Immigration and Migration: Trends, Management and Challenges 9781536158380, 9781536158397

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IMMIGRATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY: POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES

IMMIGRATION AND MIGRATION TRENDS, MANAGEMENT AND CHALLENGES

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IMMIGRATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY: POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES

IMMIGRATION AND MIGRATION TRENDS, MANAGEMENT AND CHALLENGES

LUCAS DESCOTEAUX EDITOR

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ISBN: HERRN

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

CONTENTS Preface

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Chapter 1

Immigration, Religion and Governmentality Boadi Agyekum

Chapter 2

Immigration and Gender: Health and Labor Conditions, Implications and Challenges Sara Esteban-Gonzalo, Juan Luis González-Pascual and Laura Esteban-Gonzalo

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Using Technology to Expand and Enrich the Vocabulary of Low Level English Migrant Women Kham Sila Ahmad, Jocelyn Armarego and Fay Sudweeks Unaccompanied Migrant Minors: Trends, Challenges and Well-Being Laura Migliorini, Nadia Rania and Nicoletta Varani

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Index

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Related Nova Publications

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PREFACE Immigration and Migration: Trends, Management and Challenges explores the governance of immigrant religious groups. More specifically, the opening paper uses Foucault’s concept of governmentality as an analytical framework to frame a qualitative case study of Ghanaian and Somali immigrants in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. The authors go on to analyze gender differences in labor conditions and health, such as access to paid work and health services, disparities in salaries and work sectors and comparative morbidity patterns between male and female immigrants. Next, a mobile-assisted language learning framework (using a language application and a tablet) was developed to assist low-level English migrant women to acquire, expand and enrich their English vocabulary. This was achieved through a research project with 15 migrant women who were grouped into three case studies, where each experienced different learning environments. The final chapter describes the specific migratory phenomenon of children who migrate alone, making a comparison among European areas. Focus is placed on the Italian context (given that Italy is often the country where migrants first arrive) and the US context in order to understand the connection to the broader landscape of globalization.

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Chapter 1 - While there has been interest in the places that immigrants create for their religious practices, and their implications for socioeconomic integration, similar attention has not been given to how immigrants’ religious activities shape and govern the conducts of individuals and groups. This paper is concerned with exploring the governance of immigrant religious groups and related discourses produce practices. Specifically, the paper uses Foucault’s concept of governmentality as an analytical framework to frame a qualitative case study of Ghanaian and Somali (African) immigrants in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. Analysis of religious activities in Churches (Ghanaians) and Mosques (Somalis) in Hamilton through observation and interviews support to demonstrate the complexities of religious places. In particular, the governmentality perspective suggests that spaces created for religious activities and support can be simultaneously understood as settings designed to govern religious-related conduct of individuals and groups. Members are provided with support and encouragement from leaders and other members, but these same relations are made possible by the governance of the people (members) and transformation of the self. While a focus on governmentality does not preclude recognition of the positive effects associated with religion, it does present a framework that is useful for an analysis concerning a variety of religious activities. Chapter 2 - Background: Several studies have identified the existence of gender differences in immigrants’ living conditions. Gender inequalities affect the way male and female immigrants confront the various obstacles and barriers in processes of migration and integration. Objective: The aim of this literature review is to analyze gender differences in labor conditions and health, such as access to paid work and health services, disparities in salaries and work sectors and comparative morbidity patterns between male and female immigrants. Results: Several studies carried out by official organisms and independent researchers have pointed out the existence of gender inequalities in immigration patterns and in work and health conditions, all of which impact different spheres of immigrants’ lives. Conclusions: As shown in the literature review, gender is an important variable in explaining and understanding the phenomenon of

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immigration. Living and working conditions as well as health are highly influenced by the gender factor. Public institutions should pay attention to all those aspects that link immigration and gender, and consider the numerous practical implications. Chapter 3 - One of the challenges faced by migrant women from nonEnglish speaking backgrounds in Australia is to comfortably communicate and express opinions, feelings and thoughts to English speakers. This limitation is traceable to a lack of exposure to English and the opportunity to learn and use it in their daily interactions. As a result, the women’s accumulated vocabulary bank provides them with limited choices of usable words. A Mobile Assisted Language Learning (MALL) framework, using a language app and a tablet, was developed to assist low level English migrant women to acquire, expand and enrich their English vocabulary. This was achieved through a research project with fifteen migrant women who were grouped into three case studies, where each experienced different learning environments; namely: non-MALL, hybrid, and MALL. The characteristics of these women were: English was not their native language (L1); most struggled and/or were shy to speak English; low English literacy; at least able to read in L1; housewives, some with small children; from low socio-economic backgrounds; and unable to attend formal learning. The MALL framework used a 3-step vocabulary learning process: Step 1 Pre-teaching of Vocabulary, Step 2 Drilling, and Step 3 App Activities and Exercises. Steps 1 and 2 used the traditional teachercentred approach, and the materials were deliberately planned to tie-in with the contents in Step 3, which applied a learner-centred approach. The challenges encountered by the women during the implementation of this framework included: the limitation of group learning/teacher-centred instruction; the difficulty of understanding Australian English and comprehending reading material; and difficulties due to sound system differences between their L1 and English. Nevertheless, benefits of the framework were noted, including: the advantages of student-centred instruction; the relevance of the learning contents to their everyday functional and conversational use motivating them to acquire vocabulary; and the opportunity for independent learning and repeat practice since the

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app was accessible beyond classroom time. While all of the women acquired new vocabulary, those who used the tablet experienced a significantly enriched and positive vocabulary learning experience. The hybrid learning environment was found to be the most effective due to the extended time for exposure and opportunities to use English, more practice, and the exploration of more topics. Chapter 4 - The migration of unaccompanied minors is a complex and poorly researched phenomenon, and the number of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum continues to increase internationally. There are multiple reasons as to why children migrate. For example, they wish to escape from situations of conflict or discrimination, seek a better future, and try to reach family members. Furthermore, children are increasingly being victimized by human trafficking in many of the countries of departure. The present chapter aims to describe this specific migratory phenomenon of children who migrate alone, making a comparison among European areas, with a focus on the Italian context given that Italy is often the country where migrants first arrive, and the US context in order to understand the links in the broader landscape of globalization.

In: Immigration and Migration Editor: Lucas Descoteaux

ISBN: 978-1-53615-838-0 © 2019 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

IMMIGRATION, RELIGION AND GOVERNMENTALITY Boadi Agyekum, PhD School of Continuing and Distance Education University of Ghana, Legon, Accra, Ghana

ABSTRACT While there has been interest in the places that immigrants create for their religious practices, and their implications for socio-economic integration, similar attention has not been given to how immigrants’ religious activities shape and govern the conducts of individuals and groups. This paper is concerned with exploring the governance of immigrant religious groups and related discourses produce practices. Specifically, the paper uses Foucault’s concept of governmentality as an analytical framework to frame a qualitative case study of Ghanaian and Somali (African) immigrants in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. Analysis of religious activities in Churches (Ghanaians) and Mosques (Somalis) in Hamilton through observation and interviews support to demonstrate the complexities of religious places. In particular, the governmentality perspective suggests that spaces created for religious activities and 

Corresponding Author’s Email: [email protected].

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Boadi Agyekum support can be simultaneously understood as settings designed to govern religious-related conduct of individuals and groups. Members are provided with support and encouragement from leaders and other members, but these same relations are made possible by the governance of the people (members) and transformation of the self. While a focus on governmentality does not preclude recognition of the positive effects associated with religion, it does present a framework that is useful for an analysis concerning a variety of religious activities.

INTRODUCTION The concentration of immigrants’ religious groups has had a profound impact on neighbourhoods, towns and cities with establishment of temples and mosques. As the source of immigrants to Canada has shifted from Europe to arrivals from Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and Africa, these newer sources have produced considerable changes in the religious profile of Canada, with growing numbers of Muslims, Buddhist, Hindu and Sikh populations (Reitz, Banerjee, Phan and Thomson, 2009). The role of religion in the conduct of immigrants’ activities in their new destinations has received a considerable research attention in recent years (Agyekum and Newbold, 2016; Park, Roh and Yeo, 2012; Mensah, 2009). There is some field of evidence, however, that supports how religious institutions are important resources in shaping immigrants’ integration. Andrew M. Greeley (1992) has argued that immigrant minority religious institutions are “mobility traps” that inhibit assimilation in American society largely because they promote the ethnic identity of immigrants. Jose L. Barton (1975) and Timothy L. Smith (1978), on the other hand, have argued that ethnic religions have helped ethnic groups adapt to American life and achieve upward mobility. However, in both of these accounts of contemporary religious practices, immigrants drew on both material and spiritual resources of their religious institutions, a set of relations and processes beyond the state that worked to shape the conduct of these immigrants’ way of life. The paper focuses on the experiences of Ghanaians and Somali’s religious place making in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada to highlight the

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important roles that religion, spiritual beliefs and practices play in shaping the conduct of the members – governmentality. Specifically, the paper examines the “material” and the “agency” components of the religious place making process to stress the ways in which people are encouraged to care for themselves, engage in appropriate activities and daily routines to lead healthy lives through relations with others, “such as one finds in pedagogy, behaviour counseling, spiritual direction, the presentation of models for living, and so on” (Foucault, 1997a, p. 88). Given similar religious benefits (mainly socioeconomic and spiritual), and the very similar values and morals, it is not surprising that the conducts or organisations are similar in Ghanaian (predominantly Christians) and Somali (mostly Muslims) immigrant populations (see Agyekum and Newbold, 2016). However, while existing literature has indicated that religion plays an important part in the socioeconomic adjustments and maintenance of sense of immigrants group identity in Canada, researches have devoted less attention to the question of how immigrant religious institutions shape the conducts of their members. In addition, it remains unclear whether or not immigrant religious place making affects life chances by promoting or inhibiting the integration of immigrants and their offspring into the Canadian society, given that immigrants constitute approximately 21.9% of the country’s total population (Statistics Canada, 2017) and it is projected that by 2025, immigrants will be the only source of population growth in Canada (Hiebert, 2005).

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Research on immigrant religious place making tends to support the view that immigrants’ religious activities are the main sources of social control because they shape the conduct of members in the congregation. This paper emphasizes the significant of Michel Foucault’s conceptualization of governmentality that developed in the late 1970s. Foucault coined the term governmentality in 1978 in his lecture series at the College de France, Security, Territory, Population (Foucault 2007).

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Governmentality offers insights into the complex ways in which the conduct of individuals as members of a larger population is shaped, the multiple technologies that make this conduct of conducts possible, including the ways in which individuals respond to such technologies. Although Foucault’s work on governmentality has been taken up widely, it has, until recently, only intermittently been used to analyse religious organizations (see Carrette, 2000; Bernauer and Carrette, 2004). Theoretically, this paper draws on Foucault’s work on governmentality to understand the links among religious place making, its technique of power and the religious beliefs and practices of Ghanaian and Somali immigrant religious groups in Hamilton. Here, the paper employs governmentality as a provocation rather than a template because Foucault himself used the term to mean multiple things. Deconstructing the term into ‘govern’ and ‘mentality,’ governmentality means the governance of mentality (the collectively beliefs that are communicated through a variety of religious practices) by way of “techniques of power” – calculated tactics that guide members to act in accordance with religious norms (Dean, 2010). For Foucault, governmentality refers to any effort to shape the conduct of another individual or group of individuals. This provides an understanding of governmental activity that may include: “any mode of action, more or less considered and calculated, that is bound to structure the field of possible action of oneself or others” (Foucault, 1983 p. 220). Governance, therefore, is not about individual members in position of power who exert direct, sovereign, and coercive control over religious place but rather how the beliefs of a group are unconsciously produced and reproduced by members, thereby making governance at a distance possible (Rose, 1996). Governing, can thus, be concerned with one’s own relationship with oneself, interpersonal relations between individuals, relations with larger organizations, as well as the efforts of the state to shape individual conducts (Tremain, 2005). Foucault used the term “techniques” of the self to conceptualize the practices as: “procedures suggested or prescribed to individuals in order to determine their identity, maintain it, or transform it in terms of a certain number of ends, through relations of self-mastery or self-knowledge” (Foucault, 1997 p.87). These

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techniques of power are “radically heterogeneous” (Foucault 2003, 36). Foucault advanced the understanding of power not as destructive or prohibitive but as productive, and not as located in particular positions of a hierarchy but as diffuse and ubiquitous. The techniques of self seldom function by themselves. Somewhat, they are intertwined and localized with technologies of power designed to direct the conduct of others. Religious institutions, for example, are designed both for the management of members/believers by leaders (e.g., Imams, Pastors), but also as sites in which members are taught to manage themselves. Most importantly, Foucault conceptualizes these technologies of the self as a form of governing in terms of ‘taking care’ of oneself. Religious places can imply “control and surveillance as much as community and free expression and, through the effects of collective memory, imaginaries and institutions, it can be understood as solidifying configurations of ‘social relations,’ ‘material practices,’ elements in ‘discourse’ and forms of ‘power’ (Sharp et al. 2000, p. 25). This chapter draws on Foucault’s work to explore the different ‘governmental technologies’ that shape the characteristics and conduct of these religious places among Ghanaians and Somalis in Hamilton.

METHODS This descriptive analytical study was part of a mixed-method approach to understand the complexities of religious places and how this governs the conduct of persons among Ghanaian and Somali immigrants in Hamilton, Ontario. With a total population of 536,917, the City of Hamilton is ranked 5th largest in the province of Ontario and 10th in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2017). Further, almost 25% of its residents were born outside of Canada and visible minorities representing12.3% of its population (City of Hamilton 2005-2010). In terms of religion, about 344,625 (66.2% of the total population) people identify as Christians and 19,025 (3.7%) are Muslims.

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We focus here on “governmentality” framework that contributes to an understanding of “religious places” as socio-cultural landscapes for shaping the conduct and behaviour of individuals and groups. It is, however, important to note that the study does not intend to directly measure the relationship between religion and social control. Rather, it explores how places of worship and religious activities are viewed as ‘social control’ mechanisms and how they shape members’ conduct and behaviour. Purposive and convenient sampling were used to recruit participants from Ghanaian and Somali communities in Hamilton for the study. After obtaining clearance from the institutional ethics board, we advertised at three Ghanaian churches and two mosques where Somalis worship through recruitment posters and verbal announcements. Two churches are located in the central core and one in the suburban mountain. With respect to the mosques, one is located in the central core of the city with the other in suburban mountain. Individuals participated in open-ended, one-on-one interviews in English, Ghanaian Twi, and Somali Af Maxaatiri, with the help of translators when needed. The interviews were conducted between September 2015 and January 2016. In accordance with the agreed ethics protocols, and with the participants’ consent, interviews were recorded. The university’s ethics guidelines were followed and approved by the University Research Ethics Board at the author’s institution. The interviews lasted between approximately 45 and 60 minutes, and these were conducted at locations preferred by the participants, including churches, mosques, homes and shops. Because of the limited number of participants needed, only 24 were contacted initially to take part in the indepth interviews. Seven of those invited did not respond and later two declined after accepting to participate because of some inconvenience. An additional nine were later invited and recruited. In total, 24 participants were recruited from the two study groups, with 12 participants recruited from each. Seven males and five females from the Ghanaian community participated, with four males and eight females from the Somali community. Participants’ age ranged between 22 and 54. All participants were regularly attending a church or a mosque (i.e., weekly) at the time of

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the interviews. Common themes within and across groups were identified through the coding process and further discussed for importance and meaning with the help of one of the translators who is knowledgeable in qualitative research.

FINDINGS Exploring the two religious groups in Hamilton, the paper found that Ghanaian and Somali participants similarly perceived religious places as sites of support and social control that shape the conduct and behaviour of members. All the groups revealed that religious places and their activities provide support in most spheres of their life, which will be difficult for newcomers to find in the larger society. One young man from a Ghanaian church described how he was saved by his church through their beliefs and practices: Three years ago I moved from Toronto to Hamilton because I was not finding any job. I was a habitual drunkard and people described me as a violent person, unable to find any job. I wanted to stop drinking… I knew I was a drunkard and knew what I needed to do to overcome it. Yet, it was not working. One day, a friend invited me to their church. The leaders helped me a lot. I was asked to refrain from drinking. They took me through some Bible verses and advised me not to associate with my old friends that I used to mingle and drink with. They guided me through prayer and fasting in the chapel for some time. I had to do the fasting and prayers because I knew that was my last chance. Members and leaders encouraged me throughout my struggle. Now, here I am, working as everybody else.

This statement is interesting in terms of thinking about the nature of beliefs and practices that challenge and/or reaffirm existing power relations. Thus, the creation of space for ‘working on oneself’ might be construed through the lens of governmentality as a site in which members are taught to reassert control over their conduct so that they can be

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(re)integrated to carry out their responsibilities in society. A similar sentiment about the importance of religious beliefs and practices were expressed by a Somali participant in a Mosque in connection with mental health: At the Mosque, we help people with mental health issues. We discuss the importance of health and highlight the sayings from the prophetic traditions from the scholars who discuss the importance of health. The discussions they had about 400 years ago is about the importance of staying fit, both physically and mentally. Reciting the Quran reinforces positive emotions and psychological comfort for Muslims. Fasting and prayer period gives us the opportunity to be with the Father, where individuals can communicate with their specific challenges, there’s someone up there who says, come to me, because I care.

Prayer and fasting periods for both religious groups provide individuals some opportunities to learn for themselves that individuals can have a solitary life for some time with the Almighty God. As one of the youth suggests, fasting and prayers provide an opportunity for individuals put what they have learned about faith, holiness and dedication into practice. Fasting and prayers also provide congregational and individual support to people in need, the sick and the fainthearted. At the same time, participation with others and leaders allows for continuous monitoring of behaviour. A Muslim leader describes the process in his Mosque: We look out for members that seem to be isolating or not partaking fully during this period. We call them later, encourage them and explain to them the importance of participating in fasting and prayers.

As Dyck and Dossa (2007) observed, a religious observance (e.g., recitation and prayer) depicts migrant women’s constitution of healthy space. Similarly, Agyekum and Newbold (2016) in their study about Ghanaians and Somali’s religious places as therapeutic landscapes found that participants perceived religious places as alive with God’s spirit and as sites for healing. Alongside relations with leaders and other members,

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religious spaces are sites where members learn to take care of themselves, where they learn to practice specific ‘techniques of the self’ (Foucault, 1997b). For example, members emphasized that religious activities allow people to refrain from social activities that are detrimental to their health and well-being, and offer them an opportunity to live lives that are helpful to them and their families. At one of the churches, a leader talked about particular importance of religious places for members. When asked how religious leaders handle matters that come to the church in respect to misconduct of members, he recounts: “We don’t interfere with members’ privacy, because we know that everyone is fallible and therefore members may indulge in ungodly activities. Our goal is to advice members on best practices as religious people in order to praise God and stay healthy. We are each other’s keeper and God watches over us all brothers and sisters. Everyone has an equal responsibility to make sure that we all adhere to the call. But deliberate and consistence indulgence in ungodly activities, and it is not entertained at all.”

Technologies of governmentality also operate through relations between members in the religious places. Religious functioning relies on peer surveillance to ensure members’ abstinence from ungodly activities. Congregants are expected to monitor (i.e., being each other’s keeper) the conduct of others outside the church – in the neighbourhood or the community. Again, the statements hint at the complex nature of religious spaces. These places constitute sites where members’ conducts are subject to ongoing monitoring by themselves, members and the leaders. Members are expected to adhere to the beliefs and practices after congregation meetings. Even though, adherence to the beliefs and practices is voluntary, conducts contrary to the beliefs and practices of the group are grounds for ‘disfellowship’ with the religious groups. Another feature of the Ghanaian and Somali religious groups relates to the extent to which their members dressed-up for religious services. Suit and tie, stylish western middle-class dresses and high-fashion traditional African/ Ghanaian attires seem to be the ‘dress code’ for Ghanaians,

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whereas in the Somali group, the Jilbab and Hijab are the preferred attires. Asked why they dress in a different style, one Muslim leader remarked: Islam has not fixed standards as to a type of clothing that Muslims must wear but with the exception of clothing that reveals the private parts: we have a standard of modesty for both men and women. For men, the cloth has to cover between the navel and the knee. For women who are in the presence of men not related to them, they must cover their bodies except for their faces and hands.

