Humanistic emphases in the educational thought of Vincent of Beauvais 9004043756

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“aT HUMANISTIC EMPHASES IN THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS BY

JOSEPH M. McCARTHY

LEIDEN — KOLN

E. J. BRILL ' 1976

STUDIEN UND TEXTE ZUR GEISTESGESCHICHTE DES MITTELALTERS HERAUSGEGEBEN

VON

Dr. ALBERT ZIMMERMANN PROFESSOR AN DER UNIVERSITAT

BAND

JOSEPH

X

M. McCARTHY

HUMANISTIC THE

KOLN

EMPHASES

EDUCATIONAL

THOUGHT

OF VINCENT

IN

OF BEAUVAIS

LEIDEN — KOLN E. J. BRILL 1976

>

4

\S2-4TUMANISTIC EMPHASES IN THE EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT OF VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS BY

JOSEPH M. McCARTHY

LEIDEN — KOLN E. J. BRILL

1976

Theology Library

SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AT CLAREMONT California

ISBN

90 04 04375

6

Copyright 1976 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

TABLE PACKOWICAUOUNCNES:

I. II. i. IV. V. NretC

OF CONTENTS

5g.) eo Ghia oe ee nal WET eco es chee

ee

Vincent of Beauvais: Mirror or Forerunner?. . ... . Major Emphases in Renaissance Educational Theory . Vineentcon- the Aims. of education aint 4 tetee ele = Vincent on the Content of Education. ... ...... Vincent on Other Educational Questions. ...... ONC LUSEOIG: gs) 5 1 Se Baleares al Ran a Seo wes

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am pleased to acknowledge my deep gratitude to those who gave of their time to help me. Edward J. Power suggested Vincent’s humanism as a topic of research, and was most generous with guidance, encouragement and criticism. Pierre Lambert, John Jensen and John Travers read the manuscript as careful but gentle

critics. Elizabeth A. Wright gave special and most welcome assistance in preparing the manuscript. Most of all, I am grateful for the sustained encouragement and support of my wife, Kathleen, who has borne willingly and cheerfully the burden of having a distracted scholar in the house. Suffolk, University, Boston, Mass. U.S.A.

1974

anadhades

CHAPTER

VINCENT

OF

BEAUVAIS:

ONE

MIRROR

OR

FORERUNNER?

The total number of words Vincent of Beauvais produced during his lifetime doubtless far exceeds the number of words written about him in the more than seven hundred years after his death. We may pile his works high on our desks; we may peruse them avidly for the myriad thousands of facts, opinions and citations they contain; but we can mine from them at best only a few unsatisfactory sentences that deal with Vincent himself. His life remains shrouded in an obscurity only feebly illuminated by conjecture. Comment expliquer cette négligence dans les contemporains de ce grand homme, pour lequel ils avaient cependant une admiration si grande, si sincére, si bien justifiée par ses ouvrages, et qui dura pendant plusieurs siécles ? Est-ce de propos délibéré et avec réflexion qu’ils ont omis d’écrire histoire d’un personnage si éminent, qui, dans leur enthousiasme, leur paraissait devoir vivre éternellement dans la mémoire de tous les hommes? Quelle est la cause ou le motif de ce manque presque absolu de renseignements authentiques sur sa naissance, sa vie, et sa mort? !

The question is unanswerable. Even the earliest historians of the Dominican order passed over him in silence, or, at best, accorded

him a few words of dubious accuracy.” Only one hundred and three 1 J.-B. Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent de Beauvais, théologien, philosophe, encyclopédiste ou spécimen des études théologiques, philosophiques et scientifiques au moyen age, XIIIe siecle; 1210-1270 (Paris: Auguste Durand, 1856), Pato; 2 Cf. Girardus de Fracheto, Lives of the Brethren of the Order of Preachers, 1206-1259, ed. by Bede Jarrett, trans. by Placid Conway (London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1924); Bernard Guidon, Libellus Sive Tvractatus Magistrorum Ordinis Praedicatorum in Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum historicum, dogmaticorum, moralium, amplissima collectio, ed. by Edmond Marténe and Ursinus Durand (9v.; Paris: Montalant, 1724-33), VI, cc. 397539; Louis de Valladolid, Brevis historia conventus parisiensis Fratrum Praedicatorum in Ibid., cc. 549-66; Johannes Meyer, Chronica brevis Ordinis Praedicatorum, ed. by H.C. Scheeben, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschich-

te des Dominikanordens in Deutschland, No. 29 (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, £933) and Liber de viris illustribus de Ordine Praedicatorum ed. by Paul van Loe, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanordens in Deutschland, No. 12 (Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1918).

VINCENT

2

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

years after the generally accepted date of his death, for example, an anonymous chronicler of the order ascribed to him a work, Speculum morale, which we know to be spurious. Those who wrote about Vincent did so long after his lifetime in words shrouded with inaccuracies. Thus Trithemius accepted the Speculum morale as genuine.4 Writing in 1575, Sixtus of Siena spoke of Vincent as a Burgundian and a bishop,® neither of which seems to have been the case. In 1619, Cardinal Bellarmine not only accepted the Speculum morale, but had Vincent in his grave a full four years before he composed his famous letter on the death of Louis IX’s son. Almost fifty years later, Altamura pledged allegiance to the tradition that Vincent was a Burgundian and a bishop.’ By the end of the same century, Dupin discussed the confusion as to the authenticity of the Speculum morale and suggested alternate possibilities for the date of Vincent’s death, concluding with sentiments that many times since have tempted students of Vincent: These are the Difficulties that occur, and the Conjectures that are brought on each side, upon which I shall leave the Reader to make what Reflections he shall think fit, not seeing any thing sufficient to determine me on one side or the other.®

Not long afterward appeared the critical history of Dominican writers by Quetif and Echard, which exposed most of the myths that had grown up regarding Vincent and upon which heavy reliance must still be placed in any consideration of Vincent’s life and works.® But myths die hard. Only the sharp sword of hard evidence can slay them, and the serious scholar of Vincent often finds himself wielding lesser weapons. Thus in a nineteenth-century history of the Diocese of Beauvais, we find the ghost of the Speculum 3 Brevis historia ordinis fratrum praedicatorum auctore anonymo in MarténeDurand,

Veterum scriptorum, VI, cc. 3634.

4 Joannes Trithemius, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Basel: Johannes de Amerbach, 1494), ff. 66-67. 5 Sixtus Senensis, Bibliotheca sancta, IV (Venice: Franciscum Franciscium Senensis, 1575), c. 567. 8 Roberto F. R. Bellarmino, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis Veteris et Novi Testamenti in Opera Omnia (12v.; Paris: Vives, 1874,) XII, 449. 7 Ambrosius Altamura, Bibliothecae Dominicanae, ed. by J. T. de Rocaberti (Rome: Tinasii, 1677), pp. 21-22. 8 Lewis Ellies Dupin, A New Ecclesiastical History (13v. in 5; London: Abell Swalle and Timothy Childe, 1692-99), XI (V), p. 66. ® Jacques Quetif and Jacques Echard, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (2v.; Paris: J. B. C. Ballard and N. Simart, 1719-21).

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

3

OR FORERUNNER?

morale walking once again.!° To recreate the life of Vincent is thus quite difficult, and at the very outset we must echo the plaint of Chapotin, “... qui soulévera jamais le voile qui cache les crigines de Vincent de Beauvais?” 4 The veil conceals even the date of Vincent’s birth. Touron set it in the early years of Philippe-Auguste’s reign, somewhere between 1184 and 1194,!? and later biographers have been unable to improve upon this guess. Although,

Burgundian,

as we have

noted, many

Quetif and Echard

authors

decided

called Vincent

a

that all the available

evidence indicated that he was in fact born in Beauvais, and was

thus a Picard rather than a Burgundian.14 His early life remains obscure, as do the circumstances of his studying at the University of Paris and joining the Dominican order. Du Boulay held that he came to Paris to be taught by the Dominicans and joined them.!® There is general agreement that he was among the first Dominicans, joining within five years of the founding of the order.16 Whether he actually pursued studies at the University of Paris is moot; there is 10 Francois Antoine Delettre, Histoive du Diocese de Beauvais, depuis son établissement, au 3-me siécle jusqu’au 2 Septembre 1792 (3v.; Beauvais: Desjardins,

1842-43),

II, 320-22.

Cf. also W.

