Imaginaries of Migration: Life Stories of Mexican Migrants in Germany 9783839458419

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Yolanda López García Imaginaries of Migration

Culture and Social Practice

Para Ella Amaya y Markus

Yolanda López García, born in 1981, is a researcher and lecturer with an interdisciplinary background: Dr. phil from the Friedrich-Schiller-University of Jena (Germany), MA in International Migration and Intercultural Relations from the University of Osnabrück (Germany) and BA in International Relations from the Jesuit University of Guadalajara (ITESO) (Mexico). Her research focuses on the impact of social imaginaries, migration and intercultural communication in everyday life.

Yolanda López García

Imaginaries of Migration Life Stories of Mexican Migrants in Germany

Dissertation titel: “The Imaginaries of Migration: A Study in Example of Mexicans in Germany”. Dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the Department of Intercultural Business Communication at Friedrich Schiller University, Jena, Germany Day of the oral examination: 10.12.2020 Examiner: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Bolten, PD Dr. Fergal Lenehan Printed with a contribution from the support programme for scientific exchange for female early career researchers ProChance — exchange.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http:// dnb.d-nb.de © 2021 transcript Verlag, Bielefeld All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover illustration and figures: Elizabeth Maldonado Cover design: Yolanda López García Copy-editing and proofreading: PD Dr. Fergal Lenehan Printed by Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH, Wetzlar Print-ISBN 978-3-8376-5841-5 PDF-ISBN 978-3-8394-5841-9 https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839458419 ISSN of series: 2703-0024 eISSN of series: 2703-0032 Printed on permanent acid-free text paper.

Contents

Structural Overview ...................................................................... 9 Acknowledgements ...................................................................... 11 Introduction ..............................................................................13 Research Objective........................................................................ 14 Framing Mexican Migration ................................................................ 15 General Panorama of German-Mexican Studies ............................................. 17 Mexican emigration to Germany ........................................................... 19 Significance of this Research............................................................. 22 Monograph Structure ..................................................................... 24 1 1.1 1.2 1.3

1.4

1.5

Theoretical Lens ................................................................... 27 The Imaginary: History of a Concept ................................................ 28 Mapping the Imaginaries in Different Academic Contexts ............................ 32 Approaching Social Life from the Perspective of the Imaginaries .................... 35 1.3.1 Foundations for Understanding the Imaginaries: The Social Construction of Reality............................................ 36 1.3.2 Fields of Action of the Imaginaries ........................................... 40 Migrant Imaginaries ................................................................ 67 1.4.1 The Imaginary Dimension of Life in Migration................................. 68 1.4.2 The Nation as a Dominant Imaginary and its Effects on Migration ............. 72 Summary........................................................................... 83

Methodology ....................................................................... 85 Research Design.................................................................... 85 2.1.1 The Life Story Approach ...................................................... 91 2.2 Procedure for the Collection of Empirical Materials .................................. 95 2.2.1 Selection Criteria for Participants ............................................ 96 2.2.2 Finding Participants ......................................................... 97 2.2.3 Participants’ General Information ............................................ 97

2 2.1

2.2.4 The Conversations ........................................................... 98 2.2.5 Methodology and Tools ...................................................... 103 2.2.6 Transcription & Translation ................................................. 105 2.3 Analysis Procedure ................................................................ 106 2.3.1 Zooming Out – Getting to Know the Stories as Unities ........................ 106 2.3.2 Zooming In – Thematic Analysis ..............................................107 2.4 Critical Reflection on the Research Procedure ....................................... 110 2.4.1 Reflection on Challenges and Limitations ..................................... 110 2.4.2 Reflection as Researcher and Co-producer of Stories ........................ 114 2.4.3 Reflection on my Own Story ................................................. 115 2.5 Summary........................................................................... 117 3 Re-imagining Life through Migration ............................................... 119 3.1 Lifestyle in Migration .............................................................. 120 3.2 Motivations for Mobility ............................................................ 124 3.2.1 Motivation for Migration Prior to Germany ....................................127 3.2.2 Motivation for Migrating to Germany.......................................... 131 3.3 Re-imagining Life in Germany ...................................................... 136 3.3.1 Arrival and First Impressions................................................ 136 3.3.2 Internal Mobility in Germany ................................................ 145 3.3.3 Re-Imagining Life Quality, Lifestyle and Security............................. 154 3.4 Summary...........................................................................174 4 4.1

Re-imagining Mexicanness.........................................................175 Dialectic between Self-Perception, Perception of Others and Meta-Perception .............................................................. 180 4.1.1 Being Mexican .............................................................. 180 4.1.2 Double Role: as Ambassadors and/or Prisoners of Culture.................... 188 4.2 Re-configuration of Mexicanness through Practices ................................ 202 4.2.1 Mexican Cuisine ............................................................ 203 4.2.2 Celebrations, Folkloric Dancing and Traditional and Ethnic Dress .............. 211 4.2.3 Socio-Political Practices .....................................................221 4.3 Summary.......................................................................... 224 5

Re-imagining Change and Belonging: Agency between Dominant and Emergent Imaginaries ............................ 227 5.1 Being Germanized ................................................................. 228 5.2 Fuzziness: “Not Here, Not There” & “Trapped between Two Worlds” .................. 238 5.3 Practices in the Context of Change ................................................ 240 5.4 Summary.......................................................................... 243

Conclusions ............................................................................ 245 References ............................................................................. 251 List of Figures/Tables ................................................................. 287 List of Abbreviations .................................................................. 289 Appendices..............................................................................291 Appendix A: Conversation Index ..........................................................291 Appendix B: Rules for Transcribing ...................................................... 292 Appendix C: Participant Overview........................................................ 294

Structural Overview

 

Acknowledgements

This dissertation would not have been possible without the openness and trust of the thirteen participants in this research. Therefore, I am extremely grateful to them for their participation. I am very fortunate to have been assisted by a network of people who contributed to my research and writing process for this thesis. I would like to principally thank my supervisors Prof. Dr. Jürgen Bolten and PD Dr. Fergal Lenehan for their intellectual guidance and support during this process. Special thanks also to PD Dr. Lenehan for proofreading this book. I wish to acknowledge my current and former colleagues at the Department of Intercultural Business Communications (Interkulturelle Wirtschaftskommunikation), whose insightful questions and discussions, whether in the context of colloquiums or informal chats, contributed positively in the different stages of my investigation and writing process. Special thanks must also be given to Katharina Kriegel-Schmidt, Sofía Meza Mejía, Steffen Pötzschke, Zafiro Rizo Contreras, Klaus Schmidt and Mónica Solórzano Soto for our long and interesting discussions, regarding the imaginary and many other topics. Lastly, I would like to express my gratitude to Markus Volkmann, for his love, support and encouragement in everything I do. My dearest daughter Ella Amaya, who makes my life better and to whom I can finally say: “yes, I have finished the book!” My mother, Yolanda García González, for being an example in life and for always supporting me in my endeavors.

Introduction

In 2014, the film “Guten Tag, Ramon” (Ramírez Suárez, 2013) was released and became quite popular in Mexico. The film told the story of Ramon, a young man lacking formal qualifications from a small Mexican town. Ramon attempts to emigrate to the United States of America (USA) several times, but without success. However, a friend tells him about the possibility of going to Germany. Germany is described as a place where no visa is required (at least to enter the country), where he could earn money in Euro and send remittances to his family in Mexico. The film illustrates Ramon’s experiences and challenges in Germany, it portrays “the German lifestyle” and how it is possible to reach an understanding and establish deep friendships, despite differences. The book “Mexican Professionals in Germany” (Piña Hernández, 2017), published by the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs1 , aims to create synergies and empower Mexicans in Germany by enhancing the network of qualified talent (Piña Hernández, 2017). The book describes Mexican professionals as hard-working and dynamic people, with an entrepreneurial spirit, while Germany is described as a welcoming country that invites one to stay. However, it also states that Mexicans are well integrated into the German context since “the Mexican essence is mixed with the German essence, creating an excellent and unique transformative amalgam that makes us better persons” (Piña Hernández, 2017, p. 10). One aspect which the film “Guten Tag, Ramon” and the publication “Mexican Professionals in Germany” retain in common is a certain narrative regarding the pride and love of being Mexican, although portrayed differently in these differing formats. Ramon’s nostalgia and joy is seen in practices such as listening and dancing to Mexican music or cooking and eating Mexican food. Meanwhile, the book describes how, no matter how long Mexicans have been living abroad, Mexico is never forgotten; “on the contrary, the longer one is away from our dearest Mexico, the prouder we are of being Mexican” (Piña Hernández, 2017, p. 10).

1

With the Mexican embassy in Germany, the Institute of Mexicans Abroad and the German Chapter of the Mexican Global Network.

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Media contributes to the re-configuration of imaginaries (Lenehan, 2016). In this case, a film depicting the migration of a person from Mexico to Germany contributes to the spreading of images regarding lifestyle and living conditions in the USA, Germany and Mexico, as well as the agency of “the Germans” and “the Mexicans”. Furthermore, “another” Mexican migration to Germany is portrayed, a path that is not as present, common and normalized as Mexican migration to the USA. However, Mexican migration is more than just “poor” immigrants dashing to the USA, which is the more usual representation.2 There are a multiplicity of Mexican migration narratives and this book sheds light on some of these.

Research Objective Mexico is a country of emigration, immigration and transit migration. Mexican migration has become a label linking a national grouping to a specific type of migration referring largely to economic factors (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 27). However, mobility occurs not only for economic reasons, nor is it always driven by rational strategies (Goycoechea, 2003). Moreover, migration is inherent to the human condition, since homo migrans have existed for as long as homo sapiens have existed (Bade, 2003, p. 9). Mobility is connected with the human being’s intrinsic faculty of imagination. As homo imaginans (Schnell, 2012), individuals re-imagine their life constantly, re-constructing their directly lived realities. The aim of this research is therefore to learn about the lives of thirteen people who were born and socialized in Mexico, who identify as Mexicans, and who have also emigrated to Germany. Their life stories constitute the empirical data for this study, which are analyzed from a perspective acknowledging the imaginary dimension of migration. By this it is meant the role that imaginaries retain in the thinking and actions of individuals, visualizing the function that desire, expectations, dreams and hope play in the motivation to migrate to and stay in a specific place. Furthermore, this research examines the role the imaginary dimension of life plays within an individual’s agency to re-imagine their “new” and “previous” life and the influence upon the re-configuration of their experiences, practices and sense of belonging to various social collectives. Therefore, this empirical study aims to answer the following questions: What do the participants say about their lives? How do they perceive and re-construct their lives in a migratory context? From their stories, is it possible to discover what

2

See for instance the recently published novel “American Dirt” by author Jeanine Cummins (2020).

Introduction

elements3 constitute the imaginaries of people who were born and socialized in Mexico but who live in Germany? What imaginaries may one deduce from their narratives? What role do these imaginaries play within the construction of their “realities”? What common elements is it possible to identify in the stories that could be interpreted as collective imaginaries?

Framing Mexican Migration The topic of Mexican migration tends to be automatically associated with its interdependences and complex relationship with the USA. It is reckoned that, since 1990, Mexico-USA has been the largest South-North and vice versa migration corridor in the world (Caicedo Riascos & Morales Mena, 2015, p. 43; Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019, p. 28) and Mexico is ranked as the country with the second largest emigrant population in the world (after India) (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019, p. 25). The migration flow between Mexico and the USA has been a constant in their relationship since the end of the nineteenth century (Durand, 2016), with varying intensity over time (Canales Cerón & Meza Mejía, 2016). According to data from the Yearbook of Migration and Remittances, the USA has received 12.683 million people (97.83 %) from Mexico while Canada has received 81,000 (0.63 %). The number of people of Mexican origin residing in the USA amounts to 38.5 million when considering second- and third-generation Mexicans (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019, p. 14). After North America, the third most popular destination is Spain with 49,000 people (0.38 %) followed by Germany with between 17,070 (0.14 %) (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2018, p. 39, 2019, p. 44), or 18,000 people depending upon the source.4 According to Germany’s 3

4

Elements are understood as the components that articulate the imaginaries of individuals which are shared socially (see Chapter 1). In this case, the elements that articulate the participant’s imaginaries consist of their agency and practices. For a complete statistical data overview regarding Mexican migration to Germany, see Statistisches Bundesamt [Destatis] (2019a), Fundación BBVA Bancomer and Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población (2019, 2017). The Yearbook of Migration and Remittances has been published since 2012 by the Mexican Secretary of Home Affairs (Secretaria de Gobernación) and the BBVA Foundation (Fundación BBVA Bancomer), and it presents information from different sources, mainly the United Nations Population Division from 2017 and Germany’s Federal Statistics Office, among others. The Yearbook provides information regarding Mexican emigration to other destinations besides the USA, which at times is scarce (see Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2012, 2014a, 2014b, 2015, 2017, 2018, 2019). Thus, the 2017 edition dedicated an extensive

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Federal Statistics Office (Statistisches Bundesamt (Destatis)), at the end of 2018 there were 9,130 women and 7,940 men with Mexican nationality living in Germany (Statistisches Bundesamt, 2019a, p. 31). It is worth pointing out that the emigration of Mexicans to Germany is constantly increasing5 and seems to be desired (Federal Foreign Office, 2019), especially in the context of shortcomings in the German care sector. According to the German Health Minister Jens Spahn qualified foreign workers would help in overcoming these shortcomings. To this end, a cooperation agreement with Mexico was established, based on quality of education and the similar values and cultures of the two countries (see Bundesministerium für Gesundheit, 2019; Pieper, 2018; Schmergal, 2019; ZDF, 2019). In 2019, Spahn emphasized: “However, that is the desired migration, specialists who help us, not migration asking for social assistance or entering into social security systems” (“Aber das ist ja genau die Migration, die wir wollen: Fachkräfte, die bei uns mitanpacken und die mithelfen, und nicht Migration in die Sozialhilfe oder die sozialen Sicherungssysteme”) (ZDF, 2019). Given the visible political, social and economic effects, it is therefore evident that research into Mexican migration has focused upon the multidisciplinary analysis of the complex bidirectional relationship between North America and Mexico, creating an enormous and significant theoretical and empirical corpus.6 This includes the phenomena of immigration and transit migration of Central Americans, which has gained increased visibility due to the “migrant caravans”, which look to arrive in the USA by way of Mexican territory (see Basok, Belanger, Rojas Wiesner,

5

6

chapter to data regarding Mexicans in Latin America and the Caribbean, Canada, Spain, Germany, the United Kingdom and France. Another Mexican data source is the register of the Institute of Mexicans Abroad (see Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior [IME], 2018), which shows that in 2017, 15,941 Mexicans (53 % women and 47 % men) were registered in the Mexican embassies or consulates in Germany. This data is only an approximation, since people register themselves and it is not an obligation. According to this database, there are fifteen registered associations in Germany (see IME, 2018). For instance, in 1996, there were 4,617 people, in 2015, 14,204 (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2017, p. 53). According to the data presented in 2015, Germany was the eighth destination country for Mexican emigrants with a total of seven thousand people (0.06 %), after the USA (97.81 %), Canada (0.61 %), Spain (0.41 %), Guatemala (0.15 %), Bolivia (0.15 %), France (0.10 %) and Italy (0.07 %) (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2014b, p. 36). In 2016, it moved up to fourth place, after the USA, Canada and Spain with 18,000 people (0.14 %), a position that remains relatively constant up to today (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2015, p. 38). See Canales Cerón (2003); Canales Cerón and Meza Mejía (2016), Durand (2016, 2006), Delgado Wise and Márquez Covarrubias Humberto (2007); Zuñiga Herrera and Arroyo Alejandre (2006).

Introduction

& Candiz, 2015; Correal & Specia, 2018; Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019). It is therefore also important and necessary that one learns about other types of migration, which have been studied to a lesser extent, as is the case of Mexican migration to Germany.

General Panorama of German-Mexican Studies A general overview of Mexican-German academic literature reveals the following thematic orientations: a) Bilateral Relations, b) Education c) Economics and Business and d) Mobility. The topic of interculturality is here present to varying degrees and with diverse interpretations. These four thematic orientations are at times of course interconnected; therefore any division here should not be taken too strictly. It must be highlighted that during this research, a number of doctoral dissertations and Master’s and Bachelor’s theses focusing on a variety of Mexican-German topics were found.7 This is here interpreted as a result of the strengthening of bilateral cooperation in education and mobility.8 a) Bilateral Relations-Context Mexico and Germany are considered “strategic partners” (González Díaz, 2013; Sierra Bernal, 2013; Westerwelle, 2013). The Dual Year Mexico-Germany 2016-2017 was the framework for rethinking German-Mexican relations and their future (Larenas, 2016; Maihold, 2015; Negrín & Velasco Pérez, 2013), highlighting the dynamic, modern and innovative aspects of both countries (López García & Endres, 2017; Trejo, 2016) as well as the strengthening of bilateral relations in three fields of action: 1) the arts and creative industries; 2) education, science and innovation; and 3) trade, investment and tourism. 7

8

In this thesis, it is mostly doctoral dissertations which are considered. It was found that Bachelor’s and Master’s theses concerning intercultural topics concerning German and Mexican matters have been published e.g. Linsenmeier (2004) and Müller (2010). However, these are not critical regarding national categories and intercultural dimensions, and therefore are not discussed nor considered in this work. Other interesting research regarding Mexican-German topics in other disciplines such as law and natural sciences are not considered in this general overview. Regarding students with a scholarship abroad between 2015 and 2018, 12,900 students were granted scholarships by the Mexican National Council of Science and Technology (CONACYT). Germany was the third destination, with 819 (11.1 %) Master’s students from Mexico, after the United Kingdom (UK) (1,889, 25.6 %), the USA (1,758, 23.8). For doctorate students, Germany was the sixth destination, with 291 (5.6 %) students, after the UK (1,509, 29.0 %), the USA (1,154, 22.2 %), Spain (790, 15.2 %), France (412, 7.9 %), and Canada (380, 7.3 %) (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019, p. 37).

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The Humboldt Foundation in Mexico has produced a number of significant publications concerning Mexican-German studies. Here I mention only two of particular relevance: The first one, coordinated by political scientist León E. Bieber (2001), examines German-Mexican relations from diverse perspectives and periods, from the contribution of the brothers Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt during their sojourn in Mexico, to a significant overview of German-Mexican relations in economic, social, political, scientific and technological contexts during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Furthermore, the book includes a substantial analysis of the philosophical, linguistic, archeological and ethnological German influence in Mexico, as well as the co-influence of Mexican literature in Germany and German literature in Mexico. Significant from the perspective of imaginaries are the chapters concerning Mexican images in Germany from time of the conquest until the twentieth century (Kügelgen, 2001), and images of Germany in Mexico (Rall, 2001). The second book “The relations between Germany and Mexico. A relationship without emotions” was edited in 2015 by political scientist Günther Maihold, as a preamble for the Dual Year Mexico-Germany and analyzed bilateral relations which, from the perspective of the authors, are in danger of weakening (p.9), since a lack of incentives to encourage and strengthen the relationship exist. From a cultural studies perspective, scholar Anne Huffschmid (2014) conducted an explorative study in which she analyzes Mexican-German intersections including urban issues, the value of the city, digitalization, prevention of crime, border cultures, and cultural dialogue. She discusses imaginaries regarding the image of Germany and Mexico using the German term Kultur/Bilder (culture/images) and refers to imaginarios (in Spanish). Although she does not discuss this topic in depth, it references Vergara Figueroa (2001) as a source thus highlighting the relationship between imaginaries and culture, Huffschmid does discuss certain imaginaries shaped by means of “cultural productions” (2014, p. 16). b) Education-Context As one of the strategic areas in Mexican-German relations, education comprises cooperation, collaboration and commercialization (Cruz Ruiz, 2016, p. 15). Research into internationalization (Cruz Ruiz, 2016; Krah, 2017) and cooperation regarding dual education (Wiemann, Grollmann, Botello Ramirez Jose Antonio, Bundesinstitut für Berufsbildung, & Budrich, 2018; Wiemann & Pilz, 2017) has been increasing. Specifically, the empirical study conducted by scholar Patricia Cruz Ruiz (2016) focuses on the internationalization of higher education and provides an interesting analysis of educational systems in the context of Germany and Mexico. Her study also remains significant as it describes how the desire for further study may be seen as a motivation relating to the mobility of Mexican people to Germany.

Introduction

c) Economy and Business-Context Germany is Mexico’s most significant trade partner in Europe, and Mexico occupies a strategic position as one of Germany’s main partners in Latin America (Espinosa, 2016; Papageorgiou, 2015). Mexican-German interaction in a business context includes work on intercultural issues with different perspectives and interpretations (Ferres, Meyer-Belitz, Röhrs, & Thomas, 2005; Papageorgiou, 2015) to research on the formation of trust in German-Mexican business relations (see Kühlmann, 2005), working in intercultural teams (Boedeker, 2012), and cultural adaption as an intercultural structuring process in the example of German expats in Mexico (Maletzky, 2010). d) Mobility-Context Concerning mobility research on expats discusses the emigration of Germans to Mexico. From a contemporary perspective, the work of scholars Dobler and Groll (2003); Dobler, Groll, and Moosmüller (2003) investigates the German “Diaspora Community” in Mexico. The qualitative study by Maren von Groll (2010) examined intercultural communication focusing on racism and discrimination in the interaction between German expatriates and Mexicans, offering an interesting critical perspective that goes beyond the discussion of cultural standards9 From an historical perspective, anthropologist Alma Durán-Merk (2012, 2015) researched German emigration and settlement in Yucatan, Mexico in the periods from 1864-1867 and 1876-1914. Historian Silke Nagel (2005) investigated the German colonies in Mexico City in the period from 1890 to 1942 and German-language context scholar Fritz Pohle (1986) reviewed the German “exile” to Mexico from 1937 to 1946. From a romance literature perspective, Adrián Herrera Fuentes (2008, 2017) examined the descriptions of Mexico provided by German intellectuals in the national socialist context, such as the texts by Colin Ross (1937) “Der Balkan Amerikas” (The American Balkans) and Josef Maria Frank (1938) “Mexiko ist anders” (Mexico is Different).

Mexican emigration to Germany There is more research regarding the emigration of Germans to Mexico than that concerning emigration in the opposite direction. The empirical study conducted by philologist and psychologist Annika Witte (2014) examined “the Mexican student´s image of Germany”. She divided the students into three different groups: 1) 9

Although the methodological procedure followed in her paper where she merged all the interviews into four fictional characters is here criticized because it creates four unsympathetic people that might contribute to an aversion against “the Germans” of her study.

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Mexican students that were not studying German and had not been in Germany, 2) Mexican students that were studying German and had not been in Germany, and 3) Mexican students who had completed part of their studies in Germany (Witte, 2014, p. 15). Significant here are the results regarding the associations of Germany that the third group of students who had lived in Germany had, especially concerning the issues of life quality and security (see also Cruz Ruiz, 2016). The author Susanne Mueller (2017) provides a broad panorama of “all” that is related to Mexico’s presence in Germany, such as Mexican organizations, medical services, translators and intercultural trainers, a guide to restaurants, shops and cultural practices such as mariachi, folkloric groups, handcrafts etc. More closely related to the topic of this monograph is the doctoral investigation conducted by scholar Jesús Javier Peña Muñoz (2013) entitled “The other Mexican migration. A study of integration trajectories of Mexican skilled migration in multicultural societies”, which analyzes the examples of Toronto and Berlin.10 Peña’s work is significant because it explores “another” Mexican migration than that which is directed to the USA. His study describes experiences of Mexican migrants, and some of the interviews he presents contain elements similar to the empirical data that this monograph has found. However, the foci of the two investigations differ somewhat. Peña’s PhD thesis takes an agents-structure approach. In which the scheme of agency includes profile, equipment, mentality and ethnic group. The structure scheme incorporates three main fields concerning the migrants’ trajectories: 1) the cultural field, 2) the labor field and 3) the sociopolitical field. The focus remains upon the agent’s creative capital and creative class, and the equipment in terms of the individual capacities of the specific agents. The interrelation between the second and third fields is key with regard to labor market integration and the migratory control policies, integration policies, classification of foreigners, multiculturalism and citizenship. Peña’s conceptual framework regarding the perspective of creative capital and creative class, which he draws from Richard Florida (2003, 2005 as cited in Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 123) and adapts to his empirical study is indeed interesting as it focuses attention upon the individual creative characteristics of migrants instead of on social networks as studies on social capital do. Peña divided his interviewees into four creative groups of Mexicans in Germany (and Canada): 1) scientists and academics, 2) bohemians, 3) those involved in industry, and 4) leaders (Petrov, 2008, as cited in Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 125). This distinction is important as it broadens the understanding of high-skilled migrants, traditionally defined in terms of years of study and with a focus upon certain disciplines such as the exact sciences (Peña 10

The dissertation is divided into separate papers, see Peña Muñoz (2015b) and Peña Muñoz (2015a).

Introduction

Muñoz, 2015a, p. 123). Nevertheless, an acknowledgement of the lifestyle migration perspective (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009b, 2016) would have enhanced his study. Peña’s dissertation also discusses the migrant collective imaginary, which tends to imagine migrants in dichotomist categories such as vulnerable/privileged, qualified/non-qualified, heroes/villains legal/illegal, wanted/non-wanted. These representations shape hegemonic imaginaries, which are reflected in migratory policies (Peña Muñoz, 2013, pp. 112-113). The concept of the imaginary is important in Peña’s arguments concerning the three fields of his analysis. However, although the theoretical approach of the imaginary as such is not the main focus of Peña’s analysis, it is considered in terms of the implications of migratory policies in the individual migratory trajectories. One of Peña’s findings is that “understanding German” is key to the integration of Mexican skilled migration in Berlin’s labor market. This topic is again examined as a core theme in a published paper by the same author (Peña Muñoz, 2015a). In this paper he discusses the combination of the three fields of analysis of the dissertation, with the focus on labor and political policies and multiculturalism, based upon the German nation-state’s narrative and its influence in the foreigner/German dichotomy. Peña argues that the economic insertion and economic value of migrants in Germany depends on their ability to adjust to a “common German culture” and to “understand German”. “Understanding German” means having the knowledge and being aware of a set of practices and normative rules that enable the classification of foreigners and Germans. It also involves “the knowledge, the rules and the systems in order to take rational decisions in everyday life situations such as using public transport or knowing how to greet people” (Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 126), referencing the necessary “cultural training” of the “non-German” as a creative and reflexive agent in order to facilitate his or her integration into the dominant group (Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 126). “Understanding German” is depicted as rational interactions that are almost like mechanical rules, in the context of “do’s and don’ts” with regard to what is expected in a “common German culture”. This perspective is more focused on the repetition of structures than on their questioning, or on the possibility of building new processes. Peña concludes that: “the process of learning German concurs with the official discourse of the German state that calls for cultural assimilation in exchange for economic and political integration” (Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 145). While Peña acknowledges the essentialist construction of the German state’s official discourse, he focuses less on critical positions regarding the Leitkultur (leading culture) debate (Peña Muñoz, 2015a, p. 127), and ignores differentiated forms of the understanding and practicing of Germanness.11 Furthermore, in his paper, he fails to explain what exactly he means by the term 11

See the work of sociologist and cultural scientist Yeliz Yildirim-Krannig (2014), where she examines socio-political discourses with regard to migration, culture, the nation-State, re-

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assimilation. It can, therefore, be interpreted as referring to classical assimilation. However, in his dissertation he refers to “segmented assimilation” (Portes and Rumbaut, 2010, as cited in Peña Muñoz, 2013, p. 75), and more specifically “individual segmented assimilation”. According to Peña this concept reflects the agency and creativity of individuals who assimilate certain aspects of the main culture in a non-linear and heterogeneous manner. Although Peña acknowledges complexity, non-linearity, the role of sub-cultures and heterogeneity in his work, it can be interpreted as implying that “assimilating to a main culture” remains the main goal of integration (Peña Muñoz, 2015a). Peña’s position concerning the assimilation to a culture is mistaken as it is interpreted as a non-dynamic and one-way adaptation to a closed and traditional approach to culture (see Section 1.3.2.4). As little research has been conducted into Mexican migration to Germany, it is considered here of great significance that investigations into this topic are disseminated and made available. In this case, Peña’s published paper reviewed here focuses on a specific topic, however, it gives the impression that other topics were overlooked due to its lack of explanatory notes and cross-references to the extended dissertation which, unfortunately, is not easily available.12

Significance of this Research This research contributes with new perspectives and innovations in different areas: on the one hand, it contributes to migratory studies, by analyzing a subject that has enjoyed little investigation, Mexican migration to Germany. In this way, new lines of research are opened which look towards other kinds of migration other than between Mexico and the USA. Furthermore, from the perspective of the German context, the life of people from a group usually excluded from migratory studies is explored. This research contributes particularly to the Germany-Mexico study area, since it provides a critical view that transcends comparative macro studies that merely reproduce generalizations of dominant imaginaries based on national categories.13 From a more general perspective, this research is transferable to migratory studies that have the life stories of individuals as a central focus, and which address the imaginary dimension and individual subjectivity.

12 13

visiting from a critical perspective terms such as Leitkultur, integration, assimilation, multiculturality and interculturality in the German context. Unfortunately, this dissertation does not appear on Peña’s website, nor in his academic media profiles, but only in his PhD institute’s thesis repository. See here Tengler and Caldera-González (2018) and Schütz (2009).

Introduction

The monograph examines various non-linear perspectives and in a holistic fashion, highlighting the imaginary dimension and the ongoing dynamic between dominant-institutionalized and emergent-institutionalizing imaginations, precisely in order to move beyond dichotomous thinking. Through individual experiences one has access to their agency, motivations, perceptions, values, beliefs, reflections and practices that constitute everyday life and, therefore, the construction of their reality/realities. The individual life stories method allows us to view the interconnection with the social world. Coupled with the perspective of social imaginaries, it is possible to extend one’s gaze to key themes in the reconfiguration of notions such as culture, interculturality and identity. In the empirical-theoretical context, this monograph makes several contributions: First, it proposes a way to apply the perspective of the social imaginaries in empirical research, combining methods based upon the agency of the researcher assessing the effects of methodological tools. Secondly, it combines the discussion of the social imaginaries and the notion of culture; something not usually examined, or perhaps seen as linked to national categories or simply taken-for-granted. Thirdly, it enhances theoretical discussions and links the international perspectives of scholars from Spanish-, English- and German-speaking contexts, which are usually not cross-referenced due to language barriers or due to a lack of consideration of interdisciplinary dialogue. This not only relates to language, but also to theoretical perspectives that have not been combined, such as approaches concerning social imaginaries, culture and interculturality. This interdisciplinary dialogue is also central here. Fourthly, the monograph revisits theoretical perspectives developed in the Spanish-language context and the German-language context, not usually found in English A contribution to the dissemination of these perspectives in an Englishspeaking context is, thus, undertaken here. Finally, this research contributes to the study of migration conducted by migrants (see Leung, 2015). As a researcher, born and socialized in Mexico, who migrated and has lived in Germany for over ten years, not only can I state the importance of acknowledging the imaginary dimension of reality, specifically concerning the topic of migration, but I can also relate and interpret deeper and well-established dominant imaginaries from the point of view of an “insider”. This process has included a period of critical reflection with regard to my own story and procedure in this investigation, my role as observer, participant and co-constructor of the interlocutor’s life stories, as well as my own experience sharing membership in some of the same collectives as the participants.

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Monograph Structure Chapter 1 explains the theoretical viewpoints fundamental to the analysis and understanding inherent to this empirical study. Firstly the history of the concept of the imaginary is presented (see Section 1.1), followed by an overview of research relating to the imaginaries of migration (see Section 1.2). Section 1.3 concentrates on foundational approaches to the re-construction of social realities and the foremost fields of action of (entangled) imaginaries: the imaginary dimension of society (see Section 1.3.2.1), the function of legitimation (see Section 1.3.2.2), their influence on the stock of knowledge and their interplay with the construction of memory (see Section 1.3.2.3), their interrelation with the construction of culture and interculturality (see Section 1.3.2.4), the role that power plays in the re-configuration of imaginaries (see Section 1.3.2.5) and the implications for the identity-making process (see Section 1.3.2.6). The imaginaries of migration are discussed in Section 1.4, highlighting the subjective aspect of migration rather than viewing it simply as the rational agency of individuals. The imaginary dimension of life in migration is examined, discussing symbolic resources that re-configure migrant imaginaries (see Section 1.4.1). The focus is therefore on the principal theoretical aspects regarding the role of the nation as an “imagined community” and its interplay with the symbolic resources that contribute to the shaping of dominant imaginaries (see Section 1.4.2). Chapter 2 clarifies the methodology of this empirical study, which consists of thirteen life story conversations. The research design (see Section 2.1) and procedures relating to the collection of empirical material (see Section 2.2) are outlined here in detail. The analysis procedure (see Section 2.3) contains an analytical exercise of “zooming observation”, which involves “zooming out”, in order to examine the life stories as unities, and detailed “zooming in”, applying the thematic analysis method. Section 2.4 presents a critical reflection concerning the research procedure and my role as a “migrant researcher” who remains a part of the phenomenon actually being studied. Chapter 3 investigates the re-imagining of life via migration. It discusses the notion of lifestyle with regard to migration (see Section 3.1) and examines the participants’ motivations, expectations and experiences of mobility both prior to Germany and specifically in relation to their move to Germany (see Section 3.2). Furthermore, Section 3.3 analyzes the participants’ imaginaries regarding their life in Germany, the importance of aspects relating to life quality, lifestyle and security in comparison with life in Mexico and Germany, and which influence their life decisions regarding the question of returning to Mexico, or remaining in Germany. Chapter 4 observes the way in which participants re-imagine Mexico and Mexicanness. Section 4.1 discusses the dialectic between self-perception, perception of Others and meta-perception in relation to being Mexican (see Section 4.1.1) and in

Introduction

participants’ acquisition of a double role in Germany: as ambassadors of and/or as prisoners to what they consider to be their Mexican culture (see Section 4.1.2). From this double role, it is also possible to identify how the participants experience an intensification of Mexicanness (see Section 4.1.2.1) and their imagining regarding Mexican migrants (see Section 4.1.2.2). Section 4.2 focuses on the reconfiguration of Mexicanness, which is analyzed in regard to three main practices. The first relates to talking about, preparing and eating Mexican cuisine (see Section 4.2.1); the second regards the traditional celebrations they attend or recreate, where folkloric dancing and clothing play a significant role (see Section 4.2.2); and finally, Section 4.2.3 discusses other practices mentioned by the participants from the socio-political field. Chapter 5 analyzes the participants’ agency amid dominant and emergent imaginaries, regarding their re-imagining of change and belonging. First of all, the participants’ perceptions concerning their “feeling germanized” are examined (see Section 5.1). Secondly, experiences of “fuzziness” are presented, where the participants express uncertainty with regard to their sense of belonging (see Section 5.2). Finally, their experiences with regard to their life change are explored (see Section 5.3).

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Theoretical Lens “The institutionalization of reason is arbitrary and relative to the interpretation that has been made of being. Being was taken as determination and it was defined as such what is and what is not and – above all – it was dictated “that what is is, and what is not is not”. This reasoning leaves aside “the imaginary” that integrates the ghost of not-being. Therefore, the imaginary is not.” (Tello, 2003, p. 56)

The aim of this chapter is to explain the theoretical lens of the approaches regarding the constructed character of social realities and the imaginaries’ fields of action, which are fundamental in this empirical study. By applying an exercise of observation (Bolten, 2014b) it is possible to place those lenses in different magnitudes and locations, visualizing on the one hand, macro, meso, micro and meta perspectives, and on the other hand, the specific fields of action of the imaginaries and the ongoing interplay between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries. The exercise of observation of different perspectives is the basis for understanding the following chapters dedicated to the empirical study. Imaginaries are not just a theoretical perspective, but a research tool (Randazzo, 2012) used to observe and study social phenomena as a “paradigm-in-themaking” because, on the one hand, they elucidate the ways in which configurations of meaning re-configure human interactions which construct the world, through the articulation of doing. On the other hand, they articulate the formation and reproduction of social institutions and practices, a process between social continuity and social change (Adams, Blokker, Doyle, Krummel, & Smith, 2015, p. 19). The focus on the imaginary dimension of reality takes on particular relevance at individual and social levels. The starting point of this empirical investigation is the life experiences of the participants, which are the main source of information and

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analysis. Therefore, by applying zooming observation1 (Bolten, 2001, 2014b, 2014a, 2007/2018; Zeutschel, 2016), the focus is on the micro level through participants’ individual narratives,142 facilitating access to their points of view, perceptions and reflections regarding their practices and agency that re-configure their realities, how they explain them, reflect upon them, and how they find sense and meaning in their biographical paths and actions. With this information it is possible to make visible the significant elements that constitute their stories. In this sense, by zooming-out in a broad observation, it is possible to analyze the interdependences of their stories and their connection with social – dominant – imaginaries by acknowledging the social as a macro perspective.

1.1

The Imaginary: History of a Concept

It is important to “temporalize” (Girola, 2005) – at least succinctly – the sociohistorical contextualization of the notion of the imaginary (see Koselleck, Spree, Steinmetz, & Dutt, 2006), in order to understand its evolution, modification, applications and discourses in which the term has been used and developed. The word “imaginary” is commonly used to refer to something which is unreal, which does not exist. There is a tendency to use it to refer to the fictional, to what our minds invent, and which has no connection with reality.According to the Oxford Dictionary (n.d.), the word imaginary as an adjective means “Existing only in the imagination”. By way of examples of its use, 21 sentences are given, for instance: “‘Chris had imaginary conversations with her’. ‘Don’t get into obeying imaginary voices in your head or anything daft like that’. ‘To escape reality, I invented an imaginary world and began writing poetry’”. The American English version of the Oxford Dictionary defines imaginary as “product of the imagination, unreal”. Imaginative means “showing imagination, original”. Science fiction, for example, deals with imaginary people, places, and events; how imaginative it is depending on the writer’s ability” (Oxford Dictionary, n.d.). The definition given by

1 2

This method of observation has been applied as a method for empirical analysis (see Chapter 2). Narrative is a broad field of study with various definitions. In this research the word narrative is applied in the narrow sense of story as “the event of someone recounting something: the act of narrating taken in itself” (Gérard, 1972/1980, pp. 25-26), when pointing out that the participants of this research “narrate” their story, for instance. Nevertheless, there is awareness of the more significant elements concerning narratives such as the construction of specific stories linked to social imaginaries and specific constructions of stories. It can thus be said that imaginaries re-configure narrative. For another understanding of narrative see Herman (2009).

1 Theoretical Lens

the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española (n.d.) (Spanish Royal Academy Dictionary) also relates to the concept of the inexistent and the fictional: “only exists in the imagination (Solo existe en la imaginación)”. The definition gives the link to “imaginary spaces”, acknowledging the concept of the space, related to the discipline of geography. However, the term “imaginary space” is defined as “unreal world, created in fantasy (Un mundo irreal, fingido por la fantasia)” (see Real Academia Española, n.d.). It is possible to see a change over the years, since the latest version in 2019 includes “collective imaginary” and a definition related to psychology: “Symbolic image from which a mental representation develops” (Real Academia Española, n.d.). In German, the concept is also perceived as vague: In the Duden dictionary (n.d.) imaginär is defined as referring to something that “exists only in the imagination, not really, not real (nur in der Vorstellung vorhanden, nicht wirklich, nicht real).” Synonyms provided include “assumed, invented, imaginary, imagined, fictitious, unreal, and not real (angenommen, ausgedacht, eingebildet, vorgestellt, fiktiv, irreal, nicht real)” (Duden Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.). The understandings concerning the imaginary have been configured mainly through the philosophical legacy of thinkers studying imagination.3 While reality has been understood as referring to what is considered to be the “truth”, imagination, on the contrary, has been located in the terrain of the unreal, of that which cannot be proven, which involves errors, fantasy and the fake, the non-real (Carretero-Pasin, 2003b, p. 98; Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 127). It is important to highlight that the main understandings of imagination referred mostly to subordinations in the pursuit of the objective real truth and reason. Plato and Aristotle were influential in the understanding of the imagination as something unreal and a source of errors. Aristotle related imagination to fantasy, which is linked to the power of sensation. Imagination as a form of thought would be firstly passive, limited to imitating or reproducing sense perception, and would become active to a certain degree when escaping its full constraint, but is mediated through senses. This would make it a source of error (Aristotle 1986, as cited in Adams et al., 2015, pp. 25-26). Plato saw the world of ideas as contrasting to true reality (Pérez Freire, 2017, p. 9). Rene Descartes also saw imagination as a source of error in his devaluation of the imagination (Adams et al., 2015, p. 26). However, Kant understood imagination (Einbildungskraft) as something productive (produktiv) or active (tätig) (Kant 1965/1993, p. A118, A120, as cited in Adams et al., 2015, p. 26), rather than passive. Imagination is therefore inseparable from productivity in the sense of doing. Nevertheless, Kant confined the imagination to the domain of the senses, neglecting his discovery (Dosse, 2017, p. 140; Adams et al., 2015, pp. 26-27). Therefore,

3

For a detailed review of the history and philosophy of the imagination see Adams (2014, 2017); Escobar Villegas (2000); Lapoujade (1988).

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both Aristotle and Kant subordinated imagination to reason (Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 38). The imaginary dimension of reality, located in the realm of the unreal, was historically viewed with suspicion given the emphasis of the time on the pursuit of rationality and an “objective truth” in social sciences. This suspicion gained significance under the paradigm of modernity that imposed a “totalitarianism of reason” (Carretero-Pasin, 2006a, p. 117).174 The rationalist spirit influenced the pursuit of logical truths and measurable results in science (Maffesoli, 2003). Consequently, the imaginary was reduced to the non-existing and the non-scientific field (CarreteroPasin, 2004). The Age of Enlightenment sought to dissolve myths and the imagination through positivist science and the “disenchantment”5 of the world (CarreteroPasin, 2003a, pp. 203-204), with Romanticism as the first historic reaction (Carretero-Pasin, 2006a, p. 114). Imagination and creativity were exiled from rationalist thinking, resulting in the dichotomization of the imagination and reality, reality and dreams, objectivity6 and subjectivity and the modern and the old-fashioned.7 Therefore, reality was reduced to rational, utilitarian and positivist significations. However, modernity was ironically re-configured as dominant social imaginaries, within the institutionalization of the ideal of productivity and the myth of progress (Carretero-Pasin, 2003a; Castoriadis, 1975/2005; Escobar Villegas, 2000; Maffesoli, 2003). In his book “Lo imaginario. Entre las Ciencias Sociales y la Historia” (The Imaginary. Between Social Sciences and History), historian Escobar Villegas (2000) provides an historical examination of the concept of the social imaginary focusing on

4 5 6

7

The first modernity in terms used by Beck (1997/2008). Max Weber used the term Disenchantment to express the tendency of western societies towards rationalization and secularization (Weber 1918, as cited in Carretero-Pasin, 2012, p. 24). Objectivity is here used as retaining the meaning of unbiased and unprejudiced, supported by reason and evidence (Schwandt, 2007, p. 210) (under the rationalistic logic). In the dichotomization mentioned above, subjectivity thus refers to lived experiences (Schwandt, 2007, p. 280), relating also to emotions and dreams, which are considered as non-rational and biased. This work uses a definition of subjectivity which partly follows the definition given by Anthropologist Sherry Ortner (2005) who defines it “as the ensemble of modes of perception, affect, thought, desire, fear, and so forth that animate acting subjects”(p. 37), acknowledging that those modes are influenced and shaped through socially instituted and instituting imaginaries. In this sense, the idea of “high culture […] based on the progressive realization of the conscious values dictated by a rational and free spirit as the genuine ‘nature’ of men” (Markus, 1994, p. 18). For more on the topic of imaginaries and modernity see Roberts (1994); CarreteroPasin (2006b).

1 Theoretical Lens

the French-speaking context, which has been influential in the study and spread of the imaginaries perspective through its schools of thought (see Section 1.2). Escobar argues that use of the term “imaginary” has changed through time in two forms, from an adjective to a noun and from singular to plural. By approaching it as an adjective, the focus lies on its attributes, qualities, and a sort of classification that is more moral than scientific. For instance, the Dictionary of French Language from 1880 referred to imaginary as an adjective to describe things or persons – in the case of an imaginary person – that did not exist, that was fictional or fake.8 It is important to highlight the context of the time where the scientific revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries guided by the “spirit of reason” sought to eliminate all intervention of the imaginary in knowledge (Escobar Villegas, 2000, p. 40). Addressing the imaginary as a noun suggests its reference as a phenomenon with a set of constituting elements. Escobar suggests that the shift in use of the term imaginary from an adjective to a noun is due to a transformation of thinking in civilization. In the nineteenth and twentieth century the understanding of the term began to change, mostly due to the influence of the arts. For instance, “surrealism reclaimed the wonderful, the oneiric worlds and the return of imagination” (Escobar Villegas, 2000, p. 41). Through the influence of literature, art and philosophy, the imaginary became a concept of study in social sciences (Escobar Villegas, 2000). The use of the term has changed from the singular to the plural form “imaginaries”, referring to the recognition of diversity and multiplicity within a society and/or within the same social group (Escobar Villegas, 2000, p. 43).229 According to philosopher Charles Taylor (2004) the social imaginary may be approached by making sense of the practice of agency in society. Imaginaries cannot be studied under the logic of a positivist modern science that uses rational questions such as “Where is the imaginary? How can we measure it?” (Tello, 2003, p. 56). The institutionalization of reason is arbitrary and relative to the interpretation that has been made of being. Being was taken as determination and it was defined

8

9

An influence that still appears to affect the current period, as can be seen in the Oxford Dictionary and the Spanish Dictionary of the Royal Academy entries, presented above (see Section 1.1). Although there are references in this theoretical framework which use both singular and plural forms, this does not mean that plurality is ignored. On the contrary, the empirical part of this work examines the presence and force of various imaginaries. Therefore, there is not only one imaginary, but many imaginaries that interact, flow and co-create each other in an ongoing fluctuation of institutionalization and institutionalizing dynamic of meaning and practices of agents.

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as such what is and what is not and – above all – it was dictated “that what is is, and what is not is not”. This reasoning leaves aside “the imaginary” that integrates the ghost of not-being. Therefore, the imaginary is not. (Tello, 2003, p. 56) Imaginaries are fuzzy10 in that they are open and present multivalent logics, and “because one cannot define something that is not definable in the terrain of formal logic” (Tello, 2003, p. 17). Thus, fuzziness, dynamism and flexibility are appealing characteristics of this concept. Therefore, what is argued here is that, although the imaginary is difficult to categorize, it merits scholarly attention because it is crucial in the re-construction of reality. The empirical examination of imaginaries comprises a manifold of understandings and applications with regard to the concept, broadening the study from diverse disciplines and diverse fields of action. The following section presents an overview of this prolific field highlighting significant works for this research.

1.2

Mapping the Imaginaries in Different Academic Contexts

The concept of the imaginary has gained visibility in social sciences as a theoretical approach in various works from diverse perspectives, disciplines and traditions.11 It can be highlighted that the study of social imaginaries is dynamic and fruitful theoretically and empirically in various disciplines internationally. However, while its application has been recognized and is seen as useful, it can also be problematic when a fashionable notion (Baczko, 1999; Strauss, 2006) in science is used without 10

11

The term fuzzy refers to the work of Lotfi A. Zadeh (1965), a mathematician and engineer (among other things), who developed theories relating to fuzzy sets or fuzzy logic. This notion has been adapted in cultural and intercultural studies by Kulturwissenschaftler (Cultural Theorist) Jürgen Bolten (2013, 2020). See also Conti (2012, p. 135). Different thinkers in diverse epochs have engaged in the analysis of imagination and the imaginary from diverse disciplines. These include Plato, Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, Rene Descartes, David Hume and Jean Paul Sartre in philosophy, Carl-Gustav Jung and Sigmund Freud in psychoanalysis, and Karl Marx, Emil Durkheim and Max Weber in classical sociology, among others. For works discussing imagination, imaginaries and imaginary see Adams et al. (2015); Castoriadis (1975/2005); Escobar Villegas (2000); Lapoujade (1988); Trede and Homann (2017). In other areas apart from sociology and anthropology, it is also possible to find established terms which relate to the imaginary e.g. “urban imaginaries” see Silva Téllez (1992/2006), and “geographical imaginations” see Lindón and Hiernaux (2012), which have an impact in geography, architecture and tourism. Other fields of the imaginaries from interdisciplinary studies focus on the study of “modern imaginaries” see Beriain, Girola, and Olvera Serrano (2007); Taylor (2004), “global imaginaries” see García Canclini (1999/2012); Steger (2009), “national imaginaries” see Rojas Mix (2009), “imagined communities” see Anderson (1983/2006), and postmodern imaginaries see Maffesoli (1996) among others.

1 Theoretical Lens

clarifying its approach, definition and specific functionality as regards the area of inquiry. This research involved reviewing literature in English, German and Spanish. Few cross-references of works regarding the subject of the imaginaries were found as well as a deficiency with regard to recognition concerning the existence of theorists and research centers working in the field of imaginary studies. One reason for this might be the lack of an integrative state of the art that considers academic works in various languages, which can be due to language barriers. Another reason is the increase in the number of studies relating to the imaginary, which makes it difficult to keep track of. By mapping the imaginary, one can note the existence of established schools of thought traditionally in a French-speaking context, with well-known and widely cited theorists such as the Greek-French philosopher and psychoanalyst Cornelius Castoriadis, who is said to have coined the notion of the social imaginary with his book “The Imaginary Institution of Society” (1975/2005), and who is therefore for many researchers recognized as the “father” of social imaginaries.12 Other wellknown and influential French authors on the notion of the imaginary whose work has been translated from French and who appear referenced from diverse perspectives are Gilbert Durand (1964/2007), Michel Maffesoli (1996, 2003, 2006, 2009), Jacques Lacan (Dews, 2002) and Paul Ricoeur (1994) (see also Adams, 2017; Aliaga Sáez, Maric Palenque, & Uribe Mendoza, 2018; Escobar Villegas, 2000), among others. The amount of research into the social imaginary is quite vast in Ibero-America. Examples include the work of Juan Luis Pintos (1995, 2014), sociologist at the University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain) who founded, alongside Manuel Antonio Baeza (2000, 2008), sociologist at the University of Concepción (Chile), the Grupo de Compostela/Concepción de Estudios sobre Imaginarios Sociales (GCEIS) (Compostela/Concepción Group of Studies on Social Imaginaries) in the year 2001, establishing an international and interdisciplinary dialogue between Spain, Latin America and Portugal. Within the framework of the GCEIS, Pintos and Baeza have established schools of thought in Ibero-America which engage in close dialogue with the school of Maffesoli in France. The GCEIS has been active in organizing congresses and the establishment of the interdisciplinary journal Imagonautas (Universidad de Vigo, 2011). Also worthy of mention is the Red Iberoamericana de Investigación en Imaginarios y Representaciones (RIIR) (Ibero-American Network for Research on Imaginaries and 12

Many researchers refer to him as the “father” of social imaginaries but other extensive studies into the imaginary, such as that of Escobar Villegas (2000), show other authors referring to this notion before Castoriadis.

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Representations) (n.d.), founded by Felipe Aliaga (2012, 2013, 2016), sociologist at the University of Santo Tomas in Colombia (former student of Pintos and Baeza). More than 140 researchers from more than 13 countries in Ibero-America make up this network, which is highly active in developing new research lines, working groups, congresses and publications. Two authors that have been an influence on this work besides Aliaga and Baeza are Carretero-Pasin (2003c, 2004, 2006b) and Cegarra (2012). Scholars from the RIIR are aware of the necessity to elaborate a wider state of the art overview. They conducted an exhaustive investigation gathering work on imaginaries and social representations in nine Ibero-American countries (see Aliaga Sáez et al., 2018). Aliaga Sáez and Carretero-Pasin (2016, p. 119) argue a certain “resistance” in the study of social imaginaries from the “Anglo-Saxon and Germanic” worlds, highlighting the exceptions of scholars such as Charles Taylor (2004) and Benedict Anderson (1983/2006). However, this monograph – written in English but drawing upon literature in Spanish, German and English-speaking contexts – shows that literature and research centers dedicated to the imaginary exist in the “AngloGerman world”, demonstrating that there is actually no resistance to the study of imaginaries within these academic cultures. In the case of the German-speaking context, the work of Regine Herbrik (2011, 2013) can be highlighted. Herbrik, together with Tobias Schlechtriemen, organizes the working group regarding social imaginaries in Germany, which belongs to the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie (DGS) (German Sociological Association (GSA)), section “Sociology of Knowledge” (see Raab & Keller, 2016). Concerning the English-speaking context, worthy of mention is the publication of the “Public Culture” issue entitled “Toward New Imaginaries” (Gaonkar & Lee, 2002), where authors such as Gaonkar, Appadurai, Taylor and Calhoun discussed the relevance of the social imaginary with contemporary examples such as those described by Cornelius Castoriadis. Later, Charles Taylor published his book “Modern social imaginaries” (2004), which has become a classic referenced work. Both publications have been widely referenced by other authors in English and Spanish. Also worthy of mention is the work of Suzi Adams (2014; Adams et al., 2015; 2017) in Australia, discussing the notion of the imaginary from the perspectives of French-speaking scholars such as Castoriadis and Ricoeur, but also as co-coordinator and editor of the Social Imaginaries Journal (Zeta Books, 2018). Specifically, in the area of imaginaries and migration, the work of Michaela Benson and Karen O’Reilly (2009b, 2016) acknowledges the role that social imaginaries have in people’s expectations, imagination and practices. Benson and O’Reilly have developed (together and individually) a theoretical and empirical

1 Theoretical Lens

corpus relating to lifestyle13 migration and lifestyle in migration, examining social phenomena by observing macro, meso and micro perspectives of analysis, denoting the interdependence between agents and different layers of structures,14 in a sense by applying zooming observation (although they do not refer to it as such).

1.3

Approaching Social Life from the Perspective of the Imaginaries

This section discusses firstly the foundations of the social construction of reality, having as its principal basis the phenomenological perspective of Berger and Luckmann (1966/1991).15 It is thus possible to focus on the main fields of action of the imaginaries, such as its role in the construction of social reality, its legitimation function, its interplay with the construction of time, memory, culture, interculturality, identity and power. This interdisciplinary work complements and combines different theoretical perspectives inspired by the “bricolage method” (see Chapter 2), discussing theories

13 14

15

In this research, style is understood as “rules of thumb, guidelines, ‘styles’, generally valid behavioral rules, sustainable traditionalized group conventions, rituals” (Bolten, 2014a, p. 5). For their theoretical approach, they adapted the cycle of structuration (see Stones, 2005 as cited in O’Reilly, 2012, p. 19) that includes external and internal structures where the former refer to upper structural layers, more proximate structural layers, hard and more malleable layers, and the latter to internal structures such as habitus, conjuncturally-specific internal structures. Practices differentiated in active agency, communities of practice, and conjuncturally-specific external structures and outcomes, which includes all the mentioned elements (see O’Reilly, 2012). Thomas Luckmann continued the work initiated by Alfred Schütz – who introduced phenomenology in social sciences – writing “The Social Construction of Reality” (1966/1991) with Peter L. Berger and tracing an important path for the development and understanding of the constructed character in social sciences, not only in the sociology of knowledge but in other disciplines such as anthropology, philosophy and Kulturwissenschaft, among others. Their theoretical framework elucidates the interaction between individuals – subjects – and society and among these, the construction of reality. For Luckmann the notion of life-world describes the conception of a protosociology that serves as a foundation for social theory. This protosociology is based on a phenomenological perspective and the sociology of knowledge which, on the one hand, benefits from the phenomenological approach, acknowledging individual experience and subjectivity (used in the sense of lived experience) and analyzing their invariable structures, levels of stratification and constitution by describing the foundations of the everyday life world. On the other hand, the sociology of knowledge serves to clarify the mechanisms of the construction of collective and individual knowledge as well as the construction of social institutions that arise from social action (Luckmann, 2008, pp. 1819). Berger and Luckmann’s approach to the “everyday life-world” connected terms into the pragmatic action of individuals linking macro and micro perspectives.

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and finding interconnections from the perspective of the imaginaries. Understanding these theoretical lenses is important in order to analyze the empirical materials of this research, acknowledging the interplay between meaning and practice in life. In order to identify the fields of action and interconnections of imaginaries with the above mentioned elements and their perspectives, it is important to explain them separately, although they overlap. The intersection highlights significant aspects without ignoring the others that are interrelated.

1.3.1

Foundations for Understanding the Imaginaries: The Social Construction of Reality

A foundational premise of this work is that realities are socially constructed. Individuals are social beings with agency who act in a field of action (Bourdieu, 1990). Each collectivity is a field of action, a context where agents interact. Social life is constructed within a multidimensional space of fields of action, referred to as multi-collectivities (Hansen, 2009b; Rathje, 2014), and thus there are multiple realities.16 Individuals as subjects17 struggle because they find themselves caught between autonomy and heteronomy18 (Castoriadis, 1975/2005). While individuals have a certain freedom to act and create, they are tied to and dependent on socially institutionalized structures, usually based on hegemonic, dominant imaginaries. Individuals interact and contribute in the production of social realities within the different collectives they are members of (Rathje, 2014). Reality is defined as being “a quality appertaining to phenomena that we recognize as having a being independent of our own volition (we cannot ‘wish them away’)” whereas knowledge is defined as “the certainty that phenomena are real and that they possess specific characteristics” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 13). The life-world is an experiential social world constituted by horizons of meaning that encompass multiple realities (Schütz, 1971 as cited in Luckmann, 2008, p. 17; Schütz & Luckmann, 1973, 1989) and can be approached as an “ensemble of worlds of meaning” (Honer, 1999, p. 61, as cited in Luckmann, 2008, p. 17). It is within those ensembles that the imaginary dimension of life can be identified. Whereas the everyday life-world: 16 17

18

Reality is used in singular and plural form indistinctively. Nevertheless, the awareness of the multiple realities remains even when using the singular form. For a discussion of the changes of approaches regarding the notion of subjectivity as fixed and determined to a dynamic perspective that considers agency and transformation see Blackman, Cromby, Hook, Papadopoulos, and Walkerdine (2008). For other understandings of agency see Frank (2006); Schwandt (2007, p. 4). Also referred to as autonomy and dependence (see Kriegel-Schmidt, 2012, p. 189). See also Section 1.3.2.5.

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is not only taken for granted as reality by the ordinary members of society in the subjectively meaningful conduct of their lives. It is a world that originates in their thoughts and actions, and is maintained as real by these. (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, pp. 19-20) The reality of the everyday life is dominant because of its privileged position within the designation of paramount reality. The everyday life causes tension leading to a more conscious and wide-awake state. This way of being constitutes the natural attitude taken to be normal and self-evident (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, pp. 34-37). It is through practical action that individuals orientate themselves pragmatically (Keller, Knoblauch, & Reichertz, 2013, p. 17) within the diverse fields of action. The construction of social realities derives from the fluctuation between the ongoing process composed of three moments: internalization, objectivation and exteriorization. These are not sequential but simultaneous (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 149). Internalization refers to the embodied taken-for-granted status and basis of belonging to society. Pierre Bourdieu (1990, 1979/1996) understands interiorization (internalization) and the embodied taken-for-granted-attitude (doxa) as habitus, the modus operandi, which is a subconscious way of perceiving, categorizing and representing things in the world. Habitus is a product of history, producing individual and collective practices according to the “correct” schemes of each time in each field. Habitus is acquired through socialization, determined by the individual’s position and through agency and experiences (externalized) within the diverse fields of action. The social structures embodied in habitus do not determine behavior but influence it, through shaping the view of the world, knowledge and capitals19 : Being the product of a particular class of objective regularities, the habitus tends to generate all the “reasonable”, “common-sense” behaviors (and only these) which are possible within the limits of these regularities, and which are likely to be positively sanctioned because they are objectively adjusted to the logic characteristic of a particular field, whose objective future they anticipate. (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 56) Second, objectivation refers to the materialization of meanings and concretization of abstraction: The reality of everyday life is not only filled with objectivation; it is only possible because of them. I am constantly surrounded by objects that “proclaim” the subjective intentions of my fellowmen, although I may sometimes have difficulty being quite sure just what it is that a particular object is “proclaiming”, especially 19

Capitals such as economic, social and cultural (see Bourdieu, 1986). See also Section 1.3.2.5.

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if it was produced by men whom I have not known well or at all in face-to-face situations. (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 50) Objectivation takes the form of representation, where knowledge consists of a specific network of shared concepts, images and beliefs belonging to specific human groups, in other words, the social representations that all humans produce and reproduce (Moscovici, 2011, XIII).20 Finally, exteriorization refers to agency and practice, where repeated actions create patterns that are habitualized and then institutionalized, through the reciprocal typification by actors (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, pp. 70-72): Habitualized actions, of course, retain their meaningful character for the individual although the meanings involved become embedded as routines in his general stock of knowledge, taken for granted by him and at hand for his projects into the future. Habitualization carries with it the important psychological gain that choices are narrowed. (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 71)

20

The field studying social representations is broad. The term social representation is more usually applied in the discipline of psychology but is also present in other disciplines such as sociology and anthropology. Social psychologist Serge Moscovici adapted the term social representation from Durkheim’s concept of collective representation, arguing that collective representation is too static (Höijer, 2011, p. 4). Moscovici understood social representation in a wide sense, defining it as “a system of values, ideas and practices with a twofold function: first, to establish and order which will enable individuals to orientate themselves in their material and social world and to master it; and secondly to enable communication to take place among members of a community by providing them with a code for social exchange and a code for naming and classifying unambiguously the various aspects of their world and their individual group history” (Moscovici, 1973, as cited in Höijer, 2011, p. 5). The differentiation between social imaginaries and social representation lies mostly in the scope of the scholar. In this work, representations are deeply linked to imaginaries and function as objectivation and materialization of meaning (see Aliaga Sáez, Maric Palenque, & Uribe Mendoza, 2018; Wagner, Hayes, & Flores Palacios, 2011).

1 Theoretical Lens

From a phenomenological perspective, reality is thus intersubjective21 because it is shared with others (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 23). Internalization is the basis in order to understand the “Other” and “for the apprehension of the world as a meaningful and social reality” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 150): I know there is an ongoing correspondence between my meanings and their meanings in this world, that we share a common-sense about its reality. The natural attitude is the attitude of common-sense consciousness precisely because it refers to a world that is common to many men. Common-sense knowledge is the knowledge I share with others in the normal, self-evident routines of everyday life”. (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 37) It is through continuous communication as interaction (Bolten, 2007/2018; Burkart, 2003) that individuals can subsist. Language is seen as “the most important sign system of human society” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 51). The bonds and interconnections between agents conform social structures, which involve relationships that are shaped through certain rules, thereby producing reciprocity. Thus, within reciprocity, the creation and the consolidation of relationships is possible (Stegbauer, 2010, p. 119). Reciprocity can be observed in at least four forms: direct reciprocity in the strict sense of exchange (the one gives and the other receives and vice versa); a generalized form of reciprocity through groups e.g. membership and solidarity; a reciprocity of roles, where the exchange is linked to the agent’s role; and finally, reciprocity of perspectives (Stegbauer, 2018, pp. 62-63). The ongoing correspondence and intersubjective re-configuration of common-sense knowledge between individuals is re-constructed by sharing and understanding through reciprocity of perspectives. Schütz (1962) discusses the internalization of meaning shared with others having an impact in the conformation of society by assuming that common-sense knowledge is taken-for-granted by all individuals whose systems of relevance are sufficiently in conformity with

21

Adams et al. (2015) argue that “[b]ecause meaning is social (and not reducible to intersubjectivity), this involves an elucidation of the properly trans-subjective aspect of socio-cultural activity – in the form of meaning, action, and power – as the precondition for inter-subjective modes of being-in-the-world. The trans-subjective aspect of society is what Castoriadis (1975/2005) terms the anonymous collective, and is matched to an understanding of the world as an overarching, trans-objective horizon. In this way, the main approaches to social imaginaries radicalize the critique of the subject/object division that was central to early phenomenological analyses by extending it to the properly societal dimension of the human condition” (p. 17). While I find this discussion significant, I continue to use the term intersubjective in the sense of shared knowledge that is exteriorized and objectivized by agents, acknowledging the interplay between subject and object while moving beyond dichotomies. See also the discussion on “inter” and “trans” in the field of interculturality by Bolten (2020).

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others. Reciprocal perspectives relate also to the interchangeability of standpoints, where distance and relevance to knowledge, concerning typifying constructs of objects of thought, supersede the thought that one agent and other agents have from their private and unique experiences. Knowledge is considered objective and anonymous, detached from and independent of individual and social appreciation of the situation. Distance and relevance are significant elements in the idealization of common-sense thinking, in terms of what is more known or unknown for the agent and the relevance within his specific and unique circumstances (Schütz, 1962, pp. 11-12). In social interactions, the perception of similar sequences of situations and the collective participation in each other’s being constructed reciprocally (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 150) creates typifications of recurrent patterns of interaction and meanings that provide the perception of similarity with some events causing the feeling of certainty, familiarity and stability. The total of typifications are crucial to the everyday life reality (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, pp. 47-48). Relevant for this work is the awareness of the interaction and interconnection between person-oriented agency (micro level) and its impact within social life through specific collectivities or fields of action (macro level). Within these contexts, individuals interact pragmatically and intersubjectively through the internalization, objectivation and exteriorization of knowledge. Knowledge is constructed collectively through interaction, shaping what is considered as reality. The next section focuses on the role that imaginaries play in the construction of common-sense thinking.

