primordial sentiments", such attacks were subsequently neither few nor slow in coming (see section 6.7. of this chapter). Only the socioculturally decontextualizing view of Boyd Shafer (1907-1992), an American specialist in the study of nationalism, will be cited here, namely, that "a man belongs to the nation he thinks he belongs to, no matter what biological science or anthropology may say to the contrary" (1982, p. 365). However, such a complete reliance on psychological and perspectival criteria (and, therefore, on primarily personal, rather than on deeply historical factors related to group functioning and group identity, let alone to the acceptance or viability of any individual's "choice" by his social environment) has far from fully carried the day. Schneider (1969 and 1972) has very incisively elucidated the link between kinship, nationality and religion. More recently, Steven Grosby (1994) has very convincingly rehabilitated even the notion of primordiality itself, while the social philosopher, Michael

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Walzer, has recognized those sociocultural commitments via which people are "bound to each other by ties of blood and history, ... remembering, cultivating and passing on a national heritage" (1991, p. 4), as constituting one of four major worldwide alternative definitions of "the good life". Thus, in connection with this, one of the most "old fashioned" of the components of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness, the majority opinion is rather dismissive, but nevertheless, some weighty support, both classical and contemporary, is also forthcoming on its behalf. 6.3.2. People, nation, state As for a focus on hearth and home (a focus that was, while relatively minor, nonetheless still quite discernible among the citations), it is just barely visible in the scholarly or humanistic literature on ethnicity, where it is subsumed in (or assumed by) the concept of kinship. In order to note how it may be mentioned more explicitly, we must turn to V. Landisbergis, the first president of recently liberated Lithuania, who acknowledged that his countrymen's uninterrupted opposition to centuries of Russian oppression was something "passed on from family to family, from father to sons, in the Lithuanian national spirit (1990, p. 11)." The brunt of the huge amount of scholarly and humanistic attention directed toward ethnicity — only very little of which can be reviewed here - seems to be concentrated within the rubric that was entitled "people, culture, nation" in our citational analyses. This is both a broad, and in some respects a troublesome, rubric and among its problems is the fact that it is still terminologically vague, inconsistent and contested. "In some parts of Europe", Burke (1992, p. 294) laments, the words for 'people' and 'nation' are identical: narod in Slav[ic] languages, ... nep in Hungarian (Volk in German is also ambiguous, but co-exists with the term Nation). It is difficult to know whether to translate the titles of some collections of what we call 'folk-songs' as 'popular songs' or 'national songs'". English is by no means guiltless in this very connection, "nation" sometimes referring to the people (as in "a contested homeland of many nations") and sometimes to the state (as in "one nation, under God, with liberty and justice for all"). "People" itself is obviously unclear, given that both unorganized ("a lot of people") and organized ("the German people") collectivities may be referred to with this term. Finally, as Hulme has observed (1994), even when the term "nation" is utilized, it is used differently for Europeans than for non-Europeans. The latter are referred to as "nations" (rather than as "tribes" or "ethnic groups") only if they

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show unified, prolonged and at least temporarily successful resistance to colonization. This distinction is somewhat related to my own long-standing preference for "nationality" (Fishman 1968) to designate an aggregate that is conscious and mobilized with respect to its ethnicity, utilizing "nation" only for the state (viz., "the president's State of the Nation Address"). Even "nationalism" runs into definitional problems. Connor has long recommended (most recently in 1994) using the term "patriotism" to refer to state loyalty, while using "[ethnojnationalism" to refer to loyalty to a people. State loyalty is, of course, the French, British and American view of what defines nationality and, therefore, citizenship, whereas loyalty to one's own people is the German and Eastern European criterion. Finally, some scholars utilize the terms "tribe", "people" and "nation" to designate successive developmental stages of ethnicity consciousness and mobilization, whereas others also utilize them to designate different concurrent levels of these very manifestations. Thus, Dann and Dinwiddy (1988) are convinced, as are a number of other historians, that nations, national feeling and national patriotism existed in Europe well before 1789, but that with the French Revolution, consciousness of all three spread and deepened among the middle classes, urban workers and even among many farmers/peasants and sailors/fishermen. 6.3.3.

Ethnogenesis

Conceptual clarity can hardly be very far advanced when and where terminological disagreements still loom so large. Nevertheless, there are several identifiable clusters of concern upon which attention has centered. One of these deals with the bases or causes of ethnicity formation or "ethnogenesis". Thernstrom et al. have specified and illustrated well over a dozen factors, cautioning that these occur in "combinations that vary considerably" (1980, pp. v-ix). Such a long list is less widely accepted, apparently, than the parsimony, accurate or not, of the search for "major causes". In relatively recent years, many have selected inter-aggregate conflict, opposition, grievance, competition, friction, aggression, hostility, etc., etc., for the place of honor among purportedly major or sole "causes" of ethnicity (e.g., Barth 1969, Spicer 1971, Boon 1982, Gellner 1994, Dumont 1994). The foregoing are, however, far from being the first to do so. Eighteenth century social philosophers had already made this point, particularly in reference to the contagious ideas of the French Revolution and in the mid-19th century. Karl Marx too had stressed that any

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societal phenomenon could be truly understood only when viewed in a conflictual mode. The upshot of this view is that ethnicity is thereby transformed into a reactive and dislocative dimension. Ethnic formations arise and define themselves, it is believed, not in terms of their own selfperceived or other-perceived cultural characteristics, but rather, in terms of grievances that they experience and perpetrate vis-ä-vis other groups. Conversi, who also shares this conflictual view to some degree, nevertheless balances it considerably by observing that "there are given internal and objective factors that are [also] available and used to demarcate borders without necessarily relying on antagonism and confrontation ... Language is normally the most universal of them (1995, p. 79)". Among the grievance-causing factors there has even been mention of "not permitting moderate expressions of [previously formed] national consciousness" (Ignatieff 1993, p. 36). Presumably, national consciousness initially formed in one way or another, is further solidified and mobilized when this consciousness is opposed or repressed, thereby setting into motion a stream of self-replenishing grievances. Finally, this oppositional stress has fostered a long-standing critique of ethnicity (see section 6.7.), not only as disruptive of civility but as conflict-causing on a purportedly unworthy or non-constructive basis (relative to class, political or other, presumably more "justified" types of conflict). 6.3.4.

Cultural rather than conflictual factors:

authenticity

and invention

Although they are now in a minority, the adherents of a predominantly cultural basis to ethnicity are also still very much in evidence in the scholarly and humanistic literature. Conversi, apparently focusing upon Catalans and other such suppressed or minoritized peoples, believes that "a striving for a lost sense of community is what animates most successful nationalist movements" (1995, p. 75). Johnston, also commenting from a Catalan perspective, nevertheless states the matter more generally as well as more actively, claiming that "ethnic nationalism invokes identities that are very basic [and] ... important in recruitment and alliance formation. The symbols of the nation, furthermore, have considerable emotive power that bears directly on group solidarity" (1991. p. 192). Fanon fills the picture out even more culturalogically when he notes that ethnic mobilization "describes, justifies and celebrates the experiences of a people in ways that have meaning for the collectivity, ... deriving] its frame of reference from a specific culture, ... a specific way of ordering belief and experience, of giving meaning" (1961, p. 274). This view is reminiscent of

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Friedrich List (German economist, 1789—1846) and his enumeration of 60 different ways in which peoples showed their specificity ("spirit", "will", "customs", etc., etc.). Going beyond the narrow limits of nationalism alone, moreover, Peter Burke stresses that "all over Europe the movements of national 'revival' of the 19th century ... were associated with ... the 'discovery of popular culture' by intellectuals and, more generally, by the upper and middle classes" (1978, p. 295). Such "discovery" implies that cultural specificity may be lost at times and that when regained it may not be precisely as it was. However, the "reinvention" of authenticity, "often deliberate and always innovative" (Hobsbawm 1983, p. 13), also prompts the widespread criticism that ethnocultural mobilization employs symbols that are much more invented than authentic and that the inventors are precisely the counterparts of those very elites who initially left the ethnic fold most completely and who subsequently became ethnic "consciousness raisers" in order to attract constituencies that will enable the elites to attain goals of their own. This view will be returned to in section 6.7. At this juncture it should be indicated that yet other scholars have concluded, in this very connection, that "a small number of patriots [enabled] their fellow-countrymen to appreciate their heritage, to value what was their own" (Morgan 1983, 99). From the latter perspective it is clear that ethnocultural criteria are by no means infrequently (even if no longer predominantly) still considered to be first and foremost in the formation and reconstitution of peoples, i. e., that "traditional cultural symbols" become "definitions of ... [group] identity" (Bennett 1975, p. 2), doing so, at times, even after the specific customs to which the symbols initially pertained have themselves lapsed. 6.3.5.

The objectivity

of

"history"

An even more abstract view of the nature of ethnicity focuses on the concept of "history", both as a guide to the authentic past as well as a compass for the ongoing "flow of the past which is [still] organically living" (Kohn 1950, p. 446). "History" was a notion that was extremely appealing to the Romanticists for whom "any historical development became ... the result of a necessity which corresponded to ... immutable laws in the process of becoming, ... opposing reason's unlimited power to fashion and create" (Walzel 1965, p. 295). Although detractors may claim that "all invented traditions, so far as possible, use history as a legitimator" (Hobsbawm 1983, p. 12), and therefore, "the more remote past seems to have played much more important roles [in the restoration

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of ethnic cultures]" (Ranum 1975, p. 4) than may be objectively verifiable. Adherents of "history" as an explanatory principle stress that "a heroic past, great leaders, and true glory ... lead to a community of will. Common grief and consciousness of sacrifices, even more than the triumphs of war, serve to bind a people together" (Ernst Renan, cited by Snyder 1990, p. 344). Of course, "history" has local, regional, national and international links and components and, accordingly, it is variously interpreted, particularly insofar as its implications for current ethnicity are concerned. 6.3.6. National

character

If "history" strikes many modern scholars as a vague and non-operational explanatory principle, the cognitive and personality traits that constitute "national character" might be expected to be even more so. But, as Mosse sensitively observes, "the belief in the existence of a 'national character' was present from the very beginning of modern nationhood" and, at the root of this view, he finds "romanticism, with its emphases on organic development" (1994, p. 320). However, modern investigators also find some use for this notion or for formulations only slightly differing from it. Hagendoorn and Linssen comment that "observed national cultures may significantly contribute to the formation of images about national groups" (1994, p. 125), which is to say that not only may members of ethnocultures themselves be convinced as to the reality of their own "national character", but that outside observers may also become convinced of that reality. Even more positively, Farnen is convinced that "concepts such as 'national character' and 'political culture' (once so prominent in the social science literature from the 1920's to the 1960's) are still useful models of scholarly analysis for cross-national study" (1994, pp. 451—452). This means that not only a perspectivally useful but an objectively useful role may still be posited for this notion, notwithstanding its romantic origins. 6.3.7.

Unity and territory: setting

boundaries

The citational recognition of unificational and territorial aspects in connection with ethnicity has an even more visible counterpart in the scholarly and humanistic literature, but most of this concern is directed toward critiques of ethnicity/nationalism that will be reviewed later. Our attention here will be focused on a more abstract manifestation of this topic, namely, on the consequences of setting boundaries, i. e., of defining and

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separating those who "belong" (to the ethnonational group) relative to those who do not. This has been referred to by Conversi (1995, p. 75) as the "crucial border-generating function" of ethnicity. Clearly, borders unify those within them and separate or exclude those beyond them. This process of simultaneous internal consolidation and separation from outsiders is present in all group-formation (whether on kinship, hobby, professional, political or other interest bases) and, in itself, says nothing as to the purpose, permanence, permeability or prominence of the boundaries established. Boundaries might be viewed as quite innocent in and of themselves (e.g., as fulfilling "the dream that a whole nation could be [kneeling together and praying to God] like a congregation"[Ignatieff 1993]), or as quite ominous (e.g., concerned first and foremost with "political power and, particularly, with the state" [Conversi 1995, p. 75]). The boundary-derived association between ethnonationalism and aspirations toward state-formation is quite natural, given that states are the ultimate boundary setters in modern life. The association between ethnicity and state-formation may come even more readily to the tongues of English speakers for whom, as has been observed, above, the term "nation" signifies both "people" and "state". However, the charge that ethnonational processes, especially when salient, automatically imply efforts toward state-formation, may be merely a reflection of sensitivity over the fact that the formation of new states is necessarily at the expense of old states. Such a protest may well be an expression of grievance on the part of witting or unwitting spokespersons for older states (many of which also came into existence via secessionist processes), because "recent nationalist movements are not movements of nation-states but of nations against states" (Tiryakian 1985, p. 3; emphases added). Thus, the very unity and territoriality that are the goals of newly activated but once quiescent ethnonational groups are, naturally, disruptive of the unity and territoriality of older (and even of initially non-ethnically defined) states. However, what is particularly noteworthy in this connection is not merely the perspectival nature of such inter-ethnic contrasts and grievances, but the lasting power that these can attain. Beneath the seeming surface unity of most polities at any particular period of their history "there [may] survive ... the memory of older groups ... [waiting to] reassert themselves" (Bloch 1961, p. 433). Every liberation is simultaneously disruptive, unifying and separationist, unless genuine power sharing arrangements can come into being, so that all (both those liberated long ago and those still seeking liberation) can participate together in a variety of higher order unities (regional, continental and worldwide), while being assured of acceptance and recognition at their own level of ethnic expression.

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6.3.8. The language and ethnicity link: organic or accidental? In recent years the social science and humanistic literature has slowly become more fully cognizant of how old the language and ethnicity link really is. Llobera points out that "the division of the Holy Roman Empire at Verdun in 843 consecrated the separation of Germania and Gallia along linguistic lines " (1994, p. 81), as well as that the terms "natio and lingua ... were frequently coterminous, as St. Thomas Aquinas [1225?1274] forcefully remarked" (ibid., p. 4).35 Far before modern nationalism had appeared on the scene, the link between language and ethnicity had come to be recognized (see, e.g., the many instances mentioned in Armstrong 1982). With the arrival of modern means of communication primarily verbal, regardless of the medium, although, until recently, literacy has long remained the foremost medium among them — language and ethnicity each contributed to the awareness of the other in truly reciprocal fashion. Finally, the state itself entered the equation, and promoted a select and fortunate few of them both, together with itself as their prime protector (Ranum 1975). Clearly, the state got fully as much as it gave in this connection, appropriating unto itself the charisma of any prior language and ethnicity link. The scholarly literature is not only Eurocentric, in this connection, but West-Central Eurocentric to boot. Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814) is frequently mentioned in connection with language and ethnicity because of his early recognition that "language is the external and visible badge ... that distinguishes one nation from another" and for holding that "it is the most important criterion of a nation. We give the name of people ... to [those]... whose organs of speech are influenced by the same external conditions ... and who develop their language in continuous communication with one another" (from his Addresses to the German Nation. [1979, p. 98]). Johann Gottfried Herder (1724-1804) is clearly recognized as the "prophet... of the mystical identification of nationality with a ... platonic idea of the language, [an idea] existing behind and above all its variants" (Hobsbawm 1990, p. 57), an idea that "was to become central to the modern definition of nationality and also to the popular perception of it" (ibid., p. 59). Although a non-platonic idea of language might be difficult to conceive of, Herder's view actually had far more activistic implications than platonic ones. In Herder's view, the language no less than formed the people and breathed into it its own "national spirit" ("Denn jedes Volk ist Volk; es hat seine national Bildung wie seine Sprache", cited by Kemilainen 1964, p. 42). This view may have

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been particularly prompted by the German historical reality of long delayed political unification, because it enabled many Germans to convince themselves that they were at least a Sprachnation, even if they were not yet a Staatsnation (Teich and Parker 1993). Even after that political unity was attained, the language/ethnicity stress remained strong among most Germans. Among others, the musical genius — and proto-Nazi — Richard Wagner (1813—1883) proclaimed (in his essay "What is German?") that "the idea of Germanness ... is knit to the German language and to the German ur-homeland" (Aberbach 1984, p. 414). In more eastern areas of Europe, quite indigenous literary and philosophical traditions were also very formative of this same line of thinking (albeit German intellectual influence is quite recognizable there, as well). Note should be made, in this connection, of "the Dalimil chronicle of c. 1314 ... [and its references to] cesky jazyk (Czech tongue) ... to mean 'Czech people'" (Pynsent 1994, p. 44). Even earlier Slavic references of this kind are cited by Karl Deutsch, going back even to Saints Cyril's and Methodius' initiation of Catholic services in the South Slavic vernacular in the ninth century. As a result of both external German and internal indigenous influences, all early 19th century intellectuals among Croats, Magyars, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles and Slovenes, as well as AustroHungarian 'Galicians' such as Ruthenians (Ukrainians) and Rusyns, "included language as a major part of what they understood as defining 'nation' for them ... [and thought] of the French and English (not the British) as nations" (Pynsent 1994, p. 45), precisely because of their linguistic homogeneity. 36 Thus, not only did languages come to be viewed as "the personal property of ... their daily speakers and readers, [but] ... these groups, imagined as communities, [came to be viewed as]... entitled to their own autonomous place in the fraternity of equals" (Anderson 1991, p. 110). The anglophone sphere, to the north and west of the early French and German equations between language and ethnicity, has also been far from idle in this connection. One observer tells us that "English literature [fostered] a language through which national sentiment could express itself, but in this case it was nationalism's own language, no less evocative than, but distinct from religion" (Greenfield 1992, p. 70). And even in America, the lexicographer (and, later, voluble spokesman for religion) Noah Webster (1758—1843) preached that Americans must have a special language of their own, "American", precisely because Americans themselves were so "special", endowed with qualities and abilities that the English did not and could not have (Rollins 1980).

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Several writers have speculated as to the underlying reason for the evidently strong, recurring and widespread perspectival and functional link between language and ethnicity. Rejecting, as all empirical scholarship does, the romantic assumption of an "organic" link between the two, they have also seldom been able to find the communication plus economic advantage analyses of either Karl Deutsch or Ernst Gellner fully satisfying. As Pi-Sunyer has aptly put it, "If language were only a form of communication, ... [then] switching from one language to another would be dictated by efficiency" (1985, p. 272), which is far from being the only cause of language switching, bilingualization or language shift. Khlief, while not at all rejecting the economic advantages of insisting on one's own language within one's own turf, also recognizes the important satisfactions derived from "reaffirmation of linguistic identity, coupled with the ideology of collective rights" (1985, p. 194). Ignatieff puts the latter with more feeling: "That full belonging, the warm sensation that people [round about you] understand not merely what you say but what you mean, can come only when you are among your own people in your native land" (1993, p. 10). The language and ethnicity link is thus an aspect of the self-acceptance that accompanies being fully accepted in the most sensitive respects by one's most meaningful associates. In the view of many, an intuitive acceptance of one's often not fully verbalized or clearly crystallized, intimate, internalized psychological traits and longings is required for one to feel fully at home in the modern world of strangers. Some scholars and writers have assumed that such acceptance, and the sharing of such traits, come to pass only via the longterm sharing of an associated vernacular. The Scottish philosopher and historian David Hume (1711 — 1776), e.g., concluded that "a similarity of language leads to a similarity of manners proportional to the amount of communication between them [ i. e., the members of the same nation]" (Norton 1980, p. 141). The pan-Slavist Jan Kollar was convinced that "anyone who ... fails to love and honor ... [his native] language, [and] neglects its spirit and character, can in any case not be receptive to any true patriotism or humanität" (Pysent 1994, p. 59). His contemporary (and co-ethnic, although quite far from pan-Slavic convictions), Pavel Safarik (1795 — 1861), further insisted that "one can achieve true perfection of language and intellect only in one's mother tongue" (Pynset 1994, p. 79), a conviction that has also increasingly reverberated throughout Western psycho-educational circles during the past century or more. Ernst Renan, the late 19th century French philosopher, literary critic and scholar, whom we have cited many times above, was convinced that

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the French language improves its speech community. "It is a school; it has naturalness, good-naturedness, it can laugh, it conveys an agreeable skepticism mingled with goodness. ... Fanaticism is impossible in French" (Renan 1947-1961, v. 2, pp. 1090-1091). No wonder, then, that he concluded that "the preservation and propagation of the French language are important for the general order of civilization" (ibid., p. 1088). However, even a few 20th century scholars have not entirely abandoned the possibility of a causal link between language and the attitudinal, intellectual or temperamental qualities that make up national character. Thus, Marc Bloch emphasizes that a shared ethnonational tongue "brought about other common elements, particularly mental traditions" (1961, p. 436). Seemingly then, national character as such, and its link to language more specifically, still have some adherents in the world of recent scholarship, although many fewer adherents than there were a century or more ago, and even fewer than those who react positively to the continued utility of the construct of "national character" per se. In summary, it is clear that although sanctity sometimes colors or spills over into the discussion of ethnicity, there is appreciably more social science and humanistic attention to ethnicity than to sanctity, even when one sets the extensive social science critique of ethnicity aside for later examination. However, once again, the link to language is not usually made, and, even when it is made, the thematic distribution is substantially more restricted in comparison with the much fuller range of the citational topics. "Kinship" and "hearth and home", on the one hand, and "territory and unity", on the other hand, are rarely, if ever, explicitly related to language in the humanistic and social science literature. The same is true insofar as explicit references to "history" are concerned. Perhaps implications as to "history" and "territoriality/ unity" can be read into many of the references to "people, culture, nation". Nevertheless, this possibility should not mask the lesser frequency of explicit and separate recognition of "history" and "territoriality/unity" in the social science and humanistic literature. Furthermore, although the humanistic tradition continues to reflect some of the positive emotion and verve of the romantic period when discussing the language and ethnicity link, the social science references are rarely if ever positive or concerned with the historical, epistemological and emotional investment of those for whom this link is a verity. If the negative references are set aside for later consideration, then one is largely left with neutrally descriptive comments about the perspective of "others".

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6.4. The recognition of language status concerns in the humanities and social sciences Connor (1993, 1994) is one of the few Western scholars to have stressed the supra-rational nature of the ethnonational bond. This view is amply supported by the citational evidence, particularly as it pertains to sanctity and to ethnicity. Although the energy and emotion derived from devotion to sanctity and ethnicity may be expected to spill over, to some extent, into status planning and corpus planning as well, the latter two endeavors also entail the maximally rational pursuit of concrete goals. Goal attainment requires the rational setting of priorities, the allocation of means, the weighing of strategies, the coordination of support, the diffusion of information, in short: the regulation of supra-rational devotion by rational organization. The major differences that we have noted between the citational perspective and the social science/humanities perspective with respect to sanctity and ethnicity, may, possibly, be attributed to the fact that the latter perspective (that of the social sciences/humanities) is more rational, empirical and analytic, on the whole, than is the former. In that case, we would expect these perspectival differences to narrow as we turn our attention to thematic areas - status planning and corpus planning - in which the advocates of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness too might well benefit by maximizing more rational characteristics. 6.4.1.

"Why do they cleave to their language?"

Unfortunately, any hopes theoretically entertained for such a narrowing of differences is immediately weakened when one notes that there are no social science/humanities commentaries at all on the first three citational categories (chapters 1 through 3). The closest we come to recognition of a "moral obligation" to foster the beloved language is an observation by Alcock et al. (1979, p. 198) that "If governments have the legitimate right to demand loyalty from their [minority] citizens ... they have the corresponding and necessary duty of responding to the legitimate demand of the minority, ... [that the government enable] it to ensure that the distinctive features of its culture ... are preserved and developed, and to ensure that it can assume greater responsibility for its own future". The rarity of comments such as the foregoing is probably due to the fact that minority positive ethnolinguistic consciousness per se is so often a riddle or puzzle for dominant society, and becomes more so the longer its dominance continues. Most social scientists and humanistic scholars, safely

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ensconced within their mainstream-dependent university membership and support system, have, like the general mainstream, "tended to regard language as merely a straightforward instrument of communication, as well as (though not always consciously) a symbol of their own privileged ruling position" (Hroch 1992, p. 202). This is not an auspicious point of departure from which to appreciate status planning efforts for hitherto disadvantaged languages. Frankly, the dominant political/cultural/intellectual establishment cannot usually fully fathom why "peripheral" disadvantaged populations sometimes invest so much effort on behalf of status planning for their beloved language. Even the liberal and revolutionary members of the dominant ethnolinguistic group (and the hitherto disadvantaged individuals whom they have co-opted into their ranks) are likely to see such advocacy as divisive (for the reform movement) and dysfunctional (for the culturally disadvantaged per se). In this connection, it would be well to keep in mind not only our own earlier discussion of the perspectival nature of "unity" and "divisiveness" (see section 6.3.3.), but the admonition of McDonald, in analyzing language, culture and identity in Brittany, namely, "There is no language external to the social context of its evaluation and use. The language is the values invested in it or the values woven into it by its speakers" (1989, p. 312). 6.4.2. Divisiveness and dysfunctionality through language: an outsider perspective on language status planning When various transethnified and translinguified 19th century intellectuals became aware of folk-cultures related to their own origins and t when, under the impact of Romantic ideas, they began to mobilize constituencies on behalf of (or ostensibly on behalf of) saving those folk-cultures, "the theme of a vanishing culture which must be recorded before it is too late" (Burke 1978, p. 15) was often sounded. But the cure (or, more generally, the type of struggle engaged in on behalf of the beloved language) is often different for the external doctor than it is for the internal patient. For the latter, the cure is more often a focus on building "fraternity" [and being] willing [to make] colossal sacrifices" (Anderson 1992, p. 7). Such sacrifices build community and for those who have little political or economic power, community is often all they have or can have. They persist in their struggle "because of the psychological rewards inherent in nationality, its [internal] status enhancing quality" (Greenfield 1992, p. 490), and because, as we have already noted, they can accept neither

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the viability nor the desirability of either their community or their nationality without their language. The suspicion of "divisiveness"-cum-"dysfunctionality" leads many outsiders to conclude that they do "not see much advantage in passing it [the disadvantaged language/culture-group membership] on to succeeding generations ... The more a minority group turns in upon itself and concentrates on making its position strong, the more it costs its members ... to make their way as members in the larger society" (Birch 1989, p. 239). Even banning disadvantaged languages may be justified, including "punishments for children heard talking to each other in that language" (ibid., p. 11), as merely "involving] a cultural loss for a political gain, [with] any overall assessment of their [relative] merits being dependent on personal values, as the loss and gain are different in kind" (ibid., p. 45). Others, however, have not been slow to point out that exactly such state repression leads to the very ethnic conflict which it attempts to head off (Gurr 1993); in addition, of course, it generally does not usher in a period of upward social mobility "in the larger society" for those who acquiesce with their own ethnolinguistic genocide. Disadvantagedness does not evaporate with language and identity shift and every dominant culture also has a thoroughly disadvantaged class "of its own". 6.4.3. Language status planning as group vitality

planning

Actually, as will soon become apparent from various sources to be cited below, planning efforts on behalf of status-deprived languages have an old and by no means entirely conflictual history. Not infrequently, certain portions of those disadvantaged group members who had previously become linguistically assimilated, including even the few that had experienced upward social mobility, also rejoin the disadvantaged ranks and even become important ethnocultural activists (Fishman 1972, Connor 1994). When they "return to the fold", they bring to status planning efforts for their disadvantaged language not only means, contacts and skills that may be sorely lacking, but also the additional devotion, even extremism (often viewed as "counter extremism") that all recent or reborn true believers so frequently evince. "A use of Breton and only Breton, for all purposes, ... describes the militant world and its aspirations, rather than [rank and file] native-speaker realities. ... The militant world and the popular world ... are not talking about the same thing" (McDonald 1989, p. 279). More generally, "the linguistic programme" is viewed as the entering wedge in attaining a more "complex social struc-

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ture, including [political and] intellectual elites ... and some degree of self government" (Hroch 1992, p. 200), at least in matters of cultural selfregulation. As was the case in the 19th century, so also today, there is a stage in status planning at which "the [typical] nationalist does not necessarily work for independent statehood, but he [or she!] does aim for a unification of cultural forces" (Pynsent 1994, p. 45; for similarities to ancient Greece, see Mann 1986, p. 225), so that community cohesion and communication can be secured. At this stage, daily linguistic reality for ethnoculturally disadvantaged groups is still bilingual and bicultural. If this stage is not sufficiently accommodated, then grievances generally escalate on both sides of the perspectival divide. The establishment will oppose publicly supported bilingualism and will point to "horror stories" (Belgium!, Canada! Basque Country! Catalonia!) that purport to reveal the exorbitant costs of bilingualism, both in friction and in funds (Birch 1989, p. 11), and the counter-establishment (pointing to far from horrible aspects of the same cases) will tend, when it is feasible to do so, toward more uncompromising monolingualism as well, but in "its" language rather than in "theirs" (see Hroch 1992, p. 203). Thus, on the one hand, "planned measures to integrate cultural minorities normally begin with the adoption of a single official language for all political, legal and commercial transactions" (Birch 1989, p. 10) and, on the other, an ethnonational manifesto is released which "in terms of its consequences for existing nation-states [not to mention "state-nations"] could be as revolutionary as the [Marxist] one of 1848 ... Like the phoenix, it [ethnic consciousness] has periodically reemerged from its own historical ashes" (Tiryakian 1985, p. 1). 6.4.4.

Mother tongue in education: a recurring goal of the

disadvantaged

The domain of formal schooling is obviously an early and important one for according status to contextually disadvantaged languages, given that it combines the advantages of sufficient exposure for fluency, the attainment of literacy in a supralocal literary variety, preparation of new contenders for positions related to future political, cultural and economic self-regulation, and, not least of all, socialization by a cadre of ethnonationally positive instructors for whom school-teaching is often the "first step up", both with respect to leadership and communal authority. The school domain, publicly subsidized as it commonly is in modern society, therefore, often becomes the first arena of vocal disagreement between those seeking enhanced status for disadvantaged languages and those

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opposing such upward functional mobility for them. Actually, the promotion of non-schoolworthy languages to the status of "at least partially worthy" languages for that function is part and parcel of the stuff out of which much of sociocultural history as well as sociocultural status differentiation is made. Nevertheless, those languages that experience this promotion later in time, stake out their claims in an arena with a much increased number of jealous competitors already present and in substantial control. Bloch's reminder that "It was King Alfred's wish [late 9th, early 10th century] that young people ... learn it [English] in schools, before the more gifted passed on to Latin" (Bloch 1961, p. 75), is, therefore, one of many reminders that vernaculars often entered (and still enter) the school domain in a status-differentiating context. Where political self-regulation precedes cultural self-regulation (as was the case in connection with King Alfred), the students are primarily, if not entirely, of one ethnonational background and, therefore, there is neither "ethnoculturally ours" nor "ethnoculturally theirs" in connection with the bilingualization of education. If segregated education obtains nevertheless, it is on social class and/or academic ability bases. On the other hand, where the disadvantaged's cultural self-regulation comes in advance of or in the total absence of their political self-regulation, then two languages in publicly subsidized schooling will often be indicative of two different ethnocultural populations (one politically dominant and the other disadvantaged). Under such circumstances Alcock et al. (1979) acknowledge that "this raises the very delicate question of whether education should be segregated. It is to be noted that this is overwhelmingly the existing practice throughout the world and efforts to end it have been strenuously resisted. ... Defenders of the [bilingual] system fear that desegregation might lead to weakening o f . . . [integrative] cultural characteristics and group loyalties. ... Since minorities ... [are] in the weaker situation as regards the maintenance and continuation of their culture, the choice should be theirs" (p. 194).37 6.4.5. Functional promotion beyond schooling: the upper work and cultural spheres Beyond education, but short of functions related to state-[co-] management, social science and humanities, attention has been paid to status aspirations in economic pursuits and in the broader cultural sphere. The latter status aspirations are ultimately related to the success of minority language literacy, which, being school dependent, is therefore substan-

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tially (although not entirely) dependent on the cooperation and support of mainstream authorities and largesse. This is somewhat less so in the case of creative literary artists, many of whom start off by using not only the ethnonational tongue, but ethnonational themes, forms and rhythms as well. Creative verbal virtuosos may succeed in bringing their work, and their people and "the people's cause", to the level of international attention (Snyder 1992). Indeed, the German philologist and folklorist Jacob Grimm (1785—1863) considered "the German language and German literature ... [to be] the sole unifying bonds of the German nation" (Teich 1993, p. 2). Finally, if the movement for increased status advantages for disadvantaged languages gathers steam, it often "mobilize[s] an ethnic group to break the traditional structural constraints on the social mobility of its members [by advocating] ... the passage of legislation to bilingualize governmental service institutions and [larger private] business establishments" (Khlief 1985, p. 192). At this stage, the anxieties of the guardians of the establishment become even more fully aroused. Just as minority advocates frequently adopt the stance that "unum" is safe whereas "pluribus" is threatened, so, in mirror image, mainstream advocates (see, e.g., Ravitch 1990 and Schlesinger 1991) give priority to the cannon of unity. They believe that priority to be threatened and "pluribus" to be in good shape, as evidenced by the very pluralism of society itself in almost all modern polities. They note the threat to "unum" first when "pluribus" approaches the schools and they are confirmed in their alarm when it aims at general culture, the work-place and government itself. In his essay on the place of literature in the work of the Hungarian composer and pianist Franz Liszt (1811-1866), Jacques Barzun has sensitively observed that "to the Romanticists the love of nation did not mean an aggressive self-satisfied attitude toward other peoples. On the contrary, it meant an appreciation of diversity among the national traditions. The nations of Europe were compared to a bouquet of cultures, each with its characteristic fragrance" (Barzun 1990, p. 211). Unfortunately, it often seems easier for post-Romantics (Barzun included) to recognize the beauty of that fragrance roughly 200 years later than it does when the bouquet is just coming into full bloom. 6.4.6. The state: threatened by and/or a threat to disadvantaged languages Relative to the citational evidence pertaining to status planning for disadvantaged languages, the social sciences and the humanities are clearly preoccupied with issues pertaining to the state. This preoccupation fol-

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lows one of three directions: historical, operational and theoretical. In the historical vein, Bloch points to the antiquity of the language-state link by commenting that as far back as ... the 10th century a Lombard bishop, indignant at the claims — historically well founded - of the Byzantines to Apulia [a region in southeast Italy], wrote: "that this region belongs to the kingdom of Italy is proved by the speech of the inhabitants'" (1961, p. 435). Gellrich, in reporting on a rebellion against the British crown in 1381, points out that the use of "the vernacular [in the] ... peasant protests is one of the most obvious facts about it, yet it remains one of the least appreciated factors in scholarship on the English rising" (1995, p. 159). Teich records that Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibnitz (1636—1716), the eminent German scientist and philosopher, "equated the status of a nation with the status of its language" (1993, p. 1). John Stuart Mill (1806-1873), who excelled both in philosophy and in economics, believed, on the one hand, that "nationalism makes men indifferent to any portion of the human species, save that which is called by the same name and speaks the same language". On the other hand, he also believed that "it is a necessary condition of free institutions that the boundaries of government coincide in the main with those of nationalities" and therefore, with their respective languages (1958 [1861], p. 64). The founder of modern Protestant theology, Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768-1873) "pleaded for use of the German language ... [in order] to fashion a German state" (Jasper 1986, p. 61). All in all, it is safe to say that "by the end of the 18th century, the idea of a state language was accepted by citizen-patriots, first in France and ... then ... in Germany, Italy, etc., etc." (Snyder 1990, p. 187). Today, although some few states still do not have de jure official languages (the USA being [or still being] in this latter category), the process of de facto officialization of the language of the dominant ("state-building") nationality is fairly complete and worldwide, particularly where colonialism has not left behind a lingua franca which clearly has such international diplomatic and econotechnical significance that it is both difficult and intrapunitive to dislodge. Nevertheless, even without such an interethnic rival, it is not always the major ethnonational language, and that language alone, which is official. Sometimes the honor is shared with one, or more than one, indigenous language. The Chinese leadership of Singapore, increasingly adopting English and losing its own Chinese, makes at least a minor bow in the direction of Malay, as does Malaysia in the direction of Chinese. Both the Catalan and the Basque Autonomous Communities are constitution-

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ally required to recognize Spanish, just as Quebec must recognize English, at least in certain functions and if only for anglophone Quebecois. Thus, there is ample evidence of accommodating and efficient bilingual administrations, to satisfy the demands of certain local minorities, and, at times, the very groups that had previously been disadvantaged themselves must subsequently make some room for yet others. Hroch is quite correct in pointing out that "the highest, most challenging component of the linguistic programme [of any contextually disadvantaged speech community] is the demand that the written language ... be made ... the language of administration, of the courts of justice, and of [large-scale] trade in areas where the given ... ethnic group is in the majority, ... [accompanied by the demand that] the 'lingua franca' ... should be used only in relations with the central authorities" (1992, p. 202). This is exactly the position of indigenous German speakers in Denmark and in Northern Italy, of Slovenes in Austria, of Rusyns in Voyvodina (Serbia) and Sub-Carpathian Slovakia, to give only European examples. In view of these precedents, Gellner's view that modern states can only function under conditions of cultural and linguistic uniformity, purportedly because otherwise citizens cannot participate in the political process or become involved in technological development and economic growth (viz. 1983, pp. 140—141), and Birch's view that the government has to designate.. "[one and only one] official language, ... on utilitarian grounds alone, ... [because] the state may be blind to differences of color among its citizens, but it cannot be deaf to differences in language" (1989, pp. 10—11), are clearly uninformed, or alarmist, or both. Such views reveal not only a statist bias but a conflict fixation as the social sciences view the languages of disadvantaged ethnolinguistic aggregates. We will return to this topic in section 6.6. below. It may very well be true that "language is an integral element of political activity, not just a mirror and accompaniment to a politics which exists outside of and independent of language" (Teich 1993, p. 33). However, that does not mean that language itself is "politicizing" nor that politics too cannot be bilingual. It is becoming continually clearer, particularly for those social scientists who examine cases around the world, that it is no longer accurate (even if it ever was) to hold with John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) that linguistic homogeneity "is a necessary condition for democratic politics to work, since it is only through this homogeneity that citizens can take part in political debate" ( see his Three Essays, cited by Tamir 1993, p. 128). Via modern means of simultaneous translation (viz. the European Union's use of 10 languages in parliamentary debate),

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multilingual democracy has become more and more common. The limits upon this possibility have most often been motivational and ideological on the part of the mainstream authorities and intellectuals, not the least among these limits being the fear (sometimes justified and often not) that "nations dream of being free ... The gage and emblem of this freedom is the sovereign state" (Anderson 1991, p. 7). Unfortunately, overly zealously safeguarding against this risk is an excess that seems to foster some of the very [imagined] excesses which initially prompt it. Even from our topically focused social science and humanities references, it is clear that a preoccupation with secessionism and with interethnic strife skews both the manifest coverage and the underlying tone of most considerations of status planning for disadvantaged languages. Both the skewing and the major difference in tone become evident when a comparison is made with the treatment of this crucial area which stems from the perspective of the citations drawn from the realm of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness. Clearly, both the skewing and the tone are derivative from the treatment of ethnicity per se in that same scholarly literature. Two additional things seem to be generally unrecognized in the social science and humanities literature, namely: that neither "letting sleeping dogs lie" nor keeping them completely muzzled are good bets in our increasingly interactive world. In the light of recent cross-polity research it now seems quite clear that linguistic heterogeneity is not really an independent cause of civil strife (Fishman 1991b). From a purely rational point of view, then, it is manifestly counterproductive to treat it as if it were.

6.5. The social sciences and humanities consider corpus planning for contextually disadvantaged languages Although the distinction between status planning and corpus planning is not an absolute one (corpus planning is undertaken with status change in mind, and every serious status change requires corresponding corpus planning to render it felicitously and parsimoniously "expressible"), the distinction does have merit in terms of an orderly consideration of the totally interactive language planning process. Scholars are often dismissive toward the excessive praises heaped upon the beloved language qua corpus. At times they object to the inflated "grandeur of the official language and the dominant culture, ... [which results in indigenous] languages other than the official one [being] ... seen

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as either patois or primitive, incapable of coping with the expressive and cognitive needs of modernity. Aesthetic arguments ... [are] also used to dismiss them" (Llobera 1994, pp. 216-217), only to subsequently also dismiss the activists on behalf of those non-dominant languages for their purportedly divisive disturbances of peace and civility. Few, indeed, pause in this litany of rejection to acknowledge that, vis-a-vis the language(s) of literacy that preceded it, the now official tongue too was regarded as "vulgar ... [with] all the want of precision and instability of a purely oral and popular vocabulary" (Bloch 1961, pp. 77—78). What needs to be appreciated, therefore, is the long corpus planning route (interwoven with endless status planning effort) that must be transversed between the stage of being viewed as a "vulgar tongue", the rejection of this negative imagery, the redefinition of the vernacular as authentic and, therefore, beautiful and beloved, and finally, the stage of active corpus planning per se, culminating in the language's becoming a "literary language" or even an "official" one. Obviously, for some languages the process of redefinition and reconceptualization begins much earlier than others. "Already in the 13th century, French [began to be viewed as] the most noble speech in the world, the most prized and loved, because God made it sweet and attractive, in honor and praise of himself; it is like the speech of the heavenly angels" (Beaune 1991, p. 270).38 But that could not have been the first step in corpus planning. The first step had to be that "widespread use was itself ... taken as a sign of merit" (ibid., p. 271) and, by early modern times, widespread use had to mean the people, particularly, "the people par excellence, ... the peasants ... [who] were tainted less with foreign ways" (Burke 1978, p. 22) and "the most in touch with the nation's distant [and, therefore, most authentic] past" (Burke 1992, p. 297). Little wonder then that folklorists and linguists played such a role in corpus planning, aware as they were of terms, constructions and variants beyond those in current use. The loss of these variants was associated with the notion of "decay of the language" (Alcock 1979, p. 192), due to its having fallen out of educated and authoritative use (as a result of foreign influences and foreign duress), and the entire corpus planning effort presented itself both as an effort to reverse damages done, on the one hand, and to reach new excellence on the basis of riches yet to be unearthed, on the other. Damage control inevitably meant doing without foreign borrowings. Thus, since Welsh was "the oldest language in the world, ... it was [basically] not a mongrel tongue such as the English language; ... it was infinitely copious and ... it should be defended against all enemies" (Morgan 1983,

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p. 70-71, quoting a 1773 Welsh publication). The damage done by such enemies was portrayed by the Slovak writer Pavel Josef Safarik (1795 — 1861) as halting "the free flow" of the beloved language, so that "its forms become as if dead and petrified and cease to burst into flowers" (Pynsent 1994, 59). All in all, the liberation from foreign influences made (and makes) the beloved language not only more authentic, but it obviously also made (and makes) corpus planning itself more urgent. The major variable in this rather repetitive scenario is whether it comes before or after state-formation. If, as in the case of France, it tends, in the main, to come after state-formation then, obviously, the authority of the state can be put behind it and its success varies with the success of the stateformation authorities and institutions. If, on the other hand, corpus planning pre-dates the successful establishment of the state, as was usually the case in Central-Eastern-Southern Europe (Russia being the most obvious exception), then the task of language planning is seen as contributory to state-formation and, therefore, has both additional burdens as well as additional accolades heaped upon it. (See, in this connection, Teich 1993.) Obviously, corpus planning also deals with more systematic and allpervasive efforts than lexical proscription and innovation. Jan Kollar (1793-1852), the Slovak pan-Slavicist, realized that "numerous, often coarse dialects and regional variants" must be unified into a national standard. This is the basic task, whether a pan-movement (seeking to unite various aggregates and tongues already perceived by some as "separate") or an ethnonational movement (seeking to unite regions and dialects still viewed as belonging together) is being considered, and often opinions will differ as to whether a particular case in question is a case of the one or of the other. However, the establishment of language norms or standards is not merely a self-gratification engaged in by linguists who "do" language planning; it is ever so much more, something urgently required by schools and by industry, by administration and by diplomacy. Modernization also makes possible communications with "popular audiences across dialectal boundaries, [by] preachers, ... reciters", politicians and educators (Hobsbawm 1990. p. 52), and all such communication requires a perfected, accepted and understood supra-local standard, at least (and often at most) receptively. However, the spread of literacy itself is dependent on such a standard and on the orderliness of its underlying writing system, spelling norm and grammar. It is only in fairly recent decades that scholars outside of the language sciences have come to appreciate the extent to which sophisticated expertise is required for the dictionaries and grammars that undergird language standardization. But

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above and beyond the professional-cognitive task was (and is) the ethnonational political task. Anderson correctly observes that "the energetic activities of vernacularizing lexicographers, grammarians, philologists and literateurs ... were central to the shaping of 19th century European nationalisms" (Anderson 1979, p. 71)39, and the same was (and is) true in Africa and Asia thereafter. Often, the standards arrived at were primarily based on a particular major dialect. Sometimes they were based upon compromises between two or more such dialects. In either case, the processes of lexical purification and innovation on the one hand, and grammatical and orthographic codification on the other, naturally produced a literary language which was unlike the authentic peasant speech which inspired it initially. Nevertheless, to describe the literary languages as "almost always semi-artificial constructs" and "the opposite of what national mythology supposes them to be, namely the primordial foundations of national culture and the matrices of the national mind", is both to miss the point and to blame them for their success. The point is that out of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness came the inspiration that has succeeded in creating the bulk of the modern and generally ample literary languages that are functioning today. The fact that they are "learned in school and written, let alone spoken, by no more than smallish elites" (Hobsbawm 1983, p. 14) is no fault of either the myths that underlie them or of the corpus planning that created them, since a very similar "fall o f f ' between the spoken dialects and the written standards applies to all languages, whether we look at English in the USA or at Macedonian in its Balkan state. And, of course, as the citational evidence also amply agrees, it is the written language, which is the symbolic apogee of the entire corpus planning venture. Just to have a written language is an important "claim to fame" in the modern ethnonational arena, where languages that are "only spoken" (and, by implication, their speech communities as well) count for less. However, the importance of writing/print literacy is much more than just symbolic. Anderson points out that "as literacy increases, it becomes easier to arouse popular support" (1991, p. 80), and, vice versa, "to invite the masses into history ... the invitation-card ha[s] to be written in a language they understand" (ibid., p. 340, citing Nairn 1977), and furthermore, in a language they identify with, as somehow really their own. Roughly a century ago, the French sociologist Gabriel Tarde (1843-1904) suggested that nationalism was one of several by-products of the modern periodical publications (dailies, weeklies, monthlies, etc.), their constant appearance, popular style, generally inexpensive nature

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and their wide distribution being well suited to the fostering of mass movements among those united via a shared literary tradition and ethnohistorical ideals (Davis 1906). Similarly, "the birth of the novel is often seen as connected to that of the nation, [being often] used for representing the imagined nation, ... as a national allegory" (van de Veer 1994, p. 179, also, in part citing Anderson 1991). Thus, whether prompted by altruism or by utilitarianism (even if self-centeredly so), the "cultural intellectualization of the language (in literature, theatre, scientific activities) ... tends to become the moral duty of all intellectuals" (Hroch 1992, p. 281), a duty into which the masses also become socialized. Even when vernacular literacy is merely viewed by the authorities as transitional in purpose (as, e.g., it was in the case of many of the Sovietinspired literacy programs for Siberian and Central Asian peoples in the 1920s and 30s), it often takes on a dynamic of its own and becomes a springboard for unintended ethnonational development and consolidation. Particularly with the perfection of inexpensive modern methods of "desktop publishing" and "desktop diffusion", literacy (albeit for specific genres and functions) for small and even scattered speech-communities has become an even more feasible goal than it has been heretofore. Such literacy often "providefs] a relatively safe outlet for implied and symbolic expressions against the regime, ... emblematic of ... more deeply concealed and fundamental cultural processes that comprise ... nothing short of a way of life" (Johnston 1991, p. 47). Even when literacy itself is rather elementary and the works that it would lead to all are not generally understood by most would-be readers, its support can still constitute "an act of solidarity, ... defending a democratic future, ... liberties of expression, ... right[s] of self-determination" (ibid., pp. 184—185). Thus, "there are clear links between the publication of certain famous collections of folk-songs and the rise ... or 'mobilization', or even 'constitution' of national identity" (Burke 1992, p. 296).40 The role of the printed word can be overestimated (note, e.g., Jacob Grimm's "Was haben wir dann Gemeinsames als unsere Sprache und Literatur" ["What else do we have in common other than our language and literature?"], Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm 1854, p. iii), since ethnonational and ethnolinguistic sentiments predate print by many centuries, but in modern times it should definitely not be underestimated either. Not the least of the functions of the written/ printed word is the increased access to panegyrics that it makes possible. As Makolkin has indicated, "Panegyric is the centuries-old method of catharsis and rejuvenation to which we resort in moments of infatuation with the ... seemingly perfect and ideally heroic, ... soothing [thereby] the

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views

collective psyche, providing comfort and imparting the sense of collective stability" (1992, p. 218). Panegyrics for languages are not as old, by any means, as their counterparts for heroes and for gods, but the genre is the same and print made its texts more readily available — on demand, so to speak — than they had previously been by word of mouth. All in all, therefore, the printed word is a motivating, unifying, mobilizing and modernizing factor, all rolled into one. It often also feeds back to, and strengthens, the language and religion link. It is clearly a power to be reckoned with in ethnonational affairs, as the scholarly literature well recognizes. Actually, it is in its treatment of the written word that the scholarly and the citational literature come closest to each other. In other corpus planning connections the scholarly literature tends to poke fun at or to stress the inauthenticity of efforts to plan de novo the lexical and grammatical models of purported ethnolinguistic uniqueness and of deeply historical authenticity. The citational rejection of negative corpus attributions is quite completely overlooked (as was the status planning rejection of prior insult and injury). Indeed, both literatures are grievance-prone, but their respective grievances are mutually unrecognized. The scholarly literature is aggrieved by the uncritical acceptance of self-serving myths and historical interpretations by ethnonational movements and their clienteles. The latter, however, are aggrieved by perceived current or past wrongs, slights and misfortunes — real or imagined — and are concerned for their rectification or amelioration, in language and in society as well.

6.6. Negative evaluations consciousness

of ethnicity

and of

ethnolinguistic

Having commented several times on scholarly inattention to certain themes represented in the citational literature, this section and the one that follows will be devoted to two major themes that the citational literature treats very sparsely, if at all, but that are extensively addressed in the scholarly literature. The first of these pertains to the various purportedly negative aspects of ethnicity on the one hand, or to organized efforts on its behalf on the other hand. Hobsbawm, whose name is prominent among those that have become closely associated with the charge that the cultural content of ethnicity is essentially a self-serving elitist myth or a purposeful misconstruction of the past (1983, 1990), nevertheless granted that "the study of invented

6.6.

Negative

evaluations

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157

traditions cannot be separated from the wider study of history and society" per se (1983, p. 12). In countless other contexts too, he realized, that the memory which is utilized is not merely that which has been selectively remembered, but that which "has been selected, written, pictured, popularized and institutionalized by those whose function it is to do so" (ibid., p. 13). Nevertheless, his stress on myth-making (rather than on probing the functional reality of particular convictions at particular times and for particular social networks) necessarily led him to adopt an overly doubting stance with respect to the future of ethnic mobilization per se ("the phenomenon is past its peak" [1990, p. 183]), unfortunately doing so just as it sprang forth with renewed post-perestroika vigor 41 . Beaune, on the other hand, leans over in the opposite direction when she observes that it is not "meaningful to ask whether a national ideology consists of myths; every ideology presents itself as truth. What is genuinely important about an ideology is its ability to generate allegiances, not its relationship to truth" (1991, p. 84). Somewhere in between these two exaggerated formulations is the ethno-symbolic view of the well-known specialist on nationalism Anthony Smith. In his book on the ethnic origins of nations (1986), Smith rejects both the notions that nations are invented or that their ideologies are purely the products of elitist manipulation, without rejecting the pursuit of "truth" as a legitimate human concern. Smith concludes that the texture of pre-existing memories, values and symbols out of which both modern nations and ideologies arise is every bit as important as the interpretations given to them by modern antagonists and protagonists. Conversi has most recently put it this way : "In order to mobilize the 'masses', the intelligentsia and the intellectuals before them must touch some chord, their message must reverberate amongst the people, it must even look familiar to them ..., some [perspectivally] 'real' element must be present in order for social categorization to become effective" (1993, p. 81). All in all, scholars have clearly called into question the implication that ethnogenesis can occur ex nihilo and have largely concluded that culture change, selection and interpretation are totally intertwined, a position with which Hobsbawm at his most judicious probably agreed. In connection with the sociology of religion, most social scientists have managed to set aside their own "outsider" convictions, including, of course, their convictions as to whether God is "real" or a self-serving myth, in order to concentrate on the societal experiences, functions and manifestations of sanctity convictions and practices. The study of ethnicity fully deserves, but has not yet generally attained, that level of scholarly consideration.