Gass,

‘“‘Zur Geschichte

der

Ethik: Vincenz von Beauvais und das speculum Morale,” Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, I (1877), 365-96, II (1878), 332-65, 510-36. A quadruplex Speculum maius was attributed to Vincent as recently as Richard McKeon’s

“The Transformation of the Liberal Arts in the Renaissance,’’ in Bernard S.

Levy, ed., Developments in the Early Renaissance (Albany: SUNY Press, 1972), p. 176. 11 Marie-Dominique Chapotin, Histoire des Dominicains de la Province de France (Rouen: Cagniard, 1898), p. 359. 12 A. Touron, Histoive des hommes illustrés de V Ordre de Saint Dominique (6v.; Paris: Babuty, 1743), I, 186-87. 18 Cf, Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent, p. 17; Pierre Claude Francois Daunou, “Vincent de Beauvais,” in Histoire littévaive de la France. Vol. XVIII:

Suite

du treiziéme siécle jusqu’a l’an 1255 (Paris: Firmin Didot Fréres, 1835), Pp. 449. 144 Quetif

& Echard, Scriptores, I, 213. Cf. Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent,

p. 17; Daunou, ‘‘Vincent de Beauvais,’’ pp. 449-50; P. Feret, La Faculté de Théologie de Paris et ses Docteurs le plus célébres. Vol. Il: Moyen Age (Paris: Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1895), pp. 26-27. 15 César Egasse Du Boulay, Historia universitatis parisiensis (6v.; Paris: Franciscus Noel, 1665-73), III, 713. The 16 Daunou, “Vincent de Beauvais,’ p. 452; Augusta T. Drane, 311; p. 1891), Co., & Green , Longmans (London: Dominic History of St. Beauvais,” B. L. Ullman, “A Project for a New Edition of Vincent of Speculum, VIII (1933), 312.

4

VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS: MIRROR OR FORERUNNER ?

no evidence that he ever earned a degree or taught there.’’ He seems to have been sent to Beauvais in 1228 to aid in founding a Dominican convent there, but probably did not remain long at this assignment, returning to Paris to plunge into the researches which would produce his great succession of writings.1* In that same year, 1228, the young king, Louis IX, had founded a Cistercian abbey at Royaumont. In about 1247, the king, who had become interested in Vincent’s writings, appointed him to teach theology to the monks of Royaumont and to preach to the royal family.‘® Bourgeat disagrees with the notion that Vincent taught theology, claiming that le titre de lecteur que Vincent se donne ne prouve pas que saint Louis l’ait fait venir 4 Royaumont pour y enseigner la théologie dans la nouvelle abbaye, comme |’ont imaginé quelques-uns ; ce qui serait contraire 4x toute vraisemblance et, n’est confirmé par aucun témoignage positif.?°

Yet, as Bourne has pointed out, Vincent applied the term “‘lector”’ to himself in three different works,”! thus indicating a fondness for the term which would be wondrous inordinate were there no substance to it. And, as Daunou explains, le Lecteur devait expliquer les textes, développer l’instruction qu’ils pouvaient renfermer, répondre aux questions que ses auditeurs lui adressaient sur les faits et sur les doctrines, sur les sciences sacrées et

profanes,??

a formidable enough undertaking, especially when conjoined to the function of preaching to the royal family. In addition, Vincent seems also to have been “‘a research worker, and a sort of educational

expert for the royal family.’’?? Some authors have felt that Vincent’s research work entailed acting as the king’s librarian, and brought 17 Quetif

& Echard, Scriptorves, I, 213; Daunou,

“‘Vincent de Beauvais,”

Pp. 453; Feret, Faculté de Théologie, II, 403-404. Vincent’s name appear in P. Glorieux, Répertoive des Maitres en Théologie de Paris siécle (2v.; Paris: J. Vrin, 1933). 18 Daunou, ‘‘Vincent de Beauvais,” pp. 452-53; Feret, Faculté de p. 404; Quetif & Echard, Scriptores, 1, 213. 19 Chapotin, Histoive des Dominicains, p. 567; Ullman, ‘‘New p. 316.

does not au XIIle Théologie,

Edition,”

20 Bourgeat, Etudes suv Vincent, p. 18.

21 John Ellis Bourne, The Educational Thought of Vincent of Beauvais. Unpublished D.Ed. dissertation, Harvard University, 1960, 9.

22 Daunou, “‘Vincent de Beauvais,” p. 454. 23 Ullman, “‘New Edition,” p. 312.

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER?

5

him generous financial help for the preparation of his great encyclopedia,4 yet Bourne and Ullman have demonstrated that the encyclopedia was complete at least in draft and the king’s library collection was not seriously undertaken by the time Louis encountered Vincent.25 It does seem certain, however, that Vincent greatly influenced the king: ... les fonctions qui attachaient Vincent de Beauvais a une abbaye ou saint Louis aimait tant 4 venir, ne pouvaient manquer de rendre chaque jour plus intimes les relations du monarque et du FrérePrécheur, qui, sans avoir arrivait insensiblement a en faire partie,

domesticus familiaris, comme dit Etienne de Salanhac. I] était impossible, dans de telles conditions, que saint Louis ne prit pas aux

studieuses préoccupations de Frére Vincent le plus vif intérét, et il

était impossible que Frére Vincent n’entrant pas dans les réves généreux de saint Louis quand il s’agissait de propager la science, de la rendre accessible a ses sujets comme 4 ses enfants.?6

For all this, Vincent was in no sense an éminence grise;his influence was moral and educational rather than political (in the narrow sense of the term). Earlier writers, as we have pointed out, frequently claimed that Vincent was a bishop. Quetif and Echard challenged this assumption on the ground that it was not backed by solid evidence.?” Bourgeat scoffed at the tradition, pointing out that it did not see the light of day until 250 years after Vincent’s death.?8 Had Vincent accepted a bishopric, he would assuredly have been flying in the face of early Dominican tradition.2® Perhaps, as Ullman contended, those who termed him bishop were confusing him with one of his contempora24 Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent, p. 19; Guillaume Louis Figuier, Vie des savants. Vol. II: Savants du Moyen Age (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1870), pp. 223-24; Astrik L. Gabriel, The Educational Ideas of Vincent of Beauvais (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1962), pp. 1-2; Henry

Osborn Taylor, The Medieval Mind (4th ed.; 2v.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962), II, 345; James J. Walsh, The Thirteenth, Greatest of

Centuries (N. Y.: Catholic Summer School Press, 1907), pp. 152, 232.

25 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, pp. 10-11; Ullman, “A New Edition,” pp. 315-16.

26 Chapotin, Histoive des Dominicains, pp. 567-68, Cf. also Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent, pp. 22-23; Louis Halphen, L’essor de l’Europe (XIe-XIIle Siécles), (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1948), pp. 533-35; Angelus Walz, Compendium historiae Ordinis Praedicatorum (Rome: Pontificium Athenaeum “‘Angelicum,”’ 1944), p. 294. 27 Quetif & Echard, Scriptores, I, 215. 28 Bourgeat, Etudes sur Vincent, p. 17. 29 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, pp. 5-6.

6

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

ries, a bishop of Tours whose name also was Vincent.®° “En tout cas,’ concludes Chapotin, ‘‘personne ne croit plus qu'il ait été évéque, ou de Beauvais, ou d’un diocése quelconque.”’ #4 Some uncertainty exists as to the exact date of Vincent’s death. An early tradition that placed his demise in 1256 ignored the uncomfortable fact that Vincent addressed a famous letter to Louis on the death of the latter’s son in 1260. Louis de Valladolid in 1413 placed Vincent’s death in 1264," and Quetif and Echard accepted this date on the basis of this sybilline verse: Noscat qui nescit, Vincentius hic requiescit, Qui libros egit & in unum multa redegit, Frater famosus, sapiens, ac religiosus

&c.

Pertulit iste necem post annos mille ducentos Sexaginta decem, sex habe, sex mihi retentos.*?

Modern authors generally accept 1264 as the date of Vincent’s death. During this lifetime, Vincent produced a vast array of written works, many of which, strictly doctrinal and moral in content, have little or no bearing on education and we need not concern ourselves here with their content or authenticity.*4 Indeed, Vincent’s educational thought may be reconstructed from only three of his works: a volume of guidance for the tutor of the children of the royal household, a treatise on the formation of the ideal prince, and his vast encyclopedia. Of these, the first, De eruditione is available in Latin in a modern

critical edition, and has been translated into English.®® Part of a projected opus universale which Vincent never completed,** it 30 Ullman,

‘“‘New Edition,” p. 313.