1.3.2

Fields of Action of the Imaginaries

This inquiry approaches imaginaries as crucial in social life. Imagination and imaginary are deeply linked. Individuals as homo Imaginans22 are beings that imagine, that set place in images and have the faculty of imagining with three functions:

22

Other references regarding human beings are made for instance by philosopher and sociologist Edgar Morin (1974/2005), who conceives individuals as homo demens, as “crazy-sane”: “A being invaded by imagination, a being that knows the existence of death and cannot believe in it, a being that segregates magic and myth, a being possessed by spirits and gods, a being that feeds off illusions and chimeras, a subjective being whose relations with the objective world are always uncertain, a being exposed to error, a being that generates disorder. And since we call madness the conjunction of illusion, disproportion, instability, the uncertainty between the real and the imaginary, the confusion between the objective and the subjective, the error and the disorder, we feel compelled to see homo sapiens as homo demens” (p. 131). Different attributes of homo sapiens have been highlighted, such as homo faber (that fabricates) by Karl Marx and Hannah Arendt; homo ludens, (that plays) by Johan Huizinga, Roger Caillois (Schnell, 2012, p. 117). Homo simbolicus relates to the symbolic world (Cassirer, 1945/1968).

1 Theoretical Lens

representation, reflection and imagination (Schnell, 2012, p. 117). As subjects and agents in life – open to the symbolic – they act and imagine their social collective existence within their relationship with themselves, with others and within their context (Gaonkar, 2002). While imagination has been seen as a faculty of the singular human being (Adams et al., 2015; Castoriadis, 1975/2005; Cegarra, 2012), “social imaginaries highlight the imaginary element of the human condition” (Adams et al., 2015, p. 20). Anthropologist Arjun Appadurai (1996/2005) identifies imagination “now as a property of collectives, and not only merely as a faculty of the gifted individual” (p. 9). Imagination: reproduces and recreates the reality based on images, while the imaginary must be assumed as a matrix of meaning that orients assigned meaning to determinate vital notions (love, bad, good) and ideologically shared notions (nation, politics, art etc.) by the members of a society. (Cegarra, 2012, p. 3) The intersubjective meaning which re-configures a reciprocal common-sense knowledge, that enables relationships (see Section 1.3.1), shapes the stock of knowledge, which is considered in this work to be the imaginaries’ paramount field of action. Imaginaries are located “as one of the forces regulating collective life” (Baczko, 1999, p. 28). Imaginaries re-configure the stock of knowledge enabling subjects to interiorize experiences, to share them and to objectivize them through the concretization of the abstract, for instance, through representation and exteriorization, through action and co-creation of meaning, facilitating pragmatic orientation in the everyday life-world. Imagination is “a collective social fact” (Appadurai, 1996/2005, p. 5) and force of meaning and practice. Therefore, one field of action and function of imaginaries is the re-configuration of the web of meaning that orients, directs and provides meaning to individuals within their multiple social lives. From different perspectives, researchers of the imaginaries share this view as regards a principal function of the imaginary.

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Sociologists Manuel Baeza23 and Juan Luis Pintos24 developed their approaches from a phenomenological and systemic perspective respectively. For Baeza, imaginaries are “institutionalized forms of significance taken by society in thinking, in expressing, in doing, in judging” (Baeza, 2011a, p. 33). Whereas in the systemic point of view of Pintos, “imaginaries are being25 socially constructed schemes, which allow us to perceive, explain and act, in what each differentiated social system considers to be reality” (Pintos, 2005, pp. 42-43). Within the stock of knowledge, the institutionalized imaginaries provide plausibility and allow agency in the pragmatic reality of the everyday life-world. Therefore, social imaginaries have social and material impacts (O’Reilly, 2014, p. 214). The following sub-sections discuss the main fields of action where imaginaries shape social life: the imaginary dimension of society (see Section 1.3.2.1), its role in legitimation (see Section 1.3.2.2), its influence on the stock of knowledge and its interplay with the construction of memory (see Section 1.3.2.3) which is crucial in order to understand the construction of culture and interculturality (see Section 1.3.2.4). All of these aspects have a component of power and legitimation which have a significant influence as regards shaping thinking and agency in social life (see Section 1.3.2.5). The last sub-section discusses the impact of the aforementioned in the identity-making process (see Section 1.3.2.6). These fields of action are entangled and are divided here for purposes of clarity only, linking other components observed from the perspective of the imaginaries.

23

24

25

Manuel Baeza (2008, 2011b, 2011a) binds together the concept of the social imaginary from a perspective of phenomenology and sociology of knowledge, discussing notions from Edmund Husserl, Alfred Schütz, Thomas Luckmann and Peter L. Berger. Juan Luis Pintos (1995, 1997, 2005, 2014) developed the notion of the social imaginary, combining it with Niklas Luhmann’s systemic theory. Empirically, Pintos created a theoreticalmethodological proposal within the categories of observation “relevance and opacity”, in order to observe social reality and operationalize social imaginaries. Using the metaphor of a camera lens, where what is “relevant” is visible to the lens and what is “irrelevant” as regards the context and situation remains out of sight, acquiring the condition of opacity. Thus, he applied the codes relevance/opacity in order to reveal imaginaries. While this is a valuable methodology as regards operationalizing an abstract notion such as the imaginaries, the risk in seeking to make it less abstract using binary terms is related to re-constructing dichotomization. The original quote in Spanish uses the verb in the gerund form (siendo) meaning being, instead of are. Being is used here to imply the dynamic and indeterminate character of the imaginaries.

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1.3.2.1

The Imaginary Dimension of Society

What a society establishes as real has an imaginary load which is deeply imprinted (Carretero-Pasin, 2003b, pp. 98-99). Cornelius Castoriadis26 understands society as an institution that resides in the social imaginary which “is a socially sanctioned, symbolic network in which a functional component and an imaginary component are combined in variable proportions and relations”27 (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 132). Castoriadis not only acknowledges the imaginary component in the construction of social life but also in the individuals’ agency to create, imagine and question institutionalized imaginaries, which exist on a social-historical basis (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, pp. 244-247). The institution of society is, for Castoriadis, “the institution of a magma of social imaginary significations, which we can and must call a world of significations” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 359). Those significations are social because they are instituted within a collective entity. They are imaginary significations, “because they 26

27

In Castoriadis’ book “The Imaginary Institution of Society” (1975/2005), the starting point of his approach was revising and criticizing Marxism (historical materialism, economic reductionism and determinism). He distanced himself from determinism and structural functionalism and brought the attention back to the relevance of the social-historical dimension of society where meaning, the symbolic and the imaginary are key elements. Castoriadis elaborated an ontology of creation theory that is interdisciplinary and combines perspectives from philosophy, sociology, politics, economics, history, psychology, anthropology and psychoanalysis. He argued for the concept of imagination in social life, developing the notions of the radical imaginary, social imaginary, social imaginary significances, alienation (heteronomy) and autonomy. Some of Castoriadis’ main theses regarding the socio-historical aspect of social imaginaries are relevant for this work because of his impact in the field of studies of the imaginaries. They are also relevant because of his recognition of the imaginary dimension of social life, social individuals as imaginative subjects, the social-historical dimension composed of the imaginary dimension of life as part of reality, the call to challenge inherited realities, and the agency of individuals to create new imaginaries and therefore transform their realities. Social life cannot be understood purely under a functional and rational approach. Castoriadis argued that a functionalist interpretation of society would lead to the question: “functional in relation to what and to what end?” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 136). The social as institution can only subsist because it relies on the symbolic dimension of reality. It is only due to the symbolical component that societies are able to come together and remain together. Nevertheless, the functional-economical component of societies is indispensable in order for them to subsist in terms of a functionalistic or organic view; if not, societies could not fulfill their vital “needs” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 131). However, these needs are in principle imagined (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, pp. 136-137), since “it is only relative to these significations that we can understand the ‘choice’ of symbolism made by every society, and in particular the choice of its institutional symbolism, as well as the ends to which it subordinates ‘functionality’” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 146). For Castoriadis’ review of functionalism and structuralism regarding the social-historical see Castoriadis (1975/2005, pp. 170-176).

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do not correspond to ‘rational’ or ‘real’ elements […] but they come into being by creation” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 68). The metaphor of the magma28 is used by Castoriadis to explain how “imaginary social significations” (ISS) flow, influence, construct and become internalized in the creation of social imaginaries that form the institution of society. Magma is therefore seen as a flowing stream of significations that nourishes the stock of knowledge of societies: ISS constitute the web of meanings that permeate, orient, and direct the whole life of the society, keeping its unity and internal cohesion. They give society norms, values, language, tools, procedures, and methods of doing and dealing with the world. These constitute a network of significations called “a magma of ISS” that is embodied in the institution of a given society. (Castoriadis, 1997, as cited in Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 55) Within ISS, the signification of life, meaning, identity and the symbolic provide schemes for individuals in societies to be able to identify with and recognize themselves in others, ISS therefore serves as a cohesion bond of legitimized imaginaries.

1.3.2.2

The Imaginaries as Source of Legitimation

Social imaginaries serve as mechanisms that not only produce meaning, in the sense of flows of significations, but also legitimize meaning in the stock of common-sense knowledge that functions to establish reality, normality, relevance and plausibility that orients and directs individuals in their everyday life-world. In the words of Charles Taylor, the social imaginary is “that common understanding that makes possible common practices and a widely shared sense of legitimacy” (Taylor, 2004, p. 23). In this regard, Taylor’s definition of the social imaginary is not that far from the conception of Baeza, Pintos and Castoriadis in the sense that the imaginary constitutes “those” schemes of meaning that links and brings societies together. However, Taylor, Baeza and Pintos relate the concept to “the hermeneutics of everyday life” (Gaonkar, 2002, p. 10). Taylor’s arguments are based on the social imaginaries instead of on social theory since he sees the imaginary as something much wider and profound than cognitive schemes expressed in theory. Therefore, the focus is “[…] on the way ordinary 28

With the understanding of the magma, Castoriadis sought to overcome determinism and rationalism: “What we seek to understand is the mode of being of what gives itself before identitary or ensemblist logic is imposed; what gives itself in this way in this mode of being, we are calling a magma” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 343). Magma as mode of being “is essentially indeterminate and rules out the possibility of total determinacy. It is neither structured as such into distinct, identical items and finite mutual relations, nor is it completely chaotic or shapeless.” (Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 44). For the discussion of this metaphor in regards to the role of power and the imaginaries see Section 1.3.2.5.

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people ‘imagine’ their social surroundings, and this is often not expressed in theoretical terms, but is carried in images, stories, and legends […]. Theory is often the possession of a small minority, whereas what is interesting in the social imaginary is that it is shared by large groups of people, if not the whole society” (Taylor, 2004, p. 23).29 Linking this approach with the everyday life-world (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991), the imaginary incorporates “a sense of the normal expectations that we have for each other, the kind of common understanding that enables us to carry out the collective practices that make up our social life” (Taylor, 2004, p. 24). In that sense, imaginaries are in part normative and factual regarding the understanding of “how we all fit together”. There is the expectation of how things usually go, interwoven with an idea of how they should go, in order that the practices are recognized as valid (Taylor, 2004, p. 24). It can therefore be stated that one field of action of the imaginaries is their function as a source that legitimates, unifies and nourishes collectivities, through social significations that shape systems of orientation, allowing for social cohesion in the sense of “the cement” of societies (Carretero-Pasin, 2003b, p. 99; Maffesoli, 2003; Rathje, 2009).

1.3.2.3

Imaginaries, the Stock of Knowledge and the Construction of Memory

It has been shown in this work that imaginaries act as the forces re-configuring the stock of knowledge, which is intersubjective and serves as a shared, socially legitimized matrix of meaning that influences individuals’ perceptions and agency. The matrix of significations functions as a source of social cohesion, shaping collective life and identity. Imagining social life is connected with the acknowledged dimensions of time (Baeza, 2011a, pp. 36-37). One of the fields of action of imaginaries “consists in organization and mastering of collective time on the symbolic level” (Baczko, 1999, p. 30). Imaginaries intervene actively in collective memory in the way the past and history is imagined (Beriain et al., 2007). “Memory is the faculty that enables us to form an awareness of selfhood (identity), both on the personal and on the collective level. Identity, in its turn is related to time” (Assmann, 2008, p. 109). Not only the past is imagined and remembered in certain dominant manners, but imaginaries

29

Berger and Luckmann (1966/1991, p. 13) discuss the difference between “the philosopher” and “the man in the street” arguing that they inhabit the “real world” differently: the latter “knows what is real to him”, and the former looks at “what is real?, how is one to know?”. Thus, Taylor (2004) locates the field of action of social imaginaries by referring to how “ordinary people” imagine collective life, which is not an area that can be theoretically grasped.

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also influence the imagination of the future, “the projection of hopes and collective dreams” (Baczko, 1999, p. 30). The Egyptologist Jan Assmann (1995, 2008) examines collective memory,30 identifying its cultural character. He therefore suggests the differentiation between “cultural memory” and “communicative memory”, because the latter lacks cultural characteristics (Assmann, 1995, p. 126). Following Assmann’s perspective, it is possible to establish the basis for understanding the interrelation between imaginaries, culture and identity. It is in the everyday life communication where Assmann locates communicative memory, which is characterized by a high-degree of non-specialization, “not formalized or stabilized by any forms of material symbolization; it lives in everyday interaction and communication” (Assmann, 2008, p. 111). It is disorganized, thematically unstable, with reciprocity of roles in the sense that at least two interlocutors exchange roles as listener and speaker. The most significant characteristic of communicative memory is its limited temporal horizon, between 80 to 100 years into the past, which is the equivalent of three or four generations (Assmann, 1995, p. 127). This manner of interaction is mediated through social imaginaries in the everyday life that allows pragmatic action, as has already been discussed.31 The force of the “non-conscious” assures the link between time and space in the everyday life (Maffesoli, 1996, pp. 125-126). This dynamism means that there is no fixation in time. The fixation occurs through the institutionalization of dominant imaginaries that remain as memory, leading to cultural formation. Thus, the ISS re-configure the stock of knowledge, which is crucial in the institutionalization of social interactions. They also reconfigure the socio-historical context that shapes the present reality and that serves as a structural basis in which dominant imaginaries constitute the guiding framework (see Section 1.3.2.1). In this sense, cultural memory “is based on fixed points in the past” (Assmann, 2008, p. 113) and is institutionalized and therefore structuralized. Cultural memory is constructed from the connection between time, identity, and memory in different poles within three dimensions of the personal, the social, and the cultural and the elements of time, identity and memory (Assmann, 2008, pp. 110-113) (see Table 1).

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Assmann rethinks the concept of historian Aby Warburg and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs, whose “great achievement [was] to show that memory depends, like consciousness in general, on socialization and communication, and that memory can be analyzed as a function of our social life” (Assmann, 2008, p. 109). Assmann does not refer to social imaginaries. He references the work of Maurice Halbwachs on collective memory arguing that communication is socially mediated, conceiving a common image of the past (see Assmann, 1995, p. 127).

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Table 1: Levels of Time, Identity and Memory Level

Time

Identity

Memory

Inner (neuromental)

Inner, subjective time

Inner self

Individual memory

Social

Social time

Social self, person as Fcarrier of social roles

Communicative memory

Cultural

Historical, mythical, cultural time

Cultural identity

Cultural memory

Note. Assmann (2008, p. 109).

Cultural memory is stable and situation-transcendent (Assmann, 2008, pp. 110111) configuring the temporal horizon by means of “figures of memory”, which are significant past events maintained and transformed into cultural formation through objectivation and exteriorization referred to as “islands of time”. Islands of time are all the “materialized” objectivation and representation related to the significant past events shaping memory, such as texts, monuments, artifacts, rituals, festivals, traditions, images, poems etc. (Assmann, 1995, p. 129). It can be said that collective memory, understood as communicative and cultural memory, denotes the ongoing fluctuation between institutionalizing and institutionalized, fixation and dynamism (Assmann, 1995, 2008), and process and structure (Bolten, 2014b, 2020), and its interplay with elements such as power, the construction of time, identity and culture, that influence the permanence of institutionalized forms. The dominant imaginaries that act as institutionalized cultural memory influence not only the agency of subjects within the different fields of action they belong to and act within. Furthermore, dominant imaginaries surpass the subject and transcend the group itself. As (Maffesoli, 1996) argues from an imaginary perspective, whether seen as an emotion, sentiment, mythology or ideology: the collective sensibility, by superseding the atomization of the individual, creates the conditions necessary for a sort of aura that characterizes a certain period: the theological aura of the Middle Ages, the political aura of the eighteenth century or the progressive aura of the nineteenth. We might possibly be witnessing the development of an aesthetic aura containing varying proportions of elements related to the communal drive, mystical propensity or an ecological perspective. (Maffesoli, 1996, p. 13) Each historical period, through diverse social groups,32 influences the re-configuration of imaginaries establishing socially transmitted and legitimate meaning that

32

Here referring to social groups that achieved the institutionalization of their imaginaries whether through power or through practices that managed to impact on those with power.

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shape what is imagined as collective shared history that impacts the formation of identity: […] [and] gives a specific orientation to every institutional system, which overdetermines the choice and the connections of symbolic networks, which is the creation of each historical period, its singular manner of living, of seeing and of conduction of its own existence. Its world and its relations with this world, this originary structuring component, this central signifying-signified, the source of that which presents itself in every instance as an indisputable and undisputed meaning, the basis for articulating what does matter and what does not, the origin of the surplus of being of the objects of practical, affective and intellectual investment, whether individual or collective – is nothing other than the imaginary of the society or of the period considered. (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 145)

1.3.2.4

Approaching Culture and Interculturality from the Perspective of the Imaginaries

Culture is a concept with multiple definitions depending on the discipline (KriegelSchmidt, 2012, p. 165). There is therefore no ultimate definition of culture (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 37). Culture has been traditionally approached from a paradigm of coherence,33 where homogeneity, fixation and unifying characteristics have shaped institutionalized dominant imaginaries “of internal uniformity” (Rathje, 2009, p. 35), re-configuring an essentialist view of culture, which has been related mostly to national and ethnic attributes. This has been the argument of scholars wanting to distance themselves from this understanding of culture or cultural beliefs, finding the notion of imaginaries attractive to evoke a concept of dynamism and heterogeneity. Consequently, the notions “culture” and “imaginaries” have been mistakenly viewed as more or less synonymous, understanding imaginaries as “just culture or cultural knowledge in new clothes” (Strauss, 2006, p. 322).34

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For perspectives that approach social imaginaries based on the notions of utopia and ideology see Adams (2017); Baczko (1999); Ricoeur (1994). For an overview of the discussion of culture from the paradigm of coherence see Rathje (2009). The critique that anthropologist Claudia Strauss (2006) raises (mostly regarding the application of imaginary in anthropology) is significant in terms of highlighting the uses of trendy terms without defining them or even referencing other works on the imaginary. I agree to some extent with her argument that we should differentiate between imaginaries and culture and cultural belief as well as the need to study imaginaries from a person-centered perspective, based on “real people”, as indeed this research does. Nevertheless, I disagree with some of her interpretations regarding Castoriadis’ approach, which is indeed too abstract and complex but does not ignore the role of the individual. For Castoriadis, individuals are agents that can achieve change because of their capacity of imagination. This is a second as-

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Similar discussions involve the term “interculturality”. Its definition is intrinsically related to how culture is conceived, which leads one to find approaches that are based on the paradigm of coherence (Rathje, 2007, 2009), on essentialism (Holliday, 2011), and that end up focusing on comparing “cultures” viewed as national cultures (Bolten, 2007/2018).35 In this work, culture and interculturality are approached from the perspective of the imaginaries, identifying the theoretical analogy among these concepts but arguing that imaginaries are not a synonym of culture or cultural beliefs, but rather that these are interrelated and interdependent. Their deep interconnection must be acknowledged and explored, and therefore it can be said that culture and interculturality are shaped by imaginary significations which orient the thinking and doing of agents. In other words, imaginaries re-configure the web of knowledge and meaning that shape dominant imaginaries that form culture, as well as emergent imaginaries that can be viewed as interculturality (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: Approaching Culture and Interculturality from the Perspective of the Ongoing Dynamic of the Imaginaries

Note. Compiled by author, based on Assmann (1995, 2008), Bolten (2007/2018, 2020), Castoriadis (1975/2005); Rathje (2009).

 

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pect of the imaginaries besides their field of action concerning common-sense-knowledge that binds people together – beyond dominant imaginaries as “bounded or self-identified groups” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 323) as their productive force, through creation and innovation. Therefore, this work seeks to acknowledge the interplay between the agent and the social levels and the interplay within the institutionalizing and institutionalized dialectic. For further analysis of the development of interculturality and its different approaches see Bolten (2020).

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  In this sense, the perspective of the Kulturwissenschaftler (cultural theorist) Jürgen Bolten (2007/2018, 2020) is helpful to understand culture and interculturality, overcoming the need to define the terms in order to better focus on their functions and mechanisms (Bolten, 2014b). Bolten proposes that one approaches culture and interculturality from an “experiment of perspectives” acknowledging its characteristics of relationality, processuality and relativity (Bolten, 2014c, p. 29) according to each situation and context. Structure refers to “homogeneous totality” and process to “dynamic differences” (Bolten, 2014b, p. 85). That is, to recognize the structures of the collectives and their dominant imaginary in which certain cultures imagine themselves as homogeneous, separated and different. Incorporating a processual perspective acknowledges the dynamic interconnection between multiple collectives that are entangled, fuzzy and heterogeneous. Achieving different perspectives is possible through the zooming method (Bolten, 2001, 2014b, 2014a, 2007/2018; Zeutschel, 2016) in which it is necessary to observe at a macro level by zooming out (as if with a magnifying glass) to a greater distance showing a broad spectrum of homogeneous units that appear as generalizing categorizations and typifications that could also be seen as stereotypes. Stereotypes are fossilized images (Bolten, 2007/2018, pp. 102-108) that can be helpful to provide orientation and guidance in the highly complex reality that is not humanly possible to view individually but as “types and generalities, as an individual’s realm of direct experience remains limited” (Lenehan, 2016, p. 14). However, the main difference between generalization and stereotypes “is the relationship of stereotypes to emotionality. Stereotypes are generalizations ‘in which emotional components dominate, they are emotionally loaded, indeed this emotional load obviously represents their most important information content’” (Hahn, 2002, as cited in Lenehan, 2016, p. 16). Stereotyping, classifying by naming “creates the illusion of precision in defining and evaluating other people” (Pickering, 2001, as cited in Höijer, 2011, p. 8). It can be said that imaginaries are not synonyms of representations and stereotypes but rather that they are deeply related in their function of sedimentation, when imaginaries become dominant. Imaginary is not an “image of”, it is an incessant and indeterminate ongoing creation of significations that are supported by figures and images, that are attached to the symbolic (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 238). Zooming out observation has to be complemented with zooming in observation, which focuses on the micro level and which allows one to observe in detail heterogeneity as poly- and multi-collectivity within its multi- and poly-relationality by recognizing the interconnection and reciprocity between all (Bolten, 2014b,

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pp. 97-98).36 Otherwise, the risk is that only generalizations and stereotypes are observed and this can evolve into prejudice. The starting point for Bolten is to look back at the etymological roots in Latin of the terms culture – colere (cultivate) – and communication – communicare (to share, to do something in common) – in order to understand their reciprocal interrelation as the “cultivation of relations” (Bolten, 2014b, p. 97). In this sense, cultures are established through communication and reciprocities, where agents cultivate reciprocal relations interconnected within four fields of action: the natural (agriculture, cultivation); the imaginative, giver of meaning, spiritual (cult, cultura Dei);37 the individual with the self (cultura animi) and the social (colonus, socio-culture) (Bolten, 2007/2018, pp. 38-40). Bolten points out the different understandings of the concept of culture, its logics, principles, assumptions and implications. Culture is approached from limited and broad perspectives. The latter is divided into closed and open understandings (Bolten, 2007/2018, pp. 42-55) (see Figure 2). The limited sense has its origin in the Kantian distinction between culture and civilization, where culture is conceived as referring to “the beautiful, the truth and the good”, and also relates to the fine arts, hence the link to “having culture” and “being cultured”, “cultivated or educated” as opposed to being non-cultured or noneducated (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 42; Grimson, 2011, p. 56). The broader sense of the understanding of culture follows the notions of the “life-world” and the “everyday life-world” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991; Schütz & Luckmann, 1973) (see Section 1.3.1). Here culture is viewed as what is known, taken as normal and plausible, and that enables agents to establish routines in the taken-for-granted reality of the everyday life. Thus, culture is concretized, structured knowledge in the complex reality (Bolten, 2007/2018, pp. 43-44). The broad-closed sense of the concept of culture, based on the logic of coherence (Rathje, 2009), understands cultures as homogeneous units isolated from each other with clear and rigid borders, in the sense of “containers” (Beck, 1997/2008,

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The application of these observational tools implies an intense level of reflection in individuals that is difficult to apply in each situation and context in which they interact, precisely because of the routine “automatic” agency of individuals. Some measures to generate this reflection and knowledge are intercultural trainings, for instance on awareness and intercultural competence (seen as the ability to create familiarity in unknown situations), if they are based on the logic of cohesion. If trainings are based on the logic of coherence, they risk reproducing stereotyped thinking by focusing on differences instead of synergies due to multicollectivity (see Bolten, 2001, 2012, 2015, 2016; Rathje, 2007, 2011). In this approach one specific field of action appears as the provider of Sinn in the imaginative field of action. Here can be argued that meaning Sinn and imaginaries shape all other fields of action enabling then imaginaries of nature, imaginaries of the social, imaginaries within the self.

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Figure 2: Different Understandings of Culture

Note. Compiled by author, based on Bolten (2007/2018, p. 46).

pp. 60-62; Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 44) (see Figure 3). This understanding highlights the unitary character of each container: “a nation, a language, a religion, a culture”, where its contents are imagined as homogeneous, static and natural.38 Based on the logic of coherence, interculturality is understood as a collision between worlds, in which there is an unusual and unknown situation where confusion is experienced in the face of the Other, imagined as different and essentialized. Interculturality is associated with the creation of intercultural conflicts or misunderstandings (Rathje, 2014), as well as with the comparison and contrast of cultures as containers, having as a result the production of a substantiating, solidifying and fixating effect that leads to institutionalization and typification (Bolten, 2007/2018). From this perspective, it is observed that interculturality is produced via the interactions between culture A and culture B in the context of a “third” C which is self-delimited and isolated between cultures A and B as well as outside both of them (Bolten, 2015, p. 268) (see Figure 4). From these interactions, the differences between culture A and culture B acquire greater relevance through the perpetuation of an imaginary border where the content of the distinction is not relevant but its existence is, delimiting differentiation among groups (Barth, 1976). This logic operates with the “either/or” 38

For example, the nation-state is often viewed in this manner. This issue is discussed further in Section 1.4.2.

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Figure 3: Coherence-Based and Cohesion-Based Concepts of Culture

Note. Adapted from Rathje (2007, p. 263).

Figure 4: Coherence-Based View of Intercultural Interaction

Note. Compiled by author, adapted from Rathje (2007, p. 264).

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(Entweder-oder) principle of belonging. In other words, it could be interpreted as belonging “either to one culture or to the other culture” (Bolten, 2015, pp. 270-271). The understanding of culture in a broad-open sense recognizes diversity, complexity, flexibility, plurality, multi-collectivity and poly-collectivity, as well as multirelationality and poly-relationality. Bolten refers to the “multi-collectivity (Multikollektivität) of individuals”, alluding to the term used by culture theorist Klaus P. Hansen (2009b, 2010) who states that a collective is constituted through a “partial commonality” (2010, p. 74) among individuals who interact and are members of different collectives such as family, school, church, sport organization, and even a nation (referred to as roof-collective). Because these collectives are numerous, he calls it poly-collectivity (Polykollektivität) (Hansen, 2009b, p. 11) (see Figure 5).39 These collectives are interconnected and characterized therefore as multirelationality (Multirelationalität) and poly-relationality (Polyrelationalität) due to their reciprocal nature and the ongoing dynamic of structure and process (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 50).

Figure 5: Multi-collectivity

Note. “n” means others. Compiled by author, adapted from Rathje (2015, p. 21).

This understanding is based on the logic of cohesion (Rathje, 2009), that is, the cohesive union of the various groups is recognized (see Figures 5 and 6).40 This

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For further reading on the distinction of different degrees of collectives see Hansen (2009a). For further reading about the use of the term collective in different disciplines see Jammal (2015). Bolten (2015, p. 268) explains the term cohesion as being analogous to physical processes, for example that of water with the cohesive union of molecules.

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perspective approaches culture as consisting of open and interconnected networks which are complex, dynamic and plurivalent with fuzzy borders (Bolten, 2013). It recognizes differentiation but focuses on synergy. From the perspective of anthropologist Alejandro Grimson (2011, p. 134), borders are porous, they can move, be erased and drawn again, but they cannot disappear since they are constitutive of all social life. Individuals have multiple belongings in several fields of action, which are also open and interconnected life-worlds. As an open network, the different life-worlds influence each other, while re-building others. Between the agents and their lifeworlds there are reciprocal relationships of varying intensity (Bolten, 2014b). Each cultural context has a system of meanings and orientations where codes, values and rules create normality, plausibility, meaning and relevance therein (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 58; Schütz & Luckmann, 1989). In each context, the social agents navigate in the various groups as fields of action, which are re-activated according to the interaction, context, situation and relevance in which they find themselves (Rathje, 2014). Although not all people assume or follow these “social norms”, they are at least familiar with the social structures in the environment in which they live and therefore act (or in a reflexive way they know why they act) in a certain way according to the context (Bolten, 2014b). From this perspective, an intercultural context refers to the interactions that are structured either in an unknown way or with partial knowledge. In other words, to experience interculturality is to interact in predominant “unknown” situations, where agency is shaped by “insecurity” due to the lack of sharing common-sense knowledge in the stock of knowledge, not being able to act in the “taken-for-granted attitude”, not being able to know established routines, nor to find plausibility and normality (see Figure 6). Therefore, in order to interact in an interculturally competent way, one needs to “create culture” (understood as known diversity) in an intercultural context (of unknown diversity) (Bolten, 2014b, p. 102). That is, to “culturalize” is the process in which the predominant unknown becomes familiar, normal, usual, plausible and meaningful to the parties, but it is not something eternally lasting (Rathje, 2007). The ways of interacting change because they are dynamic, although some processes are slower than others. The risk of culturalizing lies in the process of homogenizing, hardening and categorizing in a static way, ignoring the dynamism, flexibility and diversity, both individual and social (Bolten, 2001, 2014a). Bolten (2007/2018, p. 114) differentiates between multiculturality I, referring to separation among groups, and multiculturality II, which refers to integration as coexistence in the sense of “side by side”. Multiculturality I and II are linked to a perspective of structure. Finally, multiculturality III or interculturality is processoriented and refers to cohesion, to a type of togetherness: in it, an open network, collaboration and inclusion takes place.

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Figure 6: Cohesion-Based View of Intercultural Interactions and the Imaginaries

Note. Compiled by author, adapted from Rathje (2007, p. 264, 2015, p. 21).

In the observation exercise that Bolten suggests, one can note different degrees between culture and interculturality (structure and process). These are dependent on and from different perspectives, acknowledging the ongoing process-structural dynamic, which places the focus on the degree of processuality and structure of specific interactions depending on each context and situation (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 11). Considering the assemblage of functions, logics, principles and dynamisms, it can be said that the approach to culture and interculturality is holistic (Bolten, 2014b). Achieving a “change of perspectives” enables one to surpass the dichotomies based on binary logics between belonging “to one culture or to another” (either/or principle), and to recognize poly-collectivity and multi-collectivity, that is, the possibility of multiple belongings “both… and” (one and the other principle) (Sowohlals-auch), reaching a multivalent and fuzzy perspective with the principle “Both ‘either one or the other’ and ‘one and the other’” (Sowohl Entweder-oder als auch Sowohlals-auch) (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 53).41 The presented logics, principles and elements have an implication as regards identity. Before elucidating that point, it is necessary first to discuss the role of 41

The exercise of perspectives is also suggested by scholar Stefanie Rathje (2009), who proposes that culture be analyzed using the four-field matrix that includes the collective and individual perspective in the approach to culture.

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power in the configuration of imaginaries. It will thus be possible to have a better understanding regarding how all the fields of actions of the imaginaries presented here shape identity (see Section 1.3.2.6).

1.3.2.5

The Role of Power and the Imaginaries

As we have already seen, imaginaries are dynamic constructs that fluctuate in an ongoing process into institutionalized and institutionalizing forms. As institutionalized legitimized schemes, they provide a hegemonic and dominant reading of social life. Individuals interact in diverse fields of action of imposed hegemonic, socialized and legitimized meaning (Baeza, 2011b, p. 33; Cegarra, 2012, p. 5) that constitute social structure, essential to make their everyday life-world plausible (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991). The social position of the person, their biography and life experiences influence their view of the world. Common-sense knowledge is historically given and socially imposed (Luckmann, 1980a, p. 127, as cited in Luckmann, 2008, p. 21).42 Therefore, imaginaries are linked and produced within the socio-historical dimension (Castoriadis, 1975/2005), which is influenced by hegemonic readings and supported by cultural memory through the fixation of time and chosen figures of memory (Assmann, 1995, 2008). Subjects find themselves in a taken-for-granted status embedded in institutionalized ways of being and acting. Their agency is between autonomy and heteronomy (Castoriadis, 1975/2005) in a social context amidst processes and structures (Bolten, 2007/2018). The establishment of dominant imaginaries is interconnected with power, materialized through/in discourses, symbols, attitudes and legitimated knowledge. “All power is surrounded by representations, symbols, emblems etc. that magnify and legitimize it and need to ensure its protection” (Baczko, 1999, p. 8). An example of this is the institutionalized dominant imaginaries that pursue the logic of coherence, such as the traditional view of the nation-state. From a Foucaultian perspective (1968, 1971, 1969/1979), the workings of power are bound together in every society forming discourses and knowledge. Knowledge 42

Regarding internalization through socialization, it is possible to find commonalities between the perspectives of Berger and Luckmann and Bourdieu in regard to primary socialization and secondary socialization, although Bourdieu refers to primary habitus and secondary habitus. Both perspectives recognize, firstly, socialization in childhood and the realities in which an individual is embedded, and secondly, that knowledge is acquired through new experiences. While Berger and Luckmann acknowledge that in the second socialization there is “some division of labor […] and some social distribution of knowledge” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 158), in Bourdieu’s perspective, the stratified society and accumulation of different forms of capital such as economic, social and cultural play a major role (see Bourdieu, 1986, 1979/1996).

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is constituted through power and vice versa influencing the subject’s thinking and doing as well as their identification with the self and the Others, since discourse shapes what people in societies consider as reality or the truth. Bourdieu’s perspective regarding symbolic power is also helpful in order to understand the constitution of: the given through utterances, of making people see and believe, of confirming or transforming the vision of the world and thereby, action on the world and thus the world itself […] it is defined in and through a given relation between those who exercise power and those who submit to it, i.e. in the very structure of the field in which belief is produced and reproduced. (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 170)43 Bourdieu’s notion is related to the position of agents in fields of action depending also on their economic, social and cultural capital in a stratified society. Cultural capital is understood as “what you have and what you know” and exists in three forms: it is embodied, objectified and institutionalized. The first refers to the qualities and skills that an individual has; the second depends on the material belongings and the third on its institutionalization through qualifications and credentials legitimized through awards or university titles. Social capital could be understood as “who you know” in terms of social relationships and social networks (Bourdieu, 1986, 1979/1996). “Habitus is not only the product of structures and producer of practices, but it is also the reproducer of structures” (Power, 1999, p. 49). Subjects acting within institutionalized imaginaries risk becoming alienated (Castoriadis, 1975/2005) inside the taken-for-granted reality. “Knowledge is a social product and knowledge is a factor in social change” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991, p. 104).

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For an analysis of similarities and differences in the approaches to power of Bourdieu and Foucault see Gečienė (2002).

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Although individuals have a certain freedom to act and create44 new plausibilities, they are tied to and dependent on institutionalized social structures, based on hegemonic social imaginaries deeply rooted in practices and schemes of meaning, incarnated in strong structures making them difficult to evolve (Bolten, 2014a; Castoriadis, 1975/2005). Nevertheless, these are not deterministic. Social imaginaries are not unchangeable nor historically permanent, but the role of power and legitimation play a crucial role in the creation and durability of institutionalized imaginaries, the construction of social life through practices and shared meaning among agents (O’Reilly, 2014, p. 234). According to Castoriadis (1975/2005), autonomy can be achieved by individuals questioning their realities: How are these constructed? Why and by whom?45 Individuals need to question their taken-for-granted status tied to dominant imagi44

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In Cornelius Castoriadis’ terms, the dimension of the radical imaginary. For Castoriadis, the imaginary is composed of the radical imaginary (RI) and the social imaginary. The RI or primary imaginary has the capability to create, invent and innovate. The RI is understood “as a condition for the subject to represent its reality and create institutions; it is also a precondition for the subject to become conscious of already being representation, a social creation that can be put into question and can transform him or herself and their institutions” (Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 67). For the RI, Castoriadis uses the notion of psyche understood as representation in Freudian understanding and reworks the concept, defining it “as a permanent flux of representation, affect, and intention not subject to determinacy” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 274; Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 35). This implies the subjects’ faculty to create, innovate and self-reflect. RI is therefore an “immanent condition, faculty or property of the psyche, present before any organization of the drives or any ‘real’ experience, and thanks to which the human being can create his/her individual and social reality” (Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 42). For Castoriadis, the psyche cannot subsist if it is not socialized. RI is undetermined and creative. Castoriadis’ vision is indeed controversial with regard to the forms of creation, linked to the concepts of RI and creations ex nihilo, which I will argue is difficult to grasp due to his rhetoric. Regarding the discussion of the RI, it is important to note that Castoriadis engaged in a discussion and explanation of his theoretical perspective, highlighting the connections between the different domains of individuals, recognizing psychological and biological ones, which at times might be interpreted as essentialist. Nevertheless, Castoriadis did distance himself from determinism and essentialism. Overall, when raising these concerns, we need to keep in mind that Castoriadis’ theory seeks to break from rationalistic logics and therefore, he is presenting these concepts from another perspective and another logic. Having said that, this debate and focus that relies more on psychoanalysis and epistemological fields are not the subject of this work. For more explanations regarding Castoriadis’ perspective of the human psyche, see Chapter 6 “The Social-Historical Institution: Individuals and Things” (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, pp. 300-308). For instance, through questioning the mythologies that form part of social structures through collective memory. An example of this are the works of sociologist Michel Maffesoli (2009) examining post-modern idolatries, the work of historian Enrique Florescano (1995/2005) reflecting on Mexican mythologies that shape Mexicanness and the work of anthropologist Alejandro Grimson (2012/2018) reflecting on Argentine mythomania.

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naries in order to prevent alienation and be able to create social change by creating new imaginaries or by setting up emergent imaginaries. Therefore, the institutionalizing dynamic of the imaginaries functions as a motor nourishing knowledge that is modifiable and adjustable. Imaginaries are mediums for social transformation (Baeza, 2011a, p. 35). Imaginaries acknowledge the force of creativity and invention (Appadurai, 1996/2005; Castoriadis, 1975/2005), enabling the re-configuration of new plausibilities. However, the ongoing dynamic and institutionalizing process presented as emergent, active and creative imaginaries could become institutionalized, dominant and recognized by individuals and groups (see Figure 7). Hence, the notion of total emancipation and autonomy might be considered idealistic, since individuals act in some sort of institutionalized field of action depending on context and situation. Nevertheless, the question resides in what elements would become dominant imaginaries and by whom, for whom and where they would become significant as paramount realities.46 Combining the theoretical perspectives presented thus far enables one to identify an analogous theoretical relationship that can be summarized in the ongoing process between institutionalization-institutionalizing, dominant-emergent, fixation-dynamism and structure-process. These processes can be described by alluding to three models from diverse contexts but which all refer to geological metaphors: that of magma by Castoriadis (1975/2005) (see Section 1.3.2.1), the dune model by Bolten (2001, 2014a, 2007/2018) and the third one by Grimson (2011). The former can be interpreted as magma erupting from a volcano, where its strength implies the flow of Imaginary Social Significations (ISS) (see Figure 7). The process entails that the magma would eventually become solid, would turn into rocks, and with time might erode into dust. In the second model, Bolten (2001, 2014a, 2007/2018) uses a sand-dune as a metaphor regarding the different perspectives for observing and referring to cultures, acknowledging the interactive ongoing dynamic between process and structure. In a sand-dune, there is on the one hand a base built on a strong sand sediment, which is used here to describe hegemonic rules with a more solid binding structure through conventionalization. On the other hand, the tip of the sanddune is unstable and unfixed, referring to the changeability of process. The middle

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The idea behind the creation of “new” imaginaries while questioning dominant ones that are created under the logic of certain groups of power would be to create new plausibilities. For instance, in a situation where a dominant imaginary is to discriminate persons with certain attributes (for example, Indigenous people in Mexico), the goal would be to set up an emergent imaginary of respect, horizontality and recognition of diversity that could be transformed into a dominant imaginary.

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Figure 7: The Imaginaries’ Ongoing Process Involving Both Institutionalizing and Institutionalized

Note. Compiled by author, based on Castoriadis, 1997 (as cited in Tovar Restrepo, 2012, p. 55).

point refers to an area between structure and process, for instance acknowledging cultural styles which are present and dynamic, but which are not generalizable practices (see Figure 8). The last model refers to anthropologist Alejandro Grimson (2011, p. 167) who also invokes a geological vocabulary to describe the process of sedimentation, erosions and corrosive actions. Grimson (2011, pp. 160-169) suggests that the extremity of the viewpoints – developed in the social sciences’ debate in the last thirty years – whether from an extremist view of essentialism or from an extremist and superficial perspective of constructivism – has led to blindness when it comes to recognizing both poles in social phenomena. Therefore, the three metaphors presented share a holistic view that acknowledges both extremes and their interconnection, seen as an ongoing fluctuation between, on the one hand, the structure, the fixed, institutionalized and dominant within the metaphor of the sediment – firm and harder to evolve. It is here where power and hierarchy are manifested, in the legitimation of an institutionalized hegemonic taken-for-granted reading of life. On the other hand, one finds the volatile, loose “shifting sands”, the fluid magma of meanings and the erosions that

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Figure 8: The Structure of the Dune Model of Culture

Note. Adapted from Bolten (2014a, p. 4).

evokes the instituting process of orientation, where creation and imagination also play a role in the re-configuration of emergent imaginaries (see Figures 8 and 9). As well as the field of actions of the imaginaries being a component of the institution of society, a source of legitimacy, an influencer on the construction of time, memory, shaping culture and interculturality, the role that power plays in the configuration of hegemonic dominant imaginaries has also been discussed here, where imaginaries are also a motor for social change. These elements are entangled and located in an ongoing fluctuation depending on context and situation. With the exercise of observation, it is possible to observe them, acknowledging their interdependence. Having described those elements, it is important to conclude this section discussing the implications for identity.

1.3.2.6

Implications for the Identity-Making Process

The discussed logics of coherence and cohesion (Rathje, 2009) have implications in the observation of the dynamic between culture and interculturality, as well as the dynamic between what is approached as “the own” and known with “the foreign” and “the Other” and its implication for the identity-making process.47 47

Although these aspects have been discussed previously in the sub-sections, it is important to link them to the identity-making process. Therefore, I reexamine some considerations re-

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Figure 9: The Ongoing Dynamic of the Imaginaries

Note. Created by author.

Based on the logic of coherence, identity is understood as single, fixed and homogeneous under the “either/or” principle of belonging “either to a culture or to the other culture” (Bolten, 2015, pp. 270-271), where the motto of having “one culture, one identity” prevails. This logic is found, for example in nationalist speeches that seek coherence, as well as in certain narratives of people, for instance in the life stories of migrants that seek the security of belonging to “a culture”.48 The interplay between time, identity and memory at the personal, social and cultural levels plays a role in the sense of belonging to a group and identification of configuring identity as a “we”. “A group bases its consciousness of unity and specificity upon this knowledge and derives formative and normative impulses from it, which allows the group to reproduce its identity. In this sense, objectivized culture has the structure of memory” (Assmann, 1995, p. 128) (see Section 1.3.2.3). Based on the logic of cohesion and its recognition of multi-collectivity, identity(ies) is/are understood as multiple, fuzzy and variable depending on context and situation (Bolten, 2007/2018; Layes, 2003; Rathje, 2014; Sen, 2006; Ziebertz & Herbert, 2009; Zubero, 2003).49 Identity is collectively constituted, we are to the extent

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garding the logics of cohesion and coherence and their principles. While I am aware that there is the risk of some repetition, my aim is to clarify the thematic connections. This aspect is analyzed in Chapters 4 and 5. In this sense, it is also approached as hybrid identity (see Hammerschmidt, 2018; Hein, 2006). With regards to hybridization (see Pieterse, 1995), especially from a Latin American perspective, the notion of cultural hybridization in the sense of the mixture of traditional, modern, popular, massive and the “cultured” has been looked at by Néstor García Canclini (1990).

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that we exist with others (Zubero, 2003). Thus, identity is constructed dialogically in a continuous negotiation between the self and Others (Conti, 2012, pp. 122-123). In the logic of cohesion, the principle “one and the other” (Bolten, 2007/2018) predominates. Thus, one can belong “to one collective and to other collectives” that also shape identity while agency might differ depending on each cultural context. Since individuals as subjects are caught between autonomy and heteronomy (Castoriadis, 1975/2005), memberships of certain collectives might be imposed or the result of a “free” choice (Rathje, 2014; Sen, 2006) (see Section 1.3.2.5). The understanding concerning the principle of “both ‘either one or the other’ and ‘one and the other’” (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 53) implies oscillating between cohesion – multi-collectivity shaping multiple identities, fuzziness – but also coherence – dominant imaginaries, where collectives as containers function as hegemonic “providers of identity”. These have been fixed through cultural memory and history, creating a narrative of a common story of individuals shaping the “imaginal world” (Maffesoli, 2003, p. 153), which is constituted by links that are configured around shared images and emotions with others. These links act as a sort of collective magnet, where the shared images and emotions engage people on the basis of empathy rather than in a rational contract. These links provide individuals with a vast set of common ideas, collective identification, senses and emotions in different areas. Castoriadis (1975/2005) argues that [individuals] in societies ask and answer in a metaphorical fashion the main philosophical questions that will contribute to the creation of identity50 as well as to differentiate themselves from others: “Who are we as a group? What do we want? Where are we going?” (pp. 146-147). Without the “answer” to these “questions”, without these “definitions”, there can be no human world, no society, no culture – for everything would be an undifferentiated chaos. The role of imaginary significations is to provide an answer to these questions, an answer that, obviously, neither “reality”, nor “rationality” can provide (…). Of course, when we speak of “questions”, “answers”, and “definitions”, we are speaking metaphorically. These are not questions and answers that are posed explicitly, and the definitions are not ones given in language. (…) Society constitutes itself by producing a de facto answer to these questions in its life, in its activity. It is in the doing of each collectivity that the answer to these questions appears as an embodied meaning; this social doing allows itself to be understood only as a reply to the questions that it implicitly poses itself. (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 147) 50

Here, the notion of identity could be understood as homogenous, fixed and mostly social ignoring the agent. This is one of the criticisms that Castoriadis has received (see Strauss, 2006). Nevertheless, Castoriadis did approach the individual from a more micro perspective, discussing the capacity of his or her autonomy. Here, the social imaginary approach is mostly macro referring to the social shaping collective identity.

1 Theoretical Lens

In the identification-differentiation process, it is important to understand from which perspective identity and difference is configured and observed. As has been discussed in Section 1.3.2.4, the logics of coherence and cohesion present different appreciations regarding the construction of symbolic borders. Within the logic of coherence, borders are thicker and clear, and the content of the distinction is not relevant (Barth, 1976). The logic involves perpetuating the differences under the view of “singularity and uniqueness” as is the case in the traditional logic of the construction of nation-states. Within the logic of cohesion, for its part, borders are approached as fuzzy, reshaping, moving and where the view can focus on synergies and similarities rather than on differences (Bolten, 2014b; Grimson, 2011). Grimson argues that when referring to identity one should not confuse three key aspects: social attributes, relation among people and feelings of belonging (Brubaker & Cooper, 2000, as cited in Grimson, 2011, p. 141). Thus, feelings of belonging is the one field that should be considered as an imaginary construction of the individual and/or group of people and its relation to the collective. Otherwise, social attributes and relation among people might fall into categorizations from the outside, for instance, from the observations of scholars studying identity (Grimson, 2011, pp. 143-146).51 Either the perspective used to study identity points towards a culturalist view that links identity to a cultural group, or to an instrumentalist view that approaches identity as a construction of social organizations and leaders influencing culture and identity, for instance, according to their political interests in regards to power (Grimson, 2011, pp. 149-151). According to this understanding, this work acknowledges individuals’ own voices and their self-identification and feeling of belonging above other characteristics that might impose identification. This is in line with the arguments discussed throughout Section 1.3 that claim to overcome dichotomy and argue for a perspective that recognizes the interrelation between the ongoing dynamics of institutionalized-institutionalizing, dominant and emergent, process-structure and fixed-loose identity (see Figure 9). The interplay of elements is then constructed including identifications within a collectivity – in a field of poly-collectivity (see Section 1.3.2.4) – but also the tension between the logics of cohesion and coherence. These include an instrumentalist character (see Section 1.3.2.5), for instance, regarding the interests of certain agents or collectives in the sense of coherence, as is the case of nation-states (see Section 1.4.2). Another field of action of the imaginaries relies on the identity-making process since imaginaries “exist by virtue of representation or implicit understandings […] and they are the means by which individuals understand their identities and their place in the world” (Gaonkar, 2002, p. 5).

51

Grimson (2011, pp. 142-146) suggests the term diasporic identification.

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The dialogical construction of identity emanates from the reciprocal relationship between the levels of the self, the Other and meta (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 104; Conti, 2012, p. 123). The role of self-image (and/or self-representation) refers to what the self thinks about him or herself. The image of the Other (and/or representation of the Other) concerns what the other thinks about the self. Moreover, this works both ways, because it also refers to what the self thinks about the Other. The meta-image (and/or meta-representation) relates to what the self thinks that the Other thinks about the self (Goffmann 2007, as cited in Conti, 2012, p. 123) (see Figure 10). The role and force of the imaginaries reside here in the dialogical construction of plural identities between the self and Others (Conti, 2012) in the way that the self imagines itself and its memberships of diverse collectives and Others, at the same time that Others are also imagined. However, in this process of identification and imagination, Others are also imagined and re-constructed (Bolten, 2001). The processes of re-imagination and re-configuration are dynamic and mostly linked to institutionalized and hegemonic imaginaries, which are objectivized as representations and stereotypes (see Section 1.3.2.4). Nonetheless, they might also be consciously constructed in opposition to hegemonic imaginaries, seeking distance from them. In a migration context, it is interesting to study how individuals interact within these elements, which ones become relevant and which do not, how they are reconfigured, in which contexts individuals are inclined to lean on their dominant imaginaries to seek security and structure, and in which situations they experience interculturality in the sense of a fuzzy, emergent, institutionalizing process. The next section will focus on the theoretical lens concerning imaginaries of migration.

1 Theoretical Lens

Figure 10: Self-Image, Image of the Other and Meta-Image

Note. Compiled by author, adapted from Conti (2012, p. 123).

1.4

Migrant Imaginaries

Migration is a human condition. Humans are not only homo imaginans (Schnell, 2012) but also homo migrans (Bade, 2003, p. 9). Mobility and coexistence among other groups of people are as ancient as the eldest registers of human writings (Grimson, 2011, p. 59). Human migration has been differentiated by space, direction, durability and motivation52 and has been studied from diverse theoretical perspectives and models.53 This work finds inspiration in studying the example of the lives of people selfdefined as Mexicans living in Germany by telling “practice stories” of migration, “that is, to describe some of the processes in a given migration in such a way as to

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For a typology of migration see O’Reilly (2012); Oltmer (2017, pp. 26-31). For an overview concerning theories and models of migration see Guizardi and Nazal (2017); King (2012); Massey, Arango, Kouaouci, Pellegrino & Taylor (1993); O’Reilly (2016, 2012).

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respect the creative and processual nature of social life and to reveal the structuration processes involved as social life unfolds” (O’Reilly, 2016, p. 30). It also does so by placing particular attention upon the role that imaginaries have, acknowledging the ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries (see Figure 9), and their impact upon the agency and thought of people within a migratory context. Migration is approached dynamically in this work with impacts at the social and the individual levels for those who migrate and those who stay. Migrations are more than just cost-benefit strategies oriented by rationality (Goycoechea, 2003, p. 53), motivated by push and pull factors or economic reasons.54 Migrants build social fields that link together their multiple belongings to multi-collectivities, such as their families, cities, neighborhoods, clubs, and also their country of origin and their country of destination (Glick Schiller, Basch, & Blanc-Szanton, 1992) The relevance of the social imaginaries perspective for the study of migration concerns the recognition of the role that the imaginary dimension plays within the thinking and agency of individuals; how desire, expectations, dreams and hope are present in their motivations to migrate, how they signify their lives, their experiences and how the imaginary bonds and re-configurations of their multiple belongings evolve in a migratory context. The notion of mobility and migration are here used interchangeably,55 acknowledging thus physical and symbolical movement that is not only unilineal and permanent (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 46) but also transnational, with multiple directions, durability and moreover, loaded with imaginary elements, with impacts at macro and micro levels.

1.4.1

The Imaginary Dimension of Life in Migration

Specifically in migration, the role of a) mass media, b) the success stories of migrants, c) tourism, d) international cooperation, e) official education (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008, pp. 87-89), and f) the influence of “well-known persons” can be identified as symbolic resources that influence, nourish and re-configure imaginaries (see Figure 11). These symbolic resources overlap and shape other imaginaries. The main characteristics relevant for this work will be further explained.

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For an historical and interdisciplinary overview of theories (classic and contemporary) approaching migration from macro and micro perspectives see O’Reilly (2012). For purposes of clarity, in this work different types of migration are differentiated between: international or cross-border migration, referring to the movement of people across geopolitical entities, and internal migration, also called inner state migration denoting the movement of persons within one national entity. This differentiation is also relevant in Section 3.2.

1 Theoretical Lens

Figure 11: Symbolic Resources Re-configuring Imaginaries

Note. Created by author, based on Bartra (2002/2006, 2006), García García and Verdú Delgado (2008); Lehmann (2007); Pintos (2005).

a) Mass Media Appadurai (1996/2005, p. 5) exemplifies the role that imagination has for people moving away from their places of birth, either by their “own will” or “forced” as refugees. In a migratory context, individuals “take” their: force of the imagination, as both memory and desire, into the lives of many ordinary people, into mythographies different from the disciplines of myth and ritual of the classic sort. […] They move the glacial force of the habitus into the quickened beat of improvisation for large groups of people. (Appadurai, 1996/2005, p. 6) The combination of mobility with mass-media produces a “mass-mediated imaginary that frequently transcends the national space” (Appadurai, 1996/2005, p. 6). Media, as “companies that fabricate reality” (Pintos, 2005, p. 40), make it possible to produce “collective feelings” where people feel and imagine “things together”, configuring a “community of sentiment” (Appadurai, 1996/2005, p. 9). In our current time, the production of different media focusing on the topic of migration56 has become significant on the international agenda, making it possible 56

Various examples can be mentioned here, for instance, the production of movies concerning migration that focus on US-Mexican issues, or even the migration of a Mexican person to Germany in the movie “Guten Tag, Ramón” (Ramírez Suárez, 2013). Moreover, news dealing

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to learn about many aspects of this phenomenon.57 It has also contributed to the dissemination of images representing and re-creating the Other (Lenehan, 2016), in this case “the migrants”. The redefinition of the imaginary in a migratory context is also influenced by the perception concerning the place of destination, the structural conditions, the integration measures, political discourses and the representation of certain collectives of people (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008, p. 91) or migrant groups.58 In re-configuring these imaginaries, the dialogical interplay between the selfimage, the image of the Other and the meta-image (see Section 1.3.2.6) (see Figure 10) takes on importance in the representation of “the migrants” but also in the identity-making process of both the “new-comers” and those already living in the places they are migrating to. b) Success Stories of Migrants Regarding the stories of people living abroad, García García and Verdú Delgado (2008), Goycoechea (2003) and Lehmann (2007) have found the tendency to underline positive experiences in the new life context with the purpose of relativizing the problems and difficulties, either because of pride, the desire not to disappoint Others or so as not to worry family members (Lehmann, 2007, p. 192). However, these “success stories” influence the re-production of imaginaries related to the ideal of “paradise” abroad (Goycoechea, 2003, p. 12), instead of transmitting knowledge concerning challenges and helping to prevent the difficulties that one might experience in migration (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008, p. 89). These aspects have influenced the establishment of the “European and American dreams” (Goycoechea, 2003, p. 12; López García, 2015), which accommodate the imaginary as an inherent part of the constructions created by migrants formed

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with the migratory topic and the use of adjectives such as “tsunami” or “mass” of migrants contribute to the imaginary of “invasion” (see Checa, 2005) and fear (see Mehta, 2019). Another example is the spread of video blogs of migrants describing their life in the new context. In the specific example of Mexican migrants in Germany, whether as a video blog e.g. “Guten Tag, Mariana en Alemania” (n.d.), “Mariebelle TV. Crónicas de una Mexicana en Alemania” (n.d.) or with the many groups on Facebook concerning “Mexicans in Germany”, many of which are private groups. For instance, humanitarian crisis within the context of refugees in Europe (see United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2019; Trilling, 2018) or Central American migrant caravans passing through Mexico on their way to the USA (see Correal & Specia, 2018; La Jornada, 2018). For instance, political anti-immigration groups and their protests e.g. Donald Trump against Latinos in the USA (see Aguilar, 2016; Dove, 2016; Facundo, 2019).

1 Theoretical Lens

by dreams and hopes largely because of the desire to have a better life situation.59 These are so strong that they become one of the engines of migration (Rickmeyer, 2009, p. 116). c) Tourism Tourism has also influenced imaginaries concerning places and destinations. As an example, one can mention the images disseminated through campaigns promoting the commodification of nations, countries and places as brands, such as “Nation Branding”, “Country Branding” (Aronczyk, 2008; Kaneva, 2011) or “Place Branding” (Conti & Montiel Alafont, 2009) campaigns. These, combined with other symbolic resources, such as the experiences (stories) of Others and media, re-configure images and imaginaries of what each place has to offer and the kind of life one would be able to experience there. Examples of this include the images of welfare and prestige that are promoted regarding “developed” countries, for instance, through country rankings concerning perception of life quality and trust, among other variables.60 d) International Cooperation It can also, be argued that the images that international cooperation spreads by portraying aid provided by developed countries to those in need in undeveloped countries contribute to the symbolic construction of the prosperity of the “First World”.61

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The aim of obtaining a better life appears as a general desire related to migration independently of how the migration is labeled under the common typology as economic migrants, refugees, forced migration etc. (see Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a). See for instance FutureBrand (2017, 2019), a consultancy group that develops a country’s brand, their logo and image, at the same time as measuring the perception of travelers, whether tourists or business persons, regarding different categories such as trust, security, life quality etc. They also review the products of the countries within the category “made in”, promoting the idea of origin linked to a territory and uniqueness, relating to the traditional concept of the nation, discussed in Section 1.4.2. I am not criticizing the work on international cooperation, international reciprocity and coresponsibility of countries. I am referring here in general to the images produced by international cooperation through the dichotomization and categorization of countries as “First World” and “Third World” and “Developed” and “Underdeveloped” countries. Indeed there are of course categories in between, referred to as “Second World”, “Emergent Powers” etc. The re-production of these imaginaries lends itself to the generalization of the situation of countries which are actually heterogeneous and tackling internal inequality, between more industrial regions and rural regions, for instance.

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e) Official Education García García and Verdú Delgado (2008, p. 88) discuss how learning at school about certain subjects as part of official education influences knowledge, familiarization and representation (whether positive or negative). They give the example of the custom that migrants from Equatorial Guinea and several Latin American countries – former colonies of Spain – have of referring to Spain as “the mother country” – whereas Anderson (1983/2006) discusses other examples of those who explicitly avoided it. Regarding this topic, one must acknowledge the role of the school as a tool for nation-building and as a place to reinforce national bonds and educate citizens to be loyal to their nation (Anderson, 1983/2006; Corona Berkin, 2017a, 2017b; Fernández de Rota Monter, 2005; Gellner, 1983/2007), thus re-configuring dominant imaginaries. f) Well-known Persons The final symbolic resource that can be added is the role that “well-known persons” play in constructing imaginaries in combination with media. By disseminating their points of view through art, literature, politics, science, or via social media, they shape perceptions and actions.62 In sum, symbolic resources are a key part of the re-configuration of imaginaries. Depending on personal experiences, situation and context, the aspects discussed may or may not influence the formation of imaginaries that might have an effect at the individual level or transcend to a collective level. The resources outlined above are useful in order to understand the elements that come into play in the re-construction of the imaginary of people self-defining as Mexicans living in Germany.

1.4.2

The Nation as a Dominant Imaginary and its Effects on Migration

This section focuses on the main relevant theoretical aspects regarding the construction of the nation as dominant imaginaries providing a degree of structure. The first part elucidates this issue by recapitulating the main arguments concerning the treatment of the category of the nation. The second part focuses upon the influence of the nation as a dominant imaginary in a context of migration. 62

Not only with regard to the topic of migration but in general. An example would be the work that different Latin American or Mexican-American actresses and actors engaged in the USA during the political campaigning and presidency of Donald Trump, in order to contest the negative images that Trump disseminated, mostly with regard to Mexicans (see Puente, 2015; Jaime, 2019). A more general example would be the activist Greta Thunberg’s campaign called “Fridays for Future” and the impact it has had in the world (see Thunberg & Smith, 2019).

1 Theoretical Lens

A critical approach concerning nations has been widely discussed by a number of authors63 pointing out the logic within which nations are constructed, their essentialist character and how their centrality relegated other actors, collectives and categories of study.64 Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002) have discussed methodological nationalism65 to critically examine nations as the “natural social and political form of the modern world” (p. 301). Therefore, the transnational turn66 entails an “epistemic 63

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See Anderson (1983/2006); Calhoun (1993); Grimson (2011); Hansen (2009a); Hobsbawm (1991/1998); Iriye (2013); Rathje (2009); Smith (1986/1988); Wimmer and Glick Schiller (2002); Wimmer (2018, 2019); Yildirim-Krannig (2014). From an international relations perspective, different theories have sought to explain the international political field. Classical theories such as realism and neo-realism (structural realism) conceived of the international arena as anarchic, with nations in a constant struggle for power and recognition in order to achieve their survival (Mearsheimer, 2013; Walt, 1998). Consequently, nations attempt to be unique, different and sovereign. The figure of the nation prevailed as a unity of analysis and action from other theoretical perspectives that seek to look for order in the anarchic international arena, such as liberalism and neo-liberalism, which focused more on international cooperation and interdependency. While acknowledging that other actors and institutions play a role as well as the nation-state, the latter remained as a main actor (Sterling-Folker, 2013). Although other theoretical approaches have taken adopted sociological aspects and acknowledged other actors in international relations questioning the role of the nation-state, for instance, feminism, critical theory, globalization and transnational debates (see Dunne, Kurki, & Smith, 2007/2013), it is possible to see in contemporary times a return to nationalistic rhetoric in some countries, mostly regarding the migration issue. An example of this is the rhetoric of Donald Trump regarding Latin American migration, particularly Mexican and Central American, and the construction of a “wall” between Mexico and the USA. As a result, it could be argued that the hate disseminated might influence actions such as the mass shooting in El Paso, where the majority of victims were Latino (Vaidhyanathan, 2019). Firstly, methodological nationalism has influenced mainstream social sciences and migration studies in three modes of methodological nationalism: ignorance, “as the dominant modus of methodological nationalism in grand theory; naturalization of normal empirical science; [and] territorial limitation of the study of nationalism and state building” (Wimmer & Glick Schiller, 2002, p. 308). Secondly, the authors reviewed history in order to visualize how the aforementioned studies influenced nation-state building processes and vice versa. One of the results of these processes has been the establishment of the container model as a hegemonic social order, in which nation-states and societies are conceived as closed homogenous unities. A transnational perspective acknowledges the “sustained linkages and ongoing exchanges among non-state actors based across national borders – businesses, non-governmentorganizations, and individuals sharing same interests (by way of criteria such as religious beliefs, common cultural and geographic origins) – we can differentiate these as ‘transnational’ practices and groups (referring to their links functioning across nation-states). The collective attributes of such connections, their processes of formation and maintenance, and their wider implications are referred to broadly as ‘transnationalism’” (Vertovec, 2009, p. 3).