Religion is a more effective social control mechanism that enacted laws for society. As Ross (2009) argued, instead of thinking that social control mechanism could be found in some conventional laws, constructed by some individuals or groups, one should think of it as embedded in the belief systems which is grounded in religion. The adherence of the participants seemed to be nurtured by their commitment to remain ‘holy’, as obedient to the Almighty or the fear of being victimized or ostracized by their groups, believing that their actions and inactions are constantly being monitored by a Supreme Being. In a Ghanaian church, a believer reiterated the need for appropriate dress code and refraining from certain acts for religious groups: For me, I think appropriate dress code prevents us from the worries of this world, from stealing, cheating, fornicating and even committing suicide, which are prevalent in our societies. In Christianity, the Ten Commandments and the teachings in the New Testament are God’s ways to help us live peaceful lives, not extravagant life.

The religious beliefs and practices of these groups seemed to have provided their leaders with some control mechanisms for both individuals and societies. Again, religious beliefs and practices involve a ‘sense of oughtness’ or commitment to a group. That is, when members believe they conscientiously ‘should’ behave in a certain way or they have faith that certain group action carries a synergism greater than one’s own power (Bartkowski and Swearingen 1997). This resonates with Ross’ (2009)

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assertion that the political system of the country is also influenced by religion as a control mechanism. As a result of discrimination and racism that are sometimes manifested in socio-economic and spatial marginalization, members of these religious groups have managed to reproduce their identity and garner material, emotional and spiritual support through their religious activities. Thus, places can provide contexts in which members successfully resist the governmental intentions of others, and/ or learn to cultivate alternative subjectivities. As one religious leader commented: We do have programs, we have a database on employment so that means if somebody comes across employment or job opportunity position, they would enter that in the system and that would be basically opened for everybody who is looking. This is intended to help achieve equality in the workplace so that no person will be denied employment opportunities based on one’s physical traits.

The statement is intriguing in terms of thinking about the nature of the religious places that challenge and/ or reaffirm existing relations of power. For most newly immigrants, religious places represent environments away from the larger Canadian society. In this regard, the religious environment must be understood as opening up a space in which discrimination and racism are contested so that minority immigrants can enjoy their stay. Governmentality as an indirect means of regulating behaviour and practices assumes that actors have choices. Choice, therefore, signifies that governmentality concerns both to the “conduct of conduct as well as the possibility of rejecting beliefs and everyday practices associated with normalization (Foucault 1997a, 2007b). As Foucault argued, “there is no power without potential refusal or revolt.” Consequently, while some individuals might seemingly have some power over others, for Foucault, such power is not absolute because actors have choices in an imperfect system. Choices can manifest in actions or be a matter of developing ideas that “desubjugate the subject” (Foucault 2000a, 336) by challenging and dissolving obvious ideology of identity.

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Another theme that has emerged from the analysis concerned how religious spaces shape the conduct of other people in the local communities. Members support the local food banks and other services with the contributions from the religious groups. This intervention was accomplished with the collaboration of the local food banks. A member from a Ghanaian church described this event: We’ve collaborations with the local food banks. We’ve asked members in our church to supply food and consumable items every week to be donated to the local food banks. Also, we give help to the needy in society. I mean the local food banks like us because of our generosity.

The implications of theses interventions beyond the confines of the religious space are significant. In one sense, the food supplies to the local banks compliments government’s effort to reach out to the poor in the society and might be interpreted as creating “healthy cities” and for Canada at large. Yet these strategies are also indicative of the relations of power that structure the religio-government landscape. These actions can be construed as specific “governmental technologies” intended to shape the health-related conduct of both religious groups and the local communities.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION This paper foregrounds the importance of religious place making that attends to the social control mechanisms in shaping the conduct of individuals and groups. It is important to understand these religious places, by their very nature, sites of control. The social relations that exist among members, leaders (religion and state) and the “Supreme Being” are not neutral or devoid of power. In this regard, the chapter drew on Foucault’s writing on governmentality, arguing that it provided a useful framework to consider: the experiences of Ghanaian and Somali religious place making in Hamilton, Ontario, to highlight the important role religious beliefs and practices play in shaping the conduct of individuals and groups, thereby

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fostering integration. These relations of power as Foucault puts it are techniques of governmentality, intended to shape the conduct of individual members in a religious group. The dedication required of members of a religious sect is important. It involves not only a change in one’s conduct, but also a fundamental change in one’s sense of self. Members are encouraged to be ‘each other’s keeper,’ allowing for peer surveillance as well as careful adherence to the beliefs and practices to facilitate successful self-governing or self-care. The same kind of complexity and contestations are also evident within the confines of the religious activities. In the Ghanaian church, the outcome of this power display concerns the problem of ‘minorities within the minority’ (see Gould 2004). As observed, most of the members of the Ghanaian congregation are Twi-speaking Akan (dominant group). The non-Twi speaking members are small in number, and therefore have to submit to the cultural heritage of their dominant Akan group, and such subjugation is not without any contestation. As Ebaugh and Chafetz asserted, “differences in native language, and in dialects of the same language, often constitutes the bases for segregation among immigrant members, and not infrequently for intergenerational strains and tension” (Ebaugh and Chafetz, 2000, p. 100). From the vantage point developed here, activism is effective when ‘minorities within the minority’ become enrolled in practices that promote reflexivity and open spaces of resistance. Beyond the immediate religious place, the interventions by religious groups into the local communities can be interpreted as efforts to create a healthy space for members and for other neighbours. Yet, these same actions can also be construed as techniques of governmentality, triggered by assumptions about appropriate conduct for the needy in society. In addition, the religious groups’ cooperation with the local communities to provide food and other services to the people in the communities provides another example of the way in which organizational practices are drawn into the service of state efforts to regulate services. Thus, beyond the immediate religious or spiritual benefit, religious spaces maintain and work to integrate members into the broader society. Religious places are spaces of care in the sense that they constitute a setting for, “the proactive interest

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of one person in the well-being of another and the articulation of interest in practical ways” (Conradson, 2003, p. 508). For individuals who are hopeless, unable to control their behaviour, religious beliefs and practices offer an ordered space and practical assistance through relations with members and leaders. In spite of these positive contributions, it is also important to understand that these religious places, by their very nature, are sites of control. The social relations that exist between members and leaders and among members are not neutral or devoid of power. These relations can be construed as techniques of governmentality, designed to shape the conduct of individual members. Individual members are required to devote themselves to the activities of the group. It involves not only a change in one’s relations to the Supreme Being, but also a fundamental change in one’s sense of self. Interaction with other members allows for peer surveillance as well as careful adherence to facilitate successful worship or self-conduct. Failure to adhere to the beliefs and practices of the group may constitute grounds for disfellowship. By fitting this “governmentality” approach into religious place making process of immigrants in Canada, we provide an illustration of the ways in which operational practices of service agencies are drawn – willingly or otherwise – into the service of broader governmental aspirations of the state. It is important to note that federal and state policy decisions facilitated the growth and establishment of religious bodies in Canada; therefore, religious organizations are subject to regulatory requirements and shifting religious priorities. Canada’s multiculturalism policy allows for all groups’ participation and contribution. Although it is not the focus of this paper, multiculturalism here refers to “a system of beliefs and behaviours that recognizes and respects the presence of all diverse groups in an organization or society, acknowledges and values their socio-cultural differences, and encourages and enables their continued contribution within an inclusive cultural context which empowers all within the organisation or society” (Rosado, 1996, p. 2). Even though, religious groups do not rely on the state for their funding, they are subject to financial regulatory requirements. In Canada, legislation binds all religious

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groups to submit annual financial statement, detailing all financial activities to Corporations Canada (Canada’s federal corporate regulator). This requirement is integral to governmentality, which refers to “governance at a distance” (Foucault 2000b), that is, religious activity is reasonable in the sense of governance by which the conduct of citizens is conducted – “the conduct of conduct” Foucault 2000b, p. 341) – in a way to heighten societal norms in daily practices, a process of normalization. Foucault’s conceptions of governmentality are useful in this regard. By broadening the framework of power beyond the state, we can examine religious place making and the (re)shaping of individuals and groups’ practices, attitude and behaviours. A central drive of religious activities in the Diaspora is to produce members who are encouraged to adopt the doctrine of their religious sects. The technique of power used were not exclusively those of domination and coercion, they fundamentally relied on subtle, diffuse techniques of enabling and encouraging that were often subject to negotiation by members. It is worth noting that the aim of this paper is not to show how precise a fit religious place making is to Foucault’s genealogy of governmentality. The aim is to use Foucault’s insights about the ways in which techniques of power are used to advance our understanding of religious beliefs and practices of immigrant groups in Canada. Given that the visible minority immigrant population in Canada is expected to grow in the future, it is about time policy makers and social scientist began to show more interest in the “conduct of conduct” in immigrants’ religious activities. Further studies on a national level may allow a better understanding of religious place making experiences of the different visible minority groups and how their beliefs and practices shape the socio-economic integration of immigrants in their new destinations.

REFERENCES Agyekum, B., & Newbold, K. B. (2016). Religion/Spirituality, Therapeutic Landscape and Immigrant Mental-Wellbeing amongst African

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Immigrants to Canada. Mental Health, Religion & Culture 19 (7), 674685. Bartkowski, J. P. & Swearing, W. S. (1997). God Meets Gaia in Austin, Texas: A Case Study of Environmentalism as Implicit Religion. Review of Religious Research 38, 308-324. Barton, J. L. (1975). Peasants and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians, and Slovaks in an American City, 1890-19950. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bernauer, J., & Carrette, J. (Eds.) (2004). Foucault and Theology. Hampshire/Burlington: Ashgate. Carrette, J. (2000). Foucault and Religion: Spiritual Corporality and Political Spirituality. London and New York: Routledge. City of Hamilton. (2005-2010). www.HamiltonImmigration.ca. Conradson, D. (2003). Spaces of care in the city: The place of a community drop-in centre. Social and Cultural Geography 4, 507-525. Dean, M. (2010). Governmentality: Power and rule in modern society. 2nd ed. Los Angeles: Sage. Dyck, I., & Dossa, P. (2007). Place, health and home: gender and migration in the constitution of healthy space. Health and Place 13, 691-701. Ebaugh, H. R., & Chafetz, J. S. (2000). Religion and the new immigrants: Continuities and adaptations in immigrant congregations. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira. Foucault, M. (1983). The Subject and Power. In H. Dreyfus, and P. Rabinow (Eds.), Michel Foucault: Beyond structuralism and hermeneutics (PP. 202-226). Brighton: Harvester. Foucault, M. (1997a). Preface to the History of Sexuality. In P. Ravinow (Ed.), Ethics: subjectivity and truth, essential works of Michel Foucault, Vol. 2 (pp. 199-205). New York: The New Press. Foucault, M. (1997b). Subjectivity and truth. In P. Ravinow (Ed.), Ethics: subjectivity and truth, essential works of Michel Foucault, (pp. 87-92). New York: The New Press.

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Foucault, M. (2000a). “omnes et singulatum”: Toward a critique of political reason. In Michel Foucault/pwer, ed. J. D. Faubion, trans. R. Hurley and others, (pp. 198-325). New York: The New Press. Foucault, M. (2000b). The subject and power. In Michel Foucault/power, ed. J. D. Faubion, trans. R. Hurley and others, (pp. 326-348). New York: The New Press. Foucault, M. (2003). Society must be defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-1976, ed. M. Bertani and A. Fonatana, trans. D. Macey. New York: Picador. Foucault, M. (2007). What is critique? In The politics of truth, ed. S Lotringer, trans. L. Hochroth and C. Porter, (pp. 41-95). Los Angeles: Semiotext(e). Gould, C. C. (2004). Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Greeley, A. M. (1972). The Denominational Society: A Sociological Approach to Religion. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman. Hiebert, D. (2005). Migration and the demographic transformation of Canadian cities: The social geography of Canada’s major metropolitan centre in 2017. Vancouver Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Integration in the Metropolis. Working paper series No. 05-14. Mensah, J. (2009). Doing religion overseas: the characteristics and functions of Ghanaian immigrant churches in Toronto, Canada. Societies without Borders 4, 21-44. Park, J., Roh, S., & Yeo, Y. (2012). Religiosity, social support, and life satisfaction among elderly Korean immigrants. Gerontologist 52, 641649. Rasoda, C. (1996). Toward a definition of multiculturalism. Retrieved February 1, 2011 from: http://www.rosado.net/pdf/Def_of_Multi culturalism.pdf. Reitz, J. G., Banerjee, R., Phan, M., & Thompson, J. (2009). Race, Religion, and the Social Integration of New Immigrant Minorities in Canada. International Migration Review, 43, 695-726. doi: 10.1111/j.1747-7379.2009.00782.x.

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Rose, N. (1996). Governing “advanced” liberal democracies. In Foucault and political reason: Liberalism, neo-liberalism and rationalities of government, ed. A. Barry, T. Osborne, and N. Rose, 37-64. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ross, E. A. 2009 (1901). Social Control: A Survey of the Foundations of Order. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Sharp, J., Routledge, P., Philo, C. & Paddison, R. (2000). Introduction. In J. Sharp, P. Routledge, C. Philo, and R. Paddison (Eds.), Entanglements of power: Geographies of domination/resistance (pp. 142). London, New York: Routledge. Smith, T. L. (1978). Religion and Ethnicity in America. American Historical Review 83, 1115-1185. Statistics Canada. 2017. Census Profile 2016. Catalogue no. 98-316X2016001. Ottawa. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/ 2016/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E (accessed May 9, 2018). Tremain, S. (2005). Foucault, governmentality and critical disability theory. In S. Tremain (Ed.), Foucault and the government of disability (pp. 1-24). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

In: Immigration and Migration Editor: Lucas Descoteaux

ISBN: 978-1-53615-838-0 © 2019 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 2

IMMIGRATION AND GENDER: HEALTH AND LABOR CONDITIONS, IMPLICATIONS AND CHALLENGES Sara Esteban-Gonzalo1,*, Juan Luis González-Pascual2 and Laura Esteban-Gonzalo2 1

Faculty of Biomedicine, Psychology Department. Universidad Europea de Madrid, Madrid, Spain 2 Faculty of Biomedicine, Nursing Department. Universidad Europea de Madrid, Madrid, Spain

ABSTRACT Background: Several studies have identified the existence of gender differences in immigrants’ living conditions. Gender inequalities affect the way male and female immigrants confront the various obstacles and barriers in processes of migration and integration. Objective: The aim of this literature review is to analyze gender differences in labor conditions and health, such as access to paid work

*

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: [email protected].

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Sara Esteban-Gonzalo, Juan Luis González-Pascual et al. and health services, disparities in salaries and work sectors and comparative morbidity patterns between male and female immigrants. Results: Several studies carried out by official organisms and independent researchers have pointed out the existence of gender inequalities in immigration patterns and in work and health conditions, all of which impact different spheres of immigrants’ lives. Conclusions: As shown in the literature review, gender is an important variable in explaining and understanding the phenomenon of immigration. Living and working conditions as well as health are highly influenced by the gender factor. Public institutions should pay attention to all those aspects that link immigration and gender, and consider the numerous practical implications.

BACKGROUND While sex is understood as the biological characteristics that differentiate men and women, gender is known as a cultural and hegemonic construct assumed by the members of a group as rules and standards guiding social behaviors (Mahalik et al., 2005). The construction of gender depends on socialization processes in which feminine and masculine stereotypes are internalized (Padovani, 2016). Gender roles and stereotypes are learned early in life; exposure to traditional gender roles in society reinforces implicit gender beliefs such as stereotypic traits, abilities, and roles (Rudman & Phelan, 2010). This leads individuals to behavioral patterns and lifestyle habits associated with masculinity and femininity, generating important differences between men and women in employment, education, social structure and health (Bettio, Verashchagina, Mairhuber, & Kanjuo-Mrčela, 2009). Biological differences between men and women cannot justify the wide variety of living conditions that comprises the fact of being male or female. Therefore, gender roles should be included as important variables in explaining these variations (Rohlfs, Borrell, & Fonseca, 2000). Gender differences generate inequalities between men and women in terms of power relations. These relations can change over time and can be strongly influenced by sociocultural contexts interacting with other variables such as social class, ethnicity, nationality, sexual orientation, migratory status,

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etc. (Allison, 2013). While feminine roles have been traditionally associated with characteristics such as passivity, impotence, dependence, concern about appearance and beauty and care of children, traditional masculine roles have been linked to winning, emotional control, risktaking, dominance, primacy of work and pursuit of status (Mahalik et al., 2003; Mahalik, et al., 2005). Internalization of gender stereotypes affects women’s social capacities and career aspirations, as well as their potential for development (Patel & Buiting, 2013). Known as horizontal segregation, women are confined to specific labor sectors and jobs related to health and caregiving, which are usually less well paid than those traditionally occupied by men (Bettio, et al., 2009). Vertical segregation involves the underrepresentation of women in high positions, in terms of prestige, income and job stability, underestimating women’s capacities and talents, depriving them of advancement opportunities (Bettio, et al., 2009). Gender relations are structured in three levels. The micro level involves gender differentiation among individuals within households or small communities, while the meso level comprehends gender inequalities related to the labor market and social networks (formal or informal). Finally, the macro level represents a gender-stratified division of the labor market at a higher and sometimes less visible level (Allison, 2013; Brush, De Bruin, & Welter, 2009; Kapiriri, Norheim, & Martin, 2007; Schegloff, 1987). While the macro level usually comprises national policies, strategies, cultural and economic influences, the meso level involves regional support policies, services and initiatives (Brush, et al., 2009; Dopfer, Foster, & Potts, 2004). The gender-structured society spawns gender inequalities in various spheres of women’s lives. Women’s quality of life and living conditions are strongly affected by this structure (Rohlfs, et al., 2000). Access to remunerated, legal, and visible jobs may have important effects on women’s psychological and physical health (Gonzalo, Aparicio, & Estaban-Gonzalo, 2017).

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Moreover, women must adapt to a double workload, unpaid domestic work in their own homes along with poorly paid, low-status and often temporary work (Group, 2014). These contrasts in working conditions in paid and domestic work generate considerable variations in physical and psychological morbidity between men and women (Gonzalo, et al., 2017; Rohlfs, et al., 2000). Migration is a social phenomenon that strongly impacts individual lives and contemporary societies. Immigration is a social reality consisting of moving from the country of origin to a host country, with the goal of integrating into this host country, whether for longer or shorter time periods. Immigrants usually move for economic reasons (Castles, De Haas, & Miller, 2013; Diivell, 2005; Hagen-Zanker, Mosler Vidal, & Sturge, 2017). Immigration has significant effects on immigrants’ work and health conditions and impact differentially depending on sociodemographic characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, social status, age and country of origin (McAuliffe & Ruhs, 2017). Migratory processes have important consequences in diverse aspects of life, including access to remunerated jobs and the health-care system, health-care habits and work-related health (McAuliffe & Ruhs, 2017). A gap has been identified in self-perceived health (an essential indicator of health) between immigrants and native people, which in practice, means that immigrant status could be an independent factor in assessing selfperceived health. Studies undertaken in Europe and the US have identified a higher likelihood of reporting poor health among some adult immigrant groups than among native adults (Benjamins, Hirschman, Hirschtick, & Whitman, 2012; Dinesen, Nielsen, Mortensen, & Krasnik, 2011; Lorant, Van Oyen, & Thomas, 2008). Socioeconomic conditions of immigrants should also be taken into account. Socioeconomic status in the host country may be partially responsible for health inequalities between immigrant and native populations in terms of patterns of morbidity and mortality (Dinesen, et al., 2011; Klinthäll & Lindström, 2011). Gender differences should also be considered one more variable in explaining and understanding immigrant lifestyles. For both men and

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women, the entire migration experience - from the reasons for migration and the actual decision to migrate, social network factors, work conditions and work sectors, to the actual process of integration into the host country may be impacted differently depending on the gender factor. Adopting a gender perspective when analyzing migratory issues may help enhance equal power relations and ensure compliance with human rights for both sexes (Allison, 2013; Skeldon, 2014). Analyzing immigration from a gender perspective does not merely involve considering sex as just one more adjusting variable in the equation. Gender roles and stereotypes should be incorporated as a central analysis category in every stage of the migration cycle. Therefore, gender should be taken into account when analyzing migration decision, mobility, entrepreneurial capacity, household (micro level); social networks, gender segregated labor markets, and services offered by the state such as health care (meso level); and structural adjustment programs as well as migration agreements (macro level) (Allison, 2013; Dopfer, et al., 2004). In this context, the aim of this literature review is to analyze the relations between immigration and gender in terms of labor conditions and health: access to paid work and health services, differences in salaries and working sectors and patterns of morbidity among male and female immigrants.

METHOD Several searches were carried out for this literature review, including data sources from official organisms and independent researchers. Keywords such as gender, migration, labor conditions, health conditions and immigrant patterns were included in the search. Most of the articles were published in English, although some papers written in Spanish were also considered.