31 Chapotin, Histoive des Dominicains, p. 566. 82 Cf. Figuier, Vie des savants, II, 229. 33 Quetif & Echard, I, 214.

34 Cf. for example some of the works contained in Vincentius Bellovacensis, Opuscula (Basel: Johannes de Amerbach, 1481). For full descriptions and discussions of Vincent’s authentic works, see Quetif

& Echard, Scriptores, I,

215-40; Daunou, ‘‘Vincent de Beauvais,” pp. 415-19; Feret, Faculté de Théologie, pp. 405-20. 35 Vincentius Bellovancensis, De ervuditione filiorwm nobilium, ed. by Arpad Steiner (Cambridge, Mass: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1938). Hereinafter cited as DE. Idem, Vincent of Beauvais,

On The Education

of

Noble Children, trans. by William Ellwood Craig. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1949. Hereinafter cited as NC. The present treatment of the history of scholarship on De evuditione relies heavily on the critical introductions to these two works. 36 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 31.

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

he

seems to have been finished between 1246 and 1249.37 Modern interest in the work was quickened by Schlosser’s early nineteenth century translation into German,3§ which was, unfortunately, marred by inaccuracies, mistranslations, and sloppy philological scholarship.?® A later German translation by Millauer 4° suffered from much the same inadequacies.*! In the same century, the work was examined by Vogel,42 and summarized by Friedrich, works which, by reason of their dependence on the Schlosser translation,

are not to be absolutely trusted. Similarly, Bientinesi’s account of Vincent derived from Friedrich’s synopsis and is thus flawed.“ Since the appearance of the Steiner and Craig editions, we are much better able to deal adequately with the work. Steiner has provided not only the critical text, with variant readings, and a valuable introduction, but has supplied exact sources for Vincent’s many citations, and an index of non-scriptural authors cited in the text. Craig has prefaced his translation with useful discussions of Vincent’s manner of composition, use of sources and the like, and supplements Steiner’s work by providing an index of scriptural citations. Moreover, in a spirit of charitable scholarship, he points out certain faults in Steiner’s work, and includes in the notes to his

translation places in which he feels Steiner has erred. Shortly after Steiner’s edition appeared, it was used to summarize the contents of De eruditione in English in a master’s thesis.** Unfortunately the introductory sections of this work made no original contribution to our understanding of Vincent, and the appearance of Craig’s transla87 Steiner, in DE, pp. xv-xvi. 38 Vincentius Bellovancensis,

Vincent von Beauvais,

Hand- und Lehrbuch

fiw kénigliche Prinzen und threr Lehver, trans. by Friedrich Christian Schlosser (Frankfurt am Main, 1819). 39 Steiner in DE, p. xxx. 40 Vincentius Bellovacensis, Vinzenz von Beauvais tiber die Erziehung, trans. by Ausgust Millauer (Ellwagen, 1887). 41 Steiner in DE, pp. xxx-xxxl. 42 Aloys Vogel, ‘‘Literar-historische Notizen uber der mittelalterlichen Gelehrten Vincenz von Beauvais,” Zeitschrift fiir Theologie, X (1848), 277-368. 43° Wilhelm Richard Friedrich, Vincentius von Beauvais als Padagog nach seiner Schrift De Evuditione Filiorum Regalium (Leipzig: Oskar Peters, 1883). 44 Giuseppina Bientinesi, “Vincenzo di Beauvais e Pietro Dubois considerati come pedagogisti,” Atti della Reale Accademia della Scienze di Torino, LI (1915/16), 1411-30, LII (1916/17), 191-206. Cf. Steiner in DE, p. xi. 45 Raphael Leonard Schooff, The Educational Contents of the De Eruditione Filiorum Nobilium by Vincent of Beauvais. Unpublished Master’s thesis, Catholic University of America, 1942.

8

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

tion thus rendered this work of little consequence. Most recently there has appeared an analysis of the last ten chapters of De erudttione, those dealing with the formation of women.*® The De eruditione originated at the request of Queen Margaret, as Vincent explained in his prologue: Not long ago, you may indeed remember, your eminence deigned to ask of my insignificance that I might gather out of the divine scriptures appropriate little nosegays from which I might provide a short manual for the wholesome education of children, by which their tender childhood might be suitably trained and might keep the most agreeable odor of wisdom in their memories forever ... .47

Far from being a series of nosegays from the scriptures, the volume treats both the intellectual and moral training of boys, with sections on the selection of tutors, manners of study and discipline, social behavior of adults, the moral and vocational training of girls, and the states of widowhood and virginity. More than a garland of precepts, it was very nearly what Friedrich somewhat overenthusiastically termed it, ‘“‘esme Darstellung allgemein giltiger pddagogischer Grundsdtze und zwar die erste umfassendere in der christlichen Literatur.” 48 The second of Vincent’s works which is, at least in part, of educational consequence, is his De morali principis institutione, only recently made available in a critical Latin edition.*® This work, part of the projected opus umiversale with De eruditione,*° was known into our own time through brief and highly inadequate accounts in Quetif-Echard *! and Daunou,*? and as late as 1928, Born, a student of the particular genre of literature to which it belongs, confused it with De eruditione.*® It was only in 1938 that Berges provided a critical discussion of the background and intent 46 Rosemary Barton Tobin, Vincent of Beauvais’ De Nobilium: The Education of Women. Unpublished Boston College, 1972. For a summary see her ‘“‘Vincent Education of Women,” Journal of the History of Ideas,

Eruditione Filiorum Ph.D. dissertation, of Beauvais on the XX XV, 3 (July-Sept.

1974), 485-89. 47 DE, Prologus, 5-9, p. 3; NC, p. 102. 48 Friedrich,

Vencentius von Beauvais, p. 41.

49 Vincentius Bellovacensis, The De morali principis institutione of Vincent of Beauvais. ed. by Robert J. Schneider. Unpublished D.S.M. dissertation, University of Notre Dame, 1965. Hereinafter cited as DM. 50 Schneider in DM, pp. x-xii. This treatment of the history of scholarship on De moyvali relies heavily on Schneider’s introduction. 51 Quetif

& Echard, Scriptores, I, 239.

52 Daunou, “Vincent de Beauvais,” pp. 463, 466-67. 53 Lester

K.

Born,

“‘The

Perfect

Prince:

A

Study

Fourteenth Century Ideals,’ Speculum, III (1928), 471.

in Thirteenth

and

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER?

9

of the work.54 Not until Schneider’s text, with its excellent introduction, and his later summary article,*> has the De moral: been

available for adequate scholarly attention. Vincent mentions in the prologue of this work that he was urged to complete it by St. Louis and Thibault of Navarre.°* For the modest price of their urging, they received a lengthy treatise which summarized the Christian theory of the nature of the secular power,

a description of the achievement and exercise of wisdom by the ideal price, and a lengthy screed against the sort of panderers who poison the life of a royal court. Since this is chiefly a guide to the conduct

of the prince, its educational

content is considerable,

if

sometimes well-disguised. The third panel of Vincent’s educational triptych, his magnificent encyclopedia, is itself a triptych. The history of its text is quite complex.®” Suffice it to say that in this analysis we have used the Douai edition of 1624,58 although its editors were so uncritical as to identify Vincent as both a Burgundian and a bishop and accept the spurious Speculum morale, and despite the fact that it is quite unsatisfactory ‘‘on account of the constant ‘correction’ of quotations to agree with the printed editions of the day,” *® simply because it is the most available edition. This huge encyclopedia in four folio volumes contains three authentic portions, grouping all knowledge into convenient categories.®° 54 Wilhelm Berges, Die Fiirstenspiegel des hohen und spaten Mittelalters. Monumenta Germaniae historica. Schriften des Reichsinstituts fiir altere deutsche Geschichtskunde, No. 2 (Leipzig: Karl W. Hiersemann, 1938),

PP. 185-195, 303-308. 55 Robert J. Schneider,

“‘ “A Mirror for Princes’ by Vincent de Beauvais,”

in Studium Generale: Studies Offered to Astrik L. Gabriel, ed. by L. S. Domonkos and R. J. Schneider. Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education,

No. 11 (Notre Dame,

Ind.: The Mediaeval Institute, University

56 DM, Prologus, 26-32, p. 2.

of Notre Dame, 1967), pp. 207-223. 57 Cf. Ullman, “New Edition,” passim. 58 Vincentius Bellovacensis, Bibliotheca mundi

Praedicatorum, naturale

Vincenti Burgundi, ex ordine

venerabilis

episcopi

Bellovacensis,

morale,

historiale

(4v.; Douai:

doctrinale,

quadruplex,

speculum Baltazar

Belleri,

1624).