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move away from methodological nationalism” (Wimmer & Glick Schiller, 2002, p. 301). The aim to discuss the category of nation in this section should not be misunderstood as meaning that this work considers it to be a unique and relevant category of analysis without acknowledging others. On the contrary, the purpose here is to highlight that the imaginary load of the nation has shaped dominant imaginaries that still have an impact on social life, an impact which is observable in a migratory context. Reviewing the logic in which nations have been constructed and why and how they are considered as taken-for-granted categories in the everyday life of some individuals – depending on their context and situation – and when they are not, is significant in order to understand this empirical research.67 The nation is one of the more complex collectives and units of study (Grimson, 2011). Nation-states are not historically ancient, but an invention of Modernity (Hobsbawm, 1991/1998).68 Nations can be interpreted as socio-historical constructs founded and manifested in dominant imaginaries where the fixation of figures of memory, islands of time and the construction of cultural memory (Assmann, 1995, 2008) (see Section 1.3.2.3) and the ability to forget issues collectively (Anderson, 1983/2006), together with the notion of ethnicity – usually intertwined (Bommes, 1995; Brubaker, 2009; Sökefeld, 2007; Wimmer, 2008, 2013) – shapes the essentialist illusion of the eternal life of the nation and consequently the sense of belonging to it. This in turn shapes identity and culture from a broad-closed understanding (Bolten, 2007/2018) based on the logic of coherence (Rathje, 2009) (see Section 1.3.2.4). In this sense, nations – and belonging to them – become natural, takenfor-granted and obvious (Billig, 1995/2002). When examining national dominant imaginaries, one must question the use of myths,69 symbols and national narratives – among others – (Rojas Mix, 2009)

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These issues are analyzed in Chapters 4 and 5. Or as Smith (1986/1988) argues, they are based on ethnie. Without delving into this extensive discussion, the relevant issue to highlight here is that nation-states combine ethnic resources in their construction, as has been the case with the construction of the Mexican nation. See Bartra (2002/2006, 2006). For instance, the foundational myths of nations are to be seen in this light. In the case of Mexico this is objectivized and exteriorized in the national emblem, in the flag, represented by the myth of the settlement of the Aztecs in Tenochtitlan (currently Mexico City). The myth refers to the Aztecs following the prophecies of the god Huitzilopochtli to settle when they found an eagle standing on a cactus on a lake devouring a snake. In this case, it is possible to see how the State appropriated mythology and institutionalized it. These and other examples of mythology-appropriation combined with ceremonies (for instance, at school), facilitated emotional sentiment towards the nation, in the Mexican case “integrating” a divided society (Indigenous, Mestizos) under the common national identity – which was actually assimilationist (see Gutiérrez, 1999).

1 Theoretical Lens

that had configured a hegemonic thinking and doing of social life – habitus (Bourdieu, 1990), heteronomy (Castoriadis, 1975/2005), and the taken-for-granted status (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991) (see Section 1.3). Nations and related phenomena must be analyzed observing macro and micro levels, in this case constructed from above (top-down) but that cannot be analyzed unless looking from below (bottom-up) (Hobsbawm, 1991/1998, p. 18). They can be observed from either a state-centric perspective “nation-states have played a crucial role in the dissemination of national identities, even if these might have originally been developed by intellectuals or anticolonial movements” (Wimmer, 2017, p. 609); or from a micro perspective, acknowledging that the nation-building process was not exclusively a process promoted by elites, but that it also emerged from the “common people” (Kaufmann, 2017; Wimmer, 2019) as research on nation-building and nationalism suggests. Nations are re-constructed on a strong base of symbolic frameworks configuring imaginary ties that serve as unifying forces (Maffesoli, 2003, p. 153), as an engine of social bonding that permeates between individuals as a flow of ISS – as magma that evolve as sediment constituting dominant imaginaries (Castoriadis, 1975/2005) (see Section 1.3) – shaping the stock of knowledge shared by individuals, enabling social life. These are objectivized and materialized in the actions and agency of individuals, providing a hegemonic, generalized and shared sense of belonging to a collective which they also identify with, orienting their lives pragmatically in a taken-for-granted status: The nation (…) plays today this role, fills this function of identification by means of the threefold imaginary reference to a ‘common history’ – threefold, because this history is sheer past, because it is not really common, and, finally because what is known of it and what serves as the basis for this collectivizing identification in people’s consciousnesses is largely mythical. This imaginary characteristic of the nation nonetheless proves more solid than any other reality, as two world wars and the survival of nationalism have shown. (Castoriadis, 1975/2005, p. 148) Anderson (1983/2006) defined nations using the concept “imagined community” highlighting the importance of the subjective, the symbolic and the imaginary load. From a state-centric approach, an imagined community is defined as an “imagined political community – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign” (p. 6). It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion. […] all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are imagined.

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Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined […]. The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing perhaps a billion living human beings, has finite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations. No nation imagines itself coterminous with mankind. The most messianic nationalists do not dream of a day when all the members of the human race will join their nation in the way that it was possible, in certain epochs, for, say, Christians to dream of a wholly Christian planet. It is imagined as sovereign because the concept was born in an age in which Enlightenment and Revolution were destroying the legitimacy of the divinely-ordained, hierarchical dynastic realm. […] nations dream of being free, […]. The gage and emblem of this freedom is the sovereign state. Finally, it is imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited imaginings. (Anderson, 1983/2006, pp. 6-7) The aim of the nation, from a state-centric classic political perspective, is to assure legitimation among its citizens or nationals by creating strong bonds of legitimacy, loyalty, sense of belonging and emotional fervor for their country up to the point where they are willing to give their own life for it. One of the consequences is the accentuation of the dichotomy between “us” and “them” reflected in the “either/or” principle (Bolten, 2007/2018), in which there is an interplay between the internal recognition of “us” and the external differentiation of “them” as the Others.70 Belonging to the “same place” triggers the idea of imagining the co-nationals – “us” – as members of the same national collective, as equal fraternal partners despite internal inequality (Anderson, 1983/2006, p. 7). This is based on the metaphor of “having the same roots”, linking the idea of the nation to a territory, related to an essentialist view of culture and identity that is also linked to the idea of brotherhood and solidarity based on the nature of the nation (Alonso, 1988).71 Conse-

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Anthropologist Klaus Schriewer (2014b, p. 306) explains this point with the example of the construction of Europe, referring to the term “interpellation” used by Louis Althusser (1976) to assure internal recognition and legitimacy of the state and its citizens. This has been one of the objectives of national projects; when building the mainstream national identity, the results have denied diversity. In the specific case of Mexico, in the second half of the nineteenth century, the national project combined “ethnic” attributes with the political project of the nation, in which the idiosyncratic features of Mexican nation and its historic pre-existence were constructed in the national narrative (Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 39). Therefore, the creation of the “Mexican” identity and official nationalism was ambivalent:

1 Theoretical Lens

quently, the loyalty of Others is questioned, and it is assumed that they are loyal to another nation.72 Shaping national imaginary bonds has been possible through the symbolic resources (see Section 1.4.1) and these have also been reconfigured due to national dominant imaginaries, disseminated as “soft power in terms of the influence that nation-states spread through television, literature, cinema, music, and various other forms in which the diffusion of symbols and meanings takes place” (Keohane & Nye Jr., 1998, p. 86),73 making them part of everyday life.74

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on the one hand, assimilating Indigenous groups of people to the official nation was also seen as a “civilization” measure and so identity and diversity were threatened. On the other hand, creating a national culture required using and selecting different elements of both Indigenous cultural life and the ethnic past (see Gutiérrez, 1999). While the discourse has changed over the years, and now the national project “acknowledges and celebrates diversity”, inequality, discrimination and racism remain, against Indigenous, Mexican people of African ancenstry, or persons from lower socio-economic sectors. Looking at these groups of people from an intersectional perspective it can be stated that they are discriminated against in multiple forms (see Cho, Crenshaw, & McCall, 2013). As has been the case at the beginning of many national projects in Latin America after the processes of independence from Spain, where individuals had to identify themselves under new national categories with a homogenizing impact. For instance, in the case of Mexico as Mexicans (see Corona Berkin, 2016). For an overview of the history of Latin American nationalism and construction of national identity see Miller (2006). This is a term from the field of international relations. Hard power is seen to represent, for example, the militia, economics or politics (see Keohane & Nye Jr., 1998). For instance, one form of establishing emotional bonds is through the ritualization of the nation, which in the case of Mexico can be exemplified in the weekly Monday celebration of the Flag at schools. Beginning from Kindergarten up to at least secondary school (i.e. almost 12 years), every Monday schools honor the Flag in a ceremony. In that ceremony, the national anthem – considered to be “one of the solidest elements of national identification” (Florescano, 1993, as cited in Corona Berkin, 2017a, p. 37) – is sung, or another piece called “Toque de Bandera”, sung by all the participants in the ceremony, who perform the official salute that consists of placing the right arm over the heart horizontally and raising the elbow in a sign of respect. A six-person escort marches around carrying the flag on a flagpole. Usually, the best students are chosen to form the escort. This process is outlined in the law concerning the “Shield, Flag, and National Anthem” (see Cámara de Diputados del H. Congreso de la Unión, 1984/2018, art. 15). The role of schools in the process of nation-building can be seen from the Flag celebration. Maffesoli (2003, p. 152) argues that a “multicolored rag” arouses an intense collective feeling. Here the ritualization of the nation as a “civil religion” (Bellah, 1968, as cited in Aguirre Baztán, 1993, p. 368) can be seen, where the nation is dramatized through rituals, as a symbolic community of the faithful, through official festivals, parades and demonstrations. Furthermore, following the perspective of “Banal nationalism” (see Billig, 1995/2002) and “Everyday nationalism” (see Jon E. Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008; Hearn & Antonsich, 2018; Knott, 2016), it can be argued that the nation is experienced on a daily basis with the practice of listening to the national anthem, which by law, is played daily on television and radio at the beginning of broadcast in the mornings and at the end in the night. In a weekly format on

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National bonding tends to lead to nationalism and patriotism, terms that are difficult to differentiate: [t]he popular distinction between patriotism and nationalism echoes the one made by scholars who contrast “civic” nationalism, according to which all citizens, regardless of their cultural background, count as members of the nation, with “ethnic” nationalism, in which ancestry and language determine national identity. Yet efforts to draw a hard line between good, civic patriotism and bad, ethnic nationalism overlook the common roots of both. Patriotism is a form of nationalism. They are ideological brothers, not distant cousins. (Wimmer, 2019, para. 3) Nevertheless, terms such as patriotism, loyalty or societal identification: banish the word ‘nation’, and with it the specter of nationalism, at least in regard to ‘our’ attachments and identities. The problem is that such terms overlook the object to which the ‘loyalty’ or ‘identification’ is being shown: the nation-state. (Billig, 1995/2002, p. 16) As previously stated, nationalism must also be observed from a micro perspective, as agents are not only passive beings adopting the up-down national project; they also contribute to the co-construction and re-construction of nations. In this regard, Michael Billig (1995/2002) explores the taken-for-granted and unconscious “banal” nationalism in everyday life as an embodied habit in whichthe nation maintains its imaginary bonds because of the continual flagging and reminding of nationhood (Billig, 1995/2002, p. 8): Nationalism is broadened as a concept to cover the ways that established nationstates are routinely reproduced. This frequently involves a ‘banal’ nationalism, in contrast with the overt, articulated and often fiercely expressed nationalism of those who battle to form new nations. (Billig, 1995/2002, p. 16)

Sundays the “National Hour” (Hora Nacional), transmitted since 1937 in order “to promote the great cultural wealth and the best causes of Mexico. [….] strengthens communication with society and strengthens national integration through national languages and variants of our culture” (Secretaria de Gobernación [SEGOB], 2019). Nowadays, it is also possible to find it via social media (Twitter, Facebook and YouTube) where an audio archive exists. The format has changed and it is now described as a cultural magazine, but for the first 50 years of its existence it disseminated exclusively official federal speeches for the first half an hour, whereas the rest was destined for local government speeches (see SEGOB, 2019). The State has thirty minutes on radio and television every day to broadcast official information (see Cámara de Diputados del H. Congreso de la Unión, 1960/2012). With these few examples, it is possible to observe how the nation has been present, if indirectly, in the daily lives of people in Mexico.

1 Theoretical Lens

In addition, the notion of “everyday nationalism” focuses on the relevance of the everyday, acknowledging the agency of “ordinary” people experiencing, participating and re-configuring nationalism as consumers of national symbols, rituals and identities (Jon E. Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008; Hearn & Antonsich, 2018; Knott, 2016)9075 within a complex social field (Kaufmann, 2017). Banal nationalism and everyday nationalism enable one to identify how dominant imaginaries concerning national meanings and symbolism are constantly internalized, experienced and reproduced as habitus and, therefore, taken for granted, having an impact in the fields of action of the imaginaries, in which the imaginary load of nationalism legitimizes practices and shapes social bonding and identification. The consequence of the national dominant imaginaries and the resulting imagined dichotomy between “nationals” and “Others” is relevant in a migration situation as it affects agency and the sense of belonging. In the former case, regarding interaction between individuals – which are imagined as different based on coherence –, differences appear regarding common-sense knowledge, taken-for-granted routines, normality and plausibility. While it has been shown that this depends on the degree of foreignness or knowledge that an agent has regarding the new context and his or her ability to make the unknown known (see Section 1.3.2.4), it can be argued that individuals pick and choose symbolic resources from the wide range of elements provided by the hegemonic and dominant national framework, which appears more available in interactions (with Others) (see Section 1.3.2.4 and 1.3.2.5). The latter case, concerning the sense of belonging, appears to depend on context and situation, on the agent’s transition between structure and/or process (Bolten, 2020). Therefore, in his or her interactions and with the re-configuration of bonds and the sense of belonging to a place, for instance, the relation to where “home” is considered to be, and within this process, the dialectic of identification between the creation of “us”, “them” or “we” takes place. Nevertheless, “while some migrants identify more with one society than the other, the majority seem to maintain several identities that link them simultaneously to more than one nation” (Glick Schiller et al., 1992, p. 11). The ongoing dynamic between dominant and emergent imaginaries seeking process and structure can be seen within a process involving tension between the acknowledgment of multi-collectivity and the constant reminder of “belonging” to

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The concept “everyday nationalism” was inspired by Billig’s concept of “banal nationalism”. One of their main differences is the approach that everyday nationalism has regarding human agency. For a closer look at the differentiation and critiques of both concepts see Hearn and Antonsich (2018); Knott (2016).

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dominant imaginaries such as the nation – within banal and everyday nationalism – providing a hegemonic and naturalized reading and doing in life. In the worst cases, the hegemonic reading is based upon an ethnic understanding of the nation, leading to ethnic and racialized imaginaries that lead to discrimination, racism, nationalism and segregation, because the line dividing the notions of the nation and ethnicity is too thin (Calhoun, 1993; Sökefeld, 2007). In current times, in which migration has become a “more” relevant topic in national and international agendas, a polarization may be observed, where far-right political movements76 and their rhetoric are evident. Other agents argue for diversity, multiculturalism, interculturality, and integration,77 at least in their rhetoric, and this influences social imaginaries and initiatives.78 On the part of governments of countries where emigration rates are high, one may find actions encouraging political transnationalism with certain measures being implemented such as the acceptance of dual-citizenship and voting rights from abroad (Pötzschke, 2016).79 However, it can be argued that these governmental actions are designed to re-establish cultural and identity bonds “from above” in terms of “top-down nationalism” evolving in a “Long-Distance Nationalism”80 (Anderson, 1992; Glick Schiller, 2005), which is also motivated by the migrants. 76 77 78

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For instance, in Latin America (see Encarnación, 2018) and in Europe (see BBC News, 2019a). See the differentiation between multiculturality I, II, and III (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 114), see also Section 1.3.2.4. Research has been undertaken regarding this matter by some governments in their recognition of plural and heterogeneous nations, at least in terms of rhetoric. An example would be the case of Mexico, where President Andrés López Obrador has been recognized by different Indigenous groups (see BBC News Mundo, 2018). Nevertheless, he has also returned to nationalist retoric regarding Mexico and the Other (international). One can also mention local initiatives such as school programs focusing on intercultural education, where interculturality in Mexico relates mostly to the relation between Indigenous groups (see Dietz & Mateos Cortés, 2011). In Europe, the terms intercultural dialogue (see European Commission, 2019) and diversity appear as aims, although the lack of clarity regarding the application of these terms has been discussed (see Vertovec, 2012). There is true in the case of Mexico. Nevertheless, these actions may vary in their management of migrants in their territory. Indeed, a type of double morality has been discussed: Mexican politicians demand that the human rights of Mexican migrants in the USA be respected, while the Mexican government actually applies very similar measures to Central American migrants (see Semple, 2019). Long-distance nationalism is usually linked with the notion of diaspora. While I am not applying the concept of diaspora (see Chapter 3), it is important to highlight that the term “longdistance nationalism” is relevant in this work, in terms of the imagination of belonging to a country – understood as home (heimat) – and how the bonds to this home are re-constructed in a migratory context “from another territory”. The bonds can vary and can involve cooking a meal, calling family and friends, reading newspapers from home, or engaging in political or activist movements for causes “back home” and acquiring and maintaining rights in both

1 Theoretical Lens

Migration has been seen as something that nations “have to manage and control” or as a “problem when it is not controlled” (Aliaga Sáez, 2014, p. 148). This can be seen from an economic perspective, for instance, through the working programs of labor migration81 or in political and legal aspects relating to migration law. Examples include the manner in which nationality and citizenship are regulated whether under the ethnic principle of jus sanguini or the principle of place of birth jus soli; the recognition of dual-citizenship or not (Schwarz, 2015) and the politics concerning integration – or what governments expect depending on how they understand assimilation or integration. The dominant imaginary of the nation based on the logic of coherence has been developed in a narrative that does not consider multiple identities and multiple belongings of individuals,82 nor that the story of humanity has been constructed by migrations and intercultural interactions. A consequence of approaching migration as a “problem to deal with regarding the arrival of the Others” has contributed to migrants being viewed with suspicion as “foreigners” with “Other” loyalties (Aliaga Sáez, 2014). In these cases, attributes regarding “origin”, have been imagined also with ethnic and racial features based on stereotypes and prejudice.83

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homes, a measure from the government, for instance with the legal right to vote from abroad. For an overview of the term see Glick Schiller (2005); Skrbiš (1999/2017). Such as the Bracero Program between Mexico and the USA (see Durand, 2006) and the Gastarbeiter Program in Germany with many countries such as Turkey, Italy, Spain, Greece etc. (see Bade, 2003; Castles, 2006). Of course, there are exceptions to this argument concerning plural nations such as in the cases of Switzerland, and the plurinational nation of Bolivia. Nevertheless, I am referring mostly to a traditional view of nation founding this argument in several cases from countries in Latin America, especially Mexico. As part of the National Survey of Identity and Values called “The Mexicans seen by themselves. The greatest national themes.” conducted in 2014 by UNAM (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México) one individual survey of 1200 people examined “The imaginaries of international migration in Mexico” (see Caicedo Riascos & Morales Mena, 2015). One of the results that Caicedo Riascos and Morales Mena discussed concerns associations with the word “migrant”. The twenty (from the sixty they show) most mentioned words are: poverty, unemployment, illegal, work, wetback, undocumented, United States, opportunity, foreign, border, need, traveler, person, danger, worker, another country, discrimination, money, hunger, insecurity (see p. 48). Other terms and their position are: death (21), delinquency (26), getting better (34), lack of opportunities (42), American dream (46), sadness (47), violence (48), dream (58) and desperation (60). The survey also asked about trust of other nationalities from a scale of 0 to 10, with 0 being little trust and 10 a lot of trust. It was found that the most trust is for Canadians (6.6), Americans (6.5), Spaniards, Cubans, French and Brazilians all with (6.4), Argentines and Germans (6.3), and Chinese (6.2). The least trust is for Guatemalans and Colombians (5.9), Hondurans and Belizeans (5.8), Salvadorians (5.5) and Iranians (5.3) (pp. 7273). Caicedo and Morales argue that even though the level of dispersion is low, the tendency

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Aliaga Sáez (2014, p. 168), quoting Bauman (2011), discusses the “global habit” of blaming immigrants – foreigners, newcomers – for social unrest in all its aspects of insecurity. As a result of this, migrants become stigmatized as “scapegoats” based on imaginaries loaded with suspicion, uncertainty and distrust (Aliaga Sáez, 2014, p. 176), because they represent a “double fault”: on the one hand, as a cause or object of problems existing in the society of arrival, that is, a dysfunctional individual due to their cultural difference in the ways of doing or acting in the society; and on the other, as a representative of the evils of their home society, in relation to the degree of conflict observed around them (poverty, crime, political conflicts, corruption etc.). (Aliaga Sáez, 2014, p. 168) To conclude, this section has outlined the main elements of the imagined dimension of nations, mostly from a political nation-state centered approach, leaning towards the logic of coherence that influences a broad-closed understanding of culture and identity as singular and closed containers (see Section 1.3.2.4). The implications that the logic of coherence, in the sense of belonging to a nation, has in migration, imagining loyalties and belongings to one country or to another, are still possible to observe, since the world remains divided into nation-states even though other actors have gained power. The remaining issue to discuss relates to the circumstances and context within which individuals seek structure and rely on dominant imaginaries and such categorizations, pursuing security and in which they experience the dynamic process and focus more on other aspects leaning towards cohesion and synergies, reconstructing emergent imaginaries from situations that are for them perceived as unknown. This issue will be reviewed in Chapters 4 and 5.

is to stigmatize Central Americans as less trustworthy then for instance North Americans or some European nationalities. Another question about trust shows more trust regarding one’s own family (8.8), and less trust regarding persons from “another race” (6.2), leaders of the community (5.7), foreigners (5.5) and persons wealthier than oneself (5.4). One aspect that needs to be critically examined is the wording in this kind of survey in the case of alluding to “another race”. This leads to the assumption that there are different human races. While it is not clear if in the methodology and conducting of the survey there was an explanation of the terms after completion, researchers must be aware that using certain terminology might lead to participants getting inaccurate impressions and information from legitimate institutions such as universities, in this case the UNAM, and might lead to the assumption that there are many human races.

1 Theoretical Lens

1.5

Summary

This chapter presented the theoretical lens required to comprehend this empirical research. In order to understand the notion of the imaginary, it was necessary first to contextualize its development in the scientific field, which has been strongly based on an imaginary of positivism and rationalism, with a resulting tendency to equate the imaginary with something unreal and non-scientific. It has been stated here that the imaginary has “real” influences in the construction of reality/realities – depending on the specific context and situation – and therefore is a crucial part of social life. From a phenomenological perspective, the impact of social imaginaries in the taken-for-granted reality of the everyday life-world by the agents’ habitus has been elucidated. Imaginaries constitute and are constituted as an inter-subjective web of meaning that regulates, orientates and shapes knowledge and practices – the thinking and doing – of individuals in society. The web or matrix of significations functions as a source of social cohesion, shaping collective life and identity. One of the contributions of this chapter is the construction of an interdisciplinary and international dialogue between diverse theoretical perspectives, traditions and speaking-contexts inspired by the bricolage approach and the experiment of observation (see Section 1.3.2.4 and Chapter 2), a process that has enabled the following results. Firstly, the discussion and interconnection of diverse analogous theoretical approaches where the imaginary dimension and role in social life is highlighted, enhancing the lenses to understand another perspective to study social phenomena. Secondly, in this process it has been possible to build a bridge between different authors who appear, possibly due to language barriers, unaware of each other. Thirdly, by establishing theoretical interconnections, it has been possible to identify main fields of action of the imaginaries and the re-configuration of the ongoing dynamic between institutionalized and institutionalizing imaginaries, the fixation of memory and construction of elements that become cultural memory and the processual-structure dynamism in the approach of culture (as structure) and interculturality (as process). Within the ongoing dynamic, it has been possible to understand how other elements such as legitimation, power and the socio-historic dimension, play a significant role in the construction of culture, interculturality and the identity-making process. Linking all those aspects to migration allows one to recognize the influence of the imaginary dimension of life where desire, dreams and hopes influence motivation for mobility and expectations of life in a different setting. Moreover, it has been discussed that the identity-making process – which is dialogical and social – depends on the perspective, whether by looking into the logic of coherence logic and the “either/or” principle, or the logic of cohesion, ac-

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knowledging multi-collectivity and plurality within the self and within the multiple collectives of which agents are members. Within this context, it will depend how the imagination of belonging functions, whether perceiving collectives as containers or as open networks, shaping the understanding of imagining the Others and one’s own sense of belonging to those multiple collectives. The final sub-section focused on understanding the category of the nation, as a collective that remains a dominant imaginary, providing structure and security, shaping a sense of belonging to a country and influencing national culture and identity. Acknowledging the nation as a dominant imaginary is not intended here in the sense of methodological nationalism. The goal of revisiting the concept is to observe in which circumstances agents approach to dominant imaginaries linked to the effects of nations – logic of coherence –, seeking the structure of the “known” in the everyday life-world, or where process and emergent imaginaries interplay in an “unknown” scenario, such as in the particular case of migration, which is the focus of this empirical work.

2 Methodology “Who is to be observed and by whom and for what reasons?” (Luhmann, 1993, p. 773)

This chapter presents firstly the methodological1 design, considerations and structure of the empirical research. Secondly, it describes the procedures for the preparation and conducting of thirteen life story conversations.2 Thirdly, it discusses the process for the analysis of the collected empirical materials.3 The last section presents a critical reflection on my role as both a researcher and a part of the phenomenon being studied.

2.1

Research Design

This empirical research is explorative, interpretative, constructivist, interdisciplinary, open, flexible, reflexive and critical. Applying the bricolage approach, it benefits from a variety of perspectives, tools and techniques. This study does not aim to be general nor universal, and is not representative. The following statements clarify what this investigation pursues and what it rejects.4

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The notions presented by Madison (1998, as cited in Laverty, 2003, p. 16) are followed as regards method and methodology. “Method focuses the researcher on exact knowledge and procedure whereas methodology uses good judgement and responsible principles rather than rules to guide the research process”. I explain the approach based on conversations instead of interviews in Section 2.1.1. The term data is avoided as much as possible, following Denzin (2013, 2018), with awareness of how the word data “invokes a positivist epistemology and a politics of evidence based on terms like reliability and validity”, as well as another fourteen reasons for not using the word. I do not intend to explain the philosophy of science supporting the design (see Rudestam & Newton, 2007, p. 106). Nevertheless, it is important to state clearly the considerations concerning the aims of this study and from what this study distances itself. I am consciously not addressing this distance as a limitation, as one might mostly find regarding representation, generalization and universality.

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This study is explorative, descriptive and interpretative. The object of inquiry – the lives of people living in Germany that were born and socialized in Mexico – has been little studied.5 Therefore, conducting life story conversations is firstly an examination of an unexplored social phenomenon. Through their storytelling, their own perspectives are explored, described (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, p. 28), and interpreted. The focus on the subjective experiences of individuals linked to the social world attempts “to unveil the world as experienced by the subject through their life-world stories […]. Interpretations are all we have and description itself is an interpretative process. To generate the best ever interpretation of a phenomenon it [the school of hermeneutic phenomenology] proposes to use the hermeneutic cycle” (Kafle, 2011, pp. 186-187). This consists in reading, reflective writing and interpretation (Laverty, 2003, as cited in Kafle, 2011, p. 192). Nevertheless, this iterative process of understanding is better described as a spiral, which implies a constant growth of knowledge that incorporates the self-interpretative standpoint (Bolten, 1985). The complete analytical perspective of life stories is based upon understanding and interpretation (Schriewer, 2014a).6 Within the thematic analysis approach, it is possible to locate explicit (semantic) and interpretative (latent) themes (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006). Explicit themes are relevant in order to answer, learn about and describe the lives of the participants and the elements that constitute their imaginaries. However, the interest is in studying the imaginaries of migration that emanate from the life stories. Therefore, as well as describing, it is about interpretation and theorization of the empirical materials, since the aim is “to identify or examine the underlying ideas, assumptions, and conceptualizations […] that are theorized as shaping or informing the semantic content of the data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 13). This study does not aim to be general nor universal, and it is not representative. As qualitative constructivist research, this study recognizes the social intersubjective construction of realities and highlights the role of meaning, significance, the symbolic, and the imaginary as major areas to be acknowledged in science. Dis-

5 6

See Introduction. Schriewer (2014a, pp. 387-389) explains the sense of Deuten and Verstehen in the empirical material of life stories from a cultural anthropology perspective, where interpreting and understanding relates to the reconstruction of the intended meaning, pointing out contexts and connections that subjects make with their interpretation of the social world.

2 Methodology

tanced from methodological positivism7 and rationalist thinking,8 this research does not seek to identify an objectified verifiable reality and single truth, which can be measured and quantified, and nor is it claiming generalizability, universality or representation. Traditional positivist approaches claim that research lacking representation, generalization and universality is a limitation of the qualitative approaches. Nevertheless, the stance this work takes argues that it is problematic to assume representation and universalization from a qualitative perspective because of its simple composition. Moreover, aiming for representation and universalization tends to reduce the role of context, time and the specific framework and conditions of each investigation. Empirical studies are pictures of specific phenomena in a specific context and moment. In qualitative research, terms of generalizability are mostly unsuitable. Therefore, it is more appropriate to address the term “transferability of theoretical constructs”.9 Hence, it is possible to extend theoretical constructs respecting the particular sample and the cultural context (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003, p. 87). Apart from the non-generalization and non-universalization principles, this study is not representative. The empirical material corpus consists of thirteen life story conversations with persons in specific social and cultural contexts, sharing their own subjective experiences and world interpretations. They are acknowledged as unique human beings, agents in the inter-subjective social world (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991). One of the focuses of the research is to discover relevant aspects of their lives. By collating individual perspectives, it will be observed if there are commonalities that allow for the identification of – collective – imaginaries towards their migration experiences and their impact in other areas of life. The bricolage approach is an inspiration and guideline for this study. This perspective seeks to reflect critically and consciously on the object of inquiry but also the methodology, tools, theories and the researcher’s perspective. Bricolage is: the process of getting down to the nuts and bolts of multidisciplinary research […]. Such multidisciplinarity demands a new level of research self-consciousness and awareness of the numerous contexts in which any researcher is operating. As

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See Kvale and Brinkmann (2009, pp. 57-60) on positivism. A positivist approach has precisely denied the role of the imaginary and the subjective as “real and serious” science. See discussion in Chapter 1. Subjective experiences are the main source of research, and one of the theoretical lenses focuses on social imaginaries and the subjective dimension of life. I discussed these issues in Chapter 1. For more detail regarding their arguments and criticisms see Auerbach and Silverstein (2003, pp. 78-87).

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one labors to expose the various structures that covertly shape our own and other scholars’ research narratives, the bricolage highlights the relationship between a researcher’s ways of seeing and the social location of his or her personal history. Appreciating research as a power-driven act, the critical researcher-as-bricoleur abandons the quest for some naïve concept of realism, focusing instead on the clarification of his or her position in the web of reality and the social locations of the other researchers and the ways they shape the production and interpretation of knowledge. (Kincheloe, McLaren, Peter, Steinberg, Shirley R., & Monzó, 2018, p. 244) A flexible and eclectic approach such as bricolage is not a naïve “anything goes” approach, and nor is it to be interpreted as “methodological and theoretical impurity” (Schwandt, 2007, p. 26). It is about the researcher’s agency applying, adapting and constructing actively the research methodology rather than passively receiving the “correct”, universally applicable methodologies (Kincheloe et al., 2018, p. 245). The bricoleur is seen as a craftsperson constructing a piece of work. As an agent, the bricoleur moves freely among diverse concepts and analytic techniques applying them as ad hoc tools10 (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, p. 233), signaling that the research practice is not fixed and formal but relational and processual (Schwandt, 2007, p. 26). Following that philosophy, this study is interdisciplinary. This is because a phenomenon cannot be observed from only one viewpoint: a diversity of perspectives exposes different features of empirical reality (Kincheloe et al., 2018).11 Theories and methodologies “are only useful inasmuch as they help us make sense of the world around us” (O’Reilly, 2005/2012, p. 199). This study is influenced mainly by hermeneutic phenomenology, sociological phenomenology, cultural anthropology, critical ethnography, cultural studies and critical theory.12

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The ad hoc tools applied in this research are presented throughout this chapter. For instance, a research journal, text and audio memos, and life story interview as conversation. For the analysis, the thematic analysis approach, hermeneutic interpretation, and mind maps. In this sense, the traditional notion of triangulation is undermined by the bricolage because of its ontological complexity. “Bricoleurs maintain that this object of inquiry is ontologically complex in that it cannot be described as an encapsulated entity. In this more open view, the object of inquiry is always a part of many contexts and processes; it is culturally inscribed and historically situated. The complex view of the object of inquiry accounts for the historical efforts to interpret its meaning in the world and how such efforts continue to define its social, cultural, political, psychological, and educational effects” (Kincheloe et al., 2018, p. 248). It is not the intention or the target of this work to make a fully epistemological justification and differentiation of each discipline and its contribution to this work. The disciplines provide a distinctive lens from which to approach the phenomena of study and some tools are useful to analyze and construct this work. The influences are discussed throughout this chapter, in the various descriptions of the methodological stages. Nevertheless, I wish to suc-

2 Methodology

Within the bricolage approach and not seeking to be representative, this study observes the construction of social realities from individual narrations and the interplay within a complex web of meanings. There is therefore the need to observe the object of inquiry, theories, methods and tools within multi-perspective lenses. Thus, it is possible to incorporate two perspectives for observation and analysis: the zooming method and second-order observation. Firstly, I applied the zooming method13 (Bolten, 2001, 2014b, 2007/2018; Zeutschel, 2016) (see also Chapter 1) – in the sense of magnifying lenses that can zoom in or zoom out to micro, meso, macro and meta perspectives – in two forms: as a procedure to allow for zooming in and out (getting closer but also keeping distance) on the empirical materials, and also in the way I analyzed and applied different tools. Secondly, second-order and third-level observation (Luhmann, 1993) encourages the awareness of how an observer should be observed as an observer and the distinctions that creates while observing.14

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cinctly refer to their influences, highlighting their intersections more than their differences. Cultural anthropology, ethnography and sociology enable us to understand the participants’ stories and their interrelation within the social world. Their approaches provide a relevant framework for analyzing the collective and social aspects for the study of the life stories of migrants. Moreover, these are linked to social imaginaries, which are approachable from the lens of hermeneutic phenomenology, sociology and anthropology. Overall, the scope of these approaches is in questioning the taken-for-granted character of the social world, demystification of cultural meanings and practices, and the re-construction of belief systems (see Schwandt, 2007). Conducting critical and reflexive research acknowledges the role of the researcher as a co-constructor of realities. Cultural anthropology and critical ethnography share some methodological techniques with differences regarding scope and application. Relevant for this study are the techniques of fieldwork, research reflective journal, and the development of codes and memos (see Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009; O’Reilly, 2005/2012; Schriewer, 2014a). I take this method as inspiration from Jürgen Bolten, who applies this observation tool in the intercultural field. For instance, how to apply diverse methodologies in intercultural training in order to study, explain, describe and teach about “cultures”, avoiding the risk of applying generalizing methods or very specific methods that would have as a consequence losing sight of the “overall picture”. The application of the zooming method is discussed in Section 2.3. In this sense, I understand deconstruction as observation in second- and third-order after Luhmann (1993). He suggests that deconstruction usually fails when it comes to observing the role of the observer. With second-order observation, it is possible to include the observers’ role: “Who is to be observed and by whom and for what reasons? This means: an observer has to declare (or even justify) his or her preferences for choosing and indicating a specific observer to be observed […] using third-level observation, describe the second-level observer as a specific system with specific preferences for selecting specific observers to be observed.” (Luhmann, 1993, p. 773).

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Flexibility and reflexivity (Laverty, 2003; O’Reilly, 2005/2012, p. 184) are crucial in different areas of this study. This is to be seen, particularly, in a critical perspective in my role as observer, agent and co-constructor in the conversations, the re-construction of the stories and their interpretation, as well as theoretical approaches. There were no hypotheses guiding this study because that would have restricted it. Nevertheless, there is awareness regarding previous assumptions of the object of inquiry. There was interest and an intention to cover certain guiding topics in the conversations (see Section 2.2.4), but these remained open because of the life story instrument per se, which aims to remain flexible and to explore the perspectives and experiences from the participant’s own voice. Section 2.4 focuses on a critical reflection concerning the pre-conceived ideas and information regarding this topic. It is argued that it is not possible to approach it with an “empty” mind, to “erase” my own experiences and assumptions, nor possible to bracket these and simply forget about them.15 Hence, inspired by hermeneutic phenomenology, critical and reflexive research, I engaged in a process of self-reflection in relation to my own assumptions and biases which are: embedded and essential to interpretative process. The researcher is called, on an ongoing basis, to give considerable thought to their own experience and to explicitly claim the ways in which their position or experience relates to the issues being researched. (Laverty, 2003, p. 17) This is particularly applicable in this case due to my previous research conducted into Mexican Migration in Spain (López García, 2011) and because, of course, I am actually part of the phenomenon of study, being a member of the same collectives (see Chapter 1) as the participants: a Mexican-migrant-academic-woman with an intercultural family, among other collectives. Particular care is taken to avoid re-constructing cultural-national-ethnic categories that re-produce essentialist, culturalized and stereotyped understandings thereof (Bolten, 2001). Since one of the focuses of this study is on stories of “Mexican” people in “Germany”, the role of Mexicanness and the imagining of people into national categories, the aim is to critically deconstruct these categories and discuss their functions in the lives of the participants. Rigor in this work is through consciousness, self-reflection, and a critical and ethical approach to the procedure, methods and empirical material. Assuring rigor in science tends to be related to concerns regarding validity and reliability

15

As is the case for methods that indicate that all previous knowledge should be “erased”, “bracketed out” or “kept out of oneself” as Grounded Theory (GT) (see Glaser & Strauss, 1999/2017), Objective Hermeneutics (see Oevermann et al. 1979, as cited in Mayring, 2016; Rosenthal, 2018) and phenomenology (see Groenewald, 2004; Laverty, 2003) assume.

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(Kazmierska, 2014). These terms tend to be used in research based on methodological positivism and rationalist thinking in order to reveal objective truth (Rudestam & Newton, 2007). Therefore, the considerations in this section, the strategies and the approaches, assure rigor (Morse, 2018). Therefore, the terms credibility, confirmability and transferability are more appropriate with regards to the line of this work, which places the subjectivities and the imaginary dimension in life at the core of the research. Within the life story method, this investigation is not striving to reveal “the truth” in the participants’ stories. Therefore, the concept of “verifying” the data is not relevant here. What is relevant is learning about the aspects of their lives that they shared, interpreting their meaning and how they reconfigure their lives. Furthermore, validity should be situated in the researcher’s ability to demonstrate the appropriate use of methods, perspectives, and epistemologies according to their research questions (Riessman, 2008, p. 188). The process of this investigation did not take methodology and methods for granted and engaged in a critical argumentation with regards to diverse methodological approaches. Therefore, these methodological considerations discuss and clarify choices with regard to approaches and tools, pointing out the consequences of applying certain methods and discussing in a transparent fashion influences, as well as rejections. Besides awareness, the rigor and transparency in the conducting of the research, fieldwork and the analysis process, demonstrates credibility, confirmability and responsibility towards critical and reflexive research that can be transferable (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003) to other research without the false aim of universality, generalization and representation, as has already been discussed.

2.1.1

The Life Story Approach

Life stories are not just a method, a technique or an instrument, but rather a unique analysis perspective (Ferraroti, 1998, as cited in Mallimaci & Giménez Béliveau, 2006, p. 177). They constitute a means of generating knowledge from an interpretative perspective: The knowledge generated from the life stories is subjective, because it originates from the relationship established between the life history interpreted and the life histories of the co-historians. Although imbued with subjectivity, this process of knowledge production is research, so that when you are in the process of interpreting life history you are investigating, you are producing, that is, you are developing theory. Conducting hermeneutics with life stories is a process that consists in communicating, in relating to the life history, recreating it and remaking it at the same time. (Campo-Redondo, et al., 2001, pp. 2-3)

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Thus, the process of interpretation is a tool for the analysis of consciousness and social realities, which inquires into the subjective perspectives of those involved. It also allows for the development of complex sociocultural contexts, which are scarcely comprehensible in quantitative research (Schriewer, 2014a, p. 399). The life story approach provides insight into the world of values, representations and subjectivities (Franceschini, 2001; Mallimaci & Giménez Béliveau, 2006). It allows us to know and understand social phenomena from the actors’ own perspectives and to describe the world as experienced by the subjects (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, p. 26; Trochim, 2006). There is no need for the person – as subject – to share her or his life, to play a special role or to be an outstanding member of the field or collectivity of study (Mallimaci & Giménez Béliveau, 2006). Their personal narratives are interconnected to the social inter-subjective world (Franceschini, 2001; Lehmann, 2014). Throughout her or his narrations, it is possible to explore from their own voice, his or her experiences, practices, identity designs, motives, strategies, interpretations, arguments, ideas, perceptions, values, beliefs and self-reflections. Their narratives provide a rich universe of meanings. One can thus learn about the ways in which life’s imaginary dimension plays a role in the significance that people give to the re-configuration of their realities; to gain a deeper understanding of complex everyday cultures, their environments (Spiritova, 2014, p. 120) social imaginaries and their experienced social reality, as subjects presented in her or his life story, which in turn is a reflection of the social group within which they exist (Del Canto, 2012, p. 192).

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This approach is “inherently interdisciplinary”16 (Atkinson, 2001, p. 128). Life stories [as life histories] evolve from biographical research, from oral history and other field approaches (Atkinson, 2001). This research is based on the life stories approach.17 It places people’s narratives at the core, not only because it aims to explore an unknown field related to Mexican migration to Germany, but also because it aims to explore how people perceive and re-construct their lives in a migratory context. Besides being an excellent tool for collecting enormous quantities of empirical materials, in many cases unexpected, life stories enable us to explore a complex web of meanings linking individual perspectives and the social world. This method allows us to learn about processes of change and decision-making processes and strategies, and for other topics and findings to emerge. It is important to clarify how the notion of life story is understood and applied and how it differs from life history, even though they are inherently linked. Their differences reside mostly in their applications and development and the kinds of data to which they refer. Life history also contains life stories (Bertaux, 1981a, p. 7). Rosenthal (1993, p. 89) understands life history as “the lived-through life” and “life story as the narrated life as related in a conversation or written in an actual present time”. Life history constitutes the history of a person, obtained in various interviews. It requires complementary materials, such as pictures and other documents in16

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Therefore, the diverse definitions, understandings, techniques and scopes of application vary depending on its method and approach. The interdisciplinary aspect mirrors the multitude of understandings and terminology. While revisiting literature from different academic contexts, disciplines and traditions (mainly in three languages, Spanish, German and English), it appears at times that biographical method, autobiography, life records, narrative interview, oral history, life history and life stories are used interchangeably (see Bertaux, 1981a, p. 7) causing confusion. Scientific production within this approach is extensive in sociology, anthropology, psychology, linguistics, history and more. For an overview concerning the classics and their approaches applied to sociology see Bertaux (1981a, 2004), Bertaux and Kohli (1984). For the field of migration see Thomas and Znaniecki (1927/1958). There is a vast amount of literature available concerning life stories and biographical research, see Atkinson (1998/2009); Denzin and Lincoln (2018); Goodley, Lawthom, Clough, and Moore (2004); Horsdal (2012); Küsters (2009); Miller (2000). In Germany, the autobiographical narrative interview was developed by sociologist Fritz Schütze (1983), with its sequential analysis and biographical case studies, see Rosenthal (1993, 2018), have become a distinct tradition within sociological biographical research. In the field of migration we may observe the development of interesting works on transnational biographies, see Siouti (2013); Apitzsch and Siouti (2007); Ruokonen-Engler (2012). Within Spanish-speaking contexts, the terms life story, life history and oral history appear to be more widely utilized, referencing the approaches of the Italian academic Franco Ferraroti (2007) or the French academic Daniel Bertaux (1981a, 1981b, 2004) and other relevant researchers in Spanish-speaking contexts, see Campo-Redondo et al. (2001); Cruz Lira (2006); Mallimaci and Giménez Béliveau (2006). Relato de vida in Spanish.

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cluding official records, reports, letters and additional sources of information, for example interviews with other people to complement the life history. One of the aims of the life history approach is to test truthfulness and reliability, and/or to cover an “entire life”18 (Arjona Garrido & Checa Olmos, 1998; Bertaux, 1981a, p. 8). It is a wide journey in the life of a person, where the chronological facts are the common thread (2006, pp. 175-176). Life story is itself a different genre “to be distinguished from the autobiography” (Bertaux, 1981a, p. 8). It is a sub-genre of life history, less extensive and complete. The most outstanding features are traced, taking into account the most interesting aspects for the researcher (Arjona Garrido & Checa Olmos, 1998). Regarding issues relating to truth and reliability, credibility and confirmability, it is important to clarify that for the life story approach – as for this research – the experiences shared by the participants are of special value regardless of whether what they say is absolutely everything or whether what is said is absolutely “the truth”.19 They are relevant through the conception and perception that the person has, and how she or he shapes her or his narrative (Mallimaci & Giménez Béliveau, 2006, p. 179). In other words, it concerns what information they provide (Schriewer, 2014a, p. 385), what themes they choose to relate and the meaning behind them. As stated above, the life story perspective as a method does not aim for universalization or generalization, and neither does this research. Applying ad hoc tools through the lens of the bricolage, the style followed during this investigation and co-production of conversations was that of a “traveler”. This means that “interviewing” and analysis are “intertwined phases of knowledge construction […] this conception is nearer to anthropology and a postmodern constructive understanding that involves a conversational approach to social research.” (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009, pp. 48-49). Therefore, it was decided to approach the encounters as conversations with participants or interlocutors (Schriewer, 2014a) instead of “conducting interviews” with “interviewees”. This perspective acknowledges that the person sharing her or his life is not an “object of study”. Hence, my attitude towards the setting was to create an atmosphere of trust where the person could feel comfortable. This aspect is generally considered in interview settings, but the attitudes of the researcher

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As regards the aspect of “covering a whole life” in particular, Atkinson states that the life story interview gathers information on the subjective essence of one person’s entire life (see Atkinson, 2001, pp. 122-123). Nevertheless, neither the life history nor the life story “need to cover the entire life-span and all its aspects” (Bertaux, 1981a, p. 8). They can focus on specific issues of a life, as is the case in this research. Precisely from the lens of the imaginaries, it is argued that the imaginaries are not false, but lived and imagined in what is/are considered the reality/realities. See the discussion in Chapter 1.

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vary.20 My attitude differs concerning the role of the “researcher” as the “expert analyzing the object of inquiry” or as the interviewer asking questions to the interviewee. I tried to establish a situation of two equals having a conversation and saw myself as an empathetic listener and co-producer of the story (Ferrarotti, 2007; Schriewer & Díaz Agea, 2015). Life stories are the result of an interactive relationship (Ferrarotti, 2007; Franceschini, 2001; Schriewer & Díaz Agea, 2015) between “researcher” and “participant”; or between two interlocutors. My approach was to listen to the person, making eye contact, demonstrating verbally and non-verbally that he or she had all my attention. Even though the conversations were mostly monologues and I tried to speak as little as possible, when I was asked something by the participants, the answers were as neutral as possible in order to influence them as little as possible, but as honest as possible as part of a reciprocal relation. In order to avoid making them feel like “objects of inquiry”, notes were not taken while having the conversation. This would impact on my ability to pay full attention and would send the message to the interlocutor that they were being objectivized.21 This approach is better described and detailed in the following sections regarding the procedures for the collection of empirical materials.

2.2

Procedure for the Collection of Empirical Materials

This section describes the process of gathering information concerning the criteria for the selection of the participants, contact establishment and the characteristics of the participants. Next, the application of other tools and the methodological path followed is elucidated, followed by an explanation of the analytical processes. The final sections present critical reflections on the research procedures, concentrating firstly on my triple role – as researcher, co-constructor of stories and a member of the collective being studied – and secondly, on the limitations of this research.

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The conditions of generating a setting of trust and comfort are usually stated in methodology papers and handbooks on qualitative research and especially on conducting interviews see Atkinson (1998/2009); Fuchs-Heinritz (1984/2009); Horsdal (2012); Küsters (2009); Kvale & Brinkmann (2009); and O’Reilly (2005/2012). Nevertheless, some perspectives maintain the approach of differentiating between researcher and researched, interviewer and interviewee. These categorizations might lead to dichotomies. What I attempted was to create an atmosphere of two equals having a conversation. Other researchers such as Horsdal (2012) prefer writing life story by hand while it is being narrated, arguing for its advantages and differentiating between hand transcription and recording. While I find her method and perspective valuable, I preferred following Klaus Schriewer’s (2015) perspective that sees the life story interview as a conversation, even though they could also be considered monologues, but where the researcher is an assertive listener paying full attention to the “interviewee” viewed as an interlocutor.

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2.2.1

Selection Criteria for Participants

The selection criteria for the participants in this research were as open as possible with the goal of getting access to a diverse panorama of stories and contexts. The only established criterion was that the people had been born and raised in Mexico, that they had migrated to Germany and that they had been living in Germany for more than three years. Important for this research is the experience of migration and the fact that people were living in Germany with an eye towards “permanency”. Even though permanency is a criterion that can always change because of many diverse circumstances, it was important to talk with people who had “established” lives in Germany, which “temporary” students would not have done, for instance. The number of participants was decided arbitrarily, considering aspects relating to time availability, resources and context. The saturation system for concluding the collection of empirical materials was not applied given the fact that in this specific research aspects concerning quantification, representation and generalization are not relevant22 (see Section 2.1). In total, the empirical material for this research consists of thirteen conversations with seven women and six men.23 Initially, it was intended to have a total of fourteen conversations, with seven women and seven men. This was not possible because one male participant refused to talk to me.24

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As GT states (see Glaser & Strauss, 1999/2017). For more on considerations relating to the saturation method see Saunders, Sim, Kingstone, Baker, Waterfield, Bartlam & Jinks (2018). Due to the fact that the participants described themselves as women and men, the language of this research uses the feminine and masculine gender. This person was of particular interest to me because he has lived in Germany for over twenty years. He owns a business where he reflects his views on Mexican culture. I contacted him via email and telephone but I did not get any answer. When I was in the city he lived in, I went personally to meet him. He was not interested in talking to me about his life. His reasons were that he had given an interview to a German woman and he did not like the way it had all turned out. It was not clear to me what had gone wrong. From my perspective, his attitude at the beginning was rude. He then asked me where I was from. When I said I was from Mexico, I perceived that his attitude changed. I think that he may have been embarrassed. I was with a friend and she perceived the same. He considered helping a “co-national” but he was still hesitating. He said he was too busy, because he was organizing a party for the celebration of Mexican independence. He tried to sell us tickets. I was interested in attending but, sadly, I was not able to stay for the given dates. Even though he refused to give me the interview, he talked a lot in the form of a monologue. I could tell that he had the need to talk, as with the other participants. He complained about life, politics and his family, although his son was there. He criticized him and his mother in front of us. He made very bitter comments about academic research and about the Mexican community in Germany. It was sad that I could not learn more about this person and his life. However, I think it was an important experience to have encountered someone who decided not to share his life story. Nevertheless, we left

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2.2.2

Finding Participants

Finding participants willing to share their experiences was relatively easy. It turned out that people, generally, wanted to talk about their lives (Atkinson, 2001, p. 127). When I asked potential participants if they would talk to me for my dissertation project on their lives in Germany, they did not hesitate and were willing to talk to me. Undoubtedly the fact that I am Mexican and a migrant helped (see Leung, 2015). It could be said that initially reciprocity or solidarity among Mexicans abroad was experienced. This willingness to help a “co-national” would possibly change after getting to know each other.25 Coincidence, flexibility, solidarity, empathy and openness were major factors that played a role in organizing the conversations. It was mostly by coincidence that participants were found. For instance, while I was talking with friends in a café, the waiter overheard that I was looking for Mexican people for my research. He told me that he knew somebody. He immediately called that person, who luckily fulfilled the criteria for my work, and so I arranged my first conversation. Participants and friends were also very helpful, connecting me with people that became participants in the so-called “snowball sampling method”. Flexibility was important with regard to arranging appointments, as well as regarding the duration of the conversations, which lasted between one and a half hours and six hours (see Section 2.2.6). All the participants showed solidarity, empathy and openness when it came to sharing their life stories with me. The participants let me be part of their lives for a few hours, to gain an insight into their realities. For all that kindness, solidarity and trust, I am truly thankful.

2.2.3

Participants’ General Information

Anonymity is an ethical principle to consider when conducting interviews (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018; Schriewer, 2014a; Schriewer & Díaz Agea, 2015). Due to the fact that the aim of this research is not the re-construction of biographies, and in order to protect the anonymity of the participants as I had promised, it was decided not to present short summaries or profiles. Names are changed and most personal details are anonymized. Nevertheless, some contextualization and background information is necessary in order to understand their stories, reflections, arguments,

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feeling quite overwhelmed by the negativity we had experienced. As soon as we had left, I recorded audio memos where I could reconstruct what had happened and how I felt. This attitude of helping a co-national might change after knowing each other. In some cases, it is clear that beyond sharing a nationality there are no other connections or even empathy among us. This “solidarity” based on the imagination of nationality is discussed in Section 2.4 and Chapter 4 on the re-imagination of Mexico and Mexicanness.

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practices and significations.26 Therefore it was decided to present significant information in the form of categories that ensure the participants’ anonymity. Participants are between 30 and 50 years old (see Figure 12). They were born and socialized in Mexico. Two interlocutors come from the northwest of the country, two from the northeast and two from the southeast. The majority of participants come from the west (see Figure 13).

Figure 12: Age Categories of the Participants

Note. Created by author.

Concerning places, it was decided to indicate geographical zones, and in some cases German federal states are mentioned (especially in Chapter 3). It must be clarified that by indicating geographical zones, the aim was not to generalize but rather to show the regional diversity while also protecting the identity of the participants. Maps are used for orientation: for Mexico, the geographical zone division is that used by the security policy for the Federal Government (see Figures 13 and 14). For Germany, a former division of the German Federal Police is used as a guide (see Figure 15).  

2.2.4

The Conversations

The conversations took place between 2014 and 2015 in different German states in the north, east, center, west and south regions (see Figure 15),27 in four kinds of setting: private home, business, café/restaurant and online via Skype. 26 27

The purpose of the figures is solely the representation of information. They are not intended as considered statistical or quantitative data. These geographical zones should not be confused with the former division of Germany into the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), referred

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Figure 13: Representation of Participants’ Origin by Geographical Zones

Note. Created by author.

Figure 14: Division of Mexico by Geographical Zones

Note. This division is according to federal government’s security policy of 2013. Adapted from Montalvo and CNN México (2013).

   

to as “East” and “West” Germany (written here with uppercase). The differentiation will be properly explained when the topic appears, for instance, in Section 3.3.2.

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Figure 15: Division of Germany by Geographical Zones

Note. Former Bundespolizei (German Federal Police) Divisions. Adapted from Wikipedia (2020).

  With regard to the first two settings, five conversations took place at participants’ homes and two at their businesses. These two settings allowed me to gain an insight into how they lived and/or worked, their interpersonal dynamics with other members of their family, friends and co-workers, as well as the kind of artifacts and decorations they possessed. Those who invited me to their homes cooked Mexican food especially for my visit. This was a very symbolic act involving sharing something special and “Mexican”. Three conversations took place in the two remaining settings: café/restaurant and Skype. One may think that having conversations in open spaces such as cafes and restaurants or via Skype could affect the level of intimacy and trust in the conversations. Regarding this, it can be stated that a deep level of intimacy, trust and interpersonal confidence was experienced in all settings.28 28

Section 2.4.1.1 focuses on online life stories in particular.

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The conversations were in Spanish. Some participants began with some polite small talk while others immediately began sharing information about their story. All were curious with regard to the process of our “interview”, my research and about my life. It was explained to the participants that this was not a structured interview with a prepared questionnaire and that the focus was not to reconstruct people’s biographies but rather to learn about themes that are significant in their lives. The general aims of the research were briefly elucidated as well as the request to talk as freely as possible about what the person wants to say about her or his life. It was clarified that my interest was in listening and learning their stories, with no interruptions, until the end of their story, when requests for more details or to talk more about a particular aspect of their lives were going to be made. They were told that they were the guides of the conversation and could take breaks, stop recording and finish the conversation whenever they wanted. Just one person requested that recording stop while they narrated a difficult stage of their life. This issue remains “off the record” and will not be discussed here. All provided their oral permission to record29 the conversations, in order to guarantee that their words be related with as much accuracy as possible. My aim was to “forget” and ignore the recording device. Therefore, the device, which is small and thin, was placed in a strategic position that could achieve a quality recording while ensuring that it did not become the center of attention. The opening request and line of the conversations was “Cuéntame tu vida” (Tell me about your life). This phrase allowed them to choose what they wanted to start with. The first narrations they chose to relate are considered their self-representations (Rosenthal, 1993, 2018) and their main or initial story to share (Schriewer, 2014a; Schriewer & Díaz Agea, 2015) (see Appendix C). Life stories are not logical or linear. The narrator is free to begin with the stories that are most important for them (Horsdal, 2012, p. 79). Five participants began relating their story in a chronological fashion, with descriptions concerning when and where they were born, their families, the context in which they grew up, some particular memories from their childhood or youth, their education and working

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This was done on an MP3 device, the Olympus digital voice recorder WS-331 M. I also brought a smart phone that can also record audio and this was to facilitate plan B in case of failure of the Olympus recording device. This was used during the first interview when the battery was flat. This happened right at the beginning of the interview so it did not interfere or cause any interruptions while having the conversation. For future conversations, I always had, besides the smart phone, an extra set of batteries, and paper and pencil in case the technology failed. This never happened. For the three Skype interviews, I used the software “MP3 Skype Recorder” to record the call. This process assured more quality than just recording the conversation with an external audio recorder.

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history. Usually the stories continued up to the pivotal point when they described the situation which led to them migrating and their reasons for doing so. Three stories began with the pivotal moment of migration, with participants describing the moment when they decided to leave Mexico for not only Germany but also other destinations such as France or Canada. The remaining five stories presented a mixed initial story combining chronological elements, the pivotal moment of migration and other topics such as forms of communication with people in Mexico and issues concerning discrimination and criticisms of Mexico. Three participants were more cautious and active when it came to asking me questions. They were hesitant to start and wanted more details regarding my expectations, the aim of my research or a more structured question concerning what aspect of their lives in particular I was interested in. They then usually asked me if migration was important to me. My answers were as open as possible, reminding them that my interest was in their life, and that they could decide what they wanted to tell me and how to begin, whether it be about the weather, their migration and reasons for coming to Germany or another aspect of their life. Following the open and unstructured approach of the life story interview as a conversation and due to the explorative principle of this approach and research, there were no prepared questions. Nevertheless, there were conversation guidelines, a product of my research interests and my previous assumptions and own story. These were, firstly, to learn what their initial story would be, their life in Mexico, their life in Germany, their future perspectives, their associations and perceptions of these experiences, their migration story and their life strategies and practices. These guidelines are linked to the longitudinal aspect of life stories linking the past through the activation of memories, and the visualization of the future, narrated in a present time. Life stories are therefore relational, linking the macro and micro, the social with the individual (Franceschini, 2001; Mallimaci & Giménez Béliveau, 2006). After the request for them to tell me about their lives and their initial thoughts concerning how to begin, I experienced openness when it came to them sharing their lives. They were energetic narrators and the conversations were mostly monologues (Garay, 1999). One participant was the exception; his narration was shorter, signaling with silences that he was expecting a more active role from my side in asking questions. My strategy was to ask him questions which were as neutral as possible, in order to avoid delivering key words to him. In my role as an assertive listener, I tried not to interrupt and to talk as little as possible. After they had finished their narrations, I asked questions related to the story they had told. This would usually make them continue with their stories and would lead to other topics emerging. The questions I asked also had the aim of looking more deeply at some topics, clarifying issues, and/or providing examples.

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The reason for this was to avoid misunderstandings and misinterpretations on my behalf. It was very important that they would not feel they were being criticized or judged or that they needed to justify themselves. That also made me decide to suggest through verbal and non-verbal communication that I agreed with them regarding the topics and opinions they were discussing. This was especially the case when they asked me direct questions as to what my opinion was with regard to a particular topic or how I would react to something. I tried to answer as neutrally as possible while being honest. In the case of comments and personal opinions expressed by the participants that confused me, but where my opinion was not asked for, I remained silent.30 The power of narrative and storytelling was experienced, in their self-reflection as agents in life and narrators of their own story. For instance, in relating how they acted in a certain manner, what they thought at the time of a narrated issue, how they have changed their identity, practices and strategies and how they perceive their life-world realities. As I have mentioned previously, it appeared that the content of the stories was related in a very open and honest manner. However, one cannot be certain that the participants provided what they thought they “needed” to “deliver” in order to tell interesting stories that were “right” and “useable” for the research, one of the risks when it comes to life story narratives (Horsdal, 2012). Nevertheless, with the life story approach the aim is to observe what topics are evoked in the narratives and how these are constructed in the conversation setting. Therefore, I am aware that, even though I tried to participate as little as possible, my own presence as a migrant, Mexican woman living in Germany made me co-constructer of the stories, and might have influenced the topics chosen by the participants.

2.2.5

Methodology and Tools

Once the conversations were concluded and I was alone, I recorded myself expressing my observations, impressions, thoughts, ideas and emotions. Later, these reflections were written up in my research journal. This process was very important,

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This is an aspect to consider in life story research. There were no situations where I felt the need to defend my point of view. Moreover, I was fascinated listening to their experiences and points of views, even if they differed to mine. I would argue that as a researcher in the field of life stories, my role is to listen and be empathetic as regards the stories that a person is sharing. One’s position remains open except in the event of direct attacks against researchers based on sexual orientation, origin, ethnicity and certain lifestyles and on ethical and moral questions that would endanger their life dignity (see Kazmierska, 2004).

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firstly because it allowed me to talk spontaneously and emotionally about the conversation experience and, secondly, because while listening to myself and writing in the journal, I analyzed, reflected, and interpreted myself. Moreover, I observed myself in a second and third order level (Luhmann, 1993). This process has been very helpful for my own self-reflection in Section 2.4. The research and reflection journal is a very helpful tool that I used not only in the fieldwork but also during the various phases of my research. In three notebooks, I have written literature references, ideas, thoughts, opinions, my own impressions, reactions and observations as researcher-bricoleur-observer-coproducer, which can be interpreted as observational, theoretical, methodological and analytical memos (Groenewald, 2004, pp. 48-49). The conversation recordings were listened to as soon as possible and the conversations were indexed. The conversation index31 is a summary and catalogue of the main topics of the conversations without being a full transcription. It contains the information gathered in the audio and the research journal about the participants, the general topics dealt with in the conversations and my own observations, emotions and impressions. The template used for the conversation index is in Spanish (Ficha de conversación) and was completed mostly in Spanish, combining terms in German and English.32 In the analysis phase, the audio and written memos, as well as the information on the conversation index, were added to the memo system of the analysis software Maxqda33 and were crucial for that phase.

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The interview index (Schriewer & Díaz Agea, 2015) has been modified by me for the purposes of this research. After listening to the initial conversations, I added new sections to the index, including the bifurcations, paths of mobility and the necessary fields that would support me in understanding the stories as well as possible. The template used can be found in Appendix A. This is also an interesting intercultural aspect of this research. While the conversations were in Spanish, some very specific terms were communicated in German, such as KiTa, HiWi, Heimat, Hebamme, among others, not using a particular translation for the terms, or applying code switching (see Maas, 2008; Peterson, 2015). Even though one or two participants did not consider themselves to have an advanced level of German, they referred to the German word because of the context. In my own case, working with three languages, I was also able to notice how these three languages would feature. Later, during the writing phase of my dissertation, English became the main working language. Maxqda is part of what is called Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis (CAQDA) software. This software supports coding, writing memos, analytical notes, segments, paraphrases, retrieval, topic linkage and attachments such as audio and video, among other functions (see Rädiker & Kuckartz, 2019).

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2.2.6

Transcription & Translation

All interviews were transcribed in full, with the exception of interruptions that would not offer any information which was relevant to the investigation.34 The amount of empirical material resulting from thirteen open-ended life stories is vast. The total duration of all the audio files is 38 hours. The transcription focuses on making the conversation readable and understandable. The stories were transcribed in simple form and were edited and converted35 into grammatical signs such as commas, full stops, paragraph divisions, dashes etc. (Atkinson, 2001; Horsdal, 2012, p. 80). Non-verbal communication is considered relevant for the interpretation and analysis and was faithfully transcribed. The passages of the conversations that are relevant to the arguments of this work were transcribed and are used as quotations in the different chapters of this work, translated from Spanish into English. The aim was to make the passages readable while maintaining their original meaning as far as possible. Nevertheless, a literal translation was not always possible. The passages were edited at my discretion in order to capture and transmit the meaning and intention in English. For the transcription, the F4 software was used. The Maxqda analysis software also has a transcription tool, which was used when making corrections to the transcription after listening to the audio.36 The transcription rules followed are based on Dresing, Pehl, and Schmieder (2015, pp. 27-30) with some personal modifications that responded to the needs of this research (see Appendix B).