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voices, different

views

6.6.1. The evils of ethnicity and the nastiness of nationality However, the above-mentioned myth-making charge, called into question as it has largely been, constitutes no more than half of a rejected "Siamese twin"; the other half is "evil self-interest". N o less a political philosopher than Karl Popper (1957) has classified ethnic mobilization as one of the "three great plagues of the contemporary world", (thereby placing it in a troika alongside racism and religious fundamentalism). Popper, at least, was also opposed to the barbarism of Marxism, on the grounds that it too was a "closed system". Many other opponents of ethnic aggregation as a basis of social action, however, particularly among social scientists, have been quite enamored of Marxism, seeing no blemishes in its permanent declaration of war against ideological and class enemies. Balibur and Wallerstein (1991), e.g., view ethnic mobilization as "theoretical racism", "differential racism" or "meta-racism", leading peoples away from proper class-based solutions to what the authors consider to be basically economic problems. They equate the purported ethnic "self-racialization of the working class" to the "divide and conquer policy" of capitalism, making it just another bogus "refuge for the oppressed in this capitalist world-economy" (ibid., p. 230). Along similar lines, Morgan (1983) accuses ethnicity of driving "the people ... to give a disproportionate a m o u n t of their energies to cultural matters" (1983, p. 98), rather than to potentially useful, and therefore, proper class concerns. R a n u m sees it as delaying the people's concern with "political culture" (1975, p. 6), focused as it is on purportedly romantic culture. Johnston admits to worrying "which one was primary, the nationalist struggle or the class struggle" until he concluded that, at least in the Catalan case, "they were really the same struggle" (1991, p. 90). Equally numerous are the critics who equate ethnic mobilization with inter-ethnic strife, hatred and discrimination, without raising the class banner. "Xenophobia may exist without nationalism", we learn from Pynsent, "but hardly nationalism without xenophobia" (1994, p. 46). In similar vein, O'Brien attacks nationalism for spilling "oceans of blood throughout this century" and as "something which still curses this world" (1994, p. 258). John Smith, a scholar of religion, concludes that nationalism necessarily "makes absolute claims for the superiority of a nation vis ä vis other nations" (1994, p. 8). Birch sees no clear value in ethnicity's defense of threatened cultures. "Who can say", he asks rhetorically, "whether England is better or worse off for the extinction of the Cornish language [and culture]?" (1989, p. 45), forgetting, somehow, to ask

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evaluations

of ethnicity

159

whether the Cornish themselves might have something relevant to say in this connection and, whether overlooking them might not itself be an example of the very ethnocentrism that he so claims to abhor. A similar forgetfulness was displayed by Jules Ferry (1832—1893), the ideologist of the early Third (French) Republic, who "never had any doubts that the process of Francization was but a blessing for the country. The sense that ethnic or linguistic peculiarities had value never occurred [to him]; the losers of history - the historiless nations that Marx and Engels referred to - had no other place but in the dustbins of history" (Llobera 1994, p. 200). Little wonder, then, that Ferry could also so easily "profess to champion a civilizing mission and duty that compelled France to bring the beauties and truths of French culture and Christianity to the backward peoples" that it colonized in Africa and Asia, thereby coincidentally making the Third Republic a major world power (Power 1944, p. 199). Similarly, Frederic Engels poked fun at those who believed that "it is a frightful oppression to induce these poor Laplanders to learn the civilized Norwegian or Swedish language, instead of confining themselves to their own barbaric half-Esquimauk idiom!" (cited in Rjasanoff 1916, p. 175). Those who attack the advocates of ethnicity as manipulators of public opinion might best exercise care lest they be viewed as such themselves, merely preferring one source of power and conflict to another, and in modern times, most often preferring old power to new power and large power to small power. Every focus of human aggregation is prone to its particular focus of strife, be it political warfare, class warfare, price warfare. The latter are in no way preferable to ethnic warfare (which rightfully deserves to be condemned and prohibited). On the other hand, however, no sociocultural phenomenon should be known solely by its pathology· 6.6.2.

On the hidden ethnocentrism

of ethnophobia

The purported equation of ethnicity and ethnic violence or chauvinism has, of course, been challenged on occasion, as has the entire identification of ethnicity with reactionary thought and conservative politics. It is in this vein that Hutnik (1991) observes that "ethnocentrism is inherent in theoretical perspectives that view pathology and identification with one's own racial/ethnic group as synonymous" (p. 2). Even in conjunction with mobilized ethnicity, Symmons-Symonolewicz clearly realized that it is neither good nor bad, neither liberal nor illiberal, neither democratic nor undemocratic. Rather than being any of the above ["nationalism]

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voices, different

views

represents a series of stages in the struggle of a given [ethnic] solidarity group to achieve the basic aims of unity and self-direction" (1965, p. 220). Finally, it should be stressed that liberal "outside" views and theories of ethnicity are in ample evidence, starting with the 18th century and on through to our own time. The 18th century British statesman, orator and writer, (Viscount) Henry Bolingbroke (1678-1751), expressed the conviction that every nationality was entitled to its own development and saw no reason, at that very early period of modern ethnic mobilizations, why it should not then be both tolerant and sympathetic toward others with similar strivings (Snyder 1990, p. 41). As for Herder's views, coming roughly half a century after Bolingbroke, Hayes tells us that they were "primarily cultural and humanitarian ..., built around the principle of contributions to mankind as a whole and rejecting the idea of national superiority and glorification of one's own nation" (1927, p. 735). Although he was clearly not free of anti-French animus, that feeling was based as much on opposition to the Frenchification of other nations (e.g., the elites among the Germans, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, Russians and assorted South Slavs) as on a concern for the stunting of individual development in those nations if their Volksgeist remained unliberated along "authentic" lines. Jeremy Bentham (1748 — 1832), the English jurist and philosopher, believed that if every suppressed nationality were free, all would be able to live in peace with their neighbors. Camillo Cavour (1810—1861), Italian statesman and advocate of unification, defended this goal as a means of ending unrest, aggression or expansionism. Further examples of liberal nationalism in action are also not hard to find (see the extensively referenced cases in Tamir 1993). So, when Anderson asks why it is that "unlike other -isms, nationalism has never produced its own grand thinkers?" (1991, p. 5), he is obviously either disregarding or unaware of all of its defenders cited above (and those yet to be cited in section 6.8. below). When he then scolds its defenders for pretending that "it belongs with 'kinship' and 'religion', rather than with 'liberalism' and 'fascism'" (ibid., p. 5), we may reply, as our citational evidence amply reveals, that its unique nature constantly allies it with both of these realms of discourse. Louis Snyder (1907—1993), an American historian of nationalism, quotes the Irish statesman Edmund Burke (1729-1797) on nationalism as follows: " ... [A]ll creatures..love their offspring, ... their homes, ... the place where they have been bred, ... the stalls in which they have been fed, the pastures they have browsed in and the wilds in which they have roamed. We all know that the natal soil has a sweetness in it beyond

6.6. Negative evaluations of ethnicity

161

the harmony of verse. This instinct ... binds all creatures to their country [and] never becomes inert in us" (1990, p. 45). Burke's linkage of nationalism to instinct — setting aside its factual inaccuracies both with respect to zoology and with respect to nationalism per se (given that nationalism does, indeed, pass through stages of seeming inertness) - is evocative of yet another line of contemporary criticism and rejection vis-ä-vis ethnicity, namely, its purported conceptual poverty and constriction. Horowitz identifies it with "the cult of tradition, ... a demand for simplification, for a world in which answers are known ... What is at stake is nothing less than the torch of civilization itself' (1994, pp. 11-12). Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. views it as narrow-minded parochialism, given that it rejects being "melted into a new [all-inclusive] race ... Still a good answer — still the best hope" (1991, p. 3). Patterson views it as "chauvinism pure and simple" (1977, p. 25), with an emphasis on the "simple" (and of course in the next breath, "reactionary"). Other commentators, however, have not only viewed ethnicity more favorably from the point of view of cognitive flexibility, but also, from the point of view of the limits of rationality per se in human, and particularly in sociocultural, behavior. Jones has concluded that ethnicity still permits and even facilitates "non-ethnic alternative possibilities for affiliation", because "far from replacing social class as the most important means of dividing people in modern complex urban society, ethnic processes may actually be strengthening class divisions (1983, p. 4)", and if so, ethnicity presumably occupies an intellectually and societally defensible position. 6.6.3. Means and ends; rationality and

practicality

Clearly, the benefits of higher order rationality have, of late, been greatly emphasized, both in social theory and in social policy. However, rationality is encumbered by two rarely discussed limitations: limitations in domain and limitations in degree. Rationality may reign supreme with respect to means and yet be not at all dominant with respect to goals. Cultures per se (and cultural identities and mobilizations in defense of such identities) are not rational blueprints. In Mestrovic's figure of speech, they are "habits of the heart" (1993) but nevertheless, the goals they pursue may be approached via rational thought and via rational means. The final critique of ethnicity is very much in accord with American positivism: ethnicity is presumably not so much or only theoretically objectionable as it is practically contra-indicated, particularly as a guide to

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views

an orderly life in the modern world, beset by the problems and unintended or unexpected ramifications of modernity itself. But the maintenance of order in the pursuit of the good life is a very old (and even ancient) concern. Saint Augustine (354-430) pointed out quite astutely that unrest stemmed not only from "hostile nations beyond the [Roman] empire, [because] ... supposing there were no such nations, the very extent of the empire itself has produced wars of a more obnoxious description - social and religious wars" (1948 [c. 413-426], p. 311). Thomas Hobbes, (1588—1679), the English philosopher who focused on public order as the ultimate secular good, leaned toward the other extreme by advocating absolute submission to a sovereign capable of maintaining such order (see Wrong 1994). Closer to our own times, Harold Laski (1893 — 1950), the English political scientist and socialist leader, concluded that "[t]he world community and nationalism are incompatible. We must choose one or the other; we cannot have both" (1932, p. 38). However, those who have tried to create a world order based on the denial of ethnonational liberties have, instead, "created many of the nationalist difficulties now being experienced" (Hobsbawm 1990, p. 212). 6.6.4. Post-nationalism

and post-nationism:

good or bad?

The constant seesawing between ethnic oppression and ethnic fractiousness has led many intellectuals to opt for a "post-national world [which] will be truly post-modern, for nationality is the constitutive principle of modernity. It [i. e., the post-national world] will be a new form of social being and it will change the way we see society; to understand it, we will have to begin anew" (Greenfield 1992, p. 491). Bash, Schiller and Scanton applaud the "identifications that are now being articulated elsewhere, ... as workers, ... women, ... and as inhabitants of the earth threatened by global capitalist interests, [which] all become possible once loyalties to nation states are dislocated (1994, p. 291). But such purported "new beginnings" may not come about without disorder. As Morgan has observed about another era in which "radicals and non-conformists" came into power: "The huntsmen had changed, but the hunt went on" (1983, p. 100). The disdain for the disorders of nationality merely leads some to prefer Tito to the NATO, the "order" of workers' dictatorships to the "strife" of self-determination. Peace and order in society are, apparently, very fragile phenomena, hard to achieve and easily lost; but does that make totalitarianism of one stripe or another more desirable than the disorder or disunity of democracy? If the latter have provoked conflict,

6.6. Negative

evaluations

of ethnicity

163

then so has the former. "How many great wars, how much slaughter and bloodshed, have provided this unity?", St.Augustine asked (1948, p. 311). In reflecting on the four different paths toward the good life that Walzer has defined, he comments that "Democratic citizenship, worker solidarity, and free enterprise and consumer autonomy ... are less exclusive than nationalism but not always resistant to its power. The ease with which citizens, workers and consumers become fervent nationalists is a sign of the inadequacy of the first three ... [definitions] of the good life ... The capacity of the nation to elicit ... sacrifices from its members is proof of [its] importance; [but] the nature of the nationalist fervor signals ... [its own] inadequacy (1991, p. 5). Bloom, however, points out that there are occasions when this fervor "is also inextricably involved with personal freedom. One thinks of the struggles of national liberation from alien cultures and ... of the conflict against totalitarianism, ... when the mass national citizenry is not duped either by its own emotionalism or by the manipulation of domestic leaders ... [but, rather, led on by] a distinct nobility [of purpose] (1990, p. 162). 6.6.5.

The two sides of the coin (of every coin): culture and politics

Modern commentators are, obviously, of two minds as to the inevitability and advisability of ethnonational aggregation. On the one hand, selfregulation, cultural or political, has not been voluntarily extended, not even to indigenous minorities within Europe, let alone outside of Europe, but rather, constantly had to be gained by resistance. On the other hand, "Once the principle of national self-determination was chosen as the guiding "moral" principle, ... it was difficult to see how this principle could be pushed aside on a lower level of ... scale" (Amersfoort and Knippenberg, p. 7), even when state formation was at issue. Penrose and May put it even more poignantly: "Ethnic groups ... differ from one another only in terms of their access to power, their freedom to express their ethnicity and their degree of self-determination ... How can we justify the existence of "nation states", while we simultaneously deny ethnic groups the very rights that these states claim for themselves? (1991, p. 176). On the other hand, given the basically subjective core of ethnicity, "there is no pre-given limit to the number of nationalisms and nation states. That is why nationalism has proved so dynamic and unsettling a force, [and] ... why the states that are products of ... nationalism have [also] sought to limit its sphere of operation, lest it rebound on them" (Seth 1993, p. 93).42 Nevertheless, those who believe themselves to be

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views

under foreign domination cannot forego their claim to self-regulation. "It is a fact (which we may well regret) that this state of affairs is a universal prescription for permanent conflict" (Weiler 1994, p. 127), because " N o multi-ethnic country [and, in modern days, which country is not multi-ethnic?] is entirely safe from the Bosnian [fratricidal and genocidal] model" (Conversi 1995, p. 79). Given the sad state of affairs described above, it is not surprising that Farnen has appealed against "too much nationalism and not enough cosmopolitanism; too much ethnicity based on intolerance, and too great an emphasis on ... ethnic exclusivity" (1994, p. 462). H a d he also appealed against ethnic suppression and the denial of ethnolinguistic democracy (or even any serious attempts to approximate it), then who could decline to join him in appealing for "more pluralism and greater inclusivity, increased tolerance and mutual respect, and a broader appreciation of individual and group interests, autonomy, freedom and rights" (ibid., p. 462)? Others have observed that the root problem seems to be the politicization of ethnocultural identity. Some do not go so far as to advocate the counteracting of ethnocultural identity in their pursuit of order, recognizing that such identity is also the primary source of social order in everyday life. Even the disengagement of ethnocultural identity from polity "may be asking for the impossible; over time, it is surely inevitable that people endow their associations with culture. This is the very essence of human social life; we may seek to disengage culture from polity, for the common good, but there is an anthropological dynamic to endow polity with culture, 4 3 to endow any social system with an appropriate identity-security interpretive system" (Bloom 1990, p. 161). The dilemma is apparently unsolvable and inescapable, unless non-state solutions for gratifying and guaranteeing unmet ethnocultural aspirations are seriously entertained - both supra-state and intra-state - involving compromises on both sides as well as real gains for the underdogs and freedom f r o m endless opposition and terrorism for the state authorities and their culturally dominant ethnicities. Perhaps, as with small scale desk-top publishing, small scale ethnocultural establishments have become more, rather than less, attainable and securable at our current stage of economic and intellectual integration. We will return to this possibility later. 6.6.6. Political solutions, goals and guarantees Before leaving this topic, it might be well to underscore that not all scholars have been negative or ambivalent even in connection with the political

6.7.

Stages

and intensities

of ethnocultural

saliency

165

roles of ethnocultural minorities. Lord Acton (1834-1902), the English historian and observer of the impact of nationalism on the changed face of post-Napoleonic Europe, firmly believed that an ethnic minority could constructively function to limit what might otherwise become the excessive power of the state, thereby counteracting the worst manifestations of absolutism. Ignatieff has recently expressed the hope that the West will become "both the guarantor and progenitor of positive forms of nationalism" (1993, p. 305). Even Schlesinger, with his overriding concern for "the disunity of America", has stressed that "appreciation of the splendid diversity of the nation, with due emphasis on ... individual freedom, political democracy and human right" should be our collective goal (1991, p. 138). Many minorities might well argue, that unless and until that "appreciation for diversity" is somehow articulated in law (via group rights) and in budgets, most references to "freedom, political democracy and human rights" can be viewed as merely disguising further cultural subjugation for the disadvantaged.

6.7. On varying stages and intensities of ethnocultural and on the factors which influence them

saliency

Whereas the previous topical focus obviously dealt with ideologically colored matters, the topical focus that we are now about to examine pertains to an area which is basically related to theories of social and cultural change. Although such theories cannot be said to be ideologically neutral, they are at least somewhat more so than are outright reactions to ethnic mobilization. In earlier post-World War II writings on nationalism (e.g. Ward 1966), before the age in which it became fashionable to charge it with being essentially a bogus product of the imagination of self-centered elites, it was common to derive ethnicity from the sense of belonging to one particular community and to no other, a sense which could be found in most pre-state tribal communities everywhere. This view has by no means been abandoned today. 6.7.1.

The origins of ethnicity!ethnic

awareness

Anthony Smith has consistently held that ethnic awareness has existed throughout history, and also, that elites and proto-elites have contributed greatly to its development, saliency and dissemination (Smith 1986). Smith's major contribution, however, may have been to identify the rise

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views

of nationalism (out of prior diffuse and non-salient ethnicity) with the impact of rapid social change and increased external threat on traditional culture (see, e.g., Smith 1971). In varying degrees and via differing formulations, this same idea has been advanced by others as well.44 Morgan, although he calls the Welsh ethnonational mobilization "a movement of revival and myth-making", nevertheless relates it to "a crisis in Welsh life, when the very life-blood of the nation seemed to be ebbing away" (1983, p. 99). Alcock traces ethnicity back to life in "small, simple, undifferentiated, unstratified societies, ... [where] most culture is domestic culture, ... based on family and kinship ... and maintained, transmitted, used and modified in that sphere" (1979, p. 186). Threats to that "core" sphere naturally elicit organized resistance and defensive responses. Breuilly (1982) was the first to stress that all modern centralization efforts (whether as part of the initiation of states or in the subsequent growth of state-bureaucratization) leave behind undigested peripheries and that these subsequently mobilize to foster their own self-regulation. Conversi too has pointed to the growth of the modern state and its intrusive bureaucratization as stimulating counterreactions from non-state ethnocultural aggregates (1995, p. 76). Apparently, whereas early mobilizations are defensive reactions to threats from external ethnocultural sources, later mobilizations are more specifically reactions to the regulatory intrusion of prior state-formation. I have attempted to avoid the designation "modernization" in the present discussion. It is an imprecise concept and has been adopted by some (e.g., Carrere d'Encase 1987) and rejected by others (e.g., Connor 1993, 1994) in conjunction with minority or peripheral ethnonational mobilizations. Perhaps "pursuit of self-regulated econotechnical and ethnocultural development" would be a less problematic (even if more unwieldy) expression designating the recognizably recurring context of insecurities and grievances that typify situational latecomers and that leads to ethnonational mobilization. It is in this sense that I have referred to early vs. late "modernization" elsewhere in this volume. 6.7.2.

The role of elites and

proto-elites

The role of elites obviously arises in connection with ethnic mobilizations, since the fostering of boundary defenses, whether cultural or political, is a typical leadership role. Burke points out, however, that "the cult of the people grew out of the pastoral tradition 45 ... in which the ancient, the distant and the popular were all equated" (1978, p. 10). Burke also indi-

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Stages

and intensities

of ethnocultural

saliency

167

cates that, in some cases, the elitist discovery of the ordinary people (after elites had become disappointed in their own earlier pursuits of exocentric blandishments), often came about at a point when many of the ordinary people had already discovered "international industrial culture. ... [The 'peasant'] was deserting his role just as the cultured awoke to appreciate it ... Popular consciousness of the appropriate kind had, in some cases, to be encouraged ... [in order] to persuade [ordinary folk] to remain faithful to tradition" that the ordinary folk themselves had previously saved from oblivion (Burke 1992, p. 298). Having been made conscious of their own ethnicity "a [subsequent] change of national identity [among the masses] is not impossible, ... though extremely rare" (Greenfield 1992, p. 491). Accordingly, Greenfield believes that "Forces shaped centuries ago continue to shape the destinies of mankind at the end of the 20th century" (ibid., p. 491). 6.7.3.

The roles of religious conservatism and of liberal

democratization

Religion too, of course, is recognized as playing a role in the formulation and preservation of these destinies and of ethnicity as well, if for no other reason than that religions typically have an elitist (and literate) hierarchy of their own, the lower echelons of which constantly interact with and inculcate the people at large. The rising religious fundamentalism of our times (the conservative right's conscious response to its fear of hyperand post-modernism) is simultaneously an anti-developmental and a characteristically nationalistically oriented phenomenon (see Horowitz 1994). In several respects it perfectly duplicates the recurring interpenetration of religious-ethnic-political concerns which also typified the prodevelopmental thrust of most ethnic mobilizations during the previous 150—175 years. From 1910, when Norman Angell (subsequently [1933] a Nobel Peace Prize winner) first designated nationalism as a "belief system" in the religious sense (pointedly doing so when anti-clerical nationalisms were at their height), through to the end of the 20th century (when anti-clerical nationalisms have generally become a thing of the past), the partnership between religion and ethnicity has, if anything, become stronger, just as each of them individually has, as well. Democratization, however, and particularly the yearning for it, has also been a major recurring ingredient of ethnic mobilization phenomena during the past century. Predictably, when permitted to do so under incorporative policies, "elites [have]... tended to assimilate to the dominant cultures, ... [whereas] ordinary men and women did not ... And when

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inside in, outside out; different voices, different

views

they were mobilized, first for economic and then for political activity, they turned out to have deep national and ethnic loyalties" (Walzer 1992, p. 57). They expected democracy to respect and to gratify these loyalties, rather than subtly lead or even force them to "gratefully" undergo assimilation in pursuit of elusive social mobility. Connor has very convincingly stressed (1994) that the incorporative democratic ethos has made the rank and file of identity aggregates less willing to be ruled by others, rather than more willing to compromise in connection with self-regulation. That which could once be delegitimized and suppressed, can no longer be so easily dispensed with. "The right of people to self-determination has been enshrined in the charter of the United Nations and in subsequent conventions and General Assembly resolutions" (Seth 1993, p. 92; in detail, particularly with respect to the related language issue: see Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson 1995). Such documents specifically include the right of non-state peoples to their "lesser used languages" and some even mention their right to be assisted in that connection, even in the already officially "deca-lingual" European Union (Fishman 1992). The upshot of this is that while "nationalism is an English and Western European invention", it is also "one of Europe's most universal exports. Some forms of it have been adopted even by the newest nations still in the tribal stage of social organization" (Whitaker 1962, p. 424). "Making the world safe for democracy" has also made self-determination and self-regulation undeniable and inalienable rights, even more so than "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" or "liberty, equality and fraternity", declarations with which the march toward democracy began. 6.7.4. Economic developmental factors and ethnic

mobilization

The lion's share of social science and humanistic attention with reference to ethnicity and its mobilization, however, has obviously been devoted to the role of economic factors. To the extent that such attention is Marxist-related it will be discussed in the paragraph immediately below. In more general terms, however, it should be noted that economic development, imbalances, grievances and solutions were (and substantially still are) all Western-driven. On the other hand, the recent rejection of development has also manifestated itself on a genuinely worldwide scale. The "development rejectionists" have been pro- ethnonationalist and anti-developmental simultaneously, largely because "managing the developmental processes has proven to be so complex that they [the processes] became problems rather than solutions" in most Third World settings (Ho-

6.7.

Stages

and intensities

of ethnocultural

saliency

169

rowitz 1994, p. 10). Apparently, neither the spread nor the denial of political or of economic equalization have escaped intimate association with ethnicity. Nevertheless, there is much scholarly conviction that ethnonationalism has proceeded differently in economically different parts of the globe and at different times in history. East-West distinctions and capitalist-Marxist distinctions are among those most commonly stressed, co-occurring with the early vs. late developmental distinction that has already been mentioned above. The classical Marxist view was that ethnicity and nationalism were merely the byproducts of capitalist machinations to sunder and enfeeble what would otherwise be a mighty, united working class. However, although such views are still encountered (often under "post-modern" disguise) — see, e.g., the salience of the division of labor and the class-struggle in Balibar and Wallerstein 1991 and in Aronowitz 1992 there is increasing recognition that "the Marxian ... prognosis about the erosion of primordial loyalties has proven to be [a] futile exercise" (Basu 1992). Indeed, there is growing agreement that the "Marxist... misunderstanding of ethnicity and nationhood as vestigial, doomed to progressive attenuation and ultimate insignificance" (Carrere d'Encause 1993, p. 2) was itself a systemic error rather than just a wrong bet. Balibar and Wallerstein, cited above, see nothing more in ethnicity than an "occupational hierarchy split, following along household lines". In response to this line of reasoning, Pi-Sunyer has long concluded that "economic and political forces alone will not explain the phenomenon of nationalism ..., because [these forces themselves] ... will be interpreted and altered by specific cultures and societies" (1985, p. 273). Connor concludes, in conjunction with an international review of inter-ethnic conflict, that if we "remove economic inequality ..., the conflict remains" (1994, p. 53). Finally, Hobsbawm pointed out that [pre-Perestroika] Marxist regimes themselves "tended to become national, not only in form but in substance" and post-Perestroika events confirm his conclusion that there is "nothing to suggest that this trend will not continue" (1977, p. 13). 6.7.5. Differences between'46 east-west!early-late

ethnic

mobilizations

East-West and early-late contrasts are frequently conflated and have also preoccupied scholars of ethnic mobilization, most of whom, it should be noted, have hailed from the West themselves. Hans Kohn, a distinguished historian of nationalism, opined (in 1950) that, "in the West, the emergence of nationalism was primarily a political occurrence; it was preceded

170

6. Summary: inside in, outside out; different voices, different views

by the formation of the future national state or coincided with it ... In non-Western areas, where nationalism arose much later and also at a more backward stage of socio-political development, ... it was a kind of protest movement against the existing state pattern. Cultural contacts provided the original stimulus" (p. 470). Plamenatz adds the observation that Western nationalism "is normally liberal but can turn extreme; Eastern nationalism is apt to be illiberal. Both ... are imitative, but Western nationalists tend to be friendly toward their models, whereas Eastern nationalists tend to be hostile" (1973, pp. 23-24). A more recently formulated contrast is that advanced by Greenfield, who observes that "the internal political structures of different nations reflect the original definitions of nationality [with]in them; specifically, whether it is defined as individualistic [Western] or collectivistic [Germany and Eastern] and as civic [Western] or ethnic [Germany and Eastern], The former definitions give rise to democratic, liberal societies; others — to various forms and degrees of authoritarianism" (1992, p. 489). East-West, of course, is a distinction which pertains entirely to the "greater West" itself [including both Europe and North America], Whether the notions derived from this distinction are also applicable to the Southern Hemispheres, where the full force of ethnic consciousness and mobilization has often not yet manifested itself among the indigenous populations, may be somewhat dubious. There, the consciousness of Western intellectual and economic developmental models may be much weaker than the simple urgency and inherent politicization of lateness per se. That very consideration may well be why Anderson (who generally focuses on South East Asian societies and cultures) concludes that, "the 'end of the era of nationalism' so long prophesied, is not remotely in sight. Indeed, nation-ness is the most universally legitimate value in the political life of our time" (1991, p. 3). The approaches of Bose (1995) and Thurer (1995) are more mutually accommodating, and therefore, foresee more hopeful scenarios than the constant dislocation prophesized by those who basically oppose or regret late ethnic mobilizations. Thurer calls attention to the Swiss power-sharing experience. Bose highlights the possibility that late mobilizers "may yet be invited to form a part of multinational states [rather than traditional nation-states]" (ibid., p. 26). The superficially accommodating Americas may also not escape scot-free forever in conjunction with late ethnic mobilization. Anderson has also observed that "the close of the era of successful liberation movements in the Americas coincided rather closely with the onset of nationalism in Europe" (ibid., p. 67) and that this may explain why "Spanish and English were never issues in the revo-

6.8.

Revisiting

language

and ethnicity

171

lutionary Americas" (ibid., p. 67). However, as the American statenations come under increasing regional and worldwide econopolitical pressure, the cases of the Franco-Quebecois in Canada, the Maya-Zapatista movement in Mexico, various Quechua and Aymara rumblings in Peru and Ecuador, not to mention the counter-reactions that will inevitably be fostered by "English Only" restrictions in the USA, should all be looked at more closely. Connor reminds us sadly, in connection with ethnonationalism, that "most scholars emphasize the depth of the cleavages rather than ... the process of integration, ... links ..., cooperation and reciprocity interrelatedness" (1994, p. 54). Finally, Walzer observes, more optimistically and in a larger, world-wide perspective: "If the process [of state-nation fragmentation] is to be cut short, it will not be by denying the principle [of self-determination] — for it appears today politically undeniable — but rather, by autonomy ..., decentralization, devolution and federalism ... Whether composite states can survive as federations is by no means certain, but it is unlikely that they can survive in any other way — not, at least, if they remain committed ... to democratic government ... [and] social egalitarianism" (1992, p. 51). The "interest representation" approach of Lani Guinier, rather than the traditional "winner takes all" approach of American politics, should be given more consideration in the USA than it has thus far (Maguire 1995).

6.8. Summary: revisiting language and

ethnicity

The lugubrious majority view, prominent though it be in the social science and humanistic literature, need not be the major emphasis of a study of language and ethnicity from the two perspectives that have been considered in this volume. Our confrontation of these two data-and-theory perspectives comes at a time when the competition between states (and particularly that between nation-states) has been intellectually dismissed as increasingly out of step with the social, economic and technological transformations that have inundated the world at large and the West in particular (Bereciartu 1987 [1994]). If that is true for states already in existence, then how much more must it be so for ethnic groups struggling for recognition and, possibly, even for states of their own? Are not the views expressed to the contrary, such as those in the citations dealing with positive ethnolinguistic consciousness, equivalent to the anti-Darwinian agitation of religious fanatics or to the "flight from reason" which characterizes fundamentalist thought and action more generally? Do the

172

6. Summary:

inside in, outside out; different

voices, different

views

essentially more positive and more elaborate views of ethnicity-as-anidentity-experience-and-as-a-conviction, that are revealed by the citations, automatically consign the former to the disreputable limbo to which beliefs in the flatness of the earth, the existence of UFOs and the sanctity of witchcraft have been consigned? 6.8.1.

The contribution of viewing ethnicity sciousness citations

via positive

ethnolinguistic

con-

Clearly, ethnicity is a controversial topic, all the more so in a time convulsed by "ethnic cleansing", and it is virtually impossible to approach it without some bias or other. Nevertheless, other forms of social aggregation and organization have also been exposed to prolonged intellectual derision and have not only survived behaviorally but have gone on to intellectual rehabilitation as well, religion and capitalism being prominent among them 47 . Often, as in connection with Marxist theory for which it was an "uncomfortable anomaly", ethnicity has been more "eluded ... than confronted" (Anderson 1991, p. 3). But those who herald the ascendancy of homogenizing thrusts derived not from the proletariat but from "corporate and multi-national interests" (Basu 1992, p. vii) on the one hand, or from burgeoning and presumably liberating "international culture" (Handler 1988) on the other hand, cannot generally find any redeeming virtues or staying powers in ethnicity either. Few and far between are the scholars who have dared to say that "there is no one-toone correspondence between systems of production-and-ownership and systems of social-and-political relations, [because] ... economy does not define the nature of society" (Greenfield 1992, p. 489). Before the age of perestroika and its stark, clear implications that Marxism had collapsed in its own political center, even fewer publicly opined that they were "not at all convinced that modern society must perforce be culturally homogeneous because of the imperatives of industrialization" (Pi-Sunyer 1985, p. 272), or indeed, recognized that "subtle needs of identity and security ... have surely grown with [rather than been undercut by] the pace of industrialization" itself (ibid.). Fewer yet have clearly indicated that a "postnational age in which national differences are obliterated and all share in one shallow universal culture, watch soap-operas and CNN, eat at McDonalds, drink Coca Cola, and take the children to the local Disneyworld, is more nightmare than Utopian vision" (Tamir 1993, pp. 166-167). Many have seen ethnicity as "rooted in power" (Farnen 1994, p. iv), or in "conflict", the two preferred neo-Marxist euphemisms

6.8.

Revisiting

language

and ethnicity

173

for the class struggle, whereas few have pondered ethnicity's appeal to the powerless and to the non-power-seeking as well, particularly in terms of the Kultur des Volkes ("popular culture"), the daily, low intensity, distinguishing and identifying acts of ethnocultural belonging which Herder was the first to herald and to treasure. It is a contribution of the positive ethnolinguistic citational core of this volume to highlight the often ignored fact that so much of the world's population frequently sees its language and ethnicity in positive terms, even if admittedly, not only in positive terms. It is hardly the most constructive scholarly stance to downgrade the bulk of the world's peoples merely because they do not share a widespread scholarly opinion with respect to the relative unimportance of ethnicity, particularly when that opinion has recently proven to be on rather shaky ground. Liberal uniformational preferences are not only hardly morally preferable to chauvinistic exclusivism, but they also often overlook the bulk of moderate, creative and non-aggressive, as well as non-exclusive, ethnicity attachments that are operative among most of the people most of the time, i. e., attachments that it is the peculiar responsibility of scholars to cumulatively elucidate rather than merely to denigrate. Accordingly, the citations of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness on the one hand, and the bulk of the scholarly literature on the other hand, must not only be viewed as supplementary to each other but as antidotes for each other as well. Taken together, they may provide more binocular vision vis-ä-vis ethnonational attitudes and behaviors; taken separately they are merely equally if oppositely biased. 6.8.2.

Viewing ethnicity: "Epur si muove" ("It does move,

nevertheless")

The ethnonational principle has been recognized as having "accomplished the grand social transformation from the old order to modernity" (Greenfield 1992, p. 489), as providing "an unusually powerful stimulant of national sentiment and collective action" (ibid., p. 488), and as "a powerful force, if not the most independent single factor, in defining relations amongst peoples" (Horowitz 1994, p. 1). However, these accolades are begrudging rather than warm, contingent rather than conclusive. They reluctantly bid (what is usually hoped may yet be a temporary) farewell to uniformation. Many Western scholarly convictions about ethnicity go back at least as far as the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes (1588 — 1677) and its hopes that cultural differences would soon cease to be a source of divisive social conflict as humanity inevitably

174

6. Summary:

inside in, outside

out; different

voices, different

views

converged on a universal civilization (see, e.g., Wrong 1994, p. 6). These hopes now seem merely Utopian or premature to most scholars, rather than misguided in their basically erroneous evaluation of the role and nature of ethnocultural attachments. At best, some have come to see ethnonational bonds and individual rights as "simply [differing] partial representations of the world. They declare specific characteristics of life to be primordial, and to these they subordinate the others ... [But] it is a mistake to see all the good on one side and all the bad on the other" (Todorov 1992, p. 399). But all of the mellowing that has recently occurred with respect to matters ethnocultural — and only among some scholars at that - pertains, at best, to the legitimacy (rather than to the desirability) of state-building nations, and not at all to the legitimacy of sub-state ethnocultural aggregates, whose acceptance is still quite rare and who are viewed as "invariably expensive" (Birch 1989, p. 46), i. e., as belonging to the category of unjustifiable luxuries at best. Basically, the nations themselves are viewed as anachronisms relative to modern economic and political realities (Bereciarty 1986 [1994]), whereas sub-nations are viewed as holding on to "passing lineages", and lingering on "in the shadow of history" (Davidson 1995). The evils formerly attributed to the nations have now been bumped down to the less-powerful sub-nations. Since "one must be blind to believe that this [ethnonational belonging] is useless or negligible" (Todorov 1992, p. 398), mainstream scholars have, belatedly, discovered a possibility that minority spokespersons proffered long ago: "We need to be members [simultaneously] of a culture and of humanity" (ibid.). Indeed, appreciation for non-state ethnocultures might well be expected to improve somewhat in the near future, since the latter are obviously initially focused on "cultural nationalism" rather than on political disturbances. In the past, unfortunately, given the blunderbuss rejection of nationalism, cultural nationalism found very little acceptance. First called for at a Pan-Slav Congress, in Prague, June 1848 (under a slogan calling for "... neither domination nor conquest, ... [but] liberty as the sacred right of man" [Snyder 1990, p. 311), it has received far less attention than it merits (but see Hayes 1926, Bauer 1930 and, more recently, Hutchinson 1987), since, apparently, even self-regulatory liberty is shared only with those who have the power to take it, rather than to those who plead for fairness and can do no more than wait until it is granted. As Alcock et al. have put it, such patient desires deserve "consideration", but are not "essential" (1979, p. 191). The continuation into the present of such a minimally acceptive approach almost guarantees that the 21st century will be plagued by late-secessionist

6.8.

Revisiting

language

and ethnicity

175

movements on behalf of the "not yet liberated" (Premdas et al. 1990). Such self-regulatory pursuits derive from prior ethnocultural identity, but that identity per se is also then bolstered by self-regulatory pursuits (Sahlins 1990). Meanwhile, those who continue to be reluctant to grant to others what they insist on for themselves, will continue to delude themselves that multiple identities and multilingualism are "an unnatural state of affairs for human beings", contrary to human nature and even to human biology per se (Laponce 1987). They thereby force those who might have originally been fully satisfied with the "rational politics of cultural nationalism" (Mitra 1995) to subsequently opt for much more aggressively politicized state-forming solutions that may enable them too to champion the dubious blessings of politically protected monolingualism and homogeneous ethnocultural identities, thereby assuring a new round of conflict. 6.8.3. Beyond the virtue of internationalism

and of the preservation

of order

It would be wrong to imply that the scholarly literature is either entirely internationalist or state [order] -protective, even though it is primarily one or the other. Nevertheless, as we have seen, it is also worth realizing that it is not entirely so. The "search for autonomy and self-determination, honor and dignity" (Basu 1992, p. viii) and the need to recognize "some form of ethnic autonomy and cultural pluralism" (Eriksen 1991, p. 275), have found their scholarly champions, albeit rarely. To do otherwise, apparently, strikes most as opening Pandora's Box, i. e. as "challenging] the national unity or territorial integrity of existing states", a fear which the United Nations itself has evinced (Mayall 1990, p. 45). On the other hand, to not grant ethnocultural autonomy at all is increasingly understood to exacerbate the very grievances that are ultimately conflictproducing. "Getting the boundaries [of self-determination] just right ... is enormously difficult" (Walzer 1994, p. 29), but when accomplished, it "will [also] improve the lives ... of the majority ... as well" (Williams 1990, p. 172). Walzer is clearly quite in advance of most of the scholarly community when he indicates that the British political philosopher John Locke [1632-1704] "may have put the claim too strongly when he wrote that 'There is only one thing which gathers people into seditious commotions and that is oppression', but he was close enough to the truth to warrant the experiment of radical tolerance" (1991, p. 7; also cited in Tamir 1993, p. 153). The ethnoculturally tolerant view is still something of an oddity in the scholarly literature on ethnocultural phenomena and,

176

6. Summary:

inside in, outside out; different voices, different

views

were it to become more common in the near future, it would ultimately bring about a greater rapprochement between the two largely separate bodies of opinion that have been reviewed throughout this volume. 6.8.4.

Critiques of the assimilationist

model even for the USA

The assimilationist model has also run into unexpected critique in connection with internal USA policy. Grave doubt has been expressed that conformity to Anglo-American mainstream norms constitutes the best form of adjustment for members of racial and ethnic minorities (Hutnik 1991). Instead of that ideal, the involvement of the state in defending "collective as well as individual rights, ... [thereby recognizing] ... all the peoples that make up America", has been proposed, utilizing "tax money ... to help in the financing of bilingual and bicultural education and of group-oriented welfare services", and providing "ethnic groups ... [with] some sort of representation within state agencies " (Walzer 1992, p. 69). Only so, Walzer believes, can "intermediate community structures and local cultures and environments ... [be] sustained" (1990, p. 219), whether in the USA or elsewhere. Rather than leading to state-fragmentation, such cooperative arrangements will have "value to the freer pursuit of national life" (Tamir 1993, p. 152), providing more socially integrating, stabilizing, hope giving, health fostering convictions than the overblown states themselves can hope to provide. Such arrangements will also foster more local involvement in local problem-solving and local political participation (Maguire 1995, Guinier 1994). The ethnocultural "tyranny of the majority", within the most democratic states, requires counterbalancing, just as much as (and perhaps even more so than) the dislocative potential of aggrieved minorities. Those, who like Michael Walzer and Lani Guinier, see some benefits (rather than merely risks) to sub-state ethnolinguistic pluralism, view it as creating "a discourse which would ... help counter the discrimination and disadvantage to which minorities are otherwise subjected" (Teich 1993, p. 208). There is a substantial variety of different "recognition arrangements" (see Vilfan et al. 1993; also note the legal perspective provided by De Witte 1993 and its appreciably older Austro-Hungarian roots in Renner 1900 and 1918), but the major hurdle to arriving at these arrangements is the statist (including the democratic statist) suspicion of cultural pluralism and cultural democracy themselves. For these latter goals to be attained, those with econopolitical power prior to their attainment must change more than those without such power. The attainment

6.8. Revisiting language and ethnicity

177

of these goals is "condition[ed] on a symmetrical bilingual mutuality, [whereby] the majority learns the language of the minority to the extent that it can at least understand it, and likewise, the minority does not refuse to learn the language of the majority" (Hutnik 1991, p. 208). To this proviso, Walzer adds, vis-ä-vis the USA, the insightful observation that "ethnic pluralism cannot plausibly be characterized as an antistate ideology. Its advocates ... [do] not challenge the authority of the federal government ... Their central assertion ... [is] that [participation in] US politics ... [does] not require cultural homogeneity ... The destiny of America ... [is] to maintain the diversity of the Old World in a single state without persecution or repression. Not only 'From many, one' but also 'Within one, many'" (1992, p. 62). In the modern world, with its constant migrations linked to international economic trends, this proviso also applies much more generally than to the USA alone. 6.8.5.

Taming and appreciating positive ethnolinguistic

consciousness

Having reviewed two different major approaches to ethnolinguistic consciousness, one in great detail and in its own right and the other by way of contrast, we have seen how greatly they differ, both in their dominant evaluations of ethnocultural consciousness and in their topical emphases. However, we have also noted a relatively recent, growing, but still minor tendency toward greater scholarly appreciation of the emics of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness. "We are not now, and never have been, living in Eden", Anderson has come to realize (1988, p. 406). "Nationalism is the most profound cultural and political force of our time. It is neither better nor worse than older forms of political imagining [JAF: nor, probably, than future ones either]. Like all imaginings, it consists, in equal parts, of fabrication and invention, memory and amnesia, solidarity and murder. But it has profoundly to be reckoned with - and on a planetary scale" (ibid.). Scholarly opinions often change slowly: two steps forward and one step back. While "death wishes" with respect to ethnicity and nationalism continue to proliferate (see e.g. Billig 1995, Featherstone 1995 and Nimni 1994), as a theme that has too much invested in it for it not to spring back in the light of Balkan atrocities, the awareness of their staying potential, on the one hand, and of their positive functions and manifestations, on the other hand, is also growing (see e.g. Allahar 1994). Nationalism is not the only kind of ethnocultural consciousness and it is usually not entirely derived from "imaginings" by any means. As a guide to sociocultural identity, devotion, kinship, responsibility and

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6. Summary: inside in, outside out; different voices, different views

creativity, it is delicately interwoven with all of culture and with all planned and unplanned factors that constitute culture change. Social science and humanistic scholarship is struggling toward recognizing more broadly that "cherishing the autonomy and freedom of individuals does not oblige us [scholars and laymen alike] to repudiate all solidarity" (Todorov 1992, p. 399). Some contemporary scholars urge their students to recognize that ethnic identities and attachments can, at times, be seen as part of "the fundamental democratic aspirations of peoples, [i. e., as part of] their search for a concept of unity that is not thrust from above but [that] is federal and decentralist in nature, producing a more genuinely organic unity which builds upon the rich diversity of human society (Basu 1992, p. viii). Others have even viewed local ethnocultural unity as "a prerequisite for a larger unity between peoples" and, indeed, "between humanity and all living creatures, between God and the world" (Martin Buber, as cited in Mosse 1994, p. 323), just as some have viewed the modern nation itself as "a path that leads to universalism" (Todorov 1992, p. 400). There are, fortunately, those who have come to recognize that just as liberalism must and can be saved from a shallow universalism that is devoid of rooted attachments to perspectivally "real" history, culture and moral responsibility anywhere, so nationalism must and can be saved from its worst manifestations and should not be equated with them (see, e.g., Tamir 1993). The two - liberalism and nationalism — are by no means irreconcilable and the best of both (personal autonomy and choice, on the one hand, and local loyalty and solidarity, on the other hand) constitute an unbeatable combination. In that combination, the beloved language (most probably as a constituent of a multilingual repertoire) will be more than just "a piece of the pie". As always, it will be the instrument (or, increasingly, the co-instrument) through which the pie (liberal ethnoculturalism or ethnocultural liberalism) is conceptualized, communicated, symbolized, adopted and fostered. Until that much desired time arrives, we must address positive ethnolinguistic consciousness with the same constructive and hopeful forbearance with which we address humankind as a whole, notwithstanding its profoundly disappointing behavior again and again.

APPENDICES

Appendix A Citations Afrikaans48 1. The Dear Lord placed us in Africa and gave us the Afrikaans language. Now the English government has gone and done exactly the opposite of what Ahasverus did 49 . In 1812, even before the colony became their legal property (the Prince of Orange committed it to their charge then; it was only legally transferred in 1815), the King of England issued a proclamation whereby it is recommended that we should all learn the English language. And since then they have been trying their best to undervalue and supplant our language through the introduction of English. One only has to look at our parliament, the governing body of our country, where everything has to be conducted in English. This places us in the predicament where we cannot send any of our leaders to parliament simply because they have no knowledge of the English language ... Now we have to stand in our own courts like strangers, accused and judged in a foreign tongue we do not understand. Even if the judge understands our language he has to pretend that he does not understand it and an interpreter has to be present. And in our schools? Matters there are even worse. In their regulations they demand that the English language be the language of instruction "if at all possible". Thus, our children wind up as parrots in our own schools! They first must master a foreign language before they can receive instruction in that language. Their regulations stipulate "if at all possible", but in practice nothing but English is employed in all of our schools. According to their laws, a teacher requires no knowledge of our language. Examinations are set only in English. Dutch is not required, but equated with the Kaffir 50 language. In this way they want to forcefully root out our mother tongue amongst our children. It is a gross injustice. Deprive a nation of its language and you turn it into a deaf-mute. You deny it the knowledge of its forefathers as it is contained in their proverbs, expressions and adages. The worst is that they are depriving us of something we cannot possibly replace. For us there is only one mother tongue, the language of our very heart. It is the language we first used, at our mother's breast, to utter the words "mother" and "father", the

182

Appendix

A

language of our first impressions. It is the language in which our mother taught us to pronounce the sacred name of our dear Lord Jesus; it was the language of our parents' worship. The language in which our father, on his deathbed, issued his last exhortation to us; the language in which our dying mother said her last prayers before passing on. This language remains sacred to us. We will not exchange it for any other language in the world. We view each attempt to deprive us of our language as a violation of the legacy of our forefathers and as an injustice done to our children. On the other hand, we will applaud any attempt, however feeble, to protect our beloved, sacred mother tongue. 2.

All the nations have one God; Each nation's fate He determines. For every nation He has decided its language, Its country, its rights and its time. F. W. Reitz51

In spite of the fiercest efforts to exclude Afrikaans it has remained the tongue of all Afrikaners, from Agulhas to south of Kilimanjaro. Moreover, it has ... become the spoken language of hundreds of English settlers since 1820. It is not a dialect but an independent language. It is spoken by a whole nation and not merely by the inhabitants of a single province. The nation that speaks this language has the right to be acknowledged as such. To this very day it has maintained itself as a nation without ever allowing itself to be assimilated into any other nation. Afrikaans might display several similarities with the Dutch language at a very basic level, but it is not a dialect of Dutch as found in Europe ... It has its own rather rich vocabulary and in structure it differs completely from the Dutch language. It cannot be denied: Afrikaans is deeply rooted in the Afrikaner nation, so deeply that it cannot be eradicated. It resists any intentional destruction; it good-humoredly suffers friendly oppression; it grows from the Cape point to the Zambezi. Afrikaans is the language of the Boer; it is the small-change of the market; it discharges whatever the functions of a "commercial language" might be. It is the language ... where the two races mix. Only through Afrikaans is the Afrikaner truly able to express his feelings, his innermost thoughts and his deepest emotions ... It is the easiest and most regular in form of all languages spoken on earth. It is the sweetest sounding and most gentle. It is the purest and youngest branch of the old Germanic or "Dietse" language stem ... Afrikaans is our mother tongue, our country's language, our national tongue. Help

Citations

183

us to make it our written language ... Start reading what is written in this language ... Write in the language. Additional readings: Smith, Frank. 1993. Whose Language? What Power? A Universal Conflict in a South African Setting. New York, Teacher's College Press; Wyley, Chantelle. 1989. Language and Politics in South Africa Since 1976: A Source List. Durban, Malherbe Library, University of Natal.

Ainu52 1.

Now there are many pebbles against the destructive waters and the number is growing.. We have now started to build a breakwater, a sea wall. We are an ever-increasing rock ... [to] preserve not only the culture of the Ainu but also ... a whole land, a whole earth. 2.

There are more and more young people who want to study Ainu ... How worthy is it to work for the Ainu language? For the Ainu, culture is food and clothing and the basic things of life. But there is one other thing that is even closer to us. And that is language. That is why we want to learn Ainu and pass it on to the people of the next generation. We will not allow Ainu to go into the museum. [Instead,] we will bring it nearer to us. 3.

I left Moshiri, the land of the Ainu. Life was hard. But then I started to think of the Ainu language. I am one of the Ainu people. I feel my ethnicity. I began to notice that the Ainu language reflects the Ainu ways and now know that it is my obligation to recall and regain this precious language. I am now fully conscious of the fact that the word "Ainu" means "a human being". It is the duty of this generation to pass on the Ainu language to our children. Additional readings: Kayano, Shigeru. 1994. Our Land Was a Forest. Boulder, Westview; Sjoberg, Katarina V. 1993. The Return of the Ainu; Cultural Mobilization and the Price of Ethnicity in Japan. Chur, Harwood; Peng, Fred C. and Peter Geiser. 1977. The Ainu: The Past in the Present. Hiroshima, Bunka Hyoron.

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Alsatian53 1. The dialect, the Alsatians' authentic tongue, is indeed "the soul of the Alsatian people" (Reverend Lemire), even if many Alsatians no longer have the courage to assert it, that is, in reality, to assert themselves. Without the dialect there would no longer be any Alsatians, except in name only. Is it really anything new to say that one cannot be part of a region like Alsace without also speaking the language of the people who have lived there for over fifteen centuries? Eugene Philipps (1908, Professor)

2.

In the course of those peregrinations that threaten to dissolve an as yet fragile personality, I had to protect the first contacts I had had with the sensory world as a child, long ago in Alsace. In the greyness of a very long exile, I lived from day to day a precarious existence, unstable and disoriented in relation to my center. I guarded the entrance to my essential reality, to the holy things of the beginnings, through the delicious dialect that is hardly separate from them and which I could carry in spirit ... when all else was caving in and collapsing. That was for me part of the fight for my origins. I was fighting, through the use of the patois, for the integrity of my nature, for the permanence of my living roots in the irreversible depths of time. Claude Vigee (1923, Professor) 3. The dialect has been the spoken language of Alsatians for fifteen centuries. It is the specific expression of this human group, the vehicle of their individual and collective experiences, the mainstay of their folk culture. Elsaesserditsch is the tongue of roots: it allows Alsatians to feel at home, to be in communion with their past. Its many varieties, which are so many idioms of identity, allow them to place each other. It is the community language and the language spoken in the privacy of home. Since it is not the language of power, it makes for more direct, more real, contacts.

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Elsaesserditsch is a very rich language. Vocabulary counts and literature in the dialect vouch for this. It is the language of the senses, of feelings, of daily life, its great vocalic and lexical diversity gives it surprising elasticity. This ... diversity, which in no way hampers inter-comprehension, lends itself easily to teaching acceptance and respect for the differences between others. (Unknown author) Additional readings: Denis, Marie-Noele. 1989. Le declin du dialecte alsacien. Strasbourg, Association des publications pres les universites de Strasbourg; Vassberg, Liliane M. 1993. Alsatian Acts of Identity: Language Use and Language Attitudes in Alsace. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters.

Amharic5* 1. The learned scholars like to write ... only in the ancient language, Ge'ez. It would be more appropriate if they would abandon this old language to the Church and write about secular matters in Amharic, the language that everyone knows and speaks. Besides, it is better and more appropriate to improve, beautify, teach and develop Amharic, which is more useful for commerce, industry and government. ... Honoring Ge'ez but not Amharic is like mourning the death of your father-in-law but not that of your father, or like keeping your mother-in-law in curtained quarters 55 and sending your mother to labor at the millstones. In the land of the Ferenjis56 they have abandoned the old Roman language to the Church and are improving and beautifying their new language 57 and teaching it to their children. Ethiopia too should do likewise. 2.