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RESULTS Gender and Immigration from the Country of Origin: The Feminization of Migration Some authors have pointed out the existence of engendered patterns of migration. Some have even discussed the “feminization” of migration, which refers to an increase in the percentage of migrating women. Increasingly more women are migrating independently, and they are often better educated than their male counterparts (Piper, 2010). Instead of travelling as dependents of their husbands, women are now migrating to find better jobs. This implies the need for significant changes in levels of awareness by migration experts and other stakeholders as to the consequences of female migration, such as the vulnerability and exposure of migrant women to a variety of risks, including trafficking (Castles, et al., 2013). Women comprise slightly less than half of all international migrants. Female migrants outnumber male migrants in Europe, North America, Oceania and Latin America and the Caribbean, while in Africa and Asia, particularly Western Asia, migrants are predominantly men (McAuliffe & Ruhs, 2017). Since 2000, the proportion of female migrants increased in all regions except Asia. In Europe, the share of female migrants rose from 51.6 per cent in 2000 to 52.0 in 2017. Likewise, in North America, the percentage of women among all international migrants rose from 50.5 to 51.5 per cent during this period. By contrast, the percentage of female migrants in Asia dropped from 46.2 per cent in 2000 to 42.4 in 2017 (United Nations, 2017). Men and women show disparities in migratory pattern and face different problems, barriers, obstacles and risks associated with the migration process. Women are more vulnerable to human rights abuse, exploitation and discrimination (Grant & Solicitors, 2005). Commercialization of female immigrants (women and girls) as domestic workers and caregivers often results in human trafficking for labor and sexual exploitation (Piper, 2010).

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The term “human trafficking” is legally defined as a crime consisting of the commercialization of people from one country or area to another, most commonly for labor or sexual exploitation. It is more accurately described as enslavement (Drugs & Crime, 2014; UNODC, 2009). More than 90% of countries have legislation criminalizing human trafficking with protocols to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children. Nevertheless, legislation does not always comply with the protocol, or does not cover all forms of trafficking and their victims, leaving far too many children and women vulnerable. The crime of human trafficking affects virtually every country in every region of the world. Between 2010 and 2012, victims of 52 different citizenships were identified in 124 countries around the globe (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Transregional trafficking flows are mainly detected in the rich countries of the Middle East, Western Europe and North America. These flows often involve victims from the ‘global south’, mainly East and South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. The great majority of trafficking victims are subjected to sexual exploitation. In this context, women comprise the vast majority of victims trafficked for sexual exploitation while men make up a significant majority of forced labor exploitation. At present, nearly one third of all detected trafficking victims are children (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Recruitment processes of victims are a crucial part of trafficking. Victims are usually persuaded by promises of better working conditions, such as better types of work and salaries, than those they could find in their home countries. Sometimes traffickers and victims are first involved in “romantic relationships” to gain the trust of the victim. Usually, the trafficker is male and the victim female, and as the relationship develops, the trafficker manipulates or coerces the woman into sexual exploitation in order to obtain profit for himself. In other cases women are sold by their parents or kidnapped. Even when they are aware of having been recruited to work in the sex industry, on arrival, they may find themselves burdened with fraudulent debt with a variety of false fees, travel agents, labor contracts and so on, which typically varies between 3.000 and 60.000 US dollars. Many sexually exploited women are confined, their identity

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documents retained, and/or terrorized through threats and physical and psychological abuse (Belser, 2005; Drugs & Crime, 2014; Kelly, 2005; Laczko, 2005; UNODC, 2009; Watts & Zimmerman, 2002). East Asia is the origin of trafficked victims to the widest range of destinations. East Asian victims have been detected in many regions, including Western and Central Europe, North America and the Middle East, Afghanistan, Southern Africa, the Pacific, Central America, South America and Central Africa (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Countries such as The Philippines and Thailand, in which young women are recruited by either local or foreign recruiters, are estimated to be the most popular countries of origin (Lee, 2005). In contrast, West African trafficking victims are usually limited to only a few specific countries and are most commonly detected in Europe and Southern Africa (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Countries such as Nigeria, Benin and Togo are among the most popular origin countries; trafficked girls and young women are mainly earmarked for either domestic services or forced into prostitution. Uncontrolled urbanization in the region, poor security, violence and economic inequalities contribute to human trafficking as an option to escape poverty in a context in which extended family, tribal and religious affiliation often promote these practices (Sawadogo, 2012). Other trans-regional trafficking flows involve migration from Latin America to North America, Europe and the Middle East; from South Asia to the Middle East and from Eastern Europe and Central Asia to Western and Central Europe, the Middle East and North America (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Most female victims of trafficking share common characteristics: susceptibility to poverty, social isolation, drug addiction, violence within the family, a history of child sexual abuse, school failure and a history of criminal behavior (Deshpande & Nour, 2013; McClain & Garrity, 2011). Orphans, women with physical disabilities and the innumerate and illiterate are often included among the victims (Deshpande & Nour, 2013; Dovydaitis, 2010). Trafficking victims’ most common destinies in the host countries are sex trafficking, including prostitution, brothels and massage parlors, and

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labor trafficking, which comprises domestic servants, farm work and food service. A variety of forms of power, control and oppression are imposed on victims. Coercion and threats of physical harm are common, as are threats to harm family members or shame the victim in the community. Intimidation is also common through the use of weapons, destruction of property or harm to children. Emotional abuse is also part of this process; humiliation, making victims feel guilty or blaming them for their situation and increasing the victim’s dependence by making them believe they have no choice but to accept their plight. Isolation may also enhance psychological vulnerability. Victims are usually confined, often rotated from one location to another to avoid any possibility of social integration or request for help, and are only allowed to go out when accompanied. Sexual abuse usually involves forcing the victim to have sex with multiple people daily treating the victims as objects and normalizing sexual violence. Finally, economic abuse perpetrates this situation by forcing victims into dependence and limiting their access to resources that could be used to escape (Deshpande & Nour, 2013; Dovydaitis, 2010; Hodge, 2008; McClain & Garrity, 2011; Zimmerman, Hossain, & Watts, 2011).

Gender and Immigration in the Host Country: Health Conditions and Access to Health Services Differences in health between the population of the host country and immigrants have been previously emphasized. These disparities should be understood to begin in the migration process even before arriving at their destination (Razum, Zeeb, & Rohrmann, 2000). In regulated migrations, health status is often checked through medical screening on entry, but unregulated migrations are numerous and not subject to such screenings (Llacer, Zunzunegui, Del Amo, Mazarrasa, & Bolůmar, 2007). Gender, ethnicity and social class, factors that are closely interrelated, have been identified as important dimensions in understanding inequalities in health (Cooper, 2002). Social class, assessed through occupation, education and income levels should also be taken into account (Llacer, et

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al., 2007). Therefore, from a gender perspective, women’s empowerment may increase women’s quality of life as well as improve child and family health (Wallerstein, 2006). The role of gender in migration is specifically important in developing countries where women’s social position is likely to be especially disadvantaged when compared to men. Women have less access to basic rights, lower rates of education and employment, lower salaries and less access to healthcare services (Llacer, et al., 2007). Lack of financial autonomy and inferior economic conditions have been linked to the HIV epidemic in women of developing countries. Gender violence is more frequent and brutal in countries in which gender inequalities relegate women to a lower social status (de la Salud, 2005; Salud & Organization, 2002). Of course not all immigrants come from poor socioeconomic or educational status in origin, but as immigrants they are prone to losing status in the host country. As has been observed in southern European migrations, high levels of irregular employment among women may lead to poorer mental health due to loss of social status (Actis, Agustín, Pereda, & de Prada, 2001; Aubarell, 2000; Bhugra & Becker, 2005). Moreover, the migration journey may involve serious risks to physical and mental health, especially in the case of illegal migrations. As noted above, women are more often victims of violence, abuse and rape (Salud & Organization, 2002; UNODC, 2009). Victims of sex trafficking are exposed to a wide variety of adverse conditions that dramatically affect their physical and psychological health. The likelihood of being infected by sexually transmitted diseases such as gonorrhea, syphilis, urinary tract infections, pubic lice, hepatitis B/C and human immunodeficiency virus is extremely high (Deshpande & Nour, 2013; Zimmerman, et al., 2011). Sexual and reproductive health problems result in complications such as acute or chronic pain during sex, tearing and other damage to vaginal tract or anus, unwanted pregnancy or forced or unsafe termination of pregnancy (Zimmerman, et al., 2011). Other physical health affections may lead to acute injuries or chronic physical pain (contusions, head/neck trauma, musculoskeletal damage), physical disabilities (nerve or bone damage, dental problems), fatigue, exhaustion, poor nutrition, malnutrition,

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starvation, pesticide poisoning, asthma and deterioration of pre-existing conditions leading to disability or even death (Deshpande & Nour, 2013; Zimmerman, et al., 2011). Additionally, the health consequences of substance abuse should not be underestimated; drug or alcohol addiction, overdose, self-harm, brain or liver damage and sleeping disorders such as insomnia and lethargy should also be taken into account (Zimmerman, et al., 2011). When arriving in the host country migrants confront a wide variety of social and economic difficulties that could affect their health. Structural factors such as entry status or employment, and individual factors such as health-related behaviors or access and use of health services should be taken into account. Entry status, understood as a regular or irregular administrative situation, could generate consequential differences in migrants’ health care (Llacer, et al., 2007). Women who migrate as wives need residence permits that may depend on their husband’s consent thus negatively contributing to their empowerment and making them more vulnerable to the husband’s abuse or even domestic violence (Kasturirangan, Krishnan, & Riger, 2004; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005). Social support, or lack thereof, at arrival could also translate into a risk or protective factor for migrants. Social cohesion and support may be enhanced by the amount of one’s own ethnic group present in the host country, although little is known about the differential effects of this factor on men and women. Some authors have argued that ethnic density could offer more protection to men, but more risk of social isolation from the host society for women because of reinforcement of traditional gender roles, worsening women’s possibilities of adapting to the host culture (Halpern & Nazroo, 2000; Karlsen & Nazroo, 2002; Karlsen, Nazroo, & Stephenson, 2002). For both men and women, employment is the key to accessing basic resources. Women are more likely than men to be unemployed or find work in the submerged economy (Akhavan, Bildt, Franzén, & Wamala, 2004; Oxman-Martinez, Abdool, & Loiselle-Leonard, 2000). Jobs offered to men and women are different, as are the risks to their health. Women are typically more directed to domestic and caregiving services, while men are

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more typically engaged in sectors such as mining, construction and agriculture. The precarious labor market for women makes them more vulnerable to suffering from violence and sexual harassment since they may depend on their employers to obtain their work permits (Llacer, et al., 2007). Unemployment has been associated with poorer health among immigrants, while having a remunerated job is associated with better selfrated health. However, unemployment may affect men’s health more than women’s (Thapa & Hauff, 2005). Working conditions may also influence immigrants’ health, particularly during the first years (Europa, 2006). Social networks may play a crucial role in immigrants’ health too. Social isolation particularly occurs among women who migrated with their husbands and have few opportunities to integrate into the host country. Jobs in domestic service are more invisible and offer few opportunities to establish social networks (Im & Meleis, 2001). Additionally, as previously explained, social support may impact men and women’s health dissimilarly; family influence might enhance women’s isolation and gender roles rather than promote social integration (Grewal, Bottorff, & Hilton, 2005). Racial discrimination and cultural differences are strongly associated to mental disorders among immigrants. Immigrant women show higher risk of being discriminated against for both racial and gender reasons (Vissandjee, Desmeules, Cao, Abdool, & Kazanjian, 2004). Health behaviors are also related to individual factors such as social class, age and ethnicity and, of course, with characteristics of the host country such as the availability of health and social services. Gender roles may play an important role in female migrants’ health. Low substance consumption associated with feminine norms in some cultures may be a protective factor for women’s health, but not for other instances such as cardiovascular risk behaviors. In any case, health-related behavior in the country of origin may lead to better migrant health in the destination country (Kliewer & Smith, 1995; Rubia, Marcos, & Muennig, 2002; Singh & Hiatt, 2006). Regarding mental health, it is known that immigrants use mental health services less, but show higher rates of psychiatric hospitalizations which could be

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interpreted as weaker mental health morbidity prevention. In practice, some studies have shown that prevalence of mental disorders in female immigrants could be twice that of men (B Lay, Lauber, & Rössler, 2005; Barbara Lay, Nordt, & Rössler, 2007; Llacer, et al., 2007; Mulder, Koopmans, & Selten, 2006; Vega, Kolody, Aguilar-Gaxiola, & Catalano, 1999). The use of health services and systems is not commonly analyzed from a gender perspective. In addition, it is difficult to generalize conclusions given the heterogeneity of immigrant groups and health systems in host countries. However, the importance of enhancing women’s access to social and health services is particularly relevant to improving immigrant women’s health.

Gender and Immigration in the Host Country: Legal and Working Conditions Relations between migration, gender and work are complex. On the one hand, migration can enhance women empowerment by providing migrant women with income, status, autonomy and freedom thus improving their assertiveness and self-esteem. Moving to a new country exposes women to new ideas and social norms (Alcalá & Leidl, 2006). On the other hand, gender inequalities in the family, society and culture in terms of access to paid employment or public life should be considered barriers in the destination country (Ferrant, Loiseau, & Nowacka, 2014). Research into female migration usually differentiates two distinct patterns: “independent” or “dependent” migration, defined by their relation to a man and their family role rather than by their role in the labor market (Ferrant, et al., 2014). Recent data has pointed out that an increased number of women are now migrating as “independent” (UN-DESA, 2013). This could be explained by the increased access of these women to education and job opportunities world-wide (Shanthi, 2006). It is undeniable that men and women show different migratory behaviors, encounter different opportunities and must face different risks

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and challenges. Female labor and wages, standards of living, government policies and employment practices should be considered (Alcalá & Leidl, 2006). Women migrants tend to be concentrated in the service sector, such as caregiving services, one of the most vulnerable jobs in global production systems (Dejardin, 2008). The case of some Western European countries is notorious since many undocumented women from a great number of developing countries work as domestics in middle and upper middle class households (Campani, 2000). Official and legal recruitment opportunities are usually focused on the highly masculinized sectors of construction and agricultural work (G. Chammartin, 2002). Domestic work is one of the largest sectors driving international female labor migration. Factors such as a growing elderly population, the lack of childcare facilities and declining social services and privatization have increased the demand for domestic workers, making domestic services essential for those who can afford it (G. Chammartin, 2002). For example, in Spain approximately 50% of annual immigrant quotas are allocated for domestic workers (Campani, 2000). The risk of domestic work is in its unregulated nature, as labor laws and standards are rarely applicable and are often nonexistent. Risk of exploitation, abuse, interminable working hours, instability, lack of monitoring of workplace conditions, little social security protection and lack of access to legal and health services are prevalent in the sector. Moreover, as an unqualified sector, it does not provide specific skills, worsening access to other occupations or educational opportunities. Risk of social isolation among domestic workers should also be considered; integration difficulties have shown negative psychological impact among these women (De Dios, 2008). Apart from domestic work, migrant women may also be engaged in jobs such as hotel cleaners, waitresses, entertainers, and sex workers, and sometimes in retail sales and labor-intensive manufacturing. The most frequent disadvantages found among female migrant workers are low remuneration, long working hours, limited training opportunities, poor career development and risk of abuse. (G. M.-F. Chammartin, 2006).

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Equally important, however, is the relation between access to legal paid work and health. As previously explained, access to remunerated jobs is not always linked to the existence of a work contract, which could imply reduced access to health services, exclusion from public health campaigns and greater obstacles to defending their rights at work (G. Chammartin, 2002; G. M.-F. Chammartin, 2006; Organization, 2017).

DISCUSSION Policy makers should promote gender equality and women’s empowerment by implementing policies that enhance greater independence, self-confidence and status among migrant women. It is known that discrimination and abuse can occur throughout the entire migration process, and more so for women (UNFPA, 2006). Priorities for empowering migrant women should be focused on facilitating safe migration for women, reducing trafficking of women and children and ensuring that migration is an empowering experience. Political, institutional and socioeconomic environments should provide women with equal opportunities and access to resources and benefits during the migration process (UNFPA, 2006). Legal and policy reforms should be undertaken to protect migrant women’s rights. Regulating and controlling recruitment agencies and providing incentives for migrant workers to use legal migration channels could help protect women’s rights and curb trafficking (G. C. o. I. Migration, Crisp, & Koser, 2005). Developing and implementing awareness programs, educational campaigns for young people and parents, and long-term assistance programs for victims could help prevent violence and trafficking against women in the country of origin (UNFPA, 2006; UNODC, 2009). Adopting non-repatriation policies for victims of trafficking, as well as policies sensitive to the needs of victims, such as work permits, access to health and social services, and support for education and vocational training, would seem to be crucial measures for host countries to take (UNFPA, 2006). Other beneficial actions include

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removing restrictive laws and policies regarding labor migration, developing gender-sensitive migration policies to generate a safe legal environment for women and facilitating access of women to flexible and safe labor markets (Drugs & Crime, 2014). Multisector training and services should be implemented through governments and non-governmental organizations, equipping them with socio-economic, legal and counseling resources in origin, transit and destination countries. Political and legal figures such as lawyers and judges could be trained to analyze rights violations from a gender approach. Programs that combine both psycho-social and legal services (access to bank accounts and credit, counseling for survivors of violence and sexual exploitation and skills training) would promote the integration of migrant women (I. O. f. Migration, 2003; UNFPA, 2006). Extended research into migration patterns and conditions among women would compensate the lack of data on migrant women and the violence and discrimination they endure. This information would increase awareness, thus facilitating the formulation of adequate policies aiming to improve migrant women’s life quality and wellbeing (G. C. o. I. Migration, et al., 2005; I. O. f. Migration, 2003). For this purpose, policy makers should first acknowledge the similarities and differences in migration experiences between men and women, and the importance of investing resources in this issue. Globalization has increased migration for labor reasons, but it has simultaneously brought about decreased regulation of the labor market and growth of the informal sector, thus generating new forms of exploitation. For women, these changes may increase vulnerability to exploitation and abuse, thus escalating existing inequalities relative to men. The United Nations and the International Labor Office provide great attention to women migrants, but they operate in a disperse manner. Focusing strictly on migrant status may not be sufficient when addressing migrant women’s needs. Lastly, the gap between theory and practice (implementation and ratification of approved policies by states) continues to be a substantial problem (Internationalis, 2010; McAuliffe & Ruhs, 2017; G. C. o. I. Migration, et al., 2005; I. O. f. Migration, 2003).

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors are especially grateful to Catherine Dunn, for her invaluable work editing the English of this manuscript.

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In: Immigration and Migration Editor: Lucas Descoteaux

ISBN: 978-1-53615-838-0 © 2019 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 3

USING TECHNOLOGY TO EXPAND AND ENRICH THE VOCABULARY OF LOW LEVEL ENGLISH MIGRANT WOMEN Kham Sila Ahmad, Jocelyn Armarego and Fay Sudweeks School of Engineering, Science and Technology, Murdoch University, Murdoch, Australia

ABSTRACT One of the challenges faced by migrant women from non-English speaking backgrounds in Australia is to comfortably communicate and express opinions, feelings and thoughts to English speakers. This limitation is traceable to a lack of exposure to English and the opportunity to learn and use it in their daily interactions. As a result, the women’s accumulated vocabulary bank provides them with limited choices of usable words. A Mobile Assisted Language Learning (MALL) framework, using a language app and a tablet, was developed to assist low level English 

Corresponding Author’s Email: [email protected].

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Kham Sila Ahmad, Jocelyn Armarego and Fay Sudweeks migrant women to acquire, expand and enrich their English vocabulary. This was achieved through a research project with fifteen migrant women who were grouped into three case studies, where each experienced different learning environments; namely: non-MALL, hybrid, and MALL. The characteristics of these women were: English was not their native language (L1); most struggled and/or were shy to speak English; low English literacy; at least able to read in L1; housewives, some with small children; from low socio-economic backgrounds; and unable to attend formal learning. The MALL framework used a 3-step vocabulary learning process: Step 1 Pre-teaching of Vocabulary, Step 2 Drilling, and Step 3 App Activities and Exercises. Steps 1 and 2 used the traditional teacher-centred approach, and the materials were deliberately planned to tie-in with the contents in Step 3, which applied a learner-centred approach. The challenges encountered by the women during the implementation of this framework included: the limitation of group learning/teacher-centred instruction; the difficulty of understanding Australian English and comprehending reading material; and difficulties due to sound system differences between their L1 and English. Nevertheless, benefits of the framework were noted, including: the advantages of student-centred instruction; the relevance of the learning contents to their everyday functional and conversational use motivating them to acquire vocabulary; and the opportunity for independent learning and repeat practice since the app was accessible beyond classroom time. While all of the women acquired new vocabulary, those who used the tablet experienced a significantly enriched and positive vocabulary learning experience. The hybrid learning environment was found to be the most effective due to the extended time for exposure and opportunities to use English, more practice, and the exploration of more topics.