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Concerning interruptions and contributions from other people. After having listened to the recordings many times, I determined that the spoken information was not relevant to the research. Moreover, I did not have express consent from these other people to use the recordings. In one conversation in particular, which took place in a business, interruptions by a number of clients and a co-worker were not transcribed, even though they knew that we were conducting an “interview” session. Although my intention and aim was to communicate the participants’ voices as faithfully as possible in order to let them speak for themselves, I am responsible for the editing and interpretation of the conversations. Maxqda offers the possibility of linking the audio to the transcribed texts. This is particularly useful as it allows you to replay the audio to ensure, firstly, that the passages are transcribed correctly, and secondly, it helps to listen to the vivid voice in the conversation to support the analysis, without the need to play the complete audio file in another application. The only requirement for this to work is the correct formatting of the time settings (#00:00:00-0#) within the transcription, and the exporting of them in Maxqda (Otherwise this would not work).

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2.3

Analysis Procedure

As explained earlier in this chapter, the analysis of the empirical materials (and the complete empirical research) was carried out in different stages following the bricolage approach, and involved the application of different ad hoc tools. The zooming method (Bolten, 2001, 2014b, 2014a, 2007/2018; Zeutschel, 2016) was applied in two cases. In the first case, as a procedure of bringing myself closer and distancing myself from the empirical materials, the notion of zooming helped my awareness of using spaces and pauses to gain distance in order to remain fresh to new findings and understandings, while remaining close enough to become very familiar with the data corpus. In the second case, regarding analysis of the stories, the zooming perspective was helpful as I zoomed out in order to observe the complete story as a unity. By zooming in, I was able to look at particularities of the story without losing the connection to the unity of the story of a person, seen as a subject in the intersubjective world. The entire story thus offers themes and units of meaning that are bound to the social world. In order to assure rigor and transparency regarding the analysis procedure,37 the reconstruction process will be described. Nevertheless, the process is difficult to elucidate because it is an ongoing hermeneutical working process, in the sense of an iterative spiral coming forward and backwards. Therefore, it must be clear that these stages had blurred boundaries and were open-ended.

2.3.1

Zooming Out – Getting to Know the Stories as Unities

The process of zooming in and out is an exercise of constant observation and reflection. The first stage of analysis involved becoming familiar with the conversations. This was possible through listening to the audio files a number of times during the conversation index, transcription, correction and analysis phases. Once the transcriptions had been corrected, the next step involved gaining a deeper understanding of the uniqueness of each individual story as a separate entity. At this

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Braun and Clarke (2006) make the point that methodological chapters often show the main objects and justifications of their research – the “what” and “why” – but tend not to outline “how” they conducted their research. The path and steps followed in the work that the researcher created should be explicitly and transparently described, re-constructed and reflected upon, including all challenges and possible errors in the conducting of fieldwork and/or analysis. It is not only a question of writing this as a section of the methodology chapter, but also truly committing to truly clarifying the methodological praxis for the sake of one’s own research project, and in order for others to be able to learn and understand it.

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stage, it was helpful to visualize each story by creating mind maps on a flipchart and blackboard.38 Once that step had been completed, the individual analysis in Maxqda took place, using the different tools that the software provides. Each story was analyzed separately using the memo39 and paraphrasing functions.40 In the Maxqda memos, information from the research journal, conversation index, mind maps and newly discovered information was added. The paraphrase function was applied to determine the content and formal dimensions of the text (Schriewer, 2014a, pp. 394-395); the stages of the stories, the initial story as self-presentation and the construction of the story either chronologically or not, as well as the themes that were discussed; whether the stories used metaphors, descriptions, argumentations, a narration or an anecdote, a success or a sad story; their agency, their strategies, perceptions, moments of self-reflection, justification of their actions, their mobility paths41 ; the bifurcation moments in life, understood as sudden and unpredictable change of orientation that occur throughout the life of a person as a result of a crisis (Bidart, 2006, as cited in Muñiz Terra, 2018, para. 23).

2.3.2

Zooming In – Thematic Analysis

Zooming in was possible by applying the thematic analysis tool and some aspects of hermeneutic phenomenology. The combination of the hermeneutic spiral (Bolten, 1985) within thematic analysis enables operationalization for analyzing the subjective dimension within a qualitative approach, through identifying, analyzing and reporting themes strongly linked to the empirical materials,42 as well as organiz38

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The creation of mind maps on flipcharts and blackboards (available in my working space) was a spontaneous decision after observing the constraints of working on the computer and with printed paper. I took pictures of each mind map and added them to the data files on each participant. The memos in Maxqda are in different categories, such as document memos, memos in the corpus of the conversation, memos in the audio or for coded segments of texts. I used mostly document, in-text memos and code memos. The memos can be organized by color, theoretical aspect, methodological aspect, question marks or exclamation marks, and it is possible to access all with the memos overview function. With this function, one can make visible in a parallel form the column with paraphrases and the conversation text. These issues were again marked and linked into codes. This process might raise similarities to GT approach and to the iterative-inductive analysis, which characterizes Ethnographic Research. For this research, I first considered using the GT approach particularly in the process of conducting the research as well as in the process of coding inductively. Nevertheless, I opted to distance myself from GT because of its implicit theoretical commitment to generating a universal, representative theory as well as the appli-

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ing and describing the empirical materials set in rich detail (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 6).43 For the purposes of this research, a theme consists of relevant and interesting information related to the research questions (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 10). A theme is considered relevant if it plays a significant role in the life of the participants. This issue is handled in two ways: firstly, if a theme is present in the story of other participants, playing a significant role in their life44 and secondly, a theme is considered relevant even if just one person or a minority of the participants refer to it. The selection of themes as result of a zooming in analysis is through the identification of topics, in the form of units of analysis, through the creation of codes (Rädiker & Kuckartz, 2019; Schriewer, 2014a).45 This coding process is not about dividing into segments, breaking and ignoring the bonds within the complete and unique life story conversation. On the contrary – awareness of the interrelation between codes, themes and complete life stories is not and should not be forgotten or ignored. The coding process took place following an inductive or bottom-up approach, which is the “process of coding the data without trying to fit it into a pre-existing

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cation of saturation for the theoretical sampling and the naive assumptions that researchers should start their fieldwork without influences or with pre-conceptions in their minds. (My position concerning these issues features in Section 2.1). The iterative-inductive approach is similar to GT but less prescriptive. It provides the opportunity to adopt and adapt existing theories and methods (see O’Reilly, 2005/2012, pp. 180-181). This approach seemed suitable; nevertheless, my overall feeling about the ethnographic works and handbooks that I explored is that they are often not explicit and transparent enough in how they analyze their data (they mostly reference that they applied principles of GT or that they coded the interviews, but exactly “how” tends not to be explained). Following the bricolage approach, I considered it appropriate that this research incorporate tools and perspectives that allow freedom and flexibility in research. Therefore, I found the thematic analysis approach more suitable because it allowed me to analyze the conversations without being “wed to any preexisting theoretical framework” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 9) and also to remain clear in my research goals that this research is not universal, nor representative and aims for the zooming approach of observance from a person-centered perspective to a macro perspective. Braun and Clarke (2006, p. 6) discuss how thematic analysis is a “poorly ‘branded’ method” in comparison with other more widely-known methods, such as grounded theory or narrative analysis. They do however argue that plenty of qualitative analysis methods follow the procedures of thematic analysis. For more about this discussion, see Braun & Clarke (2006). I do not refer to this aspect in the sense of quantification since this dissertation is not concerned with frequencies of coded categories, the number of times a topic is mentioned or the number of lexical repetitions, as is the case of research applying mixed methods or which includes quantitative aspects such as content analysis (see Mayring, 2000). A code is a segment identified in the text as a unit of analysis. The terms code and category are used as synonyms (see Rädiker & Kuckartz, 2019, p. 70).

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coding frame, of the researcher’s analytic preconceptions, in this sense this form of thematic analysis is data driven” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 12). The tools applied for the elaboration of thematic codes, analysis and interpretation of the stories involved combining the Maxqda software and other visualizing tools such as a flipchart, blackboard, and moderation cards. In order to ensure that context was not lost,46 codes and sub-codes were created, mainly by capturing complete paragraphs and possible interventions on the part of the researcher. These interventions were also coded in order to make them more visible for the critical reflection of the researcher as co-creator of the conversation. Different kinds of codes were applied such as open, In-Vivo, thematic and analytical codes (Rädiker & Kuckartz, 2019).47 Codes were mostly open and inductive. In-Vivo codes used words that the participants used. Thematic codes identified topics presented in the conversations. In the final stages of the analysis, a matrix of analytical codes was developed deductively, incorporating the inductively segmented codes into the theoretical and imaginary approaches. Each code and coded segment is provided with memos that clarify the related code descriptions, information and interpretations. The process of coding took a considerable amount of time and was carried out over many readings of the text. Eleven main thematic codes were produced, with a large amount of sub-codes. The codes respected the themes that participants referred to, dividing their lives into the periods before migration, migration and post-migration, the latter of which dealt with their lives in Germany. For this reason, many sub-codes might appear to be doubled or tripled, for example the code regarding work appears as work in Mexico (prior to migration to Germany) and work in Germany (post-migration). Although having such a large amount of codes might appear confusing,48 it was decided to proceed in this manner in order to respect the logic and thematic differentiation of the stories. The diverse codes were organized using the “Sets” tool in Maxqda. Consequently, sets of categories were created and viewed. This procedure was helpful

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A common criticism of coding (see Bryman, 2001, as cited in Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 19). Other Maxqda tools for coding were applied, such as colors and emoticons for love (a heart) and the emoticon of a female figure for issues related to women. The color yellow was used for important issues, blue for issues relating to class, green for discrimination, and purple for irrelevant parts such as interruptions. Rädiker and Kuckartz (2019, p. 110) recommend that the number of main codes should not exceed twenty and the number of sub-codes per main category should not exceed ten. In this case, the coding process was open and In-Vivo, therefore I decided to respect the logic of the stories. The categorization was a lengthy process, and the tools that Maxqda provides were applied in order to maintain clarity and structure in the coding process, such as color differentiation of codes and the description of each code.

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for the elaboration of themes. Discovering themes entails an exercise of abstraction of the information. A theme is constructed by uniting many categories. The abstraction and organization of codes into the creation of themes was done using mind maps.49 The next step was to detect explicit (semantic) and interpretative (latent) themes (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006). Locating explicit themes allows one to answer the research questions concerning the participants’ lives in Germany. Latent themes are analyzed in order to make visible the connections between individual stories within the interpretation of the social imaginaries. As this is an explorative, open research project and the life story conversation is a tool that provides an enormous amount of empirical materials, certain themes were selected while others were omitted, even if they are significant and interesting. The themes that this research focuses on are based on the imaginaries of migration, which are integrated according to mobility reasons, life in Germany, the reimagination of Mexico and Mexicanness and the influences between culture and interculturality. These themes are the core of this work and are presented in the following chapters. Before going further into the themes of this research, the next section presents the critical reflection on the research procedure and on my own role, both as researcher and as part of the phenomenon of study.

2.4

Critical Reflection on the Research Procedure

This section presents the critical reflection in three main parts. The first part concerns the challenges and limitations of this work and the strategies developed in order to overcome them, such as the innovation regarding the conducting of life story conversations. I then reflect critically on my role as researcher and co-producer of the stories and, finally, in regard to my own story.

2.4.1

Reflection on Challenges and Limitations

The interdisciplinary and international aspects of this investigation are without doubt valuable features of this work. Nevertheless, building a bridge between different disciplines and approaches in German-, English- and Spanish-speaking contexts has at times been challenging. The large amount of empirical materials produced by life story conversations can be overwhelming. Additionally, analyzing life

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Using the application Maxmaps in Maxqda but also paper and a whiteboard.

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stories on your own is considered a limitation (Campo-Redondo, et al., 2001). Ideally, there are research groups working on this endeavor. However, in my specific case, this monograph began as an individual doctoral research project. I overcame these issues through constant dialogue and the exchange of ideas regarding my research procedure, its progress, findings and reflections in different formats such as exchanges with advisers and colleagues, my participation in doctoral colloquiums and conferences, and delivering lectures related to my research. Section 2.2.4 described the method used to conduct the conversations, which involved not using pen and paper to write questions or remarks on particular topics. This meant that I had to remember what areas I wanted to discuss further at the end of the story, since no interruptions occurred. In many cases, the participants narrated themes, circumstances and details of interest to the research in detail; they provided the answers without me having to ask. Nevertheless, there were also situations when they did not go into the topics in more detail and I asked them questions at the end of their narration. By not writing these questions down, there was the risk that I would forget to ask them or to go into important aspects of the life story in more detail. This is one important issue to consider when applying this method. This technique requires practice and a mental method of remembering.50 While this method has certain challenges, I am certain that not writing during the conversation and placing all my focus on listening created an empathetic setting and prevented the participants from feeling that they were “objects of study”. All were open and offered me the opportunity to contact them in case I had further questions after listening to the recording. There was no need to do this since the conversations delivered enough relevant information for the construction of this work. One challenge I encountered during the first conversation was a problem with the recorder which meant that the initial few minutes were, unfortunately, not recorded. I recorded the rest of the conversation with my smartphone in keeping with my backup plan. I was nervous because it was the first interview of this project and it was more or less spontaneous. However, that incident did not impact negatively on the conversation. The participant spoke freely and confidently. The first part of his initial story is missing in the audio, but I was able to reconstruct it after the conversation had finished thanks to my audio memos and journal.

2.4.1.1

Virtual Life Story Conversation

For three of the participants willing to participate in this project, I was unable to travel to where they lived, due to time and health issues. I therefore thought that it could be interesting to experiment with conducting virtual life story conversations 50

I used my hands to remember topics that I wanted to remember in order to ask questions later. I learned this technique from Klaus Schriewer.

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with them.51 The method for conducting online life stories is still in development. Atkinson (2001, p. 132) states that face to face conversations are always better when conducting life story interviews, and refers to the option of having secondary meetings or adding information to stories previously relayed via email, for instance in cases where interviews were too short. What first appeared to be a limitation and a challenge became an opportunity to explore a new method and a significant contribution to the field of virtual life story conversations. This field needs to be further researched, applied and discussed (Illingworth, 2006), instead of simply being criticized offhand. This is mostly because of its advantages in terms of space, time and cost. There is a double risk just as there is in face-to-face conversations. The success of the conversation depends on how wiling the participant is to share, the chemistry and the researcher’s skills when it comes to creating a space of confidence and trust. This, I think, is regardless of whether it takes place in a virtual or face-to-face setting. In this regard, it can be stated that no major differences between conducting a life story interview face-to-face and virtually were experienced. This certainly has to do with the interlocutors, who were very open, talkative, and flexible. They were also over 35 years old, and so had a number of stories to share. Participants felt confident and spoke freely. I felt that the fact that they were alone in their homes was an advantage because it meant they were in their comfort zone. For instance, the first online conversation I had was with Daniel. When we started the conversation, he was folding his clothes. He “warned” me, telling me that that is what he was going to do. I think this act was a strategy he applied in order to feel confident in the situation, “doing something” rather than just being in the vulnerable position of telling his life story to a stranger. I was somewhat displeased at first, but told him it was okay, that it was important that he felt comfortable. When he started talking freely, asking me questions too, I had the impression that he was relaxed and focused on the conversation. He opened up fully and told me his story from the comfort of his couch. My annoyance dissipated and when he became more involved in telling me his life story, he put aside his clothes and did not go back to them for the remainder of the conversation. He repeated many times that he was surprised that he was telling me things that he had never told anyone before. Similarly, another participant, Adriana, in a conversation face-to-face in a cafe, also told me in confidence aspects of her life, telling me that no other person knew these things. We became so focused on each other that the background noises from the street and the people in the coffee shop did not disturb us at all. I only later

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It should be noted that this section was written before the COVID-19 pandemic and that the use of video conferencing platforms was not as developed then as it has become in 2021.

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noticed them and became annoyed while transcribing the conversations that had been conducted in open spaces. By giving these examples, I wish to clarify that virtual interviews are not necessarily a disadvantage when conducting empirical qualitative research. Yes, there are limitations, such as the quality of the Internet connection, which was lost on two occasions, with the risk that the flow of the conversation could have been lost. However, fortunately in this case, it was only for a matter of seconds and when the connection was reestablished, Daniel resumed the conversation where it had left off, as if there had not been any interruption. Interruptions can happen during both face-to-face and online conversations. How the conversation resumes depends on the participant and researcher. The same interruptions can happen with face-to-face conversations, as was the case with the constant interruptions during the conversations with Susana, Osvaldo and Eduardo. During the second online conversation with Renata, problems with the camera meant that the conversation kept freezing and was too slow. Therefore, we decided to talk without using the camera. I was nervous and hesitant because I could not see her. Nevertheless, Renata, who has experience in conducting qualitative analysis, was supportive and committed to the conversation. She even said “she would let her unconscious speak”. The conversation lasted more than four hours and Renata shared her story in detail. She even cried at one point. In that case, I thought that if I had been there next to her, I might have touched her as a sign of empathy. Nevertheless, in the face-to-face conversation with Maria, she cried and I could not touch her because she was sitting away from me while breastfeeding her child. The point I wish to make by giving these examples is that in difficult situations, whether during face-to-face or virtual conversations, there are moments where one might react in a particular way but the situation dictates otherwise. In both cases, I comforted the participants verbally and it was not an issue. The third Skype conversation with Ana went smoothly, without any technical problems. Unlike the other two participants with whom I had virtual conversations, I knew Ana already, since we have a friend in common who had introduced us some years ago. Nevertheless, I did not know very much regarding the details of her life. I was confident that our chemistry would work, but I was nervous with regard to how open she was going to be with me. I made clear to her that the conversation was anonymous and that she could trust me. In the end this conversation was just like the others: open, honest and natural.

2.4.1.2

Prior Acquaintance of Participants

I had had previous contact with three of the participants. One had interviewed me about my professional career for their doctoral research, but we did not know

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each other personally. The snowball sampling method meant that by talking with one participant I was led to another participant, whom it turned out I knew from my childhood in Mexico. This was a surprise and I was happy when I contacted her and she agreed to talk to me. We had been neighbors but we did not have a personal or close relationship. I had more contact with her siblings, who were closer to me in age. In that conversation, I shared more of myself because I was asked to. We reminisced about the neighborhood and certain people. She asked me to stop recording when she told me about aspects of her life which she wanted to keep out of this research. Overall, I do not think that knowing the participants is a limitation, although this depends upon the dynamic between the people and how the life story develops. During the encounter with the person I knew from my childhood, I felt different to how I felt during the other conversations. The setting, her reserved personality and the topic she discussed off the record influenced me and made me feel limited in comparison with the other conversations.

2.4.2

Reflection as Researcher and Co-producer of Stories

Reflexivity and a critical approach are very important for this work, as well as consciousness of my role as a researcher and co-creator of the stories (Ferrarotti, 2007, p. 26). The setting and progress of a conversation is influenced by the interconnection between the interlocutors, considering factors such as rapport and mood; as well as non-verbal, verbal, para-verbal and extra-verbal elements, as I have discussed in the description and reflection upon the conversations and interaction with participants. Besides the awareness during the construction of a setting between two or more people, in this particular research another factor that needs to be openly discussed is my role as a person sharing similarities with the participants of this research, since I was born and socialized in Mexico and am a migrant in Germany. There is awareness that my own experiences motivated me to explore a social phenomenon that I was observing and experiencing and to find a gap within an unexplored phenomenon. However, although my own experiences and observations are reflected upon and highlighted here, they are not relevant to the results of this work, which are based upon the arguments and experiences of the participants in the research. It is nonetheless important to discuss the role of migrant researchers studying migration. Leung (2015) discusses and considers how co-ethnicity and sharing the migrant experience can enrich this kind of research. She also reflects on how issues concerning nationality, ethnicity, culture and belonging might become more relevant and be triggered on a taken-for-granted basis as shared knowledge. In the case of this investigation, I am fully aware that in the contact with the participants, the national, migrant, academic, bi-national partnership (having a

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German partner) elements were activated. Approaching it from a multi-collective perspective (see Chapter 1), it can be argued that connections concerning those collectivities within those fields of action were found, triggering the use of the national, the migrant, the academic, the gender and the bi-national partnership imaginaries. The Mexican imaginary significations generated sympathy, empathy and, at first, solidarity. In this case, it was an advantage that translated into accessing and understanding the meaning in the stories, which was strengthened with the rigorous application of tools of analysis and reflection. In particular, the observation tools and perspectives described were crucial in order to gain distance from and closeness to the stories.

2.4.3

Reflection on my Own Story

I am aware of my bonds within the phenomena of study and my role in the re-construction of conversations as the observer, that observes and re-creates meaning (Luhmann, 1993). Therefore, it is crucial to reflect on some relevant aspects of my own story and on my interest in this object of inquiry. There are clear aspects of my own story that are connected to my research focus: I was born and socialized in Mexico. I visited Germany for the first time in the year 2001 for six weeks, and then in 2003 I came back as an exchange student at the University of Leipzig and stayed for almost eight months. In the year 2008, I was granted a scholarship for a two-year Master’s program in International Migration and Intercultural Relations at the University of Osnabrück, where I also spent one exchange semester at the University of Murcia Spain undertaking fieldwork for my Master’s thesis. Since 2008, I have lived permanently in Germany. My motivations are similar to those of the participants in this research: academic reasons, love, work and lifestyle (see Chapter 3). My own experiences as a migrant in Germany motivated me to explore a social phenomenon that I was living and experiencing personally and professionally. As a social scientist, I was motivated to find a gap in a topic that has not been explored, as is the case with Mexican migration to Germany, linking the different theoretical, methodological, analytical and interdisciplinary perspectives that my biographical path has enabled me to construct, providing me with a multifaceted and multi-contextual lens of analysis. Personally, migration became a topic of relevance for me when I was a teenager, with the migration of two brothers and two cousins to Canada. I had the chance to visit them once on my first trip abroad. The different lifestyles, languages and people made a strong impression upon me. I remember being very surprised with regard to the reception of “Mexican culture” on two occasions, once while attending a Mexican festival and later, in an interaction I had with a sales woman at her shop. After that woman had asked me if she might help me, I answered hesitatingly with

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the little English I knew. She then asked me where I was from and when I told her, she was suddenly very happy and started to sing the song “Cielito Lindo”, singing out loud “Ay ay ay canta y no llores” in an Anglophone accent. I remember that I felt welcome and it was nice but it was also a funny and awkward moment and I did not know exactly what to do, besides smiling. The same feeling arose once more almost eleven years ago when I came to Germany to study my Master’s degree. My scholarship included two months on an intensive language course at the Goethe Institute. There, I got to know many people from all over the world, but what particularly caught my attention was the group of Mexicans, which was quite large, between 30 and 50 Mexican students from Bachelors to Post-graduate studies with economic and social capital. For me it was very interesting to see how they behaved, how the topic of Mexico was always present: they spoke about Mexico, they presented themselves proudly as Mexicans. We would all talk about Mexican food and about how we missed it. At a party, all the Mexicans sang the song “Cielito Lindo”. It was a sort of bliss and I was fascinated by the social excitement that it caused. It was like a hymn. I was unsure how to proceed, besides observing their fervor, enthusiasm and pride while singing it. It was a contagious “feeling of Mexicanness”. When I found myself with other Mexicans or Latin Americans, I always observed our interactions and I questioned myself regarding topics related to identity and the use of symbolism. For instance, once, at a celebration of September 15th, Mexican Independence Day, a bunch of young students were dressed in the national colors (red, white and green), wrestling masks, and soccer shirts. I was very surprised to see flags all over the place and one young person covered in a flag, as if they were hugging it, yelling aloud “Viva Mexico!” while all the others repeated with fervor “Viva Mexico!” as is the tradition in Mexico. Even though I also experienced nostalgia and missed aspects of Mexico such as my family, friends, the weather and the food, it was not possible for me to grab and hug a flag. I could not yell with that same fervor “Viva Mexico!” and I had the feeling that people looked upon me as strange, as if I were an outsider, when they realized I was not doing so. The connection between my experiences as a migrant and my field of studies has undoubtedly shaped my life and point of view. During my first years in Germany, when I was studying the Master’s degree in Osnabrück, these experiences made me wonder why “we” have this national reaction abroad. Is it only nostalgia or is it something else? What happens with Mexican migrants in Europe? The only knowledge I had concerning Mexican Migration involved migration to North America (the United States and Canada), where migrants are traditionally stereotyped and represented using images of the poor, the agricultural, uneducated and undocumented workers abroad (Valenzuela Arce, 2005). I remembered how these migrants and also the Chicano community had been heavily criticized for speak-

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ing Spanglish, and I was observing the same phenomena with others and myself, mixing languages and even forgetting some words in Spanish. Yet, we were seen differently from others in Mexico, because we were in Europe. This is the product of thinking and approaching culture as containers while seeking coherence, but I was experiencing the struggles between the logics of coherence and cohesion (see Chapter 1). I therefore decided to study the under explored theme of Mexican migration in Europe. Firstly, I examined this as part of my Master´s thesis on Mexican people living in Spain (2011); the principal destination in Europe for Mexicans. There, my experience as a researcher in migration, learning about other migrations and methods such as life stories and the social imaginary, was enriched. Secondly, my current research in Germany – the second most popular destination for Mexicans in Europe (Fundación BBVA Bancomer & Secretaría de Gobernación/Consejo Nacional de Población, 2019) – is enhanced by the knowledge gained within the interdisciplinary and intercultural studies perspective of the school of Jena, as well as my own experiences in other roles I have had during my life. The shared experiences of the participants in this investigation reflect some aspects, thoughts and feelings of my own story. However, my role as a researcher and the analytical tools that I have implemented in this research enable me to reflect on and analyze the meaning and practices from a meta-perspective, with the awareness of what this work does by not assuming to bracket or erase the perceptions, knowledge, story and bias of the researcher. Precisely through visualizing and reflecting upon my own story and knowing about the socialization in diverse collectives of which both I, and the interlocutors, are members, I am able to differentiate between my own story and the interlocutors’ stories. It is from their experiences and not mine that this research is constructed.

2.5

Summary

This chapter has presented the methodological considerations, research design and procedures regarding the conducting of life story conversations and their thematic analysis. It has been discussed that this empirical research is explorative, interpretative, constructivist, interdisciplinary, open, flexible, reflexive and critical. Moreover, it has been argued that this study does not aim to be general nor universal and it is not representative. The significant contributions of this research concerning the methodological perspective are: Firstly, the application of the bricolage method, reasserting the agency of the researcher in selecting and adjusting the methods, tools and perspectives appropriate for this investigation.

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Secondly, the contribution to the field of migration studies conducted by “migrant researchers” (Leung, 2015); an area needing further exploration. Thirdly, the conducting of life story conversations instead of interviews, combined with the perspective of the imaginaries. From a person-centered perspective, it provides insight into the subjectivities and imaginary dimension of reality, allowing us to examine the interconnection with the social inter-subjective world. Fourthly, the application of the zooming observatory process within the analysis of life story conversations that was undertaken. On the one hand, “zooming out” in order to acknowledge them as unities that offer unique individual experiences. On the other hand, “zooming in” to analyze significant themes in each individual story, finding the commonalities among them.

3 Re-imagining Life through Migration “Unlike many other people, I didn’t come to study or because I got married. I left Mexico because I didn’t want to live in Mexico anymore. […]. When I was a girl, around 12 or 13 I was very upset because of something and I said to my mom ‘I will leave this country because I don’t like how things are here’ and my mother told me ‘Study a lot so you can leave’”. (Maricarmen)

This chapter aims to make visible the manner in which participants signify their lives, especially with regard to migration and the themes which emanate from it, such as dreams and expectations for a better life, while facing changes in their everyday life-world and view of the world (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991; Schütz & Luckmann, 1973). In order to understand the role of the imaginary dimension of life in the interlocutors’ life stories, it is necessary to elucidate the reasons, hopes, expectations and perceptions concerning their imagination of life and how migration became a strategy and a decision, which they actively made. This chapter recreates the migratory path starting from the motivation to migrate, highlighting the participants’ expectations and their lived experiences. Desire, expectations, dreams and the hope for a better life play a significant role in migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009b; Goycoechea, 2003; O’Reilly, 2014; O’Reilly & Benson, 2009; Rickmeyer, 2009; Schmidt Camacho, 2008). How people imagine other places and other people is influenced by symbolic resources such as mass media, tourism, nation-building, international cooperation and migrant stories that re-configure imaginaries through expectations, re-creating the ideal of a better life in Western contexts such as the “American and European Dreams” (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008; Goycoechea, 2003; Lehmann, 2007; López García, 2011; Pintos, 2005). The process of the re-imagination and re-configuration of life is dynamic and inter-subjective and must acknowledge the oscillation between in-

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stitutionalized, dominant imaginaries that shape social structures and the process of institutionalizing new re-configurations of meaning and practices (Assmann, 1995; Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991; Bolten, 2014b; Bourdieu, 1990; Castoriadis, 1975/2005). This ongoing process influences identity-formation and the reciprocal interplay of agents with the self, Others and their multiple fields of action. Regarding the hope for a better life, the view of lifestyle migration has focused on migration while acknowledging the perspective of the social imaginary. The next section highlights the issues which are relevant to this work and the contribution that it makes to the enhancement of this approach.

3.1

Lifestyle in Migration

The concept of lifestyle migration recognizes the significance of the imaginary dimension in migration, acknowledging how migrants signify their migration and life in a migratory context. This perspective captures the intersections between other motivations and meanings behind migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 32). Lifestyle migration focuses on the fact that lifestyle issues, such as searching for a better life, appear to be the main motivation in certain migrations. Lifestyle migration does not refer exclusively to a concept in the form of a container. Rather it serves as an analytical lens through which one may observe the role that lifestyle plays in migration and its diversity, acknowledging different motivations such as love, academic life, work, and the inseparability of factors such as income, security, economics, politics, environment, “and the quality of life it supports” (Knowles and Harper, 2009, as cited in Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 24). Earlier stages in lifestyle migration research focused mostly on the mobility of people from “developed countries” who had moved to places where their cost of living would be lower than in their country of origin, where “[…] their quality of life

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[would] be improved partly because of a lower cost of living”1 (Hayes, 2014, as cited in Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 22).2 Lifestyle migrants are defined as “mostly often relatively affluent and relatively privileged individuals, moving either part-time or full-time, permanently or temporarily, to places which, for various reasons, signify for the migrants something loosely defined as quality of life” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 22). The notion of life quality is plural and differs depending on the context, and consists of multiple factors within diverse thematic dimensions of reality. It affects macro and micro levels in the life of the agent and is determined by the association between objective needs and subjective demands in life and the relative levels of accessibility and satisfaction of these (Lindenboim, 2000, as cited in Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 121). While it is not being declared here that the participants in this research are “lifestyle migrants”, it is argued that it was possible to find aspects regarding lifestyle and quality of life in their stories, especially with relation to their motivation to migrate and their reasons for remaining in Germany. It is therefore useful to view these experiences in relation to lifestyle migration, especially since this research combines the perspectives of imaginaries, migration and life stories. However, for the purposes of this work some precision with regard to the definition of lifestyle migrants needs to be considered. This research therefore contributes to

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Regarding destinations where the cost of living is lower, in this particular case it is difficult to state in a general manner whether the cost of living in Germany is higher or not than in Mexico. Determining cost of living in these countries is not a simple matter – we need to consider the different contexts (villages or major cities) and sociodemographic characteristics. Mexico is a very unequal country with an estimated 43.7 % of the population living in poverty and 11.7 % in extreme poverty (in year 2016) (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2019, p. 79). In Mexico “inequality among families in the wealth distribution is higher than inequality measured by income, while asset ownership inequality is greater for financial than for physical assets” (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2019, p. 19). For more information regarding socio-economic panorama, see Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2019; Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía [INEGI], 2016; Consejo Nacional de Evaluación de la Política de Desarrollo Social, 2016). Examples of this include the mobility of seniors from different European countries to Spain (see Schriewer & García Jiménez, 2005) and seniors from Canada and the USA moving to Mexico (see Hiernaux, 2011) and Ecuador (see Hayes, 2015) with the aim of “enjoying life”.

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the theoretical and empirical discussion relating lifestyle in migration with other phenomena of study.3 The definition of lifestyle migrants has relativized the aspect of the affluence of the individuals.4 “The recognition of relativity allows an understanding of lifestyle migrants as potentially vulnerable and, in some cases, disadvantaged” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 29). This recognition of relativity must be highlighted because, in the participants’ stories in this research and their social context in Mexico, it is possible to recognize from their cultural and social capital (Bourdieu, 1986) (see Section 1.3.2.5) that they are “mostly often relatively affluent” and “relatively privileged” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016). Most participants explicitly narrated the socio-economic context in which they grew up. From the conversations, it can be interpreted that most participants came from middle-to upper-class backgrounds. Two participants mentioned belonging to the lower-middle class, saying that although their life involved some difficulties and they did not have much money for luxuries or vacations, they had enough for shelter, food and education: I grew up in a family (.) well to tell the truth I don’t know if/whether it’s lower class, middle class or/(.) I mean we never wanted for anything, right? But also/(.) we also saw that (.) that it takes work to have things. And that well, you have to work. Because you’re not going to get anything for free. So we lacked for things too. We lacked things because we were five children. So, to keep five children in school, shoes, clothes. Yeah, (.) we didn’t always have the NEWEST or the best SNEAKERS or, “you’d better wear them a little longer” ((laughs)), you know? We shared clothes with my brothers and sisters. It was something (.) that for me was very NORMAL. (Marco) “Relatively privileged” is interpreted here according to aspects of their cultural and social capital such as education, mobility experiences and a relatively “free” decision to move in order to achieve their imagined lifestyle. Research regarding lifestyle migration has focused on people having apparently a “‘free choice’ to pursue a particular way of living through migration […] the migrants themselves distinct in their structural positioning as people who can 3

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Benson and O’Reilly (2016) suggest broadening the field of study not only to lifestyle migration but also to lifestyle “in” migration. They highlight the fact that more empirical research is needed to show other examples of lifestyle in migration, with people moving from the global south to the global north who are not necessarily affluent and privileged and where the destination offers lower costs of living. An earlier definition considered “relatively affluent individuals” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a, p. 621) while a later definition considers “mostly often relatively affluent and relatively privileged individuals” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 22).

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approach migration as a form of consumption in contrast to the production orientation attributed to most other migration flows” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 21). Lifestyle as a concept offers a way of introducing both choice and consumption into discussions about migration, complicating the image of the migrant (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 33): Lifestyle is to some extent the imagined style of life after migration and as such can be considered as a social structure. Lifestyle thus shapes what people expect through more easily identified social and physical structures […]. Some styles of life are simply more easily imaginable and available in some places than others. Lifestyle, as a set of individual or shared ideas and conceptualizations, can come to have a life of its own as social imaginaries. (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 30) Education was discussed as a key aspect in their development and improvement in life. Participants mentioned that thanks to their parents’ efforts and their own determination (some by working while studying) they had access to education (some attending public schools and others, private schools and universities5 ). Two participants mentioned that they were the first generation in their families to study at university. All participants mentioned the importance of speaking at least English in order to succeed. They also all have university degrees and are therefore considered here as high-skilled migrants.6 Through the participants’ life stories it can be seen that lifestyle aspects are connected not only within motivations for mobility but also within the processes of changing identities through the migratory experience and reflections regarding how they want to live their life (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 21).

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In Mexico, it can be argued that the differences between public and private education have implications regarding status and class. Some schools mentioned by the participants were private Catholic schools run by a religious order such as Opus Dei, or public schools run by the government. Regarding educational level, it is not possible to make generalizations that suggest that private education is better than public education. For instance, the private and public universities mentioned such as Tecnológico de Monterrey, University of Guadalajara, or UNAM are excellent universities according to international rankings (see Times Higher Education, 2020). Scholars such as Gandini (2018); Lozano-Ascencio and Gandini (2011) who study high skill migration discuss the lack of a commonly accepted definition of high-skilled migration. They reference the classic definitions by Lowell, Findlay & Stewart (2004) focusing on individuals with tertiary or post-secondary education, or Iredale (2001) who focuses on an equivalent experience in a specific field (as cited in Lozano-Ascencio & Gandini, 2011, p. 15). These definitions are commonly used since studies usually examine statistical data, but definitions might change depending on their operative function in specific works. This work understands a high-skilled migrant to be an individual that has completed tertiary education and has a degree.

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The complicated image of the migrant also raises the question regarding single reasons for migrating that reproduce single categorizations in migration studies. To elucidate this argument, the next section presents the findings regarding the participants’ motivations and mobility paths.

3.2

Motivations for Mobility

While conducting the conversations, it appeared at first that academic reasons and love were the principal motives for the interlocutors’ migration. This is also reflected in the few works that have focused on Mexican migration to Spain (López García, 2011; Santillán Buelna, 2009, 2017), and Germany, using the labels “love migration” for migration related to relationships or marriage,7 and “high-skilled

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Migration has also been categorized into colors where “pink” has been used for love migration and “gold” to allude to families with higher economic capital. These families are mostly from northern states and have been forced to move to the United States due to security issues (see Durin, 2012). For studies regarding love migration see Roca Girona (2009); Roca Girona, Soronellas Masdeu, and Bodoque Puerta (2012). Anthropologist Jordi Roca Girona studied the romantic migration of Latin American and Slavic women to Spain. Although the focus is on Latin America in general, he includes Mexican women in his interviews, it being one of the few studies of this kind.

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migration”, “qualified diaspora”8 (Piña Hernández, 2017, p. 6) or “creative class and creative talent” (Peña Muñoz, 2013, 2015a). Despite the fact that love and/or academic studies are apparently the main reasons for migration, the stories of some participants show that bifurcations (Muñiz Terra, 2018) (see Chapter 2) in their lives lead them to take the decision to leave Mexico. Overall, lifestyle motivations are also relevant regarding that decision and also the decision to remain in Germany. Through the analysis of the life stories, it became clear that labeling the motivations of migration as singular categories is problematic. Doing so would reproduce “simple categories” which are imprecise and incomplete because motivations for mobility are complex, mixed and entangled.9 Therefore, one of the findings of this work is that a combination of circumstances motivates participants’ mobility. This 8

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The book “Mexican Professionals in Germany” (Profesionistas Mexicanos en Alemania), published by the Institute of Mexicans’ Abroad (Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior) (Piña Hernández, 2017) with the goal of creating networks and synergies and empowering “Mexican Talent” in Germany, described it as a “qualified diaspora” in its prologue by government employees. Nevertheless, the book does not specify what is meant by the concept of diaspora. Even though this is not an academic book, using a fashionable concept without defining it contributes to the classification of Mexican migration in Germany. It is therefore important to mention the use of diaspora “as the term has proliferated, its meaning has been stretched to accommodate the various intellectual, cultural and political agendas in the service of which it has been enlisted. This has resulted in what one might call a ‘“diaspora” diaspora’, a dispersion of other meanings of the term in semantic, conceptual and disciplinary space” (Brubaker 2005, as cited in Cohen & Fischer, 2019, p. 3). Traditionally it was used to describe the dispersion, distribution or diffusion (as the definition of the word in Greek denotes) of Jews, Greeks, Armenians and Africans (see Dufoix, 2019; Cohen & Fischer, 2019, p. 3). In a contemporary sense, the concept covers mobility of all sorts; however, its application in this sense is debatable. Therefore, I am critical of labeling Mexican migrants in Germany as a diaspora. Grimson (2011) suggests observing diaspora as a conceptual tool referred to the feeling of belonging of a group of people and their formation of identity, their links to the territory as a symbolic entity in the reference of their roots (see Mera, 2010, as cited in Grimson, 2011, p. 145). Nevertheless, this discussion is not the object of inquiry of this work and therefore I will not engage further in it. It is important to highlight the role that governmental organizations have with their wording, and therefore, their contribution to re-configuring dominant imaginaries based on the logic of the nation-state (see Chapter 1). For further readings regarding the discussion of the term “diaspora” see Anderson (1992); Cohen and Fischer (2019); Glick Schiller (2005); Vertovec (2009). Benson and O’Reilly (2016, pp. 26-27) discuss the problems of categorization and labels in migration research. One of their points relates to the difference in the qualitative and quantitative approaches, their research questions, inquiry and goals. Migratory research from a quantitative, demographic perspective orients itself more towards statistics and operational categories, and aims for measurable results, which is not the case of this monograph. Research using a qualitative approach – such as this one – aims to examine the meaning of migration, acknowledging subjectivity and the imaginary dimension. It does not aim to mea-

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combination of circumstances includes reasons such as studies, love, work10 and lifestyle, where it is noticeable that not only the chance to achieve professional and personal goals is important, but also their imagination of a better life in general. The manner in which participants signified their motivations for migration may be better understood in connection to their mobility experiences (international and/or internal) (see Chapter 1). An interesting finding in this regard concerns participants’ active mobility experiences involving multidirectional migration, where their reasons and motivations have changed in the different phases of their lives. For instance, some participants’ mobility paths show internal mobility within Mexico, then international migration to other countries prior to moving to Germany, and then migrating to Germany, on many occasions and for different periods. After some time there, some returned to Mexico with the aim of staying permanently but, for various reasons, they decided to migrate back to Germany. It is therefore not possible to address migration as a unidirectional and linear phenomenon of “onetime migration” with “one reason” from the point of departure to the point of arrival as “loss and integration” (Passerini, 2007, p. 3) between country of origin and country of destination.11 Instead, traces and bonds between these places and experiences shape life and identity-making processes.12

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sure but rather to observe the re-construction of meaning, taking special care towards the reproduction of partial categories. Another relevant category is work. This research does not present participants that migrated to Germany exclusively with a working contract, as is the case of the husband of Adriana. The fact that this research does not include more cases where work is the main reason to migrate does not mean that they do not exist or that they are not relevant, but rather that it is not the case for the participants in this research. For some participants, work subsequently became part of their reason for remaining in Germany. There is a record of some cases present in the network of Mexican Professionals in Germany, initiated by the Institute of Mexicans Abroad. However, they state that academic progress (70 %) and love (50 %) are the main reasons for migration (see Piña Hernández, 2017). A relevant aspect to consider is that Mexico and Germany are industrial and commercial strategic partners in the automotive industry (see López García & Endres, 2017), and that Mexican industry has a presence in Germany, for instance the cement company Cemex (see Piña Hernández, 2017). This is the focus of transnationalism: processes of formation and maintenance of linkages and ongoing exchanges among non-state actors (non-governmental organizations, businesses, and individuals) based across national borders and their implications in life, for instance through the conformation of transnational groups and practices (Vertovec, 2009, p. 3). “The fluidity of […] communications and […] exchanges constitute a scenario where the distinctions between physical, cultural and identity distances are processed daily” (Grimson, 2011, p. 144). In this sense, I refer to the notion of mobility to acknowledge movement, which is physical and symbolic. I use the term interchangeably with migration, to denote international or internal migration. Studies of mobility claim that the term migration is usually linked with uni-

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It is important to highlight the participants’ mobility experience because it means that it is something they are familiar with, that they see as “normal” and part of their lives, in the sense that migrating to Germany was not their first experience abroad or of new contexts. Mobility is part of the participants’ capital (economic, social, cultural and symbolic). Furthermore, learning from the storytellers’ experiences and perceptions regarding mobility enables one to understand their perceptions of the world, by reflecting the differences and commonalities concerning particular contexts and situations. For purposes of clarity in the sections focused on motivation for migration, a chronological order is followed, presenting first mobility prior to Germany, and secondly, mobility to and within Germany. The importance of internal migration is stressed mostly in terms of the participants’ experiences of inner state mobility within Germany, particularly with regard to how living in different places influences their perceptions and their imagination regarding people and places in Germany.

3.2.1

Motivation for Migration Prior to Germany

The life stories show participants as active and experienced individuals in terms of internal and/or international mobility. While referring to their internal mobility in Mexico,13 participants made constant comparisons in terms of life quality, benefits and the differences (among other topics) between Mexico and Germany. Within the relating of these experiences, the interlocutors engaged in a sort of zooming observation, reflecting on Mexico’s diversity by observing regional particularities, as well as discerning a more general perception of Mexico and the imagination of Mexicans (see Chapter 4). The storytellers referred to the centralization of Mexico and the resulting difference regarding the opportunities available in bigger cities and in smaller ones. Three participants mentioned “having to move” to Mexico City from states in southern and northern Mexico in order to acquire access to better work opportunities, desired study programs and/or because of their relationship at the time, combining mobility plans with their relationship. Other cases showed that moving away from Mexico City to other states – for instance, in western Mexico – was mainly

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lineal and permanent movement (O’Reilly, 2012, p. 46). In this work, migration is approached as dynamic with impacts on macro and micro levels. See also Section 1.4. The topic concerning internal mobility in Mexico is divided and presented in two different sections of this chapter. The purpose is to maintain a logical thematic construction in order to avoid a confusing categorization of international and internal mobility that would not respect the chronological sequence of the interlocutor’s experiences and therefore the logical construction of this work.

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because of better working conditions and life quality, especially in the case of a family with children. Their international experiences referred to time spent in countries in North America, Europe and Central America. Their forms of migration were various and their motivations were due to a combination of circumstances, as we can see in the following passages from their stories. For Susana and Maria, the main reason for migration was to partake in Master’s and doctoral programs, as well as to make short visits for internships in European countries such as Spain and England. Osvaldo aimed at studying a Master’s program in the USA but did not manage to do so; instead, he remained in the USA dedicating himself to surfing while learning English. He said that actually all that he wanted to do was to leave Mexico because of the violence in his hometown. He did not see any opportunities for himself there: But well, right now the whole situation is the same as in (name of city in Mexico), it’s like all over Mexico, right? In all of Mexico, but back then (name of city in Mexico) was especially full of conflict because of the cartels. It was where it was most current and where the situation was very dangerous. Eh, I must say that I came and I wanted to get out of there (4 sec) ((sighs)). I don’t know, there are many assholes. Well, there are many very arrogant guys because they have a weapon and because they have the power, and because the authorities do nothing to them, I mean, they think they own the place, and well, like, I did not agree very much […] with sharing my life sphere with guys that get everywhere because they have the power, right? Then, well, I started to see other possibilities, this was because I went to study in the United States, really, the intention was yes, to do a Master’s degree there, but (…) I spent most of the year learning English and surfing. (Osvaldo) In the case of Osvaldo, it is clear a situation of violence played a major role in his decision to leave, and it seems that studying a Master’s degree was just an excuse to migrate. The common goal for those migrating to the USA and Canada, such as Osvaldo, Daniel, Marco and Ana, was to learn, practice and improve their English, which is seen by all participants as a very important factor for success and as a sign that one is educated. Marco decided to take a one-year break from his undergraduate program at his Mexican university in order to learn English in the USA.14

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In this case, he realized the need for a high level of English for his studies. He said that the level learned at school was not enough because all current and basic literature for his discipline was in English. Therefore, he decided to interrupt his studies and spend one year in the USA. After six months of intensive courses in the community language school, he improved his language skills and thought it would be best to practice the language in a “real” setting while earning some money.

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Besides learning the language, work was the main reason for migration for Ana and Daniel, and presented an opportunity for Marco while in the USA. They had a tourist visa but worked without permission. They referred to themselves as working undocumented but as being in the country “legally”. They had resources, money, family and/or friends who received them and helped them in the destination countries. It was surprising to find that, although these are “high-skilled” persons, the interlocutors engaged in undocumented work, where the main motivation for this decision and practice was to finance their lifestyle. These stories again show entangled motivations and strategies that the participants chose to follow. Ana left Mexico in a crucial moment of her life. She found herself suddenly unemployed, with no clear work opportunities in her hometown. Furthermore, she “couldn’t see a place for herself” as a gay woman in Mexico, because she did not like the gay scene in her city at the time. Later in her narration, she reflected that she had always wanted to leave Mexico. The sum of these factors is considered as a bifurcation in her life: Because somehow, when I was younger, I really wanted to leave, my dream was to leave Mexico (.) because I am gay, and I couldn’t see a place for myself there. I didn’t know what I was going to do there, besides the problems I was going to cause my family. It was like a very personal need (Ana) Ana’s story shows lifestyle as a main motivation, encouraged to migrate after losing her job in an area related to her chosen career. In Canada, Ana worked in construction, enduring unfair treatment and experiencing the “migrant life”, as she put it. At work, things were tough but outside work, she enjoyed life. She felt much more comfortable in the gay scene there and she was practicing her English. Daniel went to the USA after being forced to quit his job, a situation that is interpreted as a bifurcation in his life.15 His main aim was to work while improving his English. A common element of Daniel and Marco’s stories in the USA is their engagement in undocumented work. It appears that this is very easy to do and the way one can obtain fake ID cards in order to be able to work appears to be an “open secret”. Both described their fake IDs as having “very Latin names”. The authorities never checked them and they worked in open establishments dealing with customers. Unlike Ana, Daniel and Marco say they enjoyed positive experiences during that phase.

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The participant explained the difficult situation he found himself in in his former job, where he was supposedly asked to lie in order to make another person quit. In Mexico, one hears of people being pressurized into quitting their jobs in order to avoid having to fire them and the legal issues that might entail. Instead of lying, the participant quit his job himself.

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Even though they were in a “comfortable” position, earning money and improving their language, they experienced negative emotions due to being at risk and restricted. They were working in jobs for which they were over-qualified in order to save money to finance their chosen lifestyle and not for other reasons, such as the need to support their families and send remittances back to Mexico, as would be the case for many people in a migration context within North America. Ana imagines that people migrating to the USA are motivated by a “real need”, such as the need to support their family, unlike her who migrated in order “to achieve her desired lifestyle”. She also imagines that living conditions in the USA are more difficult than in Canada, even though she worked in precarious conditions in the construction sector, a job which she described as “contemporary slavery” and where she experienced discrimination. This example supports what has been discussed in Section 3.1 – that in these cases migration enabled “a form of consumption in contrast to the production orientation attributed to most other migration flows” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2016, p. 21): So I left/but on an adventure, I went to Canada on an adventure (.) and I felt really comfortable there, to tell the truth, even though I was working illegally, I lived legally, I mean, I worked illegally and I lived in a way, a situation (.) not as an unprotected immigrant as they say in the United States, I think in Canada immigrants always have more options and that’s another motivation, I mean, you go to Canada because you don’t like what you studied anymore, because (.) you want a sabbatical year or for some other reason, but at home you have your house, your father, your mother, your bed, your money, I mean (.) it’s not such an extreme situation as what happens in the United States, which is: life or death because if not, there’s no money and nobody eats, right? […] so, this (.) in this situation which is, which is to a certain extent a situation, let’s say privileged and a little bit, well, I’m not gonna lie because it was very difficult too, the work was VERY DIFFICULT and I experienced a lot of discrimination at work (.) but because it was an illegal job, you can’t complain, you know? (.) So anyway, I was very comfortable there for the moment, very comfortable, I had the job, I did things (.) and in effect I found myself there in the [gay] scene, there where I was most comfortable, I was myself, there were no fights and the girls were really beautiful. (Ana) Marco compared it to “being an X-Man” or an “invisible man”, needing to hide and live in the shadows. Although he was able to save money, he was not in the position to enjoy life. For instance, he was not able to play soccer due to the fear of suffering an injury and not having social insurance. He reflected that he had not studied and prepared as much as he had just to end up like that. After working undocumented in the USA, Daniel decided to return to Mexico. However, he could not reintegrate into the Mexican labor market due to his specialization in his former area of work (where he had been obliged to resign). In spite of

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his qualifications, university degree, working experience and English skills, he took a position as a salesperson, a role that required him to travel around the world. He said that although he was overqualified for the position, it was an “opportunity” for him to see the world, since he had never had the chance to travel after or while he was a student. It can therefore be seen that work is a reason for mobility but also a consequence. In the cases of Daniel and Teresa, working in an international field entailed them traveling around the world for long periods while maintaining their main place of residence in Mexico. While Teresa met her husband in Mexico, five participants (Ana, Maricarmen, Susana, Eduardo and Daniel) met their German partner while abroad in countries in North America, Central America and Europe: a situation that motivated their migration to Germany.

3.2.2

Motivation for Migrating to Germany

The stories of some interlocutors showed that they had moved directly from Mexico to Germany on many occasions for different periods, such as three-month internships or vacations, one-year exchanges, two-year Master’s studies or a longer doctoral or post-doctoral position. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about “onetime migration” with “one reason”. Their reasons and motivation have changed in the different stages of their lives and plans in Germany (see Figure 16). Six participants (Teresa, Ana, Maricarmen, Susana, Eduardo and Daniel) said that the main reason for moving to Germany was love or meeting their partner: Yes, because, well, we met in name of Spain, but at that time I went back to Mexico and he went back to Germany, and well, we kept in contact via the internet, until one day, he went there to see me. Then I went back to Mexico, we arranged everything, we got married and (…) and now I finally came. (Susana) Teresa, Ana and Susana said that they had “left everything” to go to Germany because they were in love. At the time, Teresa and Susana were professionals with what they described as good positions in Mexico. They resigned from their jobs, got married and moved to Germany. Four participants (Renata, Marco, Tomas and Maria) mentioned academic reasons as the main motivation for moving to Germany. They were granted scholarships by the Mexican National Council of Science and Technology (CONACYT) and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) to study a Master’s/doctoral degree or to take up a post-doctoral position. This scholarship includes an intensive

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language course and an amount of money, which enables students to live comfortably in Germany. This situation was acknowledged as one of privilege for them.16 Three of these participants belong to engineering disciplines where Germany represents an ideal destination and they saw the opportunity to learn German “as an opportunity to leave […] to go to German universities” (Marco). Germany was the “natural place to go for science” due to the tradition of exchange and collaboration with certain universities, as was the case for Maria. For instance, the story of Renata shows how she firstly spent one year in Germany on a special course. She took the opportunity to leave Mexico for Germany for professional reasons but also because of a bifurcation at that moment in her life. She had just experienced a divorce and said it was the perfect time to leave Mexico and acquire new experiences abroad. During her stay of one year in Germany, she met a man. After some time together, they stayed in touch and started a (partly long-distance) relationship. Later, she moved to Germany for the purpose of pursuing her doctoral career, but she was also motivated by love. The same applies in the case of Marco, who was very interested in Germany but also had a German girlfriend. That situation influenced his selection of university, as well of course as the ranking of the university: My answer was, yes, if I come to Germany again, I want to come with a plan, a life plan, but a plan that also includes something academic. And then they say about pink migration [Renata refers to love migration] ((laughs)), something like that ((laughs)) that it’s something about blending the two things. The thing is that in 2007 while being with the people from the DAAD in (name of city in Germany) I’d met in, a Professor in (name of city in Germany), who’s retired now. So when I came in 2008, I also tried to contact her to see what possibilities there were to continue with the doctorate. (Renata) The mobility of Adriana and her family was active and dynamic, moving internally within Mexico to different cities many times because of work, lifestyle and love (remaining together). They migrated to Germany for the same reasons. She migrated with her family because her husband obtained a working contract in Germany. While her personal motivation was to be with her husband, the motivation was also work, since her husband is the one who provides financial support for the family. In her story, she portrayed herself as a supportive and active wife who encouraged her husband to take “this great opportunity to go to Europe” (Adriana).

16

Except for one person who had started working from an early age and become used to having a lot of money. Work and business are crucial aspects of his life, as he reflected and related in his story. He felt trapped with the amount of money he received through the scholarship and not being able to work in Germany because of visa stipulations. He was the only person who claimed to have a lower quality of life in Germany than in Mexico.

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For Adriana, it was very important that her family remained together even though the contract was a temporary one (six months) with no guarantee of extension. That has been the case for the more than seven years they have lived in Germany; the uncertainty related to the extension of the contract has remained constant. Adriana mentioned her reasons for migrating to Germany after living in many cities in Mexico. She described the last place they had lived in as a “village”17 (Adriana) in a state in western Mexico with a significant Indigenous population in a rural context. She had the impression that her kids’ quality of life had been excellent, surrounded by nature, but she was concerned about their education. Her oldest son was about to enter secondary school and she was worried that the education level and schools around that area were not good enough.18 Adriana recalled her honeymoon in Europe while mentioning her fascination and wish to live there because she had imagined life in Europe as “very glamorous”: when we’d got married, we’d come to Europe on honeymoon and I’d said “it’s just that I’d like to live in Europe, say what you want but Europe has something special” and, it sounds very glamorous, you know? You say “to live in Europe, how cool, I mean look at the buildings, how everything is pretty, how everybody’s very neat”. (Adriana) Maricarmen and Ricardo migrated due to a combination of factors relating mostly to lifestyle aspects that were subsequently interconnected with academic life, work and love, reasons that led to them remaining in Germany. Ricardo said that the first time he left Mexico for Germany it was because he liked the country; later his reasons for migrating included work, studies and love. He came first to meet his friends he had met online in an online file-sharing network, with different rooms to chat with other users, and assumed that finding undocumented work would be easy, like “it is known to be” in the USA. After staying 17

18

She described it as “pueblo bicicletero”, a normalized expression used to denote a rural as opposed to an urban context, highlighting socioeconomic differences. The expression is used pejoratively to describe people in rural areas being far from civilization, with no cars and streets as a sign of development, where people use bicycles because they are “old-fashioned and poor”. Nevertheless, this imaginary is changing through emergent imaginaries of alternative transportation to cars in a conscious move towards road-safety and environmental education and awareness. Bicycles have become fashionable in big cities such as Mexico City, Guadalajara and Monterrey, and governmental bike-sharing programs have been implemented, impacting on urban imaginaries. She mentioned the example of even the teachers at school misusing Spanish and saying “haiga” instead of “haya” for the conjugation of the verb haber (to have). Haiga is an old form of Spanish that has remained mostly in rural areas. The use of this word is considered a vulgarism (see Rodríguez Muñoz, 2012). Nevertheless, some people, despite their education level, still commonly use it. However, it is usually perceived as being used by non-educated people from rural areas and for some people it is a way to mock others regarding their social status.

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for three months, he realized it would be difficult to find a job without the proper visa. He returned to Mexico, started learning German and began working in the government, where he was pressured to support a political party that he did not want to. That situation made his working environment difficult and he decided to resign. He felt relieved and pursued his goal of returning to Germany for the purpose of studying a Master’s degree and to meet a German woman he had gotten to know through the Internet. He was not granted any scholarship so he worked in construction and in restaurants, at times Schwarz, as he says, using the German term for “under the table”.19 Maricarmen stated that her motivation was very different, unlike most of the people she knows in Germany: Unlike many other people, I didn’t come to study or because I got married. I left Mexico because I didn’t want to live in Mexico anymore. And 15 years ago, it wasn’t like it is now. All of my life I was bothered by el dedazo.20 Just because you know someone, because of this, and if you’re a woman you’re completely screwed. […] That bothered me all my life. When I was a girl, around 12 or 13 I was very upset because of something and I said to my mom “I will leave this country because I don’t like how things are here” and my mother told me “Study a lot so you can leave”. (Maricarmen) In her story, she described how she was bothered by certain practices that are imagined as being part of “the Mexican way of being” (Maricarmen) (see Chapter 4), through a shared sense of normalization, typification and legitimation, even if one does not agree. Education is seen as a way out of that context in order to access better life conditions but also, to leave the country. Eduardo began his story by saying that he has lived in many countries because of his lifestyle and profession as an artist. He feels lucky to be able to work in an area which is also his hobby and passion. He referred particularly to living in North America and Central America, but said that he had traveled all over the world. He left Mexico for the first time for legal reasons he preferred not to talk about. He moved to Germany from a country in Central America partly due to love, but mainly because of the unbearable harassment and discrimination he was subjected to by 19

20

Working Schwarz means, in this case, that he worked partly as entitled to according to his visa status but also partly illegally, going over the number of hours and salary he was entitled to. This benefits the employer too because they do not have to pay the taxes generated by this work. Dedazo is an expression in Mexico referring to the arbitrary appointment of people to important positions. It comes from an expression meaning to “point the finger”. For instance, in politics, during the political period of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional PRI), it was said that instead of electing a president by democratic means, they were appointed by the former president by means of dedazo.

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the police there because of the way he looks. He was often mistaken for a member of the Mara gang because of his tattoos: That is why I decided to leave Mexico. I used to live in (country in Central America). I came to Germany because of my ex-wife. We are separated now. We met in (country in Central America) and after a while, I started to experience a lot of harassment from the police because of my tattoos. It was the time […] when all the Mareros21 were deported. (Eduardo) Eduardo’s story referred to constant discrimination due to his looks and his lifestyle, in Mexico too, where he was treated like a criminal and was not allowed to enter restaurants, discotheques, or other public places. He always felt observed and at a disadvantage. But this changed after he arrived in his present place of residence in Germany.

Figure 16: Overview – Lifestyle-Related Motivation for Migrating

Note. Created by author.

21

He refers to Marero, members of the Mara Gang in Central America. One aspect of the Mareros are the tattoos they have.

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3.3

Re-imagining Life in Germany

Revisiting the participants’ motivations made it possible to learn about their entangled reasons for migrating. This section examines further the imaginaries regarding their life in Germany, beginning with their memories of their arrival and first impressions and their adjustment process. It can be observed how their perceptions and experiences of their everyday lives in Germany also shaped their imagination regarding their new life context in Germany and their life context in Mexico.

3.3.1

Arrival and First Impressions

It is possible to observe that at the point of their departure and arrival, the “space of dreaming” (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008, p. 96) continued, and participants were intrigued to discover their new life context. Most of the participants say they felt excited and fascinated when they arrived in Germany.22 For the participants who work in academia such as Maria and Tomas, Germany is a country of science. Tomas likes the fact that his areas of interest in medicine were created and developed in Germany:

22

Similar elements appeared in the research focused on Ecuadorian and Moroccan migrants in Spain and France, where García García and Verdú Delgado (2008, pp. 96-97) elaborated a flowchart of the evolutionary process of the imaginary of the migrant around the migratory event. Their flowchart is in some degree related to the culture shock model (see Oberg, 1960) showing diverse phases that a person abroad might or might not experience, while acknowledging the role of the imaginaries in migration. Nevertheless, the difficulty with those kinds of models is their misinterpretation as showing consecutive steps that are supposed to be present in the person’s life abroad. While it is not the intention to establish here a fixed model regarding the phases of people in a migration context, nor to fit the results into this or other models, it is important to highlight that some participants went through similar phases, while pointing out differences experienced by other participants who cannot relate to those stages. These shall be pointed out over the course of this chapter. García and Verdú’s flowchart depicts seven phases based on the results of their empirical research. The first refers to the point of departure where hope and utopia play an important role in international migration within the “space of dreaming” located before and after arrival, which is the second phase. During the first two phases, dreams, goals and hopes concerning the country of reception are contrasted with negative images regarding the country of origin. The third phase involves the dreams being confronted by reality, with disillusionment and frustration experienced when encountering difficulties and realizing the utopian dream they had was not the complete picture. This leads to the fourth phase: idealization of the country of origin and nostalgia. The fifth phase leads us towards integration or “getting used to” certain routines and ways of being in the destination country. The sixth phase involves focus on new strategies of “survival” abroad and brings us to the seventh phase: taking the decision to stay or returning to the country of origin (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008, pp. 96-97).

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I’ve become fond of the culture because of lots of things, this is a part of the job that I’ve liked a lot, I’ve been very surprised by the culture, me working in scientific fields, I’ve noticed that A LOT of the things that I’m working on began here […] and a lot of the things I’m still reading (.) I’m surprised every time “it began in Germany, it began in Germany”, I worked with neurons, the term neuron was coined by a (.) German […] so a lot of things about this country have captivated me here (.) I’m very happy working here in the country (.) and I’ve also had a great (.) relationship and I’ve made a lot of friends here. (Tomas) Maria was amazed when she first saw the working conditions at the research center where she collaborated the first time she came to Germany: The first time you come and you arrive in a place where you can work everything’s dazzling, you know? And (.) like the labs that were there were (.) ten times bigger than the lab I worked in in Mexico. Above ALL the facilities and equipment were SUPER plentiful compared to our working conditions. NOT in terms of quality but YES in terms of quantity. The number of people that worked in that group. I didn’t pay much attention to the city at that time. Yes it was different of course, it was MUCH smaller than Mexico City. (Maria) Ana was very happy to meet her partner again in Germany (after waiting for her visa in Mexico). She described being in Berlin as like being in Disneyland, since it involved mostly walking and driving around, looking at different sights such as the Brandenburg Gate, Potsdam and locations on the outskirts of Berlin that reminded her of the Grimm Brothers stories such as “Little Red Riding Hood” and “Goldilocks and The Story of the Three Bears”23 : And so I arrived here and you know, I mean it’s all like in Disneyland (.) at first the, because (partner’s name), took me out a lot, she wanted to show me the surrounding areas like “look, here’s Brandenburg, this is Postdam”, you know, all the areas around Berlin […] and when we left the city a little bit, for me it was like “wow, look, just like the Grimm Brothers described it in the Little Red Riding Hood stories, there’s really no doubt that they wrote them here because at this very moment I can imagine walking past Goldilocks” (sic!), you know? You, you see the books you had in your head there, the images you had in your bed from the children’s stories (.), everything was like Disneyland for me, everything was “wow, look!” […]. (Ana) Before taking the decision to live in Germany and without having much information, Ana remembered viewing the country as “cool because everybody talks about Germany”. She had no idea of the language or many cultural facts, “just what is

23

The author of The Story of the Three Bears is the English writer Robert Southey and not the Grimm Brothers (see The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2019).