DECREE (1958) THE LION OF THE TRIBE OF JUDAH HATH CONQUERED HAILE-SELASIE THE FIRST ELECT OF GOD, EMPEROR OF ET HIP I A

Observing that our people have from early times possessed their own alphabet, and have occupied a recognized position in ancient history. Considering that it is desirable to establish an Academy which will serve to promulgate letters, arts and sciences, whereby the traditional genius of our country, which has persisted from the time of our forefa-

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thers until today, may rest upon a firm foundation for the benefit of future generations, In accordance with Article 26 of our constitution, We decree as follows: 1. By this decree there is established under our auspices an Imperial Academy. As a legally constituted entity it shall have its own distinctive seal and device. For the time being it shall be administered by the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. 18. Any modification [of these regulations] ... will be reported forthwith by the President [of the Academy] to His Majesty the Emperor, whose confirmation is required before any modification of the regulations may be put into effect. Additional readings: Bender, Marvin L. et al. 1976. Language in Ethiopia. London, Oxford University Press; Pankhurst, Richard. 1969. Language and Education in Ethiopia: Historical Background to the Post- War Period. Addis Ababa, Haile Selassie University.

Arabic58 1. Despite the cultural impact of colonial languages like English, French and Italian on our education, we have been able to preserve our language as a unifying element. The latter is influenced by a great legacy which has lasted for fifteen centuries and in the development of which the various Arab peoples have participated, from Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Baghdad, Damascus to Cordoba, Seville, Fez and Marrakech. Arabic is a means of understanding between the Arab peoples and the Arab intellectual elite. What is meant by understanding here is not merely linguistic understanding or communication, which is a simple function that any foreign language, dialect or even sign language could assume; rather, it means cultural, civilizational and intellectual understanding. The latter can be realized only through Arabic, which is deeply ingrained in the great Arabic intellectual tradition. ... Arabic is not simply a means of communication, but something that plays a significant role in the development of intellectual unity in the Arab world ... [and] in the unification of Arab thought. Arabic needs to be updated and modernized so as to express modern thought and unify it. Therefore, the hurdles which stand in the way of its development must be removed. These hurdles may either concern its

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rules, or its writing system, script and printing. Arabic has to be enriched and improved by borrowing or coining modern scientific terms in order for us to be able to express the needs of modern life. Similarly, people must believe in Arabic as a language of instruction and writing at all levels, and in scientific, mathematical, intellectual and literary disciplines. Arabic cannot be a unifying language if some people still consider it as solely the language of literature and poetry. It has to be recognized as the language of [governmental and business] administration in all sectors. One cannot ignore the relation between administration and unity of thought. The fact that a language is not used in administration implies that it is underdeveloped, and thus, not worth becoming a language of cultured thought. As a result, it cannot participate in the unification of thought within a single Arab country, let alone in the Arab world as a whole. 2.

The Arabic language is not for us, like any other language that we, or some of us, study in order to discover the culture and knowledge of others, or in order to communicate with them or for any other purpose. Rather, Arabic is the heart of Arabic nationalism, and is its most important support, not only because it is a means of communication in the Arab world, but because it is the language we use to express our thoughts, feelings and aspirations; it is as well the language which embodies the Arab culture, way of life and traditions. Furthermore, Arabic is the means whereby we can connect the present with the past of the Arab nation; it is even right to say that Arabic is the Arab personality and that the latter has no raison d'etre without the Arabic language. In fact, there is no Arabic nationalism without Arabic and there is not Arabic without Arabic nationalism ... The campaign launched [by colonial interests] against the Arabic language is an attack against our existence and against all our traditions-social, religious, linguistic-as well as against our thoughts and conscience. ... The death of Arabic will mean the disappearance of values and traditions which distinguish Arabs from other human beings; Arabs will simply vanish in the midst of other nations, and so will their eloquence, faith, culture and knowledge. Additional readings: Gruendler, Beatrice. 1993. The Development of the Arabic Scripts. Atlanta, Scholars Press; Badawi, Muhammad Mustafa. 1993. A Short History of Modern Arabic Literature. New York, Oxford University Press; Bohas, Georges. 1990. The Arabic Linguistic Tradition. London, Routledge.

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Basque59 1.

Thus Basque is an essential element of the Basque nation; without it the latter's institutions cannot exist. The disappearance of Basque would cause the ruin of that nation beyond all hope of recovery; it would die as the leaf dies in autumn when nature withdraws the life-nourishing sap from it, as all trace [of life] would disappear from the world if the sun were to refuse us its life-giving light and warmth. This conclusion is irrefutable, and if we do not use all our strength in time to save our homeland from such a fatal outcome, this [destructive] occurrence is inevitable. I say "in time" advisedly, for if we wait for the occurrence of the event, all efforts tending to counter it would be useless. Let us avail ourselves of [preventive] hygiene, so that we do not have to make use of medicine, for according to the laws of nature, nothing is created, everything is either change or development. If Basque disappears, we will not be able to revive it; while it exists, however, we can develop it and extend it to the depths of the Basque Country, free of all foreign stains, and perfectly and precisely fashioned. Thus, if we are patriots, we must seek, via deeds, to obtain a precise definition of our history and to perfect the Basque language, and to propagate them both throughout our lands. Let every Basque speaker know the history of his people; let everyone who is of Basque descent also be Basque in his language and deserve the name euskalduna60. Additional readings: Tejerina Montana, Benjamin. 1992. Nacionalismo y Lengua. Madrid, Centro de investigaciones sociologicos; Zirakzadeh, Cyrus E. 1991. A Rebellious People" Basques, Protests, Poltitcs. Reno/Las Vegas, University of Nevada Press; Heiberg, Marianne. 1989. The Making of the Basque Nation. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Bengali61 1.

Oh Bengali, your treasure is filled with various gems, Yet, (fool that I am!) have I traveled much in foreign lands. Lured by other people's gems, like a beggar, Have I spent year after year unslept, unfed, and uncheered, Devoting my body and soul to what is not adorable,

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In fruitless endeavor. I swam in mosses, being oblivious of the lotus garden! Told as I was in dream by your Goddess of Welfare: "Lo, my child, various gems are in your mother's treasure, Why then have you become a beggar? Go back, you fool, go back to your home! Happily did I obey her then, and in time I found The mother tongue: a mine filled with various gems. 2.

It is no longer of any consequence whether our predecessors were the inhabitants of Arabia, Afghanistan, or Tartars, or the Hindus of this subcontinent. The bare fact is that we are now all Bengali and our mother tongue is Bangla. ... There is nothing more astonishing and more pitiable than that we should disown the country as our native land, wherein we have been living uninterruptedly for seven hundred years. After our birth, the language that we hear first is the one we use all through our lives. The language in which we express our sense of happiness and sorrows, pleasure and melancholy, the language in which we converse in hats62 and bazaars, in trade and in commerce, in matters of worldly affairs and in our dreams when we are asleep ... that language is none other than Bangla. Therefore, Bangla is our native language. However, there are some among us who still cannot recover from the mental obsession from which they suffer. These people, although they sleep within the cottages of bamboo and mango groves of Bengal, fondly nourish dreams of Baghdad, Bokhara, Kabul and Kandahar within their minds. There are still some who are under the spell of the illusion of making Urdu into their mother tongue, at the direct expense of Bangla\ Just as weak individuals busy themselves in dreaming about miraculous will-of-the wisps, so degenerate peoples are fond of nurturing abnormal ideas. 3.

Shackled to the same chain, Bangla language, you, a gracious beauty, and I, are indomitable slaves for centuries. For centuries we have been surrounded by the sound of hissing whips and the jangle of echeloned chains. We belong to that tribe of people

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who sing in the midst of torturous oppression, transforming pain into harmony and music ... ... When we stand up to face the world's whipping again, we create a choreography of wondrous beauty and imagination. When the two of us become resonant with the sound of chains smitten to pieces, a profound and sublime symphony is born. Our scream, spreading beyond the horizon, is the only song, for the second half of the twentieth century. Additional readings: Dil, Afia. 1991. Two Traditions of the Bengali Language. Cambridge, Islamic Academy; Lahiri, Pradip Kumar. 1991. Bengali Muslim Thought, 1918-1947. Calcutta, K. P. Bagchi; Dhongde, Ramesa. 1989. Minority Language Communities. Pune, Deccan College

Berber63 1. While we are waiting for adequate institutions to be set up in order to safeguard this legacy, measures for preserving Berber must be taken ...; Berber is not to be preserved like pieces in a museum, but as a rich whole. Who is ready to see this Berber heritage disintegrate or vanish, out of negligence, unawareness or pleasure? This language has given evidence of its vitality and value, given that it has been able to bravely face both time and its traps. The Berber language is the symbol of a strong personality attached to its proper identity. 2.

One cannot recognize the existence of a people and at the same time oblige it to part with its language (its "soul") ... Why is it the case that what was denounced as a colonial policy of depersonalization and acculturation—or "a genocide of souls" [under the French]—is now considered as fair and in the public interest [under independent Algerian rule]? ... Denied of its past, exiled in the present by the Jacobin state and by the Arabo-Islamic ideology, the Berber people, however, obstinately refuse to be dismissed in the future.

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The Berber heritage, now in an imposed hibernation, is on the verge of its resurrection. The Berber language and culture will soon wake up from their "sleep". The danger that threatens the Berber people has been of use in the sense that Berbers are now conscious of the specificity of their language and are compelled to "cling to even thorny branches" for the sake of preserving it; there are, in fact, only two alternatives: either a slow death or a survival that will bring with it a kind of rebirth of the Berber language and culture. 3.

Everyone must be reminded at all times and everywhere of the urgent need for the official recognition of the Berber language by the authorities ... Finally, Berberophones ought to know that [the language's current] diversity is an inherent characteristic of Berber and that it must be considered an opportunity and a richness rather than as a defeat. Additional readings: Ennaji, Moha, ed. In press [1996]. Berber Sociolinguistics. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, no. 119 (entire issue); Delheure, J. 1986. Fails et dires de Mzab (Timgga d-yiwaln η at-Mzab). Paris, SELAF; Hart, David M. 1984. The Ait 'Atta of Southern Morocco: Daily Life and Recent History. Cambridge, Middle East and North African Studies Press.

Black

English64

1.

Black English is the creation of the Black Diaspora. Blacks came to the United States chained to each other, but from different tribes: neither could speak the other's language. If two Black people, at that bitter hour of the world's history, had been able to speak to each other, the institution of chattel slavery could never have lasted as long as it did. Subsequently, the slave was given, under the eye, and the gun, of his master, Congo Square 65 , and the Bible—or, in other words, and under these conditions, the slave began the formation of the Black church, and it is within this unprecedented tabernacle that Black English began to be formed. This was ... an alchemy that transformed ancient elements into a new language: a language comes into existence by means of brutal necessity, and the rules of the language are dictated by what the language must convey. Now, if this passion, this skill, this (to quote Toni Morrison 66 ) "sheer intelligence", this incredible music, the mighty achievement of having

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brought a people utterly unknown to, or despised by "history"-to have brought this people to their present troubled, troubling, and unassailable and unanswerable place—if this absolutely unprecedented journey does not indicate that Black English is a language, I am curious to know what definition of language is to be trusted. A people at the center of the Western world, and in the midst of so hostile a population, has not endured and transcended by means of what is patronizingly called a "dialect" ... It is not the Black child's language that is in question, it is not his language that is despised: It is his experience. A child cannot be taught by anyone who despises him, and a child cannot afford to be fooled. A child cannot be taught by anyone whose demand, essentially, is that the child repudiate his experience, and all that gives him sustenance, and enter a limbo in which he will no longer be Black, and in which he knows that he can never become White. Black people have lost too many children that way. 2.

The language of soul-or, as it might also be called "Spoken Soul" or "Colored English"-is simply an honest vocal portrayal of Black America ... It generally possesses a pronounced lyrical quality which is frequently incompatible to any music other than that ceaseless and relentlessly driving rhythm that flows from poignantly spent lives. Spoken soul has a way of coming out metered without the intention of the speaker to invoke it. There are specific phonetic traits. To the soulless ear the vast majority of these sounds are dismissed as incorrect usage of the English language and, not infrequently, as speech impediments. To those so blessed as to have had bestowed upon them at birth the lifetime gift of soul, these are the most communicative and meaningful sounds ever to fall upon human ears. Additional readings: Bailey, Guy. 1991. The Emergence of Black English: Text and Commentary. Amsterdam, Benjamins; Goodwin, Marjorie Harness. 1990. He-Said-She-Said. Bloomington, Indiana University Press; Baugh, John. 1983. Black Street Speech. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice Hall.

Byelorussian67 1. Bahushevich, Kupala, Kolas, Bahdanovich, Tsyotka, Yadvihin, the Lutskievich brothers 68 , from the very depths of Byelorussia there arose peo-

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pie who attempted to express ... their nation's idea that lay hidden deep under home-spun rags. And it was with the rebirth of the Byelorussian language that they commenced their great and difficult task. Four centuries earlier this language had been heard in the palaces of the Lithuanian-Byelorussian chancellors and magnates, it was used for the writings of the Lithuanian Statute 69 , the most outstanding piece of legislation of the time, the genius of Frantsysk Skaryna used it to present to the Byelorussian people and all the eastern Slavs the first [modern vernacular] translation of the Bible70, thereby assisting the "education of the simple Rus' people (not to be confused with Russians—author [Anon.])" and "for the better understanding of the people of the Commonwealth". The language that had made such an impact in Renaissance times found itself (by an irony of geopolitics and geoculture) driven out of the streets and cross-roads of public culture and politics and restricted to smoke-filled peasant hovels. In its own home the language was reduced to the status of an ugly duckling. As history quickened its pace, the language was left quite untouched by discoveries and creativity in science and art, by upheavals in industry and technology, by political revolutions-all the things with which other European languages were in contact as they developed and perfected themselves (and cluttered themselves as well). The Byelorussian language, raising its tortured but still lively voice at the turn of the last century, reminds one somehow of a shy, timid Cinderella who has decided to go to the ball, but with this difference: the first zealots of the Byelorussian cause had neither the magic of the kind fairy [godmother] nor the power of the prince at their disposal, as they accompanied their "peasant tongue" out into the world. The Byelorussian Cinderella was faced with the difficult task of dissuading an arrogant and selfassured public that what lay behind her simple appearance was not mere simplicity, but something more significant and even noble ... "Do not abandon your language so that you yourself do not die" 71 . This was the mandate with which Byelorussians entered the twentieth century, as they sought to catch up with the achievements of epochs that had passed them by and to meet the demands of a new age ... The language already possessed many life-giving currents; to these were added several other qualities enabling it to keep "in step with the age", and to raise its by now far from peasant people to the level of the modern world ... The Byelorussian language lives and grows, and with it the people of Byelorussia.

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2.

To the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade Mikhail Sergeevitsh Gorbachev: Dear Mikhail Sergeevich: We are writing to you on a matter which concerns us very greatly—the fate of the Byelorussian language. At the present time, a time of renewal in all spheres of life in Soviet society, a time when we must reexamine our achievements, mistakes and shortcomings, problems associated with the harmonious development of all aspects of national culture demand our special attention. Language is the soul of the nation, the supreme manifestation of its cultural identity, the foundation of its true spiritual life. A nation lives and flourishes in history while its language lives. With the decline of the language, culture withers and atrophies, the nation ceases to exist as a historical organism ... The language of our people has traveled a long and complex developmental path. It has known periods of decline and blossoming. It grew out of common East Slavonic roots and acquired its own unique features. It has served our people well. It had the status of official language in a large medieval state, it sounded proudly from the pages of the first book ever printed in an East Slavonic language, it has given the world remarkable examples of Byelorussian literature. There were terrible times when it was mocked and banned by all manner of oppressors who sought to make Poles or Russians of the Byelorussians. The Great October Socialist Revolution opened up vast potential for the development of Byelorussian language and culture. Considerable success was achieved in this area in the first ten years of Soviet power. The Byelorussian Communist Party and government, guided by Leninist principles and the genuine interests of the people, carried out a policy of Byelorussifying all aspects of society in the 1920s-the government and party apparatus, schools, the university, other educational institutions and scientific centers. All this made a decisive contribution to the flourishing of Soviet Byelorussian culture and the growth of national selfawareness among the people. However, the period of the personality cult was marked by deviations from Leninist principles in matters of nationalities policy in the USSR; a crude sociological approach to questions of art and literature and the repression of the national intelligentsia in the 1930s did irreparable damage to Byelorussian culture. The last war intensified this destructive pro-

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cess ... From the middle of the 1950s, in the period of "voluntarism", Byelorussian schools were closed on a grand scale, a number of Byelorussian periodical publications were changed over to Russian, our language was squeezed out of almost all spheres of life. In the last two decades this process has accelerated ... The decline in number of pupils in Byelorussian schools is catastrophic ... Byelorussian is almost never used as a working language or in official correspondence in Party organizations, or in local and national government ... Anyone using his native language is frequently branded as a "nationalist ..." Decisive action is needed to save the Byelorussian language and culture, and, therefore, to save the Byelorussian people from spiritual extinction. We do mean "save", because individual measures of a cosmetic nature will do nothing to remedy the situation. In our view, action must be taken ... that is truly Leninist in its wisdom and justice 72 . Additional reading: Country Report: (1993, no. 1). Ukraine, Belarus, Moldavia. London, Economist Intelligence Unit; Zaprudnik, I A. 1993. Belarus. Boulder, Westview Press; Kipel, Vitant and Zora, eds. 1988. Byelorussian Statehood: A Reader and Bibliography. New York, Byelorussian Institute of Arts and Sciences

Cheyenne73 1. Like many people who had gotten a taste of the whiteman's world, I saw no practical use for my Northern Cheyenne language. ... When viewed in relation with the Spanish, German and English languages and their vast store of literary accomplishments, my own ... language was indeed of little consequence, especially since it had been written down for the first time only in this century ... [But, thanks to bilingual education] I have become sensitized to my own language. I have developed an intimacy with my own language in the past year that did not previously have. ... My Cheyenne is associated with everything that is positive. My grandmother ... and other older folks told us funny stories in Cheyenne. All of these associations are positive ... I have come to know the real joys of speaking my own language, joys that were hidden behind a veneer created by the educational process ... Knowing my language helped me overcome my identity crisis ... and made me aware of my Cheyenne-ness ... and enabled me to establish

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firmly a good self-concept ... Not knowing my own Indian language and yet being considered "Indian" by the world about me would have led to tremendous personal problems ... What bilingual education and linguistic studies do is to re-establish our identities as Cheyenne people—and that can only be good. Additional readings: Moore, John H. 1987. Τhe Cheyenne Nation: A Social and Demographic History. Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press; Weist, Tom. 1977. A History of the Cheyenne People. Billings, Montana Council for Indian Education. Also note: Public Law 102—524. 1992. Native American Languages Act of 1992. Washington DC, 102 Congress [October 26]; Select Committee on Indian Affairs. 1992. Assisting Native Americans in Assuring the Survival and Continuing Vitality of Their Languages. Washington DC, United States Senate [Report accompanying S. 2044].

Chinese

(Potunghua)74

Pre Revolutionary. A healthy and perfect nation should be endowed with healthy and perfect thoughts. Healthy and perfect thoughts should project themselves into a healthy and perfect written language. As far as written languages are concerned, no language is the world is comparable to ours, in terms of the length of its history and the purity and accomplishment of its system. 1.

During our nation's long and illustrious history, Chinese characters have made a great contribution, and, moreover, Chinese characters will henceforth continue, for a long time to come, to serve their proper function as tools for recording the spoken language. These characters, however, are also possessed of many basic inherent shortcomings, and such shortcomings limit them, making them unable to conform with the tremendous developments taking place in our country's socialist construction, economy and culture. Therefore, we must reform Chinese characters. [However,] the question of the written language ... affects the whole national culture; it is a complex question that infuses every aspect of social life. Hence, Chinese characters must be reformed in well-planned steps. We cannot be hasty, taking two paces at one stride, or simple or crude; but neither can we be hesitant and conservative, irresolutely failing to press forward. The plan to implement reform under specific conditions that has been put forward by Chairman Mao is an entirely correct one ... [I]ts

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mission is first to resolve two pressing concrete problems: the simplification of Chinese characters, and the promotion of the standard vernacular (the common language of the Chinese people) ... [as] necessary [pre-] conditions in the preparation for the phoneticization of Chinese characters. ... [B]y simplifying Chinese characters and promoting a common language for the Chinese people, we help them increase their professional ability and open the road for far-reaching development ... [T]he nation's workers in linguistics, education, culture and other related fields, through close cooperation and reliance on the masses, will certainly be able gradually to complete this monumental historical task of writing reform, thereby making a timeless contribution to the benefit of the broad masses of laboring people in our motherland, and to their descendants. 2.

Among the Han people 75 , a great diversity of dialects exist—the diversity being mainly in pronunciation. People of different areas, each speaking their own dialect, can hardly understand one another. People of the same province (for example, northern and southern Fukien; northern and southern Kiangsu) find it difficult to carry on conversation. This diversity in dialects has an unfavorable effect on the political, economic and cultural life of the people ... Without a common speech, we shall, to a greater or lesser extent, meet with difficulties in our national construction. It often happens that the listener fails to understand an important report or an important class lecture due to the dialect barrier. The effectiveness of ... radio and cinema is inevitably limited. Since liberation, China has achieved national unification without parallel in history. The people throughout the country are striving, under the leadership of the Communist Party and the People's Government, to attain the common goal of socialism. They feel more and more the urgent need of a common language. It is, therefore, an important political task to popularize vigorously the common speech, with the Peking pronunciation as the standard. ... This does not mean that we want all the Han people to speak exactly like Peking people. This is impossible and unnecessary. Peking pronunciation is a standard to which we can orient ourselves. In practical popularization and in teaching and learning, ... demands are different for different persons. For example, of radio announcers, cinema and stage actors and actresses, and language teachers in normal schools, we make stricter demands. Not so of the people in general. Of the middle aged or older, it is not necessary to make even a general demand. Thus,

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obstruction to the popularization of the common speech will be reduced to a minimum and the confidence and interest in learning it will be increased. Where shall the common speech be popularized? I think it should be done first in the schools, and [most] vigorously among the children and the young people. ... Popularization of the common speech has as its aim the removal of the barrier of the dialects, not of prohibiting or abolishing the dialects ... Dialects will exist for a long time. They cannot be prohibited by administrative order, nor can they be abolished by artificial measures. In popularizing the common speech, distinctions should be made between old and young people; between the activities on a national scale and those of a local nature; between the present and the future. On the other hand, those who can speak only the common speech should learn the local dialects so that they will be able to make close contact with the working people in the districts where only local dialects are spoken ... In short, we should try more ways and means to change social habits to the advantage of the popularization of the common speech. 3. As early as 1940, Chairman Mao told us that "The written language must be reformed under certain conditions. [Standard vernacular] speech must be brought closer to the masses." In 1951 he said "The written language must be reformed; we must proceed in the direction of phoneticization being taken by all of the languages of the world" and in 1958 he said "All cadres must study the standard vernacular". In the past twenty years, the entire party and all the Chinese people have followed the teachings of Chairman Mao, actively and steadily working to promote language reform. Definite successes have been realized in character simplification, popularization of the standard vernacular, formulation and implementation of a Plan for Phonetic Spelling of Chinese, and [in] other areas. ... In order to popularize the standard vernacular, we must firmly grasp the Party's basic line as our guide, continue to criticize Lin Piao 76 , and intensify propaganda work. Spreading the use of the standard vernacular will help us unify the people of our country and continue the educational revolution. It is a necessity of socialist revolution and construction, as well as an important preparation for implementing Chairman Mao's directive to "proceed in the direction of phoneticization being taken by all the languages of the world". Without a standard vernacular, the [writing of the] language cannot become phonetic. Thus, popularization of the standard vernacular is a vital political task.

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... The Communist Youth League, Little Guard and Little Red Soldier organizations should be fully used in an intensive, sustained effort to spread the standard vernacular. This will make a new contribution to socialist revolution and reconstruction. Additional readings: Tsong, Yu-ho. 1993. A History of Chinese Calligraphy. Hong Kong, Chinese University Press; DeFrancis, John. 1984. The Chinese Language: Fact and Fantasy. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press.

Croatian77 1. DECLARATION CONCERNING THE NAME AND THE POSITION OF THE CROATIAN LITERARY LANGUAGE The centuries-old struggle of the Yugoslav peoples for national freedom and social justice culminated in the revolutionary transformation that took place in the period between 1941 and 1945. The victory of the national liberation struggle and the socialist revolution made it possible for all nations and minorities in Yugoslavia to enter a new phase of their historical existence. Basing themselves on the fundamental principles of socialism concerning the right of every individual to be free from oppression, and of every nation to be completely sovereign and equal with all other nations, the Slovenes, Croatians, Serbs, Montenegrins and Macedonians formed a federal union, consisting of six socialist republics, to guarantee their mutual equality, brotherhood and socialist cooperation. The principle of national sovereignty and complete equality encompasses the right of each of our nations to protect all the attributes of its national identity and to fully develop not only its economy but also its culture. Among these attributes, the national name of the language spoken by the Croatian nation is of paramount importance, because it is the inalienable right of every people to call its language by its own national name, irrespective of whether in a philological sense this language is shared in its entirety or through a separate variant by another people. The agreement reached in Novi Sad correctly states that the Serbian and Croatian literary languages have a common linguistic basis, while not denying the historical, cultural, national and political truth that every nation has the right to use its own language to express its national and

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cultural identity. These principles were formulated both in the Constitution and in the program of the League of Communists, which is the leader of our peoples in their revolutionary struggle. And yet, despite the clarity of these fundamental principles, a certain fuzziness in their formulation has made it possible in practice to circumvent, distort and violate these principles within the broader distortions of our social and economic reality. The circumstances under which statism, unitarism and hegemony have been revived are well known. With them the concept that a single "state language" is necessary has appeared, which in practice means the Serbian literary language because of the dominant influence exercised by the administrative center of our federation. Despite the VIII Congress, the recent IV and the V Plenums of the Central Committee of the League of Yugoslav Communists, which have stressed the importance of the Socialist principles concerning the equality of our peoples and, consequently, their languages, the "state language" is even today being systematically imposed, with the result that the Croatian literary language is disregarded and is reduced to the status of a local dialect. This discrimination is practiced through the administrative apparatus and the means of mass communication: the federal press, Tanjug [Yugoslav Official Press Agency], the Yugoslav television and radio network in its nationwide broadcasts, the post office, the telegraph and telephone services, the railroads, the literature dealing with political and economic matters, the motion picture newsreels, ... various administrative forms,..the Yugoslav army, the federal administration, the legislature, diplomacy and various political organizations ... Consequently, the Croatian cultural and scientific institutes and organizations which are the signatories of this declaration 78 , consider it essential to undertake the following steps: 1) To establish clearly and unequivocally through Constitutional provision the equality of the four literary languages: the Slovenian, Croatian, the Serbian and Macedonian. For that purpose, paragraph 131 of the Constitution of the federal republic of Yugoslavia should be changed to read as follows: "Federal laws and other general acts of the federal administration are officially published in the four literary languages of the peoples of Yugoslavia: Serbian, Croatian, Slovenian and Macedonian. In their official communications the federal administration upholds the equality of the languages of all the Yugoslav peoples." It is similarly necessary to guarantee by law the rights of the languages used by the national minorities in Yugoslavia 79 .

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The present fuzzy Constitutional provision concerning the "Serbocroatian or Croatoserbian language" makes it possible to consider the two parallel names as synonyms. As a result the present Constitutional formulation does not offer the legal underpinnings for the equality of the Croatian and Serbian literary languages in relation to each other, and also in relationship to the Yugoslav peoples. This lack of clarity makes it possible to impose the Serbian literary language as the common language of both the Serbs and the Croatians. Numerous examples show that this is indeed the practice, as for instance the recent decisions of the Fifth Assembly of the Union of Yugoslav Composers: they were published simultaneously in the Serbian, Slovenian and Macedonian languages, as if the Croatian literary language does not even exist or as if it is identical with the Serbian literary language. The undersigned institutes and organizations consider that in such instances the Croatian nation is not represented and is denied equality. This sort of policy can never be justified by asserting the undeniable scientific fact that the Croatian and Serbian literary languages have the same linguistic basis. 2) In accordance with the above demand and elaboration, it is necessary to guarantee the consistent use of the Croatian literary language in the schools, the press, the public forums, on radio and the television networks whenever the broadcasts are directed to a Croatian audience. Officials, teachers and public workers, irrespective of their origin, should use in their official dealings the language of the milieu in which they live. We are submitting this Declaration to the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, to the Federal Parliament of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and to the public at large, so that during the discussions concerning the modification of the Constitution these principles be clearly formulated and put into practice in our public life. Additional readings: Franolic, Branko. 1984. An Historical Survey of Literary Croatian. Paris, Nouvelles editions latines; Thomas, George. 1988. The Impact of the Illyrian Movement on the Croatian Language. Munich, Sagner.

Czech80 1. A happy time of self-rule has come; now we can control our destinies and take care of ourselves. If we gain power and fame it will be to our

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credit and if we remain in humbleness and imperfection it will be to our disgrace. N o w we cannot use government as an excuse nor expect to be taken care of by it as if we were children and minors. We have freedom of speech, freedom of the press, the most liberally formed government; let us then take care of ourselves. That is why we have to really know who we are; we have to know what we want and where we are heading in order to be able to seize the proper means for achieving our goals. We overlook lots of things, in fact, we do not know what to do first; therefore, we should decide in which way we want to proceed to our rebirth. First of all (and this is the most important!) our immediate concern must be for our nationhood, our language. Dear brothers, do not be misled by insincere voices that say that a language is only an outer form, a secondary consideration, that we must not forget about more important matters just because of language and nationhood. These are voices of false, hidden enemies of our nation. Freedom, no matter how great, means nothing without nationhood, because without nationhood freedom is freedom for others, for our oppressors and lords but not for us. Did English freedom help the Irish? Did Hungarian freedom help the Slovaks 8 1 ? Answer this question, you malicious prattlers who would like to seduce us into the wrong path at this time. What good does it do the Blacks in the Southern states of the United States, this freest Union in the world? It is so good for them that they have a status somewhere between that of cattle and horses, because even horses are treated better than they are. Wherever your language and your nationhood are disregarded you are oppressed, no matter how liberal the country may be. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, are the very bases of all other freedoms. But where your language is excluded from schools and offices, freedom is taken away from you, from your nation, more than then by police or by censorship. Of course, you can avoid the police by printing books abroad, [or by] speaking in a way that the ears of the police will not hear you. But where your national language is excluded from offices and schools, the mouth of the people is tightly locked. Only a few people privileged by their knowledge of the foreign language are at the helm and they are selling-out their own people in their own country. Only a few of you will rise up as friends of the people, moved by some peculiar circumstance, in spite of having been brought up as servants of a different nation, to indicate that it is your duty to take care of your own people, to speak to it, to elevate it and wake it up. But your people do not under-

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stand you because their language, having been confined to kitchen and cow-barn, does not have words for higher things. Other people, foolish and malicious, will make fun of you and even those folks whom you are trying to help do not see the need for your language and do not give you credit for it. This has been going on until very recently; do you want to continue in this way even after the revolution? As other noxious privileges that some have enjoyed to your disadvantage are abolished, do you want to preserve the most noxious, the most terrible privilege of all, that of language? Would you like your old father, who does not know German 82 , to be looked down upon by any tramp who would look at lower creatures either with contempt or with compassion? Honor yourself so that others may honor you! Additional readings: Chloupek, Jan, Jiri Nelxvapil et al. 1987. Reader in Czech Sociolinguistics. Amsterdam, Benjamins; Sgall, Petr, et al. Variation in Language: Codeswitching in Czech as a Challenge for Sociolinguistics. Amsterdam, Benjamins.

Dutch

(in

Belgium)*3

1. Yes, it is the language of freedom·, it has always been and it still is today. It is, which is exceptional, spoken in many different countries ... and whatever kind of vicissitudes it may have known, it has yet never known slavery or dictatorship. For, yes, it is the language of freedom and I shall never be ashamed to use it when speaking with people who think French is better; I will always consider it an honor to speak it and even let my [Dutch] accent be heard when I speak French. Why indeed should our language make way for French? Why should a better language yield to a worse? Why should we sacrifice the language of the largest, of the best and of the most distinguished part of our country 84 to the language of only a quarter of the land, of that small corner where an ugly, second hand French is spoken? I don't mean that our Walloons should abandon French. On the contrary, let them exercise it as much and with as much hope of success as their unfortunate linguistic condition allows them to; but above all, let us [Dutch speakers] honor our language.

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Let us, therefore, cheerfully abandon this foreign language which can only harm us and let us enjoy our own instead. We should, at least, follow the good example of almost all European nations, France, England, Italy, Spain, Germany. All of them saw to it that their language became the language of culture ... Even if we, who have been the first on so many occasions, are now the last to follow suit, let us start without further delay and let us be full of hope. I am convinced that we shall catch up with them and I dare even hope that our Netherlandic genius will enable us to surpass all the others in the end ... As can be seen from the above, I consider the United Netherlands to be part of our country and to form one nation with us. This is especially the case where our national literature is concerned: ours cannot possibly be separated from theirs. Since the mother tongue is the basis of literature and since we have our language in common, there can be no doubt that our literature is one and the same. Consequently, it is in our mutual interest to promote our shared language and our shared culture. As for me, it will be my pleasure to help them in particular since, in so doing, I'm also furthering our own cause. For we are indeed the same nation, identical in language, character and costumes. Therefore, let us — Netherlanders all of us — regardless of separation by political borders, behave as compatriots and brethren, surely as far as Netherlandic culture is concerned. Let us, in a common effort, preserve, honor and embellish our shared Dutch language, in order that the language of freedom may soon become the language of culture. And it is your duty, governors of our provinces, fathers of the fatherland, to abandon your present policy, to mark your approval, give your support, and to provide means, disregarding the borders of states or provinces. So just get started; do something, however little, to make it known that you too are eager to see our language be honored and you will see: it will be honored. 2.

What is it that they 85 really want? The "hollandification" of the people as far as language is concerned and, consequently, as far as religion and customs are concerned. How is this to be prevented? There is only one way: that we who are from the people, who are with the people, who are the people, make sure that our people is immune to those strangers, by cultivating the language of the people, by honoring it, by making it popular. This is a protective barrier they [the "integrationists"] won't be able to penetrate ... It is our only possible defense. "Linguistic unity", as they

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call it, is linguistically as well as ethnologically and morally stupid and if this stupidity were to be carried through it would be a catastrophe and a contagious cancer! Additional readings: Depres, Kaz, ed. 1989. Language and Intergroup Relations in Flanders and The Netherlands. Dordrecht, Foris; Hermans, Theo, ed. The Flemish Movement: A Documentary History, 1700-1990. London, Athlone.

English (in

England)*6

1. I take this present period of our English tongue to be the very height thereof, because I find it so excellently well defined, both for the body of the tongue itself, and for the customary writing thereof, as either foreign workmanship can give it gloss, or as homewrought handling can give it grace. When the age of our people, which now use the tongue so well, is dead and departed, there will another succeed, and with the people the tongue will alter and change ... [B]ut sure for this which we now use, it seemeth even now to be the best for substance and the bravest for circumstance, and whatsoever shall become of the English state, the English tongue cannot prove fairer than it is at this day, if it please our learned sort to esteem so of it, and to bestow their travail upon such a subject, so capable of ornament, so proper to themselves, and the more to be honored because it is their own. ... For is it not indeed a marvelous bondage, to become servants to a tongue for learning sake, ... with loss of most time, whereas we may have the very same treasure in our own tongue, with the gain of most time? Our own bearing the joyful title of our own liberty and freedom, the Latin tongue reminding us our thralldom and bondage? I love Rome, but London better; I favor Italy, but England more; I honor Latin but I worship the English ... The diligent labor of learned countrymen did so enrich ... [other] tongues, and not the tongues themselves, though they proved very pliable, as our tongue will prove ... if our learned countrymen will put to their labor. And why not, I pray you, as well in English as either in Latin or any tongue else? 1. It is not useful? Will you say it is needless? Sure that will not hold ... Methinks necessity itself doth call for English, whereby all that gayety may be had at home which makes us gaze so much at the fine stranger.

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2. It is uncouth? But you will say it is uncouth. Indeed, being unused. And so was it in Latin, and so is it in each language ... 3. Our tongue is of no compass for ground and authority. It is of small reach, it stretcheth no further then this island of ours, nay not there over all. What though? Yet it reigneth there and it serveth us there and it should be clean brushed for the wearing there ... 4. No rare cunning in English? ... And why may not the English wits, if they will bend their wills, either for matter or for method in their own tongue, be in time as well sought to, by foreign students for increase of their knowledge, as our soil is sought to by foreign merchants for increase of their wealth? ... 5. No hope of any greatness? ... [OJur religion is Christianity, which half repines at eloquence, and liketh rather the naked truth than the neated term ... 6. It will let the learned community? ... The conference will not cease, while the people have cause to interchange dealings. And without Latin it may well be continued, as in some countries the learneder sort and some cousins to the Latin itself do already wean their pens and tongues from the use of Latin, both in written discourse and spoken disputation. Why not all in English? But why not all in English, a tongue of itself both deep in conceit and frank in delivery? I do not think that any language, be it whatsoever, is better able to utter all arguments, either with more pith or greater pleasure, than our English tongue is, if the English utterer be as skillful in the matter which he is to utter than the foreign utterer is. ... And though we use and must use many foreign terms, when we deal with such arguments, we do not any more than the bravest tongues do and even very those which crake of their cunning. 2. And what a noble medium the English language is. It is not possible to write a page without experiencing positive pleasure at the richness and variety, the flexibility and the profoundness of our mother tongue. If an English writer cannot say what he has to say in English, and in simple English, depend upon it: it is probably not worth saying. What a pity it is that English is not more generally studied. ... Even of those who, without being great scholars, attain a certain general acquaintance with the ancient writers, can it really be said that they have also obtained a mastery of English? ... How few there are who can construct a few good sentences, or still less a few good paragraphs of plain, correct and straightforward English. Now, I am a great admirer

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of the Greeks, although, of course, I have to depend upon what others tell me about them-(laughter)-and I would like to see our educationists imitate in one respect, at least, the Greek example. How is it that the Greeks made their language the most graceful and compendious mode of expression ever known among men? Did they spend all their time studying the languages which had preceded theirs? Did they explore with tireless persistency the ancient root dialects of the vanished world? Not at all. They studied Greek.-(Cheers)-They studied their own language. They loved it, they cherished it, they adorned it, they expanded it, and that is why it survives [as] a model and a delight to all posterity. Surely we, whose mother tongue has already won for itself such an unequaled empire over the modern world, can learn this lesson, at least, from the ancient Greeks and bestow a little care and some proportion of the years of education to the study of a language which is perhaps to play a predominant part in the future progress of mankind. Additional readings: Bailey, Richard W. 1991. Images of English: A Cultural History of the Language. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press; Carley, Tony. 1991. Proper English? Readings in Language, History and Cultural Identity. London, Routledge; Pyles, Thomas. 1993. The Origins and Development of the English Language. Fort Worth, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.

English

(USA)81

1.

As an independent nation, our honor requires us to have a system of our own, in language as well as in government. Great Britain, whose children we are, and whose language we speak, should no longer be our standard; for the taste of her writers is already corrupted and her language on the decline. But if it were not so, she is [still] at too great a distance to be our model, and to instruct us in the principles of our own tongue ... Removed from the danger of corruption by conquest, our language can change only with the slow operation of the causes before mentioned [the constantly decreasing influence of immigrant languages as their speakers increasingly Americanize] and the progress of arts and sciences, unless the folly of imitating our parent country should continue to govern us, and lead us into endless innovation. This folly, however, will lose its influence gradually, as our particular habits of respect for that country shall wear away, and our amor patriae acquire strength and inspire us with a suitable respect for our own national character.

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We have, therefore, the fairest opportunity of establishing a national language, and of giving it uniformity and perspicuity, in North America, that ever presented itself to mankind. Now is the time to begin the plan [for a thoroughly American English], 2.

Could anyone imagine an English author hesitating to use a word because of his concern as to the inability of American readers to understand it? ... Why [then] should ... [I] permit the survival of the curious notion that our language is a mere loan from England, like a copper kettle that we must keep scoured and return without a dent? Americans who try to write like Englishmen are not only committed to an unnatural prose, but doomed as well to failure, above all among the English; for the most likable thing about the English is their contempt for the hyphenated, imitation Englishmen from the States, who only emphasize their nativity by their apish antics. The Americans who have triumphed among them have been, almost without exception, peculiarly American ... Let us sign a Declaration of Literary Independence and formally begin to write not British but United Statish. For there is such a language, a brilliant, growing, glowing, vivacious, elastic language for which we have no specific name ... Whatever we call it, let us cease to consider it a vulgar dialect of English, to be used only with deprecation. Let us study it in its splendid efflorescence, be proud of it, and true to it. let us put off livery, cease to be the butlers of another people's language, and try to be the masters and the creators of our own. 3.

Whereas, Since the creation of the American Republic there have been certain Tory elements in our country who have never become reconciled to our republican institutions and have ever clung to the tradition of King and Empire; and Whereas, The assumed dominance of this Tory element in the social, business and political life of the United States tends to force the other racial 88 units, in self-defense, to organize on racial lines, thus creating nations within a nation and fostering those racial and religious differences which lead to disunion and disintegration; and Whereas, The supreme problem of American statesmen, and supreme desire of American patriots, is to weld the racial units into a solid American nation in the sense that England, France and Germany are nations; and

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Whereas, The name of the language of a country has a powerful influence in stimulating and preserving the national ideal; and Whereas, The languages of other countries bear the name of the countries to which they belong, the language of Germany being called German; of France, French; of England, English, and so on; and Whereas, Our government, laws, customs and ideals, as well as our language, differ materially from those of England, now therefore; Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly. The official language of the State of Illinois shall be known as the "American" language, and not as the "English" language. Additional readings: Dillard, Joe L. 1992. A History of American English. London, Longman; Simpson, David. The Politics of American English, 1776-1850. New York, Oxford University Press.

Estonian89 1. Whether or not a nation has reached a stage where it can abandon an advanced foreign language (like the Germans have done with Latin) and, henceforth, strive for their own national culture, that is a question to be answered by the nation itself, for the nation alone will have to suffer the consequences of possibly having come to this decision too early or too late. Therefore, it shall be neither my intention nor my task to explore whether Estonians are now at this kind of parting of the ways. They themselves do not lack judicious and educated men 90 who can decide this matter. The fact is that voices have repeatedly been heard among Estonians demanding purely national institutions of higher education and wishing to enter upon an independent cultural path. That will suffice for a start, not to sound inopportune when I make bold to refer to something that should take place even earlier, and that is the attainment of a common, uniform literary language ... ... A well known proverb precludes worrying about unlaid eggs, and the common literary Estonian language is, at any rate, still of this status [i. e., an unlaid egg], since it has not reached even the second stage of life wherein it would be concentrated on one dialect, not to speak of the third stage, wherein it would detach itself from that dialect as well and commence its independent life and development. However, since the

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matter has already come up here, I should like to permit myself a few anticipatory remarks or recommendations, if I may, on the latter stage o f the literary language. If the literary language should spring from the dialect o f East Harjumaa and Virumaa, as I assume91, it will no doubt have the right to replenish, enrich and perfect itself by drawing from other dialects too, and not only by adopting relevant expressions and auspicious word forms, in keeping with the spirit of the language, which already exist there [in the other dialects] and which the [literary] language itself is still lacking, but also by reshaping certain forms that impair its symmetry and consistency and substituting [in their stead] more appropriate ones living among the people elsewhere. In this way the language becomes richer, more elaborate and more beautiful, while it loses nothing of its genuine Estonian character ... Using loan-words from other languages ... is useless and objectionable if some usable word already exists in the mother tongue. Even if the [dialect-based] word at first is not understood by Estonians from other localities and requires an explanation ... it is still a genuinely Estonian word and as such deserves to be preferred. It will also be remembered by the Estonian learner much more easily and firmly than a word from a totally foreign language, and it will take less time to become the generally comprehensible property of the literary language ... because it may already be available and established in the people's unconscious. 2. The Estonian language-the old, honorable and dear "language of the land", sweet to our heart-strings and to our (and even to a foreigner's) ear—is one of the most ... lasting treasures of our people. For many of us it is actually the only thing that a person can call his own ... and that has been salvaged from olden days. This ancient heritage is intellectual and it is persistent; no power has been strong e n o u g h - a n d none has even dared to try—to bend or contort it, let alone to rob us of it or to destroy it. N o r has anyone had the strength to melt it, nor to confiscate it. One is only able to sway it slightly, little by little. The greatest jeopardy that our language can be exposed to may arise from ourselves, if we slacken in our use and in our devotion to it. These spiritual riches also constitute the most essential factor in the preservation and endurance of our nation. It is a bond between all of us in time and space. It is the Estonian language which links us to our ancestors in the remote dimness of millennia past and that will proceed from us to the coming generations ... It joins together the islander of Hiiumaa and a [half Russianized] Setu of Petseri,

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... an inhabitant of South Estonia to another in the north, indeed, joining even our Swedes, Germans, Jews or Russians to us and ... [it] binds us together and captures us even when we are on foreign paths abroad. Many a goal and viewpoint, many a transient seduction of the times may divide the congregation, yet the mother tongue will hold it together. And surely it will once again be the language of the land that will some day reassemble and reunite into one family all of those who have strayed away under the enchantment of [foreign] faiths and doctrines. Originally this was a language of free hunters, fisherman, herders, tillers and sailors, then a language of peasants oppressed into primitivity and enslaved, as well [the language] of poor townspeople, and eventually a vehicle of expression for a highly civilized nation and state ... This language of the land is already fully adequate to render the writings of Shakespeare and Dante, Goethe and Flaubert, Baudelaire and Valery-provided only that the translator knows it sufficiently and is able to handle its riches. This language has been and is at present exactly as mean or as noble, as bad or as good, as feeble or as effective as we ourselves. This language of ours, a mode of action so important, ordinary and frequent in our everyday lives, is in and on our mind and tongue, and yet each of us knows but a mere fraction of it, while its life and essence, its past and present, its countless facets and faces in different parts of the country and in different strata of the people, always puts forward something novel and unknown, which should interest us, teach us to hold it in high esteem, and support and enhance our national self-confidence. Additional recent readings: Urdzins, Anrejs and Andris Vilks, eds. 1991. The Baltic States: A Reference Book. Tallinn, Encyclopedia Publishers; Raun, Toivo U. 1987. Estonia and the Estonians. Stanford, Hoover Institution; Misiunas, R. J. and R. Taagepera. 1983. The Baltic States: Years of Dependence. Berkeley, University of California Press. I am grateful to Eero Vihman for his assistance in connection with bibliography and other information pertaining to Estonian.

Filipino92 1.

Gentlemen, many of the difficult areas or defects now existing here are due to the fact that we have not a common national language of our own. The desire to imitate everything alien, without knowing whether

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that which we are trying to imitate is good or bad, is due to an evil—the lack of a real national soul. A national soul cannot exist where there is not a common language. We shall never have any genuine national pride until we have a language of our own. We shall always have [upon us] the sign of inferiority. Copying is all-right; but we must copy only what is good, what is adaptable to our idiosyncrasy, and reject what is bad. I never realized how terrible the lack of a common language was until I became President. I am the President of the Philippines; I am the personal representative of the Philippine nation, the Philippine people. But, when I travel throughout the provinces and talk to my people, I need an interpreter. Did you ever hear of anything more humiliating, more terrible than that? I am all-right when I go to the Tagalog provinces, because I can speak to the people there in the vernacular, in Tagalog. But if I go to Ilocos Sur, I am already a stranger in my own country, I, the President of the Philippines! How can I tell the people what I think and feel when in order to do so I need an interpreter who, in the majority of cases, says what he wants to say and not what I have said? That happens ... either because he has not understood me or because he cannot think of words in the vernacular expressing what I have said, [so he] says whatever occurs to him. How often have I said to someone interpreting for me into Visayan or Bicol: "You are not saying what I have said" ? I am agreeable to having English continue in the schools and I am going to advocate that Spanish be continued too. But I say that the time has come for us to have a national Philippine language. Until we have that, we shall not be a people. 2.

The adoption of a national language is urgent from both the immediate and the long-range viewpoint. The fragmentation of the Filipino nation is perpetuated by, among other factors, the problem of language. The unification of the progressive classes in Filipino society for resolute action against foreign control is hampered by the inadequate development of a common language. The circumstances demand that the national language be Pilipino, because the basis of its further development has been sufficiently laid, both in law and in fact. MAN [= Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism] recognizes that the achievement of a common language is, hand in hand with the re-orientation of the educational system, an important factor in attaining the necessary unity among patriotic segments of the population 'without which no change is possible in Philippine society.

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The most significant effort in our history to effect such a change was carried out through the use of what has come to be the basis of Pilipino. Andres Bonifacio was the first Filipino leader to implement successfully the use of a native language—Tagalog—as the formal language of the revolution led by the Katipunan93 against Spain. Circulars, resolutions and orders written or spoken in Tagalog committed troops to battle, decided the fate of important personages and recorded the disposition of considerable amounts of material and property. The use of English has become an obstacle preventing the Filipino masses from achieving true learning and real progress. While it has favored a small elite, it has kept the majority of Filipinos in ignorance. The use and encouragement of Pilipino has, for this reason, become imperative. 3. MALACANANG Manila BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 335 ENJOINING ALL DEPARTMENTS/ BUREAUS/ OFFICES/ AGENCIES/ INSTRUMENTALITIES OF THE GOVERNMENT TO TAKE SUCH STEPS AS ARE NECESSARY FOR THE PURPOSE OF USING FILIPINO LANGUAGE IN OFFICIAL TRANSACTIONS, COMMUNICATIONS AND CORRESPONDENCE. WHEREAS the 1987 Constitution provides that the "national language of the Philippines is Filipino" 94 ; that "as it evolves it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of the existing Philippine and other languages"; and that for "purposes of communication and instruction, the official language[s] of the Philippines are Filipino and, until otherwise provided by law, English", and WHEREAS, the intensified use of Filipino language is official transactions, communications and correspondence in governmental offices will hasten greater understanding [and] appreciation among the people of governmental programs, projects and activities throughout the country, thereby serving as an instrument of unity and peace for national progress. NOW, THEREFORE, I, CORAZON C. AQUINO, President of the Philippines, do hereby enjoin all departments/ bureaus/ offices/ instrumentalities of the government to undertake the following: 1. Take steps to enhance the use of Filipino in all official transactions and correspondence in their respective offices, whether national or local;

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2. Assign one or more personnel, as may be necessary, in every office, to take charge of all communications and correspondence ... in Filipino; 3. Translate into Filipino [the] names of offices, buildings, public edifices, divisions or its instrumentalities, and, if so desired, imprint below, in smaller letters, the English text; 4. Filipinize the "Oath of Office" for governmental officials and personnel. 5. Make as part of the training program for personnel development in each office the [attainment of] proficiency in the use of Filipino in official communications and correspondence. D O N E in the City of Manila, this 25th day of August in the year of Our Lord nineteen hundred eighty-eight. Additional readings: Bresnahan, Mary I. 1991. Finding Our Feet; Understanding Cross-Cultural Discourse. Lanham, University Press of America; Sibayan, Bonifacio and Andrew B. Gonzalez, eds. 1991. Sociolinguistic Studies in the Philippines. International Journal of the Sociology of Language. no. 88 (entire issue); Bernabe, Emma J. Fonacier. 1987. Language Policy Formulation, Programming, Implementation and Evaluation in Philippine Education (1565—1974). Manila, Linguistic Society of the Philippines; Gonzalez, Andrew B. 1980. Language and Nationalism: The Philippine Experience Thus Far. Quezon City, Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Finnish95 1. A Few Sincere Words About the Finnish Language A shared language is any nation's most precious possession, with which ... [it] is born, grows and disappears from the earth. It unites the people under a common legislation and leads them toward understanding and enlightenment. Its worth is the worth of the people; for as in former days every soldier carried at his belt the sword best suited to him, so every nation has a different language according to its own nature. A manly and able nation has a noble and clear language, but an unenlightened and unfortunate nation has one of poor and weak quality. Originally, every language is poor and defective; but just as from a weak sapling there grows, in time, a strong and mighty tree, so, as a people becomes more civilized, its language develops from a small beginning into something rich and flourishing. The resources of a language remain unknown until all its words and expressions are collected into books and

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made available to the whole people. Any book written in a language still in its rudimentary stage is, as to its language, like the work of an inexperienced blacksmith; for any work requires experience, and in no field can one become master in a day. But even a modest beginning is good: the more a man writes a language, the more he becomes accustomed to it and the more the reader becomes accustomed to it too ... What was said [above] about language ... also applies to the Finnish language, which is manly and strong but also often still cumbersome and poor, just like the Finnish people in whose likeness it was born. That Finnish has not yet risen to the level of other European languages should not surprise anyone who knows how it has been held in contempt until these times. Some of the gentry of our Province96[i. e., Finland] have deemed our language to be so crude that they have not wished to spoil their mouths with it, and we can but wonder whether they have not been ashamed even to live in a country where such a language is spoken. I recall how a Finnish scholar was traveling in England once, and in the library of a famous Academy he was shown many books that he was seen to have a fairly good knowledge of. But finally they put before him a Finnish Bible, and said: "This language is no doubt very familiar to you". He looked intently at this book; but since he did not understand a word of it, and did not know what language it was in, the learned gentlemen of England held him in such scorn that from that day forth he was considered of no esteem there. 2.