Keywords: app, English vocabulary, Mobile Assisted Language Learning (MALL), migrant women, non-formal learning

1. INTRODUCTION Among the challenges faced by migrant women from non-Englishspeaking backgrounds in Australia is to confidently communicate and express opinions, feelings and thoughts to other English speakers. Migrant women may possess a different native language (L1) literacy level and

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may or may not have learned English in their home country. However, it is typical that they require a period of adjustment to English in terms of speaking, listening, reading, and writing. Some struggle while others may find it easy. This depends on how much exposure, and opportunities to learn has been available, as well as in using English in their daily interactions, pre- and post-migration. These experiences impact the women’s accumulated vocabulary bank, thus the choices of usable words available to them (K. S. Ahmad, 2019). Lack of English language proficiency was identified as a common barrier for migrants’ ease of settlement in Australia (Coates & Carr, 2005; Colic-Peisker & Tilbury, 2007; Fozdar & Hartley, 2012; Miralles-Lombardo, Miralles, & Golding, 2008). Men overcome this barrier more quickly than women because the responsibility of seeking financial stability for the family forces them to go out into the workforce and into society. In contrast, most women assume the responsibility of undertaking household duties and engaging in the fulltime care of their families. This leads to isolation from the broader community, usually over several years. As such, their lives are strongly influenced by personal and sociocultural factors both pre- and postmigration (Adult Migrant English Services, 2011; McMichael & Manderson, 2004; O'Dwyer & Mulder, 2015). In general, migrant families have to adjust to a new life and culture in Australian society, dealing with emotional and psychological issues, sociocultural and socioeconomic challenges, as well as learning English as a new language for communication (Office of Multicultural Interests, 2012). The functionality of current tablets and smartphones, and the development and abundance of language apps, can be exploited for the benefit of migrant women’s language learning (K. S. Ahmad, 2019). According to Klopfer, Squire, and Jenkins (2002) and Kukulska-Hulme, Norris, and Donohue (2015), mobile devices are suitable for language learning as they are portable and lightweight, with features and functionalities that include connectivity, context sensitivity, individuality and social interactivity. To exploit mobile technologies effectively, careful planning needs to be firmly grounded in learning theory in general, and the principles of second language acquisition in particular (Burston, 2017).

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Burston (2017) also added that the learners’ activities need to be constructivist, collaborative, learner-centred, task-based, and require communicative linguistic interaction.

2. BACKGROUND 2.1. Support for English Learning Funded support for migrant and refugee English learning in Australia, is provided through the Adult Migrant English Program (AMEP), which aims to help develop the English language skills needed to access services in the community, provide a pathway to employment, training or further study, and to participate in other government programs (Department of Education and Training, 2017). Such support is critical in improving personal, social and economic well-being of migrants (Australian Social Inclusion Board, 2012; Migliorino, 2011). However, some eligible women are unable to take this opportunity due to personal and sociocultural factors and/or fear of engaging in formal education (Adult Migrant English Services, 2011; McMichael & Manderson, 2004). They are more comfortable attending non-formal English learning at local and non-profit community-based centres, such as community spaces or public libraries (Miralles-Lombardo et al., 2008). K.S. Ahmad (2019, p. 3) compares the English learning services offered by the AMEP and a typical community-based program. In summary, the former provides a formal and structured system of learning, while the latter provides a non-formal and flexible system. However, both programs are provided free to learners. The non-formal and flexibile nature of the community-based program refers to learners not required to complete a certain number of hours and units of study as the program runs for short durations, with young children who are allowed to come along with their parents into the classroom, and where there are no restrictions on their current level of proficiencies in L1 or English to enter. These

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programs are intended to be a meeting place for learners to learn and practice English in a more relaxed, fear-free and flexible environment.

2.2. Significance of Vocabulary Having a diverse vocabulary allows a learner to connect with a greater variety of people and become proactive in talking and dealing with issues in more detail (Lightbown & Spada, 2013). Being confident gives learners the ability to voice their opinion clearly, share ideas and thoughts or simply make conversation (J. Ahmad, 2011; Elgort, 2011; Nation & Newton, 2009), whilst increasing the chances of having other people understand what they express. Nation (2000) claimed that the nature of acquiring vocabulary begins with a new word, then it is enriched and established as the words are met again; it is a cumulative process. Eventually, as the learners’ knowledge becomes more established, they are able to see how words are related. Vocabulary learning is a significant component of acquiring conversational proficiency and competence for adult second language learners (J. Ahmad, 2011). Considering their L1 literacy level and educational background, combined with their current English level, vocabulary acquisition centring on the speaking and listening branches of language development is seen as potentially useful and beneficial (K.S Ahmad, 2019). A greater number of words in learners’ word banks provide them with more instruments to work with when putting forward their own ideas and comprehending and examining the ideas of others (J. Ahmad, 2011; Elgort, 2011). These instruments are also useful for reading comprehension, where readers try to understand unfamiliar words they encounter in a text (Krashen & Terrell, 2000; Lightbown & Spada, 2013).

2.2.1. Vocabulary Learning/Acquisition There are two types of vocabulary acquisition: incidental and intentional. Incidental vocabulary learning refers to the process of acquiring new words from various contexts without explicit instruction

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(Schmitt, 2000). The learning is cumulative, as learners use accumulated occurrences and contexts to form a more complete sense of word meanings. This learning is highly individualised, as it depends on language exposure and opportunities for engagement. This is relatable to Coombs and Ahmed’s (1974) reference to a ‘lifelong process’, where an individual acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes and insights from day-to-day exposure to and interaction with the environment (home, work, family and friends, travel, readings, listening to the radio or viewing films or television). Any activities aimed directly at acquiring new words by committing lexical information to memory is referred to as intentional vocabulary learning (Hulstijin, 2001); for example, referring to a dictionary to learn a list of new words. Laufer (2005) insisted that intentional vocabulary learning is a must for a better chance of retention and mastery of specific vocabulary, with incidental learning being complementary. Nation (2014) proposed strategies for learning vocabulary deliberately: studying (unknown) words, preferably, through the use of bilingual word cards; doing intensive reading while consciously focusing on vocabulary with the help of a teacher or a dictionary; and getting feedback on spoken and written production. Among the vocabulary learning strategies that English learners use are the dictionary (Nation, 2001), notebooks (Lightbown & Spada, 2013; Ochi, 2009; Schmitt, 2000), flashcards (Harmer, 2007; Nation, 2001), reading activities (Coady & Huckin, 1997; Lightbown & Spada, 2013), use of L1 (Harmer, 2007; Schmitt, 2000), and mobile devices (Clark, 2013; Deng & Trainin, 2015).

2.3. Significance of MALL According to Kukulska-Hulme et al. (2015), MALL utilises mobile devices such as smartphones, tablets and iPods to support language learning “anytime, anywhere.” Despite the enormous improvements in the functionality of mobile devices in recent years, Burston (2017) finds that very few MALL implementations have engaged the students in interactive

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and communicative language learning activities. The availability and common use of mobile devices, particularly tablets, has been replacing the need for language laboratories and desktop installations (Burston, 2017). The use of mobile devices allows any classroom with wireless network access to take on the functions of a language laboratory when required. This has become more common for school children, where the use of tablets for language activities is used casually in the classroom and also at home. While for school children these activities are usually limited to the classroom, for adult learners who own a tablet or smartphone, these language activities can be undertaken beyond the classroom, and virtually anywhere, anytime. Stockwell and Hubbard (2013) regarded the contributions of mobile learning and computer-assisted language learning (CALL) as the closest allied fields that inform and shape the MALL field. CALL has grown from just depending on software that runs on desktop computers, to include online and networked sources such as websites and blogs, virtual learning environments, computer-mediated communication, and mobile devices (Jarvis & Achilleos, 2013). These advances have led to the emergence of MALL, where language learning is assisted, supported or enhanced through the use of a personal handheld mobile device. Sharples (2007, p. 24) characterised MALL as “… the use of personal, portable devices that enable new ways of learning, emphasizing continuity or spontaneity of access and interaction across different contexts of use.” O’Malley et al. (2003) described MALL as any sort of learning that happens when the learner is not at a fixed, predetermined location, or learning that happens when the learner takes advantage of the learning opportunities offered by mobile technologies. Kukulska-Hulme (2013, p. 3701) defined MALL as the use of, “mobile technologies in language learning, especially in situations where device portability offers specific advantages.” MALL includes mobile devices ranging from MP3/MP4 players, smart phones, and e-book readers through to laptop and tablet computers (Stockwell & Hubbard, 2013). Mobile devices were described by Traxler (2007, p. 4) as, “pervasive and ubiquitous in many modern societies and

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they are increasingly changing the nature of knowledge and discourse in these societies.” Mobile devices, such as smartphones and tablets, with their portability and communication abilities, have altered the ways in which we seek information, communicate and work with others. The rapid increase of mobile device ownership and its prevalent nature in our lives is making MALL a viable option to support language teaching and for engaging language learners in the language learning process (Burston, 2014a, 2016), extending learning beyond a traditional classroom (Wu, 2016).

2.3.1. Attributes of MALL MALL Learners may find learning in MALL is extended beyond the regular traditional classroom environment due to the attributes of MALL (Abdous, Camarena, & Facer, 2009; Wu, 2014). These attributes include: portability, accessibility, and spontaneity; context awareness; multimedia and interactivity; and scaffolding. 2.3.1.1. Portability, Accessibility, and Spontaneity Mobile devices are portable, lightweight and small enough to fit in a pocket or in the palm of the learner’s hand. They can be carried around with relative ease and used for learning activities that are different from what is possible with other media. They range in cost and allow language learners easy personal access to vast educational resources via a wireless network, online and/or offline (Kim, Miranda, & Olaciregui, 2008; McManis & Gunnewig, 2012), eliminating dependency on language laboratories (Burston, 2017). In addition, learners can learn anywhere and anytime, and can connect and communicate with their teachers and peers almost immediately with less time and space constraints (Naismith, Londsdale, Giasemi, & Sharples, 2004; Wang, Teng, & Chen, 2015), making learning experiences seamless and spontaneous (Sharples, 2013). According to Kukulska-Hulme and Pettit (2009), mobile learning is convenient and portable as the learner can utilise down time productively; for example, when commuting. However, some learners prefer to learn in a private and quiet environment, thus public surroundings are less attractive

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to them (Gafni, Achituv, & Rachmani, 2017). A noisy environment is found to be only a small disadvantage, as people have become used to operating mobile devices in public areas, such as the street or public transport. These are places that were previously perceived as not being suitable for concentrating on performing a task through a computer or application. 2.3.1.2. Context Awareness Context awareness refers to the application of context-aware computing to enhance learning activities (Vavoula, Sharples, Scanlon, Lonsdale, & Jones, 2005), in which learning occurs through context. C. M. Chen and Li (2010) developed a personalised context-aware ubiquitous learning system (PCULS) to support effective English vocabulary learning based on learner location, learning time, individual vocabulary abilities, and leisure time. The system was successfully implemented on personal digital assistants (PDAs). Experimental results indicated that the performance of learners who used PCULS was superior to learners who used personalised English vocabulary learning systems without context awareness. A context-aware app is beneficial as it initiates an interaction by responding to a change in the user’s situation, offering/delivering a set of appropriate choices/contents based on that change (Sharples, 2013; Vavoula et al., 2005). This means that the user sees information in a specific context relevant to the user’s specific situation; for example, when a user/learner uses the Google Maps app (Austin, 2017), the app presents the user with context information such as the location of the nearest petrol station, bus station or bus stops, cafés and restaurants, landmarks, road construction sites, and traffic conditions. 2.3.1.3. Multimedia and Interactivity MALL learning environments, with the affordances of mobile devices, are able to present multimedia contents to learners. For example, multimedia messaging service (MMS) messages (involving texts, pictures, sound, and films) offer an alternative way for vocabulary learning

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(Burston, 2014b). Learning materials in language/vocabulary apps such as dictionaries, thesauruses, translators, interactive quizzes, and flashcards are presented to learners with interactive and multimedia-rich features (Nisbet & Austin, 2013). Learners can also create their own learning materials, such as pictures, audio, and video, in authentic (real world) environments using multimedia tools supported by mobile technologies (Huang, Shadiev, Sun, Hwang, & Liu, 2016). Utilisation of these multimedia tools for learning tasks stimulates learners’ imagination, helps prompt meaningful output, makes learning more interactive and richer in information, and also tends to make learners more engaged (Golonka, Bowles, Frank, Richardson, & Freynik, 2014). In addition, learners are able to practice the target language repeatedly and regularly, and acquire diverse learning goals that increase the richness of their language experience (Burston, 2014b; Nisbet & Austin, 2013). 2.3.1.4. Scaffolding In their report, Kukulska-Hulme et al. (2015) proposed various ways for providing learners with scaffolds that teachers could apply when using mobile devices in language teaching and learning. For example: (1) during both in or out of class individual or collaborative work, reference apps, such as dictionaries or thesaurauses can be used to help scaffold more creative language use with ease and speed; (2) learners are able to learn English via social media such as Skype, Facebook, or Twitter through chatting or communicating with international friends; and (3) learners can record audios of their short speech as rehearsals where they are able to listen, reflect, and repair these recordings on their own, or collaboratively with their peers, resulting in a stronger final version of the speech. A 4-week instrumental case study research project was conducted by Y. Chen, Carger, and Smith (2017) to explore the learning effects of scaffolding young English language learners’ narrative writing skills through the use of iPads and a digital handwriting app (Penultimate). The findings showed that learners’ learning motivation and quality of narrative writing abilities are enhanced through the use of those devices. Another study of primary school students’ use of a series of apps on their iPads

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showed that students use them to scaffold their practical work at different stages during the experiments (Falloon, 2017). The device functions and app-based scaffolds assist these students to structure their experiments, understand procedures, think about the influence of variables and communicate and share outcomes.

3. METHODS 3.1. Context of This Study This study was conducted in a small community centre, in a suburb in Western Australia, that provides community services and learning programs to its community members. One of the learning programs is conversational English, which is a non-formal learning space for people who want to practise basic spoken and survival English. The program is free of charge and open for two hours every Tuesday morning during the public school term. Most attendees are women even though the program is open to the public. Mothers are allowed to bring along their small children. Countries of origin of these women include: Afghanistan, China, Iraq, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Japan. The program is very flexible and relaxed, causing irregularity in attendance, contingent upon participants’ convenience. The sessions are meant to be non-formal and non-academic, as opposed to formal and structured English classes. Average attendance is 12 to 15 per session. Activities may include: discussing any topic of interest; current issues; or any topics that participants want to share with the group. The whiteboard is used to write words, phrases, or draw pictures for illustration. No homework is given, but participants are free to take notes. Participants who struggle or are unable to read and write use their visual and listening ability and their memory. The first author is the coordinator of the conversational English and has the opportunity to enjoy a good rapport, to observe how the participants act, speak and engage with each other naturally, as well as with other people in the community centre.

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3.2. Research Design A qualitative research design of an ethnographic case study method using semi-structured interviews and observations was used. Fifteen women (Table 1) were grouped into three case studies. Table 1. Participants of this study Code name Ally Ami Feeda Ika Kay Li Liddy Mala Midah Rea Rina Rose Suki Yuni Zehra

Country of origin China Japan Libya Malaysia Malaysia China China Sri Lanka Malaysia Iraq Indonesia Congo Afghanistan Indonesia Afghanistan

L1 Mandarin Japanese Arabic Malay Mandarin Mandarin Mandarin Tamil Malay Arabic Malay Lingala Farsi Malay Dari

Each case was analysed thematically, and was followed by an analysis across the three case studies. Each case study offered different non-formal learning settings for acquiring vocabulary: 



Case Study 1 – ten migrant women attended the regular conversational sessions (referred to as non-MALL, as learning did not include the use of mobile technologies, and provided a baseline for comparison). Case Study 2 – five migrant women from Case Study 1 who had already experienced non-MALL, and then continued their participation by learning in MALL-integrated sessions (referred to as hybrid, where learning was assisted by a tablet and a language app).

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Case Study 3 – five new migrant women who attended only MALL-integrated sessions (referred to as MALL, where learning was assisted by a tablet and a language app).

3.2.1. Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured interviews were used as a method of collecting data because they allowed for greater flexibility and leeway, despite an overall structured interviewing framework and pre-planned questions (Creswell, 2012; Yin, 2011). In this study, to achieve a more extensive follow-up of responses from participants, the order of questions was sometimes changed and some questions probed further. This created richer interactions and more cognizant responses (McDonough & McDonough, 1997). According to Miralles-Lombardo et al. (2008), an established rapport between the interviewer and the participants encouraged the latter to speak more openly. To achieve this, help from other participants in the sessions who could speak English a little better was also sought to interpret for the participants. This allowed participants to express their views more deeply and freely in L1. The interviews were audio-recorded then transcribed for analysis. 3.2.2. Non-MALL and MALL Lessons 3.2.2.1. Non-MALL Lessons An example of a topic of conversation in a non-MALL session was grocery advertisements in the community newspaper (K. S. Ahmad, Sudweeks, & Armarego, 2017). According to Krashen’s Input Hypothesis of second language acquisition (Lightbown & Spada, 1993), learners acquire language by receiving comprehensible input; that is, by understanding words in context. This example uses authentic texts for more impact on participants’ vocabulary learning, especially those who are low literacy learners. Authentic texts are those texts found in our everyday lives (e.g., newspaper, takeaway menus, advertising flyers and bus timetables). For example:

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Kham Sila Ahmad, Jocelyn Armarego and Fay Sudweeks An introduction to the community newspaper was made to participants which included: the front page of a newspaper, recognizing the title of a newspaper, describing pictures on the front page; the back page; advertisements; inserts; and identifying page numbers. Each attendee was given a current community newspaper available free. The follow-up discussion revolved around the prices of grocery items, comparison of prices (where one is cheaper or more expensive in one store than in another), the in-season fruit, and learning to describe items by the weight or the quantifier/container in which they were sold. The examples of vocabulary were a kilo of …, a bag of …, a carton of …, a dozen of eggs, grocery list, cheaper and expensive. The discussion triggered follow-up questions and elicited other vocabulary. Participants then tried to make a grocery list and shared it with the group.

3.2.2.2. MALL Lessons Ten tablets were supplied by the community centre for the study that were shared among all participants of the English conversational program. The introduction of the tablet was done gradually, so as to maintain the naturalistic and non-formal feel to the program as much as possible. The following is a sample of how a MALL lesson (K. S. Ahmad, Sudweeks, & Armarego, 2015) on the topic of Your Health from the ThinkEnglish! (NSW AMES, 2016) app was conducted. Step 1 Pre-teach vocabulary (words/phrase). This step helps participants to understand the meaning and become familiar with the vocabulary (Nation & Newton, 2009). Examples of vocabulary for this topic are: “sore throat,” “headache,” “backache,” “stomach ache” and “hay fever.” Step 2 Drilling. This step is used to help participants practice fluency and become familiar with how the words and phrases are used (Nation & Newton, 2009). The following corresponding sentences are drilled: “I’ve got a sore-throat,” “I’ve got hay fever,” “I’ve got a backache,” “I’ve got a stomach ache,” and “I’ve got a headache.” Step 3 MALL activities. This is when participants are paired and given a tablet to work with and paired to undertake vocabulary exercises. Figures 1(a) and 1(b) are samples of the user interfaces on the tablet that the participants of the MALL lessons were presented with to work on.

Using Technology to Expand and Enrich the Vocabulary … Figure 1(a) shows the screen capture of a completed matching statement and picture and Figure 1(b) shows the screen capture of the video part of the exercise. By tapping on the video, a participant could watch the characters having a dialogue between them. The Activity part lets a participant answer and solve questions based on the dialogue. Three answer choices are given, and the selection can be made just by tapping on one of the choices. The Transcript part of the activity lets a participant read the transcript of the conversation. The transcript can be read independently of the video, while listening to the conversation when the video was playing. This is useful for reading, listening, and pronunciation practice. Tapping on the play button lets the participant listen, pause, forward or repeat the audio. The exercise can be refreshed and repeated as many times as needed.

(a) Figure 1. (a) Matching exercise; (b) Video.