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taught at school in history, the part that everybody knows and is a common topic in movies” (Ana), she said referring to the history of the Third Reich and Nazism. She was excited to go to Germany with her girlfriend (wife at the time of the conversation), even though the latter had explained to her that the changes could be dramatic for her because of the difficulty of the language and the weather conditions. Ana’s reaction was very optimistic saying that “she could deal with any language, and she could buy sweaters and jackets for the weather”. She was very much in love and determined to be with her partner: “so to Germany” (.) and inside you are like “wow this is cool, I mean GERMANY, everybody always talks about Germany”, even though before her I had no idea (.) about the language, in the first place (.) nothing, not even about a lot of cultural stuff, only what they teach you in school (.) that part of history that EVERYBODY knows, the movies, and that was it, I mean (.) wow, ‘the Drittes Reich’, you know? And so I said “wow, yeah, let’s go to Germany”, and she said to me “no, I think it it’s going to be a very dramatic change for you” (.) “first of all, the language is VERY difficult, and secondly, the weather” (.) and I was like (snaps her fingers) “no damn language is going to get the better of me and as for the weather, they sell sweaters and jackets” “am I right? So hell yeah” and she was like, “are you sure?” and me “yeah”. I was 100 % sure, totally in love with the woman, and I went “yeah, sure, of course” I said to her. (Ana) Although the participants had previous mobility experience, they mentioned that moving permanently to Germany presented challenges and some interlocutors experienced more difficulties than others. While listening to their stories, it was common to hear constant comparisons between the known life in Mexico and the unknown life in Germany and, to a lesser extent, other experiences in other countries. The weather and the language were, in fact, two aspects that some participants mentioned as challenges to be overcome in Germany. Some had prior knowledge of the winter and cold temperatures. However, they had not imagined how it would influence their life on a daily basis, which meant acquiring new routines such as going outside in the cold, not remaining indoors in their apartments or houses and learning how to dress depending on the weather conditions: “Here, temperatures of minus twenty degrees ((laughs)). There [in Mexico] it was thirty, twenty degrees because it wasn’t cold when I left, and then I suddenly came here and minus twenty. I said ‘upa’, forty degrees difference, isn’t it?” (Susana). On that topic, Ricardo mentioned that there is no such thing as bad weather only bad clothing, as “Germans say”. Ana remembers being shocked by the fact that, even in winter, babies and children go outside:

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Obviously the weather, when it started being cold, the small children are in the stroller, I said “but why?” ((surprise)). It’s another topic that I ask her [her wife] about: “if they have their house”, [why do they go out in the cold?]. [Pretends that the wife answers] “You can’t do that there; are they gonna stay at home for six months?” I said, “Ah damn”, if in Mexico it rains too much or it’s too cold, we stay at home and don’t go out, not even to school. In Mexico, you’d say, “It’s getting really cold, oh, I think I’m gonna stay in the house, it’s the perfect weather for watching movies”, you know? […] here well, that would mean spending the whole year indoors and watching movies! That was another thing that changed me culturally, the idea of saying, “no, by itself, the climate determines everything, but it doesn’t prevent any activity”. It determines your mood, your activities, everything, but it won’t stop you, right? (Ana) Besides the weather, learning the German language was another challenge for all of the interlocutors. This aspect was key for some when it came to obtaining new visas, establishing contacts and being independent in their everyday life. For those enrolled in academic projects, it was important for these, although in most cases the working language was English. For those whose main motivation for migration was their relationship, attending a language school was one of their main activities and it was also a place for establishing new contacts. It is possible to differentiate between the situation of those migrating with some level of language knowledge as part of an academic program, and those whose main purpose was their relationship. In the latter cases, it is considered that meeting people and establishing a routine was more challenging than for those who were part of academic programs and had set activities to carry out. Learning German was a challenging process with consequences as regards social interaction. Participants whose main motivation was their relationship said that at the beginning, their partners would go everywhere with them and helped them, but that later, they would be on their own, buying groceries for instance, or going to their German language classes. Being able to speak German gave them the feeling of independence and they felt confident to go out by themselves and interact with people in different contexts. On the other hand, their lack of German and their not understanding the routines and practices of their context made them feel overwhelmed and isolated. The confrontation within the “space of dreaming”, the expectation of the life to be lived and the reality of the living life, led to frustration and disillusionment for some participants (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008). However, not all participants in this research shared these feelings. On the other hand, they all manifested a relativization and confrontation between their expectations and their experienced reality.

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Participants felt this in different situations and to varying degrees. For instance, Susana and Ana felt isolated, sad, nervous and even depressed, even though they were living in big cities such as Munich and Berlin, where there are many activities, unlike in smaller cities or towns. Susana commented first on complications regarding the weather. Later in her story she explained that she had been having difficulties with her mother when she was still in Mexico because of her relationship and her planned departure to Germany. In addition to her family situation, the weather and feeling of loneliness in her new place of residence led to her experiencing culture shock and feeling depressed: The first [year] was the worst. (.) To begin with, it was very cold. Suddenly I had no one around me, suddenly I had nothing to do apart from just studying German and the winter was very cold and everything was very dark (…) yes, it was cold and dark (…) and (…) I don’t know, that is, the shock, the culture shock does hit you. You know that you’re coming to Germany, you know that they’re going to speak German to you, you know that things are very different, but it’s not the same saying it, saying “yes, yes, yes, I know”, as it is to really be here (.) and live it. (Susana) Besides her culture shock and family problems, she had to deal with her new living conditions. For instance, she had been a professional in her field in Mexico and then a housewife in Germany, unable to speak the language and work, as she was accustomed to. These aspects made her feel useless and like she was “no one”: And so (.) the first year was difficult because I always felt depressed, I mean, I felt very (.) useless, completely USELESS, I felt bad (.) very bad (:) very bad, very bad (…) bad because of the fact that I felt useless, impotent, I don’t know, I felt like a complete nobody (…) and I’d say “What am I doing here? (.) what am I doing here?”, but on the other hand, I mean, we had, we were planning the religious wedding, so I had to (.) suddenly disconnect myself from all that, and then I’d tell myself ‘no, no, no, of course you’re useful, and for a lot of things, I mean, we have to, we have to design the cards, we have to do this, you have to do that, I mean there are loads of things to do’, and I was like “ok, ok”, and so I tried to concentrate just on that part and I’d say “let’s see”, but (.) I’d (.) struggle with myself, it was a struggle, against myself. (Susana) Susana and Ana felt frustrated while learning German. Ana attributed it to her age, being over thirty years old at the time. Both felt overwhelmed within the new context and by the communication style. Ana felt it was aggressive, serious, rude and hysterical, in particular with regards to people’s body language. Susana perceived the people around her, especially the teachers at the language school where she took the German course, to be rude and neurotic. They therefore both had a negative perception of the communication style.

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They both withdrew and were afraid to go out and “have to” speak German. Susana was afraid to run into her neighbors or to go to the grocery store. When she was asked about her fear and reminded that no one would rob her or attack her with a gun like in Mexico, she would answer that she knew that, but that it was something foreign to her that she could not control (Susana): I started to feel very scared (.) very scared of going outside (.) I started to (.) just want to lock myself inside my house (.) and it made me scared, I mean, I was scared I might bump into the neighbors, I was scared to go to the supermarket, I’m scared of whatever, even going out, and then they’d say “but what are you scared of! Nobody’s going to do anything to you, nobody’s going to pull a gun on you, you’re not in Mexico, and so on”, and I’m like (.) “no, no, it’s not that I’m scared somebody might harm me, it’s kind of… I don’t know, it’s just a protection”, (.) you feel everything is kind of very alien to you, and so you’re just no…no, no, you can’t, I don’t know, you can’t. (Susana) In this case, it is noticeable how Susana needed security and structure in her everyday life and had trouble dealing with uncertainty and the unknownthings, which were not part of her normality and routine. Ana remembered how at that time, as opposed to now, no one would speak English in Berlin, for instance at the bakery or grocery store. She would go to the bakery, point to the bread she wanted and leave as soon as possible. She was confronted by her fear and perception, and discussed the issues with her wife, arguing that everybody was unfriendly and yelled at her on the street, for instance: But there was a moment when I withdrew a little, because it was like ‘oh, no, I don’t want to talk to anybody, everybody’s really serious, on the street, so awful, they shout at you on the bike’, I mean, I didn’t understand very well, it was really hard for me to understand the body language, and (.) the gestures of the Germans in Berlin, because that’s another (.) the Berliners, the Berliners are rude, it’s like “bang bang bang” (.) they’re like city folk are, you know, like chilangos,24 they’re more hysterical, you know? […] And so I started German classes […] and I’d be really angry when I got home (.) “I’m never going to learn this language, it’s impossible” and very insecure because the other guys in the class were already chatting away and I, for me it was SECHSUN, SECHSICH, I mean, I couldn’t even say sechs, you know? And so it was (.) difficult and I felt very frustrated because on top of that I was already grown up, I mean I was over 30 years old, it’s like in your head 24

Chilango is the word used for people from Mexico City. It used to be used to denote persons migrating internally from outside the capital, referred to mostly as “provinces”. The connotation was pejorative, but the use of the word has changed and now has a positive connotation, and is used as a place branding (González de León, 2015).

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you also say “I’m a grown-up, these kids learn in a flash ((snaps fingers)), I’m like the class idiot”, you know? So I resisted a little, but little by little I loosened up, I loosened up, a lot of talks with (partner’s name), like I’d say “why is that rude lady shouting at me!”, and she’d say “she didn’t shout at you” (.) and me “well that’s what it sounded like!”, she’d say “she didn’t shout at you, she asked you this and this”, and so I started to understand little by little, the concept I have in my head is of violence, of aggression, in Germany it doesn’t work. (Ana) In her explanation, she compared the communication style in a capital city such as Berlin with the communication style in the Mexican capital, Mexico City. Therefore, it can be interpreted that she was also reflecting on the different communication styles within Mexico while imagining how the collective of “city folks” behave. She understood that people were not yelling at her but that that was their way of communicating. She questioned her concept and interpretation of violence and aggression, which were not working in Germany. Adriana and Teresa experienced different challenges to Ana and Susana. In the case of Adriana, she experienced the contrast between her excitement about going to Germany to live, based on her memories of her short stay in Germany during her summer honeymoon around Europe, and her arrival in winter, unprepared for everyday life and with no real connections that could help her settle.25 Besides the weather, she struggled to find accommodation for her large family and a school for her children, none of whom spoke German.26 She commented that she always felt that people looked at her strangely when they found out she had more than two kids, as if it was a threat. As for Teresa, she mentioned that upon her arrival, she had not gotten depressed, she did not cry or do all “those things” that happen to almost everybody she knows. She thinks that it was maybe because she was used to traveling a lot in her previous job in Mexico. She did not complain about the weather either, unlike other friends of hers who returned to Mexico because of it. Teresa did not speak German. She began to study it three times a week in Germany. She remembers that at the time there were no integration courses or other intensive courses like there are now. She decided not to spend the winter alone in Germany while her husband was working on a project in the USA. She therefore returned to Mexico and studied German there. During that time, she heard about 25 26

She mentioned someone she knew who lives in Germany and speaks the language, but their relationship is not a close one and, therefore, it was not helpful for her. Her strategy was to enroll her kids in a French school, since in Mexico they had been learning that language. She thought a lot about this issue and questioned herself many times as to whether or not that was the right strategy, because their kids did not really understand French, and they could not speak German, so they were confronted with learning two languages instead of one. They lived in a “French bubble” in Germany.

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a job opening in the German office of her previous employer, for whom she had worked as a consultant traveling within the American continent. The opportunity involved a job in her area of expertise but this time in Europe. She was happy to return to Germany with a good job offer in an area she was familiar with, with new destinations and clients around Europe. The German language was not required but English was. Nevertheless, the result was that she was busy traveling around Europe meeting her husband at different airports. Therefore, she was not really living a “normal life” in Germany with her new husband. After one and a half years, they decided to start a family and she stopped working, at first taking parental leave and later resigning from her job. Besides the challenges mentioned above, participants recalled some of their first impressions regarding certain unfamiliar practices in Germany that surprised them. For instance, Ana remembers being surprised to observe “many fathers carrying their babies or taking care of toddlers”. She was concerned about the amount of “single” fathers or kids without a mother. For her, it was strange to see because her normality and known practices in Mexico were that “mothers are the ones who take care of the children” (Ana). Her wife told her about the pursuit of equality for parents in Germany and about parental leave, Elternzeit. In addition, she was amazed but concerned by the independence of children riding around on bicycles (Laufrad) by themselves. Participants also commented on the rules, order and respect that at first appeared to be prevalent in Germany, mostly from the perspective of coming directly from Mexico and comparing certain practices in these two contexts. “Everything here is rules” (Marco). Nevertheless, with time they also relativize their generalization with relation to these issues, acknowledging that not everything is always according to the rules, depending on the situation and context.27 Maricarmen remembers being amazed by the traffic rules, especially regarding pedestrians: Maricarmen: When I arrived ten years ago in East Berlin, because ten years ago it was different, now you do not realize anymore, but ten years ago, yes. There were the Zebrastreifen, how do you say that in Spanish? YL: Pedestrian crossing M: Pedestrian crossing. I mean, in Mexico they were just decorations. I don’t know if it’s different now but in my time, they were just decorations. I swear to you that I was like the Pink Panther,28 I put one foot out and the cars stopped, I removed my foot and they continued driving ((laughs)). One day I spent half an hour playing like that, because I couldn’t believe it. That’s the first thing I did, I couldn’t

27 28

See Chapter 1 for the differentiation of conventionalization according to Bolten (2014a, 2007/2018). She is referring to the Pink Panther cartoon.

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believe that level of order and that people respect it, or that here as they say the Reißverschluss, when you go by car. (Maricarmen) In a sense, Maricarmen contrasted the ideal of her dream with the image of order and respect of the rules. As was mentioned with regard to her motivations (see Section 3.2), from an early age she had wanted to leave Mexico and go to a country where rules would be respected. Her image of Europe and particularly Germany was influenced by the stories she heard from her best friend’s father who was studying a Master’s in the north of Germany when she was fifteen years old, describing it thus: When I was about fifteen years old, the father of my best friend, my “uncle”29 went to study a Master’s degree in (name of city). He wrote letters to us, like real letters, as was usual at the time. He told us what life was like here and I swear to you that I dreamed of seeing a country where the train arrives on time, where it says that it will arrive at 10:05 and it arrives at 10. I couldn’t believe it. (Maricarmen) Most of the participants related in detail their bureaucratic process, sharing exhaustive narrations on all the visa requirements, papers and costs. Most of those with a reunification visa (Daniel, Teresa and Susana) mentioned uncertainty, stress and challenges during the process. The realization that not all in Germany is as the stereotypes and images of a structured, efficient and precise place suggest should be acknowledged here. The contrast between previous stereotyped knowledge (or the lack of information) and the new experiences contributed to a relativization of the assumed generalization regarding the country due mainly to information in two forms. Firstly, by sharing their stories with others and comparing them, they learned that processes in Germany are not always the same and differ depending on the different States, organisms, procedures and personnel (in the sense of being lucky to get a nice and easy-going bureaucrat (Susana)). When realizing that others had it “easier” than they had, there were experiences of frustration and a feeling that things were not fair. For instance, Susana was very frustrated with her visa process. She explained how it “normally” works and how she and her husband did everything “by the book” and experienced many obstacles. Other people used other strategies such as getting married in Denmark or getting a tourist visa, which is normally not possible because one has to have a fiancée visa, which entails other bureaucratic procedures. Their strategy involved getting married in Mexico and waiting there for the family reunification visa, which meant that her husband and her were separated while they waited three months until the visa arrived. After the deadline, they encountered other issues apparently due to miscommunication

29

Apparently, he was the father of her best friend, whom she called “uncle”.

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between the German embassy and the honorary consulate from her city in Mexico who could not find her document in their office. The second form of relativizing a general image of Germany is through their own experiences with internal mobility, where the participants have been able to live in different places and/or have contact with diverse people from different collectives.

3.3.2

Internal Mobility in Germany

It was found that the participants’ inner state mobility experiences within Germany had shaped their perceptions and their imagination of places, people and cultures. Because of Germany’s decentralization, some participants or their partners had to move to other cities or villages due to the projects they were involved in. From their stories it can be interpreted that Germany’s decentralization and industrial dispersion influences and leads to difficulties with regards to deciding where to live and work. For instance, Marco said that he had been very impressed with Berlin, the first place he had lived in Germany while he learned the language. He loved living there but left to do his Master’s in the north of the country. After he finished, he looked for a job but without success because there are not many industrial companies. Although he loves living in a city in the north of Germany, there are not many interesting industrial areas to work in there, as there would be in other regions, for instance, in the company where he had done an internship in a small city in the northwest. There are other interesting companies located in small cities or towns but he said that at the current stage of his life, being young and single, he is not willing to give up his lifestyle which is more suited to a major city. Therefore, he decided to take a position in a company in the north of Germany. He argued that it is a stable job in comparison with his options in Mexico, even though his salary and working conditions are not ideal, since he was hired through a service provider (Dienstleister) and not directly by the company. He could imagine moving in the future and living in a town, when he is married with kids. However, he said that first, he needs to find somebody to marry and he is unsure he could do that in a smaller city, where there is nothing apart from the company. Their internal mobility led to some interlocutors gaining experiences that enable them to reflect on differences and similarities between diverse places in the country. This allowed them on occasions to decide where they wanted to live or not, as is the case with Marco, who at the time of the conversation was single and not willing to change his lifestyle and place of residence and who prefers to make a commitment regarding his income. There is a difference if participants have a family, a house or a working position which constrains their freedom to choose.

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As a result of this, the participants mentioned Pendeln30 as a situation and strategy they applied and experienced in Germany. That is the case with Teresa and her family, who decided to buy an affordable house in a small town. This meant that her husband had to commute to work, a distance that was not possible to cover in a day. For almost seven years she was at home alone with her children from Monday to Friday while her husband was working in another city. He came home on the weekends. Later, he also came home on Wednesdays once Teresa had decided to start working again as a Spanish language teacher. Nevertheless, this situation was unbearable for her, making her feel unhappy and as if she was a single mother. The practical realities of decentralization in Germany means it is difficult to find work near one’s place of residency, especially for couples with different professional backgrounds. This also affects the living situation, which is viewed as difficult (Daniel; Maria), and finding accommodation can be a very complicated process (Adriana). This “German phenomenon” entails a difference in the life of the participants who come from bigger cities in Mexico where they usually find a home and work in the same place. This despite the fact that – as stated in Section 3.3.1 – they also faced mobility issues in Mexico for those reasons. However, they reflected differently upon it, in terms of living in different conditions, for instance not separated from each other, or not having to rent a second accommodation. It was notable that some participants observed and gave meaning to the different places where they have lived in a reflexive manner, considering differences and the particularities of each place, such as context and history, applying therefore a sort of zooming in and zooming out observation (Bolten, 2001, 2014b, 2014a, 2007/2018; Zeutschel, 2016) (see Chapter 1) showing different appreciation in their reflection upon their mobility experiences. This can be seen in the way, for instance, that those who have more experiences living in different places in Germany, and/or who interact with diverse people from different places within the country, tended not to present a generalizing image of Germany, acknowledging its diversity and its decentralization. Some participants tended to point out that they were talking from the particular point of view of their experiences when describing “Germany” and “the Germans”: I’d say I don’t know what Germany’s really like, you know? What’s more, it’s hard for me to judge the Germans because I just know them superficially, because I don’t have to deal with a job where I have to be with them all the time, like you 30

Regarding their stories concerning Pendeln, it is also interesting to point out that when talking about this, they used the German word and not a Spanish one. It seems there is no special term for this phenomenon in Spanish. One would have to explain the process of going and returning “ir y venir” to work or living in another city because of work. Leo Dictionary (n.d.) translates Pendeln in Spanish as “Desplazarse diariamente entre el hogar y el lugar de trabajo por estar estos en dos localidades distintas”.

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for example, who’s in academia. You talk with your teachers and maybe the whole student body, or whatever, or the doctorate students or a lot of them are German, no? I think you could have a much better view of these guys than me, I could say, I know the Germans/all the German hippies who are here, or not hippies but a lot more relaxed, you know? From a lot of other parts of Germany, I hardly ever meet a German from Berlin except those who I’m telling you are from, those who live there where I live. Hardly any of the people here are Berlin, you know? And maybe they come to Berlin because of that and because they’re not as German as Germans can be. They say that, that Berlin isn’t Germany in a way, you know? And I think they’re not talking about all of Berlin, they’re talking about three or four neighborhoods, the ones in the city center, you know? Outside of that, well no, I don’t know. (Osvaldo) Others did so in a more generalized manner, based on a broad-closed concept of culture (Bolten, 2007/2018) (see Section 1.3.2.4): Germans really do have a lot of virtues, and one of those is that whatever they do they do it well, and when they want to learn about a culture (.) they learn it really well. And I’m telling you, and that’s what I’ve also seen a lot in my Spanish classes, that’s obviously intrinsic, the cultural side, always very interested in the cultural side and lately they ask me about the current situation a lot. (Teresa) However they described their experiences, they ran the risk of contributing to a generalized imagining (Bolten, 2001) of “the Germans” and “the German style of life”.31 The stories of interlocutors who had more experience with regard to internal mobility or who knew people from or with experience of life in different German states described differences regarding the Bundesländer. Some reflected on the differences between living in major cities such as Berlin, Hamburg and Munich, and living in smaller cities or towns. For instance, in Maria’s story she talks about being dazzled (see Section 3.3.1) upon her arrival at the research center in a city in the west of Germany, where she was invited to give a lecture the first time she came to Germany. She was amazed to be invited to collaborate as a postdoctoral researcher for a longer period. Nevertheless, that experience was a challenge for her in many senses when she contrasted her expectations with her everyday life there. The research project was not what she had been expecting and the team was, in her opinion, rather problematic. 31

In general, this is also the risk with this kind of work on collectives linked to cultures and nations. Therefore, Chapter 1 presents the theoretical lens concerning dominant imaginaries and Chapter 2 presents reflections and strategies for avoiding the reproduction of categories. Nevertheless, this work tries to highlight the awareness of these categories when it comes to examining their relevance in social interactions.

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Part of her explanation for these issues was, on the one hand, the absences of the lead Professor on the project, who was a well-known lecturer and who traveled to international conferences and events. She had been so surprised at having been invited to contribute to his project that she had not considered that a professor of that status would likely be absent on many occasions, as turned out to be the case. The result was that the second person in charge and the male colleagues contributed to the creation of a working environment that she described as competitive, unsupportive, and with unfair practices. From her perspective, her role as a woman and a foreigner caused her a lot of trouble. On the other hand, Maria said that the geographical context also made things difficult. In her story, she described the city in the west as a hostile place. Her partner was undertaking his doctoral research in a city in the south of Germany, and so she spent weekends there. She compared the two cities: During the first year of the stay, (name of her partner) and I were here in Germany. At the time, we weren’t married and we didn’t live together. He was working in (city in the south). There, life was very different from (city in the west). Even life outside the university was much more hostile. Yes, definitely hostile. Because (…) the economic situation in the two cities was totally different. The perception people had of foreigners, or one could even say that the type of foreigners that they had, was very different. (city in the west) was in what was traditionally a mining and steel area where the foreigners who lived there had been miners. They worked in the foundries and now their children lived there. Moreover, there was this tradition that I didn’t know existed, where the children of academics become academics and the children of workers are workers. It is NOT like in Mexico, where you say a worker is going to work super hard to send his son to university. (Maria) Those experiences led Maria to compare both regions and to create her arguments concerning the difference, describing the city in the west of Germany as a place of workers, mostly miners, and the city in the south as a place where people have a higher level of education. Maria also points out differences between the populations of foreigners, arguing that migrants to the city in the west in the past,32 as well as their descendants, remained in the city while the city in the south had more high-skilled migration. In the next passage, Maria talked about the discussions she had had with her neighbor in the city in the south where she lived at the time of the conversation. She and her neighbor had become very close, and so Maria was surprised when she found out that she was from the same city in the west where she had had her experience:

32

An exact period is not mentioned. Nevertheless, I suppose Maria refers to the Gastarbeiter Migration that started in the decade of the 1950's (see Bade, 2003; Yildirim-Krannig, 2014).

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I told her, it seems to me that people are very closed and very sullen and if you are a foreigner, they observe your movements, for instance, what you are doing. She told me that it’s because people there are very dry, but that they have all lived a very hard life and that YES, in the end, the people who live here in the south are like the educated elite. That’s the way it has always been. For instance, the first university in Germany was founded in a city in (southern Germany). The people are used to being very enlightened, so to speak. Whereas there, [in the west] NO, they are workers. They have always worked and they have never had contact with the outside or they are not as educated as in the south. (Maria) In her perception, the city in the west is a place that is not open to foreigners. “The people are closed and sullen. If you are a foreigner, they stare at you” (Maria). Her explanation for this is the lower level of education and income in comparison to other places in Germany, for instance the south: In general, the average education level of the people was low, and the Germans saw their region as “invaded” by foreigners. Nearby there is (another city in the west) where the population is mostly Turkish. Many Germans work there but VERY few live there. [They live somewhere else. She mentions many cities] […] There are areas where only Poles live. So on the train, the Germans invariably turn to look at you, and they wonder to which groups you could belong. AS they are poorer [than in other places in Germany], there are also like GANGS of teenagers. I did not feel SAFE in that place. Therefore, I said “well, if I plan to stay here in Germany, I have to look for something in the south, somewhere else” […]. (Maria) In her story, she described feeling uncomfortable and insecure outside the university. For instance, she speculated about the ideas that others would have of her, referring to the “Germans” staring at her and trying to categorize her, based on her phenotype and physical aspect, in the two traditional collectives of people that inhabit that region with backgrounds in Poland and Turkey. This interaction of images shows the activation of the process of imagining at the levels of the metaimage and image of the Other (see Chapter 1). When describing her interactions with Germans, Maria usually mentioned where they were from. For instance, her boss at the time of this conversation was a very important person for her; they have a good relationship and she feels valued and supported by him. She explained that he is from the north of Germany. While it is not clear if the colleagues with whom she had disagreements were from the city in the west and its surroundings, in her story it appears that the combination of the regional aspect and her discipline in natural sciences contribute to the negative atmosphere and hostile behavior at work. It is therefore noticeable that Maria links people’s state of origin with their personality and way of being. Nevertheless, her arguments are also relativized with the

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case of her neighbor from the city in the west. Maria tends to observe from a zooming out perspective when categorizing collectives under national groupings, but she zooms in to their places of origin acknowledging other characteristics such as economic development. Nevertheless, the differentiation that she constructs appears to be based on the logic of coherence. Other interlocutors referred to the historical division of the country into “East” and “West”, referring to the GDR and the BRD, arguing that this has had an influence as regards some people’s values and practices. For example, Ricardo’s story covered some points regarding his working experience and the social, economic and political situation in Germany and even Europe. He is interested in politics and apparently had an idealized image of Europe, which he had thought was more unitary and homogenized. However, after living there for a while, he realized that this is not the case, because apparently Germany’s economic and political power within the continent and within the European Union contradicts his image of it as being democratic and equal. He began to question the manner in which the integration of Europe has taken place. It was the same regarding the reunification of Germany, where he still sees differences between the East and West, based on his experiences working in construction, academia and gastronomy in two cities in the center of Germany. He described the dynamics in the East on the one hand, where the working style was more collaborative and horizontal, for instance, in his work in construction and teaching. On the other hand, in the West there was more of a linear hierarchy: There the director used to talk and discuss everything with the teachers. It was a horizontal working style with no hierarchy. The director was actually the boss but everyone was like a boss. I think that is the tradition in the GDR, more like mmm… ((thinking)) self-sufficient at work, with no hierarchy. In construction also, the boss used to work alongside us workers, doing the same as us. Every day we had the smoke break, the café break, cake break etc. etc. The work was heavy but we also had contact with each other, it was all very social ((laughs)), not at all like in West Germany. When I worked at the restaurant, you noticed the capitalist tradition ((laughs)). There it was “I’m the boss, you’re the worker. I pay you, you can’t say no”. Whereas there, no. There it was all together, discussing everything. (Ricardo) Ricardo imagines the working style in terms of places. Nevertheless, he explained that he worked with Italians in a restaurant in a west-central city in Germany, and he actually had a very good personal relationship with the boss. Ricardo was a student with no scholarship and apparently some support from his parents, and so he worked partly Schwarz; he was paid “under the table”. Ricardo said that his boss would even pay him in advance or lend him money when he needed it, such as when he needed to pay for a medical test in advance. It is therefore not clear how one can interpret this argument regarding the influence on West Germany with “Ger-

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mans” or the imagination of a “western capitalism” in the sense of labor exploitation practices. The experiences that Ricardo shared expressed cooperation and a good working relationship with his employer – who was described as Italian – in the gastronomic sector in the West. However, when referring to his employer in the East in the same sector, Ricardo said that the conditions with his prior employer in the West had been better, as regards salary and working style. The sectors in the East that were apparently better for him were construction and academic teaching. More than looking into contradictions or if what is told is the truth in a life story what is relevant for this work is the signification that Ricardo gives to his story, how he imagines and conceives the different working styles to be influenced by socialist and capitalist values, when he could interpret them as simply different procedures in diverse working sectors. In his story, a dichotomy between East and West is present. Furthermore, Ricardo perceives that the East is still behind the West in terms of income following German reunification. He therefore thinks that the East still feels inferior in comparison with West Germany. He says that, althoughhe hears jokes refering to the “East and West topic” less often, issues regarding the differences have not been overcome yet, as some people have not overcome the effects of the Second World War. Teresa explained that people might think that Germans are reserved or cold because of their history. She gave the example of her husband who was born and raised in the time of the DDR, using the German term for GDR. She said that he hardly talks about the past at all and sometimes when she remembers certain things about her past, he cannot relate to them even though they are from the same generation. An example of this is her memory regarding a computer game that she used to play when she was twelve years old, which she found and installed. In that context, she narrated the conversation she had with her husband: (she says the name of her husband), “what games did you play/have when you were a child?” He answers: “I didn’t have a computer”. And I said “how come you didn’t have a computer?! Well, not as a child of five years old but older, like when you were fifteen years old?” And he told me “Teresa, there were no computers in the DDR”. Oh well! I swear to you that I almost cried like Remi.33 (Teresa)

33

Teresa references a famous cartoon called “Remi” (in English “Nobody’s Boy: Remi”) broadcast in Mexico in the 1980s. Remi was a boy who suffered because he was an orphan. The expression “Ojo de Remi” (Eye of Remi) is a well-known pop culture reference, because in the Anime version his sadness was expressed through his eyes. The story is based on the novel Sans Famille by the French author Hector Malot and produced as a cartoon by the Japanese company Nippon Television in 1977 (see Itô, Itô, Malot, & Yamazaki, 1977; Vanguardia, 2017). In her storytelling, Teresa took for granted (as she does with the anecdote concerning computers) that I would understand her reference to crying like Remi in our conversation, which

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What is interesting in this passage is that Teresa assumed that a globalized item such as the computer was something she had in common with her husband because of their generational similarities, regardless of their different national backgrounds. However, their historical contexts were different. Although she is aware of this, it seems to have been forgotten when she talks about the practices and memories that shaped her everyday life. Teresa also pointed out the influence of GDR practices in her family when she took the decision to resign from her job in order to dedicate all of her time to her children. This created issues with her husband because in the GDR his mother had worked all of the time. In the East, they had had, of course, a childcare system in order to ensure that women could return to work. She explained that she comes from a traditional family where her mother was a housewife who took care of the children. Even though Teresa was an engineer, she was clear in her mind that once she became a mother she would not work and would take care of her children and that she would not like to have other people raising her children. “I wouldn’t have children just to leave them with strangers” (Teresa). Teresa argued that besides the financial readjustment living with just one income instead of two involved, her husband found it difficult to accept her decision because it was not a normal situation for him. However, years later he agreed that it had been the best decision because of certain family issues that they experienced, for instance, challenges for their eldest child at school and his situation regarding commuting. Worthy of particular mention in this work are the perceptions of interlocutors who lived or had lived in Berlin. One example is Osvaldo, who in the passage above this section mentioned that people tend to say that Berlin is not Germany and that the people he knows in Berlin are mostly hippies or alternative types. Osvaldo also loves Berlin because of its multicultural aspect. He also mentioned the creation of stronger communities of not only “foreign people” but also people from other regions in Germany e.g. the Swabians:34 Osvaldo: Sure, you get mixed up among them all and yes I think that’s one of the best things about this, you know? I mean, nobody notices you because you don’t look a certain way. “You look foreign, well surely you’re foreign”. Well yes, but fuck! Half of this town are foreign! You know? Even the Germans themselves who are from here aren’t from here. And it’s not like it’s a matter of communities either, you know? Except the Schwaben who have, they have a group there in Prenzlauer Berg and they organize themselves so that they live like the others, the Schwaben, you know? They even wanted to make a Schwabenland they wanted to call one, do

34

I did because I am familiar with the cartoon and it is a common reference in Mexico. Yet it is interesting to note the role that media as symbolic resource has in re-configuring the social imaginary as points of meaning constructing the stock of knowledge. Concerning the situation of Swabians in Berlin, see Schließ (2017).

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you know Königsplatz? YL: No O: it’s kind of an area in Prenzlauer Berg where the Stuttgart gang have a load of money, they invested a lot in Berlin, so (.) a lot of them started to move there to, I don’t know, to work or administer their properties or whatever, and in that area there are a load of the Stuttgart gang and it all came out in a spread, at once, in a newspaper, where they wanted to create this Schwabenland so (.) that the Schwabels can be as Schwabel as they can be. (Osvaldo) For Ana and her wife, Berlin is no longer attractive because it has become expensive to own or rent a house there. She also claimed that it is no longer suitable for them because of their age and quiet lifestyle, and that Berlin has become too touristic and too crowded. These aspects motivated Ana and her wife to move out of Berlin to a more peaceful and affordable area in the north of Germany. The perception of Berlin as an alternative place is very important in Eduardo’s’ story. It was mentioned in Section 3.2 that he travels around the world due to his career as tattoo and body-piercing artist. Before migrating to Germany, he had been continually mistaken for a member of the Mara gang and the police harassed him due to his appearance. That situation motivated them to immigrate to Germany. They lived in a city in the south of Germany for two years. He described it as being a traditional region where he felt constantly observed. He withdrew from social life, going out to a language school to learn German, then to his work and then back home. In addition, he mentioned that he also felt harassed by the police, who constantly stopped him because of his looks or even his skin color, which he considers is not particularly dark. He could not stand that situation any longer, so he and his wife decided to move to Berlin when a job opportunity came up. Berlin is the place he identifies with the most. He feels free to be who he is, to live the life he wants: I identify with the city, there’s a lot of freedom to live in a European capital. As regards the alternative lifestyle, there are lots of options for art, music, (.) performance, places to work, […] and it’s all at a high level, on average, not everybody, but there are many people who work at a very high level, and that in itself (.) personally it motivates me to try to be better at what I do (.) you don’t see it as competition but as influence, you know? Of seeing the level that can be reached and trying to do it like that. Not to compare yourself with the worst, compare yourself with the best, (…) and I’m staying, I identify with the city, I’m happy, I have my business, I have a contract for another two and a half years ((laughs)), I mean I have to stay. And from there I never know, but I’d like to go traveling a little more (.) because having a business is a lot of pressure, you pay a lot of taxes (.) insurance, blah, blah, so much bureaucracy (.) and it takes a lot of energy for a person who likes to be free. (Eduardo)

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He wants to continue traveling around the world, even for longer periods. However, Berlin has become his home and therefore his point of return. He has worked hard but acknowledged that is has brought a reward: Germany’s cool (.) it’s been good to emigrate to here (.) I have had really good experiences […] Germany was a good place to come to, it was a good era, here in Berlin, I’m still going (.) it’s cool, this is growing (…) and (.) I’m happy to be here, I feel at home (.) every time I travel and come back it’s like ‘ah, cool, I’m going home’ […] ‘I’m going home, to my place’ (.) and (…) with the business (…) a gift (.) a gift, well, not a gift, it’s been hard ((laughs)). (Eduardo) Maricarmen referred to how Berlin has changed over the years. She first lived there for two years and later moved to southern Germany because of a project of her partner. She remembered that in Berlin she had had access to many cultural opportunities, mostly through her interest in having contact with Mexican people and participating in festivities organized by the Mexican community and the Mexican Embassy. Once she had to move to the south of Germany her “world collapsed” because she had felt well integrated, with friends and a job. She had returned to Berlin some months before having this conversation. She said that she had not been back to Berlin for almost ten years. She found a more cosmopolitan place, and referred mostly to the Mexican presence, which she perceived as more prominent in stores, restaurants and people. This was very different to the situation in other German cities. In this section I have presented some passages from the stories that show how the interlocutors’ lived experiences have influenced the re-configuring and imagining of their everyday lives. Within this process, the re-configuration of significations concerning different regions and people in Germany influences how the participants imagine their surroundings and the people with whom they interact. One can see how the interlocutors reflected by means of a sort of zooming in and zooming out observation, focusing on particularities and generalities. Their narratives also referred to what they like and dislike about their life in Germany, mostly by comparing their experiences with their life in Mexico. It is apparent that they focused on the life quality aspect that is linked to the lifestyle motivation to remain in Germany.

3.3.3

Re-Imagining Life Quality, Lifestyle and Security

The participants’ stories began with their goal of improving their life quality by moving to Germany. As discussed in Section 3.2, although their main reasons for mobility appear to relate to professional goals, whether academic or work-related, and/or love, their imagination regarding lifestyle and life quality also played a role in their migratory project. Therefore, I have argued that these motivations are

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deeply entangled. Furthermore, the aspects relating to lifestyle and life quality definitely became factors for the decision to stay in Germany, even when considering participants’ negative experiences within their migratory context. Through narrating their stories, the interlocutors drew a comparison with their lives in Mexico, explaining their previous situation and experiences as well as the ideas that they had developed regarding the country while living in a migratory context. In addition, they described the perceptions and experiences they had gained while living in Germany. It is important to stress that one of the findings of this work is that a dynamic process which involves the re-configuration of the awareness of the benefits of living in Germany, and therefore having access to a lifestyle that they consider better, occurs at the same time as the process of reimagining life in Mexico and their Mexicanness (see Chapter 4). In the interlocutors’ reflections, the issue of security35 was mentioned in relation to life quality. The presence of the imaginary in the sense of a binomial that positions security in Germany against insecurity in Mexico is therefore notable. From their narratives, it can be interpreted that security is contrasted in two dimensions: social security and public security, which is related to social order and criminality. In both dimensions, it is felt that better life and life quality is available in Germany: So here [Germany] there are also many things that need to be fixed, but at least I think they have achieved basic things, such as having a secure environment or “being more secure” ((says and makes gesture in quotes with his hands)), which gives you the opportunity to develop other things. However, in Mexico we have not even managed that. We had done so but we have lost it little by little. (Ricardo) The following sub-sections elucidate these themes in two forms. Firstly, I look at the examples of the stories of Maria and Marco, their wish to return to Mexico, their decision-making process and their comparisons of their life situation in both countries.36 Secondly, I present a panorama of chosen examples that includes other participants’ stories regarding their process of comparing, reflecting upon and analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of living in Germany as well as the aspects that they like, dislike and miss in their lives in a migratory situation. 35

36

The term security has usually related to public order, national and international security and social control such as law compliance through the administration of security by tribunals/courts, prisons, police and the army. However, the concept of security is broader and must also cover aspects relating to human and environmental sustainability, conviviality among persons within the framework of the State but also beyond, as with the concept human security (see Fernández Pereira, 2005). The decision as regards returning or staying is for García García and Verdú Delgado (2008, pp. 96-97) the outcome and last phase in their flowchart of the evolutionary process of the imaginary of the migrant around the migratory event.

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Within the presentation of the panorama, the two dimensions regarding security will be differentiated and discussed in detail.

3.3.3.1

Returning to Mexico or Remaining in Germany?

All of the participants’ stories interrogated and reflected upon the choice between returning to Mexico and remaining in Germany.37 Their reflections contained arguments regarding the dimensions of security, lifestyle and life quality. It is relevant for this work that the stories of Marco and Maria be presented as examples of the dynamics and interplay of elements, experiences and perceptions, which are significant for them in taking the decision to remain in Germany. Maria and Marco explained their wish and attempt to return to Mexico after concluding their academic degrees. Their main motivation was to contribute to the scientific field there and to the country in general. They also said that they missed Mexico, their family and friends. When trying to find work in Mexico, Marco and Maria faced obstacles such as not finding any options of quality employment despite their qualifications and skills. The options that they did find did not match their desires for several reasons, including the location. Marco and Maria struggled with the idea of leaving major cities where they originally come from and where their families and friends are settled, in order to move to cities located in the northwest and northeast of Mexico, where they had job offers. Marco and Maria agreed to the unattractive conditions of the northern cities,38 such as the climate with high temperatures of up to 40 degrees Celsius, the long distance to their cities of origin and security issues.39 Regarding the topic of returning, researchers into qualified Mexican migration, Delgado Wise and Chávez Elorza (2016, p. 127), argue that: “Mexican postgraduates who reside abroad expressed their willingness to return to the country if there were opportunities as regards employment and professional development available to 37

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For this work, only these alternatives are going to be discussed. Nevertheless, there were other plans related as vague forms of dreams. For instance, Osvaldo said he does not see himself in another place, that he loves Berlin but maybe would not stay there for his entire life; he dreams of opening a business on a beach, maybe in Costa Rica. Susana’s husband wishes to work in the USA, but she is not so happy about this, and Marco would like to study for an MBA in the USA and then return to Germany. As did other participants such as Adriana, Teresa, Marco, Maria, Osvaldo and Ricardo. Two participants described the social context as closed, traditional and elitist in a city located in the northeast, for instance. Regarding security issues, participants referenced violence and insecurity in the northwestern states of Chihuahua, Sinaloa and Baja California. In Chihuahua, in the city of Ciudad Juarez, the rate of femicide is high: from 1993 to 2005 it was estimated that 350 women were murdered (see Amnesty International, 2005). Mexico occupies 16th place worldwide as regards femicide rates (see Amnesty International, 2019) and approximately seven women were murdered per day in Mexico in 2016 (see United Nations Women, 2017).

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them. In fact, 69 % of those with a doctoral degree said they were willing to return permanently, while 30 % said they would do so temporarily and only two percent said they would not return under any circumstances”. In the cases of Maria and Marco, their desire to return to Mexico changed due to the inability to find quality work and a suitable environment that would provide security and life quality. In their stories they described how they tried to return and reflected upon the factors behind their decision to stay. After finishing his Master’s program in Germany, Marco returned to Mexico in order to pay back his scholarship40 , and with the intention of remaining there permanently. He worked as an intern (unpaid) in a scientific organization. Through his work there, he obtained an employment offer in a city in the northeast of Mexico. He visited the location for an interview and even though it was an interesting position for him, he did not accept it. His reasons were, firstly, the aforementioned climate and social conditions and, secondly, the financial remuneration and benefits he was offered were not enough to cover his basic costs of living. Consequently, he would not have been able to maintain a lifestyle, which would have enabled him to save money, to travel, to visit his family and friends who live in another Mexican state or to visit his girlfriend at that time in Germany. In addition, the conditions offered were significantly less favorable than what he could obtain in Germany as an engineer. After he concluded his year as an intern, he returned to Germany and got a job there. While his comparison favors the working conditions in Germany and contributes to the re-creation of the “German Dream”, Marco relativized that idea, reflecting that since he works for an intermediary (see Section 3.3.2) his working conditions might be better than in Mexico, but are worse in comparison to others in Germany who are employed directly by the companies. In Maria’s story she described how she had actively tried to return to Mexico after finishing her postdoctoral studies. She said that she had always had the intention to study abroad for a few years and then return to Mexico to contribute to the scientific field and development of the country. She was certain that, as well as her excellent results within her discipline, the international experience she had accrued as a postdoctoral researcher, would make her more attractive for an academic position in Mexico. Maria applied for many positions in Mexico but was constantly rejected, something which surprised and demotivated her. When giving her opinion as to why

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It is important to point out that one of the requirements for the financial support obtained through the Mexican body CONACYT is the duty to contribute to the development of the state through knowledge and academic formation. Scholarship holders sign an agreement that indicates they will return within the 12 months after finishing their studies. There are a series of sanctions for not complying with the regulations outlined by CONACYT (see Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, 2018).

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she had been rejected, she explained her perspective and experiences regarding “Mexican practices and Mexicans”.41 On the one hand, she explained that people are envious and afraid of competition from, for instance, people that are highly qualified returning from abroad and pushing out others that do not have similar credentials and experience abroad. On the other hand, she referred to corruption and the lack of transparency regarding positions which are apparently offered publicly, but where the mechanisms of selection are not transparent, alluding to the “Mexican practice of compadrazgo”,42 favoring personal relations and “buddies”43 : When I arrived here, the plan was to stay here for two years. I said, “OK. That will give me an extra value that will make me very attractive in Mexico.” Then I realized that it’s not like that. That is, you become very attractive and then that, instead of helping you, it hurts you. Because generally people who make the decisions in Mexico do not care about improving the quality of science. It doesn’t matter to them whether the teaching staff improves or there are more collaborations abroad. What matters to them is that they have their buddies nearby, so they get the positions, isn’t that right? And to have more papers because we all publish together and so on. So (.) I sent many applications but ALWAYS without success. Sometimes it was clearly because of envy. First they said “ah yes, send your papers”, and when the recommendation letters from Germany arrived, they never answered me again. That is when I said, “Well (…) WHAT’S THE POINT? No?” That is, if they really don’t value it there and here they are opening doors to me, they are pushing me here [in the sense of doing everything to keep her here]. Well then, I better stay here. So you change your chip [referring to her mindset], don’t you? You say “well, I live here. I speak German, I’m used to how things are handled here because I AM PART of this system and I am no longer part of the system in Mexico, am I? And they won’t accept me back”. And so here we are (.) SO at home here we decided to have the baby. And we don’t know if we’re going to return to Mexico or when. (Maria)

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Maria – as well as other participants – referred to these themes on many occasions throughout her story. Chapter 4 looks in detail at the topic of the re-imagination of Mexico, the perception of Mexico and Mexican practices. Compadrazgo refers here to the symbolic ties between people in the sense of close friendships and joint interests. This relationship can be compared with clientelistic relations and influence peddling when channeled to public goods through private connections (see Hilgers, 2011, p. 574), particularly in the political field. To learn more about clientelism in Mexico, see Jonathan Fox (1994); Seffer (2014). A perception shared by other participants such as Marco; Maria and Maricarmen. Maricarmen referred to dedazo, a process she was aware of in Mexico and which motivated her to leave (see Section 3.2.2).

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Maria described the process involving the last application that she had sent to a Mexican university, where she was apparently a strong candidate. She presumed this was because there was a pre-selection process before writing the final profile of the expected candidate. When the official call was released, it was clear that it matched her profile. She described it as an interesting position, but which was unfortunately in an unattractive State. She thus applied because of her professional interest but also as an experiment in order to verify if there was transparency within the application system. When the recruitment process advanced, Maria reflected on the life conditions for her and her family because her circumstances had changed. On the one hand, she and her husband were expecting a baby and on the other, she had received an interesting job offer in Germany. This new scenario meant that the arguments relating to life quality and security were even more relevant than before. Maria withdrew from the selection process. She narrated this segment of her life, reenacting the dialogue she had with the contact person for the position: And she [the contact person] said, “ah, well we’re going to do a preselection of all the candidates in order to outline the profile we are looking for, and when the official announcement is published, we’ll send it to you.” Good. When the official call came out they asked for almost all the courses [aspects of her CV that she had] (.) Just like that [she says that the official call matched her CV]. Then we talked [Maria and her husband] and he said “look they want you, don’t they? They’re asking for this course and this course, that means it is you they’re looking for”. And we asked ourselves “Are we really going to live in (city)?” Well, the truth is I didn’t think so. Then it was like ((disappointing expression)) because at last it seemed that a door was opening in Mexico but it was not the door that I WANTED ((laughs)). I talked to my husband and even with my mom. And she said “no. NO! What are you thinking?” she said. “For me it’s the same/we’re from (city in the central region). For me, it’s the same whether you’re in (city in the northwest) or you’re in Germany – I’m not going to see you. In Germany, I know that nothing will happen to you. In (city), I don’t know. In (city), anything can happen to you. So (.) Well no, don’t go there”. And so I wrote to the person from human resources and I said, “look, I appreciate very much that you contacted me and considered me as a preferred candidate, but my husband and I have decided that I’m going to withdraw from the call because we’re not going to live there. Our intention is to have a family and we don’t see ourselves having a family there.” And she told me that it was true that there were problems related to security but that academic life could be very satisfying. I said “yes, academic life can be very satisfying but I’m not going to live below the table in my laboratory. So, (.) No, I’m not going to take it”. And it was the last attempt

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I made. Now, I’m already more focused on the future here […] And then YES, (.) Seeing us more HERE than there. (Maria) In Maria’s story, it is possible to identify her struggle with the idea of returning to Mexico under the circumstances offered in a place that is conceived as dangerous. While her plans had been to return, the imagination of a life with the quality level that she has experienced in Germany is more relevant for her and her new family. Therefore, her strategy is to focus on a future in Germany. While conducting the conversations, it was possible to see Maria and Marco’s disappointment while narrating this part of the story. In their stories (as well as stories of other participants), they commented on the perceptions of Others, such as their family and friends. For instance, in the above passage Maria’s mother rejects the option of her daughter returning to Mexico, arguing that she is at peace knowing that her daughter’s family are “safe” in Germany, whereas if they moved to a different state in Mexico, and one which is considered dangerous, she would be afraid. It would have been interesting to find out what her mother’s opinion would be if Maria had the opportunity to return to the state where she lives. In the case of Marco’s family, he described how they suggested to him that he not return to Mexico, stressing the precariousness regarding work issues and the security problems that the country faces: I still think a lot about (.) the idea of going back to Mexico. But then I see everything that’s happening there and I talk with my family (.) and (.) I talk/I’m very honest with my parents and all, I tell them I feel guilt-/(.) the notion is still there, you know, the itch. And my brothers and sisters say “no, don’t, there’s nothing for you to do here. (.) There’s NOTHING to do here”, they say. My parents, they see it as better that I’m HERE working. And because Mexico, no no no no (.)/or maybe they/what they see in (the city) is that (.) work is hard. And yes, it is hard. […] and what my brothers and sisters tell me is that, yeah, there’s not much (.) work, it’s badly paid. And ALWAYS the same, you know? This (.) this game of INFLUENCE, how if you know so-and-so, if that guy is your brother, you’ve got the job, and if not, you haven’t […] So PEOPLE who are prepared, who know how to do the job (.), who know how to do things and/, they aren’t in those positions. And so I said to myself,/I mean with hands on hips they said to me, what are you coming for? Or (.) I don’t KNOW (.) maybe in another place in Mexico, Querétaro or Mexico City, I don’t know. But (.) to start from ZERO there (.) or to be here where I ALREADY speak the language. Where I can get around, where (.) whether you like it or not (.) I already have a job and that job gives me (.) gives me the impetus to get another one after and then another and another and another where I CAN find work, where there IS work. Then to go to a place where there’s NONE and it’s badly paid. A lot of risk. So (.) THAT kills my enthusiasm ((laughs)). (Marco)

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It appears that being away from their hometown did play an important role for Maria and Marco, since they would be far from their family and friends living in “worse conditions” rather than being far away in Germany but living a better life.

3.3.3.2

Comparing Experiences and Perceptions Concerning Life Quality, Lifestyle and Security

As has been seen, participants highlighted the importance of the issues of security, life quality and lifestyle in their decision regarding whether to return to Mexico or remain in Germany. This decision was usually made through a process of comparing, reflecting upon and analyzing the advantages of living in Germany as well as aspects that they like, dislike and miss in their lives. It can also be seen from their stories that security is understood in two dimensions: the first refers to social security whereas the second is related to public security.44 The former is related to the welfare system and includes security in terms of social, labor, health, education and transport systems. It also relates to working conditions in the impression they have that people earn a better and fairer income according to the level of education in Germany. On the other hand, there is the perception that positions are not well remunerated in Mexico (as was seen in Marco’s story), and there is mistrust regarding how resources are managed, for instance, mismanagement of pensions due to devaluations and economic crises, as Ricardo related, remembering the Mexican crisis of 1994: And I also think (.) well, work! And work that pays off because in Mexico now with the labor reforms we also don’t know what’s going to happen, above all with retirement now that pensions have been privatized (.) that to think they’re going to play the stock market with my pension (.) that there might be a crisis like in the nineties, a devaluation and that my life’s work goes down the drain, (.) I don’t want that (.) ((laughs)). (Ricardo) Concerning benefits, the right to a long vacation was mentioned. In Germany, this depends on the amount of days worked whereas in Mexico, although regulations exist, they are not always respected, and people in full-time jobs sometimes get only one or two weeks’ vacation (Teresa). In Teresa’s story, the issue of vacations is connected with the health system. She told the story of her brother who was unable to work due to an operation, but

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It has been stated in Section 3.2 that for some participants the security issue was already a motivation to emigrate. This was the case for Osvaldo and Ricardo, since in the Mexican cities they lived in violence and drug trafficking were more visible. Drug trafficking is a national problem with different drug cartels present in every Mexican state. Sinaloa and Baja California are “well-known” for the presence of prominent cartels such as the Sinaloa and Tijuana cartels.

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who refused to take sick days because they would be deducted from his vacation time, even though he was the director of the hospital (where he had his operation). This situation is interpreted as involving a person occupying a position of power who still could not get distinct sick days and vacation time. Teresa said that she was surprised and indignant, comparing the situation with that of her husband, who was out of work due to illness for over six weeks and still received 70 % of his salary. Renata mentioned the health system, where she has witnessed the benefits and service provided in Germany. Renata compared the situation in Germany, where one has access to basic medicines, cotton swabs and alcohol (medical disinfectant), with the Mexican public health services provided by IMSS and ISSSTE45 , for example, where “one needs to run to buy it oneself”. She pointed to the existence of private services, which are very expensive. Although she relativized the context in Mexico, saying that the service is not always so bad, she argued that it has shortcomings. Renata said that although she does not know how the German health system will develop in the future, its current shortcomings – if any – are not as noticeable as they are in the Mexican system: But (…) but (.) What would we wish for, or like to do? It’s (.) eh, whether to go to Mexico (.) but for a season, I think, for a while, because on the other hand, eh, I say it myself too, I’ve had access to a health care system that has really benefited me, [In Germany] […] this system, which you already paid for, you already worked, they already took it from your paycheck. And […] I know a little about the health care system, let’s say, and it’s not bad either, but over there it has its shortcomings too, so you have to struggle with all of that, I mean, here [in Germany] you simply say “you don’t have to run for alcohol, or for the cotton balls […] go buy them in the pharmacy”, you know? […] And over there you’re in a system where they welcome you even if you come with your ISSSTE insurance or your IMSS. And don’t even talk about private, you have to spend loads, you know? And they tell you ‘the pharmacy doesn’t have it in stock, go get such-and-such’. So, eh (.) it’s an advantage, and a disadvantage, or something that has its pros and contras, there’ll be something that isn’t complete there but nor is there anything else that’s quite good enough, over here too, it has a system that maybe, up until now, I don’t know about in a couple of years, but up until now its shortcomings aren’t so noticeable, you know? I mean, it still has a system that allows you, as a patient, to know that you have 45

IMSS and ISSSTE are Spanish acronyms for Mexican Social Security Institute (Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social) and Institute for Social Security and Services for State Workers (Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado). Both institutions administer public health and social care, as well as pensions. (see Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado [ISSSTE], 2019; Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social [IMSS], 2019a).

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everything right there in the hospital and in the health center or in the university, at least medically, you know? (Renata) Regarding other social security benefits from the German welfare state, interlocutors mentioned unemployment compensation, benefits for people with motor disabilities and aspects relating to parents/children. Participants who are parents acknowledged the advantages they have in Germany where both parents are entitled to parental leave (Elternzeit) for up to three years. They also mentioned the monthly child benefit (Kindergeld) parents receive for the child up to the age of 18, or 25 if the person is studying (Bundesministerium für Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, 2019). On the other hand, in Mexico it is just the mother who is eligible for eightyfour calendar days of maternity leave (Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social [IMSS], 2019b), and there are no special supports for parents and their children. Furthermore, in the case of Adriana, who had a managerial position in an organization, having children was frowned upon. In her case, she felt that as a mother she had no protection or job security because after having two children, the company found any excuse to fire her. The second dimension relating to public security is associated with the perception of feeling secure in Germany in contrast with the perception of insecurity in Mexico. Mexico is imagined as a dangerous place due to violence, criminality46 linked to drug cartels and unequal socioeconomic conditions, precariousness and an overall mistrust of Mexican institutions within a panorama of corruption47 and impunity. In Ricardo’s story, he presented points linking diverse themes such as religion, moral values, socioeconomic context and criminality. He explained his perception of social decomposition as a vicious circle that is difficult to break. It was noticeable how angry and indignant he became when describing crimes that he had experienced himself or that close friends had experienced: I’ve come to the conclusion (.) above all with these things that happen that I can’t understand [how] they can rape someone like that, ((clears throat)) that no, I don’t miss anything anymore (.) now I think I’m at a stage where it repulses me because

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For instance, according to Amnesty International (2019), during the year 2017/18 in Mexico, there were 42,583 homicides. They claim that the real number might be higher since not all cases are reported to the police. According to the National Survey for Urban Public Security (ENSU in Spanish), 74.6 % of the population older than 18 years old, in 67 cities distributed across the 32 Mexican federal states, perceive their city to be insecure (see Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, 2019). According to the Transparency International [TI] (2019) report on corruption, Mexico is ranked 138th of 180 countries. Its perception of corruption score is 28 points on a scale between 0 and 100 where 0 is the highest. Germany’s score is 80 and it ranks in 11th position.

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it’s one thing for the circumstances of society to lead you to be in a state of (.) social and economic defenselessness etc. and another for you to turn into an animal (.) because in a town that claims to be Catholic ((tone implies quotation marks, doubting)) (.) if religion was good for anything in a place where (.) God, in quotation marks, abandoned them economically, it would be to keep them whole (.) psychologically at least, or in the sense of values, right? And in a town in Mexico where more than 80 % of the people call themselves Catholics, that there are beasts who RAPE and burn people alive, who cut off penises, who decapitate ((bangs hand on desk)) (.) and then afterwards they go and build a church with money from drug trafficking, so I say, I say something’s gone badly wrong here, can it be healed? Yes, but it’s not going to happen quickly (.) and if I was alone (.) it wouldn’t matter, I’d go, but then if you have someone you love who matters to you, your kids or a family or something like that, you’re going to think twice about it, if you don’t have the choice, the option, okay, you stay there, that’s your reality but if you have the choice, why not? (Ricardo) In this passage, the way in which dominant imaginaries of violence and corruption are embedded in the social structure can be interpreted, as Ricardo reflects that social change is possible but slow. In the meantime, he cannot imagine living in those conditions, in particular with regard to having a family. He can choose not to live like that. In the following passages it is possible to observe the combination of the two dimensions relating to security. The participants are aware of the benefits provided by the German government in return for the work they have done. Therefore, there is trust in the German institutions as well as a sense of reciprocity and fairness, as Maria’s passage demonstrates: Now it has a lot to do with the baby, the house, seven months, with the baby. Without having to worry about, wow, what are we going to live on? Because the work that we already did in the years before gives us the security, that the government is going to pay us so that we can be with our baby. And another VERY important factor I think is (.) apart from the professional situation the (.) life quality and security in Mexico. I can’t imagine, I mean seeing children here I can’t imagine myself raising (baby’s name) in Mexico. Where you have to bring her nearly tied by the hand and you don’t go out on the street and you don’t go alone and (.) from the door of the school to the door of the house, because who knows what could happen to her on the way. I also realize that maybe this ISN’T how day to day life is, but for us that’s what we hear about from a distance. But here well everything is for the children. They go to school on their bikes alone, you know? Or they’re in kindergarten and they take them out on an excursion on the tram. Something that couldn’t happen in Mexico. There’d be no way. And (.) so I think in that regard I’d have a better life (.) here (.) EVEN THOUGH I don’t have my family. (Maria)

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Relating to the dimension of public security and criminality, she also explained that she can no longer imagine a life with a child in Mexico in the conditions that she is accustomed to in Germany, where she thinks her child would live a better life. The idea of “not being able to imagine life in Mexico with a family” was also raised by other participants such as Teresa, Ricardo and Adriana. Hence, they are able to imagine continuing their life in Germany, because there “they don’t have to worry, since they have the feeling of being secure, and their kids can grow up in a healthy environment, living without fear”. The image of a dangerous Mexico is also influenced by other sources. For instance, Maria said that her perception might not be true for everyday life and that it is influenced by what she hears from a distance through the media and stories from family and friends, as part of the symbolic resources that re-configure imaginaries. All the participants mentioned being apart from their family and missing them as a negative aspect of living in Germany. Nevertheless, this is compensated for by the greater security and life quality. For instance, Maria thinks that having security and a better life makes up for the fact that her, her partner and their baby are apart from their families in Mexico. Although they say that they constantly miss their families and vice versa, the participants’ families themselves encourage the participants to stay in Germany as it will allow them to have a better future48 : So, on the one hand, I mean yeah I miss some things, on the other hand I’d say, isn’t it great that I’m here, and what with the security issue now my parents are happy for us to be here. […] I mean, that I don’t have to worry about where the girls go out, where they go out to, go round taking care of them, that type of thing. My mother, I mean I think she misses me […] and the girls, […] but she knows we’re well, and that we’re safe, and that they’re growing up in a healthy environment, without fear, without being scared, eh, without alarms or security guards, so my mother always says it to me, and when I came I said to her ‘Mom, the thing is (husband) wants to stay and live in Mexico’, I mean it was his dream, right? And my mom would say ‘you, you are not going to stay here’ and at that time it wasn’t as unsafe as it is now (.), she said to me “no, you need to go” and I was like “mom”, and she says to me “yes (.) yes”, she says to me “it’s best for and your future children”, who I didn’t come back then. (Teresa) Another constant feeling is worry about the people they have left behind in Mexico, knowing that the situation is difficult. Although participants mentioned other things they missed such as food (see Chapter 4), these become irrelevant when 48

As it was possible to see in Marco’s and Maria’s stories regarding returning to Mexico in Section 3.3.3.1.

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considering issues relating to security and life quality. For instance, Ricardo talked about certain aspects of Mexico that he misses but these are not enough to make him want to return there. Moreover, when he thinks about having his own wife and children, he said that he would not take them back to live in Mexico: I just think about my parents and my sister, that’s all that matters to me, I don’t miss, of course I miss the seafood and I miss (.) watching a movie with one of my cousins and having a beer, but it’s not a physiological or emotional need for me, I only miss my sister, my parents, and that’s it. I mean if I had them here, I wouldn’t have to go back to Mexico at all. I don’t get attached to places or to food or to anything. I’ll miss my childhood friends, my cousins etc. but I can live with that. But if my parents thin//of course they’re going to go one day, but knowing that I missed them in their final years or knowing I didn’t have contact? (Even) with that, I think that would affect me, it would traumatize me, if I think about that much, it’s everything, all I think about. The shitty weather, “there is no bad weather, only bad clothes”, the Germans say ((laughs)). (Ricardo) While other participants also shared the feeling of being “safe” in Germany, Renata and Eduardo relativized the idea that in Germany “nothing bad happens”. They say that even though Germany can still be unsafe, they think that you are less likely to be robbed than in Mexico and therefore they feel more confident and safer than in Mexico: One thing I like here that wasn’t so good in Mexico or just anywhere, the safety, for example, being able to walk at night, taking care, because there’s no guarantee that you’re going to go out at two in the morning and nobody’s going to do anything to you, I mean, it’s not guaranteed, but a little more, a little more confidence, let’s say, here than there, a little. (Renata) Eduardo shares the same idea with regard to safety, saying that: It’s fucked up (.) it’s fucked up. I lived it for a long time, when I lived in Mexico, blah blah blah, I went hungry, blah blah blah (.) beatings, violence blah blah blah, I had it tough. (.) But cool (.) now I’m fine with it, as much as can be expected (.) but living in Mexico isn’t so easy, you know? And here in Germany, honestly, there are a lot of benefits. From (.) the fact you can walk at 3, 4 in the morning in (city) and you know they’re not going to mug you, or it’s less likely ((laughs)) than in Mexico, or if the police stop you (.) what always used to happen to me was they’d ask you for money and they want to fuck with you, they plant some drugs on you and (.) whatever, you know? It’s a different (.) atmosphere, and in Mexico every time I go I also have this thing about having to be careful, to take care of my stuff, you don’t have that peace of mind that you have here (.) And sadly everybody there has to live with that day after day […] not knowing if you leave the house (…) they’re going

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to mug and (…) kill you, or they want to kill a guy and […] they kill everyone, and you’re there (.) in the wrong place at the wrong time (.) and it happens to you, you know? (Eduardo) The elements discussed above present images that contribute to the construction of the perception that Germany is a better place to live in than Mexico, because of the imaginaries relating to security and life quality. Gandini (2018) argues that in the case of the migration of highly educated people from Mexico, there has been the tendency to focus on the conditions offered by destination countries, instead of focusing on the circumstances in the country of origin. As with the findings of this investigation, concerns regarding the lack of security and respect for basic human rights are crucial to understanding the Mexican “brain drain”. Therefore, as Gandini indicates, studying abroad is not just a decision “for pleasure” but also a last option because of the lack of opportunities and respect for basic rights there, which means it is involuntary. Thus, this research corroborates Gandini’s arguments (Gandini, 2018, p. 85) because it demonstrates that the participants migrate to and remain in Germany because it is seen as the only opportunity there is to have a dignified life and working conditions. In this case, lifestyle in migration refers to life quality, which is interwoven with security issues. It is noticeable that the negative perception of the situation regarding security in Mexico is produced by adding diverse perspectives to the dynamic re-configuration of a “‘German’ Dream” which is linked to the notion of “lifestyle in Germany”. These imaginaries are nourished by symbolic resources (see Chapter 1). The dynamic interplay of perspectives is influenced by the interlocutor’s own-perceptions, the perceptions of Others and the participant’s reflections on their meta-image; for instance, through the perceptions of family and friends,49 the stories of the interlocutors could be seen as success stories50 (García García & Verdú Delgado, 2008; Goycoechea, 2003; Lehmann, 2007). The perception of “Dream” is linked with the idea of achieving a better life.51 In the life stories of the interlocutors of this research, it is possible to find the

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As it has been possible to see in the cases of Marco’s, Maria’s, and Teresa’s families. This is just a supposition. It was not a theme that appeared in the conversations. While most of the participants mentioned their difficulties and challenges in what I perceived as an open manner, two participants – Tomas and Daniel – focused on sharing more positive aspects and relativized negative elements of their stories. This could be interpreted as telling success stories. Regarding the myth of the “American Dream” and the “European Dream” see Chapter 1, see also García García and Verdú Delgado (2008); Goycoechea (2003); López García (2015); Rickmeyer (2009).