... It is especially language which holds a people together and acts as a connecting bond between its members. For this reason the nature of a people appears most perfectly in its language; all its national characteristics are reflected there. It is generally recognized how favorably the Finnish language speaks for the inhabitants of this country. A people who speaks this lexically rich, melodious, sublime language, inflectionally and structurally so wondrous, must have not only intellectual qualities but also a beautiful and fortunate individuality. It is true that the language is not developed, but it is young and fresh and still retains its special original uniqueness. The fact that its cultivation has been delayed and hindered does not mean that such cultivation would be impossible today, so long as the Finns are the same strong and uncorrupted people as before. But what then are the obstacles which hinder this cultivation? There are only two, both of which can be removed so easily that scarcely anything else is needed other than good will. One [obstacle] is the exclu-

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sion of Finnish from the social intercourse of the educated classes and its neglect as a literary and standard language. Until now the Swedish language has prevented our language from enjoying its birthright. It will no doubt be easily granted that the former language has not gained anything by this usurpation, but on the other hand it is a truth that every reasonable person will acknowledge, that the Finnish language has for this reason lost a great deal. And it is not the language alone that has lost, but the whole nation has suffered a defeat. Language and people are inseparably bound to each other. Since higher culture has not clothed itself in Finnish-language garments, the achievements of higher culture have not been able to become the common property of the nation. Attempts to influence the people will be in vain unless the spirit of their language is understood seriously and in depth; and this the educated classes have never done, and, with rare exceptions, not even the religious teachers.97 Additional readings: Vikor, Lars S. 1993. The Nordic Languages: Their Status and Interrelations. Novus, Oslo; Klinge, Matti. 1992. A Brief History of Finland. Soderstroms, Helsinki; Engman, Max and David Kirby, eds. 1989. Finland: People, Nation, State. London, Hurst.

French98 1. Exhortation to the French to Write in Their Language, with Praises of France. Then if it be so, that in our time the stars, as by common accord, did by a happy influence conspire for the honor and increasing of our language, who would be that man among the savants who would not lend a hand ... ' or at least who will not praise and approve of the industry of others? And who will wish to blame it? None, unless he be truly an enemy of the name of French [sic]. The prudent and virtuous Themistocles the Athenian, showed well that the same natural law which commands each to defend the place of his birth, obliges us also to guard the dignity of our language, when he condemned to death the herald of the King of Persia, for having used the Attic tongue for the commands of the barbarian. The glory of the Roman people is not less (as someone has said) in the amplification of its language, than in that of its frontiers. For the highest excellence of their republic, even in the times of Augustus,

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was not strong enough to defend itself against the injury of time, ... without the advantage of their tongue for which alone we praise them, admire them, worship them ... Why then are we so unjust to ourselves? Why do we beg from other tongues as if we were ashamed to use our own? Cato the Elder (I mean that Cato whose grave judgment was so often approved by the Senate and the Roman people) ... mocked the ambitious singularity of him who had rather write in a foreign tongue than in his own. Horace says that Romulus admonished him in a dream, when he was making Greek verses, not to carry wood to the forest, which ordinarily they do who write in Greek and Latin. And when glory alone, not the love of virtue, should lead us into virtuous acts, yet I see not that it is less for him who is excellent in his vulgar tongue, than for him who writes only in Greek or Latin. When Cicero and Virgil began to write in Latin, eloquence and poetry were yet in their infancy among the Romans and at the top point of their excellence among the Greeks. If then ... disdaining their own language, they had written in Greek, is it to be believed that they would have equaled Homer and Demosthenes? ... [T]hey would not have been among the Greeks what they are among the Latins. Petrarch in the same way, and Boccaccio; though they did write much in Latin, it still remains that this would not have sufficed to give them the great honor which they did acquire, had they not written in their own tongue. Which knowing well, many good wits in our time, though they had acquired no vulgar renown among the Latins, have been nevertheless converted to their mother tongue, even Italians, who have greater reason to adore the Latin tongue than we ... It seems to me (reader, friend of the French muses), that after these whom I have named, thou shouldst not be ashamed to write in thine own language, but that thou shouldst, if thou be a friend of France, nay, of thyself, give thyself entirely thereto, with that generous opinion that it is better to be an Achilles" among one's own people than a Diomedes 100 , nay, often a Thersites 101 , among others. 2.

LOUIS, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all present and to come, GREETING. As soon as God had called Us to the conduct of this State, it was our aim not only to remedy the disorders which the civil wars, by which it had so long been afflicted, had introduced, but also to enrich it with all the adornments befitting the most illustrious and most ancient of all the

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Monarchies today in the world. And, although We have labored without ceasing in the execution of this purpose, it has hitherto been impossible to Us to see its entire accomplishment . . . . But as all our intentions have been just, they have also had a happy issue ... . Everyone knows the part which our very dear and well-beloved cousin, the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu, has had in all these things, and we think it would do wrong to the sufficiency and fidelity which he has shown in all our affairs, since we chose him for our chief minister, if, in that which now remains for Us to do, for the glory and embellishment of France, We did not follow his advice, and commit to his care the disposition and direction of the things thereto necessary. For this reason, having made known to him our intention, he has represented to Us that one of the most glorious signs of the happiness of a State is that Science and Art should flourish in it, And Letters be held in honor, as well as Arms, since they are one of the chief instruments of virtue; that having performed such memorable achievements, We had only to add the agreeable to the necessary, and ornament to utility, and that he judged We could not better begin than with the most noble of all the Arts, which is Eloquence; that the French language, which until now has but too much felt the negligence of those who might have rendered it the most perfect of modern tongues, is more capable than ever of so becoming, in view of the number of persons who have a particular knowledge of the advantages that it possesses, and of those who may further increase them; that to establish exact rules for it he had appointed an Assembly, whose proposals had satisfied him: so that for their execution, and to render the French language not only elegant but capable of treating all the Arts and all the Sciences, nothing more would be necessary than to continue these conferences, which could be done with much benefit, if it pleased Us to authorize and permit the making of Regulations and Statutes for the order to be observed therein, and to gratify those of whom it shall be composed with certain honorable testimony of our benevolence ... And in order that this may be made a thing firm and established forever, we have affixed hereto our seal . . . . Given at Paris, in the month of January, in the year of grace 1635, and of our reign the 25th, [Signed LOUIS, and endorsed on the fold DE LOMENIE 3. But, as it happens, the obvious close bonds which exist between a specific language and the culture that this language expresses and conveys, are more direct and more obvious in the eyes of the French. The French

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language has been and remains in France simultaneously the means and the symbol of national unity, the place of meeting and reconciliation of the ethnic and cultural components of the French nation and civilization, the home of learning, the carrier and the witness of French Universalism. Since the 18th century one discourses much more on the universality of the French language than of the culture or even of the civilization which it expresses. Perhaps because one admits implicitly that the universality of the language entails the universality of the civilization. The language was and remains a carrier of the French dream to create the City of God or the city of man on earth, and to unite the races and cultures without extinguishing their distinctive traits and their differences. Furthermore, the French language was and remains in France a consciously and patiently built work of art, a protected national institution, a matter of the state, a constant subject and object of care — even a cult — on the part of many French people, many things which the English language, for example, is not in England or in the USA. If the French culture has something in common with religion, the French language is its sacred speech, somewhat as Classical Arabic is the language of the Islamic religion. The history of our past cultural actions and our personal observations has allowed us to establish that the French people, the most conscious of their culture, who are moreover, usually the most open to other [that is] foreign cultures and languages, often feel, indistinctly or completely, that diffusing French culture, without at the same time diffusing the French language, is a betrayal or, at the very least, a great loss. Additional readings: Gildea, Robert. 1994. The Past in French History. New Haven, Yale University Press; Lodge, R. Anthony. 1993. French: From Dialect to Standard. London, Routledge; Sanders, Carol, ed. 1993. French Today: Language in Its Social Context. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

French (in

Quebec)102

1. The French language must be preserved in Canada. This is a statement that needs no proof. One need only look into one's heart, glance at the history of the Canadian people, meditate briefly on the great and beautiful deeds accomplished by the French on Canadian soil, in order to convince oneself that abandoning our language would be true national apos-

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tasy ... It is true that our fields would still bear abundant harvests each year, that our magnificent river would still flow to the sea, as it has in the past, that our cities would not disappear, nor our countryside be emptied, nor our forests be destroyed. It is true, in a word, that the riches that Providence has deigned to bestow on us would not evaporate into thin air if we abandoned the language of our ancestors for that of our conquerors. But let us remember that nations, like individuals, live not by bread alone. ... For centuries, Catholic France was a source of light, a matrix of bold ideas, an inspiration of great works. Only Rome surpassed her. Can we not believe that to the French of Canada falls the mission to spread ideas to the other inhabitants of the New World, too inclined to materialism, too attached to purely earthly goods? Who can doubt it? But in order that the French-Canadian nation fulfill this glorious mission, it must remain what Providence ordained it to be - Catholic and French. It must keep its faith and its language in all their purity. If it kept its language and lost its faith, it would become what the French [in France] have become - a people fallen from ancient grandeur, a people without influence, without prestige. If, on the other hand, it kept its faith while renouncing its language, it would become one with those who surround it and would soon be absorbed by them ... A people has no right to renounce its language, which is its soul, no more than a man has to renounce his own life. A people's language and a man's life are both in the hands of the Creator who alone can dispose of them according to His divine wisdom. It is no more permitted to nations than to individuals to commit suicide in the hope of escaping seemingly unbearable evils and of finding rest. A local newspaper recently told French-Canadians: "You ought, out of self-interest, to renounce your language." Let us not listen to this perfidious advice. Even if faithfulness to our language would expose us to relative poverty, even if it would stop us from walking as fast as we would like to in the way of material progress, we should not hesitate for an instance in the face of our duty. God has given us the French language; through it He accomplished great things in our midst. It was in this language that our missionaries, our bishops, our martyrs prayed; it was in this language that the founders of the colony, the Champlains, the de Maison-Neuves, the Laviolettes, conceived their bold schemes. It was in this language that our heroes, the Montcalms and the Levis, commanded their soldiers in the glorious battles of the last century. For us FrenchCanadians, our language is intimately linked to our faith, to the religion

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of our great men, to the memories of our battles, our defeats, our sorrows, our joys, our triumphs, to all that is dear to us, to all that is sacred to us. Oh no, we must not, we cannot renounce our language! 2.

It is important ... for us to reflect on the disadvantages, from the point of view of the tourist industry, that attends our so apparent Anglomania on our highways, in our homes and in our cities ... if we wish to continue to attract foreign tourism to this province. "Refrancization" is then a business matter ... The English and the Americans agree in saying that our progress in the tourist industry depends on the distinctive and picturesque cachet of the French character of our province. Must I add that in refrancizing our highways, our homes, our signs and our advertising in general, we will fulfill a pressing patriotic duty [too]. Our fathers fought for, and with their lives often paid for, the choice that they made to remain Catholic and French. Despite the deals and the persecutions they courageously defended their rights, their religion, and their language, written and spoken. We have received from them a legacy: the French character. We have a duty to preserve it in order to hand it on in turn. We should apply ourselves without delay to preserving it and transmitting it, correcting all that diminishes the legacy, all which soils it and makes it ugly. Refrancizing is essential in practically all aspects of our lives. Let us not neglect to undertake it courageously; it would constitute an act of self-respect, an act of love for our province, an act of piety toward our history. Let us not forget it: our duties of refrancizing come to us chiefly because of our economic problem. We French-Canadians are not masters in our own house. Forests, mines, lakes, big commercial and industrial enterprises, are in the hands of others ... Refrancizing depends then in great part on our coming economic re-conquest. When we become "masters in our own house", our tastes, our ways, our customs, will no longer be imposed on us by others. ... These reconquests will be brought to fruition only through an energetic campaign by the masses, directed by a courageous national examination of conscience and by a solid masterplan for our collective desires ... Let us produce, manufacture and imprint our wills on the economy, on the society and on politics. Let us become once again masters in our own house, following a well-defined national doctrine, and then we will have made our methods, our customs and our lives French. We will have

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worked in a practical way towards the preservation of this sacred heritage, our French heritage. Additional readings: Bourhis, Richard, ed. 1994. French-English Language Issues in Canada. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, no. 105 — 106 (entire double issue); Ouellet, Fernand. 1991. Economy, Class and Nation in Quebec: Interpretive Essays. Mississauga (Ontario), Copp Clark Pitman; Levine, Marc V. 1990. The Reconquest of Montreal. Philadelphia, Temple Univ. Press.

French Creoles (New

World)102

1.

Creole [is] our first language; [for us] ... the Caribbeans, the Guyanese, the Mascarins, [it] is the initial means of communication of our deep self, of our collective unconscious, of our common genius, and it remains the river of our alluvial Creoleness. We dream in it. In it we resist and accept ourselves. It is [in] our cries, our screams, our excitements. It irrigates each one of our gestures. Its decline was not a mere linguistic loss, the mere fall of a branch, but the total fast of a foliage, the kneeling of a cathedral 104 . The absence of interest in the Creole language was not a mere mouth silence but a cultural amputation. The Creole tale-tellers who no longer exist could have put it better than us. Every time a mother, thinking she is favoring the learning of the French language, represses Creole in a child's throat, [she] is in fact delivering a blow to the latter's imagination, repressing his creativity. School teachers of the great period of French assimilation were the slave traders of our artistic impulse105. So that today it would be an impoverishment not to reinvest this language. Its use is one of the ways of submersion in our Creoleness. No Creole creator, in any field, can ever succeed without an intuitive knowledge of the poetics of the Creole language 106 . Artistic education (the re-education of vision, the activating of Creole sensibility) cannot go [on] without a prerequisite learning of the Creole language, its syntax, its grammar, its most basic vocabulary, its most appropriate writing (which should have nothing to do with French conventions), its intonations, its rhythms, its spirit ... its poetics107. The quest for real Creole, proudly led in a spirit of genuineness, spontaneity and originality, while feeding our revolutionary fervors, will undoubtedly polarize our most extreme and most solitary energies. On the other hand, the tragedy lived by many of

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our writers comes from the castration which, linguistically, they were victims of during their childhood ... The Creole language is not a dying language; it changes continuously, loosing, at times, a few secret variegations only to find, at other times, [previously] unheard accents ... Creole is linked to our very existence ... [I]t is "the language which more than any other language belongs to us" 108 . Hence the need to reinforce its oral density with the contemporary power of writing. And those of our writers who tried to kill it in themselves, or in their writing, lost without their knowing, the best chance for their repressed authenticity: Creoleness. What an aesthetic suicide! Creole literature written in Creole must, before all, build this written language and make it known ... The Creole poet writing in Creole, the Creole novelist writing in Creole, will have to be at one and the same time the collectors of ancestral speech, the gatherers of new words and the discoverers of the Creoleness of Creole. But our histories, for once generous, gave us a second language109. At first, it was not shared by everyone. It was for a long time the language of the oppressors-founders ... But we conquered it, this French language! ... We extended the meanings of some of its words, deviated others. And changed many. We enriched the French language ... We inhabited it. It was alive in us. In it we built our own language, this language which was chased by cultural kapos and viewed as a profanation of the then idolized French language. Our literature must bear witness of this conquest. We are obviously against the religion of the French language which has spread in our countries since the abolition of slavery, and we completely agree with the Haitian proverb that goes: "Pale franse pa vie di lespri" (speaking French is no proof of intelligence). Additional readings: Schnepel, Ellen M. and Lambert-Felix Prudent, eds. 1993. Creole Movements in the Francophone Orbit. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, no. 102 (entire issue); Rosello, Mireille. 1992. Litterature et Identite Creole aux Antiles. Paris, Karthala; Valdman, Albert and Yves Joseph. 1980. Creole et ensignement primaire en Haiti. Bloomington, Indiana University.

Frisian110 1.

We want a few simple and natural things. The first is, that we want to write in our own, the Frisian language. Is it really necessary to focus on

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this separately? The Frisian language is the foundation of all of Fryslan111 and of all pro-Frisian efforts. A foreign language is a makeshift, but in Frisian a Frisian can really feel and think, he arrives at understanding of himself, he fully expresses himself. This language he really understands deeply and directly and in no other language will he attain equal facility. The Creator created his [the Frisian's] soul according to that language and that language according to his soul; the powers that God gave him will attain their fullest and most developed blossoming when he conducts his whole life in the language of his heart and of his deepest being. It is appropriate to use that which is so much our own and so clear; it is right that we consider it to be in our best interest; it is our duty not to despise that which is God-given, but to honor Him therein. Since centuries a pernicious dualism has been at work in the life of the Frisian people. Dutch has intruded, and been imposed, and has become the language of church and school, of state and law, of all official and public life, while Frisian is considered merely good enough to be a vernacular, as if it were only some sort of dialect. Dutch, the foreign language, has acquired all rights and privileges, and Frisian, the indigenous language, has been left without any rights. And via the Dutch language a deep and mighty stream of Dutch spirit and culture is imported here, a stream that cannot be held back by Frisian, which has been dislodged and driven out. The Frisian movement was aware of this dualism throughout the entire nineteenth century, but could do nothing about it. It tried its best to preserve the Frisian language ... and promoted the study of the language and literature, but the Frisian movement did not stand for the rights of the mother tongue throughout all of Frisian life. As a result, it handed over, without a struggle, the major portion of that life to strangers, and lost, all in all, more than it won. But in the twentieth century Sipke Huismans 112 stood up, and after him the Young Frisians113, and they called for the rights of Fryslan's language to live, over and above all of the other rights to live and to strive in Fryslan . . . . And the notion became clearer to ordinary people, that Fryslan had both the God-given and the human right to demand back the rights for their [the people's] language that had been taken away from them. Is there any other way? We did not get two languages from God, one for this part and another for another part of our soul, one for the barn and one for the church, one for the corner where "evening chatter" goes on and another for the formal meeting, one for the common folk and another for the gentry, one for the weekdays and another for Sundays, one for Smalltalk and another for prayer, one for humans and another

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for God. Just as the soul and the people is one, so there must be one language for the soul and for the people. We were given one language and that one language is sufficient for everything. It is the one and the same language in which we praise the Lord and say "father" and "mother", in which we speak about the salvation of the soul and talk about the bad weather, ... in which we call the Saviour and give comfort to the poor and the despised, in which we discuss the laws and laugh about a joke, in which we sing out our good fortune today and groan tomorrow and the day after tomorrow. We cannot do with less than the Frisian language for all of Frisian life. When we turn over a major portion of that life, without resistance, to the stronger and more powerful Dutch influences that pour in from all sides, then Fryslan will go down to defeat, with its language and everything else. We do have a choice: everything or nothing. Half ("yes" this and "no" that and "yes" the other) is tantamount to nothing. He who does not want nothing should want all, in order to keep and save Fryslan. That is what we require. It is not just a game, the Frisian struggle, it is a life and death struggle, to exist or not to exist, to be or not to be. Which do we want? We have a choice! Additional readings: Gorter, Durk. 1987. The Sociology of Frisian. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, n. 64 (entire issue); D e Vries, John. 1987. The Frisians. Carleton, Center for Research on Ethnic Minorities; Zondag, Koen, ed. 1993. Bilingual Education in Friesland: Facts and Prospects. Franeker, Wever.

German114 1.

If Germans accomplish what we hope to God that they will accomplish, if they accomplish an open life that will close most police stations and recording offices, and if the civil servants and scholars, about whom one doubts whether they are living in real earthly bodies, are changed into men of deed and of speech; if we attain a public life to which all classes of the people and their circles will belong, where the direct word rules rather than the dead quill; if the time ever comes again when there will be folk joy, folk jubilation and folk festivals, where all [social] ranks and classes will live together and love together, then a new day for our cherished mother tongue has begun, then from an invisible magic many a

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tone, many a sound, many a wonderful image and many a dead idea that now lies buried in outer trappings, in mere words, will turn green and blossom forth to the light of day. Then, and I will say it for the third or fourth time: the more freshly a people strives and grows, the fresher its language strives and grows. We have always at least had the consolation, an enormous consolation for our existence and for our spiritual education, that the roots of our language lie within us and by means of the living stream that flows forth in happy times from the entire people, are being watered and refreshed, stimulated and encouraged to put forth new leaves and blossoms. The people, in its dark and secret life and works, and individual geniuses, all create and shape the language. But these great spirits do not stand alone; their immortal works are not their works and their offspring alone. Gratefully we must recognize that many wonderful forces, many brave and untiring men, have prepared the way and continue to work so that great things can be realized. 2.

If we look back on the path we have traveled, it becomes clear to us that the German language is a reflection and an expression of German destiny ... [T]he formative force of German destiny is unique in the German language, it is reflected therein — unaffected by all European and Occidental relationships — with all the clarity and uniqueness which the IndoGermanic and the Germanic heritage were to acquire in our people. Moreover, the German language lets us perceive the accomplishments and the individuality of the German spirit, including its occasional failures, and [lets us perceive] German history in its glory and at its low points, as well as its destiny ... The [various groups] which are part of our entire people and stand along side each other as part of a pure German unity, have piled stone upon stone through the centuries in order to build the magnificent structure of the German language as a mirror-image of German life: the regional leagues, the [social] ranks, the professions. The genius of the German language, however, caused all of their individual accomplishments to grow together into a common German language, into an enormous monument of pure German oneness. It became an undying testimony of unity and interdependency among the groups, a constant reciprocal giving and taking within an organic common life ... Thus, the German language is shown to be a truly pure German edifice in whose expansion and preservation all the historical forces have worked

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throughout the centuries, all groupings of the people, all individuals, the rulers in the realm of the intellect and the masses of the unknown. It appears to us to be a fateful development of the fruit of pure German life, a reflection of the German spirit in its uniqueness. As Schiller says: "Language is the mirror of a nation. When we look into this mirror, a large and fitting image of ourselves comes forth". The German language is a reflection of the world view and the essence of the German personality. It lets us see the spirit of the Nordic people in a special way: Germans experienced the historical and spatial world differently than the other Nordic people; in this way they gained their own uniqueness within the Nordic world. History and space, in unison with biological forces, have created in the German language that which is exclusively German, which other Nordic peoples have no part of, or it is different. In this way, however, it creates the strongest connection that holds the German people together as a unit. Thus, the German language guarantees the continuation of our folk-nation 115 . A child's learning to speak is an educational process by means of which the intellectual model presented, of a living pure German community, gains power over the intellect of the child. This model is retained within an objective linguistic model. By growing up in the language the child becomes a member of the community, an historical being, an educated spirit. Through the language model his consciousness is formed after the consciousness of the community. "Language creates for him the thought norms, the paths of association, culture consciousness, the values, the education of his sense organs, and his inner viewpoint" 116 . Every new generation of young Germans — from the very beginning, through inheritance and environment — acquires in this relationship a special ability to receive, thus growing into the world of the German language and becoming a part of the world which has become German, directly partaking of the relationship to the German people. The battle for the existence and the purity of the German language is thus a fight for the existence, the unity and the spirit of the German people in the future. The German language thereby becomes a destiny — today more than ever before. "The power of language binds peoples and holds them together; without such a bond, they would fall apart". This is what Jacob Grimm thought 117 ' 118 . Additional readings: Townson, Michael. 1992. Mother-tongue and Fatherland: Language and Politics in German. Manchester, Manchester University Press; Ammon, Ulrich. 1991. Die internationale Stellung der deutschen Sprache. Berlin, de Gruyter; Applegate, Celia. 1990. Α Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat. Berkeley, University of California Press.

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Guaran ζ'119 1. The Spaniards arrived in what was later called "Paraguay Province", and there they found the main nucleus of that people which spoke a wise, harmonious and dominant language, who although warriors, also had the gallantry of courtesy and respect for other warriors. They [i. e., the Spaniards] confused their [i. e., the Guarani's] acquiescence with weakness and submissiveness, and tried to subjugate them, thus endangering their [the Guarani's] survival ... However, when the Spaniards became aware that it was impossible to subjugate the Guaranis or to dominate them, and that the only way of living together with them was through a blood alliance, through kinship, and, in order to safeguard their own existence in America, their captains and freemen started marrying Guarani women. The Paraguayans, therefore, had Guarani mothers and Spanish fathers. The latter were seldom home, because of conquest and adventure; therefore, children learned their mother's language. When the fathers returned home they too had to speak in the mother's language in order to communicate with their own families. That is why Guarani became the language of the home in Paraguay. The language of the conqueror was not able and will not be able to supplant it, because Spanish lacks the enormous wealth of shades of meaning to be found in the wise language, the language of the Paraguayan family. As a language that is unsurpassable by the European languages, Guarani continues to exist with even more strength in the Paraguayan context. More than four hundred years have elapsed since then, during which time the language of the conqueror used all of its privileged advantage in its struggle against Guarani, but Spanish was not able to displace Guarani because Guarani is superior in nature, wealth and linguistic structure. The century of conquest came and went. The centuries of the colonial period also passed by. Independence came and now more than 150 years of independence have also passed by and Guarani continues to be the national language of Paraguay; yes, the national language without any doubt. It has always grown richer, never losing its strength, even in the battle against those who should love it and defend it, because it is the indisputable indication of Paraguayan nationality ... During the three hundred years of Spanish domination and the century and a half of independence, Guarani has fought and is still fighting with its own children, in the pedagogical field, in the intellectual one, in the artistic one, and in

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the scientific one, and it hasn't been displaced by those who thought they could kill it. All those who fought against it and tried to kill it have died themselves, whereas Guarani lives on and triumphs. Besides being the index of our nationality, Guarani has fought for the distinctive individuality of the Paraguayan people. And having withstood every attack from the conqueror's language, it has made Paraguay the most autonomous country in America, because it has that additional independence that only one's own language can provide. The other American peoples, even though independent, continue to be subjugated by the languages of the Europeans that conquered them. Paraguay alone, because of Guarani, is totally independent, since although it uses the language of the conqueror, it also has its own language which is superior to the other. Guarani's battle now culminates in a Constitutional Proposal that recommends that it be given official recognition along with Spanish. Guarani will no longer be only the language of the home or the language of defense during times of war [because no enemy can decipher it], but it will also be the language of the Nation, with all the privileges to which it is entitled. Additional readings: Key, Mary Ritchie, ed. 1991. Language Change in South American Indian Languages. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press; Basso, Ellen B., ed. Native American Cultures Through Their Discourse. Bloomington, Folklore Institute, Indiana University; Klein, Manelis et al. 1985. South American Indian Languages: Retrospect and Prospect. Austin, University of Texas Press.

Hausano 1. As for the English language that some people are so proud of, it did not become the preferred language ... overnight. It took many years of writing and enrichment through borrowing of words from other languages, such as Latin, Arabic, French and many others, to give the English language its present status in the world. As far as the Hausa language is concerned, we have, thank God, enough textbooks published of which we can be proud ... A further source of pride for us is the fact that Hausa is taught today as a foreign language in many countries around the world. This shows how the Hausa

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language has been developed ... Here in Nigeria, Hausa has also become the language of international communication. More and more countries in Africa use it in their interactions with Nigerians. [Several] African countries such as Ghana, Libya, Morocco, Chad, Sudan and many others have Hausa speakers living in them. Even in countries such as the U S A , Germany, Russia and Britain, people have come to learn Hausa and use it with us . . . . In view of all this, what is then a language of international communication? Is Hausa not a language of international communication? ... As far as I am concerned, the Hausa language is the most suitable choice for official language in Nigeria. This is because it is a language that is easy to learn and one which most ethnic groups in Nigeria, and for that matter in many other African countries as well, use in their interactions. It is also common knowledge that Hausa, of all the African languages, has the largest group of speakers. Hausa literature is also the fastest growing and [most] respected literature of all African languages. It is of paramount importance that we be committed to having one of our mother tongues as the official language in Nigeria. We must be determined and dauntless in our struggle to make this happen. We must resist the people who are trying to divide us for the sole reason of diverting us from our objective ... Having a foreign language as our official language does nothing but impede the economic and social development of this country. It creates far more social problems than it solves. However, if we use our mother tongues in our daily affairs we will be proud of ourselves ... Our culture, our intelligence and our talents ... are all determined by our knowledge of our mother tongue. 2. A national language is a language that portrays to the rest of the world the freedom, independence, self-sufficiency and pride that a country has, so the rest of the world can respect it [too] ... The worst country is one that has abandoned its indigenous language, i. e., the language used by its ancestors and bequeathed to their descendants, and, instead, has embraced whole-heartedly a language imposed on it by others ... All the political, military and economic giants of the world only reached that level because they used their own language to communicate, thus making things easier for their own people. The adoption of an indigenous language to serve as the national language is not, however, as easy task, considering the number of languages

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spoken in the country, as well as the awareness and concern of the speakers of these languages. Before a language can achieve the status of national language, it has to be widely accepted and used by the majority of people in the country. Likewise, it has to have an excellent grammar and literature that would allow it to grow and compete with other languages of the world. Hausa is the language that most fully meets these requirements because it already has a considerable amount of recognition in the major countries of the developed world, and it is even used in radio broadcasts heard by millions of people. Here in Nigeria, the language is receiving a lot of attention through research at various places, including centers for the study of Nigerian languages. It is also employed in the mass media, and by poets, performing artists, etc. Additional readings: Staudinger, Paul. 1990. In the Heart of the Hausa States. Athens, Ohio University Center for International Studies; Kamatu, Abdullahi. 1986. Self-Concept and Cultural Change Among the Hausa. Ibadan, University of Ibadan Press; Rufa'i, Yahaya and Abu-Manga, eds. 1982. Studies in Hausa Language, Literature and Culture. Kano, Centre for the Study of Nigerian Languages, Bayero University.

Hawaiian121 1. WHEREAS the Hawaiian language, the native language of Hawaii, is unique to the State of Hawaii and to the Hawaiian people; and ... WHEREAS the spoken language is recognized to be a vital link to the perpetuation of a people's culture; and WHEREAS Hawaii is unique among the Polynesian islands, facing the possible extinction of its native language; and WHEREAS many Pacific island societies have enabled their residents to be bilingual, fluent both in their native language and in the dominant language; and WHEREAS language medium schools, which instruct children in all subject matters by means of their native language, have demonstrated effectiveness in reviving the native language; now, therefore BE IT RESOLVED by the Senate of the Fourteenth Legislature of the State of Hawaii, Regular Session of 1987, the House of Representatives concurring, that the Department of Education is requested to establish

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Hawaiian medium classes in elementary schools serving Hawaiian speaking children ... and Hawaiian language immersion programs. 2.

W H E R E A S the traditional Hawaiian proverb "I ka 'olelo ke ola; i ka 'olelo no ka make", or "With language rests life; with language rests death", expresses the extreme importance of a living spoken language in the survival of an indigenous language and people, [a view] supported by modern social scientists, who single out language as the most important factor in ensuring the continuity of culture; and W H E R E A S the United States of America has traditionally recognized special relationships between the federal government and its indigenous minority peoples, which include American Indians, Native Alaskans, Native Hawaiians, and others within its possessions and territories, and W H E R E A S the ancestral languages of America's indigenous peoples are cultural treasures of the country; and W H E R E A S these indigenous languages as a whole are analogous to endangered species, with a number of them already extinct as living spoken languages, and W H E R E A S there is precedent in United States law for the protection and preservation of cultural treasures and unique species, ... and ... special promotion for the learning of certain languages, now, therefore, BE IT RESOLVED by the House of Representatives of the Fourteenth Legislature of the State of Hawaii, Regular Session of 1987, that the Congress of the United States of America is urged to pass legislation to protect and promote the continuation of indigenous American languages as living spoken vehicles of communication for their peoples and treasures of the world's human heritage. Additional readings: Hasager, Ulla and Jonathan Friedman. 1994. Hawaii: Return to Nationhood. Copenhagen International Work Group for Indiginous Affairs; Buck, Elizabeth B. 1993. Paradise Remade. Philadelphia, Temple University Press; Forbes, David W. 1992. Treasures of Hawaiian History. Honolulu, The Hawaiian Historical Society.

Hebrew122 1. Jews have lived among the nations for thousands of years without any political power and without a national center. Nevertheless, their national

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soul was far from mute and expressed all the needs of this people, all its feelings, dreams and sufferings, faith, law, ethics, philosophical and scientific thought, prose and poetry, everything. All of the intellectual values with which this people lives have found full and complete expression and never were explorers sent out in search of a [new] national language. Why not? For a very simple reason. A national language is not bought from someone else, nor is it borrowed from the outside 123 . A national language is fashioned in the workshop of the "master of all nations". The language of a people emerges from the same fiery furnace in which the very soul of people emerged. Both are fashioned from the same stuff. Both derive their sustenance from the same source. Every great people, since the dawn of history, was born at one and the same time as its language. The prophet Isaiah, Homer, Virgil, Dante, Shakespeare, Goethe, Tolstoy: all geniuses created their eternal works in the very same language that was created together with the very people from which they themselves sprang forth. Hebrew has served the Jewish people faithfully, in the purest sense of the word "served". After it stopped being the spoken language it became the language of the spirit, of the ethnonational creativity of a people scattered throughout the Diaspora. The various branches of the people were forced to learn the languages of the lands in which they lived, but the ethnonational language of the entire people, for all purposes, the link that united the separate segments of a single way of life, that was Hebrew and Hebrew alone. Only those writings that were originally in Hebrew, or that were translated into Hebrew, ever attained any general ethnonational recognition 124 . Thus it was for thousands of years and no one thought of exchanging the ancient tongue for one of the foreign languages acquired by one or another of the dispersed branches of the Jewish people. A healthy national instinct appreciated the fact that any such exchange would endanger the existence of the people as a single collectivity and would effectively break it into segments. The historical unifying link that bound the Jewish people to its history and to its original culture would be shattered and every segment of its people would become a separate entity. 2.

In one of the streets of Paris, in one of the cafes on the Boulevard Montmartre, I conversed in Hebrew for the first time [1878/1879] with one of my acquaintances, while we sat around a table upon which stood two glasses of black coffee. The astonishing sounds of this dead, ancient

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Eastern language, mingled with the din of the gay sounds of the vibrant, lovely, rich French language ... That was the first time I had spoken Hebrew 125 . However, even during the early days of my "enlightenment" 126 in one of the small towns of Lithuania, after having sampled my first taste of the new literature, after I had secretly read Ahavat Tsiyon and Ashmat Shomronni, an urge to speak Hebrew welled up within me, just like in Ammnon and Tamar and the other young men and women I had met in that new [literary] world. So, from time to time, I would go out beyond the city into the fields with one of my friends who knew my secret and who was likewise "gripped", and secretly, with fear and trembling lest others might hear 128 , we would converse in the Holy Tongue. But this was an act of childhood. We talked about the love of Amnon and Tamar and about Azrequam's pranks and such; and sometimes we would talk about the trivia of our own wretched little world. But presently [i. e., subsequently, in Paris], this was a political act in the very political center of the larger world, within the din of political life with all its force, and so I talked about the great political events and the great affairs of life. An all this in Hebrew yet. Additional readings: Glinert, Lewis, ed. 1993. Hebrew in Ashkenaz: A Language in Exile. New York, Oxford University Press; Harshav, Benjamin. 1993. Language in Time of Revolution. Berkeley, University of California Press; Saenz,- Badillos, Angel. 1993. A History of the Hebrew Language. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Hindi129 1. There is no more powerful element for the unity of a nation than a universally accepted language. I think that [in India] only Hindi can be such a language. Hindi is among the foremost languages that can be learnt easily and rapidly. 2.

The soul of our country, the history of our country, the experience of our country is permeated by and expressed in the speech forms of the people. Therefore, if we have to represent our country at the international level, it is necessary that we be inspired by these speech forms. You all know that of all the Indian speech forms Hindi is the most popular among the people.

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The thread of all three, Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit, is woven into the very makeup of the soul of the Hindi language. Naturally, the same spirit of self-sacrifice, the same spirit of service, and the same spirit of cooperation vibrates in the innermost soul of Hindi ... It is the cord, softer than air and stronger than steel, that has united the hearts of the common people for thousands of years. It has remained the support, the solace, the vital force, and the inspiration of the common man's life. 3.

Hindi is an all-Indian language. If the people of the South are not prepared to learn it, then our future will be dark. To learn Hindi before independence was a symbol of love of country; now it is self-service. Additional readings: Mesthrie, Rajend. 1992. Language in Indenture. London, Routledge; Bhatia, Tej K. 1987. A History of the Hindi Grammatical Tradition. Leiden, Brill; Düa, Hans R. 1985. Language Planning in India. New Delhi, Harnam; Mehrotra, Raja Ram. 1985. Sociolinguistics in Hindi Contexts. Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter.

Indonesian130 1.

My Language My Language, The companion of my body and soul, The mirror or my grieving heart, The tie that binds my goal, New spirit you will impart. My language, How softly you shine, Like dew that gleams In the bright sunshine. I hold you in high esteem. My language, You are the flame of my spirit, Loud and clear you transmit Sounds that roar like thunder, Lightning that shatters.

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My language, Soft and gentle you sound, Like the rushing of water, By gentle winds blown, Hearty as laughter. My language, Full of refined feelings, Filled with beautiful things, Axt and culture, indicating My people's fine upbringing. My language, Your depth still unfathomed, Your strength undiminished, Moral ills you cure, Crude behaviour you polish. My language, My ancestral heritage, If you disappear or fade, My people are doomed. I will assist and defend you. Additional readings: Said, Salim. 1991. Genesis of Power. Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies; Colin, Wild and Peter Corey, eds. 1988. Bom in Fire. Athens, Ohio University Press; Abbas, Huse. 1987. Indonesian as a Unifying Language of Wider Communication: A Historical and Sociolinguistic Perspective. Canberra, Australian National University/ Pacific Linguistics, Series D, no. 73; Alisjahbana, S. Takdir. 1976. Language Planning for Modernization; The Case of Indonesian and Malaysian. The Hague, Mouton.

Irish131 1.

Few of us have been taught to look upon the loss of a language linked with the fate of this country for three thousand years, as a national calamity, or to regard its preservation as a national duty ... It cannot be denied that the trusted political leaders of the people, and many priests in Irish-speaking districts, are unable or unwilling to speak to their audi-

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ences in the language [that] the latter best understand, and which the speakers, if consistent, should encourage ... Are the thoughts of generations of Irishmen, enshrined in their own natural language, to be forgotten? Or is Ireland, after three thousand years, to throw away her ancient tongue, a bond which connects her with such a past history as hers is, and which would be for aye a proof of her distinct nationhood? "But what use is the Irish? This wailing over the language is all sentimentality." This is a common objection. Well, it is sentimentality, and patriotism is but a sentiment also, and the two sentimentalities are closely connected. Yes, it is sentimentality to long for the revival of the national language, and to wish to see the national history and literature in their due place of honor: but it is true patriotism as well ... And yet it is not all sentimentality ... It surely stands to reason that the history, language and literature of a country are sacred national trusts. It is evident, too, [that] much of the most interesting portion of Irish history, the earlier part, is as yet only a skeleton, which must be filled up from the study of the early literature. Again, take our antiquities. To preserve our historical monuments, and to record their connection with historic events, is a good work; but I cannot help thinking that much labor and energy are uselessly thrown away by the dry-as-dust school of antiquarians ... while the great national monuments, our language and literature, are neglected and allowed to perish. 2.

What chance, then, has Ireland of surviving? Here she is, seventy miles from some forty millions of English speakers on the East and two thousand from some hundred and fifty millions of English speakers on the West — what chance has she of escaping alive? Just one. The Irish language. Either it becomes the language of the Irish people or the Irish Nation vanishes — even though we might get an Ireland as free politically as the United States. Not physical boundaries but spiritual boundaries define a nation. We have broken each other's heads, and almost cut Ireland's physical throat, about the difference between two shillings and one florin. Ultimately there is no difference, neither the two shillings nor the florin will buy us security or survival. The Irish language will. Nothing else will. 3.

The national language ... is for us what no other language can be. It is our very own. It is more than a symbol; it is an essential part of our

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nationhood. It has been molded by the thought of a hundred generations of our forebears. In it is stored the accumulated experience of a people, our people, who even before Christianity was brought to them were already cultured and living in a well-ordered society. The Irish language spoken in Ireland today is the direct descendant, without break, of the language our ancestors spoke in those far-off days. As a vehicle of three thousand years of our history, the language is for us precious beyond measure. As the bearer to us of a philosophy, of an outlook on life deeply Christian and rich in practical wisdom, the language today is worth far too much to dream of letting it go. To part with it would be to abandon a great part of ourselves, to lose the key to our past, to cut away roots from the tree. With the language gone we could never aspire again to being more than half a nation. ... The task of restoring the language as the everyday speech of our people is a task as great as any nation ever undertook. But it is a noble task. Other nations have succeeded in it, though in their case, when the effort was begun, their national language was probably more widely spoken among their people than is ours with us. As long as the language lives, however, on the lips of the people as their natural speech, in any substantial part of this land, we are assured of success — if we are in earnest ... For those who can speak it, to neglect to do so, whenever and wherever it can be understood, is a betrayal of those who gave their lives so that not merely a free but an Irish-speaking nation might be possible. Were all those who now have a knowledge of the language to speak it consistently on all occasions when it could reasonably be spoken, our task would be an easy one. ... The restoration of the unity of the national territory and the restoration of the language are the greatest of our uncompleted national tasks ... We cannot afford to postpone our efforts. We should remember also that the more we preserve and develop our individuality and our characteristics as a distinct nation, the more secure will be our freedom and the more valuable our contribution to humanity ... (Radio broadcast, March 17, 1943) Additional readings: O'Riagain, Padraig. 1992. Language Maintenance and Language Shift as Strategies of Social Reproduction. Dublin, Linguistic Institute of Ireland; O' Huallacha'in, Colma'n. 1991. The Irish Language in Society. Coleraine, University of Ulster; Maguire, Gabrielle. 1990. Our Own Language: An Irish Initiative. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters; Tovey, Hilary. 1989. Why Irish? Language and Identity in Ireland Today. Dublin, Bord na Gaeilige.

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Japanese132 1. Script develops along with the human mind and has a close connection with the history of the development of a people's spirit. It is therefore different from other foreign imports such as railways and steamships. Suddenly to abolish the script which has grown along with the development of ideas since our ancestors' time and to replace it with the entirely different alphabet would be to destroy the inner foundation-stone of the nation and do violence to the people's feelings. 2.

Every language is eternally inspired with its unique spirit, its kotodama133. This linguistic point of view and the accompanying belief in one's own uniqueness are explicable on the basis of the fact that "the Japanese are completely unaccustomed to thinking about their language from a perspective of the variety of human languages". Even those few who do so, nevertheless usually come to the conclusion that Japanese is totally unique. Kindaichi, e.g., claims that "Japanese occupies a totally distinctive position among the languages of civilized peoples. There simply is no other language that is in any way comparable to it." [translator's paraphrase:] Everything about Japanese is different: its structure, its usage norms, its script, its irrationality, its multiple nuancing, the codification of social norms within the language, its isolation from other languages, and the utter impossibility of learning it for non-Japanese.

3.

Attempts have been made to elucidate the peculiar nature of the psychology of the Japanese by using projective tests, but even if such methods do produce certain results, I cannot believe that they will lead to grasping the most Japanese characteristics of all, since the kinds of Japanese characteristics that can be detected by psychological tests designed for Westerners are, ultimately, those Japanese characteristics that can be seen by Western eyes; the tests cannot overcome this limitation. "The typical psychology of a given nation can be learned only through familiarity with its native language. The language comprises everything which is intrinsic to the soul of a nation and therefore provides the best projective test there is for each nation".

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Additional readings: Bachnik, Jane M. and Charles J. Quinn, Jr. 1994. Situated Meaning: Inside and Outside In Japanese Self, Society and Language. Princeton, Princeton University Press; Lovejoy, Leo. 1986. Exploration in Japanese Sociolinguistics. Amsterdam, Benjamins; Miller, Roy A. 1982. Japan's Modern Myth: The Language and Beyond. New York, Weatherhill.

Kaqchikel134 1.

If the Mayan languages disappear, the Maya people of today will disappear from the history of humanity. And if the Maya people disappear, the major part of the cultural richness of Guatemala will likewise disappear ... If the Kaqchikel language is dying, it is the Kaqchikel people who are dying as a nation with its own Kaqchikel Maya identity ... For the Maya Kaqchikel to allow its language to fall into disuse is to allow the Maya Kaqchikel nation to cease. Once a people loses its own language, it loses its identity and unity, and it disintegrates and ceases to be part of human history. One's mother tongue is the foundation for a people's culture. For those whose mother tongue is French, their culture is French; for us whose mother tongue is Kaqchikel, our culture is Maya Kaqchikel ... God gave each people its own language, without one being superior to another. Maya Kaqchikel is the language that God gave us, and through this medium we communicate with Him. If God wished that the Kaqchikel language disappear, he would not allow our [demographic] growth to happen; at present, Kaqchikel now number half a million ... ... Our language is one of God's blessings that our forefathers received thousands of years ago. Our parents have conserved Kaqchikel, and we cannot simply cast it off now as if it were worth nothing. God gave us talent through Kaqchikel; either we bury it or we make it multiply. Additional readings: Coe, Michael D. 1993. The Maya. New York, Thames and Hudson; Hanks, William F. and Rice, Donald S., eds. 1990. Word and Image in Maya Culture. Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press; Lopez Raquec, Margarita. 1989. Acerca de los alfabetas para escribir los idiomas mayas. Guatamala, Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes.

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Kashmiri135 1.

(Sympathetic non-Kashmiri Indian:) You are wasting time sitting at the shore, while other nations are taking to boats, eager to cross over. (The Kashmiri replies:) We are like a house divided against itself, and have lost our mother tongue. Whither can such men go? The wise have said that food prepared by (disagreeing) partners goes to dogs (since each thinks it is the other's duty to watch it.) Dear sympathizer, I feel a hope rising in my heart that, God willing, there will come a day when you will be glad to say: Kashmiris are to be congratulated. They have found some good counselor and have discovered the right path: They were divided and had lost their tongue, but have now at last luckily found it by great effort. Additional reading: Kadian, Rajesh. 1993. The Kashmir Tangle: Issues and Options. Boulder. Westview; Akbar, M. J. 1991. Kashmir Behind the Vale. New Delhi/New York, Viking; Kaula, Omakara Aina. 1983. Kashmiri: A Sociolinguistic Survey. Patiala, Indian Institute of Language Studies.

Konkani136 1.

I know that Konkani is still a little language. A lamp, whether it is big or small, is still a lamp. Whether a language is big or small, it is still a language. And we need it to undo the darkness of ignorance ... Things keep changing: the plant turns into a tree, the girl into a woman, the dialect into a language ... The Konkani language is little but it has a great future. This language can bring together the Konkani people that are scattered all over the globe, language is different from religion and political opinion in this

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respect: we can change our religion and our political opinion but we cannot change our mother tongue. Therefore, there is a great bond among people that share a mother tongue. We may have remained apart because of religion or political opinion but our language can bring us together. The official from Mangalore, the fisherman from Kankon, the Brahman from Bombay, the Christian working on a ship, we are all bound together because of our language. Our language is a mirror that reflects our society, it is the heritage that our ancestors have bestowed on us. It is an indispensable part of our culture. It is not just a fancy, a political dogma, or a religious creed. It is part of our true being ... Konkani is our language which we speak at home, the language in which we express our affection for our children, the language in which we quarrel with our neighbors, the language that we use when we are panicked, the language in which we pray to God. It is the language that is well understood by all: Brahmins, Gowdas 137 , Bhats 138 ., padris 139 , cooks, Kunbis, everyone. Christ taught the fishermen in their own language. The Buddha delivered his sermons in the language of the people. Mahatma Gandhi stirred the souls of the people by speaking in the language of the people. Tukaram 140 brought to people's hearts the light of devotion by speaking to them in their own language. The pundits 141 that scorned the language of the people tried to sink his compositions in the river. They did not sink because they were not inscribed on stone or on copper plates. They were on people's tongues ... Words that are on people's tongues, words that have entered into people's hearts, do not sink. Konkani may have few inscriptions but it is on two and a half million tongues ... We will continue to love our Konkani language and our Konkani territory. That does not mean that we are not concerned with the rest of the world. Our love of other languages will not suffer. Our language will build a relationship with the other languages, but it will not lose its own identity. Additional readings: Pereira, Jose. 1971. Konkani: A History of the Konkani-Marathi Controversy. Dharwar, Karnatak University; Ghatage, Amrit Madhav. 1968. Kankani of Kankon. Bombay, State Board for Literature and Culture.

Korean142 1.

Our language is the blood and life of the nation. The reason that our nation could preserve this land for over 5000 years ... is precisely because

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we had a national language with which we could transmit the spirit of the nation. Unfortunately, however, our national language has been attacked by foreign languages for a long time and, thus, it has been disfigured, reduced in size, and, finally, it has lost its original appearance. At this very moment our language is being beaten-up by Chinese character words, stomped upon by Japanese, and chased off the land by Western languages. Indeed, our language is losing its life by every passing moment. To aggravate the situation, the countryside that has always played such an important role in maintaining and preserving the essence of our language is disappearing very quickly, because the whole country is changing into an urban industrial society. We have come to a state of affairs in which the very roots of our language could be severed. Our language is not even getting the respect it deserves in places such as textbooks, dictionaries and literary works ... and in broadcasting, newspapers and magazines ... [it] is being badly mistreated. Language comes out of culture. Accordingly, the purification of culture must precede the purification of language ... We need to mend our ways of using the language as well as mend our way of life. To bring back the life of our language is to bring back the life of our nation. Without reviving our national language, we cannot hope that the nation will remain alive. Without a living language, education, literature, arts and religion ... will neither be our own nor find a place to take root. It is now half a century since our people were scattered to the mainland and to the islands, and divided into south and north. This is precisely the reason why it is becoming increasingly crucial that we mend our ways of using our national language. Mending our use of the national language is precisely the way to finding the spirit of our nation, and, I believe, it is the most definitive way of achieving democracy and unifying our land. Additional readings: Oliver, Robert T. 1993. A History of the Korean People in Modern Times. Newark, University of Delaware Press; Hong, Yunsook. 1991. A Sociolinguistic Study of Seoul Korean; With a Special Section on Language Divergence Between North and South Korean. Seoul, Research Center for Peace and Unification of Korea; Haarmann, Harald, ed. 1990. Aspects of Korean Socio Unguis tics. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, n. 82 (entire issue).

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Latvian143 1. The Latvian language, though unable to claim great accomplishments in the field of poetry or secular literature, ... invites us [prospective teachers] to travel our road; there is something that brings us together and awakens in us the desire to pursue this seemingly unrewarding work. What is this something? it is our awareness that for us the Latvian language is not only an object of scientific study but also a sacred bequest from our ancestors ... We, as our nation's sons, must feel a special warmth in our hearts when we hear the sounds of the Latvian language. After all, it was our fathers and our compatriots that nurtured this language, used it to give sounds to their spiritual insights and to clothe their ideas. It is we who are specially able to penetrate the Latvian language's thick crust, its hard shell, and understand the testimony the language presents to what our ancestors felt in their souls, what they experienced in their hearts, and what they understood in their spirit. The ancient words of the Latvian language are for us a resounding voice from the mouths of out ancestors; these words are fragments of our ancestor' beating hearts, the insights of their living spirit, the bright sparks of their observant minds. Preserved as seemingly voiceless combinations of symbols, these words are truly understandable only to those who can envision the living spirit within them, who can get beneath the shell to the delicious core ... And, if we look further, we see that ... this language, in the present context of our own awakening, has served to bridge heart with heart, soul with soul, spirit with spirit ... Even now, living hearts express in this language their joys and sorrows, perceptive souls express in Latvian words their insights, their faith, their loves and their hopes. A living spirit now signals in Latvian words, that morning has arrived to a people that for so many years hungered for light, justice, truth. Even though some small numbers among Latvians, either because of lack of education or the absence of a wide-ranging literature, do not speak the language of their ancestors, this fact does not lessen the significance that the Latvian language has for the entire Latvian people, the power that it holds for them, and the needs it can fulfill ... Do not forget, brothers, that even if your numbers are small, each of you without exception can do a great deal for your nation, as long as you do not forget the bridge which you have to cross to reach your nation's heart, soul and spirit.

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2.

We cannot equate the dismay experienced by a people whose language and national identity stand on the verge of extinction, with the inconvenience of others having to learn the language of that people amidst whom they are living. Is "despair" really the best term to describe what is experienced in both of these cases? Is it humane to ask that the small Latvian nation should silently carry its cross to the point of self-destruction, for fear that complaints about its situation would offend others? Is it fair to complain about "inconveniences" if the very existence of a people is at stake? ... Consider a person living in a five room apartment, one room of which is taken from him and assigned to a person who is living in the corridor. The apartment dweller will surely complain of being robbed and of having his "human rights" violated. But only in this fashion is it possible to view the charge concerning the "losses" suffered by the Russian language [in Latvia]. And further, what if the entire apartment building has, in fact, been built by the person living in the corridor? ... Is it too much to ask in the name of socialism ... that the population at large ... simply learn Latvian, using whatever means and possibilities that exist? Additional readings: Shen, Raphael. 1994. Restructuring the Baltic Economies: Disengaging Fifty Years of USSR's Integration. Westport, Greenwood; Eglitis, Olgerts. 1993. Nonviolent Action in the Liberation of Latvia. Cambridge, Albert Einstein Institute; Hideb, John. 1991. The Baltic Nations and Europe: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 20th Century. London, Longman.

Lithuanian144 1.