(b)

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3.2.3. Thematic Analysis 3.2.3.1. Case Study 1 Ten migrant women participated in Case Study 1, which is referred to as ‘non-MALL’. The researcher was in contact with these participants for two-hour weekly sessions over twenty weeks. However, participants’ attendance was irregular. Participants were interviewed separately, for the majority of time one-on-one. On some occasions, with consent from the participant, someone who was available at the community centre assisted in interpreting the interview questions into participant’s L1. Each participant completed two interviews with the researcher, one before and one after attending 4 to 5 regular conversational English sessions. As such, the interviews before these sessions are called ‘pre-non-MALL’, and interviews after these sessions are called ‘post-non-MALL’. Each interview lasted for 30 to 45 minutes. Figure 2 shows the data gathering of Case Study 1 (Layer 1), the reporting (Layer 2), the five themes that emerged from the analyses of the case study (Layer 3), and the two factors that impacted the migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition (Layer 4). Five themes that emerged from the analysis of this case study related to literacy and education background, pronunciation, confidence, meaningful contents, and instructor role. The two factors that impacted migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition in non-MALL were: 1) Vocabulary learning environment. This refers to the setting where vocabulary is taught to and learnt by participants. The themes that fall under this factor are: meaningful content (only relevant and meaningful content should be taught as participants were adult learners); and the researcher’s instructor’s role in terms of the person who planned and executed the teacher-centred non-MALL sessions. 2) Learner characteristics. This refers to the backgrounds of the adult learners. It includes their literacy and education, pronunciation skills, and individual confidence.

Using Technology to Expand and Enrich the Vocabulary … Cross-case analysis of factors

Analysis of case study themes

Descriptive reporting of participants experiences

Interview with case study participants, and participants observation

59 Layer 4

Vocabulary learning environment

Instructor role

Case Study 1 (Non-MALL)

Meaningful content

Learner characteristics

Literacy and education background

Layer 3 Confidence

Case Study 2 (Non-MALL and MALL – Hybrid)

Pronunciation

Case Study 3 (MALL)

Layer 2

Layer 1

Data

Figure 2. Data gathering, reporting and themes and factors that emerged from the analyses of Case Study 1.

3.2.3.2. Case Study 2 The participants in this case study experienced hybrid vocabulary learning, which combined 4 to 5 MALL sessions in addition to the previous 4 to 5 non-MALL sessions in Case Study 1. The issues that arose from participants’ experience in learning vocabulary in MALL were grouped into eight themes: literacy and education background; pronunciation; confidence; meaningful content; instructor role; learner grouping; learning distractions; and features of tablet and app (Figure 3). The participants used their L1 literacy skills when acquiring vocabulary (for example, making notes in L1 during Step1 and Step 2), and they applied their knowledge of reading in L1 to strategies for reading English texts. The requirements for reading were minimal during nonMALL, and during Step 1 and Step 2 of MALL. However, during Step 3 of MALL, the ability to read and comprehend basic English was essential for participants to attempt the beginner level activities and exercises on the app. Reading English texts was not an everyday activity for participants, thus the app provided some challenges, as well as exposure and practice.

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Participants’ spoken fluency varied and was limited to basic language commonly used for interpersonal communication. Some participants already had high basic fluency entering the program, so attending the conversational sessions was a means for improving their conversational skills, and avoiding a decline in their English skills. For the low fluency speakers, who mostly lacked confidence, attending the sessions was regarded as an opportunity to overcome the shyness that inhibited them from speaking while simultaneously developing and building their confidence. MALL helped participants’ build their vocabulary, as it expanded the size of their word bank by using both the traditional teacher-centred approach and the use of a mobile device and app. The whole approach provided English exposure and practice that helped expand participants’ vocabulary knowledge, with a digital repository that offered more word choices to use in conversations, developed pronunciation skills, and supported participants developing confidence. Listening to dialogue with the authentic accents of Australian English speakers prepared participants with experience of what they could expect to encounter when interacting outside the group (the researcher was not an L1 Australian English speaker). Confidence developed which created a rewarding feeling and pride in progress made, encouraging participants to keep improving. The researcher had dual roles in MALL. She operated as the teacher in Step 1 and Step 2, in a somewhat similar way to the non-MALL teachercentred approach. She was a facilitator in Step 3, in a student-centred approach. The scope of planning and preparation for the MALL sessions therefore involved more work than for non-MALL. Because Step 3 added the use of the app on the tablet, the dynamics and atmosphere of the sessions changed. The app encouraged participants to solve problems. The vocabulary learning took place when participants performed the in-app activities and exercises, especially while working in pairs. Although using the tablet encouraged independence, the researcher’s presence in the room remained critical as a source of information and guidance for participants. Figure 3 shows the data gathering of Case Study 2 (Layer 1), the reporting (Layer 2), eight themes emerging from the analyses of the case

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study (Layer 3), and the three broader factors that emerged as the impact on these migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition during a hybrid of the non-MALL and MALL learning environments (Layer 4). Cross-case analysis of factors

Vocabulary learning environment

Analysis of case study themes

Instructor role

Descriptive reporting of participants experiences

Interview with case study participants, and participant observation

Layer 4

Learner grouping

Case Study 1 (Non-MALL)

Meaningful content

Learner characteristics

Literacy and education background

Learning distractions

Technology

Layer 3 Confidence

Case Study 2 (Non-MALL and MALL – Hybrid)

Pronunciation

App/tablet

Case Study 3 (MALL)

Layer 2

Layer 1

Data

Figure 3. Data gathering, reporting and themes and factors that emerged from the analyses of Case Study 2.

The three factors that impacted migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition were: 1) Vocabulary learning environment. This refers to the setting where vocabulary is taught to and learnt by participants. The themes under this factor were: meaningful content (only relevant and meaningful content should be taught as participants are adult learners); learner grouping (participants working as individual, in a pair, or in a big group); and instructor as facilitator role (planning and execution of combined student-centred and teacher-centred MALL sessions). 2) Learner characteristics. This refers to the backgrounds of individual learners as adult learners, that included the literacy and education background, pronunciation, distraction issues, and individual confidence.

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Kham Sila Ahmad, Jocelyn Armarego and Fay Sudweeks 3) Technology. This refers to the use of the tablet and app as the tool for enhancing participants’ vocabulary learning through interactive activities and exercises.

3.2.3.3. Case Study 3 The characteristics of the participants of Case Study 3 were: new migrant women attending the conversational English program at the community centre; never experienced learning in any non-MALL and/or MALL environments; and English was not their L1. Each participant had two interviews with the researcher, one before (pre-MALL) and one after attending 4 to 5 MALL sessions (post-MALL). Participants were interviewed one-on-one, except for one participant who preferred to have another person present to assist in interpreting. Each interview lasted for approximately 30 minutes. Figure 4 shows the data collection approach for Case Study 3 (Layer 1), the reporting (Layer 2), eight themes emerging from the analyses of the case study (Layer 3), and three broader factors that impacted these migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition in MALL (Layer 4). The three factors that impacted Case Study 3 participants’ vocabulary acquisition were similar to Case Study 2: Vocabulary learning environment; Learner characteristics; and Technology. Cross-case analysis of factors

Vocabulary learning environment

Analysis of case study themes

Instructor role

Descriptive reporting of participants experiences

Interview with case study participants and participant observation

Layer 4

Learner grouping

Case Study 1 (Non-MALL)

Meaningful content

Learner characteristics

Literacy and education background

Learning distractions

Technology

Layer 3 Confidence

Case Study 2 (Non-MALL and MALL – Hybrid)

Pronunciation

App/tablet

Case Study 3 (MALL)

Layer 2

Layer 1

Data

Figure 4. Data collection, reporting, themes and factors that emerged from the analyses of Case Study 3.

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3.2.4. Cross-Case Analysis The Case Study 1 learning environment was non-MALL (regular conversational sessions), thus the vocabulary learning experience of the ten participants involved was limited to learning without the assistance of technology. The Case Study 2 and Case Study 3 learning environments were assisted by a mobile device (tablet) and a mobile language app. The Case Study 2 participants’ learning experience was hybrid, as they consecutively experienced learning vocabulary in non-MALL and MALL environments. Case Study 3 participants were new attendees to the conversational program; therefore, their vocabulary learning experience was in a MALL environment alone. The emerging themes from Case Studies 1, 2 and 3 (see Figure 2 – non-MALL, Figure 3 – Hybrid and Figure 4 – MALL) were grouped into the key factors: Vocabulary learning environment, Learner characteristics, and Technology (Figure 5). Cross-case analysis of factors

Vocabulary learning environment

Analysis of case study themes

Instructor role

Layer 4

Learner grouping

Meaningful content

Learner characteristics

Literacy and education background

Learning distractions

Technology

Layer 3 Confidence

Pronunciation

App/tablet

L

Descriptive reporting of participants experiences

Interview with case study participants, and participant observation

Layer 2

Case Study 1

Case Study 2

Case Study 3

Layer 1

Data

Figure 5. Factors impacting migrant women’s vocabulary learning.

The first factor, the Vocabulary learning environment, refers to the learning setting where vocabulary was taught to and learnt by participants. The second factor, Learner characteristics, refers to individual differences that are inherent in the participants who were second (or third or fourth) language adult learners. Finally, the third factor, Technology, refers to the

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integration of the tablet (mobile device), and the language app (mobile application) as the learning tool in assisting and enhancing the learning experience (hybrid and MALL).

4. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION 4.1. Vocabulary Learning Environment The type of learning environment where the vocabulary lessons were delivered to participants (non-MALL, hybrid, or MALL), affected their vocabulary acquisition, as each environment offered different attributes (Table 2). Table 2. Vocabulary learning environment attributes Non-MALL Teacher

Hybrid  Teacher (non-MALL session)  Teacher (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Facilitator (Step 3 MALL)

MALL  Teacher (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Facilitator (Step 3 MALL)

Meaningful content

Teacher plans and delivers vocabulary lesson based on the selected topic for group discussion

 Teacher plans and delivers vocabulary lesson based on the selected topic for group discussion (non-MALL session)  Teacher plans and delivers vocabulary lesson to support the day’s app topic (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Participants work on the content (activities and exercises) on the day’s app topic (Step 3 MALL)

 Teacher plans and delivers vocabulary lesson to support the day’s app topic (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Participants work on the content (activities and exercises) on the day’s app topic (Step 3 of MALL)

Learner grouping

Group learning

 Group learning (nonMALL)  Group learning (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Pair-work (Step 3 MALL)

 Group learning (Step 1 and Step 2 MALL)  Pair-work (Step 3 MALL)

Instructor role

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The researcher, took on the teacher role in the non-MALL, hybrid, and MALL learning environments conducted in the regular conversational program slot. With a dual role as a bilingual/bicultural staff member of the community centre and as a teacher, the researcher also helped to provide a safe and familiar learning environment for the participants. According to Miralles-Lombardo et al. (2008) and Yates et al. (2015), learning in a relaxed and informal learning environment with a bilingual/bicultural teacher/interlocutor helps provide feelings of ease for adult English learners of multicultural background, as they perceive that the teacher provides support and understanding that is in tune with the different needs of their community. Some of the participants had known the researcher prior to their involvement in the research, which established a form of connection and trust. The researcher was also able to gauge and understand the participants’ learning needs and the level of complexity of a topic and vocabulary that they could comprehend. The role of the researcher transformed from that of being a teacher, directing the whole group of learners in the non-MALL learning environment, into a facilitator in the hybrid and MALL learning environments. The presence of the researcher was viewed as important by all participants, as she provided them with support in her teacher/facilitator role, ‘being there for them’; in other words, she provided them with the scaffolding that they needed. In general, the MALL Step 3 participants could be considered as independent learners because they worked in pairs, and approached the researcher in her role as teacher only when they encountered operational or language-related problems when working on the app. Some higher proficiency participants preferred to work individually. Most participants did not seem to be interested in working on the app at home, by themselves, in their own time, as they did not have the presence of the teacher to answer questions or to help resolve any problem or issues they might encounter. When working in pairs, there was inevitable imbalance in proficiency levels between the learner partners. Some of the observations regarding this disparity were: a higher level participant felt that she could learn faster if paired with a similar level or higher proficiency partner; a lower

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proficiency partner felt confident when working with a higher proficiency partner; and a higher proficiency partner was usually willing to assist their partner. However, a few advantages were found with this arrangement, as indicated in Thompson’s (1996) list of three advantages of pair-work: (i) pair-work activities provide the learners with safe opportunities to try out ideas before sharing them in public; (ii) partnership leads to more developed ideas, and therefore greater confidence and more effective communication; and (iii) each person can provide knowledge and skills that may complement their partner’s, which, in turn, leads to greater success in doing tasks. The hybrid and MALL participants demonstrated that they felt free to express their ideas and opinions, because they were comfortable working with their peers, whom they thought had similar or higher level of language proficiency and knowledge. This feeling developed their level of confidence and self-esteem, helping them to speak and produce more accurate and appropriate language, which, in turn, provided more input for their peers. As previously noted, the hybrid and MALL learning settings also encouraged negotiation between partners (Erben et al., 2009; Fotos & Ellis, 1991; Lightbown & Spada, 2013; Nation & Newton, 2009), teacher-learner scaffolding (Bruner, 1986; Vygotsky, 1978), and peer-to-peer scaffolding (Bull et al., 1999; Gutierrez, 2006; Hsieh, 2017; Vygotsky, 1978). The non-MALL environment was more flexible and allowed the teacher more opportunities to include spontaneous and contextually sensitive teaching moments when delivering the lessons. This provided a beneficial add-on to the topic lesson, and participants learnt new vocabulary ‘on the fly’. In contrast, the lessons in hybrid and MALL restricted the teacher to align Steps 1 and 2 with pre-set app topics and vocabulary items in Step 3, within the limited time period of each session. The researcher had to ensure that the components of a MALL sessions were completed within their allocated time frame. However, the add-on advantage of hybrid and MALL learning was that the app feature provided a myriad of learning resources, in the form of visual, textual and aural elements that enriched participants’ vocabulary learning.

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4.2. Learner Characteristics The participants’ individual characteristics (L1 and English literacy/ education background, the learning distractions they encountered, confidence level and pronunciation capabilities) played important roles in their vocabulary acquisition.

4.2.1. L1 and English Literacy/Education Background The participants’ L1 and English literacy levels affected their vocabulary acquisition of English as their second, third or fourth language. This supports the findings of Bigelow and Tarone (2004) and Tarone, Bigelow, and Hansen (2007) that the acquisition of English as a second language might be impacted by the level of oral and written proficiency in L1 and in English, and exposure to and experience with literacy in and outside of formal education settings (for example, the number of years of formal schooling in the home country). The participants’ L1 literacy backgrounds were mixed. They had varying levels of English literacy: no exposure to and/or knowledge of English at pre-migration; learnt English formally in school in their home country but did not have enough practice and thus unable to use it in Australia; and/or, since arriving in Australia, gained the knowledge, familiarisation, or practice through formal adult education, the workplace, domestic surroundings, or interaction with other people. All participants were were able to draw on their previous knowledge. The influence and effects of a learner’s L1 knowledge on their target language use and knowledge is referred to as transfer or interference (Lightbown & Spada, 2013). However, what is transferred is primarily conceptual knowledge rather than specific linguistic elements (Cummins, 1991). According to Kellerman (1986), over time, learners can develop intuitions about which language features they can transfer from their L1 to the target language and which are less likely to be transferable. This becomes more apparent as more is learned about the target language, leading to a stronger intuition, and learners are able to identify similarities that they had not perceived at an earlier stage (Lightbown & Spada, 2013).

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In this research, it was observed that participants whose L1 used the Roman alphabet and who had learnt English in school acquired the concepts and transferred with more ease. In comparison, Arabic and Mandarin scripts and pronunciation are dissimilar from English and the Roman alphabet, making transfer more complicated or unlikely. However, these participants also seemed able to use the knowledge that they already had to help make sense of what they were currently learning. An example of a transfer process in non-MALL and MALL was when participants made notes to retain new vocabulary items (in non-MALL, and Steps 1 and 2 in MALL). The rate and extent of writing, as well as the amount of notes a participant made, varied depending on her L1 literacy level and her familiarity with writing and reading using the Roman alphabet. Nation and Newton (2009) posit that, in a formal classroom, note-taking is a meaning-focused listening activity and serves two purposes: it stores information for later use; and it provides the opportunity to encode information. These are called the storage effect and the encoding effect. The encoding effect means changing from one form of organisation of ideas to another form of organisation. The participants wrote their own notes based on what they felt was important and useful for them to refer to again. L1 notes were a useful resource for participants as they serve as a scaffold (Ochi; Schmitt, 2000) to support new knowledge acquisition before working on the app. The impact of working on the app was that participants were not required to write any notes; instead, they applied the knowledge that they gained in the previous steps and focused on the activities, their reading comprehension and their listening comprehension (listening to and watching videos, comprehending the message alongside reading the information, and attempting the exercises on the app).

4.2.2. Learning Distractions There were five main issues that distracted participants from learning. First, distraction was experienced by mothers who brought their children along to the MALL sessions, where they had to divide their attention between the session and their children. Second, high noise levels were a distraction from activities in Step 3 of MALL; for example, the tablet itself,

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the children, and the pair-work grouping of participants and nonparticipants (who were talking and/or discussing the work they were doing on the app). Usually, and unintentionally, the noise was overwhelming and bothered some people. However, participants were tolerant and cooperated when reminded to keep their noise level down. Third, specifically during pair-work, it could be distracting when participants of the same L1 worked together causing them to veer away from the point of an exercise, and talk about something else completely in their L1. The chances of ‘misbehaviour’ were greater with pair-work than in the teacherfronted/whole group learning setting (Lightbown & Spada, 2013). The fourth distraction occurred during the brief period of adjustment at the beginning of the tablet use, as the participants had varying experience with using technologies like the tablet as a tool for learning in a classroom. Participants also had to familiarise themselves with navigating the app. This distraction was soon resolved when participants identified the functions of navigation buttons and became familiar with the organisation of the topics and sub-topics of the app, and also realised that the functionality of the tablet was similar to the smartphone. The final distraction, which also challenged the participants, was that they had to do intensive reading when using the app. This reflected the fact that many were struggling readers. To resolve this, participants either received help from the teacher or from their higher proficiency peer, or applied guesswork until they achieved the right answer, or just skipped that part of the exercise.

4.2.3. Confidence Level and Pronunciation Capability Some participants already possessed a high level of self-confidence, where they voluntarily spoke, asked questions, or shared jokes and stories, despite using only broken English with only a limited choice of words. Some participants required more time to adjust and gain self-confidence before being able to speak in a large group. The participants’ confidence level and English proficiency levels were influenced by their pre-migration and post-migration English exposure, their education background, and their post-migration English usage opportunities (K. S. Ahmad et al., 2017).

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According to Yates et al. (2015), some people become very anxious when they are learning a language, thus allaying these fears and anxieties is a very important part of building confidence, in addition to building positive feelings of security, competence, a sense of belonging, a strong sense of identity, and a sense of purpose. In this research, it was hard to measure whether these various positives had been achieved. However, from the researcher’s rapport with the participants, it appeared that participants who had slowly gained self-confidence were speaking more, with greater self-assurance, and could communicate their point without worrying if they made errors. In other words, their participation in nonMALL and/or MALL had led to some form of confidence. Some examples of activities that encouraged confidence were memorising personal phrases and vocabulary (memorised question and answer monologues about themselves which led to participants being able to confidently hold a conversation about themselves, or ask questions to/about others, or provide information about themselves when on official business), drilling (a classic technique for building confidence in participants by memorising chunks of language, formulaic expressions, patterns and practicing vocalisation of the new language), and working with a partner. Compared to the non-MALL and MALL-only learning environments, the hybrid learning environment helped increase participants’ confidence because they had extended learning time that was enriched through using the app in addition to the non-MALL learning. The guided drilling sessions for the non-MALL participants were usually limited to four to five sentences. The hybrid and MALL participants had more advantages than the non-MALL participants because they had the opportunity to extend their practice beyond the guided drilling initiated by the researcher in Step 2, by using the app in Step 3. The participants had abundant samples of speech/expressions to listen to from the app that could be used for pronunciation self-practice. The videos and audio in the app provided authentic and varied material for participants to learn how words are pronounced and the ‘real pattern’ of expression in conversations by Australian English speakers.