Hereinafter referred to as Speculum maius and cited as SM. The authentic books will be cited as follows: Speculum naturale = SN; Speculum Doctrinale = SD; Speculum historiale = SH. In citations of the individual parts, the volume number of the whole will be supplied. 59 Ullman, ““New Edition,” p. 235. 60 For

a brief

outline

of its contents,

see

Michel

Lemoine,

‘‘L’ceuvre

encyclopédique de Vincent de Beauvais,” Cahiers @’histoive mondiale, TX, 3 (1966), 571-79; For a more extended treatment, see Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, pp. 47-92 and Appendix I, pp. 204-12, which gives some of the chapter headings of the authentic portions.

VINCENT

Io

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

The Speculum naturale contains 3736 chapters in thirty-two books, a total of 1240 folio pages. Built upon the general outline structure of the seven days of creation, it presents accounts of astronomy, geology, botany, zoology, hygiene, and a host of other topics which may loosely be termed “‘scientific.’’ The Speculum doctrinale totals 2354 chapters in seventeen books, and occupies 796 folio pages. Its burden is grammar, logic, economics, politics, law, mechanical arts, medicine, physics, theology and the like, i.e. the topics that one would be likely to encounter in the pursuit of the higher learning. This book is quite significant in any consideration, containing as it does the essence of ten of De eruditione’s twenty-one chapters.*t The Speculum historiale comprises 3794 chapters in thirty-one books, a total of 1334 folio pages. It ranges across the entirety of world history, emphasizing the Christian experience, but attempting to present adequate harmonization of the events of secular and sacred history. A full discussion of this work and its purposes has recently appeared. From these three works, De eruditione, De morali, and Speculum

maius may be mined the educational thought of Vincent. This has been done in recent years by John Ellis Bourne, who did not use De morali, and by Astrik Gabriel, whose overview of Vincent’s

educational thought could profitably have been three times as long,®? as well as by Edward G. Rytko.* There is thus a satisfactory body of literature on Vincent’s educational

theories,

both

in texts

with

introductions

and

in

analytic-descriptive works. What Vincent thought is clear; the exact extent of his influence is less so. Vincent’s fame rests mainly upon his encyclopedia, and it is certain that this work attained great popularity in the centuries following Vincent’s death. Ullman has counted fifty complete manuscripts of the Speculum historiale, twelve or thirteen of the 61 For a concordance of chapters in DE and SD, see Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, Appendix VII, p. 232. 62 Richard Kress Weber, Vincent of Beauvais: A Study in Medieval Historiography. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1965. 63 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent; Gabriel, Educational Ideas of

Vincent. 64 Edward

G. Rytko,

L’Educazione

nel Medio

Evo

e Veducazione

d'oggi:

Ricerca pedagogico-morale intorno a Vincenzo Bellovacense (Rome: Tipografia Pontificia Universita Gregoriana,

1962).

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

ET

OR FORERUNNER?

Speculum naturale, seven of the Speculum doctrinale, and two of the

spurious Speculum morale.* Some of these, of course, originate in the thirteenth century itself. In addition, it has been concluded that there were about eight printed editions of various completeness published between 1473 and 1546. Gabriel has referred to it as a “best seller” of the Middle Ages,®? and in view of the number of editions, it is difficult to fault his description. While Vincent’s scientific knowledge has been criticized,** it was praised by Julius Plager in his study of medicine in the Middle Ages as ‘‘truly reflecting the knowledge available in the period and written in a true scientific spirit.” 6* Recent research has demonstrated that Chaucer leaned heavily on the Speculum maius for his scientific knowledge,’° and Male used Vincent’s encyclopedia to delineate the ideas underlying the art of the thirteenth century.”! As is evident from the comparative number of manuscripts, the Speculum historiale was by far the most popular part of the encyclopedia. Indeed, it was translated into French as early as 1328, and was subsequently translated into Dutch, Spanish, and German, and possibly other tongues.”2 Material from it was utilized by Benzo of Alessandria, Jehan Bonford, Christine de Pisan, Giovanni Colonna, John Gower, Iacobus de Cessolis, Iacobus de Voragine, Jean de Meung, Jean

Wauquelin, and William of Nangis.” 65 66 6? 68

Ullman, ‘‘New Edition,” p. 326. [bid., p. 235. Gabriel, Educational Ideas of Vincent, p. 156. Cf, George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science (5v.; Baltimore:

William

and Wilkins,

1927-48),

II, 929-32;

Lynn Thorndike,

A History of

Magic and Experimental Science (8v.: N. Y.: Macmillan, 1923-58), II, 457-76. 69 Cited in Walsh, Thirteenth, Greatest of Centuries, pp. 233-34. 70 Pauline Aiken, ‘Vincent of Beauvais and Dame Pertelote’s Knowledge of Medicine,’ Speculum, X (1935), 281-87, “Arcite’s Illness and Vincent of Beauvais,” PMLA, LI (1936), 361-69, ‘“The Summoner’s Malady,” Studies in Philology, XXXIII (1936), 40-44, “Vincent of Beauvais and the Green Yeoman’s Lecture on Demonology,” Ibid., XXXV (1938), 1-9, “Vincent of Beauvais and Chaucer’s MONK’S TALE,” Speculum, XVII (1942), 56-58, “Vincent of Beauvais and Chaucer’s Knowledge of Alchemy,” Studies im Philology, XLI (1944), 371-89, ‘“Vincent of Beauvais and the ‘houres’ of Chaucer’s Physician,” Studies in Philology, LIII (1956), 22-24; Wa gle. Wimsatt,

Jr., “Vincent

of Beauvais—Chaucer’s

Speculum, XII (1937), 375-81.

Cleopatra

and

Croesus,”

71 Ullman, ‘‘New Edition,” p. 324. Cf. Emile Male, Religious Art in France, XIII Century: A Study in Mediaeval Iconography and Its Sources of Inspivation (N. Y.: E. P. Dutton, 1913), pp. 23-26. 72 Tbid., p. 323. 73 Ibid., pp. 322-24; Gabriel, Educational Ideas of Vincent, pp. 56, 60.

I2

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER?

De eruditione was certainly less well-known than the Speculum maius. From the centuries immediately following its composition, only six manuscripts and a single French translation are extant.” Nonetheless, the work was not without its influence. The fifth book of

Guillaume Perrault’s De eruditione principum, his Speculum religtosorum, Summa virtutum et vitiorum, and a good many of his sermons,

seem to have drawn directly on Vincent’s De eruditione.”® Egidio Colonna’s De regimine principum, written only a generation after Vincent, leaned heavily on Vincent’s ideas and, occasionally, his

words.7® One of his chapters is abridged in the thirteenth chapter of a fourteenth century German work, De commendatione clerict.”” Cf. also L. A. Ferrai, ‘‘Benzo d’Alessandria e i cronisti milanesi del secolo XIV,” Bulletino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano, VII (1889), 97-157; Astrik L.

Gabriel, ‘“The Educational Ideas of Christine de Pisan,”’ Journal of the History of Ideas, XVI (1955), 3-21; John Gower, Confessio amantis, ed. by Reinhold Pauli (London: Bell and Daldy, 1857): Guillaume de Lorris and Jean Clopinel de Meung, The Romance of the Rose, ed. by Charles W. Dunn, trans. by Henry W. Robbins (N. Y.: E. P. Dutton, 1962); Guillaume de Nangis, Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis de 1113 @ 1300, avec les continuations de cette chronique de 1300 a 1368, Société de l’histoire de France,

publications in octavo, Nos. 33, 35 (2v.; Paris: J. Renouard, 1843); Edward Billings Ham, ed., Five Versions of the Venjance Alixandre. Elliot Monographs in the Romance Languages and Literatures (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1935); Iacobus de Cessolis, De ludo schacorum (Bruges: Wm. Caxton, 1474 ?); Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend of Jacobus de Voragine, trans. by Granger Ryan and Helmut Ripperger (zv.; London: Longmans, Green

& Co., 1941); Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand dans la litté-

vatuve francaise du moyen age, Vol. I (Geneva: Slatkin Reprints, 1970), PP. 313-330; Remigio Sabbadini, ‘‘Giovanni Colonna, biografo e bibliografo del secolo

XIV,”

Ath

della Reale

Accademia

di Scienze

di Torino,

XLVI

(1911), 830-59; Idem., La scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne’secoh XIV e XV. Biblioteca storica del rinascimento, n.s., No. 4 (2v.; Florence: G. C. Sansoni, 1967).