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manifestation of these representations and expectations facilitating the re-configuration of a “German Dream”. Nevertheless, when identifying this within the notion of “Dream” I do not mean to characterize it is as a naïve illusion. On the contrary, it was found that the interlocutors are conscious52 that life is not perfect in Germany and their weighing up of advantages and disadvantages linked to security aspects has been discussed in this work. In addition, participants mentioned other elements of their lives in Germany that they like and dislike. The acquisition of German nationality is considered as an advantage that allows for mobility within Europe (Adriana). Eduardo reflects upon the benefits that having a German passport would bring him, were he to obtain it: I have, eh, permanent residency but I’m thinking, you know? We have the advantage as Mexicans that we can have dual nationality, and because I work a lot outside Germany it’s useful to have a German passport […] You often pay less, in Asia (.) you pay less because you are German than as a Mexican […] and less bureaucracy for visas. Sometimes for Mexicans it takes a month, fifteen days to get a visa, and as a German you just go to the airport and (.) bang bang (sic!) […] they stamp it (.) so I want to have that, you know? And if I don’t lose my Mexican nationality, it’s cool […] you couldn’t before, that’s new, since like 5, 6 years ago. There was no agreement between Germany and Mexico, because since Mexico, as a Mexican you have the right to take dual nationality, but only with the countries there’s an agreement with. There are others where you have to pick which nationality to stick with, you know? […] And having a business now (.) […] it’s easier, you know? (Eduardo) In Adriana’s and Eduardo’s perceptions, having German nationality is seen as a way of obtaining better work and living conditions, and reducing mobility restrictions. For Marco, it means that he is allowed to vote and therefore “he has a voice” which is heard, unlike in Mexico, where he also has a voice but is ignored. For Osvaldo, life in Germany is seen as a form of “life insurance”: I mean, I love this place but I don’t want to be stuck here for like my whole life. I’ll keep it as a kind of life insurance policy or something. And well while it keeps working and keeps the clients happy we’re cool, you know? Eh, I don’t know, I mean I’d wait for my daughters to be independent, which is still ages away, and then start to enjoy life as they say, you know? (Osvaldo)

3.3.3.3

Beyond the Imaginary of Security and Life Quality

Throughout the participants’ discussions concerning life quality and security, which encompass the theme of lifestyle in migration, it was demonstrated that they are aware of the advantages of living in Germany, of things which, from

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Reflectivity and consciousness are part of the process of telling a life story (see Chapter 2).

3 Re-imagining Life through Migration

their perspective, it is not possible to access in Mexico. As has been shown in this chapter, the imaginary towards Germany includes better living conditions, greater career opportunities and greater social and public security. While the re-configuration of the imaginary of life in Germany as a “German Dream” motivated by diverse factors has been examined in the foregoing sections, it has been stated that this is not a naïve dream. Furthermore, although the interlocutors share the opinion that there is better life quality and security in Germany than in Mexico, a number of them questioned the idea of the “German Dream”, challenging the idea that in Germany “everything is perfect”. In this regard, it was interesting to find that some participants relativized the imaginary of the “First World”, which could also be interpreted as their “German/European Dream”. In this imaginary, their expectations and hopes (see Sections 3.2 and 3.3) regarding the life they would obtain through migration are also reflected, as well as the influence of symbolic resources that re-configure the experienced reality and negative experiences regarding the imagined lifestyle and life quality.53 From the perspectives of the interlocutors, Europe and Germany were seen as glamorous places (mostly before arrival), which belong to the “First World”. Nevertheless, that image is re-constructed mostly based on the perception of Others, connecting arguments related to social class and to status symbols.54 Adriana’s story is presented as an example which helps us to clarify the interplay between diverse influences such as self-image, the perceptions of Others and her process of contrasting her dream of living in Europe with her experiences and her everyday life. As has been mentioned in Section 3.3.1, Adriana had dreamt of living in Europe since her honeymoon: When we’d gotten married, we’d come to Europe on honeymoon and I’d said “I’d like to live in Europe, say what you want but Europe has something special” and it sounds very glamorous, you know? You say “to live in Europe, how cool, I mean look at the buildings, everything is pretty, everybody’s very neat.” (Adriana) Years later, after she had come to live in Germany and gone back to Mexico to visit, she described the comments that people made, saying that other people think that life in Germany is glamorous. She replied to those comments by saying, “that people have no idea how difficult life is in Germany and that it’s not like everybody thinks”. By saying this, Adriana was making reference to a shared opinion from her

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The participant’s stories mentioned other negative aspects regarding living in Germany. It was found that what participants mostly dislike is related to what they miss about Mexico. Which, in terms of migration, influences the perception with regards to being a migrant, being perceived as more distant than migration to the USA, for instance.

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own perspective, assuming that others in her social circle shared it. The German imaginary thus alludes to typified images of glamour and culture – understood in a limited and broad-close sense (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 42) – as “high-culture”, to be cultured, educated and, based on the logic of coherence, seeing cultures as containers (see Section 1.3.2.4). Adriana described a situation that she had experienced while waiting in the living room in her friend’s house. There, Adriana met her friend’s daughter and friends, who were younger women aged between 18 and 20 years old. Adriana heard the girls’ conversation, which involved them expressing their wish to study abroad for a semester in Europe and not the USA because “Europe is the best” and they were tired of the USA. While Adriana narrated her story, she recreated the situation and imitated the girls’ voices, in a tone that denotes that the girls belong to an upper class. Adriana felt that the girls were very naïve and had no idea how hard and expensive life in Europe is. She was sure that the girls’ fathers were “working like mules” in order to pay for the semester abroad. Adriana interacted with the girls, telling them that “Europe might seem very romantic but they should know that life isn’t easy there”. She explained that she lives there and that “life isn’t as one imagines it. Life is not all a bed of roses in Europe, although if you don’t have to work and your father pays for everything, then yes”. Adriana said that the girls were shocked and considered her “uncool”, but that for her it was important to say it because she also had had that idea and the reality is different. Nevertheless, with all the challenges that she and her family have faced in Germany, she was still certain that staying is a better option than returning, even if she hesitates to admit it, because she wonders what her children’s reaction will be in the future: will they be grateful or critical of their parents’ decision? Regarding the meta-perception that interlocutors have concerning how other people imagine life in Europe to be, Maricarmen reenacted how people react when they find out that she lives abroad: People say like “oh, you live in Europe!” ((expressing surprise and enthusiasm)) like as if you’re more important, no? That caught my attention. For instance, I have some cousins that think they’re posh and from the upper class and they used to ignore me. If they’d see me on the street, they wouldn’t say “hi” to me. Oh but now, when I visit Mexico, they organize a special dinner for me in order to see me. So now because “I’m European” I’m now in their “league” and we can be friends. However, people think that you’re wealthy, that you have money and that you have a great life. I mean, of course, life quality here is better, without any doubt, of that I’m sure. Nevertheless, that doesn’t mean that you’re wealthy and they see you as rich and I don’t know what they think. (Maricarmen)

3 Re-imagining Life through Migration

The imaginary regarding life in Germany as glamorous also includes an assumption of wealth and class mobility, and participants agree with regard to the metaperception of others thinking that the participants are “rich” and have a “good life”. Despite the expectations of the “First World” and how “up-to-date” it is supposed to be, some participants argued that they have realized that in some areas they are “worse off” in Germany than they were in Mexico. Therefore, it was identified that in some stories, even though they narrated their experiences and awareness regarding improvements in their life quality, participants discussed aspects they dislike about their life in Germany, practices that show that their relatively privileged status from a Mexican perspective is perceived as diminished or lost. As examples of aspects of life in Germany they dislike, participants mentioned not being able to pay with credit cards in certain places (Teresa), and the fact that on Sundays all stores and services are closed. Another aspect mentioned is based on specific experiences and opinions regarding the health system, with regards to childbirth, for example. Some participants discussed the health system (dimension of social security) in more detail. While it is seen as a benefit (see Section 3.3.3.2), opinions are varied when sharing specific experiences regarding the services provided by medical personnel and hospitals. For instance, a number of women whose children were born in Germany described their labor experience. Whereas for Maria and Maricarmen, the natural approach to giving birth and the figure and role of the midwife55 were seen as very positive and as one of the advantages of the system, for Teresa, the experience was terrible. Maria described her experience of the natural childbirth approach as very useful because it helped her to gain confidence concerning her body and she learned that it was possible to avoid a labor involving a cesarean and how to take care of the baby from the midwife (Maria).56 Teresa could not understand why in Germany there is an “obsession” with everything being “natural”, including enduring hours of labor pain and giving birth without anesthesia, which she felt put the life of the mother and child at risk. Teresa described these practices as “medieval”.57 Teresa’s

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Participants used the German word “Hebamme” instead of the Spanish term “Matrona” or “Partera”. According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] Health Report (2017), Mexico ranks second among the OECD countries for births delivered by caesarean section with 46.8 %, while Germany occupies twelfth place, with 30.2 %. This figure refers to the number of total caesarean deliveries performed per 100 live births and includes data from public hospitals only. The OECD report mentions that the actual rate might be higher since there is evidence that caesarean sections tend to be performed more frequently in private hospitals (see Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2017, p. 180). In Teresa’s story, she narrated a long list of bad experiences in her regional hospital, claiming that she had suffered medical negligence on many occasions. This work does not seek to

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perception is linked to her reality in Mexico, with her point of comparison being private hospitals, as she had never attended a public one: I’ve heard a lot of really ugly stories about giving birth, natural births because the midwives are (.) like they were in the middle ages […] that you suffer, and you suffer ((sighs)) many times they cause you stress that really isn’t necessary, or they operate (.) right away, I mean almost enough to kill you. In my opinion, it’s not necessary. When I was in the Krabbelgruppe, one of those groups of mothers and their little kids that they form here, once I also heard the story of a woman whose baby wouldn’t come out, natural birth, and the old ladies leaned on her so much they broke the woman’s ribs (.) you say “come on, what century are we living in?” (.) that type of stuff, like in hospitals that’s not typical anymore, so you say to yourself, maybe it wasn’t a bad thing that I had a cesarean […], but yeah, you hear stories that are really… I don’t know if it’s very natural or very (.) I don’t know how to explain it but for me these are definitely cases of negligence. (Teresa) Therefore, it is possible to identify that some of the interlocutors’ points concerning aspects of their life in Germany that they dislike, are linked to expectations that have been relativized. From their perspectives, it can be interpreted that a gap exists between their imaginary of the “German/European Dream” and the reality they experienced, where they relativized their idealistic image of the “First World” by referring to their perception concerning practices. One example of this is the expectation of “cutting-edge practices” being contrasted with practices perceived by some participants as “more natural”, which means “old-fashioned” for some interlocutors. This is despite the fact that some of these practices are perceived as part of the imaginary of life quality (see Section 3.3.3), which is seen as positive. Moreover, it can be interpreted that, through their perception of their “abandonment” of “comfort” practices that they used to have in Mexico – related to their socioeconomic context and relatively privileged life there – some participants experience a sort of “de-classification” in Germany (Hernández, 2005).58 The comfort practices which in their Mexican context were seen as normal, familiar and part of their taken-for-granted reality include, for instance, having

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examine those experiences nor to outline them in detail. What is relevant for this research is the contrast between Teresa’s expectation and her experiences, specifically the manner in which she questions whether Germany is a developed country and ironically refers to it as “Third World”, with practices that she considers to come from the Middle Ages. Because the normality for some participants relates to a privileged life in Mexico linked to their socioeconomic context. A “normality” that cannot be generalized in Mexico, a country which is very unequal (see Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2019; Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, 2016).

3 Re-imagining Life through Migration

a domestic worker,59 having a car and a house. Meanwhile, in Germany, Adriana complained that she lives in an apartment which, even though it is in an “old European building” (an aspect of Europe which had appealed to her during her honeymoon), has no elevator, which means having to carry things up and down by the staircase. They also do not have a car, which means having to walk or use public transport (while carrying everything, for instance, groceries). Whereas some people see this as a positive aspect as regards life quality in Germany and even as an opportunity to cycle (e.g. Marco), for others has meant “abandoning” their comfort practices. Adriana referred to these “sacrifices” with a certain nostalgia for the comfortable life she had had in Mexico, highlighting the things she dislikes about Germany – a life that she had imagined would be glamorous but which is not. However, she also said that she has learned to let go of that “superficial comfort” by adapting and valuing other aspects of life, such as life quality and security. Moreover, she said that “it’s all worth it” when she sees her kids speaking fluently in three languages.60 Nevertheless, she hesitated when considering whether coming to Germany was the right decision or not. She said she wants to believe that it was. Overall, it can be concluded that all of the participants defined themselves as lucky and fortunate people with opportunities. They claimed that they were happy but that they were also aware of the things they dislike about living in Germany. Some mentioned that even though they could not imagine returning there to live, they enjoy their new role as tourists when they visit Mexico (Daniel; Marco; Maria; Osvaldo; Renata).

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Referred to in the interviews by two participants as “sirvienta” “maid”, or “criada”. The latter is a word meaning “raised”, and thus it refers to a person who needs to be raised, which denotes classicism. The participants discussed these changes in their everyday life. In Mexico, they saw it as normal to have a domestic employee. Living costs were cheaper and their salaries were higher. Their current situations are different and it may not be enough to cover those expenses. Moreover, travel to Mexico is also expensive with children. Therefore, resources need to be distributed differently. In her story, Adriana described the experience of sitting by a famous river in Germany watching the yachts, while she and her family eat a sandwich, saying that of course that is more glamorous than eating the same sandwich in Chapultepec. Chapultepec is an urban park in Mexico City which is visited by all kinds of people and which is divided into zones, with one zone more exclusive than the other. In this expression, it can be interpreted that even though Adriana is relativizing the notion of the glamorous life in Germany, she still finds it more glamorous than Mexico, in this case, giving the example of an open space like Chapultepec.

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3.4

Summary

This chapter has shown a mixture of circumstances and entangled reasons for mobility of the thirteen participants in this research, such as postgraduate studies, academic research, work, love and lifestyle. Therefore, their migration cannot be described using single categories alone. The role of the imaginary dimension in their decision to migrate and to remain in Germany has been discussed, mostly in terms of their imagination of life quality and their socio-economic situation. This chapter has shown how international and internal mobility shaped the perceptions of the participants and how they reflected and applied zooming observation. Participants with internal mobility experience tended to refer to Germany in a differentiated manner rather than a generalized one, considering differences and the particularities of each place in terms of context and history. The interlocutors of this research also compared their expectations prior to migration to Germany with their experiences there, at times showing how they contrasted. It was observed that while describing their experiences, they engaged in comparisons between Mexico and Germany. It is not the intention of this work to present images that contribute to the imagination of a “German Dream” – an approach that the participants relativize with their contrast between their hopes, expectations and experiences, while at the same time re-configuring it through their subjectivities. The aim of this chapter is to re-construct the shared imaginaries towards life in Germany based on three main themes emerging from their life stories: life quality, security and lifestyle. While these issues led to a negative image of the situation in Mexico, it was also possible to identify how the interlocutors re-imagine Mexico. This is the focus of the next chapter.

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness “I find myself, for example, listening to Latin music that I used to hate, you know? Not because, I mean, I don’t know, you know? Well, I do feel more Mexican because somehow you have to hold onto something, right? […]” (Osvaldo)

Living in a migratory situation triggers the re-configuration of imaginaries concerning the country of “origin” and the sense of belonging to “somewhere”. One of the participants, Maricarmen, explained that she would never return to Mexico because of all the problems she believes it has, especially now that she is a mother. Nevertheless, she described how she has invented and idealized Mexico in her mind while living abroad. To strengthen her point, she mentioned that she could have written the book “My Invented Country”, written by Isabel Allende (2003): Maricarmen: The last thing I would do is return to Mexico. Because it won’t change, at least in my lifetime, I don’t think I will see it. It has changed a lot, people are adapting and everything, but, […] now it has become so dangerous. That hasn’t changed, the dedazo, where if you’re friends with somebody…, that hasn’t changed. I was very angry and felt helpless that I couldn’t defend myself. Now that I have a child NO WAY, I would be crazy to bring him to such a place. […] That’s the main reason why I wouldn’t return to Mexico. If they told me, okay, it has changed now, it’s not like that anymore, I would think about it, you know? But it’s the Mexican way that made me leave the country. And that’s what hurts the most, because when you miss it, you just miss the beautiful. Have you never read Isabel Allende’s books? YL: There is one, right? “My Invented Country”. M: Yes. YL: I didn’t finish it. M: Well, it felt as if I had written it ((laughs)) because of that, you idealize the country, “Everything there [in Mexico] is perfect and everything here is horrible [Germany]”, but it’s not true. You miss what is nice. That happens to me. When I

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arrive [in Mexico], it’s all beautiful but the moment that things that you don’t like start happening, just as before, you say “okay, I remember why I left”. (Maricarmen) Maricarmen’s comments represent the tension also manifested in the stories of the other interlocutors, echoing their ambivalence regarding their imaginaries towards Mexico. On the one hand, there is a rather negative and critical image of Mexico, mostly regarding the lack of security and the precariousness of the conditions, which get in the way of achieving the desired quality of life there. This was one of the many motivations for the participants to migrate and remain living in Germany (see Chapter 3). On the other hand, although a number of the stories complained about “the Mexican way”, they also presented a positive view when referring to certain aspects of Mexican culture, identity and their practices. While some participants are more critical of mainstream elements of dominant imaginaries, in all the participants’ stories it is possible to examine their imaginaries regarding Mexico, Mexicanness and their practices, some labeled specifically as “Mexican”. Before presenting the thematic analysis of the empirical materials, it is important to clarify that this chapter highlights relevant socio-historical aspects concerning the influence that certain “figures of memory” (significant past events) and their “islands of time” (materialized representations) have on cultural memory (Assmann, 1995), as part of dominant imaginaries of Mexico, which are manifested as archetypes, legends, myths, history and therefore as “culture” in a broad sense, as part of the life-world (see Chapter 1). Therefore, these aspects are significant in the analysis of passages from the participants’ conversations presented here. It is not the objective of this chapter to carry out an exhaustive revision and reconstruction of Mexican history and its development.1 However, it is important to point out that this work considers that Mexico has been constructed based on a vast web of symbols, stories and images that have shaped dominant imaginaries concerning the country, its culture and identity. These symbolic resources have been mainly instrumentalized by the process of nation-building (Bartra, 2002/2006), where Mexico’s historical construction has struggled with recognizing and “managing” its heterogeneity and processes of cohesion, aiming for homogenization: Throughout the twentieth century, Mexican culture was in the process of inventing the anatomy of a national being whose identity vanished every time one wanted to define it, but whose imaginary presence exerted a great influence on the configuration of political power (Bartra, 2002/2006, p. 11).

1

This can be read in works by authors such as Béjar and Rosales (2005); Jaramillo Herrera (2008); Degen (2008); Florescano, Hancock, and Velázquez (2006); Monsiváis (2010); Schulz (2015).

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

It is within the process of the re-configuration of “the Mexican anatomy” that intellectuals2 have reflected on the cultural and national identity, debating “the nature” of Mexican individual identity as “el mexicano” (the Mexican), re-configuring the “homo mexicanus” (Bartra, 2006, p. 18) and Mexican cultural identity as “lo mexicano” (Mexicanness) (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017, p. 30). These aspects constitute the current of thought of the philosophy of Mexicanness (“filosofía de lo mexicano”).3 Lo mexicano is possibly the most controversial notion in Mexican philosophy, including other Mexican issues (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017, p. 34).4 2

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Examples of intellectuals in Mexico that have influenced the construction of Mexican identity include Octavio Paz (1950/1964) “El laberinto de la soledad” (The Labyrinth of Solitude), Samuel Ramos (1934/2001) “El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México” (Profile of Man and Culture in Mexico), Guillermo Bonfil-Batalla (1987) “México profundo” (Mexico Profundo: Reclaiming a Civilization), José Vasconcelos (1925/2014) “La raza cósmica” (The Cosmic Race), and other classic essays which are also included in the compilation “Anatomía del Mexicano” (Anatomy of the Mexican) edited by Bartra (2002/2006), and the book “Mexican philosophy in the 20th century: Essential readings” edited by Sánchez and Sanchez (2017). Regarding the involvement of foreign intellectuals such as Alexander von Humboldt and Alexis de Tocqueville, among others, in the construction of Mexico see Schulz (2015); Bieber (2001). Sánchez and Sanchez (2017) prefer not to translate lo mexicano as Mexicanness, because of the connotation of essentialism, which a broader interpretation of lo mexicano does not imply. It is important to clarify that, for practical reasons relating to language consistency, I continue to use the English term Mexicanness, while bearing in mind its constructed character in the sense of lo mexicano, as the quoted authors suggest. In this way, Mexicanness is here understood as the way in which the participants of this research re-imagine Mexico and their sense of belonging and feeling Mexican. One of the aspects to be analyzed is whether the interlocutors relate to essentialism and to a coherence-based or cohesion-based understanding of culture. The Spanish form lo mexicano will be used in reference to the quoted authors as well as the term Mexicanness. Intellectuals, through their essays – mostly philosophical, political and anthropological – and artistic manifestations elaborated by scholars and artists in different epochs in the development of Mexico, have shaped Mexicanness. The philosophy oflo mexicano emerged in the context (during and after) the Mexican Revolution (1910), which was portrayed as “a moment of rupture and disintegration”, whereas the post-Revolutionary era was portrayed “as an opportunity for unity and cohesion. Its products (paintings, poems, novels, and political parties) reflected those aspects of the social imaginary considered peculiarly Mexican. What was sought and promoted was that which could unite the divisions and hierarchies that led to, and that were eventually revealed by, the Revolution. What was sought was that which was characteristically Mexican” (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017, p. 31). Nevertheless, prior to the independence of Mexico from Spain, the Spaniards and/or “creoles” (descendants of Spaniards born on the American continent) who imagined the national project after independence and the foundation of the national state and its consolidation as a republic (period from 18081876) (Flores Dávila, 2015; Zoraida Vázquez, 2008), needed to differentiate themselves from the ex-colony and develop a distinctive identity as a “new” independent country. The search for its “own” identity has been a major concern in Mexico (see Bartra, 2002/2006, 2006; Flo-

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Lo mexicano has formed a demarcation with many nuances, from the most superficial and colorful representations that created stereotypes, to the deepest reflections integrating interdisciplinary studies such as philosophy, psychology, anthropology, sociology and history which consisted of discovering “who Mexicans are” in order to construct identity and the path to future transformation (Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 42). The philosophy of lo mexicano can be read and interpreted in different ways. Sánchez and Sanchez (2017) revisited classical philosophical essays and distinguished between a narrow and wide interpretation of lo mexicano.5 While the narrow approach essentialized “the Mexican soul” (Bartra, 2002/2006) with a unifying character, the wide interpretation affirmed difference (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017) as “an effort to achieve liberation from the dominant paradigms of Western thought, as well as a genuine desire for self-knowledge” (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2018, para. 1). One can argue whether affirming differences based on a narrative of the national character led specifically to a re-creation of the essentialist sense of lo mexi-

5

res Dávila, 2015; Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017). The identity-making process has influenced different periods according to the national – from the top down – socio-economic and political projects, having an effect on the values in society, where social tensions have also contributed to the re-construction of those values and analysis of Mexicanness (from the bottom up). The materialization and externalization of these imaginaries have been institutionalized and anchored as dominant imaginaries through the political project of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido de la Revolucion Institucional – PRI), which governed Mexico from 1929 until 2000, and again between 2012 and 2018. This party was described by writer Mario Vargas Llosa as “the Perfect Dictatorship” and by Carlos Fuentes as a “Hegemonic regime of domination” in 1990, referring to the party’s mysterious combination of power, corruption and legitimation (López Guzmán, 2016, p. 151). Part of this was due to its foundation in and symbiosis with cultural memory, re-configuring dominant imaginaries regarding Mexicanness. The authors criticize the narrow approach to the philosophy of lo mexicano, interpreting it as a desire to unify Mexicans into one essential category excluding anyone does not fit its criteria. The authors suggest that this view is erroneous and simplistic and assumes that Mexican philosophers were not aware of the tensions and historical exclusions that characterized Mexican history and identity. However, Sánchez and Sanchez recognize that some Mexican philosophers were indeed racist and sexist. Nevertheless, they see a greater philosophical potential in a broader and more philosophical interpretation of lo mexicano, which suggests that the goal of the philosophy of lo mexicano was not merely to unify but to affirm, “that is […] Mexican philosophy in the 20th century was not satisfied with pure description of national identity. Instead, the unveiling and clarifying of Mexican being was a response to a history of exclusion and silencing. In particular, it was a response to the history of European culture and philosophy that had historically suppressed both Mexican culture and the Mexican individual through various forms of power and authority. Thus, the goal of la filosofía de lo mexicano was the affirmation of the Mexican difference, not just an attempt to unify the nation on the basis of that difference. This is an important way of reinterpreting lo mexicano because if unity excludes, affirmation proclaims and demands” (Sánchez & Sanchez, 2017, p. 35).

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

cano, even if this were not the intention of the intellectuals. In other words, authors studying Mexicanness pointed out that by reflecting on these issues, the intellectuals actually re-constructed what is thought to be Mexican (Bartra, 2006, p. 14; Bravo Cárdenas, 2007). Considering the complexity and controversy regarding narrow and wide approaches and various interpretations of lo mexicano, I would argue that, either way, the philosophers of lo mexicano, together with other artistic manifestations and political projects, have influenced the re-configuration of Mexicanness, coconstructed and disseminated in a manifold of forms as and through symbolic resources shaping dominant imaginaries such as national identity and national culture. These have provided a structure for a hegemonic reading of life based on a coherent logic that serves as an orientation matrix in thinking and doing in the everyday life-world of common individuals, nourishing inter-subjective commonsense knowledge, internalizing Mexicanness while at the same time re-creating it. The ongoing dynamic of re-construction between dominant and emergent imaginaries remains constant, although structure – built by dominant imaginaries – might take more time to be removed and evolve since it is not static (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 87) (see Chapter 1). In the case of Mexicanness, its representation changes historically and is susceptible to the divergent versions that coexist with others (Larraín, 2005, as cited in Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 41). One can therefore argue that there are “many Mexicos and many forms of feeling Mexican” (Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 41). Although the construction of Mexicanness – in a broad sense – is not the object of this work, it is important to understand key points as a background to that construction, since themes regarding Mexico and Mexicanness occupied a significant part of the participant’s stories. This does not mean re-producing stereotyped and nationalistic thinking. Rather this work examines the imaginaries of “common people” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966/1991; Taylor, 2004) (see Chapter 1) through the interlocutors’ life stories. Therefore, the main focus of this chapter is to present the results of the participants’ re-imagining of Mexico and their Mexicanness. Mexicanness is here understood as the way the participants of this research re-imagine Mexico, their sense of belonging, their bonds, what they perceived to be their identity, their culture and their practices in a migratory context; how they give meaning to their practices, what practices were part of their routine in Mexico, and which ones have been acquired while living in Germany. This chapter also discusses the dialectic between self-perception, perception of Others and meta-perception in regards to being Mexican (see Section 4.1.1), the double role that participants acquire in Germany as ambassadors and/or prisoners of their culture (see Section 4.1.2), the intensification of Mexicanness (see Section 4.1.2.1) and their imagining of who the migrants are (see Section 4.1.2.2).

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Because of the interconnection of the dialectic, it is difficult to distinguish between each aspect individually, because they are entangled and each one shapes the others. Therefore, in the following sections, each topic is highlighted without ignoring its interconnection with the other elements. Section 4.2 focuses on the participants’ practices, which they refer to as Mexican. These are considered here to be significant in the re-configuration of Mexicanness and relate to speaking as well as preparing and eating Mexican cuisine (see Section 4.2.1). The traditional celebrations they attend or recreate, where folkloric dancing and clothing play a significant role, are another such practice (see Section 4.2.2). Finally, Section 4.2.3 discusses other practices mentioned by the participants regarding socio-political practices, in which the connection with Mexico is seen as continued.

4.1 4.1.1

Dialectic between Self-Perception, Perception of Others and Meta-Perception Being Mexican

The participants perceived themselves as Mexican, referring to their sense of belonging, identity and their understanding of what being Mexican means, which is combined with the way in which Mexicanness has been established as a dominant imaginary. They described at times their “way of being”, alluding to their Mexicanness, with expressions explaining their spontaneous decision to migrate “like a good Mexican would do” (Ana). The following passage shows how Adriana described her experiences and challenges in life. With the expression “like a good Mexican”, one can see how Adriana constructs a “fake hope” concerning things that she knows will not happen but which she still dreams about. She “cheers herself up” by telling herself how good and brave she is, arguing that “it is so” because “she is Mexican”. Nevertheless, she then relativized this and reflected that “maybe it is not that”, with “that” referring to her Mexicanness, but rather just a matter of a person’s own character. Adriana’s explanation is significant for her, and she likes to think that “regardless of all the things wrong with Mexico”, she is still proud of “being” Mexican6 : 6

Other studies have discussed Mexican pride. For instance, as part of the National Survey of Identity and Values entitled “The Mexicans seen by themselves. The greatest national themes” (Encuesta Nacional de Identidad y Valores: “Los Mexicanos vistos por sí mismos. Los grandes temas nacionales”) conducted in 2014 by UNAM, one individual survey of 1200 people examined “The Sentiments and Resentments of the Nation” (see Flores Dávila, 2015). It was found that pride is the fourth word most associated with Mexico, after country, culture and cor-

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So there are many things that give you experience and you say (.) “I’ll keep going” and you’ll cheer yourself up and say “I’m Mexican, I’m very cool and that’s why (.), nothing stops me”, no? […] Maybe it’s not that (.) Maybe it’s just a matter of character, but you use it, I do anyway. (.) And I love that you continue, in spite of everything that’s wrong with Mexico, you’re still proud in a way. (Adriana) Eduardo said that being Mexican is “cool”: “I am what I am, I’m Mexican”. He also said that he has been lucky to be able to travel. Traveling has allowed him to open his mind. Unfortunately, people that cannot travel and learn about other cultures tend to be close-minded: I am what I am (.) I’m Mexican. It’s cool, isn’t it? I think (.) I’m lucky enough to be able to travel, and you open your mind a little (.), right? That’s the only good thing about traveling, and unfortunately people that can’t travel and learn about other cultures and become closed (.) but if you knew them, shh, it would be different […]. And I was telling you, right? They are my roots and I believe that I’m still Mexican, but (.) trying not to have as many prejudices which we are born with, that unfortunately we are taught, no? Ah, ah, all the people, don’t they? they teach us prejudices, right? ‘you have to do this or you have to think like that’, right? And I think that traveling […] helps you to get rid of those prejudices, doesn’t it? (Eduardo) In this passage, Eduardo speaks about being Mexican and how he is privileged in being able to travel around the world, saying that this has “opened his mind”. He maintains his Mexican roots and remains Mexican but tries not to have so many prejudices. In his opinion, Mexican people have many prejudices because of the way they are raised. Marco’s perception and description of Mexican people is a product of his experiences and interactions with Others. In the following passage, one can see the imaginary regarding the construction of the “we”, and the characteristics of Mexican people as a collective, who he described as “deeply connected with the land” and as “very sentimental people”. “Land” can here be interpreted as referring both to the soil or to the native land, as he also said the links to the country, connected with nature and feelings. Marco relativized this aspect, saying that other nationalities are also attached to their country, and not only Mexicans. Nevertheless, Marco claimed that Mexicans “have another level of culture, very advanced”:

ruption. By combining the mentions in semantic fields, 33.3 % of the mentions (the highest proportion) referred to pride (“my homeland”, “the best country”) (Flores Dávila, 2015, p. 54). Meanwhile, Mexican migrants living in Murcia Spain identified themselves as “feeling proud of being Mexican” (see López García, 2013).

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And I feel that we Mexicans have a very strong connection with the land, and we are very strongly connected with nature and feelings, right? We are deeply sentimental. I feel that the Mexican has a very strong essence in his feelings, and his feelings for his country much more. Of course, I don’t want to say that only Mexicans, but also Colombians, and I imagine Russians as well. They must have it. But I think that culturally we are very strong, […] we have another very advanced level of culture, very advanced. And we know how to recognize the culture when we encounter it. That is why we know how to recognize ourselves when we go to museums, or when we want to get to know a city, when we talk to people. Why? Because we have a strong culture […] And not only do we have it, but we also recognize it, I mean, we live it, we are part of it, right? […] (Marco) It is important to note that this passage shows different understandings of culture which are combined, taking aspects of a narrow view regarding “being cultured”, “cultivated or educated”, manifested in fixed and static form which could be found for instance in museums, but also in a broad form as a life-world, adding other elements of everyday life-world, as has been described in Chapter 1. While in Marco’s passage it is possible to identify a general imagination regarding representations of Mexicans, it was found that other participants zoomed in on regional differences, giving more weight to their regional sense of belonging to Mexico. This is the case with Renata, who said that she feels more attached to her regional state than to Mexico overall. She explained that this feeling related to the specific circumstances of the state where she had been born and raised, where the Indigenous population is very significant, as well as to the fact of its geopolitical position as a border state with Guatemala. She explained the role of the school system in the construction of the sense of belonging to Mexico or to Guatemala, and the tense relationship between these regions, which have shared many links throughout their history, for instance, their Mayan heritage, but also the tense migratory relationship between Mexico and Central American countries (see Chapter 1) with the resulting perception that Guatemala has “worse” conditions than Mexico: In the state education system, […] there is a subject called something like “State History”, they give you material concerning the history of (state), the books of (state), and based on this they teach you […], your history is “you weren’t Mexican”, for example, I’m interpreting for you how it is understood when you are a child, okay? […] and after 1824 we became Mexicans, right? But, Mexicans by vote, by adoption, because we wanted to be, but we belonged to Guatemala. But it’s a bizarre feeling because “Guatemala is poor, Guatemala is LESS than Mexico”, and “fortunately, how good it is that we became part of Mexico”, right? But also in the same book on the geography of (state), the history of (the state), they tell you, – […] “(the state) has it all: it has water, it has oil, it has uranium, it has a coast, it

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has a part on the Pacific, you know?, and it is a state that could be a COUNTRY’, look it’s interesting, it’s something like Scotland here, now that they want to leave the British and the European Union, that’s how I always imagine (the state), right? They always tell you ‘it can be independent, it can be another country, because it has a forest, it has a beach, it has everything, it has an altitude of two thousand meters, it has this, it has the other, […]”, but suddenly it hits them at once and they say “no, the federation is what has taken us out of poverty”, isn’t it? because (the state) has received a lot of support from the federal government, and that’s when “uh, they stop [longing for independence]”. But as kids, you learn about (the state), even with poetry, “(the state) is magical, it is beautiful, it is unique”, it could be another country and it has everything, “we are strong”, and you know what the turning point was? In 1994, with the Zapatista movement and this – that is why I have my figurine of Marcos ((laughs)) – […] That took (the southeast) to an international level, […] and that again gave rise […] to the feeling of “we can be different, not necessarily always be from Mexico” […]. (Renata) Renata’s passage is very significant because it shows the tension between a national identity – based on a logic of coherence (see Chapter 1) – and describes the construction of a regional sense of belonging, by means of the education system, and the process of the annexation of the state of her birth in the southeast to the Mexican federation. Renata mentioned the process of the construction of the sense of belonging to a region along with the ongoing process of differentiation from Guatemala, into becoming Mexican, and within Mexico, dealing with the issue concerning recognition of their diversity. Moreover, she mentioned the state’s attempt to gain independence – comparing it to the case of Scotland – with the narrative of how it is imagined as “different, unique and special”, attributes that contribute to the configuration of dominant imaginaries linked to a territory. Regarding the issue of shared links between people from Guatemala and certain states in the southeast of Mexico, Renata explained the measure that Mexican federal agents who deal with migration apply in order to identify migrants from Guatemala or Central America who, because of external characteristics such as clothing and features, are “quite difficult to differentiate”. It is significant to mention here that the “presumed migrants” are requested to sing the Mexican national anthem in order to demonstrate their Mexicanness. This measure involves the assumption that “every” Mexican knows the national anthem and that foreigners do not, which is most likely the case, because of the weekly repetition of the national anthem in schools and its broadcast in media7 :

7

This example has been explained in more detail, interpreted from the perspective of banal and everyday nationalism (see Section 1.4.2).

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And anyway, the history of (state) is also interesting because really we, that is, as a cultural historical collective, (the state) was annexed to Mexico, but there is still that thing of “either you are from (the state) or you are Mexican” or “You are (from the state)-Mexican or Mexican-(from the state)”, like, there’s still that thing of, among the same people, for example from (the state), you’re going to live in Mexico City, as if like “you already crossed the border” ((laughs)), right?, from (the state). There are cultural things much more similar to Guatemala […] the clothes, the marimba, the music, the tone of voice, some things that, that, that the name, well, of some things is more identified in Guatemala, […] interesting from migration (.) people from (a city) who sometimes go to Mexico City, it sometimes still happens that they’re mistaken for Guatemalans, but if people don’t have a voter ID, they get them down from the truck and try to deport them because they look like Guatemalans. Because many of them wear clothing similar or identical to that of Guatemala, […] and people dress like this, so the immigration staff return them (…) and it’s a big pain. And the people from Guatemala, that did affect me because a former colleague of mine, […] she had to teach the national anthem to Guatemalans so that they could get into (.) well, the destination was always the United States […] and because the question they always ask is “what is the name of the President of Mexico?”, right? “Let’s see, sing a little bit of the national anthem” (.) if not, they get them out of the truck, well, now there has also been transportation with migrants, that is, illegal transportation. (Renata) Osvaldo reflected on how being abroad has changed his perception of Mexico. He mentioned how he feels “more” Mexican now that he is living abroad than he felt twenty years ago when he lived in Mexico. His explanation for his feeling of belonging is that one “has to hold on to something”. Not only does he feel more Mexican, but he also feels more Latin than before. One new practice for him is listening to Latin music in Germany, something which he did not do in his past life in Mexico, saying that he “would get hives” if he were to do so. He uses that expression to show the degree of his rejection of that kind of music. However, he now “finds himself listening to it” and it has become part of his everyday life. In this passage, he is rather critical of people who use national or patriotic symbols such as the flag, or people “who claim to be descendants of the ‘glorified’ pre-hispanic past”: I find myself, for example, listening to Latin music that I used to hate, you know? Not because, I mean, I don’t know, you know? Well, I do feel more Mexican because somehow you have to hold onto something, right? I mean for reasons like identity. Obviously I’m not, I don’t carry the flag that I’m “mexa” nor am I a descendant of Moctezuma and all that stuff, like a lot of people, right? But obviously, I’m from there, I grew up there, I mean I can speak about Mexico in a different way from how I might have spoken about it 20 years ago, you know? (Osvaldo)

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In the participants’ stories, they mentioned feeling proud of being Mexican when talking about Mexican culture and identity. It is interesting to observe a differentiation and tension in some stories between the participants’ relationship with the country which on the one hand is imagined as unique and special with a vast web of symbolisms and imaginaries and with some participants claiming to be proud of their Mexicanness. On the other hand, they are also hurt and outraged by the political and social direction Mexico has taken (see Chapter 3). In the words of Marco, this is the dilemma that Mexicans face: It’s a, that’s why sometimes there’s this dilemma of the Mexican, why is there so much violence, so much cruelty, so much criminality, if not, I mean it could be/it’s what I wonder: what could have happened to those people who became those monsters? And a friend says “no, I mean those are years and years of a bad upbringing” (.) I don’t know, I mean education begins at home, right? I don’t know, we’re a people that come from an Indigenous people, although we’re Mestizos because we were still farmers, and we come from town people, no, we had big cities, we don’t have, that is, it isn’t, I mean, it’s a great mystery to me how a person can corrupt themselves so much to create so much pain and suffering for another. I don’t get it. I don’t know it, it’s not the Mexico I lived in, or at least maybe I lived in a bubble, I don’t know. But I don’t see it, like, how a person got corrupted, but just as we don’t see how the whole system gets corrupted, maybe we don’t see how a single person gets corrupted, right? Money, power, greed. Having nothing and then having everything. Seeing the opportunity to have it all in a second when you had nothing. I don’t know. A huge issue that I can’t understand. (Marco) The passage shows how Marco cannot understand the transformation of “the” Mexico that he used to know, into the current one, which he can no longer recognize. He wonders whether maybe he used to live in a bubble in Mexico before, because the context described in his passage was not the normality. He described “who we Mexicans are”, “where we come from”, in a way which is quite similar to how Castoriadis reflected on the way in which imaginaries provide the answers to the philosophical questions that also strengthen collective bonds (see Chapter 1). Marco answered those questions himself, imagining the past when Mexicans used to work in agriculture, they came from an Indigenous background while they are now Mestizos. He wondered “how it was possible that people corrupted themselves so much to the point of becoming such monsters”. Ricardo, for his part, defined himself as “very nationalistic”, although he said that he is also critical of certain aspects of the country. When I asked him what he meant by “nationalistic”, he answered that he loves his country and his culture and that he feels “one hundred percent Mexican”. However, that does not mean that he will pretend that all is right with Mexico:

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Ricardo: I’m very critical, I’m very nationalistic but I’m very critical and when (.) when a country is bad, even if it’s my own, it’s bad (.) and not because I’m a nationalist, I’ll say it. YL: So, when you say you’re a nationalist, what do you mean? R: I mean that, like, I love my country, my culture, I feel Mexican, like, really 100 % (.) but that doesn’t mean I’m going to tell lies abroad and say that my country is fine. One thing is Mexico’s culture, which is beautiful, its history and all that, but the real situation, of the average Mexican, that’s another thing, and in that sense it’s screwed, it can’t be denied, that is, there are like 20 million in extreme poverty! Out of 120 (.) it’s very bad. (Ricardo) With regard to Adriana, she remains proud of her country in spite of all the bad aspects of life in Mexico. She said so at different points in her story, for instance, at the beginning after she had introduced herself and said how many children she had: “they love their homeland” – she used the Spanish word Patria – because they were born in Mexico. She added that although they have lived in Germany for seven years, they still love “everything” about Mexico: I have (number) children, who love their Homeland, because they were all born in Mexico. Although they didn’t live there for very long because we came here to Germany almost seven years ago, so that’s it, but anyway, everything that’s Cancun, the beach, delicious food, EVERYTHING is Mexico, and they love it (.) And at home we continue to speak Spanish. (Adriana) In the examples presented in this section, applying the zooming observation method enables one to identify the ongoing dynamic between institutionalizeddominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose (see Chapter 1). From a zooming out perspective, one can see how in a migratory context, the national category “Mexican” is quite present and significant, partly because of the specific context and setting of the conversations.8 The participants spoke about “the way one is”, referring to being Mexican, mentioning attributes such as “spontaneous”, “brave”, “sentimental”, “dreamy”, “lucky”, and “prejudiced”. Furthermore, the imagination of Mexicans and Mexicanness is related to the construction of a cultural-national imaginary based on the logic of coherence and the construction of the sense of “us” and the justification “that is how we are”. In this regard, it can be observed how participants brought up themes relating to Mexico, Mexican pride and love for the country, with the imaginary bonds 8

Where the role that implicit topics such as Mexicanness and Migration gave rise to a takenfor-granted attitude between two persons who share membership of the same collectives. This issue has been analyzed in Chapter 2, Section 2.4 and it is important to keep it in mind over the course of the research, especially in this chapter.

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to the imagined community (see Section 1.4.2) that participants say they have to their country expressed throughout this chapter in different forms. For instance, in Adriana’s example, it is possible to identify her awareness of her pride and “unconditional” love for her nation “in spite of everything”. However, this sense of pride and unconditional love may also relate to the habitus and naturalized taken-for-granted status, in an unconscious awareness regarding attachment to the nation, in the sense of everyday and banal nationalism (Billig, 1995/2002; Jon E. Fox & Miller-Idriss, 2008; Hearn & Antonsich, 2018, see also Section 1.4). Therefore, it can be said that in this case the national category operates not only as a provider of structure but also as a framework for one’s own sense of belonging, identity and self-perception, resulting in the illusion of belonging to “one culture and one identity”, as the “either/or principle” (Bolten, 2007/2018) suggests (see Chapter 1). Certain participants also relativized those kinds of arguments by zooming in to the individual level, expressing other attributes that were not linked to the national character, and that indicated a recognition of multi-collectivity (Hansen, 2009b; Rathje, 2014, see also Section 1.3.2.4). Examples of this can be seen in the stories of Renata and Osvaldo, which show another perspective that overcomes dominant hegemonic imaginaries, presenting other forms of imagining Mexicanness by acknowledging a broader sense that includes other collectives of belonging, in this case other localities such as the state, the town, the neighborhood etc. within the principle, “Both ‘either one or the other’ and ‘and one and the other’” (Bolten, 2018, p. 53, see also Sections 1.3.2.4 – 1.3.2.6). As well as the zooming exercise, it was found that being Mexican is manifested according to different contexts, which shall be further described in the following sections. Firstly, participants acquire the role of ambassadors and/or prisoners of “their” culture while living abroad (see Section 4.1.2). Culture is in that sense viewed from a wide-closed perspective based on the logic of coherence. Secondly, the feeling and awareness of being Mexican is intensified abroad (see Section 4.1.2.1). This has been partially described in this section, given the takenfor-granted status of the country of origin which is constructed within dominant imaginaries. Furthermore, it has been found that the intensification of the feeling of being Mexican takes place strategically in two ways: on the one hand, as a strategy for integration, given the perception of positivity with regard to Mexicanness in Germany; on the other hand, as a strategy of differentiation from Others. This differentiation from Others influences a) the manner in which the participants imagine “migrants”, and b) whether they define themselves as migrants or not (see Section 4.1.2.2).

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4.1.2

Double Role: as Ambassadors and/or Prisoners of Culture

According to sociologist Michael Bommes (1994, p. 14), migrants acquire a double role in migration as both “experts” and “prisoners” of their culture. This double role can be identified in the participants of this research, since a number of them selfperceived and identified actively as “ambassadors” of “their culture” in Germany. Although none of the participants said they felt like a “prisoner” of their culture in their stories, they did speak about labels and images Others have regarding Mexico, Mexicans and Mexicanness. These in turn translate in a certain way into labels and categories with which the participants feel they are confronted. Therefore, the meta-perception is influenced and influences the thinking and actions of the participants “So, I mean ((sigh)) […] I’m an ambassador of our culture and I think it’s something that just came up without thinking about it […].” (Teresa). The role of ambassadors is combined with their pride in being Mexican, but also with the responsibility that almost all the participants said they have in regard to “educating Others” and “disseminating an accurate image and information” of Mexico, as the following examples demonstrate: I have been very capable of explaining to them in detail where I come from. And to describe my country and the changes it’s witnessed. […] [Partner’s name] had this VERY American idea of Mexico, of Mexicans with cloth trousers [usually associated with Indigenous cloth], sombreros, shirts, and so on. And well, I showed him another area of Mexico. I took him to Palenque, he visited all the poorest places in Mexico. I also took him to the MOST important areas of Mexico City. To Las Lomas ((laughs)), to the richest part of Mexico City. He saw the shopping malls, he also saw this, the richest, millionaire part of Mexico City and well, he really saw (.) that it’s not THAT similar to here in Germany, right? That if you GO to a shopping mall like that, in Chemnitz, in Sachsen, it looks the same as the shopping mall in ((laughs)) in Munich, right? So, and well, people dress in the same brand of clothing there in Mexico. It’s like the social classes are still like more (.) defined, you know? […] And I mean, well (…) like (.) as a good Mexican, I really feel super proud to be here and well (.) it changes the idea of the people of this, this, American (.) idea that they have of Mexico, you know? (Daniel) This quotation from Daniel’s story shows a combination of diversified elements, which he presented to his partner, referring not only to the archeological center of Palenque but also to exclusive malls and neighborhoods in Mexico City, which represent the country’s globalized aspect, as is the case with the marked social classes. It is interesting to note that, as well as the diversified panorama that Daniel outlined, he returned to national categories, mentioning nationality, pride and his role as a representative: he said that he is “super proud” of being Mexican and

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living in Germany, sharing his culture and correcting the “north American” image that people have concerning Mexico.9 Eduardo said that he is proud to be Mexican and of his roots. In his job, he draws on pre-hispanic knowledge and disseminates it through the art of body transformation. Through his work, he tries to educate people so that their tattoos will be meaningful: I’m proud to be Mexican, I’m proud of my roots (.) I want to rekindle a little of all that, to inform people (.) I, basically what I do in tattoos, or I try to focus on are, uh, pre-hispanic things (…) and, or symbols of power […] I really like tattooing, you know? And I’m trying to use it to do a bit of that, you know? In that vein, trying to educate people, so that their tattoo has meaning, you know? (Eduardo) Preserving the Indigenous heritage is important for Eduardo because it represents one of the most significant aspects of Mexico. He shared his opinion concerning racism against the Indigenous population in Mexico and explained how the topic has become more relevant for him as regards his own identity while living abroad: And get rid of that shit of being racist against the Indigenous, you know? In Mexico, unfortunately, being Indigenous isn’t so good (.) when we should be proud that we have something like that, right? And that it’s still preserved, you know? In only a few countries (.) cultures that are still preserved with their strength and beliefs, right? And their own language, right? How many eh, Indigenous people, how many like (.) Indigenous groups are there in Mexico, more than 60, right? With their own language, you know? It’s an incredible WEALTH, right? And, unfortunately, it’s being lost, as Mexicans, tsk, many (.) don’t appreciate it and often when you’re abroad, that’s when you begin to appreciate it, right? They ask you “where are you from?”, “I’m Mexican”, “what’s a Mexican”, no? (.) eh, I mean, eh, and that’s when you start to ask yourself who you really are, you know? (.) Or what you are, right? Each Mexican is going to be different, logically, like in any country, right? (.) But, it’s good to believe your own thing, right? Believe who you are, create it, right? (.) I don’t know, maybe during one of my trips (.) I have always believed that I was an Aztec warrior. (Eduardo) While Eduardo incorporates elements from the pre-hispanic cosmogony into his identity, Adriana said that the way she uses swear words is a result of her culture and part of “Mexican folklore”. She thus sees culture as something that she cannot

9

This passage is interpreted as referring to the influence of images spread and produced within a context linked to the USA.

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deny, saying that it is the “cross that she bears” .10 She added that being abroad, “one wants to revive it [culture] somehow” (Adriana). Two tendencies could be identified in the participants’ stories in regard to the perception of Others and the meta-perception concerning Mexico in Germany. On the one hand, Mexico is seen as an exotic paradise, with tasty food, fresh vegetables, fruits, tequila, nature, and a rich heritage. On the other hand, Mexico is seen as a dangerous place where insecurity, violence and drug cartels are a significant presence: I have a colleague from the University, she’s of Russian origin and I always remember seeing her at Uni and she said “hey, I heard on the news and whenever I hear about Mexico and drugs I always think of you” ((laughs)) […]. What a beautiful association, no? ((laughs)) ((says ironically)). And (.) and I said, “why do you think of me?” “No, because I know that you’re here and your family is there but that nothing happens to them, right? So that you’re well, that you’re okay, that they don’t know the news and that there’s so much death and that it affects your family” and I say “fortunately, not so far, but it’s quite a complex and delicate subject”, you know? And I mean, there are always these kinds of connections and associations […]. (Renata) Renata discussed associations people have in terms of images, stereotypes or representations, when they hear something about Mexico. For example, her classmate thinks of Renata, because she sees her as “Mexican”. Therefore, independently of whether Renata actively identifies as such, her national origin or where she comes from remains a label or “a prison” (Bommes, 1994). Meanwhile, in her role as a “representative” of her culture, Renata described how she explains different topics to her friends who are interested in learning about Mexico. She mentioned the example of tequila, and outlines how she had given what practically amounted to a “treatise on tequila”: Well, I mean, so it’s a bit, they start to ask, and how is it so, and they start saying like Sierra tequila, and nooo Sierra tequila, well no ((laughs)) it’s not the same, and it starts like that like with the history of tequila you almost give a whole thesis on tequila ((laughs)) that they have to be 100 % agave, and so on and they say it right now, no, we’ve learned almost the whole history of tequila, we’re no longer going to drink ((shouts)) any tequila, they even say it in that tone of voice, you know? ((laughs)). (Renata)

10

This reference to “the cross” comes from the expression “No se puede negar la cruz de tu parroquia”. One cannot deny the cross of one’s own parish. The vocabulary relates to religion. The expression means that one cannot deny one’s origins, nor what is obvious and evident.

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Renata described how happy she felt being able to teach her friends about tequila, its quality and value, and for them to then to decide to consume “original” tequila from Mexico and not the German version, which is considered inferior by her and other participants. Marco said that people have approached him to ask him about Mexico many times. He identifies having experienced three different types of interactions. The first group consists of people who have seen or read about Mexico in the media but who have not traveled there yet. They tend to mention the landscape, the culture, the Mayans, the food, but also issues relating to insecurity and drugs. Marco is not particularly motivated to talk with these people but he remains polite. Regarding the drug problem, he explains that it is too complex to discuss and that it is not only a Mexican issue, but the USA also plays a role in the situation: And I’m going to categorize them for you because it’s happened several times. There are some here in Germany, there are people who say to you “Ah Mexico, so beautiful, such beautiful landscape, such a beautiful culture, the Mayans”, and that’s it […] and the beaches and the culture there, the people, the food, so beautiful. But it doesn’t go any further because they don’t know anything else. So, this doesn’t motivate me either and it’s like “well, what do you want me to talk to you about?” I mean, I’ll talk to you about culture, I’ll talk about food, yes, with pleasure, but maybe you just saw it on TV and that’s it, you know? […] Then I ask, “Have you been to Mexico?” They haven’t been to Mexico. Well, so I’ll chat a little and that’s it. Friendliness, you know? What is nice, there are some people who ask what the current situation is. I tell them how it is, what the political situation is. I say, it’s a complex subject. Mm, drugs, and I say, well, what are you going to do when your neighbor uses all the drugs/they’re the world’s leading consumer and the drugs have to go through your yard, well, what do you do? I mean do you hide, or do you look out the window or do you call the police or what? So we have a discussion, you know? Yeah, the drugs situation, it’s very complex […]. (Marco) The second group exists of people who have traveled to Mexico. Marco tends to speak at greater length with them, because their impressions are more interesting to him. In his opinion, they are usually unable to appreciate Mexican food, because it is “too spicy” and it tends to lead to stomach problems. The expression “Moctezuma’s revenge” is often used to refer to when foreigners get sick from eating Mexican food, a reference to the historical figure, Emperor Moctezuma11 :

11

It is quite interesting to reflect on this everyday expression that is used in Mexico as something which is humorous but which also explains why outsiderwould get sick in Mexico as part of a narrative of revenge against foreigners within the context of colonial history and the many other attempts at foreign invasions. One can see here how those imaginaries of differentiation and coherent logic are materialized in popular expressions. For an analysis

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And others who have been to Mexico before. So, with people who have been to Mexico before, I’m more interested. […] For example, I ask them, what did you like the most? So they say, no, it’s very difficult because I traveled around for three weeks and saw so many things, and so many people, and the food, and well, with the food it’s like they don’t know what to say. Like I don’t know. First, I mean, there’s “Moctezuma’s revenge” ((laughs)). That’s a common topic, isn’t it? That we have other types of bacteria in Mexico. And yes, for them, chili, well, it doesn’t appeal to them, they prefer sweet things. […] And Mexicans, like, we like to add chili and salt. There are different types of chili, it doesn’t have to be too hot, there are some that are super delicious, like, I don’t know, like pasilla, a chili that adds flavor, one that gives birria stew its flavor, there’s another one that gives it many different tones and many different flavors. And explaining that to the Germans, well, I explain it to them, but I kind of think they don’t understand me ((laughs)). But, yeah, I tell them that chili doesn’t have to be spicy. […] So then I give them tips if they’re going to Mexico […]. (Marco) The third group of people consistes of those who know nothing about Mexico and ask questions such as “what language do you speak? Mexican?” To which Marco explains that the language is Spanish, or those who have experiences in other countries in South America and want to compare them with Mexico. Marco tells them that there are some similarities between the countries, but also differences, and that therefore, it is not possible to generalize, “since each country is different”: Mmm, and there are others who don’t even know what Mexico is, you know? ((laughs)) Like “Mexico, what? where? What do they speak, Mexican?” “Well, yes, but it’s the same language, we speak Spanish ((laughs))”. And yes, and there are people who, for example, have already been to other South American countries and want to compare them with Mexico, and well yes, some things are similar, we are similar, there are some things in common, but I think that as each country is different, each culture has its, its place, right? You can’t generalize. (Marco) There is agreement among the participants that the general image of Mexico and Mexicans in Germany is positive. This is in spite of the news stories regarding criminality and insecurity in Mexico, which could alter that perception to an extent. Marco said that he thinks that this is not the case because “people who go to Mexico are educated and critical and see things differently”. Marco said that Mexico has a lot of problems but that it also has many virtues, such as the fact that it is a multicultural country and “full of culture”:

on attitudes towards foreigners in Mexico based on studies regarding values and discrimination see Contreras-Ibañez and Saldívar Garduño (2018).

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

But the impression of Mexico has been positive, it is always a positive impression. That many over there say that it is very negative. Well, I don’t think so, because the people who leave, the people who are there from other countries, are educated people, […] It is multifaceted and multicultural as well. It is a country full of culture, where culture and traditions have also been instilled very strongly and the values that we have been given from different eras, by traditions from preHispanic to colonial and post-colonial, up to modernity and which have remained there. (Marco) Here one can see how Marco also imagines the people who travel to Mexico and he describes positive aspects of Mexico. Maricarmen shared her opinion regarding how she perceives her treatment in Germany as a Mexican: The Germans love Mexico (.) you realize that later. In fact, those who are like, people who don’t like foreigners, the moment they hear that you’re from Mexico, their faces change (.) That’s always been the case since I came here regardless of the (.) of the dancing, but with the dancing it’s completely everything, I remember at the beginning (.) that I said to my ex-husband “I’d like to go out in the street in my costume” because everyone treats me well when I’m dressed normally, like, you know? Half of them, but with the dance costume EVERYONE treats you well, they love Mexico, they adore it, they like the music, they like the dresses, I mean (.) I feel like an ambassador ((laughs)) an ambassador for Mexico […]. (Maricarmen) This passage is very interesting because it describes the way Maricarmen embraces her role as an ambassador of “Mexican culture”, as well as her perception that she receives better treatment in her migratory context in Germany as a Mexican. She adds that she feels that even “those people who might not be friendly with foreigners”, when she says that she is Mexican, “they” treat her better. This is even more the case in regard to her practice as a folkloric dancer. She realized that “they [the Others, also meaning “the Germans”] love the dances and the music”, and explained that “she would like to wear her typical folkloric dress” all the time because everybody is nicer to her when she wears it. As an ambassador of her culture, Maricarmen presents Mexican folklore because it is an aspect of her culture that she is interested in. Additionally, she wants to present a different image of Mexico and the Mexicans, as a way to combat stereotypes. In her opinion, she does this through her working style, whether in her formal job or in her hobby as part of a folklore group: What interests me – and I don’t like it – is that they see you are Latino, you are Mexican, already like Stempel [stamp], right? They label you: “you’re unpunctual, you’re an unreliable person” and that bothers me a lot. Because I didn’t change here, I’ve been like that since I was born. I’m punctual and I’m reliable and so on, so not all

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Mexicans or not all Latinos are like that. It bothers me a lot that/at the beginning when I arrived [in Germany] and they invited me somewhere, and I knocked on the door on time, and they said “what are you doing here if you are Mexican?” Oh, I was so angry. Or if I’d come with my ex-husband, they said “oh, it’s because of your husband” and I’d say “no, no no, it’s me who arrived on time, he always arrives late”. I mean those things bother me. It’s not only to share the culture but also that we are not all like they label us. Like with the hat and the cactus, and we are not like that. I want to show them that Mexico is much more than partying. Of course, right now in folklore it is very clear that what I’m portraying is that, but I don’t want to just show that, I want to show that we are different. We have much more to offer, right? This is the most important thing for me. And what I was telling you about the group at the beginning, ehm, I’m proud that every time we present something, the German who organized it comes up to me and says “I can’t believe it, you have adapted, all super punctual, super formal, very good, thank you very much”. That is, they are left with that impression of a Mexican. That’s what is important to me […]. (Maricarmen) In this quote, Maricarmen mentioned the stereotyped view of Mexicans as unpunctual and unreliable people. She said that she has always been punctual, since she was a child, and therefore she did not adopt those characteristics in Germany. These stereotypes bother her a lot, especially when “they” do not believe her when she says that she has always been punctual and reliable. Therefore, her aim is to change the perception of Mexicans. She does not want to show the same stereotypical image of the Mexican with the Mexican hat (sombrero), the cactus (nopal) and parties (fiesta). Nevertheless, while talking about it, she realized that she does actually do this when she presents Mexican folklore in the way she does, which includes the wellknown and aforementioned Mexican symbols and stereotypes. She said that her goal is to go beyond the stage representation and demonstrate that Mexicans are different, that they have more to offer. Her way of showing it is by being very well organized and professional in other aspects of her life, including the organization of events related to Mexican folklore. She said that she is happy that her approach to work is well received in Germany, although she feels that in the opinion of Others, this is unusual in Mexicans, and that those who are organized and professional are “well-adapted” to life in Germany. Therefore, the message transmitted is that this approach to work is apparently understood as “more German than Mexican”. It is noticeable that the passages showed the interdependence between the perception dialectic, stereotypes and representations that remain a part of dominant imaginaries. While these provide orientation, they also run the risk of being used to feed prejudices. It is also interesting to observe the re-configuration of the identification between the notions of “we” and “them”, as can be seen in terms of the imagined community of “we”, the Mexicans, and “them”, the Others.

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

The position that participants take regarding their interaction with Others and their meta-perception varies and it can be exemplified in the three following positions: firstly, Maricarmen aims to change the view of Mexicans by “educating” and “informing” Others; secondly, Marco argues that there is another side of Mexico worth learning about; and finally, Ricardo argues that unfortunately he does not have many answers for those people who ask him about stereotypes and images of Mexico related to drugs, laziness, partying, tequila and the drug cartels, because he feels that ultimately that is all partly true. Furthermore, Ricardo criticized the fact that Mexicanness is activated as a collective issue depending on the occasion. As an example, he mentioned Mexicans celebrating the achievements of other Mexicans collectively as if they were their “own”, for instance, when someone from Mexico wins an award. In Ricardo’s perception, this is not an instance of a collective effort but rather it is the success of one person. If “all” Mexicans were to work collectively for the success of the country, for instance, supporting a national program of which all Mexicans would be a part, and which would contribute to improving the country, then that would be a collective achievement. He said that he is not sure what to brag about regarding Mexico, except for “the culture”: I don’t know what to brag about, the pyramids? ((laughs)) We were not even Mexicans when they were built, you know? There’s nothing I can really find to brag about regarding Mexico, EXCEPT for the culture, yes, that’s it, the culture, the music, things that are already there and that are not the consequence of a major effort, not from the government etc. It’s sad but true, I don’t deny all the bad things about Mexico. (Ricardo) As a result of the examples mentioned in this section, it appears that the understanding of culture tends to be related, on the one hand, to a broad-closed view, based on the logic of coherence that sees cultures as containers, related mostly to the Mexican nation and its mainstream framework of symbolism. On the other hand, it also combines a limited view related to “high culture” (see Section 1.3.2.4), in the sense of “being cultured”, and showing and transmitting it. In all cases it was shown that the participants see themselves as representatives of their culture, and a number of them actively defined themselves as ambassadors. The role that they have embraced involves educating, transmitting and representing what for them is the “true and original” Mexico. It can also be observed that the active identification of the participants as Mexicans takes place in two forms: on the one hand, as an intensification of the positive perception of Mexicanness in Germany and, on the other hand, as a differentia-

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tion from other collectives of people perceived as having a migratory background12 or as migrants. This point leads the participants to their remarks concerning the imagination of Mexican migrants. These two forms are described in the following sub-sections.