Language is not only the most common bond of society, but, also, the most important foundation for a successful state. The national (or state) language is the basis for both the common and the creative work of all its citizens; it guards and protects their rights throughout the state. On the other hand, only when people manage to establish their own state, can the language of the people be developed freely, without any foreign interference. Then, the national language can be used in all areas of science and in all areas of the nation's social life. Loss of independence is the creates danger to the language and culture of any nation.

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The school functions of the Lithuanian language require particularly effective help from the state. Here the language must regain its proper place, not only as the most important subject of instruction, but also as the basic medium for teaching all other subjects. From kindergarten through to the end of University study, the proper use of Lithuanian must be the primary requirement for all teachers, professors, school administrators, as well as examiners. The state must also protect from Russification both the Lithuanian schools as well as the schools of the minorities. Russification has been foisted upon the Lithuanian schools for several, long decades. As provided for by law, every child in Lithuania is entitled to attend a school in which his native language is used. In order to achieve the full renaissance of Lithuania, we must create a proper strategy to accomplish this [the above goals], ... There is a lack of scholars and teachers in practically all areas of Lithuanian in general as well as applied linguistics. If we really want to rejuvenate our native language, we must elevate Lithuanian linguistics to the level of all accepted and respected sciences. Additional readings: Kudirka, J. 1991. The Lithuanians: An Ethnic Portrait. Vilnius, Lithuanian Folk Culture Center; Senn, Alfred Ε. 1990. Lithuania Awakening. Berkeley, University of California Press; Sabaliunas, Leonas. 1990. Lithuanian Social Democracy in Perspective. Durham, Duke University Press.

Macedonian145 1.

National separation has but one duty, that is to show favor to all that is national, above all: towards our native language. ... We should ... favor ... our native language if we wish to remain faithful to the spirit of our forefathers. Favor towards our native language is our duty and our right. We are duty-bound to love our language because it is ours, just as our fatherland is ours. The first voices which we heard were the voices of our fathers and mothers, [through] the sounds and words of our native language. Through them we received our first spiritual nourishment, because by this means we put into thought all that we saw with our eyes. Through our native language we absorb the psychology of our fathers and forefathers and become their spiritual descendants, as we are in the physical sense their bodily continuations.

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If we turn with disdain upon our native language, we only act thanklessly toward our parents in return for their spiritual care and upbringing. It is our right, as well as our duty, to defend our native language, and this is our sacred right. He who attacks our language is as much our enemy as he who attacks our faith. Faith and language, these are the soul of a nation, and with their alteration, a nation undergoes a radical spiritual transformation. ... For a nation to renounce its language is to renounce itself and its own interests; it means that the nation ceases to regard itself with its own eyes, judging itself and others with its own mind and reason, and that it expects to have everything dictated to it by another. A nation that has lost its language is like a man who has lost his way and does not know where he has been, nor why he is going in one direction and not in another. ... National interests force us to defend them, to defend our language, from the political action of the Balkan states. This defense will be successful and will upset all plans of the [non-Macedonian] propagandizers only if it is united and organized. And in order for it to be such, there must be general agreement in choosing one dialect as the shared Macedonian literary language ... And along with the replacement of the languages of [foreign] propaganda and the creation of our literary language, we will drive out from Macedonia the interests of the small Balkan nations and in their place will rule Macedonian interests, expressed in the Macedonian language. 2. The Macedonian case was not an isolated one, as concerns the selection of names, but, rather, a normal phenomenon in the development of the modern Slavic nations and their literary languages ... Even in 1886 ... the eminent Croatian slavicist Ivan Broz wrote ... "all scholars are agreed in teaching us that Slovak is not a separate language, divided from Czech, but only a separate dialect of the single Czech language" ... in the first Czechoslovak Republic [after World War I], the official stand was that there was one Czechoslovak language in two variants, Czech and Slovak. The parallel which can be drawn between the development of the Slovak and that of the Macedonian language shows that the latter situation was not much more complicated than the former. There was no such developed prestige language in Macedonia during the period of national uprising as was the Czech language in Slovakia. The contemporary literary languages of the neighboring Serbs and Bulgarians were themselves only

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in process of formation ... and ... did not themselves yet have any very high prestige even among their own speakers ... Obstacles are always placed in the path of the development of a new literary language, but these obstacles are removed as a result of efficacious cultural and political action ... Even when a new literary language is acknowledged there is still much to be done in order that its speakers might be granted the historical right to linguistic independence, the main reason for this [delay] is the political interest of powers which cannot easily reconcile themselves to the independent development of the given nation.. The [main] problem is that there are nations whose historical rights are not disputed and, on the other hand, nations whose rights are disputed ... This question does not concern only small nations ... somewhere at the margin of European history, but appears on a worldwide scale ... [But] we are speaking here of the Macedonian nation, fully conscious of the conditionality of the term [Macedonian] when this is projected into the past. However, such conditionality is present when we project into the past [other national names which] ... cannot ... adequately cover all periods in the history of their nations, or, frequently, even their present area. [From the point of view of certain Bulgarian scholars and governmental spokesmen] the only right remaining to the Macedonian people . . . i s the use of a separate literary language, which is viewed as being without a popular basis, ... as if there did not exist a national unit which speaks this language. Every nation has the right to object to ambushes of its past, even if that past consists only of the rewards and glory earned by those simple people who have plowed and planted the soil. Additional readings: Poulton, Hugh. 1994. Who Are the Macedonians? Bloomington, Indiana University Press; Hammond, N. G. L. 1989. The Macedonian State: Origins, Institutions and History. Oxford, Clarendon Press; Perry, Duncan. 1988. The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893 — 1903. Durham, Duke University Press.

Malay146 1. Since our country's Independence, owing to our single-mindedness in pursuing our language policy, Bahasa Malaysia has truly become the National Language of our country. Working in close co-operation with Indonesia with regard to common spelling, scientific and technical terms,

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etc., the National Language will be spoken and used in a region consisting of over 100 million people. We have no doubt whatsoever that the National Language is virile and viable. It can improve and will be improved. It will become one of the major languages of the world. What will be the consequences of these changes? First, the English schools will, in time, cease to exist ... Secondly, all children will learn under the same roof and use the National Language as the main medium of instruction. Thirdly, the process of national integration will be enhanced because the children will grow up in an environment conducive to integration during their formative years. ... [T]he policy to use the National Language as the main medium of instruction at both the primary and secondary levels is not a new one. The Rahman Committee [1960] stated that the legitimate aspirations of each of the main cultural groups who had made their home in Malaysia 147 were met by providing for the time being, at public expense, primary education in the language of the family. It would, however, added the Committee, be incompatible with an educational policy designed to create national consciousness, and having the intention of making the Malay language the National Language of the country, to extend and to perpetuate a language and racial differential throughout the publicly-financed educational system. ... Malay and English will be compulsory in all schools', Malay because it is the National language and English because of its value at present in higher education, commerce and international affairs. Additional readings: Milner, Anthony. 1994. The Invention of Politics in Colonial Malaya. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press; Jesudasan, James V. 1993. Ethnicity and the Economy: The State, Chinese Business and Multinationals in Malaysia. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Lau, Albert. 1991. The Malayan Union Controversy. Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Manyjilyjarra148 1. I am talking to all of you. Long ago, before whitefellas were here, only Aborigines were here with their own talk (=language, story, word, tradition, law). Those people from long ago were teaching those who came after them with their own talk. They were telling the boys and girls how to behave themselves. They were living well on their own land. They were

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the owners of the land. Long ago they were in agreement. And they were looking after each other. They lived in their own Aboriginal places. There was one Aboriginal language. There was one word in the past-the word of the grandfathers and grandmothers ... Long ago the whitefellas were going to various waterholes. He used to go in and was killing Aborigines without any questions. For that reason the Aborigines all left—to the west, to the east, to the south and to the north. And the whitefellas came in behind and claimed this Aboriginal land. We know all about it, and what he did to the Aborigines long ago. We are putting this word down and telling this for the younger generation, so they can keep this word from the past. So we are putting Manyjilyjarra language on paper and in Warnman, Karujarra, Pitijarra and in other languages ... The story for the land still stands. We know all about it, how the whitefella is taking the land. Since long ago the old people's stories are standing ... They have songs relating to this place. Also ceremonies.. The old people they have them from the past, so they can teach them to the younger generation, so they can recite themselves when the old ones die. The old people are giving their words for the younger generation ... Since long ago, there are Aboriginal languages on this land. The ancestors gave them to us. We are still listening, interested, believing. We will give them to the next generation for them to keep. And they should give them to the next generation. We have names for every waterhole ... The ancestors' stories from the past still stand. The ancestors left their languages for the younger generation to keep and the younger generation should keep them. We are staying here in our own place. The whitefella shouldn't hunt us and build houses. We are going to stay close to our lands. That's the story. Additional readings: Arden, Harvey. 1994. Dreamkeepers: A Spirit-Journey into Aboriginal Australia. New York, Harper Collins; Mattingly, Christobel and Hampton, Kenneth, eds. 1988. Survival in Our Own Land: Aboriginal Experiences in South Australia Since 1836. Told by Nungas and Others. Cowandilla, Wakefield; Black, Paul. 1983. Aboriginal Languages of the Northern Territory. Darwin, School of Australian Linguistics/ Darwin Community College.

Maori149 1.

Many thousands of Maori people have lost their own native tongue ... The rich cultural heritage of these people is tied up within them. Over the past half century or so, efforts to release this inner life and feeling

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have been confined mainly to song and dance and game. Although this is good as far as it goes, and should in all conscience be kept up, it is insufficient as an outlet for anywhere near the sum of ideas and feelings of the present. The European language is a development and an expression of the European culture. The Maori language is a development and an expression of the Maori culture ... [W]e have to make it grow and live, just as other civilizations have done. The new ideas, thoughts and experiences we have, need to be expressed in and committed to the Maori language, otherwise our language will become dead and static, just like Latin and Gaelic which, though valuable and interesting in themselves, are no longer the lifeline of a people. There need to be Maori authors of story, poetry and song. There need to be dramatists, artists and scholars. Generally, we have won the fight for physical survival. The whole race is conscious of its worth and spiritual power. It remains for us to gain the command of [our] language to loosen this [spiritual power] into the world about us. Many of our leaders and bright young people have already reached this level. Providing there is confidence and faith, the majority will follow, just as surely as day comes after dawn. 2.

... The voracious appetite of the shark 150 has made many Maoris cultural refugees, with neither language nor culture [of their own], Maori language is a living ... medium of communication in Maori hui151 and on other official occasions on rural and urban maraei52. But some years ago it was usual for many Maoris to be whacked for speaking Maori in the school grounds and [such] social conditioning over the years has led many Maoris to devalue their language and their cultural heritage ... accompanied with loss of pride, dignity and self-respect. [Maori] society has a responsibility to convince its members that those who speak their mother tongue, or who might want to master their mother tongue, are privileged people. They should not be made to feel that their privileged status is a social and educational handicap. Yet every day such people are discriminated against ... "There is nothing more painful than the insult to human dignity; nothing more humiliating than servitude. Human dignity and freedom are our birthright. Let us defend them or die with dignity." 153 Additional readings: Hazelhurst, Kayleen M. 1993. Political Expression and Ethnicity: Statecraft and Mobilization in the Maori World. Westport, Greenwood; Patterson, J o h n 1992. Exploring Maori

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Values. Portland, International Specialized Books; Sharp, Andrew. 1990. Justice and the Maori: Maori Claims in new Zealand Political Argument in 1980s. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Salmond, Anne. 1990. Hui: A Study of Maori Ceremonial Gatherings. Auckland, Heinemann/Reed.

Mariamu154 1.

The first thing I learn was speaking language. Then there were other groups of women sitting down with my mother, like my grandmother and my aunties. They were having breakfast. Suddenly, one women came along with her baby, about two years old, and sat down besides my aunty. She said, "You will speak my language when I give some of my food from my mouth now". I turned and asked my mother: "Is that what you do with us?" She said to me: The same for you, for me, for my mother and my grandmother". Additional background readings: Young, Elspeth. 1995. Third World in the First: Development and Aboriginal Peoples. New York, Routledge; Povincelli, Elizabeth A. 1994. The Power, History and Culture of Aboriginal Action. Chicago, University of Chicago Press; Hunter, Ernest. 1993. Aboriginal Health and History: Power and Prejudice in Remote Australia. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Navajo155 1.

PROCLAMATION Proclaiming the Week of September 13-16, 1993 Dine'156 Language Week WHEREAS, Dine' Language, History and Lifeways make the Dine' a unique people; and

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WHEREAS, It was found that less than half of the Dine' children entering kindergarten this fall will be speakers of Dine' language; and WHEREAS, the Dine' people are ultimately responsible to ensure that all children of the Dine' acquire Dine' language skills, NOW THEREFORE I, Peterson Zah, President of the Navajo Nation, do hereby proclaim the week of September 13—16 as "Dine' Language Week" and encourage all parents, teachers and school employees working with the children of the Dine' to increase the use of Dine' language in the home, classrooms and communities throughout the Navajo Nation. I further encourage all school administrators and boards of education to strengthen policies regarding the instruction and use of the Dine' language; and to conduct school-wide Dine' language activities. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I hereunto set my hand this sixth day of August, 1993. (Signed)

Peterson Zah President

Additional readings: Rosenak, Chuck. 1994. The People Speak. Flagstaff, Northland Publications; McLaughlin, Daniel. 1991. When Literacy Empowers: Navajo Language in Print. Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press; Indian Nations At Risk Task Force. 1991. Indian Nations At Risk: An Educational Strategy for Action. Washington DC, U S Department of Education.

Norwegian

(Bokmäl)ί5Ί

1. I would never agree to the demand of two languages with equal rights in Norway ...It is not possible! It is contrary to the laws which, with compelling force, govern the development of peoples and languages. The struggle carried on by or on behalf of the Nynorsk linguistic movement can delay, disturb or spoil our harmonious advance, but all who have studied the life and growth of languages with an unbiased and clear eye, know that the Nynorsk protagonists will not attain their goal. [They know] that their newly fabricated Nynorsk ... can never be advanced, by means of legal requirements, so far as to get the same rights as our Riksmäl. 158

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[It is impossible] because our national language [=Riksmal] is too mighty. ... I ask you to remember that our national language is the natural medium of communication in those places where the life of our laboring people pulsates most strongly and most fully: in commerce and in shipping, in the manufacturing industries, in technical advances, in all movements about which the many-voiced press carries messages to even the remotest and poorest nook of our country. The song of victory for our national language resounds over every steamer that heads into a calm fjord, over every train that breaks its way into remote valleys. The history of the nation cannot be separated from the development of wealth and prosperity. Our national language is ... the language of swarming thousands assembled in the towns and their surroundings, providing prosperity for our country and our people. At the pinnacle of this language we encounter the mighty breath of genius, sighing to awake and urge the masses onward. We are one people. We want to be one people. Let ... [our] one language [be the one] which has been, which is and [the only one] which can be our national language, [which can] enable us to gather harmoniously and to achieve progress in connection with everything that is good. Additional readings: See "additional readings" for Nynorsk and also Larson, Karen A. 1985. Learning Without Lessons: Socialization and Language Change in Norway. Lanham, University Press of America.

Norwegian

(Nynorsk)159

1. It is a general truth that everyone enjoys most those things to which one has been accustomed even from infancy, and since all writers of our generation are, as it were, pledged to matters Copenhagian, and perhaps generally accustomed to despising our folk language, it is only to be expected that reform [in favor of the latter] ... would be received less favorably by most of them. ... I have always been bitterly aggrieved when experiencing the offensiveness and ridicule directed at our folk-tongue by well-dressed ignorance or by a zealous urge to purge it, no matter how well intended. Should we then, I wonder, abandon this rich treasure of the past, which our ancestors have faithfully preserved through all tribulations and entrusted to us as a sacred inheritance?

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... While time and circumstance ... have caused the Copenhagen dialect to become prominent among us, our true national language was kept up and cultivated in the farmers' cottages in our valleys and along our shores, even though this was not done in all districts to an equal degree. ... Considering how widely our people is dispersed, for how long a period the [folk] language was not cultivated in writing, ... we must regard it as something wondrous that our national heritage still remains in a condition to be bequeathed unto us. I f during all these centuries N o r w a y were to have asserted her political independence, then our principal language would have been that o f the common people; it would have been ... [derived from] the country's dialects, the center around which they all revolve. But, with a rare patience, we allowed ourselves to be dominated by others. This is how we lost out treasure and our honor; thus we lost the language of our ancestors. It is still not impossible to regain it. H o n o r demands that we do at least that, and the happily altered position o f our country entitles us thereto. To the farmer belongs the honor of being the deliverer of the language, hence one should listen to how he speaks ... 2. The Norwegian people possessed a beautiful language in former times ..., but during the long period of decline many things fell apart in this country. Many sound customs and ways of thinking and speaking weakened and withered away and stiffened up and passed out of use. ... If what is valuable in the old is [ever] to grow together with what is new ... the rich characteristics of our language ... [must become] the property o f us all, turning the language into a suitable vehicle for a rich and sound cultural life, and the prime characteristic o f the Norwegian people. ... Those who love our Norwegian language and labor to cleanse and shape it clearly and comely, are the ones who contribute best to further education and culture in this country. ... The mother tongue possesses the finest and warmest tones for the innermost notions of our minds. This is the reason why we sing so warmly [in that language] about our father and mother, about our home and country, about the people with whom we live and whom it is the greatest happiness on earth to be allowed to love and to honor in all things great and small.

3. The reason why the book language [ = B o k m a l , formerly Riksmäl] has been able to expand ... is that it has been the language o f the upper class, and, because of that, has had the upper hand in the management of society, in industry, in the media and so forth. The dialects and the N y -

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norsk written language have been suppressed. By virtue of this suppression ... the speech of most people has been stigmatized as wrong or bad. Nynorsk is looked down upon as a language of certain regions, unsuited for general use. In many instances, ... individuals are not given the opportunity to use their own dialect and are not allowed to express themselves by writing the language that is based on the dialects. In spite of this suppression, the people of the countryside have, during the past century, struggled to establish their right to their own language ... Noregs Mallog [= the principal organization for the promotion of Nynorsk] will be in the vanguard to bring this struggle to a successful conclusion ... so that the Norwegian people can liberate itself linguistically, ... use their dialects freely, ... and use the Nynorsk written language, the common denominator for the Norwegian dialects in the countryside and in the towns. Additional readings: Jahr, Ernst Häkon. 1995. Sociolinguistics in Norway. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, no. 115 (entire issue); Kerswill, Paul. 1995. Dialects Converging: Rural Speech in Urban Norway. Oxford, Oxford University Press; van Leuvensteijn, J. A. and J. B. Berns. 1992. Dialect and Standard Language. Amsterdam, North Holland.

Papiamentu160 1.

Last night I dreamed that Curacao had attained its full and own identity. In the homes, bars and restaurants, and wherever I went, our own indigenous music was being played. I walked around, looking into the classrooms of different schools, and I heard the children reading poetry aloud in Papiamentu and stories written in their mother tongue were being told to them ... I waited until it was time for their singing lessons, but nothing like "Klein vogellijn op groene tak" 161 nor "Waar in het bosgroen eikenhout" 162 was sung. Songs in Papiamentu were pouring with joy out of their hearts, accompanied by happy smiles on their faces ... All newspapers were written in our native tongue, a refined Papiamentu, cleared of barbarisms. On the radio and television all people were speaking Papiamentu with elegance, without vulgarity. I couldn't believe my ears There was complete harmony and Curacao seemed a heaven on earth. Therefore, when I woke up, I decided to close my eyes quickly and keep on dreaming; in Papiamentu, naturally.

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2.

Papiamentu, untamed language, my mother tongue, rough and yet refined; Papiamentu, not to be snatched away from the hearts of your children, to you I dedicate my first effort to elevate your name and secure your glory. As a dialect of Spain, you have a place of honor among its other dialects, for you were born far away from the Iberian peninsula. Cut off from Spain, your voice still vibrates with the same vitality and courage, capricious sweetness and resounding eloquence so characteristic of the Hispanic tongues. Today, one of your children is in search of a rightful place for you among the languages of the world with legitimate recognition, and searches for appreciation of your status, which should be more than simply a Creole of an island in the Caribbean. For the same spiritual strength which gave life to the majestic language of Spanish domains is flowing through your veins. ... It is from Spain that you inherited your indomitable independence and it was this trait of your character which enabled you to resist the Portuguese, the Dutch and also the English, who tried to capture and to tame you in the years gone by. I salute you, indestructible Papiamentu, for it was you who taught me to listen to the Spanish soul inside me, with which I learned to cry and suffer, yet also to cry out in victory with a smile for this island, our own Curacao. 3.

My Language My language, Out of necessity born From the soul of the adventurer; Cultivated by the mouth of the slave, Improved its prospects In stories by black nannies. Its fearless courage, The rough mark of its birth, Made it burst forth in the newly arrived slave; And the strength of its zest for living Lifted it up from the ground In a whirlwind of disputes.

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Its song is fiery, Its simplicity is colorful. With its game of words I can swing back and forth With its rhythm and cheerful spirit. I can sit and fall in love In my Creole language, With its spirited sounds. There is no sorrow nor joy that can pass me by, Nor is there any such feeling that I dare not control. Additional readings: Manteanu, Dan. 1991. Elpapiamento: origen, evolution y estructura. Bochum, Brockmeyer; de Roos, Jos. 1987. Curacao: Scenes and Behind the Scenes. Zutphen, De Walberg Pers; Andersen, Roger W. 1985 [1974], Nativization and Hispanization in the Papiamentu of Curacao. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms International; Prins-Winkel, Nelly et al. 1983. Papiamentu: Problems and Possibilities. Zutphen, De Walburg Pers.

Persian163 1.

You have certainly been aware of the fact that there has recently surged forward a movement favoring the use of Persian words instead of foreign, particularly Arabic, ones. The signs of such a movement has appeared primarily in magazines and monographs, and, recently, they have also manifested themselves in certain government agencies. Since the language of a people is of great societal importance and since any undertaking to reform it or to subject it to changes requires study, discussion and deep reflection, the Minister of Education plans to immediately establish a special committee, composed of scholars, linguists, men of letters and researchers, in order to consider all of these matters. Accordingly, you are requested to give instructions to the departments and offices under your jurisdiction, that they abstain from coining or using new words, or from replacing commonly used words by pure Persian words, in official letters and documents, until this committee has been established, relevant proposals in this connection have been made and studied, and an appropriate policy has been adopted ... Frequently, that which is done in this connection is not well founded and is not in accord with good taste. This has come to the attention of His Majesty, and he has asked me that I

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make sure that prudent decisions are made so that this important matter, one that is essentially meritorious and appropriate, is not deflected from its proper course. 2.

I am pleased by the new spirit that has been infused into the very essence of the Persian language and by the renewed importance that has been accorded to this matter. Of course, those who have studied and worked mightily in this area during their entire lifetimes should continue to dedicate themselves to this exalted task. However, there are others who can contribute by intensifying their studies in this connection, until their studies will attain that higher level of penetration that will enable them too to succeed in the future, so that they can continue thereby that holy struggle for preserving and expanding this language, which is not only our own great and precious national investment, but which has also been a means of perfecting and expanding human civilization as a whole during centuries past, and has created one of the richest cultures in the world. Additional readings: Modaressi, Yahya. 1994 [1978], A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Modern Persian. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms International; Melville, Charles, ed. 1993. History and Literature in Iran. New York, St. Martin's Press; Hillman, Michael C. 1990. Iranian Culture; A Persianist View. Lanham, University Press of America; Beeman, William O. 1986. Language, Status and Power in Iran. Bloomington, Indiana University Press

Polish164 1.

What a comfort it is for the heart anguished by the peril of its motherland, to still speak and hear the mother tongue! When the senses, paralyzed by grief, not being able to feel the borders, the government, or the name of the old Poland, cry, like children, over a lost mother, then reason, a powerful source of consolation during times of trouble, takes the mother tongue as a token of the life of the motherland. ... Who of the wisest of men, acquainted with the history of the world, will reject the position ... which states that as long as there is the language there is also the Polish nation? Of the huge tangible remains of the Greek and Roman states even the ashes have disappeared. But the spirits of the Greek and Roman languages are not only alive but they also inspire the lives and the flawlessness of all languages.

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And you, the only remnant of our existence, you the Polish language! Do you have the right to immortality? Will you manage to convey to future ages the fame that the Polish people have attained for nearly one thousand years? Even if terrible times were to stifle you in the mouths of their descendants, as was the case with Greek and Latin, will you not find a secret way to stay alive so that the entire nation will not die again? And you ... my countrymen, ... you who are all united in the brotherhood of heart and language, ... what measures will you take to keep alive the name of Poland through the language that we still have? Listen as brothers, and as judges, and as colleagues. The national cause of the entire nation awaits your opinion and your support. ... If the Polish language possesses the fame that comes from wisdom, its right to immortality is undeniable. The loudest trumpet of wisdom is that of national writings. Polish writings, for so many ages ..., happily reflecting all kinds of teachings, have left many signs of national wisdom ... Fate has erased us from the list of nations; wisdom will put us on the list of the learned. ... Language is the father, the host, and the judge of all teaching. Thus, learning Polish is the first and inseparable part of all Polish teachings ... Polish is the language that serves as the cornerstone of national fame. 2.

Among the treasures that should be kept like the apple of one's eye, equal to the land of the forefathers, is the language of the forefathers. This sacred heritage joins us with the past and unifies [even] those who are in conflict. It is the link joining the present and the future generations, if we are to pass on that heritage to the latter. Language is not just a means of communication. It is an external reflection — formed through the ages as a mirror of the national character — of our most internal essence. Our language has lived, has grown and has matured together with Polish thought; it has followed the path of Polish thought ...It has always been the way we have been. The Polish language was rough and unskilled when the rough Polish hand first switched from the plow and the sword to the pen. When we took neighboring countries under our wings ... the Polish language easily adopted and polonized foreign words, giving them a Polish flavor. When the nation entered the golden age of its existence, Polish developed seriousness, wealth and simplicity ... When our laws began to be violated and when our manners deteriorated, the language was also violated and it deteriorated. To conceitedness and frivolity it reacted like an echo, with the conceitedness of empty expressions and

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with a frivolity of style. When, at the time of the fall, we began to look for rescue via the transfer of Western education and concepts into our savage territory, the language too became cleaner and took on Western manners. And then it became to us like a harp hanging over the rivers of Babylon and expressing the poets' grief, reveille for resistance and a psalm of hope. 3.

Language is a wonderful tool intended ... for expressing the most subtle of feelings and the most lofty of thoughts. It has its own sound and color ... Language is the history of the spirit of the nation, from the remote time of the forefathers ... There is everything in language - a whisper between lovers, a mother's prayer over a baby's cradle, a clatter of armor and a clatter of the sword, the wedding's hymn and the dirge at the funeral. Language, as a mirror, has reflected within itself the feelings of the nation; the [Polish] language has grasped those feelings and given them shape ... Following our language, slowly, a step at a time, we follow the history of the nation. In that way we are in touch with the spirit of our ancestors; we find in ourselves what unites us with them; we feel we are our ancestors' continuation; we realize that there is an indissoluble relationship that exists among generations ... In language there is the source of the immortality of the nation ... But, not only that, however. Just like excavations, old lachrymal urns, remnants of flint weapons and necklaces excavated at protoslavic cemeteries, the words of our language are documents of the civilizational level of our nation. Additional readings: Kielkiewicz-Janowiak, Agnieszka. 1992. A Social-Historical Study in Address. Frankfurt a. M., Peter Lang; Hall, Aleksander. 1991. The History and Development of the Political Parties in Poland. London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies (University of London); Miodunka, Wladyslaw, ed. 1987. Language and Nation: Material from a Symposium. Warsaw. Panstwowe Wydawn. Nankowe.

Quechua165 1.

Teaching of the sun Blessed Quechua tongue, Speech of Mother Earth

The Quechua tongue Of the sun From the earth

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Seed of golden trees; Treasure of wisdom, Fortress of knowledge Born of thunder's roll POWERFUL QUECHUA. Early, the Incas Throughout their empire, Proclaiming clearly Established firmly: Cusco's powerful tongue Ever standing firm In every place, worldwide Be spoken always.

The lords of Cusco Forever will live, In their powerful tongue They'll be remembered. In the Inca's reign Cusco's power flowered Across the empire It spread and took hold. Now and forever. Many wise scholars Want and seek to learn The Quechua tongue. They thirst unceasingly For Quechua writings, Constantly they ask After Cusco's tongue.

Came forth, By Incas' command: All people must speak it. Inca kings, Inca queens From childhood Spoke this tongue: In joy and in sorrow With Quechua only Lived their lives.

Outsiders arriving, Toward Quechua Turned their hate; Forbidding Its speaking Sought rather To destroy it. By strong roots Implanted in people It stood firm; In Cusco's Strengthening Its sweet speech Flowered on. May the sun Always shine On reasoned Thought and mind; May the Gods Always help The learned Of humankind.

2. . . . I n the heart of ... languages, neither last nor least, is Runasimi 166 , the language of Peru, the language unloosed by the tongues of the Incas. And now, in the very same Cusco that was its birthplace, it is once again

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taking inspiration, carrying joy to other peoples, even as it sweetens its own people's speech. This tongue brought glory to Tawantinsuyu 167 and the Peruvian nation [now, once again] will raise itself up above all the American nations and peoples, which even now are falling behind. Scholars, the truly learned ones, are even now investigating this language we speak; seeing it is so rich, they seek to know it. Quechua literature reveals the greatness of the Inca nation, its work, its upbuilding, the uprightness of its people. In its language they find all of its greatness. One who knows Runasimi with mind, spirit and heart, unravels, unleashes, poetry and song. This tongue introduces one to life's life itself, it unerringly raises one up from grief, from contention, from sorrow. This tongue announces the shout of the river, brings to life the crack of the slingshot, the blow of the weapon. It does not remain mute. It appears as the Andes' snowy peaks, it imitates the heaven's tears; this tongue flies above the very clouds. In the whistling of the wind blowing through the grasses it finds a song. It tells us of the life of the heavens. It carries to us the sun's brightness, it reflects the red moon's silent path for us, it brings us rest in the laughter of the shining stars. Runasimi is very great indeed. This tongue brought order everywhere and led in establishing human civilization, up until our own days. Therefore, its greatness cannot be overturned. Neither forced migrant peonage, nor the hand of the enemy, nor hard-hearted outsiders were able to erase our people's accomplishments, not even in over three hundred years. In what walk of life is Runasimi's reach not known? It is heard in the wild puma's birth, in the vanishing condor's flight, in the lily's fragrance, in the rainbow's glorious raiment. Everywhere it brings life. Runasimi is not just at its beginning; rather this firm, strong tongue stands unchained in any path, impenetrable as a fortress. Though some want to beat it into submission, it lifts itself up in raw strength. Not even Spanish has been able to humble it, nor the wane of the Inca empire. Additional reading: Skar, Sarah Lund. 1994. Lives Together— Worlds Apart. Oslo, Scandinavia University Press; Mannheim, Bruce. 1991. The Language of the Inka Since the European Invasion. Austin, University of Texas Press; Meyerson, Julia. 1989. 'Tambo: Life in an Andean Village. Austin, University of Texas Press; Hornberger, Nancy H. 1988. Bilingual Education and Language

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Maintenance: A Southern Peruvian Quechua Case. Dordrecht, Foris; Coombs, David. 1984. "We're All Equal": Language, Ethnicity and Inequality in a North Peruvian Quechua Community. Ann Arbor, University Microfilms.

Romansh168 1. The Raeto-Romans possess in their age-old language a veritable magic key, greatly facilitating not only the study of the neo-Latin languages but also the Germanic idioms. It is not necessary to insist on this evident fact to anyone who has had the opportunity of comparing the accent of Germans, Italians or French with that of Raeto-Romans when speaking a foreign language. At the present time, when knowledge of other languages is more than ever indispensable, the renunciation of such an appreciable advantage in order to adopt German or Italian (languages naturally a hundred times more complete than Romansh, but in this context indisputably inferior) would be like selling one's birthright for a mess of pottage. One may be sure that the Raeto-Romans, polyglots by necessity ... would never consider such a thing. ... All this, naturally, is stated without any thought of conceit, for modesty becomes the small, [but] only to demonstrate what an exuberant vitality keeps this Raeto-Romance people working for its own mother tongue, which had been called a "dying language". ... The Raeto-Romans know very well what they want and that they do not tend to lose themselves in useless polemics. From every point of view well-equipped to face the present situation, they are perfectly capable of carrying out their program — a program that can be summarized in four words: Tanter rumanschs be rumansch! (Among Romansh people nothing but Romansh!). To outsiders such a program will seem perhaps very modest. But in order that Romansh may be preserved, and that is the most important point, it is necessary to recognize the fact that there is no more practical nor easier way. ... The smaller a country is, the more jealously must it guard its own independence, even linguistically. This explains the tenacious attachment of the Raeto-Romans to their language, born at the same time as their thousand year old freedom and representing for them their reason for existence. To abandon it would be the equivalent of suicide. No one can protest, therefore, if Raeto-Romans, asserting their indisputable right to remain masters in their own house, maintain now and forever unchanged

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their unanimous declaration: Μ talians, ni tudaischs! rumanschs vulains res tar!169 Additional readings: Haiman, John and Paola Beninca. 1992. The Rhaeto-Romance Languages. London, Routledge; Billigmeier, Robert. 1979. A Crisis in Swiss Pluralism: The Romansh and Their Relations With the German- and Italian-Swiss in the Perspective of a Millennium. The Hague: Mouton.

Russian170 1. Charles V, the [Holy] Roman Emperor 171 , was wont to say that one ought to speak Spanish to one's God, French to one's friends, German to one's enemies, and Italian with the female sex. Had he been versed in the Russian tongue, he would certainly have added that it is appropriate for conversing with all of these. For he would have found in it the majesty of Spanish, the vivacity of French, the firmness of German, the delicacy of Italian and the richness and concise imagery of Greek and Latin ... The powerful eloquence of Cicero, the majestic stateliness of Virgil, the pleasant rhetoric of Ovid, lose nothing of their qualities [when translated] in Russian. The most subtle philosophical speculations and concepts, the various phenomena and essences which express the visible structure of the world of nature and the world of human intercourse, all of these find in Russian appropriate and expressive terms. And if something should be found incapable of expression, the fault is not that of the language, but of our own incapacity. 2.

Why do we not write as we speak? Such liberty would be immoderate, and finally no trace would remain of our ancient language. We change the old speech in conversation, having changed it in letters, then overload our language with foreign words, and finally we may forget Russian altogether, which would be a great pity, for no people has yet killed its native tongue, although ours is threatened with final extinction. Furthermore, it is better to try and improve one's own, than to prefer what is foreign. 3.

Within the close family of the Soviet peoples the Russian language has become a means for exchanging experiences in communist development,

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and for giving each nation access to cultural and other achievements of other nations, above all to the revolutionary traditions and rich cultural heritage of the Russian people, to the original versions of the immortal creations of Lenin, to the masterpieces of Russian literature, to the advance of science and technology. Through Russian the Soviet nations became acquainted with events of world significance. Under such conditions the Russian language is fast becoming another native language, or second mother tongue, for the majority of the Soviet peoples. The special role of the Russian language has made it one of the basic sources of further enrichment of national languages ... [and] to the emergence of the Russian language as the interlanguage. The heroism of Russian workers, peasants and progressive intelligentsia in their struggle for [i. e., on behalf of] Soviet power, for the establishment and strengthening of new production relations as well as relations among the country's peoples, and the selfless labor of the Russian people in socialist construction and their unselfish brotherly aid to all other peoples of the USSR in developing their economies and culture, as well as the patriotism that the Russian people displayed during the Great Patriotic War 172 , [these] have all contributed ... among the formerly oppressed peoples of the Soviet Union ... a cultural rebirth that has considerably advanced their education, science and literature ... This, in turn, stimulated their wish to participate in the cultural life of the Russian people and has produced an interest in the Russian language and its nationwide study. Under such circumstances an interlanguage in the USSR is not something extraneous and enforced ... [but, rather] the language of the nation's most numerous and most advanced nation. Through their loyalty to the concerns of socialism and to friendly relations among peoples, and their unselfish assistance to the country's other republics, the Russian people have earned the deep respect of the other peoples of the USSR and a position of leadership. It is therefore quite natural that Russian should become a second native language to the USSR's many peoples ... Such a position is only possible within a socialist society. Additional readings: Kaiser, Daniel H. and Gary Marker, eds. 1994. Reinterpreting Russian History. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Wachtel, Andrew. 1994. An Obsession with History. Stanford, Stanford University Press; Westwood, J. N., ed. 1993. Endurance and Endeavor: Russian History, 1812-1992. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Kreindler, Isabelle. 1979 [1982], The Changing Status of Russian in the Soviet Union. Jerusalem, Hebrew University (revised and with commentaries: International Journal of the Sociology of Language. 1982, no. 33, entire issue).

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Rusyn173 1. In establishing the existence of the Rusyn language, I am proceeding from the fact that Subcarpathian Rusyns are a distinct Slavic people living in the center of Europe. This people is at the very least over two thousand years old ... and once there is a people, there is a language. And there is a language!-a living, beautiful language which has not allowed itself to be eradicated. This language lives in every Carpathian village and in [resettlement] places in the Balkans, Canada, the United States, and even in Brazil, Argentina and Australia, not to speak of Belgium and Germany. Almost 800,000 to 900,000 people living in the cradle of the nation - in the Carpathians - speak the language of the Subcarpathian Rusyns, and as many more in the Diaspora. Is this really a small number? It has not been eradicated either here [at home] nor there [in the Diaspora]. Rusyns are tenacious ... If Rusyn is a micro-language, then how would one describe any of the languages of the Northern [Eskimo] peoples, spoken by only 500 individuals? ... The Rusyn language exists! It must be seen in a broader context than Soviet linguistics has perceived it! And how paradoxical it is that the living Rusyn language now needs immediate defense. It is even more regrettable that the propagators of the Ukrainian language do not recognize the Rusyn language and mock those for whom Rusyn is their mother tongue. It has been justly noted by someone that the Ukrainian orientation vis-ä-vis Rusyn is now taking on the role which the Russian orientation played during the last century when it tried to stifle Ukrainian. But a natural process cannot be stopped. ... What is needed now is quite literally a defense of the Rusyn language. Dear Rusyns, speak the language which your parents and grandparents spoke! Do not be ashamed or embarrassed about your language! "Without a native language there is no native people!", wrote the outstanding Ukrainian poet Yolodymyr Sosjura in his defense of the Ukrainian language. We, Rusyns, should follow this precept in relation to our Rusyn language. What is it that threatens the Rusyn language? The fact that it is being uprooted. And by whom, would you say? By those zealots of the Ukrainian language who consider the Rusyn language [to be] a dialect of Ukrainian ... First ... [they would] destroy the language of the Rusyns, its specific features that are different from Ukrainian, and then [they] conclude that such a language-the Rusyn language-does not exist.

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... Dear Rusyns! Do not listen to such [people]. Guard your language as if it were your eye! If you lose it, you lose your roots ... Preserve it! ... Respect your mother tongue! ... What a beautiful time perestroika is! ... Every small people has the right to use its own language and culture and to preserve its national memory. In short, each people has the right to be itself. Rusyns have been preserving their ethnic memory, language, land and culture for two thousand years. One more step and we will find ourselves in a renewed federation of Soviet Republics. And we, in this new context, will be an independent people and not a kind of addendum to another people. We have all of the necessary preconditions to achieve this goal. Thanks to our ancestors. My native language is Rusyn. And yours? ... I support the official return of my people's historic name — Rusyn - including its use on individual identification papers. While a Gypsy already has the right to have entered in his identification papers that he is a Gypsy, I as a Rusyn have to fight for that same right ... I support the complete renewal of the past glory of the Rusyn language ... There are no hyphenated peoples. There are no Rusyn-Ukrainians. There are Rusyns. And there are Ukrainians. Two fully formed Slavic peoples. Additional readings: Magocsi, Paul, ed. 1993. The Persistence of Regional Cultures: Rusyns and Ukrainians in their Carpathian Homeland and Abroad. Fairview, Carpatho-Rusyn Research Center; Dyruch, Keith P. 1992. The Quest for the Rusyn Soul: The Politics of Religion and Culture in Eastern Europe and America, 1890- World War I. Philadelphia, Balch Institute; Pekar, Atänasii V. 1992. The History of the Church in Carpathian Rus'. New York, Columbia University Press.

Serbian114 1.

With Vuk 175 the original cultural consciousness of ours began. [His was] the authentic folk consciousness ... in the mind of a self-taught peasant and illiterate, the consciousness of a revolutionary ... Vuk warred; each folk word he saw as a person, he lined them up in ranks, alive. The first man who felt that the language of our people was blood, who stood in front of it as an equal, a genius, and used that language in a war for the liberation of intellectual and political consciousness ... Whose language is good? The language of those who know the language. The people know it and the literature has to learn it from the people. How is it possible

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for a peasant to have and to know the literary language? It is possible because in him the people's life is strong, the feeling for the soil and for destiny is strong because people own the blood ... He has the blood who has the soil and knows the custom and the language. ... Vuk felt and assessed, exhibited and proved, that a word of our common people contains both a sure designation of the thing, and the beauty of the sound, and the almost scientifically precise exactness of the concept, and, what is the main charm of the language, hidden intimations. The Bosnian word is painfully full of intimations; its last wave ends, like music, far away in the space of thoughts and feelings. From the language of our common man Vuk exposed and liberated all those secrets, transformed them into live work and treasure, which makes us, in our cultural consciousness, what we are today ... ... He trusted the people's word, which always was full of live consequences and conclusions, believed that its worth was equal to that of the state, that it could always be the foundation of a new life ... He is the man who began with the most difficult tasks: creating an order: order in literacy and language, order in values, political and cultural. 2.

[Our] language is the preserver of the people. As long as the language lives, as long as we love and respect it, speak it and write it, purify it, augment it and beautify it, so long will the people live too. They can understand one another and be unified in their minds; they will not dissolve in another people, they will not perish. The more we all, by our deeds, care for the national language, the further we have extended the moral life and the longevity of our family and our entire posterity. Additional readings: Bugarski, Ranko and Celia Hawkesworth, eds. 1992. Language Planning in Yugoslavia. Columbus, Slavica; Fraenkel, Eran and Christian Kramer, eds. 1993. Language ContactLanguage Conflict. New York, Lang; Emert, Thomas A. 1990. Serbian Golgotha. Boulder, Eastern European Monographs..

Sindhi116 1.

Sindhi ... is not a hybrid like Urdu ... Sindhi is an old, well-connected and naturally and fully developed language, which has its roots firmly and deeply fixed in the past.

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... With the exception of a certain number of Arabic words and its script, the Arabs left nothing behind in Sind. [The] Sindhi language, in any case, remained as pure and unsullied, linguistically speaking, as before. The same was [the result of] the Mughal period of rule in Sind. They promulgated Persian in Sind, even more systematically than the Arabs [had promulgated Arabic]. But that too couldn't do much harm to the mother tongue of the Sindhi people, except leaving a certain number of words in its vocabulary. During the British occupation, the English [language] ruled the roost as the court language in Sind. But that too had to quit, [after] adding a few [more] words to the wealth of the Sindhi language. The language of the people of Sind not only survived all these onslaughts, but even prospered by passage of time, adding more and more of worth and substance to itself. At present, Muhajir-Punjabi "imperialism" is trying ... to thrust [the] Urdu language on the Sindhis, and [is] using all of the means and methods of publicity, education and sociological pressure for this purpose. But it is absolutely certain that, in spite of everything ... ' the language of the Sindhi people will survive and grow from strength to strength, as it has done in the past. 2.

After the exit of Bengali from the Pakistani scene, the only other independent literary language in Pakistan is Sindhi. It is very much conscious of its roots to the soil and its speakers make up about ten to twelve percent of the total population of Pakistan [and two-thirds of the population of Sind], Sindhi speakers resent the encroachment of Urdu in their own "home", and are reluctant to yield a superior place to it in domains of formal and creative communication (such as education, administration, courts, literature). This stand, though quite understandable in the Indian context of linguistic pluralism, [nevertheless] makes Sindhi an "odd man out" in Pakistan ... [where] many fundamentalists hold strong convictions [as] to the superiority of Urdu as an exclusive vehicle of Islamic identity (next to Arabic) ... [and] insist on using Urdu for state functions pertaining to the Sind government, and ignore Sindhi. Additional readings: Abbot, J. 1992. Sind: A Re-Interpretation of the Unhappy Valley. Columbia, Asian Educational Services/South Asia Books; Ansari, Sarah F. 1992. Sufi Saints and State Power; The Pirs of Sind. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

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Slovene177 1. We started our national education on a broad basis. We awakened the simple people from their national unconsciousness. Our young literature has its roots in simple hearts. And this is the only proper way for us if we wish the tender shoots to develop into a strong tree and bear abundant fruit. Abandon Slovene and we lose our people! ... If we abandon Slovene, what then? Our people will fall back into their previous state of national unconsciousness and the educated world, of which we finally attained a part, will read just as it did before—German! Let us go down the right path! ... There is no joy for a father to watch his child in failing health, [a child] who will not live nor die, no matter how much he loves him. Nevertheless, perhaps it is not as bad as I fear. Perhaps the Slovene lands still have a few sons and daughters who love their home in the old fashioned way, who honor their mother tongue and desire it to develop even more beautifully, who feel in the bustle of life and in their everyday cares the need for good food for the soul, [spiritual food] that would gladden their hearts and lighten their spirits. 2.

"What would you do if they demanded from you to give up your native land? ... Would you bow your heads like cowards and take your stick and knapsack to wander as beggars? No, you would take justice into your own hands ... Would you not put up your fists in defiance and defend the land that you inherited from your grandfathers and that you want to preserve for your sons and grandsons?" He made an effort that his language resound, so that people would vividly perceive its beauty. It was as if he was warning them: Look what you will loose! Listen how beautifully it sounds, how it sings from heart to heart, how it echoes from soul to soul! Preserve this heritage! Do not let anyone take it away! Now this language was not just a means by which to impart Christ's teachings; it was the song whose melody he enjoyed with all his heart, regardless of the content. "What will you do now, when they want to take your language from you? Will you know how to defend the heritage of your fathers? Will you subserviently bow your heads and bark, since you will not know any other language?"

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A

"Dear parishioners! Perhaps today I am speaking to you for the last time from this pulpit", his voice wavered. "Perhaps, I say. In this church, prayer in your language will perhaps be silenced for a long time ... But I ask you, just one thing I ask you, I implore you, hold on tightly to your language, with the same love as you do to your land. Do not let them take it away; do not sever your bonds with God! The day will come when it will be glorified again. It will come, just as God is righteous, for we can trust only in Him. Those who were oppressed will be exalted ... But only those who knew how to preserve what God has given them will gain God's justice and goodness. The [others] ... will be marked as criminals, for they shall be deprived of peace in their souls and worldly possessions; their children and grandson's grandsons will curse them, amen!" 3.

The great dynamics of our contemporary life also stimulate our linguistic development. Everything begs to be addressed via the word: horror, ecstasy, materialism, resistance, glory, pain and joy. Every half-finished and barely begun history wants to be poured into the mold of the spoken or written word. People have experienced such great spiritual shocks, felt so many previously unknown and inconceivable things, that they cannot stop the force that drives them to vent their inner stirrings with words. And in the thickness of experience, in the commotion of the soul, I see the sign of a powerful force and the height which our language will reach in the near future. And it does not worry me at all that those who have something to say might not say it out of insufficient knowledge of our language. Our farmer, our worker, our craftsman and tradesman, our blacksmith ... [and] miner ... have created for us an abundant vocabulary and they still wisely manage and expand that vocabulary to this day. And all the great poets and writers are all the greater and more precious to the people the more they draw upon this treasure ... And whoever wishes to be able to write literary Slovene must first accept ... the dialect of his region, with all of its internal structure. From this he will easily develop the grammatical rules and, when in doubt, will find there support and confirmation or repudiation. Everyone should draw on this source ... Miner, farmer and craftsman, speak without fear, and the Slovene writer will listen to you carefully and write down the phrase from your lips, [and] return them in his own writings in which your speech will ring again. Even linguistic authority comes from below, from the people.

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On this score there is no worry and fear. Worry and fear is for the language of the intellectuals, who wallow in foreign waters and bring not only foreign words to our language, but also a foreign spirit. Additional readings: Greenberg, Marc L., ed. (in press) Sociolinguistics in Slovenia. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, no. 118, entire issue; Huttenbach, Henry R. and Peter Vodopivec. 1993. Voices from the Slovene Nation. Charleston, Association for the Study of the Nationalities of the USSR and Eastern Europe; Lencek, Rado L. 1982. The Structure and the History of the Slovene Language. Columbus, Slavica; Tollefson, James W. 1981. The Language Situation and Language Policy in Slovenia. Lanham, University Press of America.

Somali178

Struggle for Somali

Script

I am a bewildered student Lost in confusion with four books. Haunted by the teacher's cane Learning other people's languages. From my generation I have lagged, The boys I bettered boast to me Of their written languages. Ο father of my children, My pen weeps and I shed tears, Tell me now what to learn, Let me know! Come together, it's lid 179 . Come hither, good news is here. It's the good day we opened our eyes, A day unforgettable in history. Our language is to be written It's to have a script. This has been announced today. We must support our Father Siyaad 180 And, indeed, the Revolution, And discard foreign languages.

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For us this is a notice, For all the world to hear. To him who hates our language, Who does not want it to be written, And who thought it impossible For it to be written: See the way we read it. See how literacy is spread. Watch the fruits of Revolution And the literacy campaign. Additional readings: Lewis, I. M. 1994. Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. Lawrenceville, Red Sea Press; Farah, Mohamed I. 1993. From Ethnic Response to Clan Identity. Uppsala, Academiae Upsaliensis; Kahin, Abdullah Kalinleh. 1984. Implementation of the Somali Script. Nairobi, ACO/GTZ Project, Kenya Institute of Education.

Sorbian181 1.

The mother tongue is very powerful. The nature of the people, how they think, what they yearn for, what brings them joy, that and much more pours itself into the language and also flows from it. The language shapes the character of the people; it determines their customs and traditions. Where the mother tongue of the Sorbs was forcibly denied them, there the social networks disintegrated. In time, the Sorbs interacted more with the strangers around them, until they were fully assimilated. In this way we have lost Sorbian clans and communities and we remain only a handful in the two Lusatias, an island in the turbulent sea of Germanness which seeks to overrun us. Even today we lose hundreds of Sorbs through migration to cities, through bureaucratic and organizational opposition and through [inter-] marriage. Thus many Sorbs are lost to our people and to the Slavic world. How much the German treasures his language! Ours he considers poor. No one disputes the importance of the German language with which we are surrounded. Why shouldn't we learn it thoroughly for use as our second means of communication? However, German must by no means be used in ways that harm the Sorbian language and culture.

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2.

It was clear to the Sorbian patriots and founders of the Sokol [sports movement] that a living language and an established, independent culture guaranteed the survival of the Sorbian people. For this reason the League wanted to foster "the moral strength of the Sorbian people", to generate enthusiasm for Sorbian culture among Sokol members and to perfect their competence in their mother tongue. The conscious choice to use Sorbian within the Sokol was at one and the same time an active defense against all attacks from the outside. In physical education instruction it was insisted that all terminology be expressed in Sorbian. This wasn't always easy, particularly in the early days of the organization's existence. This issue was at the forefront of the first training meeting of the Bautzner group on November 24, 1920. Sorbian sporting terminology was obviously very necessary, particularly as further groups joined. The efforts of the Sokol movement to develop the Sorbian language cannot be too highly praised. The new vocabulary was adopted and used consciously on the playing fields of Sorbian villages. The fact that Sokol members used a pure form of Sorbian while engaged in sports kindled their own national pride. The foundations which were set in place at that time still have an impact on sports in schools and sports organizations in the Sorbian regions to this very day. Through voluntary subscriptions to Sokolskich Listow the members of Sokol became more and more proficient in reading and writing in their mother tongue. Each Sokol member learned new Sorbian expressions in sports, technology and politics through this newsletter. This also gave everyone greater confidence in conversation when one stayed on after practice to talk about happenings in the Sokol and other matters. Each time, after the exercises in various sports-groups, someone else read aloud from Sokolskich Listow. The importance of good and pure Sorbian was always stressed ... Additional readings: Kasper, Martin, ed. 1987. Language and Culture of the Lusatian Sorbs Throughout their History. Berlin, Akademie; Oschlies, Wolf. Die Sorben, slawisches Volk in Osten Deutschlands. Bonn-Bad Gobesberg, Friedrich-Ebert; Stone, Gerald. 1972. The Smallest Slavonic Nation: The Sorbs of Lusatia. London, Athlone.