74 Steiner in DE, pp. xxvii-xxx. 75 Arpad Steiner, ‘‘Guillaume Perrault and Vincent of Beauvais,” Speculum, VIII (1933), 51-58 and ‘‘New Light on Guillaume Perrault,” [bid., XVII (1942), 519-48. See also Antoine Dondaine, ‘‘Guillaume Peyraut: vie et ceuvres,”

Ayvchivum

Fratrum

Praedicatorum,

XVII

(1948),

220-32,

and

Guilelmus Peraldus, De evuditione principum, in Opera omnia Divi Thomae Aquinatis, Opuscula, XXVII, ed. by S. Eduard Frette (Paris: Vives, 1875), pp.604-60,

De

institutione

religiosorum,

ms.

in

Boston

Public

Library,

* 144.6, Sermones in Gulielmi Alverni opera omnia (2v.; Frankfurt am Main, 1963), Summa de virtutibus (Basel: Michael Wennsler, 1475 ?). 76 Steiner in DE, pp. xxv-xxvii. Cf. Egidio Colonna, De Aegidit Romani De vegimine principum libri III (Rome: Antonius Bladus, 1556). 77 “Commendation of the Clerk: An Educational Treatise,” in Lynn Thorndike, ed. and trans., University Records and Life in the Middle Ages. Records

of Civilization,

pp. 229-31.

No.

38 (N.Y.:

Columbia

University

Press,

1944),

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER?

13

One of the earliest humanists, Cardinal Dominici, knew Vincent’s

works well, and cited the Speculum maius and De eruditione 131 times in his Lucula

noctis.78 In addition,

various

scholars

have

asserted that Petrus Paulus Vergerius, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Mapheus Vegius, Christine de Pisan, Desiderius Erasmus, and Juan Luis Vives were probably influenced to some extent in their educational thinking by Vincent’s De eruditione.”° The De morali, as we have noted, has always been an obscure

tract: only three manuscripts and one printed edition survive from the two centuries after Vincent’s death.°° We may thus expect that its influence was relatively slight, although it has been speculated that it had some effect on the Somme le Rot which was written for Philip the Bold.*? There thus exists some evidence and a good deal of conjecture regarding the nature and extent of Vincent’s impact in the centuries following his death. We cannot then easily determine the nature of the regard the humanists of the Renaissance had for him, or, by extension, the nature of his importance in the history of education. There are those who feel that Vincent was entirely a reflection of his own age. This is the view of those chiefly impressed by Vincent’s Herculean labors in compiling his encyclopedia, and it is a strong view, for, as we have seen, Vincent is chiefly known for his Speculum maius. So Gilson, commenting on the medieval encyclopedists, wrote: On se tromperait ... gravement en y cherchant, comme on I’a fait, l'image de la science de leur temps .... au XIIIe siécle, les ceuvres d’ Albert le Grand, Roger Bacon, saint Bonaventure et saint Thomas

d’Aquin seront les expressions fidéles du savoir de leur époque, et non pas le Miroir Universel de Vincent de Beauvais. Si de tels écrits sont utilisables, c’est donc précisément comme ‘miroirs’ des connaissances moyennes du temps qui les a vus naftre, mais, a cet égard, rien ne saurait les remplacer.* 78 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 193. Cf., p. 18, infra, note 6.

79 Ibid., pp. 195-98; Gabriel, Educational Ideas of Vincent, pp. 56-57, 60; Arthur Francis Leach, The Schools of Mediaeval England (2d ed.; London: Methuen, 1916), p. 250.

80 Schneider in DM, p. xi. 81 Gabriel, Educational Ideas of Vincent, p. 54; Cf. Frére Laurent, An Illuminated Manuscript of La Somme le voy attributed to the Parisian miniaturist Honoré, ed. by Eric George Miller (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1953).

82 Etienne Gilson, La philosophie au moven dge des ovigines patristiques a la fin du XIVe siécle (2d ed.; Paris: Payot, 1947), pp. 325-20.

VINCENT

I4

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER?

Such a view, of course, takes perhaps too much account of Vincent’s technique of compilation, and not enough of his originality in selection, arrangement, and use of sources. Yet the notion has attracted support, and Bolgar has summed up the encyclopedia as “a typical product of the Scholastic approach.” 88 Bourne, who was thorougly acquainted with De eruditione as well as the Speculum maius, and attempted to extract and analyze the entire range of Vincent’s educational thought from both, concluded that “it is ... as a summarizer and transmitter of the accumulated wisdom of the past that he made contributions to his own and later ages.”’ 84 Craig felt that the De eruditione demonstrated that Vincent was no humanist.®® Another group of scholars feel, with McGarry, that Vincent’s educational theory is “transitional, if not anticipatory, to that of the Renaissance.” 8° Daunou related Vincent to the literary humanism of the Renaissance, pointing out that “‘il a contribué plus que personne au moyen ge, a inspirer le gout de rechercher et d’étudier les monuments de ces deux [grec et latin] littératures.” °” Ullman agreed with this estimate, citing Gréber’s contention that after Vincent’s work the recovery of antiquity by Petrarch and Boccaccio is scarcely surprising, and termed Vincent a humanist rather than a scholastic.88 One proponent of this school of thought even asserted of Vincent’s De eruditione that it is so anticipatory of Renaissance educational theory that one could ascribe it to the Renaissance “and not incur too much criticism for having done so,” pointing out that Vincent treated of a variety of topics more characteristic of Renaissance interests than of medieval concerns.8® It is this latter observation that provides the key to the method to be used in solving the question of whether Vincent was no more than a mirror of his age or a creative thinker who anticipated the concerns of the Renaissance: we must isolate the characteristic emphases of the Renaissance educational theorists and determine 88 The 84 85

R. R. Bolgar, The Classical Heritage and Its Beneficiaries (Cambridge: University Press, 1963), p. 235. Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 184. Craig in NC, p. 54.

86 Daniel

D. McGarry,

Renaissance

Educational

Theory:

Revolution

Evolution ?” Part Il, The Historical Bulletin, XX XIII, 1 (Nov., 1954), 20. 87 Daunou, ‘“‘Vincent de Beauvais,” p. 485. 88 Ullman, ‘““New Edition,” pp. 324-25, 319.

or

89 Edward J. Power, Main Currents in the History of Education (2d ed.; N. Y.: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1970), p. 315.

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

15

OR FORERUNNER?

MIRROR

whether these are present in Vincent’s educational thinking, and, if so, whether his conception and treatment of them resembles that of the later theorists. This is so because to treat the problem in any more a priori fashion would plunge us into astoundingly murky waters. If we ask simply whether Vincent was or was not a humanist, for example, we make no useful inroads on the question of Vincent’s relation to Renaissance theorists, for “humanist” is an ambiguous term. In its pre-modern usage, it describes a person concerned with literary pursuits and enamored of the Greek and Latin classics. One is thus able to find an authentic current in medieval humanism °° in which it would not be difficult to place Vincent by reason of his extensive use of the classics. Yet we would still have to cope with the vexing question whether medieval interest in the classics declined markedly in Vincent’s century,®! and at the end would have improved not at all our understanding of Vincent’s relation to succeeding ages. If °° Cf. for example

‘“The Ancient Classics in the

James Stuart Beddie,

Medieval Libraries,” Speculum, V (1930), 3-20; G. Gréber,

Ubersicht tiber die

lateinische Literatur von der Mitte des VI. Jahvhunderts bis zur Mitte des

XIV

Jahrhunderts (new ed.; Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1963); Charles Homer Haskins,

The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927); Leopold Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins depuis le siécle d’ Auguste jusqu’a la fin du moyen age. Burt Franklin Research and Source Works Series, No. 99 (2d ed.; 5v.; N. Y.: Burt Franklin, 1965); Jean Leclercq, “T’humanisme bénédictin du Vile au XIle siécle,”’ Studia Anselmiana, XX (1948), 1-20; Hans Liebschutz, Mediaeval Humanism in the Life and Writings

of John of Salisbury (London: Warburg Institute of the University of London,

1950); E. K. Rand, “The Classics in the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum, IV