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4.2.4. Technology The integration of MALL changed the dynamics of the learning environment of the regular conversational English program. The participants of the hybrid and MALL learning environments appeared to be adapting well (in varying degrees) to the idea and the use of the tablet and app in Step 3. Step 3 became more relaxed and lively as opposed to Steps 1 and 2 (or non-MALL), where the settings were teacher-fronted and the participants sat back and had the choice of whether they wanted to participate in the exchange with the teacher (teacher asked a question, participants answered, and the teacher evaluated the response). In Step 3, participants (and non-participants) were fully occupied as they worked with their partners on the app while the teacher went around the classroom and attended to questions about operating the tablet, navigating the app, or just general questions regarding the activities and exercises on the app. As mentioned previously, one of the challenges participants faced was reading and comprehending the English texts on the app. The scaffolding provided by the teacher included the noticing factor (Ellis, 1990; Nation & Newton, 2009; Schmidt, 1990) that was in play in Steps 1 and 2, and the retrieval factor (Baddeley, 1997) when participants performed repeat practices of app activities and exercises. These scaffolding strategies helped participants improve their comprehension of what they read, and what they saw and heard on the videos and audio. 4.2.5. Scaffolding When learning in a MALL environment, participants were given ‘temporary support’ that helped them to complete the activities and exercises or tasks that the app provided. Inexperienced learners learned from working with someone more experienced than themselves, so they were ‘scaffolded’ by the knowledge and expertise of the latter (Hsieh, 2017). Different examples of scaffolding were found throughout the implementation of MALL, including digital, peer-to-peer, multidirectional, and individual scaffolding. The in-built scaffolding on the app let participants interact with key learning and design supports, such as transcripts, hints, glossaries, back

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button, play button, definitions, talking flashcard, talking phrases, and others. These features are viewed as digital or technical scaffolds with the potential to support learners learning, “… by facilitating understanding and problem solving” (McManis & Gunnewig, 2012, p. 21). Another form of digital scaffolding is when participants go online to a dictionary website (e.g., Google Translate) or switch to an alternative other downloaded L1English dictionary app, to find meanings of words. The use of online resources has been widely acknowledged as providing benefits and scaffolding in helping language learners to construct knowledge (Hughes, 2013; Marchionini, 2006). When a participant accesses a digital scaffold and uses it to help her partner better understand vocabulary or language or construct knowledge, this is referred to as peer-to-peer scaffolding. The available resources played the role of an expert that empowered one learner to scaffold the other towards correct language use (Hsieh, 2017). When two participants in pair-work obtain scaffolding from offline and online resources and then use these to support each other’s understanding as they engage in the meaning-making process, this type of scaffolding pattern reinforces the co-construction of shared understanding and is known as multi-directional scaffolding (Hsieh, 2017). Individual scaffolding occurs when a participant uses digital scaffolds, such as, the Practice Speaking section of the app, to practice her speaking and pronunciation, resulting in self-correction. As such, self-correction represents language learning in progress. In a traditional collaborative learning activity, students and teachers are a source of scaffolding, but in a MALL learning environment, the sources of scaffolding are greatly expanded to include the app’s online and offline resources. Hannafin and Land (1997, p. 194) claim that, in such an environment, “scaffolding … is not limited solely to student-student and teacher-student interactions. Rather, technology-enhanced environments often provide the conceptual scaffolding and means (resources, tools) to promote personal and individual reflection.” The digital scaffolds present in mobile-assisted language learning and the utilisation of these scaffolds enriched participants’ learning and became a contributing factor in participants’ vocabulary acquisition, and their

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language learning in general. Simultaneously, participants’ confidence in using these vocabulary items in their speech, and their confidence in speaking, were increased through features of the app. As participants undertook practice, completing the exercises successfully and satisfactorily, they had the option of attempting other topics at the same level, or moving up through the levels.

4.2.6. Self-Regulated/Personalised Learning The combination of the portability and affordability of the tablet enabled participants’ independent learning, or ‘proceed at your own pace’ learning outside the classroom. However, in the context of this research, this opportunity was difficult to realise, as participants were uncomfortable with setting their own agenda, and not confident enough to learn on their own, without the support or presence of the teacher. One of the problems they faced was that not all participants were able to read and understand technical instructions; for example, following the step-by-step guide to record their voice in the Practice Speaking section of the app. Participants also struggled with reading a transcript of a video conversation, as there were always words that they encountered and did not know. However, in general, participants were able to follow through the app when: topics were non-complex; the language was simple and comprehendable; the accent in videos and audio were intelligible; and/or the vocabularies were easy to understand, pronounce and remember. When solving app exercises or resolving problems, participants and their partners negotiated with each other, consulted the teacher, or just used guesswork. The tablet and app promoted active participation and provided hands-on experience for participants in the hybrid and MALL learning environments, rather than participants just sitting back and observing, as in non-MALL sessions. High proficiency participants had the option to download the app on their tablet or smartphone, and self-regulate their learning, in addition to using available scaffolds, even in the absence of an instructor’s support.

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This potential supports Falloon’s (2007) and Burston’s (2017) view that the combination of the portability and affordability features of mobile devices means that teachers and researchers are no longer tied to laboratory settings for exploring technology’s role in supporting learning. Because of the portability of the tablet, the hybrid and the MALL learning environments could be set up anywhere. While all the learning in this research study took place in the community centre building, it would have been possible to conduct lessons outside the building. In addition, when downloaded on a personal tablet, there was the potential for language learning to continue occurring at participants’ own convenience of place and time, outside formal sessions.

4.2.7. Tablet and App Features The features of a tablet that drive educators to consider their use in the classroom include: portability and conveniently sized to fit in a mediumsized handbag; touch interface that is interactive, accessible to thousands of apps; built-in functionalities; and connectivity to the Internet via a wireless network (McManis & Gunnewig, 2012). Applying the concept of affordances (Gibson, 1986) in regards to using an Android tablet (similar concept to an Android smartphone), these devices are easy to use, where a user intuitively knows the home button, that the single side-button is for unlocking the device, the double side-button is for the volume control for sound, the arrows within apps are for left and right movement, and so forth. These natural affordances are generally recognised by adults and young children who are non-readers, and help facilitate Android use, even with little to no technical support (Geist, 2012). These affordances successfully helped participants operate the tablet. Additionally, the tablet display can be changed into various languages and keyboard characters, which allows for customisation for non-English speaking learners or enrichment in teaching new languages. Another possibility for language learning enrichment is the presentation of vocabulary to the learner/participants in MALL where learning includes the use of text, image, animations, videos, and sound.

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4.3. MALL Framework The research demonstrated the feasible integration of the components of MALL into the non-formal conversational English classroom leading to the development of a MALL-enhanced framework for vocabulary learning suitable for migrant women. The key factors that impacted the women’s vocabulary acquisition were identified from the cross-case analyses of the three learning environments. These factors became the core components of the framework: Learning environment; Learner characteristics; and Technology (illustrated in Figure 6).

Figure 6. MALL-enhanced Framework for a non-formal learning environment for migrant women’s vocabulary acquisition.

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The Learning environment component refers to the non-formal learning environment set forth for the learners. The teacher assumes the traditional teacher role in Step 1 and Step 2, and the facilitator role in Step 3 (the dynamics of learning changes to student-centred). The Step 1, Step 2, and Step 3 sequence of the MALL vocabulary lesson ensures that the learner vocabulary learning experience is enriched and inclusive (preteaching, drilling, and app activities and exercises). The learning setting should also retain the informality of environment to be as natural as possible (for example, mothers feels the need to have their small children sit with them in the classroom) by not enforcing formal classroom or school rules. The Learner characteristics component of the framework ensures that the learners’ unique and individual characteristics are well considered, so that the actual learning needs of learners can be met. For example, understanding the learners’ motivation for learning and their L1 literacy and English proficiency levels provides a guide in designing meaningful, relevant and authentic vocabulary learning content. This understanding and information is also useful in selecting the appropriate content that can aid learners develop and enhance their comprehension ability, pronunciation intelligibility, and the expansion of their individual word bank: these are the essential elements of conversational proficiency and fluency. The Technology component emphasises the mobile device and app as an aspect of the MALL learning framework. The features and affordances of the digital device are the elements that enhance and enrich learners’ learning experiences, and at the same time allow learners to personalise their learning. Based upon the Learner characteristics component, an appropriate app level can be selected and implemented in MALL lessons (downloaded for free, subscribed to, or purchased). This framework also emphasises the importance of learners being given opportunities to use English. For example, one of the learners’ needs is to improve their speaking skill (Learner characteristics). This is met through the planning of the Learning environment, through speaking activities, interactions and negotiations, and drilling activities in Steps 1 and 2; as well as through the activities and exercises embedded in the

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contents of the app (Technology component). The presence of scaffolding provides valuable support to learners and is identifiable across the framework.

4.3.1. Challenges In implementing the learning environments, a few challenges were observed that include: group learning; difficulty understanding and comprehending Australian English; reading comprehension; and intelligible pronunciation. 4.3.1.1. Group Learning Every session was attended by an average of 15 learners (participants and non-participants). Thus, non-MALL sessions, and Steps 1 and 2 of MALL sessions, were delivered to a large group with a teacher/learner ratio of 1:15. It is argued that a whole class grouping reinforces a sense of belonging amongst the learners (Williams & Burden, 1997, p. 97), as they are involved in the same activities, may have common points of reference to talk about, receive the same instructions and material from the teacher (teacher-centred), and have the opportunity to share stories and emotions (happiness or amusement). However, in the context of this research, not all participants were proactive and responsive, so there were limitations and challenges with this large group learning. 

Individual participants did not have much of a chance to say anything on their own. As the teacher determined the direction of the discourse, it was natural that there was more teacher-talking time (TTT) than student-talking time (STT). Individual participants had very little opportunity to produce language within this time and, when they did, it was usually in the form of a short response to the teacher’s question. The most typical response was the Initiation/Response/Evaluation (IRE) exchange, where the teacher asked a question, participants answered, and the teacher evaluated the response (Cazden, 1988).

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The participants lacked interest in discovering/researching for themselves, as knowledge was transmitted or ‘given’ to them. Communication between individual participants was more difficult in a large group of fifteen, compared to smaller groups, where they could speak quietly and less formally. Some participants refused to speak in front of the whole group due to shyness or through wanting to avoid a public failure. The classroom was the only contact that some participants had with English, and many did not continue learning or speaking English outside the classroom. For some participants, irregularity of attendance became a setback in otherwise continuous one-week-interval conversational group meetings. This resulted in the progression towards participants’ word bank expansion taking longer. More improvements could have been made in participants’ listening comprehension and speaking skills if they had been more consistent in attendance.

4.3.1.2. Difficulty Understanding and Comprehending Australian English As migrants in Australia, English became an additional language that participants had to be able to use for communicating with the wider Australian community. For non-MALL participants, English became their L2, L3 or L4, while for hybrid and MALL participants, English was their L2. A common problem participants faced was the difficulty of communicating with Australian English speakers, particularly those with a broad accent, as they found it hard to comprehend what they heard. As a consequence, they were not able to respond appropriately; for example, they would provide an incomplete response, respond in error because they misunderstood the entire message, understood only part of the message, might not respond at all because they feared making a mistake, did not have any response to offer as they did not know any usable words, or had some things to say but were unable to express them. The discourses in non-MALL and Steps 1 and 2 of MALL were somewhat controlled, where the topics were familiar to the participants and

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easy to understand. This allowed participants to feel confident enough to speak up and to share their ideas. However, participants who lacked confidence would keep quiet and the questions they might have were left unanswered. Participants who spoke Malay, which is the teacher’s L1, benefitted as they could speak with the teacher in Malay, and occasionally the teacher helped them to understand better through translation or simplified explanations. Using L1 in adult ESL classroom to assist understanding was advantageous for these participants, as suggested by Erben, Ban, and Castañeda (2009) and Miralles-Lombardo et al. (2008), as the learners and the instructor were able to discuss complex lessons or issues in L1, leading to higher levels of understanding. However, this could not be applied too frequently in the sessions, as the case study participants were multilinguals, the sessions were contained within a restricted time frame, and the teacher wanted to provide equal attention to all participants within this allocated time. When performing the activities and undertaking exercises on the app, all hybrid and MALL participants faced similar challenges of comprehending dialogue and conversations on the ‘first go’. However, several features of the app provided solutions to this problem, as participants were able to replay the dialogue and videos as many times as needed, or use the Transcript facility. 4.3.1.3. Reading Comprehension All hybrid and MALL participants were literate in L1, and the majority were established L1 readers. In general, participants did not do much English reading in their own time, and reading was limited to basic and simple everyday materials such as store fliers, menus and other noncomplex texts. As a result, they found that the reading they had to do when using the app in MALL was ‘extensive’. They found it difficult to read and comprehend texts (instructions and information about the app activities and exercises), even though some had previous English education. All participants struggled and were generally poor English readers. Some had to re-learn to read, and began with familiarising themselves with the sounds of the Roman alphabet. They needed to simultaneously read

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sentences, comprehend individual meanings of words and, where possible, make the connection in context. Others, who had previous English knowledge, had to ‘brush-up’ their reading skills. The app facilities, such as the visual and audio, and transcript/read-along and recording, could be used by participants to adjust their developed L1 reading skills to English, and to get the practice they needed to develop comprehension. Only a few participants were capable of using these facilities, and it was beyond the scope of this research to evaluate the effectiveness of these features in developing participants’ reading skills. 4.3.1.4. Intelligible Pronunciation Pre-teaching of vocabulary and drilling in all learning environments included some elements of pronunciation practice to make participants aware of the different sounds and sound features/stresses that could help improve their speaking. This awareness provided extra information about spoken English and helped achieve improved comprehension and intelligibility (able to use pronunciation which was good enough to be understood). In everyday life, a lack of intelligibility results in a failure to communicate effectively. Pronunciation was a challenge for most participants because of differences between the sound system of their L1 and English. According to Lightbown and Spada (2013), it is widely believed that the degree of difference between the learner’s L1 and the target language can lead to greater difficulty, and learners can take longer to pronounce the target language vocabulary accurately and fluently. As adults, it was more difficult for participants to pick up the English sounds than for young children. This is in line with Snow and Hoefnagel-Hohle’s (1978) view that the critical period for language acquisition is the first few years of life with language learning becoming much more difficult and less successful beyond this period. The participants came from Arabic, Dari/Farsi, French, Malay, Mandarin and Japanese linguistic groups, all of which had noticeable differences in pronouncing certain words, resulting in similar pronunciation mistakes in each group. However, according to Munro and Derwing (1995), the presence of a strong foreign accent is not the cause of

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reduced intelligibility or comprehensibility. The use of the app as a repeat practice tool in the hybrid and MALL helped some participants to increase intelligibility and comprehensibility. This supports Lightbown and Spada’s (2013) proposition that an effective pronunciation instruction requires a combination of de-contextualisation (learning about a single/standalone vocabulary) and contextualisation (learning the vocabulary in context), exposure, experience, and motivation. It is important to note that, for the participants, the purpose of improving their conversational skill is not to achieve an Australian-like speaking ability but to be able to pronounce their words intelligibly so that their speech could be understood. This can support meaningful conversations with other English speakers. A study conducted by Purcell and Suter (1980) on 61 non-native speakers of English who were all post-critical period learners, examined twenty factors that might affect learning of the English sound system and found that the factors most strongly related to success in pronunciation were the number of years the learner had lived in an English-speaking country, the number of months the learner had lived with native English speakers, the learner’s first language, the learner’s desire to have accurate pronunciation, and the learner’s skill at mimicry. In general, they found that classroom factors, like the quantity of English lessons and whether the teachers were native English speakers, were not important. In the context of this research, the number of years the participants had lived in Australia had little impact on their improvement in pronunciation. Of greater impact was their own efforts in taking advantage of the considerable opportunities to communicate and interact with diverse and varied English speakers. Also, in contrast to Purcell and Suter’s finding, classroom attendance and participation were important factors for participants as that was the only time they were able to focus their attention on learning and practicing pronunciation.

4.3.2. Benefits Some benefits were observed from implementing a range of different learning environments. These include: student-centred learning;

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meaningful content as an aid for vocabulary acquisition; and opportunity for repeat practice. 4.3.2.1. Student-Centred Learning Hybrid and MALL learning environment participants experienced learning vocabulary in a student-centred instructional setting during Step 3. The teacher was not at the front of the whole group, instead they sat back and listened. The teacher’s role transformed into a facilitator, moving among the participants and interacting with them, while they were working on a tablet. This allowed the teacher time to work with one or two pairs, while the other participants continued working. Participants were aware that the teacher was available for support and assistance, and the teacher walked around the room helping to resolve participants’ issues and offering solutions. In other words, the facilitating teacher provided support or scaffolding (Bruner, 1986; Vygotsky, 1978) to the participants. As the participants were able to interact with the teacher individually or in pairs on a more personal level, the amount of speaking/talking time any one participant received in class increased (that is, less TTT and more STT). Interaction also occurred in pair work between a participant and her partner. The student-centred setting encouraged negotiation (Erben et al., 2009; Fotos & Ellis, 1991; Lightbown & Spada, 2013; Nation & Newton, 2009), which is an essential component of conversational skill and development. Nation and Newton (2009, p. 98) describe the benefits of interaction as they relate to negotiation of meaning between partners, “Overall, interaction helps language learning by providing opportunities to learn from others, often through negotiation, and by speakers having to adjust their output to communicate with others. This interaction helps learning by providing plenty of comprehensible input, by encouraging pushed output, by making learners aware of what they do not know, and by helping learners develop the language and strategies needed for interaction.” MALL participants were seen negotiating meaning when interacting with each other through speaking (output) and active listening (input), where both worked to understand each other and work together on the app.

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Negotiation of meaning occurred in pair work despite different levels of proficiency between the partners, whether beginner, intermediate or advanced. Erben et al. (2009, p. 85) listed communication strategies used by advanced speakers when negotiating, for example: when requesting help (“How do you say…?”); clarification checks (“Did you mean…?”); self-corrections (“No, no…let me explain…”); comprehension checks (“Let me repeat that so we are on the same page…”); confirmation checks (“I get it now…”); circumlocutions (“You know… that air ball thingy in the sky…”); redundancies (“The big, large, huge traffic jam…”); and so forth. This process is also identified as peer-to-peer scaffolding (Bull et al., 1999; Gutierrez, 2006; Hsieh, 2017; Vygotsky, 1978). However, for MALL participants who were generally of lower level proficiencies, the strategies used were limited and the language used for interaction and negotiation was basic; for example, they used “How to say…?,” “What?,” “This OK?,” “This right?,” “This correct?,” and “Can repeat?” Even though at a very basic level, and not free from errors, these strategies increased participants’ speaking, listening and comprehension activities. Jenkins (2002) notes that communication activities between English learners with different L1 are a good way of encouraging intelligibility, as they focus on understanding each other in order to get their message across. In the hybrid and MALL learning environments, this pair-work interaction was meaningful, and for shy participants lacking confidence, this interaction avoided the embarrassment of being corrected in public. In this student-centred learning setting, participants were left to work and interact independently without the necessary and total guidance of the teacher, thus promoting learner independence and cooperation, and helping make the hybrid and MALL learning environments more relaxed and friendly. To maintain the relaxed and non-formal atmosphere of all three learning environments, the teacher did not use corrective feedback as in formal classrooms. Corrective feedback is appropriate if the goal is to provide learners with explicit, form-focused instruction and immediate correction of errors so that learners are aware of mistakes. This helps prevent the formation of bad habits (Erben et al., 2009; Lightbown &

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Spada, 2013). In the context of this research, however, participants did not benefit from sophisticated linguistic explanations as they were not necessary, would result in a loss of valuable time, and might cause embarrassment to some, thus discourage them from speaking. In addition, immediate reaction to errors was not conducive, as one objective of the conversational program was to develop fluency in an oral communication setting for basic interpersonal communication skills. Lynch (1996), Harmer (2007) and Lightbown and Spada (2013) argue that it is unnecessary to interrupt students when they are engaging in communicative activities because it might interrupt their conversational flow, while the act of communicating itself helps the language learning process. In all the learning sessions (non-MALL, hybrid, and MALL), a participant’s error was only corrected when the error was persistent and especially when it was shared by the others in the group, at which time it was important to bring the matter to their attention. In all three learning environments, assessment of participants’ progress was not as appropriate as in formal classrooms implementing teachercentred or student-centred instructional approaches. It was difficult to assess and monitor participants’ performance due to limitations in time, and participants not maintaining continuity in attending sessions. This approach also benefitted participants, as less pressure was imposed on them to study or to complete homework. Yates et al. (2015) argue that assessment is an important ingredient in developing confidence in language learners because, through it, they are able to see and keep track of their progress, understanding and making sense of the learning process as a whole, and keep motivated on their learning journey. The closest participants came to assessment was the scoring of the quizzes or exercises on the app that the hybrid and MALL participants attempted, which indicated the number of right answers successfully attained. Participants experienced a sense of achievement and reward whenever they accomplished a perfect score and some participants were willing to attempt an activity many times before getting all the answers correct.