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A

Spanish (In Puerto

Rico)1S2

1. We are dealing with a densely settled territory, ethnically homogeneous, with an advanced European culture, whose one and only vernacular was and is one of the largest and most widespread in the world, and whose rich literature influences worldwide civilization. One cannot tear out such a people's language, as one tears out weeds from uncultivated ground; and any pretense of doing so, under the pretext of Americanization, reveals a very narrow political vision, particularly at a time of great universal currents, propelled by the entire civilized world. Summarizing this matter we, therefore, maintain: (A) That English instruction in Puerto Rico (whose vernacular is Spanish) is absolutely necessary and must be intensified by all possible means. (B) That English instruction or its use as the vehicle of instruction would be an enormous fallacy, pedagogically, socially, and politically, one which would result in educational torture and strangulation of the learner and a numbing of knowledge. (C) That whatever may be the solution to the political status of Puerto Rico, whether as a State, an Autonomous entity or an independent polity, we must maintain our native language, Spanish, as the medium of instruction, as the language of culture; and we must learn English as fully as possible, as a language of commercial contacts. (D) That even if Puerto Rico were to be a State incorporated into the North American Union, Puerto Rico must preserve its personality, its culture (certainly one that is older and more established than the North American) and its vernacular language as an expression and as a vehicle of that culture. 2.

(The Seal of Puerto Rico) El Gobernador de Puerto Rico An Open letter to Fellow Citizens of the United States from the Governor of Puerto Rico For almost five centuries Spanish has been the language of Puerto Rico. Last week I signed a bill that makes it our official language and

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provides that English will be taught in public schools as our second language. In our special Commonwealth relationship, Puerto Rico is free to affirm its heritage, culture and identity, even as we celebrate our unity with Americas as over 15,000 Puerto Ricans in American uniforms return from the Middle East. So as we reaffirm our Spanish language and culture today, we also reaffirm our unity with the United States. Our language is very important to us. We feel about it in ways which are beyond question. And we feel a bond with Americans which for us is one of family. America can be proud of its special Commonwealth relationship with Puerto Rico. We are equally proud of our shared citizenship. What we have found is a dignified and respectful relationship in which economic integration and national security are shared, while our cultural differences are celebrated, protected and enjoyed. (Signed)

Gracias Rafael Hernandez-Colon

Additional readings: Fernandez, Ronald. 1994. Prisoners of Colonialism. Monroe, Common Courage; SantiagoValles, Kelvin A. 1994. "Subject People" and Colonial Discourses. Albany, S U N Y Press; D e Cordova, Loretta P. 1993. Five Centuries in Puerto Rico (rev. ed.). Santurce, Publishing Resources; Cintron, Carmelo Delgado. 1991. La declaracion legilativa de la lengua espanola como el idioma oficial de Puerto Rico. Revista Juridica Universidad de Puerto Rico. Vol. 60, no. 2 (entire issue); Cintron, Carmelo Delgado. 1990. Problemas juridicos y constitutcionales del idioma espanola en Puerto Rico: estudio preliminar y antologia. Revista del Colegio de Abogados de Puerto Rico. Vol. 50, no. 4 and vol. 51, no. 1 (entire double issue).

Spanish (In

Spain)183

1. The internal situation of Castilian is a lamentable one. "It is an ebullient lonely language and one that is far from being rule-governed", still subject to "many changes" and in a semi-savage state. Fortunately, the external situation, as it happens, appears to be extremely favorable, because "language has always been the companion of empire" and with empire, peace always arrives, "creating the fine arts and good taste". With the empire of Alexander, for example, there sprang forth "a multitude of poets, orators and philosophers that brought to a peak not only the lan-

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guage, but, even more, all of the other arts and sciences". With the empire of Augustus, a similar development transpired, as it did also in other such circumstances. Therefore, it can be predicted that with the empire of Isabela and Ferdinand there will come a period of cultural splendor. The Catholic Royalty has united "the limbs and pieces of Spain", has cleansed the faith of impurities 184 , vanquished the Moors 185 , instituted justice, promulgated laws . . . . Only one goal is still unattained, only one remains to be realized: "Nothing is lacking other than the flourishing of the arts of peace" and "among the foremost", "those that teach us the language" ... The external circumstances of Castilian are favorable, protected by the empire, increasingly required and spread everywhere. In these respects, clearly, "our language is already so elevated that one must fear more for its fall than hope for its further promotion". Although Castilian is "at a most opportune juncture" for enabling it to "flourish", together with the "other arts of peace", its immediate internal circumstances still leave much to be desired. Additional readings: Sieburth, Stephanie A. 1994. Inventing High and Low: Literature, Mass Culture and Uneven Modernity in Spain.. Durham, Duke University Press; Corbin, John R. 1993. The Anarchist Passion. Brookfield, Avebury; Klee, Carol, ed. 1991. Sociolinguistics of the Spanish-Speaking World: Iberia, Latin America, United States. Tempe, Bilingual Press; Penny, Ralph J. 1991. A History of the Spanish Language. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Sumatranige 1. When it is small and of tender years, The child sleeps in its mother's lap. Its mother sings songs and lullabies to it, Praising it, as is right and proper, Rocking it in love night and day, In its cradle suspended over the land of its ancestors. Born into a nation with its own language, Surrounded by its family and relations, It will grow up in wisdom in the Malay land, In sorrow and in joy and in grief; Its feeling of solidarity is fostered By its language, so beautiful and melodious.

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We lament and wail and also rejoice, In times of good fortune, catastrophe and danger. We breathe so that we can go on living, To continue to use the language which is an extension of our spirit. Wherever Sumatra is, there is my nation, Wherever Pertja 188 is, there is my language. My beloved Andalas, land of my birth, From my birth and youth, Until the grave envelopes me, I shall never forget my language, Remember, Oh youth, Sumatra is in distress, Without a language the nation disappears. Additional readings: Andaya, Barbara W. 1993. To Live as Brothers. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press; Bowen, John R. 1993. Muslims Through Discourse. Princeton, Princeton University Press; Bowen, John R. 1991. Sumatran Politics and Poetics: History, 1900-1989. New Haven, Yale University Press; Sherman, D. George. 1990. Rice, Rupees and Rituals. Stanford, Stanford University Press.

Swahili188

Kiswahili One's mother's breast is the sweetest even if it is that of a dog. You, Kiswahili, whose fame has remained burrowed and unknown, I intend to rise and sing your praise for the ears of those Who have known you. Come forth like a stream, And prevail over areas formerly unconquerable. One's mother's breast is the sweetest, no other can slake the thirst.

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You were the language of my childhood and now I am a grown man; My tongue was heavy then, but now I can speak well. You are like scent in my nostrils and in my heart. As I travel over lands, seas and rivers, I depend on you. One's mother's breast is the sweetest, no other can slake your thirst. 2.

Since the colonial conquest, and even earlier since the Arab invasion from Zanzibar, our minds have been invaded by foreign thinking. The only sanctuary ... which is still truly African is our mother tongue in its traditional use. Once we leave this sanctuary we are infected by foreign corruption. This is true of all of our African tongues and it is also true of Swahili. The traditional Swahili, of those to whom it is their mother tongue and the one of their ancestors, is thus the only Swahili that is truly African. Once we tamper with it we leave our only sanctuary of Africanness and cannot do otherwise but carry into Swahili the foreign corruption with which we have been infected. Swahili as "everybody's language", which everybody is [free] to change and improve, means nothing else but a bastard language of African, Arab, European and Indian elements. If we want Swahili to be true and African, we must accept it without any changes from those of our fellow-Kenyans to whom it is mother tongue and always has been, through countless generations ... The original effort which went into the creation of the true Swahili language was undertaken unconsciously by the countless generations of our Bantu forefathers on the coast of our country, in Shumgwaya and further south. It was in their minds that this perfect means of expressing their souls and their culture, and of perceiving their world, took shape. Any new generation of these our forefathers, from early childhood to mature age, [must be] submitted to the rigid discipline which the spirit of this language requires of those of whose minds and souls it takes possession. If we want this language to be the one of our new nation we cannot but do the same. We must learn it, and learn it fully, from the mouths and the writings of those who have before us gone through the fullness of this discipline.

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There is no achievement without effort. If we want to be lazy and easy-going and "happy-go-lucky" we can rest content with "everybody's Swahili", this easy language for simple minds, and prove to the Europeans that we are indeed inferior. So far, Swahili, the one that we have been using, has only been a lowly language, below the prestige of the European rulers' English, a servant of the foreign rulers of our minds and of his language, to fulfill some menial tasks which English did not bother to do. If Swahili is to be our national language, it must be an equal to English, a true language, on whose perfection countless generations have worked. Such a language must be learnt by hard effort. Let us sit down and do it! 3.

... [I]ts place can never be usurped by an exotic culture, for it embodies, as no other can, the life and thoughts of the Swahili, and it is in truth, as it has been truly termed, "the voice of the soul of their people". Additional readings: Allen, J. de V. 1993. Swahili Origins. London, Currey; Nurse, Derek. 1993. Swahili and Sabaki. Berkeley, University of California Press; Amidu, Assibi A. 1989. Cultural Contact and Language Preservation. Legion, Department of Modern Languages; Fabian, Johannes. 1986. Language and Colonial Power. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Tamil1*9 1. There are some scholars that proclaim that Tamil is the first language spoken by the primitive people, when they emerged from the stage of expressing their thoughts by gesture and grimace ... The origin of the Tamil language is as mysterious as the origin of the world. Though we can guess the origin of the world, we are not able to find out the origin of the Tamil language. Historians say that the cradle of the ... human race is ... Kumari Nadu, situated in the south of Ceylon and submerged in the Indian Ocean ... Purapporul Venbamalai, a work of the 8th century A. D. ... clearly state[s] that the world was once covered by sea; then the mountain reared its head and the earth saw the light of day. The heroic Tamil race came into being as soon as the mountains were found above the surface of the sea. In ancient Tamil literature

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there are references to the submerged Tamil Nadu 190 . So we may conclude that the Tamils are one of the [most] ancient human races191 and the Tamil language can, therefore, lay claim to great antiquity. 2.

All those who do not forget their origins know that their language is their mother, who is capable of feeding courage by exemplifying the authentic characteristics of the race and of the country ... Even those nations that do not have a rich language, having freed themselves from colonial power and having an independent government, have become members of the UNO 1 9 2 and have taught us a lesson. Oh, brother! In these circumstances it is not wrong to speak about language, race, country and government, to claim our rights and to come together to obtain our rights. 3.

From the fact that the word denoting the language, Tamil, is also used to denote the race (speaking the language) and the country (in which it is spoken), it is clear that the Tamils of the old Tamil period considered the language to be a special symbol by means of which to introduce the concept of country and race. Additional readings: Cutler, Norman and Paula Richman, eds. 1992. A Gift of Tamil: Translations from Tamil Literature. Manohar, American Institute of Indian Studies; Bayer, Jennifer M. 1986. Dynamics of Language Maintenance Among Linguistic Minorities. Mysore, Central Institute of Indian Languages; Britto. Francis. 1986. Diglossia: A Study of the Theory with Application to Tamil. Washington, D. C., Georgetown University Press.

Telugu193 1.

Sanskrit is the mother of all languages, But Telugu is the best among all vernaculars. Is not the daughter more agreeable Than the mother in praiseworthiness? 2.

If asked "Why in Telugu?" [then answer]: the land is a Telugu one, I am a Telugu king and a Telugu subject; do you not know, having talked to everyone, that Telugu is the best among the vernaculars?

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3.

Telugu is singularly melodious. It is the sweetest and most musical of all Dravidian tongues, and it sounds harmonious even on the lips of the most illiterate. It has justly been called the Italian of the East ... [and] bears the palm for its exquisite melody and grace. Additional readings: Brown, Charles P. 1991. Essay on the Language and Literature of the Telugus. New Delhi, Asian Educational Services; Tapper, Bruce E. 1987. Rivalry and Tribute. Delhi, Hindustan Publishing Corporation; Satyanarayana, Kambhampati. 1981/83. A Study of the History and Culture of the Andhras. 2 vols. Bombay, Peoples' Publishing House; De Silva, Μ. W. S. 1979. Vernacularization of Literacy: The Telugu Experiment. Hyderabad, International Telugu Institute.

Tigrinya194 1.

We, the speakers of Tigrinya, are a strange lot indeed. We start our education with good intentions which seem to say "Let us learn. Let us acquire knowledge. Let us be civilized". We learn the syllabary of our language and practice reading. After learning to read we come to realize that grammar is necessary. We than abandon our language and study the grammars of other languages. After we complete our education and become (supposedly) learned scholars and writers, we turn to our Tigrinya speaking students and compatriots and seek to impart our knowledge to them—in Tigrinya-in the language that we abandoned at the reading level. At that time (poor Tigrinya!), we twist and turn it to make it look like the foreign languages we have learned. When it refuses to assume an alien character, it appears to us to be a defective and unruly language that has no order and that cannot be governed by grammar. This is a big mistake. Tigrinya, even though it has never had anyone who has labored to set it out in order, according to its complete grammar, can, nevertheless, in comparison with other languages, be said to be among the easiest and most orderly languages. However, [in order to appreciate its qualities], we must follow it along its own path and [its own internal] order. We should not forget that it loses its beauty when we try to dress it in garments that are not its own. Additional readings: Hammond, Jenny. 1990. Sweeter Than Honey: Testimonies of Tigrayan Women. Trenton, Red Sea Press; Colchester, Marcus and Virginia Luling. 1986. Ethiopia's Bitter Medicine.

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London, Survival International for the Rights of Threatened Tribal Peoples; Bender, Marvin L. et al. 1976. Language in Ethiopia. London, Oxford University Press; Ullendorf, Edward. 1973. The Ethiopians: An Introduction to Country and People. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 3rd ed.

Tok Pisin195 1.

As far as we Papua New Guineans are concerned, Pidgin English196 is our national language at this stage. How on earth could one suggest stamping out the language in Papua? ... Just think of the early days. It is still the same today, it is through the language of Pidgin English that our country has developed and will continue to develop. To most of us, Pidgin English is our mother tongue ... To be fair, let Tok Pidgin 197 alone where[ver] it is being spoken today, for the sake of those of us who do not speak ... [English], 2.

What are the advantages of Tok Pisin? Firstly, it is by far the "largest" language in the country, with probably about 750,000 speakers, at least 10,000 to 20,000 of whom speak it as a first or "mother" tongue, having grown up in families in which Tok Pisin is the only common language. Secondly, it is an extremely adaptable and vital language, able to be used in many situations, able to express almost anything the speaker wants it to, and, most importantly, tolerant of change so that speakers can express things in Tok Pisin that they could not before. ... True, much of Tok Pisin's vocabulary is borrowed from English, perhaps 75%. But then 60% of English's vocabulary is "borrowed" from [other] languages, yet no one questions English's position in the world today. ... While one can see the reason for some of our top people to have a working knowledge of English, it is essential ... that PNG 1 9 8 choose a single language in which all can communicate and which the Government and the people can use in discussing the future of the nation. ... it appears that only Tok Pisin can do the job. Additional readings: Lepowsky, Maria A. 1993. Fruit of the Motherland. New York, Columbia University Press; Kulick, Don. 1992. Language Shift and Cultural Reproduction. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press; Romaine, Suzanne. 1992. Language, Education and Development. Oxford, Clarendon Press; Brison, Karen. 1992. Just Talk. Berkeley, University of California Press.

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Turkish199 1. Every language has a beauty of its own and every nation subjectively considers its own language the most beautiful. Arabic is admittedly a beautiful language and so is Persian ... [But] the beauty of words, moods, particles and constructions is relative to the language to which they belong, that is to say, they are beautiful only within the context of their own language. An Arabic word is beautiful in an Arabic sentence and a Persian construction in a Persian sentence. Transfer the beautiful eyes or nose of a woman to the face of another woman and there you will consider them ugly. Similarly, regardless of how beautiful the words and constructions of a particular language may be in sentences in that language, they are ugly when used in other languages. ... Some persons think that new Turkish is based on negative principles only ... and that new Turkish can come into being only when superfluous [Perso-Arabic] elements have been purged. This objective [however], is actually the only negative one related to new Turkish. New Turkish also has its positive goals, for the sickness of old Ottoman was not confined to its inclusion of superfluities ... A second illness of old Ottoman was its lack of many words. The living proof of this deficiency is the fact that until the rise of Turkism a meaningful and intelligible philosophical article could not be written in our language nor, in the field of literature, could an understandable and accurate translation be made of any of the classics. Consequently, a complete cure of our language depends on our finding words to fill the gaps and introducing them into our linguistic organism. This is, essentially, the positive goal of new Turkish. 2.

In the years leading up to the twenty-first century, Turkish, one of the world's oldest and most rooted languages, has the potential to become again a language of great knowledge, thought, art and culture. The First Convention of the Turkish Language has met with the intent to draw the attention of scholars from all societies talking Turkish to this concealed power of our mother tongue; to determine the possibilities of researching, developing and enriching it; and to arouse national enthusiasm, exuberance and dynamism [on its behalf]. ... Scientists, writers, poets, journalists, teachers and officials ... all considered culture as the most significant element of language. They

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[also] agreed that it was necessary to discuss ... not only the problems of the Turkish language of Turkey, but also those of the areas outside Turkey in which Turkish is spoken. As to the Turkish of Turkey, the consensus was to disregard past debates about it and to attain a more academic level by setting up clear-cut standards which would avoid ideological accusations. The participants in the Convention very enthusiastically believe that the Turkish language, living within a wide area of today's world, possesses great force, means and characteristics to raise it to a level suitable for a language of science and culture of the twenty-first century. The Convention ... calls on our entire nation to investigate, develop, enrich and spread our beautiful language and to do so with enthusiasm. Additional readings: Gerber, Haim 1994. State, Society and Law in Islam. Albany, State University of New York Press; Arai, Masami. 1992. Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era. Leiden, Brill; Tachau, Frank. 1984. Turkey: The Politics of Authority, Democracy and Development. New York, Praeger; Landau, Jacob. 1984. Ataturk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder, Westview and Leiden, E. J. Brill.

Ukrainian200 1.

As a result of the colonialist policy of the Czarist regime, and later of the gross violation of generally recognized principles of national existence during the times of Stalin and Brezhnev, the destruction of the Ukrainian creative and scholarly intelligentsia, the artificial narrowing of the domain of the Ukrainian language, the culture of the Ukrainian people has lost its integrity, the processes of its development have been in ruins, the cultural link of generations has been severed. Now the Ukrainian people faces the need to revive its national culture via the over-all development of the Ukrainian language, which is the determining factor of the existence of a nation. ... Rukh believes that it is one of the chief tasks of the state to nurture national dignity, historical memory, the nurturing of love of one's national language, a respectful attitude toward the national cultural heritage ... ... The Ukrainian language is a matter of particular concern to Rukh. As a result of a distorted nationality policy and Russification, the Ukrai-

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nian language has been displaced from virtually all vital spheres of society. Its return to its rightful place requires mighty undertakings by the state and the massive support of the populace. Rukh believes that the first step toward resolution of all problems connected with national-cultural rebirth is the establishment of Ukrainian as the official language of the Ukrainian SSR. In demanding this, Rukh insists on legal and practical assurances by the state of the reestablishment and functioning of the Ukrainian language in the state, the party, civic activity, scholarship and culture, manufacturing, administration, jurisprudence, information, communications, secondary and postsecondary schools [and] pre-schools. A complex state program of the development of the Ukrainian language must be developed and implemented in the Ukrainian SSR. Additional readings: Kuzio, Taras and Andrew Wilson. 1994. Ukraine from Perestroika to Independence. New York, St. Martin's Press; Krawchenko, Bohdan. 1993. Ukrainian Past, Ukrainian Present. New York, St. Martin's Press; Sherekh, Iurii. 1989. The Ukrainian Language in the First Half of the 20th Century, 1900-1941. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.

Uzbek201 1.

All the nations who joined the Union possessed equal rights. However, during the cult of personality and stagnation, the principles of Leninist national policy became distorted ... The concepts of "friendship" and "internationalism" were often interpreted improperly and in a one-sided manner. Moreover, we were afraid to speak our mother tongue at meetings. Just imagine—a hundred people sitting at a gathering where only five or six of them did not understand Uzbek. Yet such meetings were not conducted in Uzbek. In reality we have only ourselves to blame. We ourselves have degraded our native language. Even among our intelligentsia there are some who feel it is inappropriate for their children to speak their mother tongue at home. The children who grow up in such families do not respect our mother tongue, but belittle it. They are perfectly comfortable with their pride in their ignorance of our native language. In essence, its language is the spirit of a people, its soul. It is one of the fundamental conditions for a people to become a people. Certainly a

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people that has lost its language has lost its nationality, history and culture. For this reason, throughout the centuries, our people has continued to struggle boldly for our language's development. No matter how many invaders' flames burned them, our people still preserved our dear mother tongue and handed it down to us; they thus bequeathed it to us as our culture's most valuable legacy. Therefore, we, in turn, must protect our language like the apple of our eye and preserve it for future generations. This is the historical responsibility and duty which rests upon our shoulders! [Now] we have the means to fulfill this duty of ours. ... Now let us speak of our pain openly—the Uzbek language must gain the status of the state language. The social revolution and perestroika—these are the gifts bestowed upon us by the judgment of history. Unless the rights of our language are codified, the high sounding words about the freedom of the national language and its equality will amount to nothing and simply remain empty words. ... It is in our mother tongue that we first express the feelings of our heart and the thoughts in our mind. We learn to think starting from those hours when our senses first absorb our mother's lullaby. However, to our great misfortune, the majority of our young mothers do not know how to sing the alia. 202 ... It is our duty as [Uzbek] sons and daughters to preserve the wonder of our native tongue. We amount to something because we have a native language. When we think about people who are not able to attain enjoyment from our art and the subtleties of our mother tongue ... we see extremely unfortunate and spiritually destitute persons. ... The indifference to our language has also been expressed via the writing system. My generation was made illiterate three times. We wrote in the Arabic alphabet, the reformed Uzbek-Arabic alphabet, the Latin alphabet and then the Cyrillic alphabet. Without a doubt, abandoning the Arabic alphabet was a great loss for our national culture. Suddenly we were deprived of our national treasure acquired over almost one and a half millennia. When these matters were decided we lacked a national consciousness. Our intelligentsia who might have given the people a national consciousness ... was not foresighted or was afraid of being labeled nationalists ... How many works created by our people burned in bonfires? How many rotted under the earth or in the waters of rivers and lakes? This is our national tragedy. We now wish to reclaim our age-old cultural legacy that was created in the Arabic script. In order to do this it is imperative for us to master this script ... No one will infringe upon our right to read and write in

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the Cyrillic script. The legacy of the past seventy years is ours—it will not go anywhere. We are merely going to reclaim our age-old national treasure which has long been forgotten ... We do not know our ancient Uzbek language at all. We are not even attempting to learn it ... Our national heritage is gathering dust ... It lies in libraries and "archives". Meanwhile, with each passing year, members of our older generation who are able to "penetrate" them are becoming fewer and fewer. ... Well, what needs to be done? If we do not learn the old alphabet what will happen? Will we be left without the heritage created by our people over the centuries? What if the academic programs in the schools were completely restructured and based on the Arabic script? In other words, what if every person who finished an Uzbek-language high school could read and write the Arabic script with ease and had a mastery of our cultural legacy? ... The Cyrillic script ... will always be a part of our lives. At the same time, if everyone were to master the Arabic script it would open a door to a previously unknown world. Our age-old national cultural treasure, which has gathered dust in "archives", would finally be restored to its rightful owner and heir. Additional readings: Shalinsky, Audrey. 1994. Long Years of Exile. Lanham, University Press of America; Fierman, William. 1991. Language Planning and National Development: The Uzbek Experience. Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter; Critchlow, James. 1991. Nationalism in Uzbekistan. Boulder, Westview; Allworth, Edward. 1990. The Modern Uzbeks. Stanford, Hoover Institute Press.

Vietnamese203 1.

Let us study what is useful. Let us learn what the French, our teachers, have learned. We have a language which, thanks to Quoc Ngu. can be easily transcribed and learned in a very short time ... It is a stroke of luck that we are endowed with it. In the whole world there is no country that can be called civilized which does not have its own language and writing. Language is an instrument; even more, it is like your hand, which serves for everything you do. To use the French language or Chinese characters for studying is to abandon the use of one's own hand, is to work with borrowed instruments that one first has to learn to use. Quoc Ngu is not hard to learn; three to five months will suffice for you to learn to read and write it fluently. Books written in Quoc Ngu will have the

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advantage of being understood by women and by children, by everyone. It is the only means of enlightening the masses of the people. 2.

Vietnamese! The government has decided that within a year from now all Vietnamese should know Quoc Ngu, our romanized national writing ... To consolidate national independence, to strengthen and enrich the nation ... it is necessary that everyone knows how to read and write Quoc Ngu. Let those who already know it teach others; let them make their contribution to popular education. Illiterates should make an effort to learn. Husbands should teach their wives, those who are older should teach those who are younger, children should teach their parents, the head of the household should teach those living under his roof. The rich should set up classes in their homes ... As to women, they should study with all the more zeal since innumerable obstacles have prevented them from receiving an education up until now. The time has come for them to catch up with the men and make themselves worthy of being citizens in the full sense of the word. I hope that our youth, boys and girls, will give themselves unstintingly to this work. Additional readings: Ho'ang, Ngoc Th'anh. 1992. Vietnam's Social and Political Development as Seen Through the Modern Novel. New York, Peter Lang; Nguyen, Dinh Hoa. 1980. Language in Vietnamese Society. Carbondale, Asia Books; Smith, Ralph. 1968. Viet-Nam and the West. London, Ithaca, Cornell University Press; Lam, Truong Buu 1967. Patterns of Vietnamese Response to Foreign Interventions, 1858—1900. New Haven, Yale University Press.

Welsh204 l.

If there is one thing more than another, noticeable about Welsh ..., from a general point of view, that is: its realistic power. Under its influence the sky lowers more darkly, the lightning flashes more vividly, the thunder rolls more heavily, the tempest-tossed ocean dashes itself against the rugged rocks more awfully and more grandly, the brook murmurs more sweetly, the lark pours forth a clearer note, and springs up to the heavens more lightly, the peaceful[ness] and the calm of nature, the light and the

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shade, the stupendous and the vast, as well as the minute and the insignificant seem to be brought out in bolder relief, and in language that is at once more expressive and harmonious than we are accustomed to in English. Whether the bard describes the lily or the rose, a drop of dew or a dashing waterfall, spring-time or winter, the effect of the wild wind of the mountains or the soft breezes of summer, and whether he is talented or not, a very genius or common place, his language almost invariably lends an intangible charm to his subject. When he deals with humanity, when he goes to the house of mourning or calls for the exercise of other emotions in which the human breast is participant, the heart beats quicker, and the sympathies are more readily enlisted, so far as it is in the power of language to affect them. 2.

The political tradition of the centuries and all present-day economic tendencies militate against the continued existence of Welsh. Nothing can change that except determination, will power, struggle, sacrifice and endeavor. The Welsh language can be saved. Welsh-speaking Wales is still quite an extensive part of Wales territorially, and the minority is not yet wholly unimportant . . . . [I]n those districts where Welsh-speakers are a substantial proportion of the population ... [l]et us set about it in seriousness and without hesitation to make it impossible for the business of local and central government to continue without using Welsh. Let it be insisted upon that the rate demand be in Welsh or in Welsh and English. Let the Postmaster-General be warned that annual licenses will not be paid unless they are obtainable in Welsh. Let it be insisted upon that every summons to a court should be in Welsh. This is not a chance policy for individuals here and there. It would demand organizing and moving step by step, giving due warning and allowing time for changes. It is a policy for a movement and, at that, a movement in the areas where Welsh is the spoken language in daily use. Let it be demanded that every election communication and every official form relating to local or parliamentary elections should use Welsh. Let Welsh be raised as the chief administrative issue in district and country. Perhaps you will say that this could never be done, that not enough Welshmen could be found to agree and to organize it as a campaign of importance and strength. Perhaps you are right. All I maintain is that this is the only political matter [about] which it is worth a Welshman's

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while to trouble himself today. I know the difficulties. There would be storm from every direction. It would be argued that such a campaign was killing our chances of attracting English factories to the Welsh-speaking rural areas, and that would doubtlessly be the case. It is easy to predict that the scorn and sneers of the English gutter journalist would be a daily burden ... Fines in courts would be heavy, and a refusal to pay them would bring expensive consequences, though no more expensive than fighting purposeless parliamentary elections. I do not deny that there would be a period of hatred, persecution and controversy ... It will be nothing less than a revolution to restore the Welsh language in Wales. Success is only possible through revolutionary methods. Perhaps the language would bring self-government in its wake—I don't know. In my opinion, if any kind of self-government for Wales were obtained before the Welsh language was acknowledged and used as an official language in local authority and in state administration in the Welsh-speaking parts of our country, then the language would never achieve official status at all, and its demise would be quicker than it will be under English rule. Additional readings: Aitchison, John W. and Harold Carter, 1994. A Geography of the Welsh Language, 1961-1991. Cardiff, University of Wales Press; Williams, Colin H. 1994. Called into Liberty: On Language and Nationalism. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters; Davies, John A. 1994. A History of Wales. New York, Viking Penguin; Matthews, David. 1992. / Saw the Welsh Revival. Conyngham, Pioneer Kimmell; Thomas, Ned. 1991. The Welsh Extremist: Modern Welsh Politics, Literature and Society. Talybont, Y Lolfa Cyf.

Wolof05 1.

Our language is shedding tears all over because its own children are deserting it, leaving it alone with its heavy burden. Those who speak it are labeled out-of-date, although it runs faster than the eagle. This tongue of mine I use to appreciate taste; how can one taste with someone else's tongue? Some speak Wolof but claim they don't too well, blindly enticed, as they are, by the French language. Don't they know that a culture is nothing without the language and traditions that grow along with it?

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You are but a cock stripped of its crest, a king without crown or throne for his reign, you who were born Wolof but cannot speak Wolof; who believe Wolof is not "scientific" enough. Your attitude has caused it to decline. By valuing French over your own tongue, you caused your own self to be devalued. You, my brothers and sisters, do not trade your language for things that are not worth it. Explore your language, you will discover its substance. Despite what they say, it has never been barren. How wrong are they, those who call it dead! Its glowing light shall be revived again. 2.

Value your own tongue. Improve your own race. [The death of] Cheikh Anta, who was proud of his race, Is an irreplaceable loss for this land. Let us write in our own tongue for the renaissance of our civilization. Additional readings: Calloway, Barbara. 1994. The Heritage of Islam. Boulder, Lynne Rienner; Tsabedze, Clara. 1994. African Independence from Francophone and Anglophone Voices. New York, Peter Lang; Gamble, David P., ed. 1989. Verbal and Visual Expressions of Wolof Culture. San Francisco, The Editors; Diop, Abdoulaye B. 1981. La societe wolof. Paris/Dakar, Karthata/ IFAN (Institute Fondamental d'Afrique Noire).

Yaqui206 1.

(1) Maintenance of the Yaqui language and culture, and the recognition of Yaqui as the primary language, Spanish as the second language and English as the third language; (2) The involvement of parents and representatives from each village and all other communities, to the greatest extent possible, in the teaching of the language; (3) Utilization of tribal elders/eminent persons for language and cultural instruction;

294

Appendix A

(4) Instruction to include Yaqui cultural values and code of ethics; the teaching of the Yaqui social system, belief system, certain ceremonies, oral histories, political history, arts, crafts, dance and music; incorporating high academic achievement with the spiritual, mental, physical and cultural aspects of the individual within the context of the Yaqui family; (5) Advocacy for Yaqui language instruction for Yaqui students in offreservation schools in all grade levels, beginning in pre-school through 12th grade; (6) Advocacy for schools of education to provide preservice training in Yaqui language theory and methodology, culture and traditions, [so as] to prepare teachers [to] plan appropriate curricula [for Yaqui children]; and (7) The development of criteria for Yaqui language competencies and fluency, and screening procedures regarding competency and fluency, to pertain to teachers and those Yaqui speaking individuals desiring to obtain college credit for speaking [Yaqui]. 2.

Yaqui is the native language of Yaqui children and although not all children are verbal in Yaqui, [even] they have high receptive skills in Yaqui. Yaqui is necessary to the child in order to better understand and learn the other two languages (English and Spanish). Placing Yaqui or other Indian children in Spanish bilingual programs will only hamper their progress, because they will be faced with learning two foreign languages and cultures. Allowing children to relearn or improve their native language skills will increase their self-esteem and maintain the language and culture of the tribe. Additional readings: Crumrine, N. Ross and Phil Weigand, eds. 1987. Ejidos and Regions of Refuge in Northwestern Mexico. Tucson, University of Arizona Press; McGuire, Thomas. 1986. Politics and Ethnicity on the Rio Yaqui. Tucson, University of Arizona Press; Spicer, Edward H. 1986. People of Pascua. Tucson, University of Arizona Press.

Yiddish207 1.

We are really not trying to accomplish anything new, such as the Hebraists are trying to accomplish by reviving the Hebrew language. Yiddish

Citations

295

does not need to be revived; it does not need to be replanted; it does not need to be strengthened. Yiddish is fully alive, deeply rooted and in full strength among the people. The only thing that is new is that we are recognizing all of these things as they are. This is not the time just to know all these things in our hearts and to keep quiet about them. The time has come to say to ourselves and to the world: Yiddish is our language and will remain our language. ... The enlightenment scholars tried to steer our people away from Yiddish. Assimilationists spit upon it and persecuted it, in so far as it was in their power to do so. Zionists and Hebraists are still deprecating Yiddish in the eyes of the people and would gladly get rid of it as a vernacular. The old regime208 used strong arm tactics to extirpate Yiddish and didn't permit it to attain a sure footing anywhere. On every side Yiddish faces bitter enemies, but, nevertheless, it has become stronger in recent years rather than weaker. A refined modern literature has developed in Yiddish and is highly respected by both outsiders and insiders. Yiddish journalism has developed, both newspapers and journals, and has gained hundreds of thousands of readers and attention is paid to it both by Jews and by the world at large. The Yiddish theater has developed and has little by little managed to amount to something, and even modern education, which, according to the law was supposed to ignore Yiddish, has adopted Yiddish as a language of instruction. And, of course, this is also true when it comes to adult evening courses and, most recently, to free universities as well. All in all, a mighty educational and cultural endeavor is being conducted in Yiddish: in books, periodical and lectures. Of greatest importance is the fact that Yiddish has its own intelligentsia that labors on behalf of the people. Highly educated folks, with higher degrees, who have long been privileged in Russian and in Polish, who were supposed to hate Yiddish or at least to turn up their noses at it, they have now adopted Yiddish, they speak and write Yiddish and they rise to the defense of their vernacular ... Our people is growing up, becoming stronger and more educated and together with it its language is growing. Whoever desires to be as one with his people must also adopt its language ... Yiddishists simply want to make it easier for our people to recognize all of the above and itself and to draw from Yiddish all that is within it that can be both beautiful and useful. 2.

Do we not owe something to the Yiddish language? We were all born and grew up in a town where all the streets, alleys and courtyards spoke

296

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and breathed in Yiddish. That language accompanied us from our first breath of life. The birth-pains of our mothers were accompanied by Yiddish. Infants were rocked to sleep in this language, just as one worked in it, engaged in commerce, quarreled, made love, sang songs, told jokes, celebrated joyous occasions and followed the hearse to a dear one's everlasting rest in the cemetery, all in that delicious Yiddish of Byalistok. There were even local expressions and accents that only those who hailed from Byalistok really appreciated. Unfortunately, they are being forgotten as our generation fades away. Our town was rich in Yiddish cultural organizations: a fine periodical press, schools, libraries, theaters and everything else. Even children who did not receive their education via the Yiddish language, absorbed Yiddish and yidishkayt 2 0 9 together, from the surrounding environment, and, willy-nilly, something of our mother tongue was retained by each of them ... as a bulwark against assimilation. The martyrs so near and dear to us cried out in Yiddish in their last wailing screams, prior to their agonizing deaths in gas chambers or after other horrible means of execution. This in itself made the language into a holy tongue ... We, the remaining generation of Byalistokers, must be proud of our rooted Yiddish and exert ourselves to maintain it for as long as we live ... The tragedy that has befallen us and our language is inestimable; we must always remember it and remind others of it and hand it [our language] on to the coming generations. 3. I would like to awaken every Jewish heart ... to take note of how far we have departed from the previous holy generations. How did we manage to so neglect and to lose our age-old language? This lovely Yiddish ... which brought together Jews from almost all corners of the world, from the very first exchange of greetings, in a bond of friendship, affection and kinship. A Jew far from home was never lonely because he always had a common language with other Jews nearby. In addition, Yiddish was an impregnable defense against assimilation. ... Even the Yiddishists who (may G o d protect us) denied the sanctity of the holy Torah, nevertheless conducted themselves as Jews ... One need hardly add that the truly righteous and the veritable saints of every generation ... would mix Yiddish exclamations into their very prayers. The Torah giants would ... always formulate their innovative interpretations and expressions only in Yiddish and Loshn-koydesh 2 1 0 together ... Has

Citations

297

any other language absorbed so much of the sanctity of the Torah and of the process of learning the Talmud? Additional readings: Kerler, Dov-Ber. 1994. The Origins of Modern Literary Yiddish. Oxford, Oxford University Press; Goldberg, David et al., eds. 1993. The Field of Yiddish: Studies in Yiddish Language, Folklore and Literature. Evanston, Northwestern University Press; Fishman, Joshua A. 1991. Yiddish: Turning to Life. Amsterdam, Benjamins; Fishman, Joshua A. 1981. Never Say Die! A Thousand Years of Yiddish in Jewish Life and Letters. The Hague, Mouton.

Appendix Β: Quantitative description and evaluation of the data Languages, citations and thematic category

assignments

This book primarily focuses upon citations that express some form of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness in conjunction with one or another of 76 "different languages". "Different" is within quotation marks, above, because different varieties of Arabic, English, French, Norwegian and Spanish have been counted as separate languages, primarily because these varieties are spoken in different countries, but sometimes simply because blocs of their respective speakers (even if living in the same country) consider their languages to be distinct from one another. "Languages" is also in quotation marks, because the distinction between those varieties recognized as fully independent languages and those thought of as quasi-languages (often designated as "dialects" of other languages) is basically not an objective one but rather, a perspectival one. It depends on the points of view, attitudes and vested interests of those making any such distinction, rather than on any presumably objective linguistic indicators. Since positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is itself perspectival, we have necessarily accepted the views of those who have claimed that their varieties are full-fledged and autonomous languages. After all, their claims constitute the very substance and subject-matter that we are studying and it would therefore be all the more counterproductive to impose our views on such data. Furthermore, some of the citations we have located are derived from 14th and 15th century French, English, Spanish and Telugu, i. e., from a time when these now universally recognized languages (indeed, three of them have become "mega-languages" on the world scene) were still regarded by many contemporaries as either merely quasi-languages or as clearly deficient linguistic instruments in most respects. The same transition or "consensual upgrading" may yet occur in connection with some of the less frequently recognized or accepted "languages" examined by the current study. The Konkani citation we have examined (Sardesai 1962) comes to mind in this connection: "Things keep changing: the plant turns into a tree, the girl into a woman, the dialect into a language". In most instances, more than one citation is available per language. Of course, ours is hardly a representative sample of the languages of the world, even if clustered by the continents of their native concentrations,

300

Appendix Β

but rather, a convenient sample based largely upon the linguistic distribution of the author's professional contacts throughout the world. Nevertheless, not only is it the largest and best such sample studied in connection with ethnolinguistic consciousness; it is very likely the only such collection to date. While our universe of languages consists of 76 languages (13 from Western Europe 211 , from non-Western Europe 212 , 12 from the Americas 213 , 9 from Africa 214 and 25 from Asia/Pacific215), our universe of citations consists of 141 citations, i. e., of roughly 2 citations per language. These two distributions, the distribution of languages by continents and the distribution of citations by continents are virtually the same. As a result, we have almost always simplified our quantitative analyses by limiting them to a consideration of either languages by continents or citations by continents, rather than undertaking to compare the two. The overrepresentation of European languages (in our sample, Western European languages constitute 18% of the total and non-Western European languages constitute 22% of the total, in both cases, being far higher percentages than their true proportions among the total number of languages in the world as a whole) was by design rather than by accident. This has enabled us better to examine the possible spread of certain positive language consciousness themes from Europe to the other continents, i. e., from the more westernized to the less westernized world. Just as most languages are represented by more than one citation, so most citations have been subdivided and categorized (assigned or placed) into more than one content or thematic category. All in all, 266 category assignments were made for the 141 collected citations. This means that, on the average, each citation has been encountered in roughly two different thematic locations within chapters 2—5 (dealing with the themes of religion, ethnicity, status planning and corpus planning, respectively). In addition, most languages has been encountered at least once in almost every thematic chapter. Of course, every thematic chapter is also subdivided into four to six different sub-themes and the 76 languages that we are working with often enter into these sub-themes on a very differential basis indeed. It is precisely these differential occurrences which constitutes the bulk of our discussion in the remaining pages of this section.

Interregional differences in the age of the studied

citations

The citations utilized in this study are generally from the past two centuries. but for a very few languages (e.g., as mentioned earlier, for French,

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301

English, Spanish and Telugu) a few much older citations have also been located. Our confidence in the approximate representativeness of the citations would be improved if we were to find that, on the whole, the European citations (and, most particularly, the Western European citations) were generally of an older vintage than those from all other regions, if only because we know from huge amounts of historical research that mobilized and politicized ethnolinguistic consciousness developed in Europe first, before it spread elsewhere (see, e.g., Fishman 1972 for explicit contrasts between Europe and Africa and Asia in this respect, as well as such standard works as Ranum 1975 and Teich and Porter 1993, both of which are focused on Europe alone). Table 1. Average date of citations, by region Theme

Western European

nonWestern European

American

African

Asian/ Pacific

Row means

2. 3. 4. 5. Column means

1901 1867 1864 1818 1867

1919 1922 1931 1920 1922

1961 1954 1956 1953 1954

1961 1963 1965 1961 1963

1954 1938 1934 1937 1938

1937 1935 1928 1916 1935

Table 1 reveals precisely what might be expected. For every theme (2, 3, 4 and 5, corresponding to the themes of chapters 2.-5.) the Western European citations show the oldest mean ages 216 . The non-Western European citations consistently reveal the next-oldest mean ages. The youngest citations, on average, are those from Africa, suggesting that much of the ethnolinguistic consciousness there may not grow out of indigenous historical traditions (which have very ancient roots in most cases), but, rather, may have been stimulated by exposure to Western thought, either via study or, more generally, via the contrastiveness inherent in the colonial/anti-colonial experience per se. In essence, our Western European citations are largely from around the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, the non-Western European citations come mostly from just before and after the conclusion of the First World War, the Asian/Pacific citations are generally from the inter-war period and the American and African citations are generally post-Second World War in nature and derive from the period in which classical colonialism had already been discontinued and the struggle against neo-colonialism (both

302

Appendix Β

external and internal) fostered positive ethnolinguistic consciousness among those peoples hitherto still largely unmobilized and unideologized. The face validity of the mean ages of our citations, when examined across continents, encourages us to now lend some credence to the mean ages of the same citations when examined across themes. Here the pattern that emerges is a less clear-cut one. If we examine the "Row means" column, we see that the themes are listed in reverse order of age, i. e., from youngest (Theme 1 [religion], mean date 1937) through to oldest (Theme 4 [corpus characteristics and aspirations, mean date 1916]). Nevertheless, this order does not hold invariably for the individual regions, and it is precisely as stated earlier only for the citations from Western Europe (which also reveal the largest time range from the oldest to the most recent citations). Many more citations will obviously be needed in order to confirm the thematic "age differences" implied by Table 1, but should such confirmation be consensually arrived at, that might have important implications for language planning theory. Until now, the general impression has been that status planning is the motor of language planning and that corpus planning follows thereafter, if it follows at all (Fishman 1987). However, the mean dates of our citations, when viewed across themes, imply quite the opposite sequence of language focused concerns. In every region except for Asia/Pacific, it seems that it is the corpus that elicits attention first (both as to its assets as well as to its needs) and that status aspirations for the beloved language are generally articulated subsequently, after its corpus characteristics have been sufficiently raised into consciousness and after the need to develop the corpus further has become sufficiently accepted. The linkages to ethnicity and to sanctity often seem to be developed even later, as further prods or iterations in the entire language consciousness and activization process. Therefore, if status planning is (as is generally believed) the motor that pushes the language planning train, it may not be the front (or the main) motor after all. Clearly, this is an intriguing hypothesis that only further and numerically much more ample comparative data can elucidate 217 , particularly since the "age range" of our non-European citations is a rather limited one,.

The differential distribution of themes across regions Table 2 indicates unambiguously that there are inter-regional differences in the extent to which the four major themes are invoked.

Quantitative

description and evaluation of the data

303

Table 2. Differential distribution of themes across regions (in %) Themes

Western European

nonWestern European

American African

Asian/ Pacific

Total languages/ theme: η (%)

2. 3. 4. 5. Total languages/ region

17 18 17 18 18

25 22 24 25 22

12 16 17 12 16

38 33 30 32 33

n=61 n=76 η=70 n=59 100

8 12 11 14 12

(80) (100) (92) (79)

The most popular or commonly invoked theme is Theme 3 (language linked to ethnicity). As the column on the extreme right reveals, one hundred percent of our 76 languages express this theme. This, of course, is as could have been expected in citations selected precisely because they evinced ethnolinguistic consciousness. On the other hand, the least commonly encountered themes among our citations are Themes 5 (corpus characteristics and aspirations) and Theme 1 (language linked to sanctity). Only 79% and 80% of our languages are associated with these themes. Theme 4 (status characteristics and aspirations) was evinced by 92% of our languages. Although the "total number of languages per theme" differs from theme to theme, the percentages encountered are consistently high, theme by theme. Once more, this is as it should be for citations selected as expressing one kind of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness or another and adds to our impression of overall face validity with respect to our data. The bottom line in Table 2 pertains to the regional distribution of the languages to which our citations pertain. It shows something we have already mentioned, namely, that 18% of the languages in our sample are Western European, 22% are non-Western European, etc., etc. By comparing the bottom line in Table 2 with the lines for the various individual themes, one can see that certain themes are over- and others are underrepresented in the thematic category assignments of particular regions. In connection with Theme 2 (language linked to sanctity), e.g., 38% of the thematic category assignments dealing with this theme came from among the Asian/Pacific languages. This is an obvious over-representation since all in all, only 33% of the languages in our sample are Asian/Pacific languages. On the other hand, both the American languages and the African languages in our study are somewhat under-represented in connec-

304

Appendix

Β

tion with Theme 2. Much larger samples (both samples of languages and samples of citations) would be required in order for us to be sure whether this is a valid substantive finding for these regions, or merely a characteristic of our own sample. The former interpretation does not seem entirely far-fetched, when one considers that most of the languages of the latter two regions predate both the transplantation of Christianity or of Islam into those areas. The European and Eastern Mediterranean (the latter being included in Asia/Pacific in our tables) linkages of their own vernaculars with sanctity—derived both from classical Judeo-Christian-Islamic as well as later Reformation strands in European and West Asian ethnolinguistic consciousness-might not as readily be transferable to American and African languages which are essentially pre-Christian and pre-Islamic in their historical associations and established metaphors. Nevertheless, since both the under- and over-representations revealed by Table 2 are never in excess of 5%, and due to the small size both of our total sample of languages and even of the thematic category assignments, the above interpretation must also remain only a hypothesis until further research either confirms or rejects it more definitively. This would be the case even more so, were we to take a peek at the regional distribution of the thematic category assignments for the sub-themes within the four major themes. There the numbers of languages and of thematic category assignments are necessarily even smaller than in the total themes reported in Table 2, so we must not let ourselves be "carried away" into proffering interpretations that the data really cannot support. Thus, in chapters 2 through 4 we have only undertaken to express quantitatively based inferences when sufficiently extraordinary departures from the overall European vs. total non-European proportional representations occur. Forty percent of our cases are derived from European languages. When an inferential statistical test (known as Chi Square) reveals that the number of European citations dealing with a particular topic is sufficiently greater than or less than 40% of all the citations on that topic (so much greater or so much lesser as to occur by chance less than 5 times out of 100 random samples from a 40%-60% universe), then we should pause to point this out and to try to ponder why this imbalance has occurred 218 . On the whole, only a small handful of such extraordinary departures have been encountered. Otherwise, although some themes occur more or less frequently than others, European and non-European citations are represented in these themes about as one would expect from a 40%-60% universe. This means that, all in all, we have discovered some inter-regional uniqueness and a great deal of inter-regional sim-

Quantitative description and evaluation of the data

305

ilarity in connection with the thematic content of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness. The certainty of this last-stated conclusion would also benefit greatly from a much larger sample of languages and citations.

Conclusions Although there is no point to denying that our study is based on too few languages overall and, most particularly, on too few American and African languages, the total number sampled may still not be too few for the sharply limited number of gross European vs. non-European comparisons that we have attempted, as we have gone through the thematic chapters 2 to 5. No one knows exactly how many languages there are in the world but the number is clearly in the several thousands. (The most frequently encountered estimates are in the range between 3000 and 6000, with 5000 being the single figure most commonly mentioned). Although the 76 languages that have been studied were drawn non-randomly from such a universe, and the 141 citations and 265 thematic category assignments derived from them can hardly be considered fully adequate, they can be considered a beginning in asking the questions (hitherto quite overlooked on any comparative basis) that we would like to tentatively ask and even more tentatively answer. After all, no larger or better sample of languages, citations and thematic category assignments either exists or is likely to soon come into being, and the postponement of research on the internal dimensions of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness is likely to be greater in the absence of the descriptive and analytic attempts recorded by this study than in their presence. As we have noted above, the data we have undertaken to content analyze and categorize has revealed several tentative signs of internal or face validity. The readers-categorizers have also shown that they can reach an acceptable level of agreement in making their thematic category assignments (see section 1.3.). Accordingly, we feel justified in having taken this one small step ahead into the internal exploration of positive ethnolinguistic consciousness at this time.

Notes

1. The term "consciousness" is not yet commonly used in empirical sociolinguistic research. Nevertheless, it is not at all rare in ethnic, political and literary research, e.g., (in alphabetic order) Ahuma, Samuel R. 1971. The Gold Coast: Nation and National Consciousness. London, Cass. (2nd ed.); Haberly, David T. 1983. Three Sad Races: Racial Identity and National Consciousness in Brazilian Literature. New York, Cambridge University Press; Hitchins, Keith. 1983. Studies in Rumanian National Consciousness. Pelham, Nagard; Krawchenko, Bohdan. 1985. Social Change and National Consciousness in 20th Century Ukraine. New York, St. Martin's Press; Ranum, Orest. 1975. National Consciousness, History and Political Culture in Early-Modern Europe. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press; Rowles, James. 1967 democratic National Consciousness in Germany, 1945—1949. Stanford, Stanford University Press; Symmons-Symonolewicz, Konstantin. 1983. National Consciousness in Poland. Meadville, Maplewood. A recently formed division of the American Anthropological Association is devoted to "the anthropology of consciousness". 2. Two well-established sources for keeping abreast of the constantly burgeoning literature in this area are the journals Canadian Review of Studies on Nationalism and Ethnic and Racial Studies. Louis L. Snyder's Encyclopedia of Nationalism (New York, Paragon House, 1990) is also a very useful reference for overall orientational purposes. Two very promising newer journals are Nationalities Papers and Nationalism and Ethnic Politics. 3. Language and Nationalism. Rowley, Newbury House, 1972, and reprinted completely in my Language and Ethnicity in Minority Perspective. Clevedon, Multilingual Matters, 1989. 4. Ayala Fader's "Garlic Blossoms on a Rosebush" (Master's Thesis, New York University, 1994) tells how negative ethnolinguistic consciousness led one speech community to split into two, one segment becoming positively oriented toward one language and the other, toward another. 5. I use the expression "the evils of nationalism" in order to make it crystal clear that not all nationalism is evil. The Finnish liberation movement vis-ä-vis Sweden, or the Slovenian vis-ä-vis Yugoslavia (Serbia), cannot be viewed as in the same moral camp as that of the German Nazis or of their allies among Croatians, Slovaks, Lithuanians or Ukrainians. The Ukrainian Rukh movement at the end of the Soviet regime was not in the same moral camp as the modern Bosnian Serb practitioners of ethnic cleansing. The Kurdish nationalist movement in Iraq is not (and hopefully never will be) in the same moral camp as the Iraqi bath movement of Sadam Hussein. Many nationalist movements have been liberationist and pro-civil rights and human rights for all coterritorial peoples. Nationalist movements are no more of one ilk for being nationalist than are movements that espouse socialism, Catholicism or capitalism. 6. Note, for example, the 24th of the "Articles of Religion" of the Anglican and Episcopal Book of Common Prayer, which states "It is a thing plainly repugnant to the Word of God, and the custom of the Primitive Church, to have public prayer in the Church, or to minister the Sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people". 7. I am combining "spirit" and "soul" into a single content category, not only because of their "substantive" similarity, but because my data consists mainly of translations into

308

8.

9.

10. 11.

12.

13.

14.

15. 16.

17.