(1929), 249-69; Paul Renucci, L’aventure de Vhumanisme européen au moyen

age (IVe-XIVe siécle) (Paris: Société d’édition les belles lettres, 1953); M. Roger, L’enseignement des lettres classiques d’ Ausone a Alcuin: introduction a Vhistoive des écoles carolingiennes (Paris: Alphonse Picard et Fils, 1905);

M. Sanford, ‘‘The use of classical authors in the Libri manuales,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Association, LV (1924), 190-248; R. W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford: Basil

Eva

Blackwell,

1970);

Florilegia,””

B. L. Ullman,

Classical

Philology,

“Classical

XXIII,

Authors

(1928),

in Certain

128-74,

XXIV

Medieval

(1929),

(1932), 1-42 Luitpold Wallach, ‘“‘Onulf of Speyer: A Humanist of the Eleventh Century,” Medievalia et Humanistica, 1V (1949), 35-56; Gerald G. Walsh, Medieval Humanism (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1942). %1 Cf, Louis John Paetow, The Arts Course at Medieval Universities with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric. University of Illinois Studies, Vol. III, No. 7 (Champaign, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1g10); Rand, “Classics in the Thirteenth Century”; Southern, Medieval Humanism, pp. 29-60. 109-32,

XXV

(1930),

I-21,

128-34,

XXVI

(1931), 21-30,

XXVII

16

VINCENT

OF BEAUVAIS:

MIRROR

OR FORERUNNER

?

we essay a simple definition of the special way in which the Renaissance understood humanism we would end with a definition too broad to be useful. If we attempt a thorough definition, we must take sides in a tangled and intense debate on the origins and nature of the Renaissance % that is more than a century old. The basic disagreement is between those who conceive the Renaissance as an abrupt and complete break with the Middle Ages in intellectual concerns and life-styles and those who hold that the Renaissance is an organic outgrowth of the Middle Ages. The temporal and intellectual origins of the Renaissance, its extent and duration remain disputed. To define the Renaissance and the nature of its humanism is thus hazardous if not impossible. Thus the only valid way in which we can relate Vincent’s thinking to that of Renaissance educational theorists is to identify the major educational concerns of the latter from their writings, accepting as representative those who are generally conceded by members of all factions of ‘“‘Renaissance” historians to have been representative ‘‘Renaissance humanists” and avoiding other generalizations about the period. When the major educational emphases and concerns of these men have been isolated and analyzed, it will be possible to make comparisons with Vincent’s thought. In this way it will be possible to evaluate Vincent’s place in the history of educational thought, deciding whether examination of his work is useful only in summing up the educational thought common to his age, a mirror, as it were, of those who did not choose

to set their operational theories in writing, or in tracing a real evolution of educational thought from the High Middle Ages to the Renaissance.

If we conclude to the former, we will at least have

defined Vincent’s role in the history of education a bit more clearly ; if the latter, we can claim not only to have clarified his role in educational thought, but will have provided a small item of ammunition to those who emphasize the essential continuity of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. 92 An excellent brief outline of this debate and its literature is William J. Bouwsma, The Interpretation of Renaissance Humanism. Publication No. 18 (Washington, D. C.: Service Center for Teachers of History, 1966). The most thorough treatment

is Wallace

K. Ferguson,

The Renaissance

in Historical

Thought: Five Centuries of Interpretation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1948), pp. 133-397- This latter is updated by P. O. Kristeller, “Studies in Renaissance Humanism during the Last Twenty Years,” Studies in the Renatssance, 1X (1962), 7-30.

CHAPTER

MAJOR

EMPHASES

IN

TWO

RENAISSANCE THEORY

EDUCATIONAL

Epitomizing the educational distinctiveness of Renaissance humanism is a disheartening methodological problem for the historian. How can one summarize any aspect of an entity so complex and amorphous? In its broadest extension, the age may be said to begin in 1304 with the birth of Petrarch and terminate in 1674 with the death of Milton, although other dates are frequently advanced. These temporal parameters are further modified by geographical progression: the movement is northward, and if the Renaissance begins later in the Low Countries and England, it ends sooner in Italy. Within the bounds of this evolving continuum, are evident

three

major

thrusts,

the advancement

of learning,

the

culture of civilty, and the pursuit of piety, which, though interpenetrating, tend to differ in relation of priority in different temporal and geographical settings. The age thus defies definition, and there is bitter wisdom in the jesting contention that the Renaissance is whatever Renaissance historians choose to treat.? Such a conceptual morass can be bridged only by carefully fitting together such planks as phenomenology affords us. We rely upon the educational theories propounded by those generally conceded to be “Renaissance humanists.’’ The remarkable abundance of these, an efflorescence unmatched in previous ages, suggests that they provide not only the means to limn the educational distinctiveness of Renaissance humanism, but even a major means of defining the age itself. When reading these tracts, one is struck by the force with which certain themes thrust themselves forward through the maddening welter of specific prescriptions. Isolation of these themes is of central importance: it becomes possible to describe the educational distinctiveness of Renaissance humanism by delineating a common measure of educational issues which persons conceded to be Renaissance humanists agreed to be of central importance. This technique was used by Woodward and by Eby and Arrowood to recapitulate 1 Cf. chapter 1, note 92, supra.

18

MAJOR

EMPHASES

IN RENAISSANCE

EDUCATIONAL

THEORY

the educational aims and methods of the fifteenth century,” and by McGarry to characterize Renaissance educational theory.® None of these efforts is completely satisfactory, the first two being too limited in their temporal parameters, the third utilizing only three excessively broad categories. It is thus necessary to undertake the process once again to systematize and extend the categories of Renaissance educational thought across a more extensive time period. In order to mirror the temporal and geographical breadth of the Renaissance, while giving especial attention to the seminal Italian thinkers, we may give primary consideration to the following: 1. Petrus Paulus Vergerius (1349 ?-1428), a professor of logic and papal secretary whose treatise, On Noble Character and Liberal Studies, was

the first exercise in Renaissance

educational

theory;* 2. Bl. Giovanni Dominici (1356?-1417), Cardinal and Legate, who elaborated his educational ideas in the part of his Regola del governo di cura familiare,® and Lucula noctis ;® 3. Leonardo Bruni D’Arezzo (1370 ?-1444), scholar,

Papal fourth in his papal

secretary, and Florentine official, whose tract, On Studies and

Letters, he addressed to Signora di Montefeltro ;’ 4. Guarino da Verona (1370-1460), professor of rhetoric at the University of Ferrara, who applied humanistic notions in supervising the education of family of the Marquis of Ferrara ;* 2 Frederick Eby & Charles Flinn Arrowood, The History and Philosophy of Education: Ancient & Medieval (N. Y.: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1940), pp. 886-934; William Harrison Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, Classics in Education, No. 18 (N.Y.: Teachers College Press,

1963), PP. 179-250.

8 Daniel D. McGarry, “Renaissance Educational Theory, Part I,” The Historical Bulletin, XXXII (May 1954), 195-209. 4 Petrus Paulus Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, trans. in Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 93-118. 5 Giovanni Dominici, Regola del Governo di Cura Familiare, Parte Quarta: On the Education of Childven, trans. by Arthur Basil Coté (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1927). 6 Giovanni Dominici, Lucula noctis, ed. by Edmund Hunt (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1940). 7 Lionardo Bruni d’Arezzo, De studiis et literis, trans. in Woodward,

Vittovino, pp. 119-133. 8 While he left no treatise on education, Guarino’s educational practice and theories are summed up in William Harrison Woodward, Studies in Education during the Age of the Renaissance, 1400-1600, Classics in Education, No. 32 (N. Y.: Teachers College Press, 1967), pp. 26-47.