4.1.2.1

Intensification of Mexicanness

This section looks at the process of the intensification of Mexicanness, which combines the aforementioned elements resulting from the dialectic between self-perception, perception of Others and meta-perception with regard to being Mexican, pride and the positive perception of Mexicanness in Germany. As mentioned in Section 4.1.2, Maricarmen feels that she is treated better when people are aware that she is Mexican and better still when she wears her traditional Mexican dress (Maricarmen). For Tomas, being Mexican plays a role in making friends, where he sees it as an advantage, because: As for friendships, because what’s known about Mexican people is that they’re very cheerful (.) eh very warm, very happy (.) they know how to enjoy life (.) and lately there’s been a (.) boom as regards the Spanish language here in Germany […] a lot of people now want to learn Spanish, the culture is attracting a lot of attention (…) So many, eh, Spanish-speakers, because I can’t say Latin American, they’re also interested in Spanish culture so (.) eh, seen in that way, it’s helped me to make friends. (Tomas) Participants mentioned that they have been perceived as or “mistaken” for a number of other nationalities while in Germany. For some, this was a negative experience, and they felt discriminated against. Nevertheless, they said that when they specified that they were Mexican, they felt that they were treated differently. Therefore, it can be interpreted that the positive perception regarding Mexico and Mexicanness also enables or motivates the participants to actively identify themselves as Mexicans and to embrace their Mexicanness in order not to be stigmatized in Germany. It is interesting to observe the way participants actively mention their nationality as a form of identification but also of differentiation. As a form of identification, their national identity is reaffirmed as part of their migratory experience living abroad, which is incentivized by their assumption that Mexicans are perceived positively, welcomed and even exoticized.

12

Persons with a migratory background (Migrationshintergrund) are defined as such when they or at least one of their parents were not born with German citizenship (see Statistisches Bundesamt, 2019b). Migratory background is a terminology considered here as controversial because it labels persons as having a migratory background even though they might not have had the experience of migration themselves.

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

However, their identification as Mexicans can also be seen as a strategy of differentiation from other collectives of people with a migratory background, or migrants. In regard to this point, one can locate the meaning that the figure of “the migrant” has in the participant’s imaginaries, which leads to two issues. Firstly, whether the participants self-perceive as migrants or not (see Section 4.1.2.2) and secondly, the perception in regard to other collectives seen as “non-German” which, according to the participants, are viewed negatively in Germany, as the following passages show. Maricarmen mentioned that she actively identifies herself as Mexican because she senses that it changes the perception of her in a context, which she feels is unfriendly regarding foreigners from certain backgrounds, e.g. Turkish or Muslim people. This is due to negative experiences that she has had in Germany and which she described in her story. The following example is chosen because it shows how Maricarmen actively differentiates herself with regard to her nationality and her religion, by using a symbolic object: They think you’re Turkish because you’re not/, because you’re a foreigner, basically. So, I mean, the German was mean to me, until he heard I was from Mexico. And the Turks called me names because I didn’t have that thing on my head. And one day, I was, a Turkish man with I think his son, entered the store and who knows what they said to me, and then I turned to look at the young man and said to him in German, “I don’t understand you.” and “tatata” ((mimicking language)), that is, he was insulting me, you know? Then the boy said to me, “So, you’re not Turkish?” I said to him, “no, I’m Mexican” and they laughed and apologized and so on. I was very angry when I met my friends, you know? And for my next birthday they gave me this white gold cross ((she displays it, it’s hung around her neck)) And since then I’ve worn it. Such a pain, you know? This is my “OK, I’m not a Muslim.” But it’s what has saved me, because since then I think I haven’t had half the amount of discrimination I got before. But that’s just to my face without knowing me, the people who know who I am and I don’t know, eh (.) well, some people are closeminded, like. Some people are close-minded. I mean, I’m very lucky, if I count, nine times out of ten they treat me well. I mean, I shouldn’t complain. But humans are like that, you feel bad and that’s what sticks with you. (Maricarmen) In her passage, Maricarmen stated that she is mistaken as Arabic or Muslim, with some men speaking to her in Turkish, assuming that she would understand them. She experienced the situation as aggressive and negative, thinking that the men were insulting her, because she was not wearing a hiyab – described by her as “that thing on the head”. Based on that experience, she has adopted the habit of wearing a crucifix in order to differentiate herself not only as Mexican but as Catholic. She lamented the fact that she has reached that point but asserted that her strategy has “saved her” from experiences of that kind with “close-minded” people. She clarified

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that she is lucky and that, actually, she does not have reason to complain because “nine out of ten times” she has been treated positively. However, she said that it is part of human nature that we remember negative experiences. Ana also described experiences where people had “mistaken her” for another nationality. She thinks that Others struggle to guess her origin, and she thinks that she is perceived as a “bicho raro” [odd person]. Unlike Maricarmen, Ana was amused that mostly older women – she called them grandmas – spoke to her in Turkish, assuming that she would understand them. Ana supposes that the “grandmas” were accompanied by their granddaughters who tried to explain the situation to them. Ana’s reaction is to actively specify that she is Mexican and not Turkish: “Mexiko, kein türkisch, Mexiko, Mexiko”: But well, yes, yes, it’s a bit like you’re an oddball here […] it’s like “oh, where does this girl come from?” She’s not Turkish, she’s not, that is, it’s weird, like. Do you know what happens to me a lot here? It’s happened to me […] two Turkish grannies begin to speak to me in Turkish […] and I tiririr (sic.), and the granddaughter says to her “no, she isn’t Turkish, mom” and also like “What? What’s that?” But it seemed very funny to me that it happened to me twice, two old women from Turkey started to speak to me in Turkish and people, you know, they’re never alone, right? Then the daughter or the granddaughter like “after brabrabra” (sic.), and she’s like “ah, okay, okay”, that is, you understand that she said “no, no, no” and me “Mexiko, kein türkisch, Mexiko, Mexiko”. (Ana) These examples can be interpreted as part of the ongoing dialectic between differentiation and identification, where one strategy of the participants living in a migratory context is to maintain the border of differences, no matter what the difference is (Barth, 1976, see also Section 1.3.2.6). These examples enable one to observe the role that the imaginary dimension has in imagining individuals in regard to their phenotype, taking-for-granted that one knows where they come from. The reference in the examples looked at is related to the perception regarding the representation of certain collectives of migrants in Germany. This aspect leads one to the next topic, concerning the imagining of “Mexican migrants”.

4.1.2.2

Imagining “Mexican Migrants”

One of the issues that Maricarmen wants to demonstrate as an ambassador of Mexico (see Section 4.1.2) is that Mexicans who migrate to Europe are professionals, that the majority came to study a Master’s and/or doctoral program. She said that Mexican migrants are usually seen as “wetbacks” (Valenzuela Arce, 2005) because of their representations within a context of Mexico-USA migration. She made clear that “she has nothing against people that don’t study”, saying that studying “in our country is another level”. The reference to another level is not clear. One interpre-

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

tation is that Maricarmen is referring to the high quality of education provided in Mexico, and is therefore assuming that the people emigrating to Germany from Mexico have a high level of education and are therefore considered to be highly skilled: Because before, people believed that “oh, the Mexicans are like wetbacks or go here, right?” And for me, it was very important to teach them that all Mexicans living in Europe, at least here in Germany, the vast majority are people who came to study, or who studied, and have come to do a master’s or doctorate, or I don’t know or like, I have nothing against people who don’t study, you know?, but it’s completely, at least in our country it’s another level. […] and it’s not the same someone from Mexico coming here to present something and they have no idea what they’re talking about, and someone coming who studied. (Maricarmen) It can be observed that education is seen as “key for development” in the lives of the participants, as has been discussed in Chapter 3. Furthermore, in the above passage, education and level of qualification seem to be one significant imagined distinction between Mexican migrants in the USA and in Europe.13 Additionally, there is the imagination that Mexican people living in Europe, in this case Germany, have higher cultural, economic and social capital. This social symbolic differentiation contributes to shaping imaginaries regarding inequality and social status (see Chapter 1 and Chapter 3): But most of the people you see here are, they’re people who came to study (.) most (.) and in fact that’s why you’ll also find that, that majority of stories of (.) “ahh yes, Mexico, everything is fine” because for them it is fine, if they had enough to be able to come and stay, that is, if there are many more people, let’s say more on the right of the political spectrum, Latin American immigrants at least I’m talking about, […] but in North America it’s difficult to find someone who has a critical viewpoint, they’re almost all prone to political conservatism ((laughs)) in a manner of speaking, I met, there’s a Mexican here […] who I think his parents are Mexican but he was born in Germany, that is, they’ve been coming and going and they have money and there he’s going to rave to you, he did a master’s degree in the United States first, I mean, if you know how much a master’s degree in the United States costs, you get an idea of his economic status […]. (Ricardo) For Ricardo, an immigrant is someone who did not come to study (Ricardo). From his perspective, immigrants are people who emigrated because of work. As was

13

The tendency to distance oneself from Mexican migrants in the USA, and the strategy of active recognition as Mexicans but differentiation from Other migrants within the same new country of migration, was also established in the life stories of people from Mexico living in Murcia, Spain (see López García, 2015).

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stated in Chapter 3, Ricardo’s motivation for immigrating to Germany combined work, love and, later, studying. He worked in the gastronomy and construction sector, as well as doing some work “under the table”, before later beginning his studies (see Section 3.2.2). Nevertheless, in his story, he said that he does not consider himself an immigrant as he did not migrate because of work: I didn’t come to Germany to work somewhere else. In fact, strictly speaking, I’m not a migrant in the sense of the workforce, (.) I’ve changed my (.) plans because doors have been opened to me but that’s not why I came, let’s say (.). (Ricardo) He would only consider himself a migrant if he were to stay on, study a doctorate, and have a permanent residence permit, because then he would be “officially” a migrant in Germany. Therefore, it is possible to observe certain contradictions in his arguments in regard to whether he recognizes himself as a migrant or not: Yeah, I think that I’d stay, let’s say, to do a doctorate here in the future if I consider myself a migrant. […] If I already had, let’s say, maybe, at some point, an (.) an indefinite residence permit, so I already consider myself officially ((laughs)) it would be really officially for Germany. (Ricardo) While there is no formal legal and universal definition of a migrant, the United Nations (UN) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) understand migrants as persons who change their residence, whether internally – within a region or country – or externally – cross-border mobility the reason for migration or legal status being here irrelevant. Usually there is a time distinction made between short-term (from three to twelve months), and long-term or permanent migration (one year or more) (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], International Organization for Migration [IOM], & United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], 2019). The IOM (2019) indicates the following categories of people: “migrant workers, persons whose particular types of movements are legally defined, such as smuggled migrants, as well as those whose status or means of movement are not specifically defined under international law, such as international students” (p. 130). In this case Ricardo – as well as other participants – considered their reason for migration and their social status as criteria when it came to defining themselves as migrants or not. If one compares these criteria with the UN and IOM definitions, the differences are evident and highlights the “grey zone” as regards defining international students as migrants or not, just as Ricardo’s argument suggests. Of all the participants, Teresa was the only one who actively self-defined as a migrant and spoke of her involvement in migrant organizations, not only related to Latin and Mexican collectives, but in general. Her aim is to provide orientation to persons arriving in Germany in different areas regarding integration into

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the German system (e.g. education and health), in order to make their stay easier (Teresa). It can be concluded that, regarding whether one self-identifies as a migrant or not, the term tends to have rather negative associations (see Section 1.4) and the participants seek to distance themselves from that category. In the examples presented regarding the participants of this research, one can see that the term “migrant” tends to be associated with two scenarios. One of these relates to a USAcontext, where it is possible to detect a negative perception concerning the “poor living conditions there for Mexican people” (see Section 3.2.1). The other relates to a German-context, where it is possible to notice that the term migrant is associated with larger collectives of migrants or people, such as those from Turkey, without knowing whether or not they had actually migrated or if they have a migratory background. Regarding the former scenario, it is important to note that imagining individuals migrating from Mexico to the USA as low-skilled or with a low level of education is actually a stereotype. According to Gandini (2018), Mexico is facing a paradox concerning the increase of the education level in its human resources, with more people obtaining postgraduate qualifications, while high-skilled migration continues to increase – in a panorama where other types of migration have slowed down, return migration has become more significant (Meza Mejía, 2019). Mexico occupies first place in Latin America and sixth place globally in high-skilled migration to OECD countries (Gandini, 2018, p. 76), where the USA is the main destination, with an estimate of more than two million people born in Mexico, according to the study by scholars Gaspar and Chávez (2016, p. 92). However, not all Mexican professionals in the USA hold a position which is consistent with their academic level (Calva Sánchez, 2014).14 The thirteen participants of this research are considered here as high-skilled migrants. Chapter 3 outlined some of the participants’ thoughts in regard to “the life of the migrant”, mostly from those with experience as undocumented workers in the USA and Canada. For instance, Marco described migrants as “X-Men” or “Invisible Men”, while Ana described the work as “modern slavery” (see Section 3.2.1). In this sense, Adriana reflected on the “life of the migrant” in Germany, saying that there is a contrast between the expected glamorous life and the reality she faces. It has been found that in Germany, the participants also took on low-skilled jobs in the formal and informal sectors.15 Examples include Ricardo working Schwarz (under the table) and Ana, who worked formally in the cleaning sector, under what

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For more studies on Mexican high-skilled migration, see Alfaro & Chávez Elorza (2018); Delgado Wise & Chávez Elorza (2016); Lozano-Ascencio, Gandini, & Ramírez-García (2015). See also Peña Muñoz (2013).

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she considered to be better conditions than in Canada, but which nonetheless involved hard work which was mostly done by migrants. When she was able to change sector to something equivalent to her profession, she was very happy because she “became a first-class citizen” and “stopped being a fourth-class citizen”: You are no longer the immigrant who has to take any job (.) that nobody understands, that is, I was now a first-class citizen ((laughs)), not a fourth-class citizen as I had been for the last ten years of my life. (Ana) To conclude this section, it can be said that the dialectic between differentiation and identification is visualized through active self-identification as Mexicans and differentiation of other collectives of migrants. Due to their self-awareness in regard to their identity, combined with a positive perception of Mexicanness (metaperception) in Germany, it is here argued that participants experience an intensification of Mexicanness. The framework of Mexicanness is based on dominant imaginaries. As has been mentioned, Mexicanness is constructed in a vast symbolic web, re-configuring a hegemonic understanding of life, which is also re-constructed through certain practices, which shall be further explained in the following section.

4.2

Re-configuration of Mexicanness through Practices

In their stories, the participants described their diverse everyday life practices, highlighting their “cultural Mexican practices”. This section focuses on the description of those practices that relate to the participant’s way of re-imagining Mexico and their Mexicanness through their doing, whether with practices engaged in Mexico before migration or adopted after migration. This section is divided into practices related to Mexican cuisine (see Section 4.2.1), celebrations, folkloric dancing and dress (see Section 4.2.2), as well as other practices which can be linked to the socio-political field (see Section 4.2.3) because they include political practices and other forms of maintaining the connection with Mexico, such as activism and keeping informed regarding the situation in the country. Particularly significant is how, through the participant’s agency and their practices, their bonds regarding what they said was part of their culture, their country, their family and themselves are reenacted in a migratory context. These issues are also linked to the topics discussed in Section 4.1, regarding the dialectic of self-perceptions, perceptions of Others and meta-perceptions, as well as the double role of the migrant as ambassador or prisoner (see Section 4.1.2).

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

4.2.1

Mexican Cuisine

Mexican food was a theme that all the participants mentioned. It was therefore possible to observe their awareness with regard to the important role that food plays in their lives. Mexican cuisine was referred as an important part of their culture. Talking about food is found to be “a frame for constructing imaginary belongings, as the food-talk frame with its topical and emotional flexibility serves as a site for the construction of self and Other” (Petö, 2007, p. 153). Being in a migratory context triggered the participant’s interest in learning how to cook Mexican dishes and has made them value Mexican cuisine and ingredients even more “I think Mexican food is very demanding as regards preparation. And that’s why I appreciate it the most.” (Marco). All the participants said that they missed Mexican food, while almost all of them have attempted to cook Mexican dishes on certain special occasions while living in Germany. For a number of them, this practice of cooking was new in two ways. On the one hand, when they lived in Mexico, they did not “have” to prepare food themselves because another person would do it (for instance, their mother or their grandmother). On the other hand, some basic components of Mexican cuisine are usually prepared and sold in particular places, such as is the case with tortillas, which are usually bought in a tortilleria16 or in supermarkets: Well no, I mean, my mom made me a recipe book before I got married, because I had never cooked in my life ((laughs)) let alone made tortillas with flour, or anything, that is, in [city name], tortillas are no longer made, they are bought premade, you know? (Teresa) For that reason, Marco regretted not having taken the opportunity to learn how to cook from his mother or his grandmother when he was living in Mexico. In Germany, he and other participants learn from Internet tutorials or they call their mothers to ask for recipes and instructions: I’m not as good a cook as I’d like to be. But I do my best, you know? Cooking is a very serious problem. Because in Mexico no one taught me, there was never the worry of “let’s see, we have to cook something.” Well, no (.) no, because you had your mother, your grandmother, well my grandmother used to cook every Sunday, we went to eat at her house every Sunday. Birria stew, pozole stew, tostadas [fried tortillas], any dish, you name it, she knew how to do it, no problem. And what an idiot, right? Having that opportunity, and I didn’t ask her how things were done, not having watched, that is, I do remember helping her to peel the carrots one day. The chayotes, but having seen how she used to prepare a birria, the beef broth,

16

A tortilleria is a place where tortillas are freshly made and sold (see Larousse Cocina, 2020).

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or a meat in its juice, which I imagine, well I don’t know, meat in its juice maybe I could do it ((laughs)) But I never thought I was going to need it as much as I need it right now ((laughs)), I mean, and that’s something I do regret a lot. It’s my own fault, that I didn’t learn it from my granny, I didn’t learn it from my mom […]. (Marco) Due to the laborious process cooking Mexican food involves, and the difficulties in finding certain products in Germany, some of the interlocutors only cook on special occasions such as birthdays or cultural celebrations, when they are entertaining guests, or if they are feeling nostalgic and the urge strikes them17 : [I cook] Mexican every (…) not very often because it’s trickier and you have to get this and that, just when I have a certain craving […] We always have avocados in the house and there’s always lemon, those are like the basics, I suppose. But to really cook, like a proper dish, you always have to get something, even if it’s, I don’t know, just a tortilla, peppers, corn, the paste for the mole sauce, or something like that. Usually I go to the store directly and do a big shop in one day. (Susana) Adriana mentioned that she had found it difficult to detach from her material things in her previous home in Mexico. However, she does not want to abandon certain traditions and wants to help keep Mexican culture alive through celebrations such as Día de Muertos (Day of the Dead), Día de Reyes (Three Kings Day) and Día de la Candelaria (Candelmas), which involve special dishes. Adriana prefers to prepare those dishes herself – even though they are not “perfect looking” – rather than buying them online. She mentioned that it is possible to buy “pan de muerto” (bread of the dead) online from a Mexican woman, but that it is too expensive. Furthermore, Adriana was put off by her dealings with the woman and so she has learned to prepare it herself, because it is a tradition that she does not want to neglect (Adriana): Adriana: On the Day of the Dead I made pan de muerto [bread of the dead] and so I had to buy yeast, and the bread was made or not made YL: There or here? A: HERE! YL: Ah ok A: ((laughs)) Because […] the Day of the Dead is a national holiday, to see the altars that were made in the pantheons (.) of (names cities) (.) And to visit, on the same

17

In Chapter 2, I described how some participants welcomed me with a Mexican dish such as cochinita pibil, entomatadas, ceviche, or agua de horchata. These dishes all involve relatively laborious preparation and include special ingredients. As a person who likes those dishes, I greatly appreciated this gesture, but it is also quite symbolically significant as an element of the reconstruction of Mexicanness abroad as part of the imagined community.

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

Night of the Dead, all the altars and the tombs (.) and [see] the people how they celebrated and everything, so they’re part of the culture that does go into your veins and you say “oh, let me make a pan de muerto at least, you know?, to remember”, you know? because they are things that you don’t want to abandon. […] My bread turned out okay, you know? The bones on top looked (.) awful ((laughs)) they looked like churros, you know? ((laughs)) but we all enjoyed eating them. I mean (.) and they’re things that I DO WANT TO KEEP, those kinds of things are what you want to take with you (…) tamales, no, I can’t make tamales, I’m not gonna lie. I’ve tried, but they didn’t turn out well ((laughs)) so, on Candelaria “no, we’re gonna make Rosca epiphany pastry again, it doesn’t matter” ((laughs)) that one I can make. We make Swiss enchiladas (.) or whatever, you know? that still (.) those kinds of things you do want to take […] if you’re able to bring them, you know? (Adriana) In the passage above, it is significant to note how Adriana said that her family enjoys celebrating those special occasions while eating traditional food. Her story shows that with regard to food, there is the wish to continue traditions no matter if she has to pay extra in order to get the right ingredients: You miss (.) the food is the hardest thing. I’ve tried to get everything (.) the best tortillas in the place ((laughs)) to make the closest thing to tacos, well, every time someone goes, you know, I pay them for the extra suitcase to bring me even beans, I don’t mind paying 80 euros for an extra suitcase in order to have (.) a little piece of there (…) and you can’t abandon it, it’s something like the Homeland is the Homeland and maybe (.) they didn’t teach it to us in the best way (…) but it’s very much in our blood, you know? I think there are few people who really have a detachment from Mexico, Mexico is an endearing place (.) It’s a place that embraces you (.) It’s a place that understands you (.) and more when people here don’t understand you ((laughs)) (.) You realize and you appreciate it. (Adriana) It is interesting to note here how Adriana links the topic of food with nostalgia, culture and the homeland, which she says “is in our blood”. Those moments are a part of her culture “that get deep into the veins”, and she decided to practice them. The allusion to veins can be related to the bonds between national origin and ethnicity (Alonso, 1994), which strengthen the link to the imagined community (see Section 1.4.2). Thus, the preservation of an imagined culinary tradition functions as a key factor in securing a form of attachment to homeland (Petö, 2007, p. 157). One can therefore see that food is usually related to national and ethnic attributes (Ichijo

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& Ranta, 2016),18 beginning with the description of food using categories such as “Mexican”, “Italian”, “Arabic” or “Asian”. The national/regional/ethnic labels play a role not only in the identification of dishes, but also in the connection between individuals and “their” culture, materialized in this case in the form of food. In a migratory context, it can be seen that, on the one hand, food reactivates the cultural bonds (Petö, 2007) while, on the other hand, the participants seek structure through the re-configuration of imagining a “piece of Mexico” (Adriana; Maria). Furthermore, Adriana’s story shows how she re-imagines Mexico and Mexicanness when she says that the number of Mexican people who are really detached from the country is small because Mexico is – in her words – a place that “understands you, that hugs you”. Living abroad makes Adriana aware of this, and she said that people in Germany do not understand her and therefore she values her Mexican culture more. It can be said that Mexicanness is re-enacted through the practices of cooking and eating Mexican food within the social context of preparing and sharing the food between the members of the imagined community of Mexico. The following passage indicates that they are not only sharing their culture but also caring for their culture: We maintain a fairly SOLID nucleus of Mexicans who (.) well we cherish our culture, we even learn more about our culture than we did in Mexico. And sometimes, like, we get together and everyone brings a Mexican dish and we load up on TAMALES and tinga and all those things you miss when you live here. And also, surrounded by Mexicans, well, it’s different. […] (Partner’s name) and I really like to cook. You invite Germans and it becomes like a class, right? So like, ‘this dish comes from such and such and contains this and that’, and they want to know about what they’re eating in almost scientific detail. And with the Mexicans, you wonder what chili they used or how they made it or whatever. The fun is being together and sharing the experience. (Maria) According to Maria, spending time with her Mexican friends makes the experience of cooking and eating Mexican food different. One interpretation of this passage is that culture is experienced as a taken-for-granted, normalized, plausible and

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In their book “Food, National Identity and Nationalism”, scholars Atsuko Ichijo and Ronald Ranta (2016) discuss how food is usually considered to be “national”, from “somewhere”, and how research on nationalism has not fully addressed the relationship between food, national identity and nationalism (p. 1). Nevertheless, food, cooking and eating have been researched as social practices, for instance in the field of Kulinaristik, which analyzes the dimensions of nutrition, culture – in the sense of norms, rules and symbols – and hospitality (see Kulinaristik-Forum, 2019). Regarding analysis of specifically Mexican food and national identity, one can mention the works of historian Jeffrey Pilcher (1996, 1998, 2017).

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routinized context where the sense of “home” is re-created, remembered and practiced. Being with Others activates the dialectic between the self and Others, emphasizing the role that Maria and her partner play as ambassadors of and experts in their culture, representing it in a multicultural setting where food is shared. Within that interaction, the taken-for-granted situation is discussed in order to make it plausible for Others “who want to know every scientific detail”, in Maria’s opinion. Nevertheless, the dialectic with Others and the curiosity and excitement they feel for Mexican cuisine generates a feeling of pride in the participants. For instance, Renata spoke with pride about how her international friends like Mexican food and have adopted some of her practices, for instance cooking quesadillas or asking her to prepare guacamole as a special gift for a birthday celebration, something that surprised her and made her happy: Because, for example, another contribution to the circle of friends has been quesadillas. The tortilla, […] which they sell at the Rewe, with cheese and ham […] that fascinates them, they like it. Ah, well, one of them asked me one day, you know that when it’s their birthday they also say “well, what do you want as a gift?” Right? When they get together and chip in, and one of them sent an email specifically asking me if I could make them a guacamole as a birthday present […] ((laughs)) […] But as a birthday gift, when you ask what you want to be given, I would never have imagined being asked to give guacamole (((laughs))) What else? Other gifts, for example, have been tequila, but 100 % agave tequila, like, the label is even in Spanish! ((laughs)) […] and so it feels like wow, it’s a super gift. Sure, it’s true, because it’s not cheap, right? […] but I like that they appreciate that luxury, you know? They know that it’s something that isn’t in just any store or in just any supermarket. (Renata) Marco “brings culture to the table” and pointed out that food is an important topic since Mexicans cannot describe themselves without food. He reflected that he has become “a little bit germanized” but also more “mexicanized”, because by being confronted with Others he is more aware of his culture and of his way of being. In this process, he acknowledges that he is not only Mexican, but he also mentioned his regional identity. Therefore, he “zooms in” within his story. He is more aware of Mexican music and food and, whenever he can, he presents it with pride. One can therefore also observe here that he acquires the role of ambassador: I always bring the culture to the table. I mean, I don’t, I mean I’ve become a little germanized, let’s say, but I feel that more than germanized, I’ve become more mexicanized. And I don’t mean that I wasn’t Mexican before, but I’ve come to realize that it’s my culture. And it’s how I am. I’ve noticed that I say “pues” (well) because I’m from (city name) ((laughs)). […] Mmm, something that I also experi-

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ence a lot is like, well, music, right? Mexican music, something that I really like and when I have the opportunity to put it on. I show it off with a lot of pride. To Germans or whoever. And the food too, I think you can’t speak about Mexicans without mentioning the food, I think it’s something that’s really important for us ((laughs)). (Marco) One can see that Mexican cuisine is very significant in the lives of the participants, and not only because they enjoy eating and cooking it. It is also possible to observe how their stories are based on national imaginaries and how the practice of cooking and/or eating Mexican food has the function of re-configuring Mexicanness in a migratory context. A constant theme that appeared in many stories regards the “authenticity” of Mexican food and the participants’ search for “original and real” products in Germany. Finding ingredients to cook dishes which the participants used to eat in Mexico, or finding “original” restaurants in which to eat “real” Mexican food, is still considered a challenge in Germany. However, the participants perceived that the situation has improved, and that it is easier to find “original” Mexican19 or Latin American products in supermarkets and online shops, or “similar” ingredients in Arabic or Asian shops.20 The range and variety of Mexican products has also increased with the migration of Mexican people who have started their own businesses.21 These include importing products from Mexico and selling them in their own stores and/or online, opening restaurants, offering catering services or even cultivating their own maize

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This topic aroused my attention concerning the diverse products available in supermarkets or restaurants, which are labelled as Mexican or “Mexican style” in Germany, and which are actually unknown in Mexico. This issue can relate and contribute to the exotic and positive image that Mexico has in Germany. In this case, one can observe that familiarity with diverse products used in other cuisines relativizes the originality of products which are attached to a certain region or country, as is the case with the use of certain spices such as coriander, which is used extensively in Vietnamese cuisine, or certain kinds of chili like habanero, which is also used in some African dishes, for instance in Congolese cuisine. Here one can identify the interconnection of nations with food such as is the case with Italian, Thai and Japanese cuisine, as Ichijo and Ranta (2016) examine in their book. It can be discussed that the increase in the number of Mexican products and businesses that also provide online services (for instance, online stores selling mainly Mexican food but other products too such as piñatas, decoration, and clothing), is directly related to the increase in Mexican migration to Germany. As an example one can mention various online shops such as Mex-Al GmbH (n.d.), based in Aachen for over 25 years and importing products from Mexico, Hola México (n.d.), created in 2011, and Valentina Piñatas (n.d.) a store specialized in the creation of piñatas since 2013.

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and producing tortillas in order to sell them freshly made in a tortilleria,22 like they would in Mexico, or frozen in online shops (Maricarmen; Osvaldo; Susana; Teresa). Osvaldo observes that “real” Mexican restaurants are appearing in the city in which he lives, whereas in the past they were “fake”, managed by Turks or Pakistanis, and where “an enchilada tasted like curry” (Osvaldo): I mean, as a Mexican you can sell Mexican culture all over the world, right? When I had just arrived here […] there was only one Mexican, she was a lady, I don’t remember her name because I stopped seeing her […] ages ago and she was the only one who had a little restaurant like that, like a small homely place, you know? And it was the only Mexican one, everything else was completely fake, they were (…) Turks, Pakistanis, Indians, they have like a good spot and they make, I don’t know, I always say they made like, like enchiladas with a curry flavor, no? I mean, fake, fake, fake, right?, but with good cocktails, you know? I mean, and they had a lot of sombreros and so, I think that vision has already changed, at least in Berlin, […] it’s grown a lot, like, hasn’t it? It’s becoming a reality, no? That is, regarding culinary things, including homemade, I don’t know, another type of food that, guys that trying it out, I mean, making tamales, or tortillas or catering like this around here ((inhales)) and it’s becoming real and people are beginning to know what is really, like, you know? Like the typical, the classic, what, well, what’s real, you know? Well, right? And I don’t think it will change much, that it will continue and, people have been educated very well, you know? (Osvaldo) Osvaldo outlined his vision and what he tries to represent in his Mexican Restaurant: I mean, a couple of little peyotes here and there which is like, like my spiritual guide more or less, I mean, if you see there inside, the decoration is mostly Huichol, which is the closest thing to a culture that I knew, I mean, I can feel totally apart regarding the Mayan or Aztec thing because they’re very far away from me, you know? I never really lived it, I didn’t have much contact […]. (Osvaldo) From Osvaldo’s quote, it can be possible to interpret how he “zooms in” regarding the different forms of relating to Mexicanness based on a vast and complex web of symbolism, choosing whatever elements appear more familiar to each person. In this case, Osvaldo reflected that his way of approaching and transmitting Mexicanness is quite unlike the mainstream stereotypes, nationalism or the Indigenous topics from central and southern Mexico. This is because that is not the Mexico that he knows and grew up with. Therefore, via the symbolism of the decoration of 22

There are some tortillerías in Germany (for instance in Berlin, Bayern and BadenWürttemberg), which are similar to tortillerías in Mexico in that they have a special machine for making the tortillas (see Bey, 2017; Nevarez, n.d.).

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his restaurant, he seeks to present another image of Mexico. By doing so, he takes an active role in showing that Mexico is much more than the images of tourist destinations such as Cancun, Mexico City or Oaxaca: I mean, it’s difficult, isn’t it? Convincing the Germans that, this really tastes like Mexico too, because everyone has, it depends on what part of Mexico you’ve traveled to, right? So they have a very specific idea of what Mexico is for each person, like, no? So “no, this isn’t like that”, well, I can assure you that at least where I come from, yes, it is like that, and maybe half the Mexican clients I have here can confirm it for you, you know? They know that it’s not, that it’s just Oaxaca or Cancun that they visited or the DF, like, you know? (Osvaldo) Authenticity seems to be an important aspect of the ambassador role (see Section 4.1.2) that the participants embrace in Germany, whether when discussing having “original restaurants” with “real Mexicans” (Ana; Maricarmen) that represent the culture “correctly”, or in regard to educating people concerning what Mexican food is and is not. For instance, all participants mentioned their desire to inform Others that “Chilli con Carne” is not Mexican “[…] and me, the first thing I tell them is ‘sorry, chili con carne isn’t Mexican’ (.) ‘And that’s not true’, that is, you try to get rid of those clichés they have, right?” (Maricarmen). Everyone thinks that chili con carne is eaten in Mexico, but like I say NO ((laughs)). And that’s Tex-Mex food or even from here in Spain but in Mexico there are other things like, rather, in each area of Mexico, there are different dishes and so on, and well, that gastronomically speaking there are many things to see […]. (Daniel) Mexican cuisine has been constructed by means of a long and contentious process (Pilcher, 1998, p. 2) that has contributed to the identity-making process of Mexicanness and its representation abroad. Mexican national cuisine has been imagined within a national category that relates to homogenization, while Mexican food is diverse and dynamic and has changed over time, regardless of the historical mo-

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ment and socio-political and economic context.23 There is “little consensus about what is properly Mexican, even in Mexico” (Pilcher, 2017, pos.109). This section has presented the practices of consuming and preparing Mexican cuisine, which play an important role in re-configuring the imaginary of Mexicanness that combines nostalgia, the sense of belonging, identity-process making and pride regarding the awareness of the diversity and richness of Mexican cuisine. It has been found that participants place importance on authenticity in Mexican food, which is made using “original” ingredients and served in “real” Mexican restaurants owned by “real” Mexicans. The re-imagination of the homeland through talking about Mexican food and what is involved with it – celebrating traditions, gatherings with friends and family, tasting the flavors – shows that Mexico is appreciated and in a way idealized when the participants focused on cultural aspects. It can be interpreted that, based on the logic of coherence, traditions and typical Mexican cuisine and its symbols are highlighted. This appreciation reveals an imaginary which is contrary to the one presented in Chapter 3, where there is a rather negative and critical perception of the country.

4.2.2

Celebrations, Folkloric Dancing and Traditional and Ethnic Dress

Themes regarding authenticity, the role of ambassadors and the re-imagination of Mexicanness also appeared in the example of the celebration of Mexican events, which re-create aspects of Mexico in a way that “you feel like you are in Mexico” (Marco). The celebrations usually involve Mexican food and typical aspects of Mexican culture that are presented to Others. Usually these events celebrate a particular aspect of the national culture, such as Independence Day on September 16th , the

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According to Pilcher (2017), the search for “authenticity” in Mexican food “has been going on for two hundred years” (pos. 133). The dialectic between the self and Others – in Pilcher’s words “insiders and outsiders” (pos. 133) – have shaped Mexico, where “national cuisine has been used for ideological purposes” (pos. 119), developing as such in the context of the rise of the USA as a global power in the twentieth century. This meant the industrialization of Tex-Mex food, a situation that confronted the Mexican elites “with the potential loss of their culinary identity” (Pilcher, 2017, pos. 131). Therefore, it can be argued that an imaginary of authentic Mexican food has been constructed as a strategy of differentiation and identification, where the distinction from the USA enhanced the recognition of the pre-hispanic past as a significant part of the national cuisine, if not the main one. Pilcher explains that, historically, there was a tendency to exclude Indigenous food made of maize because it was not considered respectable, denoting not only regional diversity but a distinction between ethnic groups and social class. The acknowledgment that Mexican food includes pre-hispanic practices and ingredients has been greatly legitimized by the recognition of traditional Mexican cuisine as an intangible cultural heritage by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (2019).

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celebration of the Mexican Revolution on November 20th , and the celebration of the Day of the Dead on November 2nd , which has become globally fashionable: Here (name of city) there is a Mexican circle […] They are all like high society ladies, you know? ((laughs)) They have nothing to do, I imagine. No, it’s not true. But they do events, good ones, they do good events with mariachi, they get paid, you know? Because it isn’t free. Tacos, Mexican food, and when there’s a chance, I go. There is an event […], the Day of the Dead […] and we attend, we go, we set up an altar, we eat delicious food, we explain, something that’s heavy to explain, death, but it’s something that we have so deeply rooted in our culture and it’s so normal, that’s why I tell you that Mexican people have their feet very much on the ground, because they know they’re going to die, and they take it as part of their culture. So we attend that event, there’s September the 16th as well. […] So, like I experience it [the culture], I’d like more to provide it and give it and when there’s an opportunity, well I do it, or when a German is interested in Mexico, well it’s Mexico and as if we were in Mexico, right? (Marco) In this quote, Marco suggests – in a joking and ironic manner – that the people who organize certain events are “high-society women who have nothing else to do”, an observation also made by Adriana, who commented that the organizers are usually “Mexican women married to Germans” (Adriana) who plan Mexican events in their free time24 : Adriana: […] so when I realized that the only thing that the ladies got together for was that (…) that they’re generally women who are married to Germans and that, well, like, just their get-togethers, they are “we have to prepare well for the day of (.) the (.) What’s the name of the one with tamales? YL: Candelaria A: Candelaria was the day of the tamales”, like do me a favor (.) “The day of the Candelaria is coming, let’s all make tamales and get together and all go to mass”, and I don’t get it […] and like, “and now, let’s all do September the 15th together and let’s celebrate” and then you see the German guys dressed up as the typical horsemen, you know? Because they’re all the husbands and the women are very happy. (…) but on a daily basis the division of chores is a load of (.) nonsense. So, I mean, to get involved in that or sort out my own things, well, I prefer to sort out my own things/[…]. (Adriana) Despite the criticism in relation to the organization of Mexican events, Marco nonetheless decided to join in in order to “experience his culture”, while showing it to Others. For him, it is like “being in Mexico”. However, in the case of Adriana, 24

The only activity that apparently made sense for Adriana was part of a worldwide Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity in Mexico in 2011 (see Section 4.2.3).

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she prefers not to attend these events due to personal differences with the organizers. However, she still celebrates special occasions with her family, as has been discussed in Section 4.2.1. One can therefore observe that, whether publicly or privately, some sort of celebration of Mexicanness takes place in the lives of the participants, re-shaping their bonds to the imagined community of Mexico “Well, until a few years ago I always used to hang out with friends, whether it was in (name of the city) or somewhere else […], and if not, well, I at least make a cake, put the colors of the flag on it or something, […].” (Teresa). As well as food, some of these celebrations include decoration with items seen as typical and symbolic of Mexico, the creation and breaking of piñatas and the practice of wearing traditional dress. Wearing traditional dress can arise either from a decision to dress ad hoc for one specific event, or as part of the activity of folkloric dancing. This theme is further discussed below, where examples are presented of three people that engage actively in the practice of folkloric dancing. The first of these is Maria, who practiced folkloric dancing in Mexico until she started university when she had to quit because she no longer had the time (Maria). While she was living in Germany, she found herself alone and facing challenges in her professional and personal life and since she had never lost her interest in dancing, she decided to join a dance group 45 minutes away from her home. Her aim was not just to dance, but also to have contact with Mexican people once a week. For Maria, sharing with other Mexicans and being able to dance is her opportunity to have “a little piece of Mexico” in Germany (Maria, 2014). In the case of Maricarmen, she said that it was “Heimweh” (nostalgia) and a desire to get in touch with the Mexican community which motivated her to reach out to the Mexican embassy in Berlin. As she began to attend Mexican events, she became more familiar with the practice of folkloric dancing. She mentioned that she knew little about this kind of dancing, mostly related to the experiences of having to dance typical dances at different celebrations at school25 : Like (.) […] I started getting like this, horrible, but horrible, Heimweh, you can’t imagine, I think it happens to everyone, right? But it was like, of course, “I’m going to stay here, I’ve already married, I’m going to stay here” and, I remember [in about four months] (.) I was already traumatized, so (.) that’s why I signed up for/you gave your details at the Mexican embassy (.) and well you got emails and everything, invitations and things for different events, then one day they invited me to one, I went (.) and there was a dance group there (.) Well, I was like very excited,

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In Section 1.4.2 some examples are discussed with regard to different practices in Mexican schools, where the nation is re-constructed as a dominant imaginary, for instance through the celebration of the nation.

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you know? In my life I’d done something like that in Mexico, I think just the typical thing that in elementary school you dance the Jarabe Tapatío folk dance and like ((laughs)) and I was so excited, I approached them, you know? “Wow, so cool”, and the teacher then “[…] well, come on, come dance and I don’t know what”, and so, that’s how I got there, you know? Without knowing anything. (Maricarmen) For Teresa, dancing was also a new practice that she took up in Germany when she was invited to dance at an event. She agreed “with the aim of presenting the culture”, even though she does not consider herself a dancer. She acquired different folkloric dresses from a woman who had returned to Mexico (Teresa), and so was able to take part: So, I’m not a dancer, but like, in order to show it, in order to show the culture, look, I even dance the zapateado. And I have danced in the one from Jalisco, which is the most, the most that I’ve done, well three times, don’t go thinking I’m a dancer, but three times I’ve been invited to these cultural events that I mean “((mimics)) hey, (says her name), dance the Son de la Negra for us” and I’m like “mmm, okay, fuck it”. (Teresa) Section 4.1.2 discussed the participants’ role as ambassadors of their Mexican culture and presented the importance of representing and educating people regarding Mexican topics for Maricarmen and Teresa, among other participants. It also looked briefly at Maricarmen’s role as a folkloric dancer, mostly in relation to her meta-perception of how Germans treat her better when she is wearing her folkloric dress (see Section 4.1.2). Furthermore, as an ambassador of Mexico, Maricarmen educates Others regarding what a typical and original Mexican person is. Although she tries to combat stereotypes of Mexican people, she reflected that she in fact also reproduces them by showing the same images that portray Mexico in a stereotypical way (see Section 4.1.2). Maricarmen described herself as being nationalistic, specifically in regard to culture, because of her desire to represent Mexican culture and her country correctly and respectfully. In her story, the issue regarding authenticity is relevant as she mentioned that she gets angry when she sees something advertised in Germany as “Mexikanisch” (Mexican), such as Mexican food and Mexican folkloric dance, arguing that it is fake: I feel like an ambassador ((laughs)) an ambassador for Mexico. Because, I mean, it gets on my nerves when you enter before, when, now it’s no longer like that, but when I arrived everywhere they said “Mexicanisch this and that” and nobody was Mexican, you know? Man, it made me very angry, first the disappointment that you enter believing that (.) that you can buy food and nothing, another thing (.) it does bother me a lot, with that I’m very nationalistic (.) eh (.) they have their

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culture with their dances, no?, I mean, that does bother me ((laughs)), so, like, actually in the group at the beginning there was a girl from Colombia, one from (.) Germany, the Germans super good (.) punctual, everything, that is, with them it was perfect, working very well, but all the others (.) those from Latin America it was a pain, because since it wasn’t their country that they were representing they didn’t care about arriving on time, once one of them even stole something, in a place that we danced, one of them, a Colombian. (Maricarmen) Concerning folkloric dance in particular, Maricarmen believes that it is crucial that the dancers in her group are all Mexicans and that all the clothing is authentic and original and from Mexico. She thinks that foreigners cannot represent Mexico with pride and engagement in the same way that “real” Mexicans do. Her opinion is based on her bad experiences with Latin American women, as she described in the above passage. In this case, it is very clear that culture is approached in a nationalistic manner, based on the logic of coherence and in a national dominant imaginary that imagines Mexico in a traditional and container-based form. An example of this is the separation of Mexicans – as “true and faithful representatives of the culture” – from Others who are not trusted or entitled to do so. Through dancing, a sense of what Mexicans and Mexicanness are is transmitted while simultaneously being reimagined by Others. However, Maricarmen does indeed portray Mexican diversity, as her group disseminates other dances from other Mexican states: Germans tell you that they like to see our DANCES or something because (.) because they realize that for us life is more difficult, but we are more laid back. We enjoy it much more than they are capable of. Well, for a little while they like it ((laughs)). Then they want to plan and the same as always. (Maria) For her part, Teresa described how she has adopted practices in Germany which she would not usually have had while living in Mexico, particularly regarding clothing and the celebration of certain Mexican traditions. In the following quotation, Teresa describes how her mother helped her by finding typical dress and accessories in Mexico. She even sewed the typical clothing herself, so that Teresa and her daughters could wear it in Germany: My mother is the one who is looking for the typical blouse […] and (…) and my mother sews, then she made also skirts last year [for her daughters], with the Mexican flag, right? [With] the eagle, red and white, [the mother] bought their blouses with embroidered sequins, and since they [her daughters] were babies, my mom has always brought Mexican clothes and I, who NEVER wore a typical dress – other than for the school dance – ((sighs)) I have the one from Jalisco, the one from Yucatán, the one from Nuevo León and the china poblana one. And I wear them as often as I can, for the national holidays, yesterday was an event here in

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(German city) about Mexico, I didn’t wear everything, but just the blouse of the china poblana, shawl too: but everything is because my mother gets me the cloth there [in Mexico] […]. (Teresa) Here “typical blouse” may refer to one of the regional folkloric outfits of each of the 32 Mexican states, or it could also mean clothing made by Indigenous people, of which there is a wide variety. Nevertheless, there is the tendency to reduce it to one “typical” or Indigenous dress, which is usually embroidered by hand. Teresa mentioned that she has become a collector of regional folkloric clothing and that she has various traditional dresses from the states of Jalisco, Yucatan, and Nuevo Leon as well as the “china poblana” dress.26 She pointed out that she had never worn traditional or folkloric clothing when she lived in Mexico. She said that the exception was at school festivals (as also mentioned by Maricarmen, see also Section 1.4.2) where it is “normal” to wear traditional clothing during certain typical celebrations such as Independence Day, Revolution Day and the Day of the Dead. In the following passage, Teresa explains that wearing traditional clothing outside of those festivities – and even during those festivities when not within the school context – is not “well looked on” in her hometown and in her socioeconomic context, which she described as very elitist. Therefore, it can be interpreted that Indigenous clothing is associated with underprivileged social classes and consequently held in disdain. Nevertheless, the fact that Teresa, her daughters and Teresa’s mother appreciate these clothes has also transformed the practices of Teresa’s mother in relation to her social context, for instance with her friends in Mexico. Teresa mentioned that her mother began wearing typical blouses in her everyday life, although her friends teased her by asking her “which school festival

26

The “china poblana” dress is one of the most representative of Mexico and is a symbol of Mexican identity. According to nationalist and official discourse, the china poblana represents “the grace and virtues of Mexican women” (Vázquez Mantecón, 2000, p. 125). María del Carmen Vázquez Mantecón (2000) analyzed the history of the imaginary relating to the china poblana, discussing how this archetype has been imagined from the outside, through the chronicles of European travelers, intellectuals and artists that contributed to the imagination of this figure. Its origin is unclear and has led to myths and legends. There are many versions of the origin of the “chinas”, with some alluding to their phenotype “curly hair” (referred to as “chino” in Mexico), or to their supposed origin under the racist logic of the caste system in colonial times, where people whose parents were Indigenous and African, were called “china cambuja”. The reference to the state of Puebla is also unclear. In the years between 1920 and 1940, with the configuration of “revolutionary nationalism” in Mexico, plenty of the current national stereotypes were adopted as part of the collective national hegemonic imaginary. Official national discourses adopted the china poblana figure as a representation of Mexicanness, and as the companion of the “charro”. In that period, the composition of the skirt evolved with the addition of the national symbol: an eagle on a cactus eating a snake.

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

she was going to dance at”. Nevertheless, despite her friends’ comments, Teresa’s mother appreciates traditional clothing, considering it to be “a genuine art form”: Like, so, no, I mean, like ((exhales)) […] I’m an ambassador for our culture and I think it’s, I mean, it’s something that came to me without having thought about it because, I mean, in Mexico and in (name of their city), above all, people don’t dress up in typical costumes: never, not even for national holidays. It’s something like very, or at least until a couple of years ago, it was something like frowned upon. So now obviously, my mom, who copied me, for ten years she has also been going to the markets looking for dresses for me and she also buys, for herself, and she DRESSES UP, and goes to her lunches and all dressed in the huipil, like, and she’s not embarrassed! And all the friends, sometimes some of them are fairly mean and they criticize her, you know? They say “oh, now where are you going to go or what? Where are you going to dance or what?” ((laughs)). Teasing her. And my mom has copied me and says, “it’s because they really are works of art”. (Teresa) This passage is very significant because it shows the transformation of practices and lifestyle and the re-imagination of the bonds to the imagined community, combining national, ethnic and social class components. Teresa’s relationship with typical clothing changed in a migratory context, and she wears them “whenever she can” in her role as an “ambassador” for Mexico. Teresa’s dialectic process, where she identifies herself as Mexican while differentiating herself from Others in a migratory context, contributed to her practices of engaging in folkloric dance, as well as the consumption and elaboration of cultural material goods such as clothing and other Mexican material goods such as piñatas. Her practices also influenced her mother’s agency in Mexico, and they have the role of “transmitting culture” to her daughters, through the same practices and clothing. The first sections of this chapter presented examples where participants find themselves doing activities which they did not use to do in Mexico, such as is the case with Osvaldo listening to certain music (see Section 4.1.1), Maricarmen and Teresa practicing folkloric dancing, and the wearing of traditional and ethnic dress in the case of Teresa and her mother. An example to the contrary which is worth mentioning relates to Ana, who agreed with the issue of authenticity in Mexican cuisine, as well as the distinction between Tex-Mex and Mexican food, discussed in Section 4.2.1: Imagine, in Berlin when I arrived there was only that Mexican restaurant and eventually there were more, the others were Tex-Mex, there was supposedly Mexican food that wasn’t Mexican or made by Mexicans, so for me it was like “Tsk haha”, I suppose it must be like for Italians, an Italian restaurant that’s zero Italian, right? So (.) I took it as, parts of the culture of a city so multicultural that someone understands that tacos or burritos sell very well, so they open a burritos store but

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it’s not Mexican, right? […] so I know that it’s been improving, you know? More authentic, more real, people already understand the difference between Tex-Mex and Mexican. (Ana) However, Ana presented a less romantic attachment to Mexican symbols and the Mexican community. She mentioned one example concerning a World Cup soccer match between Mexico and Germany, where her partner “expected” her to wear national symbols such as the national team shirt or the national flag. She did not do so, explaining that she would have not done so in Mexico and therefore would not start in Germany. In the same passage, Ana said that, in her experience, it was very difficult to connect with other Mexicans. She thinks that they are not interested in having contact with other Mexicans, that they are more interested in learning German and, therefore, having interactions with Germans. Ana mentioned that she had been unable to have much contact or make friends with other Mexicans, and that she has formed deep friendships with other Latin American and German people instead. In this sense, the imagination of interactions with fellow national men and women as a sort of brotherhood or sisterhood based on national bonds is challenged, showing that other memberships to different collectives or other attributes are much more relevant than the country of origin: Mexico and Germany, I don’t know who was playing, Mexico (.) We went to a park to watch it in a Biergarten, to watch the game, because it was Mexico (partner’s name) “go ahead”, I mean it’s her who encourages me the most. Well, so, we were like, “put on, do we have the Mexican flag?” And me, “in Mexico, I wouldn’t bring a Mexican flag to the game, but well, let’s go” (.) No, I’m not going to bring the flag”. Well, no, of course I didn’t bring the flag or a Chicharito shirt, I don’t have one. So (.) We’re going to the match, and behind me (.) on a bench, a girl with her Mexican flag (.) her German boyfriend, that is, a girl who looked super normal, nice (.) “Oh, hi, hi, yes, eh” and (partner’s name) “talk more”, (.) and I tried like to get closer, she was with her German friends, that is, she was doing her thing and I said “well, you can’t, you can’t”, so I learned, my experience in Berlin (…) Mexicans don’t talk to other Mexicans. My experience, because you always hear “Fulanita is a Mexican friend, maybe you know her”, you try to get closer, it never happens, it never works, I think that (.) I think, my theory is “we couldn’t be bothered” (.) […] in Berlin I came with a different attitude of ALL welcome, you have to be friends and so it would be a cool to chat in Spanish, Spanish but like local Mexican jokes that only ((clicks fingers)) a Mexican understands, you know, right? […] It didn’t happen (.) I met Peruvians, Colombians, Bolivians, Argentinians and we got along really well, we felt that vibe, although it was totally different, we always talked (.) about our culture and so on, very cool. II never had similar experience with a Mexican. (Ana)

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

Ana’s story is different from those of Maricarmen and Maria, whose Mexican contacts are very significant for them. In fact, Maricarmen mentioned that a new practice for her in Europe was to talk to all the Mexicans that she saw or heard because of the need to have contact with “her people”, reflecting that in Mexico she would not have done so. Nevertheless, after some bad experiences, she has become more selective with her friendships. In this example, it is apparent that the primary motivation for establishing contact with other people was mostly based on the national bond and the imaginary of communion (Anderson, 1983/2006), of coming from the same place, in a situation of migration, combined with nostalgia. Furthermore, this context relativized differentiations – at least at the beginning of the encounter in Germany – which in Mexico would have been more relevant, such as social class or education level. Maricarmen said that despite sharing the same national background, in certain cases the relationship ended. However, it was new for her to approach people that in Mexico she would not have wanted to have contact with: Well, I started to get together with all the Mexicans I met. In Mexico, you don’t get close to just anyone, nor in your life would you say I’m going to be friends with this guy or this girl. But here there’s such a need to see your people that you make friends with whoever you meet. I swear. You heard Spanish and but then I had a lot of bad experiences and so it changed and I became all selective. I said no, not like that. But yes, at first, I made friends/and I remember that my mom the first time she came said to me “you’re friends with whoever”, and I was like “it’s because she’s Mexican” ((laughs)) and then when life knocks you back, you begin to learn that yes, it shouldn’t be like that. But yeah, here I started to get together with whoever. There were many from the DF who speak, like those Cantinflas movies, and it made me laugh a lot because, well, as you have Heimweh, then you hear a person like that and you feel it and you want to see the person, but honestly thinking about it properly, you would never have approached them in Mexico, you know? So, like yes, I also did a lot of that, which I wouldn’t have done there either. (Maricarmen) To conclude this section on the participants’ practices concerning Mexican cuisine and the celebration of Mexican traditions and events, which usually includes Mexican food, decorations, traditional and ethnic dress and folkloric dancing, it can be stated that these practices involve the consumption and production of cultural material and symbolic goods, which are internalized, objectivized and exteriorized and are based on dominant imaginaries related to the nation (see Chapter 1). These goods are familiar, known and standardized material objects which perform their nationalist function of representation (see Lloyd 1999 as cited in Rains, 2007, p. 124). They operate, on the one hand, as “markers of ethnic identity in a multi-ethnic society” (Rains, 2007, p. 125) and, on the other hand, they have the

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function of signifying and re-creating the bonds to the imagined community of Mexico. The participants mentioned the importance of authenticity concerning Mexican culture and its representation. The participants’ motivation when it comes to embracing their role of ambassadors (see Section 4.1.2) is precisely to educate Others regarding what they think is really Mexican and what is not. Due to the fact that the participants define themselves as Mexicans (see Section 4.1.1), they feel that they are entitled to practice certain cultural activities. As has been discussed at the beginning of this chapter, Mexicanness has been constructed in a complex symbolic web that comprises diverse elements in which nationalism has been configured. This study identifies that, through the practices described, Mexicanness is re-configured in a context of migration, where the reproduction and consumption of cultural materials and symbolic goods is reproduced for the participants from a limited and broad-closed perspective of culture (see Section 1.3.2.4), that relate to their “homeland” in a migration context (Rains, 2007, p. 124). In this sense, it can be observed how the fields of action of the imaginaries are activated based on the dominant imaginary of the nation, providing national and cultural identity, shaping the links to the imagined community by re-configuring the bonds thereto through the practices described. It is important to note that these practices generate a sense of belonging, legitimizing narratives of identity and agency based on the logic of coherence and the “either/or” principle, demarcating what is “typical” and “authentically” Mexican and what is not. Following the perspective of Stephanie Rains (2007),27 it can be argued that taking and consuming Mexican material goods “out of place and time” makes them “kitsch and inauthentic” (p.125), however, these are a bridge to identity-making process. “Kitsch” is not understood here as a matter of “bad taste”, but with regard to the representation of a desired and imagined world based on nostalgia and fiction (Olalquiaga, 2007, as cited in Ramón, 2014, pp. 17-18). From the perspective of the imaginaries, it is crucial to notice that the re-configuration of agency and practices are motivated by imagination and fantasy. These transform the agent’s constructed reality. The participants of this research find and re-create meaning and their imaginary bonds to their imagined community internally. Whether if from an external view, their consumption of material goods might be interpreted as kitsch or unauthentic.28 27

28

See Rains (2007) analysis on Irish-American popular culture and the diasporic consumption of Irish material. While her research differs from that which is presented here in many ways, there are some interesting aspects, which are analogous in relation to the discussion of authenticity and inauthenticity concerning the consumption of cultural material goods and the context in which they are consumed. Regarding this point, taking Rains’ and Olalquiagas’ perspective on kitsch, one could wonder if celebrations within Mexico are also kitsch because the cultural material goods remain out

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

4.2.3

Socio-Political Practices

The previous sections described the celebration of certain Mexican events and typical festivities which were very important for some participants, and for others less so. This section focuses on other practices mentioned by the interlocutors that were not described by them as “cultural” and “typically” Mexican, but that still describe other ways of relating to Mexico and their Mexicanness. Examples include sociopolitical practices such as voting, taking part in socio-political demonstrations in Germany regarding Mexican issues, and being informed about and familiar with the situation in Mexico. Concerning being informed about and familiar with the situation of the country, the interlocutors spoke about their habits of reading local newspapers and reflected on the ways in which they remain involved and contribute to Mexico, or even if they are entitled to give their opinion concerning the country’s socio-political situation: I still haven’t (.) cut the umbilical cord with Mexico, because I’m a person who, during these seven years, every day I look at the newspaper in Mexico to see what bad things have happened in the town. To see who died/like my grandmother, the first thing she did was open the newspaper and look at the obituaries (.) and look, I do the same ((laughs)). So, I go to check “who died, what happened, how things are”. You stay involved, what happens in the country hurts you, you would like to do something (.) you can’t find a way (…) you feel half exiled and apart, you feel like it’s very easy (…) why do you start to give your opinion about something that you are no longer experiencing? But that you’d like to resolve in some way because you feel it is yours (…) and that part is the one you can’t give up, […] But well, I mean, as a Mexican you’re there and you’re not (.) you’re here and you suffer sometimes. (Adriana) When Adriana finds herself looking at the obituaries in the newspapers like her grandmother used to do, she also realizes that she is still getting involved or at least aiming to get involved in the life-world of Mexico. She feels as though she has been banished from Mexico and reflects on her right to give an opinion concerning the country’s situation because, although she is not living there anymore, she feels that it is a part of her. She feels frustrated at not being able to do something for her country. Nevertheless, she thinks that as a Mexican when she is in Mexico, she feels like “she is not there” because she feels that she does not belong anymore. However,

of place and out of time, if one takes as an example the celebrations of historical events, reenacted by characters wearing historical clothing. In this sense, it would be interesting to examine Mexican celebrations and events within Mexico and abroad.

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when she is back in Germany, she suffers for that reason and also because she does not feel integrated. Marco argues that “his Mexican side” is always going to be there. He has never seen Mexico as something foreign or something from which he is removed. He keeps himself informed and is aware of the situation, although not as much as when he used to live in Mexico: Well, I don’t/(.) my Mexican side will always be there. Always (.)/Mexico will always be very close to me. I have never, NEVER seen Mexico as being distant. I see it daily, I read the newspapers every day. Every day, I see how many have died. Every day I read what’s happening, from the governors. I’m up to date with the situation. Not AS up to date as when I lived there. Because when you’re there not only do you hear the NEWS, there’s (.)/I don’t know, the communication of the people is still very STRONG, right? You find out many things. From what people tell you. That, I don’t, that, well, I don’t have it. (Marco) Marco and Teresa mentioned that they have a permanent role as activists or volunteers in non-profit organizations. For instance, Marco participates in a GermanMexican organization with the aim to preserving human rights in Mexico: Here there’s an initiative. It’s called the Mexico initiative. It’s a group of German Mexicans. And this group was formed in 2005 I believe by (.) a German man who WAS a professor here at the University. […] And in some way or another he was connected to human rights issues in Mexico. […] But (.) well we’re there, you know? Sometimes I go and help them (.) like, with TRANSLATIONS or we communicate a lot by email. We’re very aware of anything that damages human rights and we make a lot of noise, you know? We send letters (.) to the MEDIA, we send letters to/here to the CONSULATES. We send letters to the GERMAN government, to the MEXICAN government. Because when Peña Nieto comes to visit for example or when his entourage comes (.) so that they KNOW, right? That we’re/that there are people who know what they’re doing, right? And that it’s,/and that not only in Mexico s-/(.) like, it stays s-/all their crap but it also goes far to (.) the world and so it’s internationally known. So that they don’t come and (.) put on their ties and say ah “yes, we are the Mexican government, blah blah blah we do everything correctly, right?” No, it’s not true. (Marco) In Teresa’s case, she mentioned her participation in different associations, such as the Catholic church, migrant and intercultural associations, which are not only related to the Mexican community but also include other collectives of people. In the case of other interlocutors, their participation in demonstrations has been more sporadic and related to one-off events. These include the different protests in Germany related to the worldwide Movement for Peace with Justice

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and Dignity in Mexico (Jacinto, 2011) in 201129 and the demonstrations regarding the disappearance of 43 students in Mexico in 2014.30 For Adriana, her participation in the worldwide movement for peace in Mexico was very significant for her. She compared that activity to traditional Mexican events, which she considers to be meaningless, and which she therefore decided not to attend (see Section 4.2.2). Nevertheless, after participating in the movement’s march in Germany, she did not participate in any other activities of that kind. While narrating her story, she said that she could not believe that she was there as an activist, as in Mexico she had not had that experience: But on a daily basis the division of chores is a load of (.) nonsense. So, I mean, to get involved in that or sort out my own things, well, I prefer to sort out my own things/and besides, me being part of the gossip (.) no, so I tried it (.) I withdrew, it, it wasn’t my thing […] and I was very convinced three years ago that something had to be done and I had to change this, so I’m-going-to-the-march ((laughs)) that day my husband goes to the pool with my children and I say to them “meet me in the center, we’ll be there and we’ll go to the march”, you know? […] We ended up carrying a banner (.) my children and my husband arrived too, they all carried the banner, very happy, we were doing this (…) the small demonstration finishes […] I said “well, I don’t believe it, eh, who would have thought I’d be here as an activist ((laughs)) and then what are we going to do? What else are we going to do?” ((laughs)), so like no, (.) that was the end of it. (Adriana) Maricarmen described her participation in the protests regarding the 43 missing students in Ayotzinapa. Young students in different cities around the world organized these protests. In a German context, she reflected that not many older people participated. She feels that older people living permanently or for a longer time in Germany mostly attended official events organized by the Mexican embassy rather than smaller events, such as soccer games or demonstrations, where she thinks that younger students are more active: And, there’s a group of very young people here (.) that I met a while ago, when was the demonstration of [interruption] a year ago, it was for the 43 students, right?

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The anti-violence caravan began in March 2011 led by poet-activist Javier Sicilia after losing his son, and is composed of other victims of violence and corruption during the Mexican Drug War, initiated by former president of Mexico, Felipe Calderon (2006-2012) (see Jacinto, 2011; Tuckmann, 2011). On September 26th , 2014, 43 students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, went missing. The case involved political corruption and the involvement of the drug cartels and remains unsolved. The students have not been found and their families and other students who survived the persecution had managed to bring international attention to the case (see BBC News, 2019b; Rojas, 2019).

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[…] well, they got together and organized (.) a, a demonstration, and that’s when I met them, all the boys, these guys are 20 years old, that is, they came to study […] we were I mean about 20, 25 and it really struck me that I was the oldest, they were all kids, and there are a LOT of Mexicans living here who have been here for many years, right? So, like, yeah, I realized (.) like that it’s more the young people, the young boys who went there, […] there are many who live here, […] they’re students and those who have lived here for years like me, they no longer reach out. It struck me that there’s like soccer, or whatever, you no longer see them. […] I meet them there, when for example (.) […] there was a presentation of a book here, and the Consul of Frankfurt even came. At those events, when it’s something more, formal and more like that, there you see more Mexicans, it’s bigger, right? More eh (.) but if they’re like that, they’re modern things, you don’t see them, they don’t come. (Maricarmen) This section has presented other practices that the interlocutors engaged in, which were considered less common than those considered typical cultural celebrations or personal activities such as cooking and eating Mexican food. Thus, practices such as keeping informed and participating in socio-political events such as demonstrations are also a way of re-creating the bonds to the imagined community, even though, in most cases, the participants of this research do not participate much in these kinds of activities.