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4.3.2.2. Meaningful Content Aids Vocabulary Acquisition One of the roles of the researcher as the teacher was to plan and deliver meaningful and useful content for participants to acquire vocabulary for use in their interactions. Participants in all three learning environments responded well to topics that were simple and relevant for their everyday functional conversational use. Generally, participants acquired vocabulary items that were non-complex, easily understood, and easily pronounced, which made it easier for them to remember and recall whenever the words were needed. In non-MALL, the vocabulary that the participants acquired was from pre-planned topics and also from spontaneous situations that occurred during the class. The lessons planned for non-MALL were more flexible when compared to hybrid and MALL. For the latter environments, the researcher planned the lessons around the pre-set topics on the app, and executed the lessons following the Step 1, Step 2, and Step 3 sequence. All three environments emphasised participants’ vocabulary acquisition, to help improve their conversational abilities (speaking and listening skills, and comprehension). Vocabulary acquisition occurred when the words were deliberately learnt by or taught to participants, or when the participants received input or information about the words from their interactions (incidental learning). Newton’s (1993) study suggested that when learners discuss the meanings of vocabulary from a textual source with each other, for the majority of the words discussed, the most useful information about the words is provided by the learners themselves. Some of the participants in this research already knew basic and high frequency words, and some might have known or been familiar with many other words through previous encounters. This knowledge, that was already possessed, helped in learning the new vocabulary. The sources of information about vocabulary items (mainly the meanings) came from: the teacher while steering the discussion with the whole group; textual context provided on the worksheet; drilling activities; interaction by the group members with the teacher and with each other; and group members themselves when they shared the sentences that they attempted to make, using the vocabulary/words that they learnt for the day. There was usually some

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possibility that a participant or a group member already knew something about the vocabulary. The hybrid and MALL participants received information through similar processes as non-MALL participants (in Step 1 and Step 2 of MALL), with additional information received in Step 3, from the app activities and exercises. The app was designed to provide adult English language learners with sources of material that was meaningful, rich and authentic in an Australian context. This was achieved with the aid of interactive images and videos; audio that linked texts with their visual representation, as well as visuals of gestures and displays of different emotions in videos, and dialogue that demonstrated various sounds of realistic Australian accents (K. S. Ahmad et al., 2017). A substantial source of vocabulary from sixty topics and subtopics was accessible on the app for the participants to use. If participants downloaded the app onto their own tablet, the learning material would be accessible to them 24/7, which allowed them unlimited practice, anytime and anywhere. Erben et al. (2009, p. 141) state that the use of a wide range of authentic language sources exposes learners to real language use in context and also to cultural information. In addition, learners who listen to authentic oral material exhibit greater overall listening comprehension (Vandergrift, 2006). The app, therefore, became a valuable teaching resource for the researcher in her role as a facilitator, who, as a non-native English speaker, was unable to provide authentic pronunciation and nuances of the language, particularly in Australian English. The app had a collection of dialogues that demonstrated Australian language in use, vocabulary that was used in context, and topics common to everyday language practices in Australia, which were the examples that participants would find most beneficial outside the conversational program. 4.3.2.3. Opportunity for Repeat Practice The level of complexity of a topic and its related vocabulary is exclusive to an individual learner based on the noticing factor (Ellis, 1990; Nation & Newton, 2009; Schmidt, 1990); that is, exposure or non-exposure before encountering the topic in a group discussion/conversation (non-

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MALL) or on the app (hybrid and MALL). Some participants found some vocabulary items more difficult to understand, while others did not, as they already had some knowledge about the topic. The advantage of using the app was that the activities and exercises could be repeated as many times as required, and the scoring of the exercises provided scaffolding and led to familiarisation with and retaining of the vocabulary. With the varied levels of reading ability and comprehension, it was hard to know how much of the material the participants actually understood on the first attempt and the number of repetitions needed to reach meaningful comprehension. With more time and opportunity for repeat practice, comprehension and retention improved through noticing and retrieval (Baddeley, 1997) factors. Participants also had the choice of personalising their learning by choosing the activities and exercises they were interested in, to self-pace, and to focus on areas that needed more work. The consolidation of all the app activities and exercises that the hybrid and MALL participants attempted through the 4 to 5 MALL lessons resulted in an enriched learning experience, and exposure to and familiarity with a myriad of topics and vocabulary items. These participants used the app as a ‘reusable’ resource for pronunciation practice, listening practice, and reading comprehension, unlike non-MALL where participants had to depend solely on the researcher’s prescribed learning material of the day. The hybrid learning participants had the added advantage of learning four to five additional topics from the non-MALL sessions, prior to commencing their learning in MALL.

CONCLUSION The hybrid and MALL learning environments provided enriched learning processes and experiences for the women migrant learners due to the introduction and integration of technology, which was the tablet and the language learning app. The combination of both traditional teachercentred and student-centred instructional approaches delivered an optimum learning environment and opportunities for learners to acquire vocabulary

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more effectively. However, the hybrid environment was found to be more effective than the MALL environment due to the longer duration of participation (4 to 5 non-MALL sessions followed by 4 to 5 MALL sessions), more exposure to English and opportunities to use it, more practice undertaken from app activities and exercises, and more topics explored. The app is a ‘reusable’, accessible, and rich resource for learning, not only for vocabulary, but also for listening and reading comprehension, and pronunciation practice (unlike in traditional/non-MALL setting where learners depend solely on the teacher’s prescribed learning material). The findings of this research led to the development of a MALL framework that feasibly integrates MALL, but does not veer away from the original premise of providing education to this segment of the community in non-formal, flexible, and inclusive ways. Through this framework, the women are able to develop their vocabulary acquisition; enhance, enrich, and expand their vocabulary knowledge; and improve their overall conversational fluency (at varying personal levels), whilst their learning needs personally, socially, and culturally, are addressed. This framework is replicable to similar situations of second language acquisition across the world, though with some modifications. It is beneficial for teachers of migrant adult learners who seek to acquire English language skills and for people responsible for creating community learning programs.

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In: Immigration and Migration Editor: Lucas Descoteaux

ISBN: 978-1-53615-838-0 © 2019 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 4

UNACCOMPANIED MIGRANT MINORS: TRENDS, CHALLENGES AND WELL-BEING Laura Migliorini, Nadia Rania and Nicoletta Varani Department DISFOR, University of Genoa, Genoa, Italy

ABSTRACT The migration of unaccompanied minors is a complex and poorly researched phenomenon, and the number of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum continues to increase internationally. There are multiple reasons as to why children migrate. For example, they wish to escape from situations of conflict or discrimination, seek a better future, and try to reach family members. Furthermore, children are increasingly being victimized by human trafficking in many of the countries of departure. The present chapter aims to describe this specific migratory phenomenon of children who migrate alone, making a comparison among European areas, with a focus on the Italian context given that Italy is often the country where migrants first arrive, and the US context in order to understand the links in the broader landscape of globalization.



Corresponding Author’s E-mail: [email protected]

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Keywords: unaccompanied migrant minors, Italy, European Union, United States, well-being

INTRODUCTION Over the last decade, the presence of unaccompanied migrant minors has become a universal collective factor of human migration. Thousands of children migrant alone to high-income countries. These children represent a particular population because of their greater vulnerability. In this chapter, we focus on a European country, Italy, which is one of the countries most involved in these movements of unaccompanied minors because of its territorial position as a significant crossroads in the important route between North Africa and Europe; we also focus on the United States-Mexico border, which many unaccompanied migrant minors are trying to cross. To analyze unaccompanied migrant minors phenomenon, it is necessary to consider the relevant documents on this issue. The most important international agreements that regulate the entry and stay of migrant minors are the Hague Convention on the Protection of Minors from 5 October 1961, the European Convention on the Repatriation of Minors, also signed at The Hague on 28 May 1970, and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child from 20 November 1989. According to these documents, states have a duty to care for children and the best interests of the child (Humphris and Sigona 2019). According to Kenny and Loughry (2018), the interests of the child should be a primary consideration in all actions and decisions concerning children. These considerations may include things such as reception conditions, accommodations, and health care. When a child applies for asylum, he or she should be accorded particular legal procedures that are sensitive to the age, maturity, and emotional state of that child (UNHCR, 2017). Unaccompanied migrant minors are recognized as a particularly vulnerable group in the context of migration. The attention to children’s well-being is an important element for the assessment of a nation

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(UNICEF, 2007). Within this framework, an international research line in collaboration with UNICEF has promoted a focus on children’s well-being to identify possible risk and vulnerability factors (Rees et al., 2010; BenArieh and George, 2001). Various factors influence the well-being of children, including the context, family relationship (Migliorini, Cardinali, and Rania, 2011; Rania, Migliorini, Rebora, and Cardinali, 2015; Fermani, Muzi, Crocetti, & Meeus, 2016), social interactions, school performance, housing and safety (Bradshaw, Martorano, Natali, and Neubourg, 2013; Bradshaw, 2014; Migliorini, Rania, Tassara, 2018) that in a migratory situation and in unaccompanied migration are challenges. In the European Union (EU) context, an unaccompanied minor is defined as “a third-country national or stateless person below the age of 18 years, who arrives on the territory of the (Member) States unaccompanied by the adult responsible for them by law or by the practice of the (Member) State concerned, and for as long as they are not effectively taken into the care of such a person. It includes minors who are left unaccompanied after they have entered the territory of the (Member) States. Furthermore, as legal majority is reached in all (Member) States at the age of 18 years, unaccompanied minors approaching majority are understood as those between 16 and 17 years of age” (European Migration Network, 2018, p. 5). While in Europe there is significant protection of unaccompanied foreign minors who arrive, in the United States of America (USA) currently, unaccompanied children attempting to cross the United States border face treatment at the hands of government representatives, treatment which violates their inherent rights as children. Based on public opinion, the media, and the literature, it seems there is a human rights crisis that has severe health consequences for children (Ataiants et al., 2018).

THE GLOBAL PHENOMENON OF UNACCOMPANIED MIGRANT MINORS The unaccompanied migrant minors phenomenon, as underscored by Lelliott (2017), has become an increasingly prevalent global issue. This

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new global phenomenon, involving both old and new migration (Domosh et al., 2011), has become a subject of both political and scientific interest. Ferrara and colleagues (2016) considered the condition of unaccompanied migrant minors as subject “invisibles”, but both policies and scientific literature have focused attention on this specific group of migrants in recent years. Even if, in fact, the causes of migration can be considered similar to those of adults, the reasons that children migrate are multiple: to escape from situations of armed conflict, discrimination and persecution. Furthermore, families encourage their children to leave in search of a better future in other countries, while other children try to reach family members who are already in the target countries. Additionally, children are increasingly victims of human trafficking in many of the countries of departure (Varani, 2017; Lelliott, 2017; Roschelle, Greaney, Allan, and Porras, 2018). Furthermore, migration cannot be attributed to a single factor but rather to multiple reasons. It is the intersection of all these elements, factors of economic, political, humanitarian, family, and even personal fulfillment, which lights and supports the migration path. There are different data sources about unaccompanied migrant minors at the international level. According to UNICEF data (2017a), the number of unaccompanied migrant children is growing, with approximately 300,000 moving in 2015–2016, which is a significant increase compared to 2010–2011. According to Eurostat data, the number of unaccompanied minors among asylum seekers in Europe increased from 10,610 in 2010 to 95,208 in 2015 and then decreased to 63,280 in 2016. The number of unaccompanied and separated children applying for asylum in countries other than the European Union increased from 4,000 in 2010 to 19,000 in 2015 (UNICEF, 2017a). Eight percent of all arrivals across the Mediterranean to Italy in 2015 were unaccompanied children, which climbed to 14 percent in 2016. Nine out of ten children who crossed the Mediterranean last year were unaccompanied (UNICEF, 2017b). In recent years, the top three countries that received unaccompanied minors seeking asylum in the EU were Germany, Italy and Austria. According to UNHCR, in 2016, the Italian Ministry of Interior recorded 25,846 foreign unaccompanied minors

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arriving by boat to Italy, double the previous year’s number. However, in 2018, the phenomenon contracted with a significant decrease in landings (from the statistical data from December 2018). On the other side of the Atlantic, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras have been, in recent years, the countries of origin of significant migrant and refugee flows. Violence in society, endemic poverty and the search for better opportunities have pushed an increasing number of people to leave these countries and emigrate to other Central American States, Mexico or the USA. On the USA-Mexico border, the US Border Patrol (USBP) apprehended nearly 69,000 unaccompanied children in 2014, 40,000 in 2015 and 60,000 in 2016. In 2016, 61 percent of apprehended unaccompanied minors in that year were from El Salvador and Guatemala (USBP, 2016). At this historical moment, therefore, both Europe, with Italy as one of the first landing locations of the Central Mediterranean Sea passage from North Africa to Europe, and the US with the migrant population crossing the US-Mexico border, have faced an unprecedented arrival of unaccompanied children. The attention of international migration policies and the scientific literature has been particularly focused on unaccompanied migrant minors as a migratory population for which to develop a better understanding and set up specific projects and services (Giovannetti, 2016; Jiménez and Vacchiano, 2011). As highlighted by recent work (Salmerón-Manzano and Manzano-Agugliaro, 2019) that considered the last thirty years of international literature on the phenomenon of unaccompanied foreign minors, there has been a considerable increase in publications focused on this specific migration population from 2013 onwards. As pointed out by Salmerón-Manzano and Manzano-Agugliaro (2019), in terms of the number of publications, the main countries that produce literature in this field are: the USA, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Norway, Italy, Belgium, Spain, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands, and Sweden. Even if there is sensitivity to the birth country, such as from Mexico to the USA, Central America to the USA, sub-Saharan Africa to Europe, or an Asian country to Australia, the countries of destination are more concerned than the countries of origin

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about these unaccompanied minors. Moreover, considering the approach with which the topic was dealt, the authors have highlighted how the social sciences, including law and legislation (42%), medicine (27%), and psychology (14%), are the three fields most investigating this population. The first one in particular has focused on the legal and political implications, but medicine has focused mainly on determining the age of minors by diagnostic tests. Psychological studies, as indicated by Rania, Migliorini, Fagnini (2018), have focused their attention on traumatic experiences and culture shock (Huemer, Karnik and Steiner, 2009; Katsounari, 2014; Unterhitzenberger et al., 2015; Unterhitzenberger and Rosner, 2016) faced by unaccompanied migrant minors, which are considered a vulnerable group (Ferrara et al., 2016) from a psychopathological and psychosocial point of view (Hodes, Jagdev, Chandra and Cunniff, 2008; Majumder, O’Reilly, Karim, and Vostanis, 2015).

THE ITALIAN CONTEXT FOR UNACCOMPANIED MIGRANT MINORS The presence of unaccompanied migrant minors in Italy started in the 1990s with arrivals from Albany and Balkans countries and East Europe. In recent years, the number of unaccompanied migrant minors arriving in Italy has increased. There were 25,846 arrivals of unaccompanied minors registered in 2016, more than twice those that arrived in 2015 (12,360) (Ministry of Interior, statistical daily dashboard). Most of them were male adolescents (60.6% were 17 years old, while only 6.9% were under 15). Male children comprise 92.9% of the total. For the first time, the most represented nationality was Gambia, followed by Egypt, Albania, Nigeria Guinea and Ivory Coast (more than 60% of the total). As of 30th April 2017, 5,271 unaccompanied migrant minors were untraceable, and most of them were Egyptian (20%), Eritrean (17.3%) and Somali (16.8%). Figure 1 shows the main migratory routes in the central Mediterranean with a differentiation between the countries of origin and those of arrival.

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Note: This map does not reflect a position by UNICEF on the legal status of any country or territory or the delimitation of any frontiers. The final boundary between the Sudan and South Sudan has not yet been determined. Source: Adapted from European Union, Emergency Response Coordination Centre (EERC), Refugee crisis – Central Mediterranean Route ECHO Daily Map, 4 November 2016, http://temporal inc.european/getdailymap/docld/1801 Figure 1. Mediterranean migration routes (UNICEF).

Because of recent migration policies, the situation of unaccompanied migrant minors in Italy is changing. In fact, a recent publication (Ansa, 2019) shows how the number who landed in Italy decreased from 15,779 in 2017 to 3,536 in 2018. Considering only the month of January, 395 landed in 2017, 407 landed in 2018 and 23 landed in 2019, which is a visible decrease. It is likely this new phenomenon is related to policies from the Italian government. Minister of Interior Salvini, closed the ports, which clashes with the theme of receiving minors promoted by national and regional guarantors for children and adolescents, who in recent months

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have continued training voluntary guardians of unaccompanied foreign minors. However, the issue of unaccompanied migrant minors in Italy, in Europe and in the world is complex and not easy to solve. A recent study (2010) of European Migration Network highlighted that the expectation of a better future is the motivation that links all the different motivational dimensions for unaccompanied migrant minors coming to Italy: socioeconomic conditions (e.g., widespread poverty, educational systems of the country of origin, low employment opportunities), sociopolitical situations (e.g., war or other conflicts, persecution, sociopolitical instability, lack of confidence in the ruling class), psychosocial factors (e.g., looking for new ways of life, social reproduction of migratory behavior, stories of relatives/friends and the media that contribute to building a positive image of Italy, perceived responsibility, premigration expectations). This expectation encourages young people and their families to migrate. When unaccompanied migrant minors arrive in Italy, the rules provided by Italian law on assistance and protection of minors are applied. They are therefore the recipients of all the rights enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). When the child arrives in Italian territory, he then has right to first aid, but the number of attendants poses economic and organizational problems. In Italy, there was inclusion of both minors seeking asylum and minor non-applicants (for which there was no specific legislation before) in the National System for the Protection of Asylum applicants and Refugees (SPRAR), with oversight by the Ministry of the Interior. Since 2014, the system has provided two levels of reception for children. The first reception is guaranteed by highly specialized government structures that accommodate unaccompanied migrant minors during the initial tracing phase. The second-level reception of all unaccompanied migrant minors (asylum seekers and non-asylum seekers) is composed of SPRAR structures, a network of local authorities with specific planning procedures that follow quality standards for hospitality and integration and manages all accredited/authorized second level structures at regional and municipal levels.

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The Ministry of Labor and Social Policy, however, conducts the census of unaccompanied minors in Italy, supervises the procedures for living, cooperates and connects with local government departments, performs support and research tasks to promote the identification of family members of the unaccompanied minors. Furthermore, the volunteerassisted repatriation measure formulates opinions for obtaining residence permits at the age of majority and supports social-labor integration measures. However, because the number of places activated in the SPRAR is very limited (1,926 minors at 30 April 2017), the economic and organizational costs of the child’s assistance often falls to the municipality where the child is located. A law from 2017, number 47 and known as the Zampa Law, introduced a series of changes to existing legislation with the aim of defining an organic unitary discipline, uniformizing the reception system and favoring improvement of the conditions of stay in Italian territories to give sustainability to the migratory project and contribute to their inclusion in the social context. In addition to reiterating the rights conferred by the Convention on the Rights of the Child by strengthening the rights to health care, education, and the full implementation of procedural safeguards as well as harmonizing the status of asylum seekers and nonseekers, the law improved procedures and made them uniform on a national level. It simplified the procedures for determining age and extended the use of qualified cultural mediators, starting at the time of identification, which must always begin with the interview with the child by qualified staff at the reception structure. It also simplified acknowledgement of residence permits at the age of 18 for minors. Compared to the reception models, the law reduced the maximum term of a minor’s retention in the first reception structure (60 to 30 days) and established an organic reception system that fulfills the minimum standards of residential structures for minors that must be duly authorized or accredited. It also promoted the figure of the foster family and the designation of volunteer guardians for these minors. The last aspect requires the establishment of a list of voluntary guardians in each court for minors: the list may include private citizens, selected and

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suitably trained by regional and autonomous province guarantors for children. In the Italian context, foster families provide an important contribution for minors who need of out-of-home care because of multiproblem families and cannot be guaranteed safe when a parent has inadequate competence (Migliorini et al., 2016; Migliorini et al., 2018). However, the foster care service for these minors acquires specific characteristics still being explored in the Italian context.

UNACCOMPANIED MINORS WHO ATTEMPT TO REACH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA The situation at the border between Mexico and the USA is particularly complex and contradictory for unaccompanied migrant minors (Doering-White, 2018). In the USA in recent years, there has been a dramatic increase of the number of unaccompanied migrant minors who risk their lives to cross Central America and get to the USA, especially between 2009 and 2014. In 2014 alone, over 60,000 unaccompanied children arrived in the USA, compared to approximately 16,750 in 2011 (Kandel, 2017). USA Customs and Border Protection, the American organization that deals with security and border management, showed record levels of unaccompanied minors from Central America crossing the border from Mexico to the United States in 2014 (over 70,000). In 2016, 46,893 unaccompanied minors were apprehended at the border, followed by 29,758 in 2017 (U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 2017). Figure 2 shows the migration flows and routes of unaccompanied minors from Central America to the US, which come predominantly from Mexico, El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. However, it is not possible to accurately estimate the number of unaccompanied migrant minors arriving in Mexico every year from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. They are almost always accompanied by human traffickers and travel in small groups. Furthermore, it’s difficult to estimate the age of these children. In the literature, this issue is very

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relevant because it has important consequences for children’s well-being (Kenny and Loghry, 2018).