Notes English from many languages that I do not read myself and, therefore, I am unable to check whether a distinction between these two terms is really implied in the original texts. The American Heritage Dictionary (1989) defines spirit as "The animating or lifegiving principle within a living being; soul" Under "soul" it lists "spirit" as the second gloss. This caution should be kept in mind in connection with citations touching upon various other content areas presented throughout our discussion. Not only is English not exactly calibrated with popular usage in all other languages (as, indeed, no language could be), but popular usage itself makes no pretense at exactness and, therefore, the English translations of such usage cannot improve on the (in)exactness of the original sources. The numbers following language names indicate which citation for a particular language is being referred to in any particular case. Citations that relate to two or more different content areas will be referred to two or more times in our discussion. In that language per se, palatalization (elevating the tongue toward the palate, when uttering a sound, palatalizes that sound) is required before e and, therefore, the form Belorussian is, technically, more correct and the y in Byelorussian is superfluous. Nevertheless, we will use the palatalized form in this volume, so that the English reader may become familiarized with the correct pronunciation. Unless specifically noted to the contrary, all Hebrew citations pertain to modern (19th and 20th century) Hebrew, rather than to earlier periods of the language. Two useful introductions to Herder's language and nationality views are Robert R. Ergang, 1931. Herder and the Foundations of German Nationalism. New York, Columbia University Press and my own "Whorfianism of the third kind: ethnolinguistic diversity as a worldwide societal asset" Language in Society, 1982: 11, 1 — 14 (reprinted in my Language and Ethnicity in Minority Sociolinguistic Perspective, 1989 [Clevedon, Multilingual Matters, 564-579]). Halachik=pertaining to the Halacha, the entire body of traditional Jewish law comprising the laws of the Bible, the oral law as transcribed in the legal portion of the Talmud, and subsequent rabbinic codes amending or modifying traditional precepts according to the needs of contemporary conditions. Chi square = .10 > p > .05, indicating that the magnitude of over-representation we have encountered could be encountered as a result of purely chance (random sampling) factors more than 5 times out of every 100 similarly selected random samples of languages and citations. We will use this test ("the .05 level") to determine when to interpret and when not to interpret the European vs. non-European imbalances that inevitably occur in conjunction with the citations dealing with any particular theme, on the one hand, and the total number of European vs. non-European citations in our total sample, on the other hand. References to parents, siblings and the use of other family imagery are also common in connection with the the ethnic associations and implications of the beloved language (see section 3.1., below). Chi-square = .10> p > .05. See Appendix Β and the footnote at the end of section 2.2. for brief discussions of Chi-square and this notation. No specific Jewish vernacular is mentioned in this citation, but it is clear from the time, place and context of the publication from which it is excerpted that Yiddish is the dangerous intra-group rival that it is warning against. The kinship dimension so clearly indicated by these two designations will be discussed in a subsequent section (See section 3.1, below)

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18. Note the quite unique Czech 1 mention, not enumerated here, of "your old father who does not know G e r m a n " and who will, therefore, "be looked down upon by any t r a m p ... with contempt or with compassion", unless the Czech language is maintained and advanced. 19. As we will note, below, there are just a few other languages, besides Alsatian and Arabic (e.g., Berber, Polish, Rusyn and Sorbian) that accept the possibility of both directions of causality with respect to the matter of causal priority as between the people and the language. 20. Both German 1 and German 2 offer a large number of citations in the present topical area (indeed, more than we have for any other single language, whether or not we consider the referent "history" [viz German 2: " G e r m a n history in its glory and at its low points"] as a substitute for "the people" or the "the nation") and, because of considerations of space, these cannot all be cited here. For a consideration of "history" per se, see 3.4, below. 21. Citations from the following languages are included in this (the weaker) summary category: Alsatian 2 and 3, Arabic 2, Berber 1, Dutch in Belgium 1, Estonian 2, Finnish 1 and 2, French Caribbean Creole 1, German 2, Hawaiian 1 and 2, Hebrew 1, Indonesian 1, Konkani 1, Maori 1, Norwegian Bokmäl 1, Polish 3, Quechua 2, Rusyn 1, Sorbian 2, Spanish in Puerto Rico 2, Swahili 2, Tamil 2, Turkish 2, Wolof 1, Tamil 2 and Yiddish 1 and 2. 22. Citations from the following languages are included in this (the stronger) summary category: Ainu 1,2 and 3, Alsatian 1, Arabic 2, Basque 1, Byelorussian 1, Berber 2, Black English 1, Czech 1, Dutch (in Belgium) 1, French 3, French Caribbean Creoles 1, Frisian 1, German 1 and 2, Guarani 1, Irish 1, 2 and 3, Japanese 1 and 2, Kaqchikel 1, Korean 1, Macedonian 1, Navajo 1, Norwegian Nynorsk 2, Persian 2, Filipino 1, Polish 1 and 2, Romansh 1, Rusyn 1, Serbian 1 and 2, Slovene 1, Sorbian 1, Sumatran 1, Ukrainian 1, Uzbek 1 and Yaqui 1 and 2. 23. Chi-square = 7.49, with .01 > ρ > .005. The phi coefficient equivalent for this Chisquare and η is an r of .14, indicative of a weak association between the "strong view" and European status, but, for all that, an association that is reliably greater than zero. 24. In contemporary American English, the term "national" is used both to imply "country-wide" ("First National Bank") and "ethnic-wide" ("national identity"). In nation-states ("nationality states") the two uses come to be viewed as identical. In most of our citations, it is the ethnic context of the term "national" which is operative, although noteworthy exceptions clearly obtain. 25. The population of Pakistan, as of the early 80's, was estimated by the World Bank to be roughly 87 million. The estimate for Sindhi, as of 1985, was 14 million en toto, of which 12.5 million were in Pakistan and the rest in India. 26. For a brief recitation of such claims, see section 5.2. below, in connection with "elaboration". 27. Kapos were concentration- and death- camp inmates who were selected by the Nazis to help police the camps and, therefore, individuals who were utilized to inform against and abuse other inmates. 28. A firm dichotomy between status and corpus planning is probably unwarranted and, at any rate, the dichotomy as such does not quite exhaust all that admirers have to say about their beloved languages. Primarily this is because the distinction itself is an overly formal one and in real life, i. e., in real "language life", some characteristics are claimed for the language which are neither clearly the one nor the other. Furthermore, they are

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Notes also not clearly aesthetic qualities either (section 5.2). Nevertheless, they are definitely intended as compliments and, accordingly, we not only list them here but must consider them as being corpus-related and as possibly having implications for corpus planning, however nebulous or disparate these implications may be. Black English 1, e.g., is felt to reveal "passion, skill, sheer intelligence", on the one hand, as well as being "metered ..., communicative and meaningful" (Black English 2), on the other hand. "United Statish" (USA English 2) is viewed as "brilliant ..., vivacious, elastic" and marked by "splendid efflorescence". British English 1 is "deep ... [and] frank" and 2 is viewed as "noble" and marked by "profoundness", particularly when it is "plain, correct and straightforward". Frisian 1 is "so clear". Serbian 1 "contains ... a sure designation of the thing ... and the almost scientifically precise exactness of the concept, and, what is the main charm of the language, hidden intimations". Spanish (in Spain) 1 is "ebulant". All in all, although these additional admired characteristics may be relatively few in number, and could easily be left unmentioned, we must not lose sight of them entirely, if only to remind ourselves that when one deals with the beloved language, indeed any language, its putative characteristics, positive or negative, are neither easily exhausted nor classifiable.

29. There is a slight overall tendency for the European languages in our sample to be overrepresented in connection with advocatory references to the literary/written language (Chi Square= ,10>p>.05). Although this tendency may be due to no more than sampling factors (and larger samples of both European and non-European languages will be required in order to confirm or disconfirm this tendency more definitively), this overrepresentation could also be related to the similar tendency for European languages to be over-represented in connection with references to Materia Sancta (see section 2.2). The (written) "Word of God" recurringly constitutes the beginning of the literary language, both in Europe and elsewhere. 30. A more usually cited Deutschian definition of nationality posits "the ability to communicate more effectively and over a wider range of subjects" among a "large number of individuals from the middle and lower classes, linked to regional centers and leading social groups by channels of social communication and economic intercourse" (1953, pp. 96 and 101; italics added). 31. Ziya Gokalp (pseudonym of Mehmed Ziya, 1876-1924) is also cited among the Turkish citations listed in Appendix A Along with many other late-modernizing and thoroughly Herderian European contemporaries, he defined a nation as "composed of all who speak the same language" (Heyd 1950, p. 119). 32. These terms were subsequently replaced by ostensibly less emotional and more easily operationally defined terms such as "national will", "national character", "national values". Some of the latter terms lasted well into the 20th century (see, e.g., the sociology of the once prominent German scholar Ludwig Gumplowicz, 1838-1909) and have recently been found to be acceptable, at least in some scholarly and lay discussions of one's own or other cultures, in both Eastern and Western Europe (Amersfoort and Knippenberg 1991). 33. Both in the Hebrew and in the Christian Testament, Babylon is the epitome of urban extravagance and moral laxity. See Isaiah 13:2—22; 1 Peter 5:13 and Revelation 14:8. 34. The purity of nature and the higher moral status of those who lived close to it (and, by association, of intellectuals who dedicated themselves to helping those who lived such unspoiled lives), returns as a favorite theme in late 19th century Eastern European movements for political and cultural democratization and liberation. In Russian

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sources these themes, previously common in German romantic thought, and, even earlier, in Western literary pastoralism more generally, also acquires an anti-Western (Slavophile) as well as an anti-urban bite. 35 The same equivalence is also found in the Book of Daniel's many references to "peoples, nations and languages" (3:4, 7 and 29; 4:1, 5:19, 6:25 and 7:14) and in the Book of Revelation's references to tribes, peoples, nations and tongues, in various orders and combinations (7:9, 10:11, 11:9, 13:7, 14:6 and 17:15). 36. Pynset cites (among many other early Czech and Slovak sources) an 1843 publication by the Slovak Ludovit Stur, as follows: "Every nation is most ardently coupled with its language ... Language is the surest sign of the essence and individuality of every nation ...; it embodies its spirit in language; the external form corresponds exactly with the inner self of the nation ... They are interdependent and so one cannot exist without the other" (ibid, pp. 185-186). Jan Kolar, another Slovak but one with pan-Slavic convictions, advanced international humanistic grounds for the unity of language (probably Russian - in a markedly Old Church Slavonic variety - or some yet to be codefied pan-Slavic tongue) and the larger Slavic political entity that he hoped to see come into being (1837), as follows: "If a large nation neglects its language, it is committing a sin against humanity because it is concealing a large aspect of humanity - and, therefore, leaving it uncultivated" (ibid, p. 14). 37. Minorities often have the mistaken impression that only, or primarily, schools can be relied upon to help them keep their languages alive, not realizing that the before-school, the out-of-school and the after-school functions of a language are invariably more crucial for intergenerational mother tongue transmission, acquisition and maintenance than is school recognition or instruction per se. (See Fishman 1991a, chapters 4 and 13). On the other hand, the acquisition and mastery of literacy and of the literary language, in particular, may very well be initially school-dependent, in addition to conveying the symbolic importance of the status of "school-worthiness". However, even in these latter connections ample out-of-school and after-school buttressing is required in order for them to remain operative. In this respect, my own research agrees with that of Hroch 1992, that "[normalized and codified written language can fulfill its role only if it is mastered [in this function] by [the bulk of the] members of the given ethnic group (nationality) ... [as a result of being sufficiently] taught in schools (p. 201). 38. Note how quickly Nicolas Oresme (1320-1382), French bishop and author of scholastic, scientific and political works, makes the necessary linkage between corpus and status planning by claiming that not only is French "the richest and most precise language of the age, well-equipped to render even the most complex thoughts", but that it is, therefore, worthy of playing "a role equivalent to the one that Latin had played in antiquity" (Beaune 1991, p. 270), such as in refined literature, scholarship, and government. 39. Anderson (1979, p. 79) provides the following dates for the first major dictionaries and grammars that predated and helped spark various ethnonational mobilizations in Europe: 1772 Hungarian, 1792 Czech, 1802 Russian, 1819 Ukrainian, 1820's Finnish, 1830 Bulgarian, Slovene and Serbo-Croatian, 1848 Norwegian (Landsmaal), 1870's Afrikaans. Although several of the above dates may be questionable from the perspective of local historians, the list does nicely convey the successive diffusion of European ethnonational appeals and the involvement of corpus planning in that spread. 40. Burke (1992) brings the following examples, in connection with the link between folkloric (songs, tales, sayings, customs, etc.) collections and the ongoing or subsequent

312

41.

42.

43.

44.

45. 46.

47.

48.

Notes promotion of of ethnonational consciousness: Achim von Arnim's Des Knaben Wunderhorn (1806), Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic's collection of Serbian folksongs (1814), Janusz Golebiowski's Lud Polski (1830), Niccolo Tommasco's Canti populari (1841), Elias Lonnrot's The Finnish Harp (1829). All types of folklore were commonly considerd to be "the collctive works of the people", a sentiment and conviction certainly shared by the brothers Grimm in Germany. This was initially more than a figure of speech and agrees with the ethos of returning to popular awareness the authenticity and the creative example of the people's past. For more extensive discussions of the interpenetration between folklore and ethnic ideology and politics, see such works as Herzfeld 1981, Oinas 1978 and Stephens 1989. A similarly "temporally catastrophic" faux pas was that of Carr, who published the view that "national hatreds have lost their old spontaneous frankness" (1945, p. 49), just as the unspeakable horrors of the Nazi death camps were coming into view. Apparently, phenomena whose legitimacy is rejected "in principle" by "outside scholars" (the bulk of the scholarly community) are, therefore, all too easily banished from the stage of history, or, in more general terms, crucially misunderstood. Unfortunately, this phenomenon is endemic in social science and humanistic research, the present study probably included. A former U. S. Secretary of the Treasury, Hans (Henry) J. Morgenthau (1904—1980) dubbed this inconsistency the "A-B-C paradox", whereby nation Β invokes the principle of national liberty against nation A, yet denies it to nation C, in each case guided by its own interests. I have expressed this phenomenon by the formula "ethnolinguistic democracy is demanded upward and denied downward" (Fishman 1992, p. 298). In 1968,1 referred to this as "the state-into-nation" process, in contrast to the "nationinto-state" process (Fishman 1968, pp. 40—43). The former process is associated with the ethnization of language and polity; the latter, with their de-ethnicization. Lingua francas are at the latter stage, outside of the traditionally associated ethnocultural linkages which some of them have, but they may yet become ethnicized, in the course of time, quite far from their original homes. For an independent formulation precisely along these lines, see my 1972 volume, specifinally focused on the relationship between language and nationalism (from the usual "outside" perspective). The final footnote (p. 145) indicates that Smith's work had just come to my attention when my own volume was already in final page-proof. "Pastoral" in the sense of literature, art or music idylizing simple, authentic, rural life. Hobsbawm is alluding here to Josef Stalin's famous dictum that the cultures of nationalities in the Soviet Union could be "national in form" but that they had to be scrupulously "socialist in content". The form-content distinction has been widely rejected by spokespersons for disadvantaged ethnocultural aggregates as well as by scholars in the related fields. However, both capitalism and religion may be of greater personal interest to many intellectuals in the privacy of their studies than in public interaction with one another, to judge by a recent advertisement by the New Oxford Review ("an ecumenically-minded monthly magazine edited by lay Catholics"): "Pssst ... Attracted by religion but afraid someone will find out?". Both selections recommended by Edith H. Raidt, University of Witwatersrand. 1. From: G. S. Nienaber, ed. Die Afrikaanse Patriot 1876: 'n Faksimilee-weergawe van die eerste jaargang, 1876. Capetown, Tafelberg, 1974. The excerpt is by Anon. "Our Afrikaans Nation and Language" (1876), pp. 3 5 - 3 7 . 2. D. J. C. Geldenhuys. Uit die wieg

Notes

49. 50.

51.

52.

313

van ons taal: Pannevis en Preller. Johannesburg, Voortrekkerpers, 1967. The excerpt is by G . Schoeman Preller ( 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 4 3 ; journalist, writer, historian and champion of Afrikaans) "Let Us be Serious A b o u t It!" (1905), pp. 5 7 - 8 9 . O n prior pages the a u t h o r quoted f r o m the biblical Book of Esther to praise the practice of utilizing local languages on the part of central governmental authorities. Kaffir: 1. Usually disparaging. A member of a South African Negroid race inhabiting parts of the Cape of G o o d H o p e , Natal, etc. 2. Often disparaging. Xhosa. Random House Dictionary of the English Language (Unabridged). New York, R a n d o m House, 1966, p. 111. Francis William Reitz (1844—1934) was a prominent A f r i k a a n e r statesman, poet and activist. Although he never became a member of the m a j o r early (1875) pro-Afrikaans and pro-Afrikaner organization " G e n o o t s k a p van Regte Afrikaner", he was a fervent defender and p r o m o t e r of Afrikaans f r o m as early as 1870. All three citations were located, recommended and translated (from Japanese) by J o h n C. Maher, International Christian University (Tokyo). Sources: 1. Shigeru K a y a n o (1925 —, a folklorist, writer and Ainu rights activist). 1987. Ainu bunka kiso chishiki [The Ainu Culture: Basic Knowledge], Hokkaido, H a k u r o g u n Ainu Folk Museum, pp. 22—23; 2. Shigeru Kayano. 1987. Yasashii Ainu-go [Easy Ainu]. H o k k a i d o , Shiratori Nibutani Ainu-go Kyoshitsu, p. 5; 3. Mutsumi Yokoyama. (contemporary writer, reciter of Yukar [the Ainu epic poem] and folklorist) 1985. I want to speak the language of my mother. Gengo [Language]. Tokyo, Taishukan, pp. 50—51.

53. Excerpts recommended by Arlette Bothorelwitz, Universite Louis Pasteur, and translated by Gabrielle Varro, C N R S . Source·. ( 1 9 8 4 - 8 5 ) . "L'Alsacien, 's Elsaesserditsch", in Strasbourg, Langue et culture regionales, C N D P - C R D P [Cahier n. 23], pp. 3 8 - 4 6 . 54. Item 1 was recommended by Lionel Bender, Southern Illinois University. Item 2 was recommended and translated by A b r a h a m Demoz, Northwestern University. Source: Afeworq Gebreyesus. Dagimawl Minllik, Nuguse Negest Zeltyop'ya. [= Menelik II, King of Kings of Ethipia. ] Rome, [no pub.]1909. Reprinted: Asmara, II Poligrafico, 1967, p. 6. 2. Typewritten copy supplied by Prof. Demoz. 55. = "in luxury". 56. = "the E u r o p e a n s " 57. sic. 58. Both selections were recommended and translated by M o h a Ennaji, University of Fez. Sources; 1. Ghallab, Abdelkarim. (1919-; Moroccan political activist, journalist and writer) Arab Thought: From Alienation to Assertion of Identity [in Arabic], Tunis, Addar Al-Arabiya Lilkitab, 1977, pp. 196-198; 2. Al-Fayad, M o h a m e d Jaber (contemporary Iraqi nationalist). "The importance of [the Arabic] language in h u m a n life" [in Arabic], in H a m a d i , S. et al. The Arabic Language and Arab Nationalism [in Arabic]. Beyrouth, Publications of the Center for Arabic Studies, 1984, pp. 2 8 0 - 2 8 2 . 59. Recommended by Mikel Zalbide and translated by Nick G a r d n e r , b o t h of the Department of Education, Basque Government. Source: Sabino Arana Goiri. El proyecto del Academia Bascongada del Sr. de Artinano. Euskal-Erria. 1886, 14, n. 227, 363. Arana (1865 — 1903) was the "creator of Basque nationalist ideology a n d the founder of the movement" (Stanley G . Payne. Basque Nationalism. Reno, University of Nevada Press, 1975, p. 65). 60. Basque speaker

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Notes

61. All three citations were located and recommended by Humayun Azad (Dhaka University). Many of the bibliographic details shown, below, were provided by Afia Dil (United States International University) Sources: 1. Madhusudan Datta (celebrated 19th century Bengali poet and author of the epic Meghnad Badha Kabya [= The Epic of the Killing of Meghnad], 1824-1873. The Bangla language. Caturdashpadi Kabitabali [ = Four teen-lined Poems]: The Sonnets. Calcuttam Sree Iswar Chandra Basu, 1866. 2. Hamad Ali (further information and dates unavailable). Muslim literature of North Bengal. Bashana, 1906, 1316. Both of the above citations were translated by Abu Taher Salahuddin Ahmed (university student and translator). 3. Humayun Azad (Professor of Bengali, Dhaka University). The Bangla language. 1984. Unpublished. Translated by Farida Majid (contemporary translator of Bengali poetry into English and English poetry into Bengali). 62. Hat = market, fair. 63. All three citations were recommended, located and translated (from French) by Moha Ennaji. Universite Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah (Fes). Sources: 1. Malek Ouary (contemporary Algerian linguist and Berber cultural activist). 1988. "Langue et identite Berbere", in Tassadit Yacine, ed. 1989. Tradition et Modernite dans les Societes Bereberes. Paris, Awal, 154-156; 2. Rachid Yefsah (contemporary Algerian sociologist and Berber language advocate). 1989. "L'Arabo-Islamisme face a la question Berbere", in Tassadit Yacine, ed. Tradition et Modernite dans les Societes Berberes. Paris, Awal, 88-100; 3. Salem Chakar (brief characterization and dates of birth [and death] unavailable). 1984. Textes en Linguistique Berbere. Paris, CNRS, 3 5 - 3 7 . 64. Sources: Both selections were located and recommended by Geneva Smitherman, Wayne State University. 1. James Baldwin. If Black English Isn't a Language, Then Tell Me What Is?. New York Times. Sunday, July 29, 1979 (Section 4, p. 19). 2. Claude Brown. Manchild in the Promised Land. New York, Macmillan, 1965. Reprinted from Geneva Smitherman. Talkin and Testifyin; The Language of Black America. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1977, 174. 65. A square in New Orleans where, in the early 1800's, slaves were brought by their White masters to enjoy a few hours of socializing, dancing and singing on Sunday afternoons. (Specialists agree that Black English developed much earlier than this period.). 66. Pulitzer Prize winning African American novelist (1931-). 67. Both of the citations in connection with Byelorussian were located in sources recommended by Paul Wexler, Tel Aviv University. Sources: 1. Anon. Letter To A Russian Friend.; A "Samizdat" Publication from Soviet Byelorussia. London, Association of Byelorussians in Great Britain, 1979, 45—46; 2. Anon. Letters to Gorbachev: New Documents From Soviet Byelorussia. London, Association of Byelorussians in Great Britain, 1987 (second ed.), 19-22. 68. All those mentioned were among the pioneers of the modern Byelorussian national and cultural movement which began in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The older transliteration convention ("Byelo-", rather than the currently more common "Belo-") has been retained here in order to accustom readers to the obligatory palatalization of the first vowel. 69. In 1588 a code of civil and criminal law, known as Statut Velikoho Knyaz'stva Litovskoho (Statute of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania), was printed in Byelorussian. 70. The publication of Skaryna's translation was begun in 1517. 71. This quotation is adapted from the original formulation in a book of Byelorussian poetry by Matsiey Burachok, published in Cracow (then in Austro-Hungary), 1891.

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72. There follows, in the body of the letter itself, an itemized list of specific suggestions and after the body of the letter, an Appendix entitled "Proposals for a radical improvement in the position of the Byelorussian Language, culture and patriotic education in the BSSR". 73. Citation located and recommended by Jon Reyhner (Eastern Montana College). Source: Dick Littlebear. Why I advocate bilingual education and linguistic studies. Journal of Thought. 1984, 19, no. 3, 8 7 - 9 0 . 74. Potunghua is referred to in citations 2 - 4 , below, as either "common speech" or "standard vernacular" and is the Peking variety of Mandarin Chinese. Sources', citations 1 and 3 are from Peter J. Seybolt and Gregory Kuei-ke Chiang, eds. Language Reform in China: Documents and Commentary. White Plains/London, Sharpe/Dawson, 1978, 5 1 - 5 2 and 369-370. Citations PR and 2 were located and recommended by David Marshall, University of North Dakota and translated by Lu Shenglong of U N D . Sources: PR. Pan Chong-qui. The new nation and the new written language. Xin Minzu. 1938, 2, no. 5, 7 5 - 7 8 . 1. Shen Yenbing [Mao Dun], Wenhua yishu gongzuozhe bixu ba ziji de chuangzao laodong he wenzi gaige gongzuo xiangjiehe. Originally published in Gwangming ribao [Kwangming Daily], November 23, 1955 and republished in Diyici quanguo wenzi gaige huiyi wenjian huibian [Collected Documents of the First National Writing Reform Conference]. Peking, Wenzi gaige chubanshe, 1957, 8—10. 2. Chou Enlai. Current tasks of reforming the written language. (A speech delivered at a meeting sponsored by the National Committee of the Chinese Peoples's Political Consultative Conference, January 10, 1958). Reform of the Chinese Written language. Peking. Foreign Languages Press, 1958, 14-17. 3. "Genghaode tuidong xuexiao kaizhan tuikuang putonghua gongzuo". Guangming ribao [Kwangming Daily], January 10, 1974. 75. By far the major segment of the total population, the Han encompass all but the officially recognized minorities. 76. 1907-1971. General, second in command of the Communist party and heir apparent to Mao Tse-tung, Lin Piao died in a plane crash under suspicious circumstances. He was subsequently criticized for his deviations from Maoist doctrine. 77. Recommended by Thomas F. Magner, Pennsylvania State University. Source: Telegram (Zagreb) March 17, 1967 and Vjesnik (Zagreb), March 19, 1967. This English version is from Journal of Croatian Studies. 1984-85, vol. 2 5 - 2 6 , pp. 9 - 1 2 . 78. Eighteen Croatian scholarly and cultural institutes and organizations, represented by 140 signatories, including the foremost Croatian linguists and writers of the time, adopted the Declaration and appended their names to it. 79. The officially recognized minority languages include Italian, Hungarian, Rusyn and Albanian. 80. Recommended by Paul Garvin, State University of New York at Buffalo. Source: Karel Havlicek Borovsky [1821 — 1856, a leading figure during the early years of the Czech national revival]. Nase politika [Our politics]. Narodni noviny. April 1848. Reprinted in a collection of his newspaper articles Duch Narodnich novin [The Spirit of the National Newspaper], Jaromir Belie and Jiri Skalicka, eds. Prague, Odeon, 1971, pp. 13—14. 81. In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, throughout most of the 19th century and up until the conclusion of World War I, Slovakia was within the Hungarian sphere of influence. 82. In the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, throughout the 19th century and up until the conclusion of World War I, the Czech lands (Bohemia and Moravia) were within the German sphere of influence.

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83. Both texts were recommended and translated into English by Roland Willemyns, Free University of Brussels. Sources: 1. Jan Baptist Chrysostomus Verlooy (Brussels lawyer and politician, 1746-1799, champion of the Dutch cause in Belgium before the period of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands). 1788. Verhandeling op d'Onacht der moederlyke Tael in de Nederlanden [Essay on the Neglect of the Mother Tongue in the Netherlands]. Reprinted: J. Smeyers and J. van den Broeck, eds. The Hague, M. Nijhoff, 1977, pp. 130-131 and 139-140. 2. Guido Gezelle (1830-1899, poet, priest and Roman Catholic activist). 1885. Reprinted in C. Gezelle. Guido Gezelle, 1830-1899. Amsterdam, Veen, 1918, 200-201. 84. The author's perspective was not that of Flemish (or Dutch in Belgium) alone but of the Low Countries as a whole, even before their brief post-Napoleonic unification into the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, 1814-1830. From that perspective, the lion's share of the country was Dutch speaking. 85. The author is referring here to "integrationists", i. e., those (like J. B. C. Verlooy, above) who sought to adopt a single literary standard for both Flanders and Holland, and speaks on behalf of the "particularists", who advocated a separate, West-Flemish based literary standard for Flemings in Belgium. 86. Sources: 1. R. Mulcaster, 16th century English " d a r k " , in his The First Part of The Elementarie (1582); reprinted in Manfred Gorlach, ed. Introduction to Early Modern English. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1991, 227-231. Spelling and punctuation modernized (JAF). 2. Winston S. Churchill (1874—1965, British statesman, writer, orator and historian). 1908. The joys of writing (speech to Author's Club, London, February 17). Robert Rhodes James, ed. Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963; v. I: 1897-1908. New York/London. Bowker, 1974, p. 904. 87. Sources: 1. Noah Webster (1758-1843, long the dean of American lexicographers). Dissertation on the English Language, With Notes, Historical and Critical [1789], Reprinted: Meniston [England], Scholar Press, 1967, 1 8 - 2 3 and 3 5 - 3 6 . 2. Rupert Hughes (1872-1956, poet, essayist and literary critic). Our Statish language. Harper's Magazine, 1920, May, 846-849. 3. Original wording of a bill introduced by the Hon. Frank Ryan, a member of the Illinois State Senate from Chicago, on January 10, 1923. Drastically modified in debate, this statute is still on the books in Illinois as Chapter 127, Section 178 of the Acts of 1923. 88. The term "racial" (here and in the following paragraph) is used in a pre-Hitlerian lay sense of ethnic or ethnocultural, thereby differentiating not only between Blacks and Whites but between the various immigrant streams within the White population per se. 89. Both citations were recommended by Henn Saari (Institute of Language and Literature, Tallinn) and translated by Kullo Vende (Republic of Estonia National Language Board). Sources: 1. Ferdinand Johann Wiedemann (1805-1887; a leading Estonian linguist who maintained close contacts with the early nationalist movement). Ehstnische Dialekte und ehstnische Schriftschprache. Verhandlungen der gelehrten ehstnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat. Siebenter Band, erstes heft. Dorpat, Eesti Kirjanike Kooperativ, 1873, pp. 57-80. 2. Andrus Saareste (1892-1964; distinguished Estonian linguist and academician; emigrated to Sweden in 1944) Kaunis emakeel [=The Beautiful Mother Tongue], Lund, Schnakenburg, 1952, pp. 5 - 6 . 90. The author is not trying to imply that he himself is not ethnically Estonian, but, rather that the type of decision that he has just mentioned would benefit from the imput of many others, besides himself. His German name and his use of German for publication

Notes

91.

92.

93.

94.

95.

96.

97.

98.

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purposes were both quite typical among well educated Estonians during the early years of the 19th century. Wiedemann was quite prescient in this connection and the Estonian literary language was ultimately based, by and large, on its more northerly dialects, such as those mentioned here. All three citations were located and recommended by Andrew Gonzalez, De La Salle University. Sources: 1. "Quezon on the preservation of Spanish and English and the adoption of a national language (November 7, 1937)", in Eulegio B. Rodriguez, ed. President Quezon: His Biographical Sketch, Messages and Speeches. Manila, Publishers, Inc., 1940, 149-152. 2. Renato Constantino, ed. M. A. N.'s Goal: The Democratic Filipino Society. Quezon City, Malaya Books, 1969, 12-13. 3. Department of Education, Culture and Sports and Institute of Philippine Languages. Primer on Executive Order No. 335. Manila, Philippine Information Agency, 1991 [1990], 11-12. Katipunan [ Tagalog for "association"] A militant nationalist society, founded by Bonifacio, which engaged in an unsuccessful armed revolt (1896-1897) against Spanish rule. "Pilipino" was the name given in 1959 to the Tagalog-based Philippine national language. "Filipino" is the new name of the Philippine national language in both the 1973 and the 1987 Constitutions and is conceptualized as the language incorporating elements from other Philippine languages and the major foreign languages used in the Philippines (de facto: the Manila lingua franca). Both citations were recommended by Karmela Liebkind and translated into English by Andrew Chesterman, both of Helsinki University. Sources: 1. Text by scholar and linguist Reinhold von Becker (1788-1858), in the newspaper Turun Wiikko-Sanomat, nos. 49 and 52, 1820; reprinted in Arwidssonista Snellmanlin. Kansallisia kirjoitelmia vuosilta 1817-1844. Helsinki, Publications of the Finnish Literature Society, 1929, no. 105, 158-159. 2. Text by poet and Fennicist, Juhana Gabriel Linsen (1785-1848), from an article in the journal Mnemosyne, 1819. Reprinted in Arwidssonista Snellmanlin. Kansallisia kirjoitelmia vuosilta 1817—44. Helsinki, Publications of the Finnish Literature Society, 1929, no. 105, 8 2 - 8 3 . Finland was a province of Sweden until 1809, when the Napoleonic wars resulted in its becoming a Grand Duchy of Russia. Under Russian rule Finnish was enabled to develop additional functions, with many members of the former Swedish elite (the so called Swedofinns, a category to which both cited authors belonged) playing a major role in this process. Linsen goes on to criticize a second "obstacle", namely, the continued use of Swedish as the official language of administration, a function which should, he believes, rightfully belong to Finnish. Item 1 was recommended by Jeffra Flaitz, State University of New York at Buffalo, and item 3 was recommended and translated by William W. Bostock, University of Tasmania at Hobart. Sources: 1. Du Beilay, Joachim. 1549. Reprinted: The Defence and Illustration of the French Language (translated into English by Gladys M. Turquet). London, J. M. Dent, 1939. 100-104. 2. D. Maclaren Robertson. A History of the French Academy, 1635[4]-1910. New York, Dillingham, 1910, 2 0 - 2 2 . 3. Albert Salon. L'Action culturelle de la France dans le monde. Paris, Nathan, 1983, 6 8 - 6 9 .

99. In Greek mythology, the foremost hero of the Trojan war and, accordingly, the object of widespread hero worship.

318

Notes

100. In Greek mythology, one of the principal Greek warriors in the Trojan war. 101. In Greek legend, a member of the Greek army in the Trojan war, famous for his love of argument and an antagonist of Achilles. 102. Both citations were selected from among several suggested by John Macnamara (McGill University) and translated by Joyce Macnamara. Sources: Jules-Paul Tardival (1851 — 1905, Kentucky-born, came to Canada at age 17 and became a French journalist and the founding editor of the journal La Verite). 1881. La langue francaise au Canada. Revue canadienne (Montreal). 17 (new series, vol 1), 259-267. 2. Horace Philippon (1906—1956, lawyer, prominent Quebec politician and one of the founders of La Commision Permanente de Refrancisation). 1938. Memoires du deuxieme Congres de la langue francaise au Canada, vol. 2. Quebec, Impr. du Soleil, pp. 108—113. 103. Unless otherwise indicated, material in brackets and footnotes to this citation are in the original text. This citation purports to pertain to Haitian, Martiniquean, Guadalupan and other French Creole varieties in the Caribbean. This citation was recommended by Ellen Schnepel, New York City Board of Education. Originally appearing in French (Eloge de la creolite. Paris, Gallimard, 1989), it was authored by three Martiniquean writers, Jean Barnabe, Patrick Chamoiseu and Raphael Confiant, but pertains explicitly to Haitian, Martiniquean, Guadalupan and other related French Creoles of the Caribbean. Source: The English translation, by Mohamed B. Taleb-Khyar, appeared in Callaloo, 1990, 13, 886-909. 104. A serious case of negative interaction: Creole language, Creole culture, Creoleness. Each defamated, pulls the others into defamation, as if via some sort of infernal and mad machine: whichever was first affected had to pull the others. 105. The period of the great hunt of Creole and Creolisms is still going on today, but in a slyer form. 106. We must add Spanish and English, keys to our space. 107. We can only deplore the absence of follow-up to the call of G E R E C [=Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches en Espace Creolophone]: "We greatly hope for the prompt establishment of a permanent structure capable of bringing together and coordinating the work of researchers, teachers, artists, writers, organizers and administrators, who would be willing to work together for the consolidation of our endangered culture. The creation of an Institute of Human Sciences and Creoleness (Gran Kaz pou wouchach Kreyol] is undoubtedly necessary. 108. Vincent Placoly. Les Antilles dans L'impasse. Des intellectuels antillais s'expliquent. Caribennes et l'Harmattan, 1976. 109. "Creole and French cannot be considered according to the generic model of national language/colonizer's language ... All colonial relations are not identical. In spite of its dominant characteristic (on the societal level), French has acquired a certain legitimacy in our countries ... In many respects it is a second language ... in Guadeloupe, Guyana and Martinique,... [rather than] a foreign language, with all of the psychological implications of this notion." GEREC. 110. This citation was recommended and translated by Durk Gorter (Fryske Akademy). Source: Eltsje B. Folkertsma (1893—1968, primary school teacher, author, editor and leader of the Frisian Movement during the first year of World War II). Wat wy wolle. De Stim. Special (pre-publication) Issue, 1927, p. 1. Reprinted in Leo H. Bouma, ed.. Hus op wyn en branwacht. Ljouwert, Fryske Akademy/De Tille, 1983, 108—110. 111. "Fryslan" is both the Frisian name for "the Frisian land" as a whole (i.e., "Frisia magna"), the largest part of which is now a province within the Netherlands, as well

Notes

112. 113.

114.

115. 116. 117.

118. 119.

120.

121.

122.

319

as the name of that province per se. In this citation, the latter usage is probably intended. Sipke Huismans (1873—1924) was a Protestant minister and founder of the Christian Frisian Society. The Young Frisians (actually: Young Frisian Movement) were a radical youth group organized c. 1915, whose major initiatives were in the fields of Frisian education and Frisian literature. Both citations were recommended and translated by James Dow, Iowa State University. Source: 1. Ernst Moritz Arndt. (1769—1860, romantic poet and powerful patriotic essayist). 1818. Geist der Zeit (=The Spirit of the Time), vol. 4. Leipzig, Hesse, 54. 2. Adolf Bach (1890-1970, prominent German language historian). 1961. Geschichte der deutschen Sprache (=History of the German Language). 7th rev. ed. Heidelberg, Quelle and Meyer, 376-379. Of the seven editions of this work, the first three appeared during the Nazi period. In the original: Volkstum. Quotation is unattributed in the original. The original cites Jacob Grimm [Uber den Urschprung der Sprache (Rede in der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin am 9. Januar 1851). 1852] and also publications by five other authors at this point, without indicating the exact points in this citation to which the latter five pertain. Internationally reknowned German linguist and folklorist, 1785 — 1863. This citation was recommended by Grazieila Corvalan (Centro Paraguayo de Estudios Sociologicos) and was translated into English by Ofelia Garcia (City College of the College of the City of New York). Source: This statement, prepared for the National Constitutional Convention of 1967, is of unknown authorship. It was passed along in typewritten form, from hand to hand, without being published, and the goal which it espoused was not attained. Both citations were located and recommended by Roxanne Ma, Indiana University. Sources: 1. Sa'idu Muhammad Gusau (Teacher Training College of Maru, Sokoto State). Harshenka Abin Tinkahonka: Muhimmancin Harshen Uwa Kan Na Aro. (Your language, your pride; The importance of a mother tongue over a borrowed tongue). Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. January 26, 1985. Translated by Hamidou Boukary (Indiana University). 2. Editorial. (National language). Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. August 26, 1989. Translated by Mustapha Ahmad (Indiana University). Source: 1. William H.Wilson (language educator, University of Hawaii, Hilo). He Olelo Aupuni Keia - This is an Official Language. Proceedings of the Eighth Annual International Native American Language Issues Institute. 1989. Tempe, INALII, 88-103. I am grateful to Alan Hudson (University of New Mexico) for enabling me to obtain a copy of this publication. Sources: 1. Jacob Nakht (1873 — 1959, writer, scholar, rabbi and Zionist activist). Eys la'asoys [=A time for action][A traditional call to action, originally in Psalms, ch. 119, v. 126]. 2 Ha-olam (Köln [subsequently in Odessa, London and Berlin]), 1908, n. 30, 501-502. My translation [JAF], 2. Eliezer ben-Yahuda (1858-1922; scholar and symbolic "father" of the revernacularization of modern Hebrew). Introduction. The Dictionary of the Hebrew Language [1909], Cited in Scott B. Saulson. Institutionalized Language Planning; Documents and Analysis of the Revival of Hebrew. The Hague, Mouton, 1979, pp. 18—19. The quotation in footnote 3 is cited from Jack Fellman.

320

123.

124.

125.

126. 127. 128.

129.

130.

131.

Notes The Revival of a Classical Tongue. The Hague, Mouton, 1973, p. 70, and refers to the 1958 edition of the Dictionary. Saulson's citation is from the 1948 edition. The arguments presented here were specially selected by the writer so as to heighten the distinction between the purportedly valid claims of Hebrew and the purporedly invalid claims of Yiddish, each language then being advanced by its respective adherants, seeking to justify why only the one or the other should serve as the ethnonational language of the Jewish people. The author does not differentiate between Hebrew and Aramaic (Judeo-Aramaic) and follows the traditional convention of considering them both as one, viz: "loshnkoydesh", the holy tongue. "This conversation convinced me immediately of how difficult it was to speak Hebrew, how Hebrew was not yet fit to be an instrument of conversation for all man's usual topics of life. Then I felt the need to make a list for myself of the new Hebrew words most necessary in conversation; and I began searching and seeking books from ages past and also present. This was the beginning of the Dictionary [of the Hebrew Language]. Fellman, 1973, p. 70. [Cited at this point in Saulson 1979.] "Enlightenment" refers to ben-Yahuda's becoming preoccupied with modern Jewish texts and concerns, i. e., a "maskil" or "enlightened one". Two novels by Abraham Mapu (1808-1867). Secular (and, therefore, all conversational) use of Hebrew was prohibited by Rabbinic convention and edict, since the Holy Tongue was not to be profaned (i. e., put to secular use) prior to the coming of the Messiah. Sources: All citations were located, recommended and translated by Hans R. Dua (Central Indian Institute of Languages). 1. Bal Gangadhar Tolak (1856-1920, radical freedom fighter, scholar and editor). Cited in Rajbhasha Bharati. 1984, No. 27, p. 47; 2. Seth Govind Das (1896-1974, Hindi scholar, writer and prominent political leader) in a collection of his talks and addresses. Lakshmi Chand, ed. Hindi Sahitya Andolan (Hindi Language Movement). Allahabad, Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, Prayag, 1963, pp, 291 and 288-289; 3. Statement originally made by Ε. M. S. Namboodaripad (1909-, well-known Communist leader and then (1958) Chief Minister of Kerala state). Quoted by Lalji Singh in his book Hindi Ka Sanscritik Parivesh (The Cultural Context of Hindi). Varanesi, Vidyalaya Prakashan, 1974, p. 41. Recommended by Marmo Soemarmo (Ohio University). Sources: 1. S. Yudho [a generally unknown poet, both then and subsequently. "Bahasaku" (My Language). Originally published in Pudjangga Baru [The New Poet]. 1933, 1, p. 261. It is also cited and fully translated in A. Teeuw. Modern Indonesian Literature, v. 1. The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff. 1979, pp. 30 and 260. The translation used here is by Suharni Soemarmo (Ohio University). All three citations were recommended by Mairtin Ο Murchu (Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies). Sources: 1. Eugene O' Growney ([1863—1899] professor of Irish, cleric, and influential contributor to early efforts of the modern Irish revival movement). The national language. Irish Ecclesiastic Record. 1890. 11, 982-992. 2. P.S. Hegarty ([1879-1955] active member of the Gaelic League and author of books on contemporary Irish history and politics). The significance of Woodrow Wilson. Studies. 1924, 13, 129-30. 3. Maurice Moynihan, ed. Speeches and Statements by Eamon de Valera, 1917-1973. Gilland Macmillan/St. Martin's Press, Dublin/New York, 1980, 466-469. 1943. "The Ireland that we dreamed o f ' , de Valera [1882-1975],

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a leading statesman and nationalist activist and spokesman, served as Prime Minister for a total of 21 years and President for 14 years. 132. All three citations were brought to my attention by Florian Coulmas, Chuo University. Sources: 1. Inoue Tetsujiro (1855-1944; philosopher, university lecturer and pioneer of modernistic Japanese poetry) 1898. Shinkokuji Kakutei no Jiki [Time for a decision regarding a new script]. Tokyo Gakushi Kaiin Zasshi. 20, 368—369; cited in Nanette Twine. 1991. Language and the Modem State: The Reform of Written Japanese. London, Routledge, p. 249; 2 and 3 are Coulmas' paraphrases and citations ofI from Japanese originals. The original sources are as follows: 2. Suzuki Takao (1926-, famous linguist and author of many books on language and society). 1975. Tozasareta gengo- nihongo no sekai [A Closed Language - The World of Japanese]. Tokyo: Shinchosa, p. 106, and Kindaichi Haruhio (1913-, eminent Japanologist, lexicographer and writer). 1957. Nihongo [The Japanese Language]. Tokyo, Iwanami, p. 10; 3. Takeo Doi (contemporary, leading psychiatrist and professor). 1971. Amae no kozo. Yokyo, Kobundo [1973; English translation: The Anatomy of Dependence. Tokyo, Kodansha International, p. 15.]. 133. Kotodama = "spirit of the language" 134. This citation was located, recommended and translated by Julia B. Richards, United States Information Service. Source: COCADI (Coordinadora Cakchiquel de Desarollo Integral). El Idioma: Centro de Nuestra Cultura. B'okob', Departamento de Investigaciones Culturales, 1985, pp. 10, 12, 14-16. 135. This poem by Zinda Kaul Masterji (noted Kashmiri poet, 1884—1965) was located and recommended by Braj B. Kachru (University of Illinois). Source: Braj B. Kachru, ed. Kashmiri Literature. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1981. p. 52. The original (Panin'kath ["About Ourselves"]) dates from 1942 and was translated into English by Masterji himself. 136. Located and recommended by Braj Kachru (University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana) and translated from Konkani by Rocky Miranda (University of Minnesota, Minneapolis). Source: 1. Manohar Sardesai (1925—; Leading Konkani poet; also editor and academic). 1962. Amci bhas amka dzay [We Want our Language]. (Presidential Address to the Eighth All-India Konkani Conference, Panaji, Goa.) Margao, Goa, Konkani Bhasha Mandal, pp. 2 - 3 , 4 - 5 , 9 - 1 0 , 19-20. 137. Gowdas (and also Kunbis, see below) are largely agricultural workers and, therefore, mostly of only marginal literacy. 138. Bhats are Hindu priests 139. Padris are Christian priests 140. Tukaram is a well-known Marathi poet. 141. Pundits are Brahmins with profound knowledge of Sanscrit snd Hindu law. 142. This citation was located and recommended by Braj Kachru and translated by Rosa J. Shim, both of University of Illinois, Urbana/Champaign. Source: Oh-Tuk Lee (1925—, distinguished educator and leading figure in the Koran language purification movement). 1992. Wuri-kul paro-ssuki [Using Our Language Properly]. Seoul: Hankil. pp. 212-213. 143. Both citations were recommended and located by Andrejs Plakans (Iowa State University). Sources: 1. Atis Kronvalds (1837-1875, schoolteacher in Livonia and an intellectual leader of the Latvian "national awakening" in the second half of the 19th century). "Words of greeting, January 23, 1871" [at University of Dorpat (Tartu), at a literary evening for students preparing for teaching careers]. Originally published

322

144.

145.

146.

147. 148.

149.

150. 151. 152. 153.

Notes (posthumously) in the newspaper Baltijas Vestnesis, 1887, n. 191. Reprinted in Jazeps Rudzitis, ed. Atis Kronvalds tagadnei: izlase [Atlis Kronvalds speaks to the present: a selection]. Riga, Liesma, 1987, 7 5 - 8 3 . 2. Ruta Veidemane (Formerly of the Latvian Academy of Science, now retired, is a linguist and historian of Latvian language and literature). Language status and language context. Literatura un Maksla. 1988, Nov. 18, p. 11. Citation recommended, located and translated by Antanas Klimas (University of Rochester). Information concerning the cited author provided by William R. Schmalstieg, Pennsylvania State University. Sources: 1. Vytautas Ambrazas (dates: 1930-, specialist in Lithuanian syntax and, since 1953, a scientific co-worker of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Language and Literature). Kalba ir valstybe [Language and state]. Gimtoji kalbe. 1990, 6, no. 154, 1—3. The first citation was located and recommended by Victor A. Friedman, University of Chicago. Sources: 1. K.P. Misirkov (1875 — 1926; eminent Macedonian linguist, scholar and nationalist spokesman). 1978 [1903]. A few words about the Macedonian literary language. Todor Dimitrovski, Blaze Koneski and Trajko Stamatoski, eds. About the Macedonian Language. Skopje, Macedonia Language Institute [named in honor of] "Krste Misirkov", pp. 4 9 - 5 7 ; 2. B. Koneski (1921 -1993, a leading Macedonian linguist and language advocate). 1978 [1968]. The Macedonian Language in the development of the Slavic literary languages. Above-mentioned source, pp. 7 1 - 8 7 . This citation was located and recommended by Asmah Haji Omar (Language Center, University of Malaya). Source: Yang berhormat Enche Hussein Onn (Minister of Education). 1971. Education in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur, Jabatan Penerangan Malaysia, pp. 12-13. In addition to the Malays proper, Chinese and Tamils are included by this phraseology. Citation provided by Stephen Harris (Northern Territory University) Source: From Introduction to a text in the Manyjilyjarra language, Yintakaja-lampajuya (Waterholes Belong to Us). S. Davenport, ed., Port Hedland, Western Desert Puntukurnuparna & Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre), 1988. Written by Billy Milangka Gibbs (c.1933-, lives at Jigalong, Northern Territory), the citation was originally located by Jim and Marj Marsh (Summer Institute of Linguistics), who also kindly obtained the permission of Mr. Gibbs for it to be shared with me (JAF). Both citations were located and recommended by Richard Benton (Maori Unit, New Zealand Center for Educational Research). Sources: 1. Veronica Hauraki (1935—, Maori youth leader and cultural-educational activist). 1971. Language key to cultural survival. Te Maori. 2, no. 4, p. 3. 2. Koro Dewes (c. 1930—, first lecturer in Maori studies at Victoria University of Wellington and, more recently, regional economic and cultural leader in the North Island). 1970. The Pakeha veto. Te Maori. 2, no. 6, p. 5. "Shark" is used here as a metaphor for "pakeha" or European-derived New Zealanders. Hui is a Maori word, commonly also used in New Zealand English, to designate a meeting of (or organized by or for) Maoris to discuss an issue or celebrate an event. Marae, the open space in front of a Maori meeting house, where welcoming speeches, debates on important community issues and a variety of critical rituals transpire. Attributed by the author, without further specification, to Cicero.

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154. This citation was provided by Stephen Harris (Northern Territory University). Source: Marjorie Bilbil (1948-, an assistant adult educator who lives in Belyuen, Northern Territory). Learning about language, learning about food. Kularlaga: A Journal of Aboriginal Adult Education. 1991, 2, no. 2, p. 15. 155. Citation provided by Anita Pfeifer, Director, Department of Education, Navajo Tribal Council. Window Rock, Arizona. 156. Dine' is the name of the Navajo language in the language itself. There is currently an intra-group tendency to prefer that name even in English, rather than use the term "Navajo", an Anglo-popularized term of uncertain origin. 157. This citation was recommended, located and translated by Kjell Venas (University of Oslo). Source: Sophus Bugge (famous Norwegian linguist and scholar of Old Norse). On the language conflict [Om sprogstriden], a talk originally delivered in 1899 and subsequently published in his Populaer-videnskabelige Foredrag [Popular Scientific Talks], Kristiania [Oslo], H. Aschehoug, 1907, p. 114. 158. Riksmäl [=language of government] was the earlier designation for that variety of Norwegian now generally referred to as Bokmil [=book language]. 159. Citations 1 and 2 were located and recommended by Ernst Hakon Jahr and translated by Roy Tommy Eriksen (both of the University of Tromso). Citation 3 was located, recommended and translated by Kjell Venas (University of Oslo). Sources: 1. Ivar Aasen (1813-1896, founding ideologist, linguist and leader of the Landsmaal [later referred to as Nynorsk] movement). On our language [Om vort Skriftsprog(1836)]. Syn og Segn. 1909, 12, 2 - 3 . 2. Bernt Stoylen (1858-1937, educator, bishop of the Norwegian Lutheran Church in Kristiansand). The Norwegian language strengthens what is best in the life of our people ["Maalreisingi" styrkjer det beste i folkelivet]. Norsk Aarbok. 1931, 12, pp. 5 - 7 . 3. Noregs Maallag. 1976. [The Fundamental Principles of Noregs Maallag] (Resolution adopted and first published in 1976 and reprinted in Noregs Maallag Prinsipprogram Arbeidsprogram 1968—1989. 1989.) Oslo, Noregs Maallag, 1 - 2 . 160. Citation 1 and 2 located, recommended and translated (from Papiamentu and Spanish respectively) by Marta Dijkhoff, Department van Onderwijs, Curacao) and citation 3 located, recommended and translated (from Papiamentu) by Goretti Narain, Tilburg University. Sources: 1. Pierre Lauffer (1920—1980, a pioneer of Papiamentu poetry and prose and a cultural activist). 1970. Sono [A dream], published in his Un Pulchi Pa Kaminda [One Pill a Day]. Curacao, Libreria Salas, pp. 5 - 6 ; 2. Luis Daal (1919-, Prominent Papiamentu linguist, long-term head of the department of "Cultural Affairs" attached to the Representative of the Antillian Government in the Hague). 1963. Flor di boka [Flowers of the mouth], published in his Kosecha di Maloa [Harvest of Scraps]. Curacao, Boekhandel van Dorp, p. 96; 3. Pierre Lauffer. 1962. Mi Lenga [My language], published in his collection Raspa [A Scratch]. Curacao, Author-published, p. 31. 161. The first line of a Dutch school-song for the early grades ("Small birds on a green branch"), Klein vogellijn was written by Jan Pieter Heije (1909-1876). Children in the public schools were taught only the first two verses, but children attending Protestant and Catholic schools also learned a third verse (and refrain) dealing with the goodness and greatness of God. 162. The first line of a Dutch Catholic school-song for the early grades ("Where in the bronze-green oakwood", from Limburg, mein Vaderland), this song ultimately became

324

163.