MAJOR

EMPHASES

IN RENAISSANCE

EDUCATIONAL

THEORY

19g

5. Vittorino da Feltre (1378-1447), tutor to the Gonzaga family of Mantua,

whose

Casa Giocasa remains

one

of the most

attractive educational experiments in history;®

6. Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472), Florentine artist, architect and musician, whose I libri della famigha, written between 1434 and 1437, envisioned family rearing as a duty owed the state and contained much valuable educational doctrine.?° 7, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (1405-1464), the scholar-diplomat who became Pope Pius II, whose treatise On the Education of Children was addressed in 1450 to Ladislas, King of Hungary; 4 8. Mapheus Vegius (1406?-1458), poet, professor, priest and papal secretary, whose treatise On the Education of Children was written in about 1460; #

g. Battista Guarino (1434-1513), youngest son of Guarino da Verona, successor to his father’s university chair, who published his tract Upon the Method of Teaching and of Reading the Classical Authors in 1459; * 10. Desiderius Erasmus (1466-1536), perhaps the greatest scholar of his time, who expressed his educational ideas most completely in Upon the Right Method of Instruction (1511) ,™ ® Like Guarino, Vittorino did not write a tract on education, so one must

have recourse to Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 1-92. 10 Leon Battista Alberti, The Family in Renaissance Florence, trans. by Renée Neu Watkins (Columbia, S. C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1969).

11 Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, De liberorum educatione, trans. by J. S. Nelson (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1940); idem, trans. in Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 134-160 (references are to the latter version, unless otherwise specified). 12 Mapheus Vegius, Maphei Vegit Laudensis De Educatione Liberorum et Eorum Claris Moribus Libri Sex: A Critical Text of Books I-III, ed. by Maria W. Fanning, The Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and

Renaissance

Latin, Vol. I (Washington,

D. C.: Catholic

University of

America Press, 1933; idem, A Critical Text of Books IV-VI, ed. by Anne S:

Sullivan.

The

Catholic

University

of America

Studies

in Medieval

and

Renaissance Latin, Vol. I, Fasc. II (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1936). 18 Battista Guarino, De ordine docendi et studendi, trans. in Woodward,

Vittorino, pp. 161-178. 14 Desiderius

Erasmus,

De

vatione

studii,

trans.

in William

Harrison

Woodward, Desiderius Erasmus Concerning the Aim and Method of Education, Classics in Education, No. 19 (N. Y.: Teachers College Press, 1964), pp. 162-178.

20

MAJOR

11. 12.

13.

14.

EMPHASES

IN RENAISSANCE

EDUCATIONAL

THEORY

The Education of a Christian Prince (1515),1® and The Liberal Education of Boys (1529) ;1® | Jacopo Sadoleto (1477-1547), scholar, bishop, cardinal, who published his De puerts recte instituendis in 1533317 Baldesar Castiglione (1478-1529), whose I1 cortegiano enunciated the ideal of civilty ;1§ Richard Pace (1482 ?-1536), English diplomat, whose brilliant little jeu, The Benefit of a Liberal Education, is marred by evidences of his later insanity ;}9 Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540), Spanish educator and social reformer, who wrote On the Instruction of the Christian Woman,?® Introduction to Wisdom,*4 and On the Transmission

of the Branches of Knowledge ;?* 15. Sir Thomas Elyot (1490-1546), whose Boke Named the Gouernour appeared in 1531;3 16. Silvio Antoniano (1540-1603), professor, priest, and Cardinal, whose educational chef d’oeuvre was Tre libri dell’ educazione christiana e politica det fighiuols.*4 While primary attention is given to the notions of these humanists, 15 Desiderius Erasmus, The Education of aChristian Prince, trans. by Lester K. Born. Records of Civilization, No. 27 (N. Y.: Columbia University Press, 1931). 16 Desiderius Erasmus, De puerts statim ac liberaliter instituendis libellus, trans. in Woodward, Evasmus, pp. 180-222.

17 Jacopo Sadoleto, Sadoleto on Education: A Translation of the De Pueris Recte Instituendis, trans. by E. T. Campagnac and K. Forbes (N. Y.: Oxford University Press, 1961). 18 Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtiey, trans. by Charles S. Singleton (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1959).

19 Richard Pace, De Fructu Qui Ex Doctrina Percipitur (The Benefit of a Liberal Education, trans. by Frank Manley and Richard S. Sylvester. Renaissance Text Series, No. 2 (N. Y.: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1967). 20 Juan Luis Vives, The Instruction of the Christian Woman, trans. by Joan Gale Wuterich. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston College, 1969.

21 Idem., Vives’ Introduction to Wisdom: A Renaissance Textbook, ed. by Marian Leon Tobriner, Classics in Education, No. 35 (N. Y.: Teachers College Press, 1968). 22 [dem., Vives on Education, a Translation of the De Tvadendis Disciplinis, trans. by Foster Watson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913).

23 Thomas Elyot, The Gouernour, Everyman’s Library, No. 227 (N. Y.: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1907). 24 Silvio Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione Cristiana e Politica de’ Figliuoli Libri Tve (Florence: Societa Toscana per la Diffusione di Buoni Libri, 1852).

MAJOR

EMPHASES

IN RENAISSANCE

EDUCATIONAL

THEORY

-21

reference is also had to the thoughts of a variety of others who expressed themselves on education. As may be expected, the thoughts and practices of these humanists produced an almost stupefying richness of educational prescription. Yet, as has been noted, there is a commonality to be observed in the themes they perceived as central and in their manner of conceptualizing those themes. Thus, if we consider the goals and aims of education, we must at once be struck by the unanimity with which they conceded moral and religious training to be central. Beyond this question, their consideration of the ends of education can be resolved into a lengthy running debate of two closely related questions: Does education aim at discipline or utility, and, Does education aim at knowledge or style. With regard to the content of education, they concentrated on defining the curricular procedures for following a course of liberal studies, and, with the notable exception of Dominici, pledged strong allegiance to the classical literature of Greece and Rome, and conceded the usefulness of the

study of history. They debated whether the vernacular should have a place in the curriculum, and paid a deal of attention to physical training. In addition to these, they took a lively interest in asserting a role for the state in the control of education, insisted upon the necessity of early home training, and made provision for the education of women.?5 It is to the elucidation of these concerns that we must now turn.

Moral and Religious Training

Careless readers of Burckhardt have often been tempted to view the Renaissance as a return to paganism, and certain of his admirers have, in their historical works, expanded greatly the theme of Renaissance paganism.?* In this view, the battle against clerical control of civil life, the reworking of norms of political behavior, and the admiration for classical life-styles, art and literature that spread through Europe from the fourteenth century onwards are taken as signs of rejection of Christianity in favor of the re-enthrone25 Cf. Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 179-250 and Power, Main Currents, pp. 339-43; Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education,

pp. 886-934.

26 Joseph Anthony Mazzeo, Renaissance and Revolution: The Remaking of European Thought (London: Secker and Warburg, 1967), pp. 61-62; Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II: Papers on Humanism (N. Y.: Harper & Row, 1965), p. 20.

and the Arts

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ment of the Olympian deities, and the instituting of a bacchanal of ethical unconcern and ruthlessness. In truth, however, the human-

ists were keenly interested in moral philosophy, and when [they] wrote about moral subjects, either they tried to harmonize ancient and Christian ideas in the manner of Erasmus, or they discussed moral topics on a purely classical and secular basis —without however indicating any hostility toward Christianity, but rather taking for granted the compatibility between the two, as was

done by Alberti and many other Italian humanists.?”

For this reason, and because so many of the humanists who chose to express themselves on the subject of educational theory were clerics, it should not surprise us that humanists generally conceded moral and religious training to be central to education.?® In the most positive sense, training in morals could be envisioned as central to man’s very nature, as in Battista Guarino’s assertion that “... learning and training in virtue are peculiar to man; therefore our forefathers called them ‘Humanitas,’ the pursuits,

the activities, proper to mankind.” 2° The statement should not be too easily interpreted simply to refer to-a secular virtue based solely upon pagan moral philosophy, for the author’s father, Guarino da Verona, upon whose practices the treatise is based, insisted that his pupils at Ferrara attend daily Mass, a reflection of the religious conviction informing his educational practice.®° Yet the determined anthropocentrism of the statement clearly heralds the distinctiveness of the humanists’ conception of moral and religious training. Religion was by no means cast aside, for we find Bruni ending his treatise with the comment that no studies “have more urgent claim than those which treat of religion and of our duties in the world,” #4 but in the relation of religion to our temporal duties there is significance: religion was more esteemed in its moral aspect than its doctrinal. At any rate, the importance of moral and religious training may also be characterized in a privative sense, in that without such training a person will easily fall prey to self27 Kristeller, Renaissance Thought, p. 40. 28 Cf. A. Janner, ““Problemi del Rinascimento,’’ Nuova Antologia, (1933),

458-63.