Figure 2. Migration flows of unaccompanied minors from Central America to the USA.

The main reason families in these countries are almost forced to make their children face this long and desperate journey alone, in areas controlled by local criminals and drug cartels, is the extreme poverty (Heidbrink, 2018) and wave of violence unleashed by Central American gangs. Minors who manage to arrive safely in the USA think they can immediately obtain refugee status, but this is not the case. In Central America, false rumors have spread that immigrant single mothers and minors are welcomed in the USA as refugees and aided in their integration into American society. Texas and Arizona, the American states on the border with Mexico, have denounced the high level of disorganization in emergency management. In fact, the “illegal minors” who cross the Rio

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Grande alone are welcomed by an unprepared country. Often, when unaccompanied migrant minors do manage to cross the border between Mexico and the United States, the reception can be traumatic (Perreira and Ornelas, 2013). The children concerned are “processed” by several federal agencies, with border guards in charge of finding a shelter for them, health service workers ensuring a minimum level of medical care and the courts assessing their applications for resettlement. Faced with the flow of migrants now, financial resources are scarce and confusion reigns. Temporary shelters have been set up in Texas and Arizona (Nogales is the largest). Once registered and after a cursory medical examination, the children are then sent to better but still inadequately equipped asylum centers set up by the Air Force in California, Texas and Oklahoma. The luckier ones may be reunited with their parents or entrusted to relatives; however, sometimes these family ties are not genuine because, in times of emergency, checks on relatives are often superficial and summary. Generally speaking though, there is normally a long drawn-out legal process in the courts. Based on recent UNICEF statistics (2016), in 2015, the United States repatriated more than 11,000 Mexican children and adolescents, most of who were unaccompanied. Many Central American minors were repatriated to El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua or Guatemala by the Mexican government. Under USA law, unaccompanied minors from countries not bordering the United States who are subject to deportation cannot be repatriated until they appear before an immigration judge who will decide if they can stay in the USA (Gonzalez, 2014). Human rights experts warn that in the undue haste to expel or deter illegal migrants, the USA government is neglecting its commitment to grant asylum to those who are genuinely fleeing danger, in violation of international law. The collateral damage caused by the growing number of unforgivable deportations from the United States is that migrants are repatriated to extremely dangerous situations in Central America, where the murder rate is one of the highest in the world.

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Mexico rejects more Central Americans than does the United States. In 2015, Mexico apprehended and sent back 107,814 Central Americans, over 37,000 more than its northern neighbor, on average 11 per hour. Of these deportations, according to UNICEF, some 18,593 were unaccompanied minors (51 repatriations per day). These children are risking their lives because the maras condemn fugitives to death. In theory, many of them would have had the right to asylum (UNICEF, 2016). The consequences for those who do not appear in court can be severe. A judge may order their immediate deportation. One final consideration of the consequences of the phenomenon is the issue of assisted repatriation, seen not so much as a solution to the difficult condition of unaccompanied minors in the United States, but rather as a response to the emergency and hardship experienced by American citizens and to the “burden” represented by the resources devoted to taking care of these children. One cannot help but point out that the decision to proceed with assisted return is sometimes even more problematic when it is not possible to monitor the postrepatriation situation, specifically the child’s reintegration into their country of origin. The Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy against illegal immigration, as reported in the US media citing data from the Department of Homeland Security and against the background of the controversy over the violation of children’s rights, was denounced by the United Nations (New York Times, 2018). Since mid-April 2018, 2,000 children have been separated from their parents and arrested for illegally entering the United States. There is a network of approximately 100 child detention centers for those who tried to cross the Mexico-USA border alone or have been separated from their parents that are at their limits. There is growing concern for traumatized children in centers without adequate pediatric support. Approximately 1,500 10- to 17-year-olds have already been accommodated in a former supermarket in Texas. This situation is just an example of a documented reality, but there are many other realities of which nothing is known (Zangarini, 2018). Because of this context, we can affirm that describing the reception system to understand the problems and how to improve it is not easy, and

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the reception policies have undergone changes. However, in the USA, 35% are eventually placed in long term foster care while in the custody of the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement. However, the research literature has been largely silent on the unique needs of these children while in care (Crea et al., 2017). Recently van Holen and colleagues, (2019) stated that unaccompanied migrant minors are a vulnerable group that present specific challenges to foster parents and the foster care system. The reason is that the experience of this group of minors is different from the minor that are otherwise involved in the foster care system.

CONCLUSION In line with the recent special issue in the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (2019), we analyzed and compared unaccompanied minors in both the EU (Italian context) and the USA border context. If we look at the countries of origin of unaccompanied migrant minors, we can affirm that they come from the periphery of the world economic system. The analysis of the situation in their home countries and the accounts collected by researchers in recent years suggest that children perceive emigration to be one of the most important ways to improve their futures and the socioeconomic conditions of their families (Varani, 2017). According to Manjivar and Perreira (2019) the migration flows of unaccompanied minors from the Global South include new forms of immigration enforcement. These contexts create new challenges and forms of vulnerability for these minors today. African children from several nationalities, as well as Iranian, Afghan and Uraqui children, cross the Mediterranean sea to arrive in the European Union with many difficult experiences similar to those from Central America arriving in the USA. Our attention to this group highlights the challenges that both European and USA governments face as they develop health, social, and legal systems that seek to balance the children’s best interest with national interest.

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Menijvar and Perreira (2019) described the three main phases of migration - premigration, migration, and postmigration - to capture stressors and challenges at each phase of the migration process and adolescents’ responses to them. These young migrants’ face challenges at each stage prior to arrival and when navigating the receiving context. These minors, because of their living conditions in their country of origin, often have to assumed adult roles (O’Donnell and Kanics, 2016; Rania et al. 2014). Very often, these minors become victims of violence and abuse. They are a vulnerable group, and specific programs are required to respond to their needs for support and protection (O’Donnel and Kanics, 2016). According to Convention on the Rights of the Child, once an unaccompanied minor comes into contact with state authorities, the best interests of the child should be a primary consideration in all actions concerning that young person (Ruck et al., 2016). Furthermore, John Doering-White (2018) focused his research on reasons that unaccompanied minors migrate and on the legal and social factors associated with their integration. The reasons for migration can be classified into so-called “push factors” associated with the area of origin, e.g., conflicts, wars, widespread poverty, social instability, and a negative view of the future giving minors a premature sense of “adult” responsibility, as well as “pull factors” associated with the area of destination (e.g., Italy’s attractive image). In practice, the motivational factors behind migration choices are interconnected and must be grasped in their complexity. In this paper, we analyzed the widespread phenomenon of unaccompanied minor considering both the European context, focused on Italy, and the USA context to understand the links in the broader landscape of globalization. Regarding that on the one hand, there is a trend towards a shortening of distances and a reduction of all types of borders; on the other hand, there has been consolidation of the strongest powers and the subsequent erection of barriers to protect the country where you can enjoy the benefits of globalization. As Heindbrink (2018) stated about globalization contexts, child migration and care systems are strongly interconnected.

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INDEX A

C

abuse, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 113, 120 adolescents, 39, 104, 105, 110, 113, 116, 117, 119 affordances, 51, 74, 76 age, 6, 22, 30, 36, 100, 101, 104, 107, 108, 116 app, ix, 43, 44, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 93, 94, 96, 106 asylum, x, 99, 100, 102, 106, 107, 110, 111, 115, 116 atmosphere, 60, 83 authentic, 52, 55, 60, 70, 76, 86, 93 awareness, 24, 33, 34, 50, 51, 80

Canadian society, 3, 11 cardiovascular risk, 30 career development, 32 case study, vii, viii, 1, 52, 54, 58, 59, 61, 62, 79 causes of migration, 102 challenges, ix, 8, 32, 40, 43, 44, 59, 71, 77, 79, 101, 112, 113 children, vii, ix, x, 21, 25, 27, 33, 44, 46, 49, 53, 68, 74, 76, 80, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121 citizens, 15, 107, 111 classroom, x, 44, 46, 49, 50, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81 classroom environment, 50 clinical presentation, 39 collaboration, 12, 101 collateral damage, 110 communication, 45, 50, 83, 84 communication abilities, 50 communication strategies, 83 community service, 53 community-based, 46

B behaviors, 29, 30, 31 belief systems, 10 benefits, ix, 3, 33, 44, 72, 81, 82, 113

124

Index

competence, 47, 70, 108 comprehensibility, 81, 95 comprehension, 47, 68, 71, 76, 77, 78, 80, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88 computer-mediated communication, 49 confidence, 33, 58, 59, 60, 61, 66, 67, 69, 70, 73, 79, 83, 84, 106 context awareness, 50, 51 contextualisation, 81 conversational, ix, 44, 47, 53, 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 63, 65, 71, 75, 76, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 91 conversations, 60, 70, 79, 81 country of origin, 22, 30, 33, 106, 111, 113 criminal behavior, 26 critical period, 80, 81 cross-case analysis, 63 cultural differences, 14, 30 cultural heritage, 13 culture, 29, 31, 38, 45, 104

D data collection, 39, 62 data gathering, 58, 60 de-contextualisation, 81 Democratic Republic of Congo, 53 Department of Education, 46, 91 Department of Homeland Security, 111 developing countries, 28, 32 developmental psychology, 115 digital scaffolding, 72 discrimination, x, 11, 24, 30, 33, 34, 38, 99, 102 domestic violence, 29, 38 drilling, ix, 44, 56, 70, 76, 80, 85 drug addiction, 26

E economic integration, viii, 1, 15

economic well-being, 46 economics, 37 education, 20, 27, 28, 31, 33, 58, 59, 61, 67, 69, 79, 88, 90, 91, 107 educational background, 47 educational opportunities, 32 educational system, 106 elderly population, 32 emergency, 109, 110, 111 employment, 11, 20, 28, 29, 31, 32, 46, 106 employment opportunities, 11, 106 empowerment, 28, 29, 31, 33, 41 encoding effect, 68 English Language, 90, 91, 92, 94, 97 English language proficiency, 45 enrich, v, vii, ix, 43, 44, 76, 88 enrichment, 74 environment, 11, 34, 38, 47, 48, 50, 63, 64, 65, 66, 70, 71, 72, 75, 76, 87 Europe, 2, 22, 24, 26, 36, 37, 38, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 115 European Union, 36, 100, 101, 102, 105, 112, 117 exercises, 56, 59, 60, 62, 64, 68, 71, 73, 76, 79, 84, 86, 87, 88 exploitation, 24, 25, 32, 34, 39, 120 exposure, ix, x, 20, 24, 43, 44, 45, 48, 59, 60, 67, 69, 81, 86, 88 extreme poverty, 109

F facilitator, 60, 61, 64, 65, 76, 82, 86 families, 9, 45, 102, 106, 108, 109, 112, 117, 121 family members, x, 27, 99, 102, 107 fear-free, 47 feelings, ix, 43, 44, 65, 70 financial, 14, 28, 45, 110 financial resources, 110 financial stability, 45

Index fluency, 56, 60, 76, 84, 88 foreign-born population, 40 formal education, 46, 67

125

hybrid, ix, x, 44, 54, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78, 79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 hybrid learning environment, x, 44, 70

G I gender, v, vii, viii, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41 gender differences, vii, viii, 19 gender equality, 33 gender role, 20, 30, 40 gender-sensitive, 34 Ghanaian, vii, viii, 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 17 global issue, 101 globalization, vii, x, 36, 99, 113, 116 governance, vii, viii, 1, 4, 15 governmentality, v, vii, viii, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18 group learning, ix, 44, 64, 69, 77 grouping, 59, 61, 64, 69, 77

H health, v, vii, viii, ix, 8, 9, 12, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 56, 98, 100, 101, 107, 110, 112, 114, 117 health care, 23, 29, 37, 100, 107 health conditions, viii, 20, 22, 23, 27 health problems, 28 health services, vii, viii, 20, 23, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 health status, 27, 39 heart disease, 40 human, x, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 35, 37, 38, 40, 99, 100, 101, 102, 108 human immunodeficiency virus, 28 human right, 23, 24, 37, 101

immigrant patterns, 23 immigrants, vii, viii, 1, 2, 3, 5, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 91 immigration, iii, v, vii, viii, ix, 1, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 31, 35, 40, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 118, 120 in-app, 60 income, 21, 27, 31, 41, 100 individual character, 67, 76 individual characteristics, 67, 76 individual differences, 63 individuals, viii, 1, 4, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 20, 21 inequalities, viii, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 31, 34, 36, 38, 40 institutions, ix, 2, 3, 5, 20 integration, viii, 2, 3, 13, 19, 23, 32, 34, 64, 71, 75, 87, 106, 107, 109, 113, 118 intentional, 47, 48, 89, 93 international migration, 35, 36, 103 interpersonal communication, 60, 84 interpersonal relations, 4 isolation, 26, 29, 30, 32, 45 issues, 8, 23, 45, 47, 53, 59, 61, 65, 68, 79, 82 Italian law, 106, 117 Italy, vii, x, 36, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 113, 115, 118, 120

K knowledge acquisition, 68

126

Index L

L1, ix, 44, 46, 47, 48, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 62, 67, 68, 69, 72, 76, 79, 80, 83, 96 labor conditions, v, vii, viii, 19, 23 labor market, 21, 23, 30, 31, 34 lack of confidence, 106 language acquisition, 80 language development, 47 language proficiency, 66 language skills, 46, 88 Latin America, 2, 24, 26, 93 learners, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 58, 61, 63, 65, 66, 67, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88 learning, vii, ix, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 95 learning activity, 72 learning environment, vii, ix, x, 44, 49, 51, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87 learning process, ix, 44, 50, 84, 87 learning task, 52 legislation, 14, 25, 104, 106, 107 literacy, ix, 44, 47, 55, 58, 59, 61, 67, 68, 76 living conditions, viii, 19, 20, 21, 113 local authorities, 106 local government, 107

M majority, 25, 58, 79, 85, 101, 107 meaning-focused, 68 media, 50, 52, 96, 101, 106, 111 medical, 27, 110 medical care, 110 medicine, 36, 38, 40, 42, 104

Mediterranean, 102, 103, 104, 105, 112, 115, 120 mental disorder, 30 mental health, 8, 28, 30, 41, 117 Mexico, 103, 108, 109, 111, 115, 121 migrant population, 103 migrant women, v, vii, ix, 8, 24, 31, 32, 33, 34, 43, 44, 45, 54, 55, 58, 61, 62, 63, 75, 89 migrants, vii, x, 24, 29, 30, 32, 34, 36, 39, 41, 45, 46, 78, 99, 102, 110, 113 migration, vii, viii, x, 16, 17, 19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 67, 69, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 108, 109, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121 migration policies, 34, 103, 105 migration process, 24, 27, 33, 113, 119, 121 migration routes, 105 minority groups, 15 minors, x, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121 minors who need of out-of-home care, 108 mobile, vii, ix, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 60, 63, 64, 72, 74, 76, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98 mobile assisted language learning (MALL), ix, 43, 44, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 97 mobile device, 45, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 60, 63, 64, 74, 76, 91 morbidity, vii, viii, 20, 22, 23, 31 motivation, 52, 76, 81, 106 multiculturalism, 14, 17 multimedia, 50, 51

Index N national community, 37 nationality, 20, 104 native population, 22 negotiation, 15, 66, 82, 83 non-formal learning, 44, 53, 54, 75, 76 non-MALL, ix, 44, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 73, 77, 78, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88 note-taking, 68 noticing factor, 71, 86

O obstacles, viii, 19, 24, 33 opportunities, x, 8, 21, 30, 31, 32, 33, 44, 45, 48, 49, 66, 69, 76, 81, 82, 87, 103

P pair-work, 64, 66, 69, 72, 83 parents, 25, 33, 46, 110, 111, 112, 115, 120 participants, 6, 7, 8, 10, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 peer-to-peer scaffolding, 66, 72, 83 perceived health, 22 policy, 14, 15, 33, 34, 36, 42, 111 policy makers, 15, 34 policy reform, 33 policy responses, 36 political system, 11 population, 3, 4, 5, 15, 27, 35, 36, 100, 103 population growth, 3 post-MALL, 62 post-migration, 45, 69 poverty, 26, 37, 103, 106, 113, 120 pre-MALL, 62

127

pre-teach, ix, 44, 56, 76, 80 proficiency, 45, 47, 65, 67, 69, 73, 76, 83, 91, 97 pronunciation, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 76, 77, 80, 81, 86, 87, 88, 93 pronunciation intelligibility, 76 protection, 29, 32, 37, 101, 106, 113 psychiatry, 36, 38, 39, 41 psychological distress, 41, 116 psychological health, 28

Q qualitative, vii, viii, 1, 7, 54, 91, 92, 119 qualitative research, 7, 54 quality of life, 21, 28

R reading, ix, 44, 45, 47, 48, 57, 59, 68, 69, 71, 73, 77, 79, 87, 88 reading comprehension, 47, 68, 77, 79, 87, 88 reception, 100, 106, 107, 110, 111, 116 refugees, 95, 109, 115, 120 regulatory requirements, 14 re-learn, 79 religion, v, viii, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18 religious beliefs, 4, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15 researchers, viii, 20, 23, 74, 112 resources, 2, 27, 29, 33, 34, 50, 66, 72, 96, 111 response, 71, 77, 78, 111 retrieval, 71, 87 reusable, 87, 88 rights, 28, 33, 34, 101, 106, 107, 110, 111, 114, 119 risk, 21, 29, 30, 32, 40, 101, 108 Roman alphabet, 68, 79

128

Index S

T

scaffolding, 50, 52, 65, 71, 72, 77, 82, 87, 90, 92 school, 26, 49, 53, 67, 68, 76, 101 school failure, 26 school performance, 101 second language, 45, 47, 55, 67, 88 security, 26, 70, 108 segregation, 13, 21, 35 self-confidence, 33, 69, 70 self-esteem, 31, 66 self-knowledge, 4 semi-structured, 54, 55 semi-structured interviews, 54 services, 9, 12, 13, 21, 23, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 34, 46, 103, 117 sex, 20, 23, 25, 26, 28, 32 sexual abuse, 26 sexual harassment, 30 sexual orientation, 20 sexual violence, 27 sexually transmitted diseases, 28 social class, 20, 27, 30, 38 social control, 3, 6, 7, 10, 12 social integration, 27, 30 social network, 21, 23, 30 social relations, 5, 12, 14 social services, 30, 32, 33 society, 2, 3, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 20, 21, 29, 31, 45, 103, 109 sociocultural, 20, 45, 46, 89, 92 sociocultural contexts, 20 Somali, vii, viii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 95, 104 speech, 52, 70, 73, 81 stereotypes, 20, 21, 23 structure, 4, 12, 21, 53, 107 student-centred, ix, 44, 60, 61, 76, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87

tablet, vii, ix, 43, 44, 49, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 68, 71, 73, 74, 82, 86, 87, 92 teacher-centred, ix, 44, 58, 60, 61, 77, 84, 87 teacher-learner scaffolding, 66 teachers, 50, 52, 72, 74, 81, 88 technologies, 4, 5, 12, 45, 49, 52, 54, 69, 95 thematic analysis, 58 traditional gender role, 20, 29 trafficking, x, 24, 25, 26, 28, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 99, 102 trafficking in persons, 25, 38, 41 traumatic experiences, 104

U unaccompanied migrant minors, v, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 112, 116, 119 United Nations, 24, 34, 39, 41, 111, 114, 119, 120 United States, 36, 37, 40, 41, 100, 101, 108, 110, 111, 114, 117, 120, 121 USA law, 110 USA-Mexico border, 103

V victims, 25, 26, 28, 33, 102, 113 videos, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74, 79, 86 violence, 26, 28, 30, 33, 34, 41, 109, 113, 120 visual representation, 86 vocabulary, v, vii, ix, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 51, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98

Index vocabulary bank, ix, 43, 45 vocational training, 33 vulnerability, 24, 27, 34, 100, 101, 112 vulnerable group, 100, 104, 112, 113

129

work activities, 66 workers, 24, 32, 33, 36, 110, 115 working conditions, ix, 20, 22, 25, 30, 31

Y W well-being, v, 9, 14, 46, 95, 99, 100, 109, 114, 118, 119, 120 word meanings, 48

young people, 33, 106, 119 young women, 26