164.

165.

166. 167. 168. 169. 170.

171.

172.

Notes popular all over the Netherlands and was also sung at parades and other special national occasions. Both citations are my translations from Muhammad Ali Jazayery (1979). Farhangestan: La Academia Irania de la Lengua. Mexico City, Universidad Nacional de Mexico, pp. 61—62, 64 and 118. Sources: 1. Directives by Mohammad Ali Foroughi (Prime Minister of Iran, 1935) cited in Gh. Ra'di Azarakshi. 1959. [A brief history of the Language Academy of Iran]. En Mo'in. 1959, 99—100. 2. Comments by the King of Persia (Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, 1919-1980 [Shah from 1941 to 1967 and King from 1967 to 1979]), on establishing the [Second] Language Academy of Iran, October 30, 1970. Report of the Day. November 1, 1970. All three citations were located, recommended and translated by Karol Janicki (Adam Mickiewicz University). Sources: 1. Onufry Kopczynski (1735—1817, grammarian, pedagogue and priest). About the Spirit of the Polish Language [O duchu jezyka polskiego]. 1804. Warsaw, Towarzystwo W. P. N„ pp. 3 - 6 ; 2. Lucjan Rydel (1870-1918, poet, playwright, translator). Mother tongue speech [Mowa ojczysta], 1908. Straz Polska. No. 1, 5—6; 3. Zdzislaw Debicki (1871-1931, poet, journalist, literary critic). The Foundations of National Culture [Podstawy kultury norodowej. 1922. Warsaw, Gebethner and Wolff, pp. 32-35. Both citations were located, recommended and translated by Nancy Hornberger, University of Pennsylvania. Sources: 1. Faustino Espinoza Navarro (eloquent Quechua orator and actor, founder of the internationally famous Inti Raymi festival). Qheshua simi [The Quechua tongue], in his Qosqo: Poemas del Inka. Cusco, Ediciones Inka Rimay, 1963, 27. 2. Delia Blanco de Valencia (member of the "Academia peruana de la lengua Quechua" and, at the time that this article was published, its "Conservation Director"). Runa simiq sumaq rimaynin [The wonderful expressiveness of Runasimi], in Inka Rimay: Organo de la Academia de la lengua Quechua. 1985, n. 2, 222—223. Runasimi, literally translated, means "the tongue of the people". It is used by Quechua speakers in referring to their own language. Tawantinsuyu, literally translated: "all the four nations", refers to the Inca Empire at its height. This citation is from material provided by Iso Camartin, University of Zurich. Source: Peider Lansi. The Raeto-Romans. Chur. Bischofberger, 1937, 22—23 and 28—29. "We want to be neither Italians nor Germans! We want to be Romansh!" Source for the first two citations: Hans Rogger. 1960. National Consciousness in Eighteenth-Century Russia. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, pp. 103 and 105. Rogger attributes these as follows: 1. Mikail Lomonosov (1711-1765, Western trained scientist who wrote in a variety half way between Old Church Slavonic and colloquial Russian); 2. A. P. Sumarokov. (1718—1777, poet and dramatist, advocated a modern literary Russian based on general usage but preserving its uniquely Russian features); Citation 3: Μ. I Isayev (major linguistic apologist for the USSR's cultural policies visä-vis non-Russian nationalities). 1977. National Languages in the USSR: Problems and Solutions. Moscow: Progress, pp. 300, 346 and 351. Charles V, 1500-1558, was King of Spain, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Spanish America and the Hapsburg lands (Germany and Austro-Hungary). The Second World War was designated the Great Patriotic War only after the unilateral Nazi abrogation (1941) of the 1939 Hitler-Stalin Pact and the consequent German invasion of the USSR.

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173. This citation was located and recommended by Paul R. Magosci, Multicultural History Society of Ontario. Source: Volodymyr Fedynysynec (contemporary writer, journalist and language advocate). Our Peaceful Rusyn Way: Two Essays. Presov, Rusynska obroda, 1992, 96-98,100, 102 and 105. (published together in one volume with the identical texts also in Slovak and Rusyn 174. Both citations were located and recommended by William W. Derbyshire (Rutgers University). Sources: 1. Isidora Sekulic (Contemporary Serbian author). Vuk Karadzic. ZavicajI Homeland. 1987, 34, no. 319-326, p. 7; 2. Quotation from Vuk (undated), cited in above source, p. 18. 175. Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic (1787—1864), linguist and folklorist, contributed greatly to Serbian literacy and writing system reform, the definition of the Serbian literary norm and Serbian linguistic and ethnic consciousness. 176. Both citations were located and recommended by Lachman M. Khubchandani, Center for Communication Studies (Pune, India). Sources: 1. G. M. Syed (1903-, founder of the "Jiye Sindh" [Long Live Sindh] movement which sought (and seeks) Sindi territorial autonomy [in India and Pakistan; currently under house-arrest in his native village). 1985. A Case for Sindhu Desh. Bombay, Babani. p. 32; 2. L. M. Khubchandani. 1983. Sindhi factor in Pakistani politics. Maharashtra Herald (Pune), September 6, p. 4. 177. All three citations were located, recommended and translated by Marc L. Greenberg, University of Kansas. Sources: 1. Josip Stritar (1836-1923; poet, critic and publisher). 1878, Zopet! [Again!]. Reprinted in his Zbrano delo [Collected Works], 1956. vol. 7 (ed, and annotated by Frances Koblar). Ljubljana, Drzavna zalozba Slovenije, pp. 353-357; 2. France Bevk (1890-1970, Slovene novelist). 1938. Kaplan Martin Cedermac /The Chaplain Martin Cedermac]. Reprinted in 1966. Ljubljana, Drzavna zalozba Slovenije, pp. 177-179. This novel deals with Slovenes in Italy under the Fascist regime. The speaker is Chaplain Cedermac, at Sunday Mass; 3. Oton Zupancic (1878—1949; one of the major Slovene poets). 1946. Nas jezik ν novi dobi [Our language in a new era]. Reprinted in his Zbrano delo /'Collected Works/. 1984 (ed. by Joza Mahnic and Josip Vidmar). Ljubljana, Drzavna zalozba Slovenije, pp. 110-113). 178. Recommended by David D. Laitin, University of Chicago. Source: Anon. 1972. Cited in Hussein M. Adam. 1980. The Revolutionary Development of the Somali Language. Los Angeles, African Studies Center, University of California (Occasional Paper No. 20), pp. 3 - 4 . 179. lid is the feast which is held after the fasting month of Ramadan. 180. Father Siyaad = Maxamad Siyaad Barre, the President of Somalia from 1969-1991. He called himself the "Father of the Revolution" and it was he who decreed, in 1972, that Somali would be the official language of the country and would be written in the Latin script. 181. Both citations were located, recommended and translated into German by H. Schuster-Sewc, University of Leipzig. The translations from German into English were made by Connie Janssen (Monash University). Sources: 1. Jurij Slodenk (1873-1945, teacher and writer. 1920. Macerna rec [Mother tongue], published in Luzicko-srbska citanka [Lusatian-Sorbian Reader], Josef Pata ν Praze, ed. Prague, Adolf Cerny 105-106. 2. Alfons Wicaz (1945-, journalist). 1990. Serbski Sokol [The Sorbian Sokol], Budysin/Bautzen, Domowina, 95—96. 182. Sources: 1. Luis Munoz Morales (Journalist, responding to President Truman's veto of a bill-passed by the legislature of Puerto R i c o - m a k i n g Spanish the language of

326

183.

184.

185. 186.

187. 188.

Notes instruction in Puerto Rico's schools). [My translation from Spanish: JAF] 1946. El idioma y el status [Language and status]. El Mundo. November 17. Reprinted in Erwin Η. Epstein, ed. 1970. Language, Politics and Education in Puerto Rico: A Documentary Survey of the Language Issue. Metuchen, Scarecrow, pp. 29—30. 2. Text of the governor of Puerto Rico's ad in The New York Times of April 9, 1991, reprinted in The San Juan Star of April 10, 1991. In April 1993, the subsequent governor promulgated a new statute awarding co-official status to both Spanish and English. Source: F. Rico. 1985. De Nebrija a la Academia, in Anon. The Fairest Flower; The Emergence of Linguistic National Consciousness in Renaissance Europe. Firenze, L'Accademia della Crusca, pp. 133-138. Rico's text paraphrases and quotes from Elio Antonio de Nebrija (1444—1521), famous Spanish scholar of classic languages and author of the groundbreaking Gramätica sobre la lengua castellana (1492). The translation into English is my own (JAF). "Impurities" is a euphemism for "Jews" (expelled in 1492) and "cleansing", for the Inquisition (instituted in Spain in 1481). The Inquisition was charged with ferreting out and punishing heretics, primarily former Jews who had, under extreme duress, nominally accepted Christianity but who secretly continued to observe their original faith. Also finally expelled (after many centuries of painstaking Christian reconquest of the peninsula) in 1492. Recommended by Marmo Soemarmo (Ohio University). Source: Muhammad Yamin [1903—1962, poet and political activist; chaired the 1928 Indonesian Youth Congress at which the Indonesian language was officially adopted]. 1921. "Bahasa, Bansa" (Language, Nation) Originally published in Jong Sumatera [Young Sumatra], 1920-22, 3, 54. Cited in full as well as translated in A. Teeuw. 1979. Modem Indonesian Literature, v. 1. The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, pp. 10 and 257. Pertja and Andalas (next line) are alternative names for Sumatra. Sources: 1. Robert Shaaban (Contemporary, internationally recognized poet and novelist, "the Shakespeare of Swahili literature"). 1972. Almasi za Afrika /Diamonds in Africa/. Nairobi, Nelson; translated in Clement L. Ndulute. 1984. Poetry and the Politics of Change in East Africa, 1950-1980: The Emergence of Radical Literature. Ph. D. Dissertation (Comparative Literature). Indiana University. 1986, University Microfilms International, p. 60; 2. Abdallah Khalid (adopted Swahili name of a contemporary social and cultural critic and activist, originally an Estonian, and subsequently an accomplished German speaker, who settled in Kenya and has become fully identified with Swahili language and culture)). 1977. The Liberation of Swahili from European Appropriation. Nairobi, East African Literature Bureau, pp. 193-195; 3. Abdallah Khalid, op. cit., p. 105 . The quotation is attributed to William Hitchens, editor and translator. 1939. Al-Inkishafi-The Soul's Awakening. Republished: Nairobi, Oxford University Press, p. 41.

189. Citations 2 and 3 were selected, recommended and translated by S. V. Shanmugam, Anamalai University. Sources: 1. S. Ilakkuvanar (1910—1973, Tamil scholar, Thyagarajar College). 1961. Tamil Language. Madras, South India Saiva Siddhanta Works Publishing Society; 2. C. N. Annadurai (1909—1969, leader of the regional political party DMK, Chief Minister of Tamil state: 1967-1968). Open letter to party members, September 26, 1960, published 1981 in his Tampikku Annavin Katitankal (Letters of Anna[durai=older brother"] to his Younger Brother). Madras, Paarinilayau, pp. 5 6 - 5 7 ; 3. P. Krishnan. (1950-, research scholar and university lecturer). Tamil Nu-

Notes

190. 191. 192. 193.

194.

195.

196. 197. 198. 199.

200.

201.

202. 203.

327

ulkalil Tamil Moli, Tamil Inam, Tamilnaatu (Tamil Language, Tamil Race, Tamil Country in Tamil Works) 1984. Madras, Ilantamilar Patippakam, p. 95. Tamil nadu = the Tamil land Here and in the following two citations "race" should be understood as roughly the equivalent of people, ethnic group or nationality. United Nations Orgnization. All three citations were located, selected and, where necessary, translated by B. Radhakrishna, Hyderabad. Sources: 1. from the Vinukonda Vallabharaya, a mid-14th century translation of a 13th century Sanskrit original, depicting Telugu society during the days of the Kakatiya Empire (1197—1323, one of the major empires to flourish in the Telugu area); 2. Statement of the Emperor Sri Krishnadevaraya, a 16th century poet of repute in Sanskrit and a ruler of the powerful and prosperous Vijayanagara Empire (which lasted from 1339-1646 until overrun by Moslems) in his Telugu work Amuktamalyada Vishhnucittiyamu (canto 1, stanza 15); 3. Henry Morris. (? -1912, British specialist in South Indian languages). 1890. Simplified Grammar of the Telugu Language. London, K. Paul, Trench and Trubner, pp. 1—2. This citation was located, recommended and translated by Abraham Demoz, Northwestern University. Source: 1. A. Ma. Ha. [These are the initials of the author's name, in the Ethiopic syllabary]. 1958. Sewasiw Tigrinya Qeddamay Metshaf\T\gnnyd Grammar, Book 1], Asmara, Francescana Printing, p. 3. Both citations were located and recommended by Stephen Wurm, Australian National University. Sources: 1. Moka Kakayo (instructor at Post and Telegraph College, Boroko). 1976. Letter to the Editor: Pidgin's the language we all speak. Papua New Guinea Post-Courier. July 9, p. 2; 2. John Lynch (instructor at University of Papua New Guinea). 1976. Letter to the Editor. Papua New Guinea Post Courier. June 1, p. 2 Pidgin or Pidgin English are earlier and still quite common designations, in English, for Tok Pisin. Tok Pidgin is an intermediate designation, en route to the current official name: Tok Pisin. P N G = Papua New Guinea The second citation was located, recommended and translated by Jacob M. Landau, Hebrew University. Sources: 1. Linguistic Turkism. Ziya Gokalp (1876-1924; influential writer, precursor and "idea man" of the Kemal Ataturk revolution). 1923. The Principles of Turkism [Translated from the Turkish original (Turkculugun esaslart) and annotated by Robert Devereux]. Leiden, E . J . Brill, 1968, 88-89; 2. Concluding Statement of the First Convention of the Turkish Language, Ankara, September 25-28, 1990. Press release. This citation was located, recommended and translated by Andrij Hornjatkevyc, University of Alberta. Source: 1. Programme of the People's Movement of Ukraine for Restructuring (Rukh) [Narodnyi Rukh Ukrainy Perebudovu. Prohrama, Statut], 1989. Ellicott City, Smolosky, p. 20-243. This citation was recommended and located by William Fierman and translated by David Tyson, both of Indiana University. Source: Babamurad Daminov (1913—, Uzbek commentator and writer). 1989. Language development (Writer and society). Ozbekistan adabiyati va san'atti [Uzbekistan Language and Literature], May 26, p. 2. Alia = Uzbek lullaby Sources: Both citations are found in John DeFrancis. 1977. Colonialism and Language Policy in Vietnam. The Hague, Mouton, pp. 184-185 and 239. The original sources

328

Notes

are listed as follows: 1. Tran Tan Binh (dates unknown; among the first Vietnamese to be trained in Paris). 1907. [Lecture on returning from France] Bulletin de l'Ecole francaise d'Extreme-Orient. 7 ( 1 - 2 ) , pp. 155-156; 2. Ho Chi Min (1890-1969; leading Vietnamese revolutionary and first president of North Vietnam). 1971. Ecrits. (1920-1969). Hanoi, p. 6 1 - 6 2 . 204. The second citation was recommended and located by Glyn Williams (University of Wales). Sources: 1. John E. Southall (n.d., Welsh literary scholar). 1893. Wales and Her Language. London, D. Nutt, p. 270; 2. Saunders Lewis (1893-1985, famous Welsh writer—in a variety of genres—scholar, politician, founder of the Welsh National Party and Welsh language advocate). 1962. The fate of the language (Translated by G. Aled Williams; originally for BBC Publications, February 1962). 1973. Presenting Saunders Lewis. Alun R. Jones and Gwyn Thomas, eds. Cardiff, University of Wales Press, pp. 139-141. 205. Both citations were located and recommended by Aram Fal (Cheikh Anta Diop University) and translated into English by Codou Diaw, under the supervision of Omar Ka (University of Maryland, Baltimore County Campus). Sources: 1. Useynu Gey Cosaan (well known poet, now in his thirties, originally wrote Wolof in Arabic script but now does so in Latin script). 1990. Lakk Waa Ngi Jooy [Our Language is Weeping]. Mekhe, author, ms.; 2. Serin Tayba Sare (c. 1927-, well known, Arabic educated poet whose Wolof writings are entirely in Arabic characters. 1992. Jambaar Ju Baax Ja [The Great Hero] in Sargal Seek Anta Diop, Woy ci lamminu wolof / I n Honor of Cheikh Anta Diop: Poems in the Wolof Language], Dakar, IFAN (Institute Fondamental d'Afrique Noire) Cheikh Anta Diop University, pp. 2 6 - 3 8 . 206. Source: My paraphrase of the "supporters'" view as presented in Maria (Mercy) Martinez (bilingual/bicultural educator Tucson [Arizona] School District). The Implementation of the Pascua Yaqui Tribe Language Policy and the Impact on the Development of Bilingual/Bicultural Education Programs for Yaqui and O'odham Students in a Public School District. Proceedings of the Eighth Annual International Native American Language Issues Institute. 1989. Tempe [Arizona], INALII, pp. 182-208.1 am grateful to Alan Hudson (University of New Mexico) for enabling me to obtain a copy of this publication. 207. Sources: l.Nokhem Shtif (1879-1933, Yiddish linguist, literary historian, author and political leader). 1920. Yidish un yidishkeyt [Yiddish and Yidishkeyt], in his Yidn un yidish [Jews and Yiddish], Warsaw, Nayer farlag, pp. 5 - 7 and 115-118. [Reprinted in Avrom Menes. Der yidisher gedank in der nayer tsayt [Jewish Thought in Modern Times]. 1957. New York, Alveltlekher yidisher kultur-kongres, pp. 293-294. 2. Arye Shamir (contemporary communal activist on behalf of institutions, in Israel, memorializing Byalistok). 1992. Vegn yidish un yidishe kinder in byalistok, [About Yiddish and Jewish children in Byalistok], Yerushelayemer almenakh . 22, 197—198; 3. Shifre Rubin (well known contemporary "rebetsin" [=wife of a (hasidic) rabbi]. 1992. Shtaygt h e k h e r - r e d t mame loshn! [Ascend higher (in virtue)- speak Yiddish!].[Mameloshn literally means "mother tongue". It is a commonly used informal designation for Yiddish.] Dos yidishe vort. Adar a—adar b. p. 52. 208. The old regime = that of pre-revolutionary (Czarist) Russia 209. Yidishkayt = daily Jewish cultural practices. 210. Loshn-koydesh = "the holy tongue", the amalgam of Hebrew and Aramic of biblical, prayerbook, Talmudic and post-Talmudic (rabbinic) texts.

Notes

329

211. The boundary between Western Europe and non-Western Europe was set at the German-Polish Border. The Western European languages represented in our study are Alsatian, Basque, Dutch in Belgium, English in England, French in France, Frisian, German, Irish, Norwegian Bokmal, Norwegian Nynorsk, Romansh, Spanish in Spain and Welsh, i. e., 13 in all. 212. The non-Western European languages in our study are Byelorussian, Croatian, Czech, Estonian, Finnish, Latvian, Lithuanian, Macedonian, Polish, Russian, Rusyn, Serbian, Slovene, Sorbian, Turkish (by virtue of the fact that part of Turkey is in Europe), Ukrainian and Yiddish. The only arguable placement here is that of Turkish, given that the major body of speakers of this language reside in the Middle East and Central Asia. By placing Turkish in non-Western Europe rather than in Asia/Pacific (see footnote 5, below) Turkish was given slightly greater statistical weight in the regional analyses of our results, since it became, thereby, one of 17 non-Western European languages rather than one of what would otherwise have become 26 Asian/Pacific languages. This makes an exceedingly negligible difference in the explication of our findings. 213. The American languages in our study are Black English, Cheyenne, English in the USA, French Creoles of the Caribbean, French in Quebec, Guarani, Kaqchikel, Navajo, Papiamentu, Quechua, Spanish in Puerto Rico and Yaqui. 214. The African languages in our study are Afrikaans, Amharic, Arabic in the Maghreb (North-West Africa), Berber, Hausa, Somali, Swahili, Tigrinya and Wolof. 215. The Asian/Pacific languages in our study are Ainu, Arabic in the Middle East, Bengali in Bengal and Bangladesh (a comparatively recent distinction and, therefore, one set aside for our sampling purposes), Chinese, Filipino, Hawaiian, Hebrew, Hindi, Indonesian, Japanese, Kashmiri, Konkani, Korean, Malay, Manyjilyjarra, Maori, Mariamu, Persian, Sindi, Sumatran, Tamil, Telugu, Tok Pisin, Uzbek and Vietnamese. Although this is a large and diverse subset of languages, it would have had to be larger still to make separate Asian analyses and Pacific analyses feasible. Since the major brunt of our analytic interest is, generally, in comparing European (Western Europe and Non-Western Europe) with all others (Americas, Africa and Asia/Pacific combined), no greater sampling of either Asian or Pacific languages was considered warranted for the purposes of the present study. 216. This finding is basically not dependent on the few 15th-17th century citations for English, French and Spanish and would occur even were these few citations (altogether 4 in number) to be deleted in the computation of the mean age of the Western European citations. 217. Another possibility (particularly relevant to Europe) is that, after one complete cycle has transpired, further attention is devoted to certain themes which then appear to be more recent, since their earlier citations are no longer commonly referred to (e.g., religion, ethnicity, status needs, etc.). In-depth comparative studies of several languages would be necessary in order to clarify which of these progressions occurs. 218. Having admitted that ours is not really a random sample, this statistical procedure which does assume prior random sampling will, nevertheless, be utilized, in order to rule out any potentially biased proclivities to selectively "over-interpret" the myriad small differences that inevitably show up in any body of data dealing with inter-language and inter-regional comparisons.

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Index

A-B-C paradox, 312n.42 Aberbach, Alan David, 140 Acton, Lord, 165 African languages, 329n.214 (See also specific languages) Afrikaans, 17, 19, 21, 23, 3 4 - 3 7 , 40, 49, 51, 6 3 - 6 4 , 66, 68, 7 3 - 7 4 , 77, 80, 82, 84, 87, 90, 98, 101, 103, 108, 181-183 Ahuma, Samuel R., 307n.l Ainu, 25, 36, 4 0 - 4 2 , 63, 73, 77, 90, 183 Alcock, Anthony E„ 143, 147, 152, 166, 174 Allahar, Anton L., 177 Alsatian, 13, 23, 25, 38, 40, 42, 47, 49, 67, 76, 99, 103, 184-185 American languages, 329n.213 (See also specific languages) American (See English, in USA) Amersfoort, Hans van, 163 Amharic, 35, 71, 74, 80, 90, 105, 112, 185-186 Anderson, Benedict R. O'G., 140, 144, 151, 154-155, 160, 170-172, 177, 311n.39 Angell, Norman, 167 Anthropology, medical, 2 Anthropology of consciousness, 307n.l Aquinas, St. Thomas, 139 Arabic, 16-17, 23, 36, 4 0 - 4 2 , 4 8 - 4 9 , 51, 55-56, 63, 68, 80, 98, 103, 105, 108, 112, 186-187 Armstrong, John Α., 139 Aronowitz, Stanley, 169 Asian/Pacific languages, 329n.215 (See also specific languages) Assimilationist mode, critiques of, 176-177 Assyrian, 129 Augustine, Saint, 162—163 Balibur, Etienne, 158, 169 Bangla, 189 Baron, Salo W., 125 Barth, Frederick, 134

Barzun, Jacques, 148 Bäsch, Linda, 162 Basque, 21, 25, 42, 82, 105, 188 Basque Autonomous Communities, 149-150 Basu, Sajal, 175, 178 Bauer, Otto, 174 Beaune, Colette, 120, 127, 152, 157 Bendix, Reinhard, 128-129 Bengali, 19, 21, 23, 34, 38, 46, 51, 68, 77, 80, 8 7 - 8 8 , 101, 103, 188-190 Bennett, John W., 136 Bentham, Jeremy, 160 Berber, 13, 22, 3 9 - 4 0 , 42, 52, 63, 73, 77, 82, 99, 190-191 Bereciarty, Gurutz J., 171, 174 Bilingualism, 93 Billig, Michael, 177 Birch, Anthony H„ 127, 145-146, 150, 158-159, 174 Black English, 4, 13, 17, 40, 42, 49, 66, 77, 98, 101, 191-192 Bloch, Marc, 138, 142, 147, 149, 152 Bloom, William, 163-164 Boccaccio, 71 Bokmäl (See Norwegian) Bolkingbroke, Henry, 160 Boon, James, 134 Bose, Sugata, 170 Bosnian, 128 Breton, 123, 145 Buber, Martin, 178 Buddhism, 32 Bulgarian, 69 Burachok, Matsiey, 314n.71 Burke, Edmund, 160-161 Burke, Peter, 133, 136, 144, 152, 155, 166-167, 311—312n.40 Byelorussian, 13, 16, 20, 25, 40, 42, 4 6 - 4 7 , 52, 6 3 - 6 4 , 66, 68, 73, 77, 80, 84, 87, 90, 101-104, 112-113, 192-195, 308n.9 Byelorussian national and cultural movement, 47, 314n.68

344

Index

Canadian Review of Studies on Nationalism, 307n.2 Capitalism, 172, 312n.47 Carr, Edward H., 312n.41 Carrere d'Encausse, Helene, 166, 169 Catalans, 135, 149-150, 158 Catholicism, 12, 32 Cavour, Camillo, 160 Characteristic statements, 8 Charles V, 265, 324n.l71 Cheyenne, 35, 40, 52, 64, 113, 195-196 Chinese, 46, 49, 55-56, 69, 77, 80, 82, 85, 89, 98, 103-104, 107-109, 112, 149, 196-199 Christianity, 32 Cicero, 71, 217, 265 Citations (See also specific languages) classifying, 8 excesses of certain nationalism and, 5 interpretations of, 1 interregional differences in age of, 300-302 language-identity link and, 4 4 - 4 5 list of, 181-297 numbers following, 308n.8 obtaining, 7—8 positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 299 themes invoked by, 302-305 Codification, 108-111 Cognitive/emotional contributions of language and, 4 8 - 5 3 Connor, Walker, 134, 143, 145, 166, 168-169, 171 Consciousness, 2, 307n.l Conservatives, linguistic, 9 6 - 9 7 , 101 Conservativism, religious, 167—168 Content analysis, 8 Conversi, Danielle, 121, 135, 138, 157, 164 Cornish, 158-159 Corpus planning acceptance of, 116-117 codification and, 108—111 completion of, 97 described, 9 5 - 9 6 for disadvantaged languages, 151 — 156 fostering, 114-115 function of, 95, 100

modernization and, 104-108 opponents of, 9 6 - 9 7 , 100 positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 114-115 praises in, 101-104 rejection of negative attributes and, 97-101 status planning and, 92—93, 95, 114, 309-310n.28 view of, 115—116 written language in, 111 — 114, 154 Croatian, 19, 41, 5 4 - 5 5 , 66, 68, 73, 82, 90, 128, 199-201 Cross-language comparisons, 6, 68—72, 75 Culture ethnicity and, 3 9 - 4 5 , 135-136 language and, 3 nationalism and, 177-178 popular, 173 Customs, 32 (See also Culture) Czech, 42, 64, 74, 77, 84, 98, 140, 201-203, 309n.l8 Dann, Otto, 134 Data evaluation and analyses, 1 Data sampling, 7 - 9 Davidson, Andrew P., 174 Davis, Michael M., 155 Democratization, liberal, 167-168 Demographic references, 90—91 Desideratum, 3 - 4 Deutsch, Karl W„ 124, 140-141, 310n.30 De Witte, Bruno, 176 Dialects, 6 6 - 6 7 , 96, 99 Dine', 41, 85, 323 Dinwiddy, John, 134 Dumont, Louis, 134 Dürkheim, Emil, 128-129 Dutch in Belgium, 20, 4 2 - 4 3 , 45, 53-56, 6 8 - 6 9 , 73, 7 6 - 7 7 , 80, 84-85, 87, 8 9 - 9 0 , 100, 105, 203-205 in the Netherlands, 55-56, 87 Eastern Orthodoxy, 31, 126 Economic development, 168 — 169 Education, 84-87, 146-147 Elaboration, lexical, 103-104, 107-108

Index Elaesserditsch, 184-185 Elites, 166-167 Encyclopedia of Nationalism, 307n.2 Engels, Frederic, 159 English (See also Black English) in Britain, 16, 45, 49, 53, 55, 57, 64, 6 8 - 7 1 , 77, 80, 85, 89, 98, 102-105, 109-110, 113, 205-207 Pidgin, 327n.l96 in USA, 46, 5 2 - 5 3 , 55, 66, 68, 70, 77, 82, 98, 103-104, 109, 207-209 Ergang, Robert R„ 129, 308n.ll Eriksen, Thomas H., 175 Estonian, 16, 25, 34, 38, 40, 46, 4 8 - 4 9 , 55, 64, 69, 73, 88, 9 8 - 9 9 , 102, 105, 109, 113, 209-211 Ethnic and Racial Studies, 307n.2 Ethnicity as aggregational principle, 32—33 awareness of, 165-166 behavioral enactment of, 61 cognitive/emotional contributions of language and, 4 8 - 5 3 culture and, 3 9 - 4 5 , 135-136 early-late contrasts, 169-171 East-West contrasts, 169-171 economic development and, 168—169 elites/proto-elites and, 166-167 ethnogenesis and, 134-135 ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 59-60 ethnophobia, 159—161 evils of, 158-159 factors influencing, 165-171 heritage/history and, 4 5 - 4 8 , 136-137 home and, 3 7 - 3 9 , 133, 142 humanities/social sciences and, 131 — 142 identity and, 3 9 - 4 5 , 61 "insider" vs. "outsider" voice, 130—131 irrationality of, 5 7 - 5 8 kinship and, 24, 32, 3 4 - 3 7 , 131-133, 142 language and, 122-124, 171-178 liberal democratization and, 167—168 mobilization and, 168-171 nation and, 133-134, 137 negative evaluations of, 156-165 people and, 3 9 - 4 5 , 133-134

345

positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 125-131, 172-173 religion and, 3 1 - 3 2 , 126-128, 167-168 religious conservativism and, 167-168 sanctity and, 128, 167 social transformation and, 173—175 state and, 133-134 stress of, 32 territoriality and, 5 3 - 5 7 , 137-142 validity of, 5 8 - 5 9 xenophobia and, 158 Ethnoculture, 3, 4 4 - 4 5 Ethnogenesis, 134—135 Ethnolanguage, 3, 12 Ethnolinguistic consciousness (See also Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness) ethnicity and, 5 9 - 6 0 interlingual contrasts and, 7 9 - 8 0 nationalism and, 2 - 6 nature and, 20—24 negative content of, 5—6, 123 negative evaluations of, 156-165 positive content of, 4—6 sanctity and, 127—128 Ethnolinguistic movements, 12 Ethnophobia, 159-161 Fader, Ayala, 307n.4 Family, 32—33 Fanon, Frantz, 135 Farnen, Russell, 124, 137, 164, 172 Featherstone, Mike, 177 Ferry, Jules, 159 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 139 Fidelity to language, 18—19 Filial piety, 7 3 - 7 4 Filipino, 13, 43, 50, 52, 55, 64, 70, 82, 105, 211-213, 317n.94 Finnish, 13, 40, 43, 55, 64, 69, 7 7 - 7 8 , 82, 85, 98, 102, 104-105, 109, 113, 214-216 Finnish liberation movement, 307n.5 Fishman, Joshua Α., 122-123, 134, 145, 151, 168, 308n. 11, 311n.37 Fox, Richard, 121, 124 French Creole (Caribbean), 89 Creole (New World), 17, 21, 25, 34, 40, 43, 46, 4 9 - 5 1 , 64, 69, 73, 76, 98, 102, 106, 109, 113, 2 2 2 - 2 2 3

346

Index

in France, 16, 41, 48, 5 1 - 5 2 , 5 5 - 5 7 , 69, 71, 85, 90, 98, 102, 104-106, 109, 113, 216-219 in Quebec, 13, 17, 1 9 - 2 0 , 23, 25, 3 5 - 3 6 , 4 6 - 4 8 , 5 2 - 5 3 , 64, 73, 78, 89, 219-222 Frisian, 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 7 - 1 8 , 23, 3 4 - 3 5 , 43, 45, 4 9 - 5 1 , 6 6 - 6 7 , 69, 73, 78, 80, 89, 104, 113, 2 2 3 - 2 2 5 Fundamentalism, 28 Geertz, Clifford, 132 Gellner, Ernst, 134, 141, 150 Gellrich, Jesse M., 149 Gemeinschaft, 37 German, 14, 2 0 - 2 1 , 23, 25, 3 7 - 3 8 , 40, 43, 4 7 - 5 0 , 5 5 - 5 6 , 103, 140, 149, 225-227, 308n.20 Gokalp, Ziya, 127, 310n.31 Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevitsh, 194 Gratifications, psychological, 8 8 - 9 1 Greek, 71 Greenfield, Liah, 140, 144, 162, 167, 170, 172-173 Grimm, Jacob, 148, 155 Grimm, Wilhelm, 155 Grosby, Steven, 132 Gross, Feliks, 127 Guarani, 19, 25, 38, 43, 51, 64, 69, 76, 78, 8 2 - 8 3 , 8 9 - 9 0 , 104, 106, 109, 2 2 8 - 2 2 9 Guinier, Lani, 171, 176 Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 31 On.32 Gurr, Robert, 145 Haberly, David T., 307n.l Hagendoorn, Louk, 137 Halachic, 17, 308n.l2 Han people, 197 Hausa, 19, 34, 36, 4 9 - 5 2 , 55, 57, 69, 78, 8 0 - 8 1 , 83, 85, 87, 8 9 - 9 0 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 106, 109, 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 Hawaiian, 25, 27, 34, 41, 83, 85, 2 3 1 - 2 3 2 Hayes, Carlton J., 122, 125, 160, 174 Hebrew, 14, 18, 27, 41, 49, 5 5 - 5 6 , 69, 74, 87, 102, 114, 2 3 2 - 2 3 4 , 308n.l0 Hebrew-Aramaic, 17 Herder, Johann Gustav, 1 3 - 1 5 , 45, 128-129, 139, 160, 173, 308n.ll

Heritage, 4 5 - 4 8 , 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 Hindi, 14, 2 5 - 2 6 , 46, 5 0 - 5 1 , 53, 56, 89, 109, 128, 2 3 4 - 2 3 5 History, 4 5 - 4 8 , 136-137 Hitchins, Keith, 307n.l Hobbes, Thomas, 162, 173 Hobsbawm, Eric, 121, 136, 139, 153-154, 156-157, 162, 169 Holy Languages, 1 1 - 1 4 Holy Writ, 12 Home, 3 7 - 3 9 , 133, 142 Horowitz, Irving L., 126—127, 161, 167-169, 173 Hroch, Miroslav, 123, 144, 146, 150, 155, 311n.37 Huismans, Sipke, 224 Hulme, Peter, 133 Human body and nature parallels, 2 0 - 2 4 Hume, David, 141 Hungarian, 39 Hutchinson, John, 174 Hutnik, Nimmi, 159, 176-177 Identity, cultural, 3 9 - 4 5 , 61, 123 Ignatieff, Michael, 135, 138, 141 Indonesian, 14, 2 0 - 2 1 , 23, 36, 41, 46, 56, 76, 78, 114, 2 3 5 - 2 3 6 Integrationists, 316n.85 Iraqi bath movement of Sadam Hussein, 307n.5 Irish, 16, 19, 36, 40, 43, 4 5 - 4 7 , 49, 5 2 - 5 3 , 57, 6 4 - 6 5 , 7 3 - 7 4 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 83, 90, 236-238 Islam, 32 Japanese, 14, 40, 43, 50, 69, 2 3 9 - 2 4 0 Jasper, David, 149 Johnston, Hank, 121, 125, 127, 135, 155, 158 Jones, Delmos, 161 Judaism, 31 Kaffir language, 68, 181 Kant, Immanuel, 128 Kaqchikel, 18, 26, 3 4 - 3 5 , 41, 43, 51, 56, 74, 90, 240 Kashmiri, 19, 56, 241 Katipunan, 213, 317n.93

Index Kemilainen, Aira, 139 Khlief, Bud Β., 141, 148 Kindaichi, 239 Kinship, 24, 32, 3 4 - 3 7 , 131-133, 142 Knippenberg, Hans, 163 Kohn, Hans, 125, 136, 169-170 Kollar, Jan, 141, 153, 311n.36 Konkani, 18, 34, 36, 3 8 - 4 1 , 46, 4 9 - 5 1 , 56, 64, 85, 99-100, 241-242 Korean, 14, 21, 23, 26, 41, 53, 56, 6 4 - 6 5 , 69, 81, 107, 109, 242-243 Kotodama, 14, 40, 239 Krawchenko, Bohdan, 307n.l Kultur des Volkes, 173 Kurdish national movement, 307n.5 Land, language and, 54 Language (See also specific languages) abandonment of, 1 9 - 2 0 acquisition of, first, 37—38 bilingualism, 93 cognitive/emotional contributions of, 48-53 culture and, 3 demographic references, 9 0 - 9 1 dialects, 6 6 - 6 7 , 96, 99 dignity of, 7 5 - 7 9 disadvantaged, 145, 151-156 divisiveness and dysfunctionality through, 144-145 elaboration, 103-104, 107-108 ethnicity and, 122-124, 171-178 ethnoculture and, 4 4 - 4 5 fathers and, 3 5 - 3 6 fidelity to, 1 8 - 1 9 fostering, 72—75 functional differences of, 6 2 - 6 3 functions of, 8 0 - 8 8 , 147-148 holy, 11-14 identity and, ethnic, 44—45 "insider" vs. "outsider" voice, 130-131 land and, 54 life and death parallels and, 2 5 - 2 7 , 131 loss, 27 materia sancta and, 16-18, 128-129 in modern ethnonationalisms, 3—4 modernizing, 104-108, 115-116 monetary references and, 8 8 - 8 9 as moral issue, 20, 7 2 - 7 5 , 92

347

mother tongue, 3 4 - 3 6 , 39, 146-147 nationalism and, 4, 307n.3 nature and human body parallels and, 2 0 - 2 4 , 130-131 non-fidelity to, 1 9 - 2 0 people and, 9 2 - 9 3 positive content of, 4 power references and, 89—91 recognition of status of, 143-151 redefinition of, 151 - 1 5 3 religion and, 2 7 - 2 8 responsibility for, 61—63, 9 1 - 9 2 (See also Status planning) safe, 19 selecting, method of, 8 speech community and, 3, 39 standardization, 108-111, 153-154 state and, 148-151 status of, 61, 9 5 - 9 6 suppressed, 4 understanding, 122 written, 111-114, 154 Laponce, J. Α., 175 Laski, Harold, 162 Latin, 71, 217 Latin alphabet writing system of Vietnamese, 50, 79 Latvian, 14, 16, 23, 3 5 - 3 6 , 46, 51, 56, 65, 69, 76, 99, 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 Liberal democratization, 167-168 Life and death parallels, 25—27, 131 Linguistic conservatives, 9 6 - 9 7 , 101 Linguistic corpus (See Corpus planning) Linguistic status (See Status planning) Linssen, Hub, 137 List, Friedrich, 136 Liszt, Franz, 148 Literature, 8 7 - 8 8 Lithuanian, 34, 56, 69, 81, 83, 85, 103, 106, 113, 2 4 5 - 2 4 6 Liveraini, M., 127 Llobera, Josep R., 126, 139, 152, 159 Locke, John, 175 Loshn-koydesh, 17 McDonald, Maryon, 123, 144-145 Macedonian, 15-16, 19, 23, 3 4 - 3 6 , 43, 46, 4 9 - 5 0 , 69, 74, 76, 78, 89, 109, 154, 246-248

348

Index

Maguire, Linda, 171, 176 Makolkin, Anna, 155-156 Malacanang, 213—214 Malay, 23, 49, 69, 83, 85, 90, 106, 114, 149, 248-249 Mann, Michael, 126, 146 Manyjilyjarra, 20, 3 5 - 3 6 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 74, 87, 113, 249-250 Maori, 15, 26, 34, 41, 5 1 - 5 2 , 65, 67, 74, 81, 87, 250-252 Mao Tse-tung, 198, 315n.76 Mariamu, 23, 34—35, 252 Marxism, 158, 169, 172 Marx, Karl, 132, 134-135, 159 Masterji, Zinda Kaul, 321n.l35 Materia sancta, 16-18, 128-129 Mayall, James, 175 Mayan languages, 240, 18 (See also specific languages) Medicine, Modern Western, 2 Melucci, Alberto, 121 Mestrovic, Stjepan G., 161 Methodological issues, 1 , 7 - 9 Mill, John Stuart, 149-150 Minorities, 147, 165, 311n.37 Mitra, Subrata K., 175 Mobilization, ethnic/national, 3 - 4 , 168-171 Modernization, 72, 104-108, 115-116 Monetary references, 88—89 Morgan, Prys, 136, 152-153, 158, 162 Morgenthau, Hans (Henry) J., 312n.42 Moser, Justus, 129 Moslem, 128 Mosse, George L„ 125, 128, 130, 137, 178 Mother tongue, 3 4 - 3 6 , 39, 146-147 Mulcaster, R., 316n.86 Nation, 133-134, 137 Nationalism Arabic, 42 attitudes/beliefs focused on in, 3 culture and, 177-178 definitional problems, 134 development of, 4, 307n2. ethnoliguistic consciousness and, 2 - 6 excesses of certain, 5 - 6 , 158-159 Hayes and, 122

language and, 4, 307n.3 post, 162-163 religion and, 126-127 self-regulation and, 163 - 1 6 4 understanding, 122 vernaculars and, 2 - 4 written language and, 154-156 xenophobia and, 158 Nation-into-state process, 171, 312n.43 Nation-states, 163, 309n.24 Nature and human body parallels, 20-24, 130-131 Navajo, 38, 41, 47, 65, 74, 85, 252-253 Nazis, German, 307n.5 Nimni, Ephraim, 177 Non-fidelity to language, 1 9 - 2 0 Non-Western European languages, 329n.212 {See also specific languages) Norton, David F., 141 Norwegian Bokmal, 41, 4 8 - 4 9 , 56, 6 9 - 7 0 , 81, 83, 8 8 - 8 9 , 90, 253-254 Nynorsk, 16, 19-20, 34-36, 43, 4 6 - 4 7 , 64, 67, 69, 74, 76, 78, 83, 87-88, 99, 102, 104, 109, 113, 254-256 Nynorsk (See Norwegian) O'Brien, Conor Cruise, 125, 158 Odysseus, 3 8 - 3 9 Oresme, Nicolas, 31 In.38 Orthodox Judaism, 31 Orthodoxy, 31, 126 Ovid, 265 Pali, 14 Papiamentu, 3 4, 15, 51-52, 65, 70, 7 8 - 7 9 , 81, 87, 100, 102-103, 110, 256-258 Parker, Roy, 140 Particularists, 316n.85 Patterson, Orlando, 161 Peking people, 197 People ethnicity and, 39-45, 133-134 language and, 9 2 - 9 3 Persian, 17, 41, 57, 74, 89-90, 106-107, 109-110, 258-259 Petrarch, 217

Index Phillipson, Richard, 168 Piao, Lin, 315n.76 Pidgin, 327n.l96 Pilipino, 317n.94 Pi-Sunyer, Oriol, 141, 169, 172 Plamenatz, John, 170 Polish, 15-16, 23, 26, 3 4 - 3 7 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 43, 4 6 - 5 3 , 56, 7 0 - 7 1 , 8 7 - 8 8 , 104-106, 113, 259-261 Political autonomy, 8 2 - 8 4 , 148-151 Popper, Karl, 158 Popular culture, 173 Portuguese, 39 Positive ethnolinguistic consciousness (See also Ethnolinguistic consciousness) appreciating, 177-178 citations and, 299 comparisons in connection with, 4 - 6 corpus planning and, 114—115 cultural identity and, 123 ethnicity and, 125-131, 172-173 European vs. non-European expressions, 8 - 9 , 45, 308n.l3 excesses of newly-gained, 9 3 - 9 4 in group-defining idea-world, 124 "insider" vs. "outsider" voice, 119—125 monolingual monopolization of, 5 religion and, 2 7 - 2 9 sanctity and, 12-13, 2 7 - 2 9 , 125-131 statements of, 7 - 9 status planning and, 6 1 - 6 3 taming, 177-178 Post-nationalism, 162—163 Potunghua, 46, 82, 89, 196-199 Power references, 8 9 - 9 1 Power, Thomas F., 159 Practicality, 161-162 Prakrit, 14 Premdas, Ralph, 175 Protestantism, 12, 32 Proto-elites, 166-167 Pynsent, Robert B„ 140-141, 146, 153, 158 Quebec, 150 Quechua, 18, 2 1 - 2 3 , 26, 39, 43, 47, 50-52, 65, 7 0 - 7 1 , 76, 81, 83, 87, 89-90, 102, 105-106, 261-264

349

Quoc Ngu, 50, 79 Quota sampling, 9 Race, defined, 327n.l91 Racial, defined, 316n.88 Racism, 158 Random sampling, 7 - 8 , 308n.l3 Ranum, Orest, 126, 137, 139, 158, 307n.l Rationality, 161-162 Ravitch, Diane, 148 Re-ethnification, 5 Reitz, Francis William, 182, 313n.51 Religion (See also Sanctity) capitalism and, 172, 312n.47 conservatism, 167-168 ethnicity and, 3 1 - 3 2 , 126-128, 167-168 ethnolinguistic movements and, 12 fundamentalism, 28 language and, 27—28 nationalism and, 126-127 positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 2 7 - 2 9 power of, 27 spread/diversification of, 32 stress of, 32 Relinguification, 5 Renan, Ernest, 129, 137, 141-142 Renner, Karl, 176 Richelieu, Cardinal Duke of, 218 Rjasanoff, N., 159 Rollins, Richard M., 140 Romansh, 19, 22, 26, 34, 38, 4 3 - 4 4 , 70, 78, 81, 2 6 4 - 2 6 5 Rowles, James, 307n. 1 Russian, 19, 5 6 - 5 7 , 6 9 - 7 1 , 81, 85, 99, 113, 2 6 5 - 2 6 6 Rusyn, 21, 26, 3 4 - 3 5 , 44, 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 3 - 5 4 , 65, 67, 70, 74, 8 9 - 9 0 , 267-268 Saari, Henn, 316n.89 Safarik, Parvel Josef, 141, 153 Sampling problems and solutions, 7 - 9 Sanctity (See also Religion) ethnicity and, 128, 167 ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 127-128 Holy Languages and, 11-13

350

Index

"insider" vs. "outsider" voice, 130-131 life and death parallels and, 2 5 - 2 7 , 131 materia sancta and, 16-18, 128-129 nature and human body parallels and, 2 0 - 2 4 , 130-131 positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 12-13, 2 7 - 2 9 , 125-131 in social research, 130—131 soul/spirit and, 13-16, 129-130 vernaculars and, 12 Sanskrit, 14 Sardesai, Manohar, 299 Schiller, Nina Glick, 162 Schleiermacher, Friedrich, 125-126, 149 Schlesinger, Arthur, Jr., 148, 161, 165 Schneider, David M., 132 Schooling, formal, 8 4 - 8 7 , 146-147 Serbian, 16, 23, 26, 36, 41, 44, 48, 56, 67, 69, 74, 7 6 - 7 7 , 83, 88, 102, 104, 106, 110, 128, 2 6 8 - 2 6 9 Seth, Sanjay, 163, 168 Shafer, Boyd, 132 Shils, Edward, 132 Sindhi, 21, 26, 47, 70, 76, 79, 83, 90, 103, 105-106, 113, 2 6 9 - 2 7 0 Skaryna, Frantsysk, 193, 314n.70 Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove, 168 Slovene, 15-16, 21, 23, 35, 44, 46, 51, 53, 70, 78, 81, 87-88, 100, 102, 104, 106, 271-273, 307n.5 Smith, Anthony, 157, 165-166 Smith, John E„ 125, 158 Snyder, Louis L„ 124-125, 129-130, 137, 148-149, 160, 174, 307n.2 Social research, 7, 125, 130-131 Sokol movement, 106 Somali, 35, 64, 70, 78, 85, 99, 113, 273-274 Sorbian, 26, 34, 44, 50, 52, 70, 79, 87, 99, 103, 106, 113, 2 7 4 - 2 7 5 Soul sanctity and, 13-16, 129-130 term of, 307-308n.7 vernaculars as, 13—16 Spanish in Puerto Rico, 41, 47, 5 6 - 5 7 , 65, 70, 7 4 - 7 5 , 83, 85, 87, 90, 276-277

in Spain, 7 0 - 7 2 , 79, 81, 99, 104, 109, 277-278 Spicer, Edward H., 134 Spirit Japanese, 14, 40, 239 sanctity and, 13-16, 129-130 term of, 307-308n.7 vernaculars as, 1 3 - 1 6 Standardization, 108-111, 153-154 State, 33, 133-134, 148-151, 171 State-into-nation process, 171, 312n.43 Statements of praise, 1, 101-104, 151-152 Statistical treatment, 1 Status planning aspirations of, 7 9 - 8 8 corpus planning and, 9 2 - 9 3 , 95, 114, 309-310n.28 cross-language comparison and, 6 8 - 7 2 dignity of language and, 7 5 - 7 9 gratifications and, various, 8 8 - 9 1 as group vitality planning, 145-146 issues involved in, 62 language fostering and, 7 2 - 7 5 metaphor of, 91 opponents of, 96 "outsider" voice on, 144-145 positive ethnolinguistic consciousness and, 6 1 - 6 3 rejection of negative attributes and, 63-68, 97-98 rhetoric of, 9 1 - 9 4 Stewart, William, 48 Sumatran, 15, 23, 26, 4 4 - 4 6 , 54, 56, 102, 278-279 Swahili, 15, 23, 34, 36, 41, 50, 52, 57, 65, 67, 77, 83, 8 5 - 8 6 , 99, 100, 103, 110, 279-281 Symmons-Symonolewicz, Konstantin, 159-160, 307n.l Szanton Blank, Cristina, 162 Tagalog, 213, 317n.94 Tamil, 17, 34, 44, 4 6 - 4 7 , 52, 54, 69, 75, 85, 2 8 1 - 2 8 2 Tamir, Yael, 150, 160, 172, 175-176, 178 Tarde, Gabriel, 154-155 Teich, Mikilas,, 140, 148-149, 150, 176 Telugu, 54, 72, 102, 104, 282-283

Index Territoriality, 53-57, 137-142 Thernstrom, Stephan, 134 Thurer, Daniel, 170 Tigrinya, 51, 99, 100, 107, 283-284 Tiryakian, Edward Α., 122, 138, 146 Todorov, Tzvetan, 174, 178 Toennies, Ferdinand, 132 Tok Pisin, 26, 34, 56, 83, 8 9 - 9 0 , 100, 103-104, 110, 284 Toynbee, Arnold J., 125 Turkish, 26, 41, 47, 5 1 - 5 2 , 81, 89, 99, 102-103, 106-107, 127, 285-286, 329n.212 Ukrainian, 36, 44, 65, 67, 70, 75, 77, 8 1 - 8 4 , 86, 106, 286-287 Ukrainian Rukh movement, 307n.5 Ulysses, 3 8 - 3 9 Unity, inter-territorial/cultural, 53-57, 142 Urdu, 128 Uzbek, 15, 34, 37, 41, 44, 46, 48, 52, 6 5 - 6 6 , 75, 7 8 - 7 9 , 84, 88, 112, 287-289 van der Veer, Peter, 121, 125, 127, 155 Vernaculars cultural identity and, 123 desideratum and, 3—4 holiness and, 12 knowledge about, 6 mobilization and, national, 3 - 4 nationalism and, 2 - 4 sanctity and, 12 as spirit/soul, 13 — 16 statements of praise, 1 as symbol of human speech community, 3

351

Vietnamese, 24, 35, 50, 7 0 - 7 1 , 75, 79, 113, 289-290 Virgil, 71, 217 von Leibnitz, Gottfried Wilhelm, 149 Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic, 110, 268-269, 325n.l75 Wagner, Richard, 140 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 158, 169 Walzel, Oskar, 136 Walzer, Michael, 125, 132-133, 163, 168, 171, 175-177 Ward, Barbara, 165 Wealth references, 8 8 - 9 1 Weber, Max, 132 Webster, Noah, 140 Weiler, Gershon, 164 Welsh, 2 1 - 2 2 , 50, 71, 77, 79, 84, 110, 290-292 Western European languages, 329n.211 (See also specific languages) Whitaker, Arthur P., 168 Williams, Glyn, 122 Williams, Howard, 175 Wolof, 19, 2 1 - 2 2 , 44, 66, 71, 86, 89, 292-293 Written language, 111-114, 154-156 Wrong, Dennis H„ 162, 173-174 Xenophobia, 158 Yaqui, 3 4 - 3 5 , 41, 50, 52, 79, 86, 2 9 3 - 2 9 4 Yiddish, 16-17, 21, 24, 34-38, 41, 44, 5 1 - 5 2 , 56, 6 6 - 6 7 , 72, 75, 77, 79, 82, 86, 100, 102-103, 294-297 Yidishkeyt, 42 Ziya, Mehmed, 127, 310n.31