4.3

Summary

This chapter has discussed how the participants of this research re-imagine Mexico and Mexicanness in a migratory context. This re-imagination is re-configured by the dialectic between the self-perception, the perception that Others have concerning the participants and the meta-perception, which is understood here as the manner in which the participants reflect their own self-perception and identity in regards to what Others might perceive concerning them. It has been discussed that Mexicanness and Mexico as an imagined community have been re-configured through a complex combination of symbolic resources, which have shaped dominant imaginaries. These are manifested through different practices engaged in by the participants of this research, where they experience and re-build their emotional bonds with their idea of Mexican culture. It has been possible to observe that this idea of Mexican culture relies heavily on dominant imaginaries regarding a national approach to culture, which is a taken-for-granted status in their everyday-life. Furthermore, it has been found that the image regarding Mexico in Germany is perceived by the participants as positive, but that they also think it is not com-

4 Re-imagining Mexicanness

pletely accurate. Therefore, the interlocutors see themselves both as ambassadors or representatives of their culture, and also as “prisoners” thereof, and they thus have a double role as migrants (Bommes, 1994). In their role as ambassadors, they are more aware of their Mexicanness, and they feel the responsibility to represent their culture and “educate” Others, mostly in regard to what is authentically and originally Mexican (see Section 4.1.2), and to demonstrate other realities and represent Mexico in a different way. The perceptions Others have concerning Mexico include awareness regarding certain negative stereotypes, which participants feel entitled to actively clarify, saying that those negative images are generalizations which do not reflect their personality and reality. Participants are identified by Others as migrants, as foreigners. Therefore, it has been found that most of the participants reflected on their situation as migrants. However, they seem to distance themselves from categorization as a migrant, imagined as someone who is low-skilled or has little social or economic capital. In such cases, Section 4.1.2.2 presented the strategies and imaginaries regarding migrants and their representations of certain nationalities. As a strategy, it was found that due to the positive context for Mexicanness in Germany, the participants’ self-perception as Mexicans is intensified and clearly demonstrated to Others. This is here understood, on the one hand, as a strategy in order to be wellreceived, welcomed and positively perceived by Others and, on the other hand, as a strategy of differentiation from other collectivities of persons with a migratory background. Living abroad and interacting with Others activates the “thinking and actions” of participants in terms of how they re-imagine themselves as Mexicans, Mexico and Mexicanness. It can be stated that participants who are critical of the situation in Mexico and certain Mexican ways of being (see Chapter 3) claimed not to be proud of the situation in Mexico, but that they distinguished between the situation and the culture. Therefore, with regard to Mexican culture and the feeling of being Mexican, most participants showed pride concerning their belonging to the imagined community of Mexico and, in some cases, identified themselves as being nationalistic. Thus, it has been found that in some cases participants seek an institutionalized-dominant-structured-fixed framework based on their imaginaries concerning Mexican culture, which is quite similar to the way the Mexican nation has been constructed. This framework provides a dominant imaginary of what is known, plausible and normal regarding what it means “to be Mexican” (see Section 4.1.1) and what “Mexicans” do (see Section 4.2). As a result, most participants choose to engage in practices which they describe as “typically Mexican”, with the aim of re-connecting with their culture and recreating a “piece of Mexico” in Germany, not only for themselves, but also to share

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it with their family and friends (see Section 4.2). One aspect found to be significant for the participants is the matter of authenticity and originality concerning practices related to the preparation of Mexican food (see Section 4.2.1), and the celebration of events, where there is usually food and other aspects such as folkloric dancing and traditional and ethnic dress (see Section 4.2.2). This study identifies that, through practices, Mexicanness is re-configured in a context of migration, where the reproduction and consumption of cultural material and symbolic goods is approached from a limited and broad-closed perspective of culture based on the logic of coherence (see Section 1.3.2.4), and these are all related to the homeland (Rains, 2007, p. 124). Nevertheless, other participants relate their “Mexican” style and practices, which in some cases are different from what they used to do while living in Mexico, providing those practices with new meanings as well as new understandings of Mexicanness, including diverse elements which are different from the traditional and typical ones representing the Mexican nation. Therefore, their imaginaries include other elements that go beyond the traditional national aspects, reflecting a broad-open understanding of Mexicanness which, ultimately, also relates to their own re-configuration of their Mexican imaginary.

5 Re-imagining Change and Belonging: Agency between Dominant and Emergent Imaginaries “I think that my identity is already very mixed, I can no longer say if I’m Mexican or German, […] I’ve always said it, since a couple of years ago: ‘I’m multiculti’” (Teresa)

This work has explored the life stories of the participants, focusing on various central aspects of their lives. By telling their stories, the participants reflected on their lives in Germany, highlighting the positive and negative aspects of their experiences, expressed through comparisons between Mexico and Germany. Chapter 3 focused on how life is re-imagined through migration, especially in terms of the participants’ perception regarding lifestyle in their migration, life quality and security as reasons for moving and settling in a different place. Furthermore, it presented their first impressions concerning life in Germany (see Section 3.3) and showed how participants re-imagine life in Germany, occasionally applying zooming out and zooming in observation regarding internal differentiation within Germany (see Section 3.3.2). Chapter 4 concentrated on the participants’ self-perception regarding their bonds to Mexico and their re-configuration of Mexicanness through practices in their migratory experience in Germany. However, the participants’ stories showed that they also reflected on their agency in terms of being and acting “germanized” in some situations, while in others they seemed uncertain regarding how to explain their agency in terms of national categories. Therefore, the aim of this chapter is to extend the analysis regarding the participants’ self-perception of change and their sense of belonging. Thus, their thinking and actions are interpreted, acknowledging the ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-processloose imaginaries. This chapter firstly examines the participants’ perceptions regarding how they have been germanized (see Section 5.1). Secondly, their perceptions concerning their feeling of belonging to nowhere and/or “feeling trapped between two worlds”

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are discussed (see Section 5.2). Finally, the last section discusses the practices that the interlocutors shared in terms of their context of change (see Section 5.3).

5.1

Being Germanized

In their stories, the participants tended to explain their agency and practices in terms of being and acting at times as Mexican or mexicanized, and/or as German or germanized1 in certain contexts. It should be pointed out that participants tended to compare these categories mostly in terms of oppositions and by focusing on the differences. The attributes and practices that described a “germanized agency” are: a) being disciplined, b) being punctual, c) making plans versus being spontaneous, d) communication styles, and e) dress codes. These elements are deeply linked to widespread stereotypes which constitute dominant representations in imaginaries of Germanness, which tend to be represented as contradictory to Mexican stereotypes.2 However, the participants claimed that the attributes they mentioned were already part of their personalities prior to their migration to Germany. a) Being Disciplined On various occasions, participants mentioned their perception of Germany as a “strict and disciplined” place “[…] In all areas, everything’s a little stricter here, it’s more square […]”3 (Ricardo). For Tomas, Germany is a successful country because the people in leading positions are disciplined and capable, which he feels is a guarantee of success. He also

1 2

3

“Being germanized” needs to be differentiated from “being German” in terms of nationalization and having a German passport, a topic discussed in Section 3.3.3. These elements are also present in the literature as “Cultural Standards” (see Ferres, MeyerBelitz, Röhrs, & Thomas, 2005; A. Thomas, Kinast, & Schroll-Machl, 2003; Schroll-Machl, 2002/2013). Cultural Standards are considered here as characteristics observed from a macro perspective. These can be approached by applying a zooming out view of social interactions, where generalizations are visible. While these might be helpful for providing orientation in a predominantly unknown situation, the result could lead towards a culturalized and coherence-based view regarding culture. Furthermore, remaining in a macro perspective involves the risk of ignoring the individual’s multi-collectivity, which acknowledges the greater complexity, dynamism and diversity which the standards ignore, if these are taken as fixed cultural attributes (see Section 1.3.2.4). It needs to be stressed that the attributes discussed in Section 5.1 regarding being German are the result of the participants’ perceptions. I am referring to these attributes as styles, which are dynamic, rather than fixed rules for describing cultures, as is suggested in Chapter 1. The word “cuadrado” is colloquially used to denote someone who is inflexible and rigid.

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considers that he has adapted well to “the German culture” that he is integrated in Germany and that Others perceive him as “more German than the Germans”: In general […], well, the German culture […] I’ve adapted very well. Some German friends make jokes, they tell me that I’m more German than them ((laughs)), because sometimes I’m very (…) serious. Here the culture is very disciplined, despite the fact that I’ve always decided what to do, and I’ve been very rebellious, […] making my own decisions because people often tell you “don’t do (.) something” and all opinions are against what you do, you have to be rebellious in order to DO the opposite (.) but I’ve learned (.) to be very disciplined, to do things (.) as they have to be done WHEN you think that the rule is logical. I think that some of the reasons for the success of countries like Germany (.) is that the people are disciplined, that the people (.) who establish the rules, are qualified people (.) […] I think that’s why they’ve been successful […]. (Tomas) In the following passage Tomas reflects on the stereotypical view of Germans as “cold”, “serious” and “disciplined”. He thinks that “Germans” are not cold but that “they” are not as expressive as some Latin Americans are. It is noticeable how Tomas uses national and supra-national categorizations to describe not only groups of people, but also their personal characteristics and styles in specific contexts, at parties, for instance. He said that he himself is not actually as expressive as Latin Americans are supposed to be, even though he considers himself Latin and Mexican. He described himself as a serious, disciplined and rebellious person. His personal characteristics have become more pronounced during his time in Germany, and he said that he has learned to be more disciplined. Therefore, he feels he is more compatible with what is considered the “German” style, although he does not consider himself to be German. Moreover, he said that he remains a Mexican person, integrated into what he considers to be “the German culture”: I didn’t mention much that I’m very, very serious (.) It’s said a lot that Germans are cold, eh, I wouldn’t say that they’re cold (.) but they’re not as expressive as people from Latin America are, for example. And me (…) I was never THAT expressive and I’ve become (.) much more serious in recent years, because I’m working hard, I’m focused on my work, sometimes I even keep thinking about work. Although maybe I don’t show it, I’m still working on it, thinking about it (…) eh, I wouldn’t say that in Germany people are cold (.) But they are a bit more reserved. (.) For example, if you go to a German party (.) all the people are in a (.) serious conversation, we could say, if you go to a […] Mexican party, […], we all start singing, dancing, things like that (…) I’m very serious and, and I really enjoy having the kind of social interaction that happens, that’s common here in Germany. However, on the other hand, I’m still Mexican, and I also enjoy the other kind (.) It’s in my blood, my Mexican

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culture. I couldn’t say that I’ve completely changed and become German, because I’m not, I’m not German, I’ve integrated into the culture. (Tomas) Tomas’ agency and sense of belonging are explained in national categorizations, which are based on the logic of coherence and the “either/or” principle. In the above passage, it is observed that, on the one hand, he explains his Mexicanness as being based on ethnic elements when referring to “carrying his Mexican culture in his blood”. Consequently, he reaffirms his attachment to what he considers to be his Mexican culture, while at the same time reiterating that he is Mexican. On the other hand, Tomas said that he identifies more with the style of interaction in Germany. However, he clarified that he is not German.4 In addition to identifying himself as Mexican, Tomas also said that he is Latin American. Therefore, it is assumed that these groups are more familiar to him, despite the fact that he does not identify with the imagined attributes of these groups and they have become more significant for him in a migratory context. Osvaldo mentions something similar in his story: And here (name of city in Germany), wow, I mean, I love it. I think if I didn’t, I wouldn’t have stayed, like, I mean this question as multicultural that exists here seems to me, I mean, you learn a lot. Now I’m much more Latino than before, for example. (Osvaldo) b) Being Punctual One stereotypical view of Mexican people, which the participants are constantly confronted with, is related to a lack of punctuality. This was one of the reasons that Maricarmen took on the role of educating Others and changing people’s perception of Mexicans as unpunctual people (see Section 4.1.2). Teresa has the same opinion concerning a lack of punctuality. She did not like it in Mexico and now that she lives in Germany she dislikes it even more “[…] for example, with lateness, that always bothered me, but now more so” (Teresa). Renata said that Others have observed changes in her personality related to her internal and international mobility. She said that now when she travels from Germany to Mexico to visit, people who would not have had dealings with her before as regards appointments, are surprised by her punctuality. She feels that they perceive punctuality as an attribute associated with German people and, therefore, they perceive her as germanized. However, she explained that she has always been punctual, and that she learned it from her parents in Mexico: Look, I (.) I’ve listened, for example, very carefully to what they tell me when I go back, and I’ve heard it since the first time I left. For example, when I lived in (name

4

This is interpreted as being neither officially German nor in the sense of his belonging.

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of city in Mexico) and I went back to (name of city of origin in Mexico), they’d always say to me “you’ve changed, you’re different”, […] I’d also changed before, I mean, at every moment and at every stage I change. And the first time I came to Germany and went back to Mexico, they also said to me “hey, you’ve changed!” […] And in some other things it wasn’t that I’d changed, it was that I was already like that, it was already like this. For example: punctuality, right? I learned that from the family, with my parents, it was like “if I said eight, it’s at eight”, so I always had that, and when I got here it wasn’t a problem for me, […] but not because I’m in Germany, I’ve always been like this, because like that, my father was like that and my mother was clear about it, you know? […] But now when I go back they usually say – people with whom, we hadn’t made an arrangement – […] now when I go back they say to me “oh, it’s because now you’re punctual, since you moved to Germany” and I say “no, that is, there I do it as a matter of course, but really I was already like this”. (Renata) In their stories, both of these participants claimed that they are punctual and that it is an attribute they learned in their family context. One can observe that their arguments tend to be based on imagined attributes of culture in terms of nations, instead of being related to an individual. However, a number of participants relativized punctuality in Germany, stating that not all the Germans they know are punctual. c) Planning versus Spontaneity The previous two topics, concerning discipline and punctuality, are also connected to planning. The tendency to (want to) make plans is another stereotype associated with German people, while being spontaneous is associated with Mexicans. In the following passage, Maria says that she has definitely become more German: “I’ve become more German. Definitely.” (Maria). As an example of this, she described an experience she had with her former doctoral supervisor in Mexico. Maria was planning to go back for a visit and so they decided to try to organize for her to give a lecture while there. Maria clarified that her former supervisor “had been very germanized” because she used to live in Germany, but that she is currently back in Mexico, and therefore “has been mexicanized again”. The process annoyed Maria due to what she felt were differing expectations concerning the planning the event. For instance, no specific date was set. Three possible dates were discussed and, after Maria had given her feedback, she did not receive any confirmation as to what date had been decided upon for the lecture. She thus concluded that it was no longer going to take place. However, the day before one of the proposed dates, she received a phone call from her former supervisor who wished to discuss the details of the lecture, which according to her was due

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to take place the following day. Maria was surprised and put out by this and so she declined the invitation, because a date had not been confirmed in time: My tutor for the doctorate (.) […] who is in (name of city in Mexico). And me/the last time we were going to Mexico I said “hey, well, I’d like to give a seminar” […] And she said to me “AH, well YES, it would be a good idea if you gave one […]. Well, the dates could be THIS or this”. And I said “AH, well it’s fine, either THIS or this.” She didn’t reply to my email again. I said, “oh well, she didn’t reply anymore, because it’s not going to happen”. I didn’t even bring the computer with me. I mean, I left it here, I said “oh well, so I’m going on vacation, even better for me”. We went to […] (name of place in Mexico) and a day before ONE of the tentative dates that we’d discussed. […] when she sent me a message like “hey, so the seminar is tomorrow at eleven, right?” And me (.) “No, you know what, you didn’t confirm with me in time. So, I didn’t prepare it, I didn’t even bring my computer. So, we’ll do it next time.” When she went back to Mexico from Germany, she was very German too. She did things like this, everything like super formal. And now like after (…) […] years she has already gone back to the MEXican style. And when she sent me the message, I still said (.) “Well, I can prepare something”, you know? I said “no, why? It’s a lack of RESPECT”, no. I mean, NO, why because was she my boss, am I going to say, “oh yeah, whatever time you want”, you know? If she’s inviting me to give a seminar, I’d have to do it with the same formality as if I were inviting my boss. So, I didn’t accept a last-minute invitation. And I said no to her. And she said, “oh well yes, sorry, YES I should have confirmed before.” […] And in Mexico, people usually treat it as normal, right? And they remind you that you were a student and they were a big researcher and now you come and you have the confidence to say: “no, you’re wrong.” So, like (.) I’ve always been very (.) HONEST with those things and in Mexico, people often don’t like honesty. It’s (.) perhaps difficult to reconcile but it’s something that I wasn’t willing to sacrifice BEFORE, and now even less so. (Maria) In this specific example, one can observe that Maria views planning and spontaneity as characteristics which are linked to Germanness and Mexicanness respectively. The above example also deals with a specific relation with a former supervisor, which indicates a hierarchical relationship. In this context, Maria said that she had perceived the situation as informal and that she had felt a lack of respect with regard to her participation as a lecturer. Maria said that the reason she was treated in an informal manner is because she used to work for her former supervisor, who therefore still views her as someone below her, as a former student. Significant here is the meaning that Maria attributes to the situation in terms of the re-imagination of mexicanized and germanized styles and practices. It is also significant the way in which the perceptions regarding respect, formality, and spontaneity are related with each other and contribute to expectations of normality in the specific contexts of academic life in Germany and in Mexico.

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Interestingly, Maria also says that she defines herself as a person who has always been honest and that “honesty is not valued in Mexico”. Honesty is something that she had not been willing to sacrifice in Mexico, and in her new context in Germany, she is even less inclined to do so. It can be interpreted that Maria’s perception of “being germanized” involves characteristics that she believed she had prior to moving of Germany. However, in her position in life in Germany, she seems to feel more at liberty to put them into practice. d) Communication Style Participants mentioned differences concerning how people communicate in Mexico and in Germany. In Chapter 3, they spoke about their first impressions upon arriving in Germany and that they had perceived communication to be too direct, interpreting it as aggressive and rude (see Section 3.3). Nevertheless, their perception has changed throughout their time living in Germany, and they now view direct and clear communication as a positive as it can help avoid misunderstandings. There is the perception that the communication style in Mexico is more indirect. However, this aspect was relativized, with the participants highlighting personal characteristics and Mexico’s regional diversity and differences. For instance, Osvaldo pointed out the collective perception concerning the direct communication style in the north of Mexico “I mean […] the language and […] the ways of speaking that, […] in many cases it’s more direct as well as more gruff, like, you know? More from the north, like we’re straight to the point.” (Osvaldo). Renata said that in Mexico, specifically in a professional context, it had been difficult for her to express an opinion because it could be misinterpreted as a criticism and would hurt people’s feelings. This perception is interrelated with Maria’s opinion regarding honesty, as discussed in the previous section: I like the circle I’m in, which involves discussion, criticism, people contributing, you receive criticism, and you can give feedback to someone else, for example. I like it, and I feel that sometimes in Mexico it was difficult for me because it’s very easy to hurt feelings, right? ((laughs)) […] if they disagree with something, sometimes people take it badly. Not so much feedback and debate, you know? Rather, they see it like “you’re saying bad things about someone.” (Renata) Tomas described his experience regarding communication in the German industry sector. He considers that “the German style” allows people to share their ideas, and decisions are taken in a manner which is more collaborative than hierarchical: I like the way they work here, the flexibility (.) Here, it isn’t an authoritarian system. Here the boss doesn’t tell you “do this right now”, he doesn’t say “you have to be here from 9 until 6”, because even though I have my own company (.) I work as a

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consultant, I’m not employed as a consultant, employees have a lot of freedom, as a consultant you have much more freedom. But I see how the industry works here and there’s a lot of flexibility. I’ve learned the same thing with the people I have working for me here (.) You don’t give orders, you ask for ideas, they also contribute a lot, they don’t just do the work, they contribute ideas and between them all they create an idea together, because they also have to feel happy in their work environment and feel that their ideas are taken into account. Here, all that is taken into account. (Tomas) Maria described the perception regarding this open communication style which aims to reach consensus. Her experience relates specifically to the academic field, where she also notices there is tension when people bring new ideas and seek to change well-established and deeply rooted traditions and rules. She mentioned specifically that, in her experience, older people are not willing to take chances if they feel that they already have a formula in place which works well: Here (.) it’s much more about discussing things in order to reach a consensus. Except with older people. Older people always/well, they do listen to you and may even agree with you, but in the end it’s ALWAYS “but it has always been done this way here”. So, if it has always been done this way here, it has always worked well, we’re not going to change anything. Although YOU may be showing me that it’s faster, that it’s better or (.) or that YOU want to try something different, they’re not willing to take any risk. So, the “it has always been done this way here”, carries a lot of weight. (Maria) In the passage below, Ana describes how she experiences uncertainty when communicating with her family in Mexico. She mentioned examples where she has tried to communicate as clearly and precisely as possible in order to avoid misunderstandings. Ana feels uncertain regarding how she should behave in Mexico. She is no longer sure of the meaning of conventions, rules and routines which she used to take for granted before she moved abroad: Every time I go to Mexico, there are lots of things that I don’t understand. It happens to me that, for example, we agree to meet at such a time (.) and I no longer remember, I question myself and say “let’s see, did that mean yes, did it mean no, does it mean yes, we are going to go?” I no longer understand communication very well because it isn’t as clear and as direct as you think, or as it MUST be. Here it’s A, B, C, D stop. Are we all clear or what? (.) in Mexico it’s “let’s see, like, we’ll see, we’ll see” and so I say “Damn, wait, what does that mean?” I communicate with my friends and with my family and I say “wait, but does this mean that we do want to go, or that we don’t want to go, or that we will or won’t go?” (Ana)

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Ana perceives that her family and friends become annoyed when she interacts with them, and that this makes her more insecure regarding her agency and communication style. She wonders if maybe she has become more direct and, because that is not appreciated in Mexico, it is interpreted as rude and arrogant. She also agrees with the stereotype that Germans are cold, and she wonders if she has become colder: For example, or how I say things, suddenly I think that maybe I became more direct, or more, I don’t know, that suddenly we’re talking and I say something and you notice that everyone says “mmm ok” ((angry tone)). You know? I say, “oh I think they didn’t like what I said”, […] and I said “damn it, did I say something bad? Did I say something bad?” and me, in my recollection, I couldn’t understand what I had said that was wrong. […] So, yeah, I do notice that I, that it has a lot to do with me, I don’t know if I’ve become colder (.), which may be because Germans are colder […] but I do feel that there’s a change there, and that and that suddenly they see me/[differently]. (Ana) She gives the specific example of an interaction with her mother where she wished to discuss the details of a longer visit to Mexico, this time along with her partner and their pet: For example, I called my mom to ask her: “Mom, we’re going to Mexico, can we stay at your house? We don’t have a return date, it’s indefinite” (.) “Of course, […] why do you ask me that?” And I’m like “well because I’m going to live in your house and I’m going to”/, “ah, you’re already very German”. And I’m like “Mom, can I bring the dog? Can we bring the dog? Can he stay with you when we’re not in the house and?” “Oh, don’t be ridiculous” (.) she said to me, “so German, so ridiculous” and me, and yes I noticed she was serious from her voice, and like “how could you ask me these things? I mean, don’t we trust each other?” You know. But it seemed very reasonable to me to ask her about it, for example. So yes, I think that there’s a change in me that I’m not very clear about. (Ana) The lack of clarity in Ana´s agency and identity-making process can be interpreted here as the fuzziness which is experienced in the ongoing dynamic between culture and interculturality, from the known to the predominantly unknown fields of action. For Ana, what used to be taken-for-granted, routine and normal, no longer is. This is because of the combination of communication styles adopted in different stages of her life, due to her mobility experiences (see Chapter 3). It can also be interpreted that the imaginary of being germanized is re-configured with elements that relate to associations of “being structured”, “direct” and “distanced”, as a result of the dialectic between self-perception, perception of Others and the metaperception (see Chapter 4).

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e) Dress Codes A number of female participants mentioned a difference between their known contexts in Germany and Mexico regarding dress codes. Renata and Teresa both said that, in Germany, they feel free to dress more informally, whereas in Mexico they feel socially pressured to dress more formally.5 Teresa claimed to love “being German” because of the fact that, among other things, she is not required to dress formally or to wear make-up: I love that here, […] being German here is what I love the most, not having to do myself up, not even wearing make-up, and in the supermarket they’re done up like models, that kind of thing bothers me now, I mean now it’s no longer just “ok, that’s the way they are”, but now it’s like “uh”, it shocks me and I’m happy to be here because of those aspects. I mean, listen, I ended up in the ideal country for me, because that was how I was before, but you have to fit in, because if not, you’re not accepted, so you put on make-up, you do yourself up, and I mean, you talk about where you went on vacation and what you did, and what car you’re going to buy and blah blah blah (sic!) […]. (Teresa) Significant in Teresa’s story is her opinion regarding classism and elitism in Mexico. She highlighted the fact that in the region she is from in Mexico, if a person does not fulfill the socially expected dress codes, then they would not be able to “belong” to certain social collectives. Therefore, in the above passage, she argued that one is “trapped” within social circles. One aspect of Mexico Teresa dislikes concerns what she perceives as its elitism: Look, regarding Mexico (.) I always say it, right? I’ll be Mexican till I die, eh, but I already have a lot of German in me, and I think that happens to anyone who, from any country and wherever they go. […] I’ve changed in part and now I’m, like, Mexican and German, Mexican and German, and when I go there, strangely, I’m no longer 100 % Mexican, that is, I’ve been so influenced by Germany that I now dislike many things […] for example, what strikes me a lot is the elitism, in (name of a city in Mexico) it’s, I imagine that in (name of city in Mexico) it’s the same, it’s

5

This issue can also be attributed to a discussion on the imagination of gender and patriarchy related to how women should present themselves, but also to classism and discrimination in Mexico. In the results from the survey by Galeana and Vargas Becerra (2015) on representations and collective imaginary regarding gender in Mexico – part of the National Survey of Identity and Values called “The Mexicans seen by themselves. The greatest national themes” – they found that the word “woman” is associated with the categories “beauty and sensuality” and “vanity and accessories” (among others). The latter category includes dressing well and elegantly as well as wearing high heels and make-up (Galeana & Vargas Becerra, 2015, p. 48). Regarding discrimination in Mexico see Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (2017).

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very pronounced, that is, who lives in a certain area and who lives in this area, and what school you attend, what car you have. (Teresa) Teresa described herself as being Mexican-German and acknowledged that she would never stop being Mexican, using the expression “until I die”. She recognizes the influence that living in Germany has had on her, which she argued is a normal process for someone living abroad. Regarding her specific case, Chapter 4 discussed the re-configuration process of her embracing her Mexicanness and the effects on her and her mother’s social context (see Section 4.2.2). Her “German influence”, as she calls it, means she has now become more aware of things which she disliked in Mexico and which she is now able to distance herself from. It could be interpreted from Teresa’s passage that her “love of being German” re-creates the generalized perception that women in Germany tend to dress more informally. Nevertheless, this is just her perspective and experience. Renata claimed that in Germany she feels that one is accepted and appreciated based on their personality and not because of their appearance. She also said that, while it is nice to dress up and “feel pretty” if one wants to, it should not be a requirement in order to be acknowledged, as she feels is the case in Mexico: Another thing I really like here is that I can dress a little in a style that would in Mexico be considered very informal, and they accept me, for what I think, for what I say, for what I am, for what I do, not for what I’m wearing; it’s important, yes, but it’s not the most important thing. And, for example, in Mexico, I remember that there was a time when you had to dress well, right? Like (if not, you have no place (? Inaudible). Here too, I mean, it’s not such a radical thing, but, it feels, it’s perceived that it’s also important that you contribute, here it’s more you, […] And of course it’s also nice to dress well and look nice and accept yourself, even if you wear denim, it’s fine, but also, like very dolled up, it’s also good ((laughs)). (Renata) Regarding the issue of her appearance, Renata reflected on how Others let her know that she has become Germanized not only because of the way she dresses but also because of the way she looks and speaks. She said that she has received comments concerning her skin color, and that Others perceive that she has become “White”. Renata feels that this comment is a result of the perception that Germany has less hours of sunlight than her place of origin in Mexico. She spoke about her routines, whether she is exposed to sunlight or not, and the impression that Others have regarding the color of her skin. She said that her family and friends used to comment on the color of her skin after her internal mobility in Mexico too. It can be said that the representation of Germany as a “cold country” is compared to Mexico’s depiction as a “sunny and warm country”. These representations re-configure the imaginaries of place and its effect on the individual’s characteris-

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tics. Thus, in this example, the perceptions of Others regarding changes in Renata involve the way she dresses, the color of her skin, her mentality, her tone of voice, and her regional accent: BUT what has caught my attention a lot is comments like “your skin color has changed”, that has happened but from (name of city in Mexico) and (name of another city in Mexico) and […] because they said to me “oh, it’s because in (name of city in Mexico) we don’t get the sun, because it’s all cloudy” ((laughs)) […] And for example, now being here, there’s one thing that is true, for example, there’s a certain amount of sun, well, with what I do, I’m not on the street all day, right? I mean, I work in an office or I’m indoors, I wear socks almost all the time, so my feet are white, you know? ((laughs)), and you need vitamin D, that is, it’s true that I also haven’t had so many hours of sunshine even though I lived in […] (name of cities in Mexico), there’s a difference. But what strikes me now when I go back to (name of city in Mexico) after being in Germany, is that they tell me THAT THEY SEE ME AS WHITER, you know? So it’s like “no, yes, you’ve changed”, that is ((laughs)) it’s not that I’ve changed, it’s that they point it out to me, that, that not only my mentality has changed, my personality, my reactions and other things, even down to my tone of voice, how I speak, everything, because even the accent [of her region] […] I have relatives who tell me “you’ve become very German, […]”. (Renata) So far, the main elements that re-configure the imaginary of being germanized have been discussed, based on the participants’ stories. The main attributes that appeared in these stories relate to: a) being disciplined, b) being punctual, c) making plans versus being spontaneous, d) communication styles, and e) dress codes. These elements are the product of the dialectic process that includes the participants’ self-perception regarding their new practices, routines, lifestyles and ways of being. Furthermore, the perception that Others have concerning how the participants have changed is very significant in the re-construction of their meta-perception and their own process of reflection regarding what they took-for-granted as dominant institutionalized imaginaries, their process of change and their interactions with their emergent and institutionalizing imaginaries.

5.2

Fuzziness: “Not Here, Not There” & “Trapped between Two Worlds”

The experiences of the participants regarding “Mexicanness” and “Germanness” indicate that the understanding of culture and nations as containers viewed from the logic of coherence is predominant. Dominant imaginaries influence the participants’ agency as “either Mexican or German”. Nevertheless, it can also be noted that participants re-configure their imaginaries by combining their thinking and practices in ways that challenge what was once taken-for-granted:

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I’ll be Mexican till I die, eh, but I already have a lot of German in me, and I think that happens to anyone who, from any country and wherever they go. […] I’ve changed in part and now I’m, like, Mexican and German, Mexican and German, and when I go there, strangely, I’m no longer 100 % Mexican, that is, I’ve been so influenced by Germany that I now dislike many things […]. (Teresa) It is observed that their sense of belonging becomes wider, although one can also see that participants tend to seek structure when it comes to explaining their agency using their known national categories. At times in their stories, the participants expressed the tension and conflict they feel as regards being “trapped between two worlds”: I love Mexico, ((laughs)) I’m Mexican, I’m very happy in Germany (.) um, and now I live caught between two worlds (.) Because I’m happy here, but I miss Mexico. When I go on vacation to Mexico, I’m happy there but I miss Germany. So, you’re caught in that you’re not/yes, I’m happy but you always have Mexico in your heart and when I’m in Mexico I also think about Germany. (Tomas) In the case of Adriana, she wondered to which country she belongs. She reflected on her motivation to migrate to Germany and how her reality is different from what she had expected (see Chapter 3). Her experience has taught her to let go not only of material things – her house and furniture in Mexico – but also of family and traditions “[…] and just as you’re detaching yourself from material things, you’re also detaching yourself from family, you’re detaching yourself from customs” (Adriana). Even though she actively practices certain Mexican traditions (see Chapter 4), she wondered whether she would really like to return to Mexico. She reflected on her perception that she is losing her friends in Mexico and that she has not really made the effort to make new ones in Germany. She said that she finds people in Germany to be less fun than in Mexico because the sense of humor is different, but she also thinks that this might be because she does not want to make the effort. One interpretation of this situation is that Adriana does not want to deal with fuzzy practices and contexts that are relatively unknown for her. These settings are not a priority for her. At the moment, the only priority is her family. However, she thinks this will change when her children grow up and move out of the house. She said that she “does not fit in anywhere”, but she consoles herself by saying that she is fantastic even though she is lonely: This (.) may be very glamorous, it’s very cool, (.) but it has its price, it does have its price (…) and I don’t know if it happens to everyone, that at some point, you begin doubting and, do I really want to return to Mexico? Am I going to fit in there? Because there comes a time when you no longer fit in anywhere. When you feel that they’ve kicked you out of there (.) because your friends no longer answer you the same way on WhatsApp, or they’re very happy when you visit, but they can

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only see you for half an hour because they don’t have time in their lives and when you’re here (.) well, you haven’t made the effort to form the same group that you had there either, right? Because I haven’t wanted to make the effort, or because I don’t find them to be as much fun, because the sense of humor isn’t the same, (5 sec) and you say “I no longer fit in anywhere” but it doesn’t matter, I’m awesome even if I’m on my own ((laughs)) […]. (Adriana) The phrases “not fitting in nor belonging to any one place”, “being trapped between two worlds” and the idea of “being something but feeling and knowing new things”, demonstrate the ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structurefixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries and their implications for the identity-making process (see Chapter 1). It seems that the majority of the participants find it difficult to recognize that they can be both or more, in different contexts and to different degrees, as indicated by the logic of cohesion and the principle of “one and the other” (see Section 1.3.2.6). Specifically, from the perspective of Mexicanness, it is possible to recognize the form in which the taken-for-granted national attachment seems to be incarnated in participants’ narration of their stories. Therefore, participants experience “both ‘either one or the other’ and ‘one and the other’” (Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 53, see also Section 1.3.2.6) in different settings. The next section focuses on practices of the participants which embrace multi-collectivity and cohesion (see Section 1.3.2.4).

5.3

Practices in the Context of Change

The participants who have families in Germany provided examples in which it is possible to interpret their interactions from a process-oriented perspective based on the logic of cohesion. This can also be understood as multiculturality III or interculturality (see Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 114, see also Section 1.3.2). Thus, it is possible to identify the resignification of the participants’ life with their agency, which reconfigures new imaginaries of collaborative routines. Renata reflected specifically on the process of mutual learning and curiosity in her relationship with her partner and with her father-in-law. In her story, she highlighted the importance of each of them communicating their different points of view and learning from each other, creating their own manner of interaction. She gave the specific example of when she and her partner painted their house. It was their first joint project, and they were able to collaborate with each other, contributing their own abilities, even though that specific activity was new to her. She also commented on how they were able to overcome stereotypes regarding their different nationalities and enjoy the process:

5 Re-imagining Change and Belonging

So that […] I view it as learning, it’s enjoyable to learn. It’s curiosity, the desire to see something new, […] Well, the most recent experience is that we painted the house, right? And so it was our first job together, me and my husband, and I’d suddenly say, “Oh, I’ve never painted a house in my life” ((laughs)). […] So, it was also like enjoying ourselves because we were doing, leaving aside the stereotypes of whether this is German and this is Mexican, but rather enjoying it as it was happening. […] So, all that is learning, all of it, like new experiences and, also, like, what you bring with you, you also have to combine. (Renata) The ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries could also be identified in the cases of interlocutors who have children. This applies to cases where the parents are Mexican, as well as where one parent is German and the other Mexican. As parents, their aim is to transmit their “Mexican culture” at the same time as encouraging their children to be part of the “German culture”. In the cases where one of the parents is German, their children are defined as binational/bicultural. Regarding transmitting Mexicanness, Maria said that she chooses actively to implement aspects of Mexican culture she considers to be positive, with the awareness that, in the future, her child would be confronted with the negative aspects of the country (see Chapter 3): Right now, I’m focusing more on the good or nice things (.) that Mexico has to offer so that she can also get to know them, you know? I mean, when my mom visited, she brought books with stories and songs and sayings and dolls and/or like things like that/[…] I mean it’s good that my daughter learns about these things before she LEARNS ABOUT the ugly aspects [of Mexico], right? Before she learns about the ugly aspects, she learns about the nice things and later when she’s older or she gets interested/IF she’s interested, she’ll REALIZE why we’re here and not there ((crying)). (Maria) Another example of this is Teresa, who said specifically that her family is bicultural and that they try to combine “both” cultures as well as they can: “We have a very bicultural family here, where we try to combine the two cultures as best we can” (Teresa). She gave different examples related to celebrations, such as her children’s birthday parties, which involve Mexican elements such as piñatas: I mean I’ve also tried to combine the customs. Every birthday, […] they’ve always been celebrated outside here with a piñata, so all the children here in the neighborhood know what a piñata is: I obviously made it for them […]. (Teresa) In Chapter 3, Teresa described how she and her husband used to see each other only during weekends because he was working in another city (see Section 3.3.2)

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and that she was therefore spending more time with her children. She used this time to re-create spaces and practices which had been normal, routine, plausible and taken-for-granted by her in her everyday life as she was socialized in her context prior to migration. These practices were adopted by her children. The differentiation of practices became visible when Teresa’s husband returned to the family house and they began to interact every day. She gave an example regarding their interaction at the family table, where their routines involved the husband eating his “typical German dinner” while Teresa and the kids ate their “Mexican dinner”6 : So, what happened in those years? I used to make dinner, for the girls and for me, we got used to having dinner with tortillas, everything, that is, yes, chips with eggs, yes; scrambled eggs, yes; quesadillas, tostadas [fried tortillas], always. So now, since November of last year, my husband is here. You know the German dinner [evening meal], right? Bread, I don’t like the bread, the girls don’t like the bread and even less the brown bread and those horrible things, so ((laughs)) we continue, and I mean, I couldn’t take the custom away from the girls. So, what happens now? I make food for the girls and for myself, and my husband eats his bread ((laughs)) that’s how bicultural we are, because I mean there’s no way, that is, the girls don’t want to give up their beans with eggs and their flour tortillas, and I’m obviously not going to be the one to take that away, so there. My husband likes quesadillas, but, and Mexican food in general, but beans with eggs, like, he doesn’t go for it. So, I think three times a week the girls eat beans with eggs. (Teresa) In this particular situation, one can observe coherent structures coexisting with each other in a multicultural setting (see Bolten, 2007/2018, p. 114). The example describes a family evening where what is considered “Mexican” and what is considered “German” coexist side by side. Coherence and structure are detectable because it is what the participants are able to name because they use dominant national categories. However, interactions where interculturality takes place are less detectable in their stories. It could be argued that the participants might not be aware of their intercultural processes and therefore they might not be able to name them as such.7

6 7

Interactions related to food are seen to be important for many participants, as has been discussed in Section 4.2.1. If this research had integrated the method of participant observation of complete families, the ways in which collaboration takes place could have been specifically analyzed. It is important to remember the role that Mexicanness played in the conversations as a setting co-created between researcher and participants (see Section 2.3). In addition to this, each particular situation would need further analysis in order to interpret whether it is based on coherence or cohesion.

5 Re-imagining Change and Belonging

5.4

Summary

This chapter examined the participants’ ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries regarding their self-perception and self-identification of their agency and practices. It was found that the interlocutors tended to describe their agency and practices referring firstly to national categories such as “being germanized” or “doing something in a German way” (see Section 5.1), and/or “being mexicanized” or “doing something in the Mexican way” (see Chapter 4). Therefore, it can be said that the participants’ stories are more supported by institutionalized-dominant-structurefixed imaginaries where nations remain dominant providers of structure. This has an effect on the form in which culture is understood from a coherence-based perspective. Section 5.1 explored what “being germanized” meant for the participants. This included their adopted practices in Germany, their self-reflection on their own process of change and sense of belonging, as well as their meta-perception regarding the perceptions of Others. One can therefore observe that participants have a generalized opinion, when referring to attributes regarding being germanized. However, Chapter 3 indicated a broader and diversified perspective concerning Germany and “the Germans”, due to the interlocutors’ internal mobility experiences and interactions with other people in Germany. Meanwhile, Section 5.2 featured a discussion of cases where participants were unable to define their agency and practices by referring to dominant categories. It was found that the participants experience fuzziness in this regard and used expressions such as “not knowing where they belong to” or “feeling trapped between two worlds” in reference to Mexico and Germany. Nevertheless, in their stories the participants also showed some understandings based on the logic of cohesion by recognizing multiple belongings. Examples are when they said they felt Mexican and Latin American, or affirmed their Mexican origin and identity, while at the same time being aware of the German influence and adoption of other styles in determined contexts. The ongoing dynamic between institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed and institutionalizing-emergent-process-loose imaginaries can be observed in parallel perspectives concerning the interaction between culturalization and interculturality. Hence, culturalization is possible within institutionalized-dominant-structurefixed imaginaries, whereas interculturality corresponds to the institutionalizingemergent-process-loose imaginaries. From this perspective, one could interpret that the fuzziness that participants experienced is to be observed when they are unable to categorize their agency and practices. These are usually named after dominant categories with their imagined attributes, such as germanized or mexican-

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ized. In the cases where fuzziness is experienced, the participants describe it as something they can no longer explain. Therefore, it can be said that they have not “culturalized it”. In other words, they have not established normality, plausibility, routines and relevance in the specific context where they experience fuzziness (see Section 1.3.2.4). Finally, in Section 5.3, it was observed that some participants, especially those with families in Germany, explained their agency and strategies, going beyond the logic of coherence. Therefore, the process-oriented interaction is interpreted as interculturality because it is based on cohesion and collaboration. Another example which was discussed involved the “bicultural” family which combines “both” ways, referring to what is imagined as “the German” and “the Mexican” cultures. This example shows, in the specific context and practice of eating together, the coexistence of coherent structures in a multicultural setting. It was discussed that the participants might be more able to name certain experiences in their stories that may allude to coherence and structure, by using national categories which are considered here to be based on dominant imaginaries, for instance. Therefore, these are more detectable than other interactions where interculturality might take place, which are not taken-for-granted and which, therefore, might not be mentioned in the participants’ stories. It can be concluded that interactions are not exclusively based on dominant and institutionalized imaginaries, which provide structure, but are also configured as processes depending on each situation, context and interlocutor.

Conclusions

This exploratory research analyzed migration imaginaries through the life stories of thirteen participants who have emigrated to Germany and who self-define as Mexicans. The aim of the research questions was to discover what the participants relate with regarding their lives, how they perceive them and reconstruct them in a migratory context. The elements that constitute their migratory imaginaries were identified from their narratives, which have been analyzed and interpreted here in order to find out what role they play in the construction of their realities. Based on the shared elements identified in the participants’ stories, it can be concluded that: The participants in this research are all people who had experience of internal and international mobility prior to their migration to Germany. They are all professionals who would be considered highly qualified individuals with social and economic capital. They had a variety of entangled reasons for emigrating to Germany, which go beyond “just” emigrating for professional or romantic reasons. It would therefore be wrong to conclude that there are singular reasons, or to ascribe a particular profile to this “other” migration. Although it is not possible (or desirable) to classify them as lifestyle migrants, it has been found that quality of life, lifestyle and security are very significant issues in their stories. These issues played a significant role in the decision to emigrate, but above all, in the decision to stay in Germany indefinitely. There are two main contradictions in the imaginaries of the participants since, on the one hand, an imaginary relating to (in)security is identified, where Mexico is perceived as a dangerous country that cannot offer them the desired lifestyle in terms of public security, nor social security. In other words, Mexico is viewed critically and negatively in this regard. The stories contain repeated comparisons between Mexico and Germany regarding lifestyle and quality of life, with participants finding that Germany provides the desired level of security for them. This imaginary is a significant factor in the decision not to return to Mexico. On the other hand, the re-imagination of imaginaries concerning Mexicanness and feeling Mexican is set against the imaginary of (in)security. The participants

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relate positively and with pride to their Mexican culture. There are parallels found in these imaginaries in the traditional and nationalist manner in which the Mexican nation has been constructed as an imagined community based on a logic of coherence. It was found that Mexicanness is usually understood as meaning “Mexican culture”, which presents an exception to the generally negative view of the country, but which tends to be perceived in a limited and broad-closed manner. This means that culture is understood as something which is fixed and linked to a closed unit in the form of a container that imparts a national and ethnic identity and culture, e.g. particular places such as the pyramids, regional dishes, typical dresses, or celebrations usually linked to the nation. However, there is a tendency to be ambivalent regarding the “way of being” of “Mexicans”. In their narratives, there is a tendency for participants to distance themselves from aspects that they dislike and that form part of the imaginary of (in)security, such as corruption and violence. At the same time, other “Mexican” ways of being such as joyfulness and partying are taken as elements of Mexicanness. In the dominant imaginary, Mexicanness is viewed as the manner in which participants re-imagine Mexico and their sense of belonging as Mexicans. It is based on the fact that the construction of Mexicanness is a dominant imaginary which is the basis of the imagined community of Mexico. This re-constructs powerful ties in the individuals to such an extent that pride and love for the homeland, as well as a fondness for its culture, are a fundamental part of their stories, despite the imaginary of (in)security. Self-perception as Mexican is reinforced while living in Germany and most of the participants tend to self-define as representatives and even ambassadors of their culture. This self-identification forms part of the identity dialectic interrelated with the perception of Others which influences the meta-perception of the participants, that is, the way in which they themselves self-perceive in interdependence with what they believe to be the perceptions of Others. For this reason, it is interpreted here that the participants acquire a double role as both ambassadors and “prisoners” of their culture, since they are occasionally unable to “escape” from the attributes conferred by Others. The role of cultural ambassador goes hand in hand with the need to educate Others with regard to what is and what is not Mexican (according to the participants’ imaginaries). It is found that participants seek to determine what is original and authentic, especially in the case of cultural material and symbolic goods, but also in the case of people, whom they differentiate according to national origin, determining in this way their affiliation to particular collectives. Another imaginary regarding the figure of the migrants stems from their role as ambassadors. The majority of the participants in this research wish to distance themselves from the word migrant, and only one participant actively assumes to

Conclusions

also be a migrant. The aim is to correct the image Germans have of Mexican immigrants by “educating” Others in two ways: Firstly, by contrasting the stereotypical image of Mexican migrants in the USA, imagined only as “undocumented, non-professionals and who suffer hardships” with the imaginary of Mexican migrants in Germany as “documented, professionals, and who have a good life”. However, the life stories of the interlocutors of this research include aspects relating to visa and status irregularities, difficult and lowpaid jobs with poor conditions, as well as difficulties regarding integration in Germany. It is thus argued that these perceptions, on the part of some participants, are in themselves stereotyped and inaccurate and that one should avoid classifying types of migrants and their lifestyles according to the destination. The second way regards the intention of some participants to distinguish themselves and distance themselves from certain migrant collectives or people “with a migratory background” in Germany. In their stories, a number of participants said that they are sometimes “mistaken” for other people because of visual similarity. Moreover, when “Germans” perceive them as foreigners, the participants say that this perception changes when they are identified as Mexicans. Therefore, it is concluded that in these situations, identification as Mexican intensifies and becomes more significant. Self-perception as Mexican and the elements of identification and distinction play a role in the intensification and re-configuration of Mexicanness. This is manifested, objectivized and externalized in practices. The practices discussed here relate to Mexican food, celebrations of Mexican events, folk dance, and traditional and ethnic clothing. In these matters, the importance of the illusion of authenticity and originality, the proud representation of Mexicanness, and consequently, the reconfiguration of Mexican culture from a migratory context is highlighted. The participants said that some of these practices were not engaged in in Mexico and this is highly significant. Some were even considered to belong to a different or inferior social category to that of the participants’ context in Mexico. It is therefore concluded that certain practices take on a greater significance in Germany, either due to the intensification of the sense of belonging that being Mexican provides, or because it is perceived that Mexicanness is well received in Germany, in addition to being a means of differentiating themselves from other groups of migrants or people with migratory baggage in Germany, as previously mentioned. The impact of the imagined Mexican community is demonstrated because it provides a network of imaginary meanings which the participants in this research use to explain their lives. Banal Mexican nationalism is evident from the way that participants take dominant imaginaries as taken-for-granted, internalized and customary in everyday life.

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In other words, this research reveals that the participants find structure in their lives – and explain their lives – based on the logic of coherence, which seems to divide some of their styles and practices into “what is Mexican” and “what is German”. There is even a tendency to explain their practices and ways of being as “mexicanized” or “germanized”, despite the fact that, in Chapter 3, it is shown that participants also use zooming observation when it comes to differentiating the general from the particular with respect to specific contexts. For this reason, it can be concluded that, at certain times, the participants seek structure in dominant imaginaries, and at others, they locate themselves more in processes and in emerging imaginaries. The persistent use of national categories in the participants’ life stories demonstrates the normalized presence of the nation as dominant imaginaries. The structure of the conversation between participants and researcher itself was reflected upon, where Mexicanness was undoubtedly a factor due to the simple fact of my presence as a researcher who is also a member of similar collectives. However, when the participants told other types of stories, they tended to express a lack of belonging or to say they felt caught between two worlds. This has been interpreted here as fuzziness, in the sense of experiencing a lack of clarity and lack of structure. In other words, they are experiencing a new situation – the process of re-creating new forms of belonging, multiple, plural and diverse identity(s) based on the logic of cohesion. This entails recognizing oneself as different and reflecting on the practices that are carried out in their everyday life-world, which have been identified here as multicultural or intercultural. However, it is concluded that intercultural practices were not such a significant factor in the life stories, not because they are not engaged in, but because they have not yet been internalized and established as dominant imaginaries. This research contributes at the scientific level by using social imaginaries to closely analyze the theoretical perspectives – here called theoretical lenses – in order to understand social phenomena, putting the imaginary dimension and subjectivity at the center of the study. From the perspective of the imaginaries, links and parallels were observed between concepts developed in different international disciplines and contexts that are not usually mutually referenced. Therefore, this monograph contributes and innovates with the creation of a theoretical corpus that recognizes significant investigations from various disciplines in the English-, Spanish-, and German-speaking contexts. Specifically, this research innovates by identifying and developing six fields of action of social imaginaries which need to be understood due to the impact they have on the construction of everyday life. The discussion of and distinction between perspectives regarding imaginaries and culture, which is usually not addressed in detail, is particularly worthy of mention.

Conclusions

The fields of action are interconnected and are constantly alternating, in an ongoing and dynamic process. This holistic, non-linear movement has here been named “the ongoing dynamic of the imaginaries” that oscillates between two poles: on the one hand, the institutionalized-dominant-structure-fixed; and on the other, the institutionalizing-emergent, process-loose. Identifying the foundation of dominant imaginaries allows us to view them as a source of legitimation and power, in order to thus recognize the impact they have on the reconfiguration of the stock of knowledge that dictates what is taken as normal, plausible, routine and significant according to the particular social context. As we have seen, this has a direct impact on the process of identity construction. The dominant imaginaries provide structure to individuals by giving them, for example, the feeling of belonging, which, in turn, generates the feeling of security in life. This has been the method by which nation-states have sought their affective ties of belonging, perpetuating the dichotomy between “them” and “us”. Such is the case when migrants are imagined as “Others”, whose links are imagined based on the logic of coherence of belonging to “one place” and having “one culture, one country, one language, one nation of origin”. The methodological construction of this monograph is inspired by the bricolage approach. It was developed in a critical manner, rethinking the attachments that the use of empirical methods entails. Thus, this research should not be taken as general (nor does it aspire to be), universal or representative. On the contrary, it presents an analytical and methodological procedure that may be transferable for future research with social imaginaries, migratory studies and/or life stories as central pillars. Furthermore, this publication contributes to the implementation of life stories in a virtual format, showing that in this way, too, participants can narrate their lives in depth and with intimacy. It also contributes to the work of migrant social scientists in migratory studies that, carried out in a transparent, reflective and critical manner, have the advantages of being able to understand and decipher meanings rooted in dominant imaginaries that are taken-for-granted. There has been a limited amount of study conducted into the migration of Mexicans to Germany. This work thus contributes to the study of a Mexican migration different from the traditional one to the USA. Germany is the fourth most popular destination country for Mexicans. Currently the German state is seeking to increase the mobility of highly qualified people in Mexico in order to make up for the lack of trained personnel. This monograph also adds to studies in the Mexico-German context by providing another analytical perspective not only regarding the topic of migration, but also regarding the discussion of social interactions in this specific context. However, despite the fact that this research focuses on the migration of Mexicans to Germany, it should not be viewed as specifically for “Mexicans and Germans”. The use of national dominant categories and the revocation of multiple

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identity belongings has been challenged by this book; this challenge needs to be further advanced, by other researchers. This investigation raises important points relating to society in general, reflecting on people’s mobility and interaction, recognizing and asserting the impact of the imaginary dimension that leads to a rethinking of dominant and inherited categories. It also recognizes subjectivity as an inherent part of everyday life, which also influences scientific endeavors. As discussed, imaginaries tend to be reduced to “the unscientific” from rationalist and positivist points of view. However, it is crucial that we consider the significance of social imaginaries not as something false or non-existent, but rather as a highly important factor in the creation of meaning since they reconfigure the stock of knowledge that acts as a driver of connection between people and, therefore, reconfigures the everyday life-world as it is experienced and practiced. Above all, it recognizes that individuals as social agents act as institutionalized dominant imaginaries and fixed providers of structure, but are also capable of constructing and engaging other emerging imaginaries, since imaginaries are the engine of social change. For example, the transition from emerging imaginaries to dominant imaginaries regarding the sense of identity and national belonging in a migratory context would mean that individuals may recognize themselves as members of multiple collectives where plurality of identity is the norm, rather than the exception. It would recognize the possibility that change does not imply being a “traitor” to the homeland, or “forgetting one’s roots”; on the contrary, it involves spreading out and diversifying in a more extensive manner, establishing networks that bind individuals in a broader fashion. Recognizing oneself as part of various collectives and life-worlds, challenging inherited truths such as those of nations, can only enrich our outlook and transcend fixed borders that, instead of uniting, separate.

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Witte, A. (2014). Das Deutschlandbild mexikanischer Studierender. Eine empirische Untersuchung. Germany: Waxmann. Yildirim-Krannig, Y. (2014). Kultur zwischen Nationalstaatlichkeit und Migration: Plädoyer für einen Paradigmenwechsel. Kultur und soziale Praxis. Bielefeld: transcript. ZDF (2019, September 22). Pflegekräfte aus Mexiko - Spahn: „Genau die Migration, die wir wollen“: ZDF. Retrieved September 25, 2019, from https://www.zdf.de/ nachrichten/heute/gesundheitsminister-spahn-will-pflegekraefte-aus-mexik o-anwerben-100.html Zeta Books (2018). Social Imaginaries Journal. Retrieved from https://www.zetabo oks.com/journals/social-imaginaries.html Zeutschel, U. (2016). „Zoomen“ zum Entdecken interkultureller Verständigungspotenziale und -ressourcen. Interculture Journal, 15(26), 93–96. Retrieved from h ttp://www.interculture-journal.com/index.php/icj/issue/view/37 Ziebertz, H.-G., & Herbert, M. (2009). Plurale Identität und interkulturelle Kommunikation. Interculture Journal, 8(7), 11–30. Retrieved from http://www.inte rculture-journal.com/index.php/icj/article/view/74 Zoraida Vázquez, J. (2008). De la independencia a la consolidación repúblicana. In G. Jaramillo Herrera (Ed.), Nueva historia mínima de México ilustrada (pp. 245–335). México: El Colegio de México; Secretaría de Educación del Gobierno del Distrito Federal. Zubero, I. (2003). ¿Quién soy yo sin un nosotros? Sobre las relaciones entre identidad y nacionalismo. Diálogo Filosófico. (56), 189–206. Zuñiga Herrera, E., & Arroyo Alejandre, J. (Eds.). (2006). Migración México-Estados Unidos: Implicaciones y retos para ambos paises. Mexico, D.F: Universidad de Gualalajara.

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List of Figures/Tables

Table 1

Levels of Time, Identity and Memory

P. 47

Figure 1

Approaching Culture and Interculturality from the Perspective of the Ongoing Dynamic of the Imaginaries

P. 49

Figure 2

Different Understandings of Culture

P. 52

Figure 3

Coherence-Based and Cohesion-Based Concepts of Culture

P. 53

Figure 4

Coherence-Based View of Intercultural Interaction

P. 53

Figure 5

Multi-collectivity

P. 54

Figure 6

Cohesion-Based View of Intercultural Interactions and the Imaginaries

P. 56

Figure 7

The Imaginaries' Ongoing Process Involving Both Institutionalizing and Institutionalized

P. 61

Figure 8

The Structure of the Dune Model of Culture

P. 62

Figure 9

The Ongoing Dynamic of the Imaginaries

P. 63

Figure 10

Self-Image, Image of the Other and Meta-Image

P. 67

Figure 11

Symbolic Resources Re-configuring Imaginaries

P. 69

Figure 12

Age Categories of the Participants

P. 98

Figure 13

Representation of Participants' Origin by Geographical Zones

P. 99

Figure 14

Division of Mexico by Geographical Zones

P. 99

Figure 15

Division of Germany by Geographical Zones

P. 100

Figure 16

Overview – Lifestyle-Related Motivation for Migrating

P. 135

List of Abbreviations

  BRD/FRG

Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany)

COLMEX

El Colegio de México (The College of Mexico)

CONACYT

Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (National Council of Science and Technology)

DDR/GDR

Deutsche Demokratische Republik (German Democratic Republic)

D.F.

Distrito Federal (Federal District)

DAAD

Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (German Academic Exchange Service)

DESTATIS

Statistisches Bundesamt (Federal Statistical Office of Germany)

DGS

Deutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie (German Sociological Association)

ECLAC

United Nations Economic Commission for Latin American and the Caribbean

ENADIS

Encuesta Nacional sobre Discriminación (National Discrimination Survey)

ENIGH

EncuestaNacionaldeIngresosyGastosdelosHogares (National Household Income and Expenditure Survey)

ENSU

Encuesta Nacional de Seguridad Pública Urbana (National Survey for Urban Public Security)

GT

Grounded Theory

GCEIS

Grupo de Compostela/Concepción de Estudios sobre Imaginarios Sociales (Compostela/Concepción Group of Studies on Social Imaginaries)

IMSS

Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social (Mexican Social Security Institute)

INEGI

Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (National Institute of Statistics and Geography)

IME

Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior (Institute of Mexicans Abroad)

IOM

International Organization for Migration

ISS

Imaginary Social Significations

ISSSTE

Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado (Institute of for Social Security and Services for State Workers)

OECD

Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development

290

Imaginaries of Migration

  p.

Page

para.

Paragraph

posi.

Position (in E-book)

pp.

Pages

PRI

Partido de la Revolucion Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party)

RI

Radical Imaginary

RIIR

Red Iberoamericana de Investigación en Imaginarios y Representaciones (Ibero-American Network for Research on Imaginaries and Representations)

TI

Transparency International

UN

United Nations

UNAM

Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (National Autonomous University of Mexico)

UNHCR

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

USA

United States of America

Appendices

Appendix A: Conversation Index   Conversation number Project Researcher Date Place Contact establishment Setting Time (duration) Participant Name, last name Address Telephone E-Mail Age Profession Year of migration City of origin Researcher’s emotions and observations: Story synopsis: Bifurcations: Mobility path:

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Imaginaries of Migration

Appendix B: Rules for Transcribing

Based on Dresing et al. (2015, pp. 27-30), modified and adapted by Yolanda López García. Rule Transcribe literally – do not summarize, but do not transcribe phonetically. If there is no suitable translation for a word or expression, the dialect or colloquial language is retained. Colloquial expression is explained through footnotes. “Merged” words are not transcribed as such, but approximated to standard written language. For instance: “I’m-a-goin’ to the movies” is transcribed as “I am going to the movies”. The general construction of a proposition is retained, even if it contains syntactic “errors”, for example: “To the shopping mall I went”. Discontinuation of sentences or abrupt stops within a word are indicated by a slash:/ Punctuation is polished up in favor of legibility. A short drop of the voice or an ambiguous intonation is rather indicated by a full stop than a comma. Pauses are indicated by full stops in parentheses, corresponding to the pause length from 1 second (.) to three (…) seconds. Longer breaks are indicated by the pause length in parentheses (15). Consentient or confirmative vocal interjections by the interviewer (like ‘mhm’) are not transcribed. Interjections by the interviewee such as ‘mhm’, ‘ehm’ and ‘uh’ are also not transcribed. Monosyllabic answers, however, (positive: ‘mh = hm’, ‘ah = ha’ or negative: ‘hm = mh’, ‘eh = eh’) are always included in the transcript, if appropriate as ‘mhm (affirmative)’ or ‘hm-m (negative)’. Emphasized words and utterances are capitalized. Every speaker receives his/her own paragraph. There is a blank line between the speakers. Time intervals are inserted at the end of a paragraph in this format #00:01:03-7# If paragraphs are too long, time intervals should be marked in between. Emotional, non-verbal utterances (of both the interviewer and the participants) that support or elucidate a statement (such as laughter, giggling or sighs) are transcribed in double brackets. For instance ((laughs)) ((cry)). Overlapping speech can be separately transcribed and separated by speakers. Passages with overlapping speech are indicated by double slashes at the beginning and end of the overlap: I://Oh, then you// P://Exactly, then we//finally arrived. Incomprehensible words are indicated as follows: (inc.). The reason for not being able to comprehend the audio should be indicated. For longer inaudible passages, e.g.: (inc., cellphone ringing) or (inc., train passing by). For longer incomprehensible passages, indicate how long the respective passage was, e.g. (inc., train passing by, 19 sec).

Appendices

Disturbances are noted in parentheses: (passing train, 10 seconds) For assumed or guessing a certain wording, the word or passage should be put in brackets and be supplemented with a question mark in brackets. For example: (xylomentazoline?). The interviewer is marked with “YL:”, the interviewed person with “P:” (for participant). If there are several speakers, a number can be added to the name: (e.g. “P1:”) The transcript is saved in rich text format (.rtf file). This ensures compatibility with most word processing programs and even older qualitative data analysis programs. The name of the saved transcript should correlate with the audio file name. For example: interview_04022011.rtf or interview_smith.rtf Words in another language like German or English are written in italics (sic!) indicates errors

293

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Imaginaries of Migration

Appendix C: Participant Overview   Participant

Reason for migration

Initial story

Motives for staying in Germany

Ricardo

Initially, interest in Germany, through online contacts. Wish to work undocumented labor. Later, love and education.

His work. Challenges of his working life.

Loves Germany, His girlfriend, security issues. Mexico is insecure.

Susana

Initially immigrated to Spain to study for a Master’s degree. Then to Germany because of Love.

Her marriage. Bureaucratic aspects of getting married, visa and migration to Germany.

Life quality & family.

Maria

Education – Post-doc. Germany as a “natural and logical” choice in her field of studies. Partly, love migration due to her partners’ scholarship in Germany.

Begins chronologically and then moves on to her education path, which led her to Germany.

Life quality & family.

Renata

Love and education. PhD Studies

About her family in Mexico. Her connections with Mexico.

Life quality & love. Possible plan for the future is to spend half of the time in Germany and half of the time in Mexico. Property in Mexico

Daniel

First migrated to USA, to learn English, to work. Then traveled the world. Then migrated to Germany because of love.

Small talk about the German language. Short introduction about where he is from. Time living in Germany. Then about his marriage in Mexico. Bureaucratic aspects of getting married, visa and migration to Germany.

Life quality, love & work. Likes Germany.

Appendices

  Participant

Reason for migration

Initial story

Motives for staying in Germany

Osvaldo

To Germany because of love. Before Germany, experience in the USA studying for a Master’s degree but actual reason: He mostly wanted to leave Mexico because of the violence in his city of origin.

Chronological, short introduction about himself, his family, where he is from. His experience in the USA, where he met his wife.

Life quality & love, family. Would like to move somewhere else.

Teresa

Love

Chronological: where she is from, her family, academic and work background. Mobility path until migration to Germany. Current life in Germany.

Life quality & love, family. Likes Germany.

Adriana

Love. Husband has a work contract in Germany.

Chronological: where she is from, her family, academic and work background. Mobility path until migration to Germany. Current life in Germany.

Life quality & love, family. Husband’s work.

Marco

First to USA, to learn English. Then Germany, the first time: education and love. Master’s studies. German girlfriend. Second time: Work. No PhD.

Chronological: where he is from, his family, academic background. Mobility path until migration to Germany. Current life in Germany.

Life quality. Work conditions. Likes where he lives in Germany.

Tomas

Education: PhD studies.

Chronological: where he is from, his family, academic work background. Path until migration to Germany. Current life in Germany Focusing on the professional aspect: his studies and his work mean everything to him.

Dream: half-time in Germany, half-time in Mexico. Likes where he lives in Germany.

295

296

Imaginaries of Migration

  Participant

Reason for migration

Initial story

Motives for staying in Germany

Eduardo

Initially migrated to other places for lifestyle & legal reasons. To Germany firstly because of love, lifestyle.

He introduced himself, talks about where he is from. His age, and the years he has been living outside Mexico (20). His profession, which is also his passion. Mobility path until migration to Germany.

Lifestyle. He likes where he lives in Germany. Feels good there. Alternative life. However, remains open to moving.

Ana

Initially to Canada because of lifestyle. To Germany because of love.

Introduces herself, talks about the time she has been living in Germany and that she came because of love. There follows an explanation of the bifurcation in her life.

Love & lifestyle.

Maricarmen

Lifestyle. Bifurcation: lost her job, was tired of Mexico

History of how she migrated to Europe, first France, then, because of love, Germany.

She said she would never return to Mexico.

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