29 Guarino, De Guarino Guarini Cf. also Sadoleto, 80 Woodward,

ordine, p. 177; Remigio Sabbadini, La Scuola e Gli Studi di Veronese (Catania: Francesco Galati, 1896), pp. 138-44. De pueris, p. 12. Vitiorino, p. 241.

31 Bruni, De studits, p. 133.

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indulgence,®? or a negative sense, in that wrong training in this area will corrupt any nature.?? However stated, it was seen to be at the center of man’s nature and purposes. The parent-child relationship was regarded as being of utmost significance for moral and religious training. Parents have primary responsibility for such training, and it is essential that they set an example for their children by the virtuousness of their own lives.*4 Since bad companions can corrupt a child,®* parents must supervise the choice of companions for their children and take especial pains to see that any tutor they employ himself possesses exemplary virtue.36 The parents must be firm, for indulgence easily ruins a child,3? and they must see that their children do not develop vicious habits through indulgence in excessive food, drink, and sleep.%8 For the child, the core virtue was reverence for parents and elders.39 This reverence must extend to ecclesiastical personages and

functions,4° and it must be real reverence, not mere outward observance, for one must not, as Erasmus noted, think that Christ is found in ceremonies, in doctrines kept after a fashion, and in constitutions of the church. Who is truly Christian ? Not he who is baptized or anointed, or who attends church. It is rather the man who has embraced Christ in the innermost feelings of his heart, and who emulates Him by pious deeds.*!

True reverence is the seed-ground for the other virtues especially necessary for youth, since it demands the development of selfcontrol. The body mirrors the mind, and self-control must therefore 82 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. IOI. 33 Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, p. 143. 34 Dominici,

Regola, p. 49; Alberti,

The Family,

pp. 58, 69, 73; Vegius,

De educatione, I, 5; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 33. educa85 Vergerius, De ingenius moribus, p. 100, Piccolomini, De liberorum tione, p. 137; Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, p. 143.

86 Vergerius, De ingenius moribus, pp. 100, 110; Piccolomini, De liberorum Guarino, educatione, pp. 137, 142; Vegius, De educatione, I, 6-10, 39, 57-58; pp. 142-43, De ordine, pp. 200-201; Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, 403-406. De pueris, pp. 195, 201; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, pp. 392-96,

I, 45, 4737 Vergerius, De ingenius morvibus, p. 100; Vegius, De educatione,

66-67; 88 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 100; Dominici, Regola, pp. Vegius, De educatione, I, 13-45, II, 205-208. 40-59, 39 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 100; Dominici, Regola, pp. pueris, De Sadoleto, 209; 154, 140-44, II, 35, I, e, 54-55; Vegius, De education p. 17; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, pp. 398-400. 40 Vegius, De educatione, II, 148, 152-54, 211-13. 41 Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, p. 153.

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restrain bodily activity so that one may, by the dignity of his physical activities, manifest his personal virtue and reinforce it.” For similar reasons, restraint of the tongue was considered vital.* The content of religious training began with the knowledge of God and his works and of Christ and his teachings.44 Thence it proceeded through such specifics as the Lord’s Prayer, the Salutation of the Blessed Virgin, the Creed, the Gospels and liturgy and the Commandments, the Gifts of the Spirit, the Seven Deadly Sins, and

the writings of the Doctors of the Church.* The study of moral philosophy relied upon the classical authors, so that, for example, one asked “‘does Happiness consist (with Epicurus) in the presence of pleasure and the absence of pain: or (with Xenophon) in the consciousness of uprightness: or (with Aristotle) in the practice of Virtue?” 46 The touchstone most generally applied in selecting authors to be used for the study of morals was literary style, and this ensured the supremacy of the classical moralists. Those most frequently

used

included

Plato,

Aristotle,

Cicero,

Seneca,

and

Boethius.*? Thus humanist educational theorists set great store by moral and religious training, and there are many common elements to be observed in their treatment of the question. That preoccupation with this theme was not characteristic only of the clerical humanists and the earliest of their lay brethren is evident from the fact that the worldly Castiglione chose to conclude his work on the courtier with a passage relating human love to divine love.*® Discipline vs. Utility Since the Renaissance humanists conceived moral and religious training as central to education, it follows that they would place prime value on the discipline which molds good character, and opt 42 Vegius, De educatione, II, 176-88, 220.

43 Dominici, Regola, p. 50; Vincent J. Horkan, Educational Theories and Principles of Maffeo Vegio (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1953), pp. 78-82. 44 Erasmus,

Education of a Christian Prince, p. 148; Sadoleto, De pueris,

p. 48. 45 Piccolomini, De educatione, pp. 141-42. Cf. Vives, Introduction to Wisdom. 255-317, pp. 116-124; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, II, 134-35, 171-73. 46 Bruni, De studiis, p. 127. Cf. also Vegius, De educatione, II, 134-35, 171-73. 47 Woodward,

Vittorino, p. 222. 48 Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, pp. 353-59.

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for a program of studies that would foster such discipline at the expense of technical skills useful in daily transactions. Thus, it is in no measure startling to read Vergerius’ dictum: We call those studies liberal which are worthy of a free man; those studies by which we attain and practice virtue and wisdom; that education which calls forth, trains and develops those highest gifts of body and of mind which ennoble men, and which are rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only. For to a vulgar temper pain and pleasure are the aim of existence, to a lofty nature, moral worth and fame.*®

And yet we ought not to forget the emphasis on marketable studies in the Italian universities during the Middle Ages.®® Nor may we ignore the recent debate over the linkage of “professional rhetorician” and “civic humanist’ as distinctive of the origins of the Italian Renaissance.*! These lead us to suspect that the Renaissance educational theorist would be formed in a tradition of the practical utility of knowledge that he could not cavalierly dismiss. Indeed, we find that when the humanists discuss the formation of character, they take care to emphasize the general utility of liberal studies: Even partial realization of the ideal of the ‘“‘uomo universale” would be beneficial to any layman who succeeded in attaining it. His chances for personal advancement in the world would be enhanced. Entry to the “best circles’ would be facilitated; his personality

would be more pleasing, balanced, and versatile; he would be better

adapted to cope with the manifold vicissitudes of life. Lay society in general would be likewise benefited. Its overall tenor would be enriched,

its intercourse

enhanced,

its outcome

improved.

And

society would be assured of possessing well rounded [sic], competent, confident, and confidence-inspiring leaders.*? 49 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 102. 50 Nathan Schachner, The Medieval Universities (N. Y.: A.S. Barnes

& Co,

1962), pp. 148-49. 51 Cf. Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (2 vols.; Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 195 5), Humanist and Political Literature in Flovence and Venice at the Beginning of the Quattrocento (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955), “TLeonardo Bruni: ‘Professional Rhetorician’ or ‘Civic Humanist’ ?,”’ Past and Present, XXXVI

(April, 1967), 21-37, From Petrarch to Leonardo Bruni: Studies in Humanistic and Political Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); and Jerrold E. Seigel, ‘‘ ‘Civic Humanism’ or Ciceronian Rhetoric? The Culture of Petrarch

and

Bruni,’

Past

and

Present,

XXXIV

(July,

1966),

3-48,

Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: The Union of Eloquence and Wisdom, Petrarch to Valla (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968). 52 McGarry, ‘Renaissance Educational Theory,” p. 205. Cf. Alberti, The Family, p. 82.

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This notion of the general utility of learning wedded Aristotle’s concept of the rational citizen to the emerging political forms and consciousness of the day in an ideal that devalued the doctrine of knowledge as its own end, “for the man who has surrendered himself absolutely to the attractions of Letters or speculative thought follows, perhaps, a self-regarding end and is useless as a citizen or as a prince.” ®8 The political dimensions of the concept of the general utility of learning are most apparent when one considers the foremost citizen, the prince, for, as Pace noted, the greater the wisdom of the prince, the better the condition of the people, and the more secure from the many evils which come from having public affairs badly handled through stupidity.™

Erasmus felt it necessary to phrase the notion more boldly for Prince Philip: ““You cannot be a prince, if you are not a philosopher; you will be a tyrant.”’ *° This conception of the general utility in a broad education aimed at character formation in a socio-political environment, if it rejects the extreme of knowledge for its own sake, makes some concession to knowledge for specifically utilitarian purposes. Even the most admirable ‘‘uomo universale” will find portions of his learning technically applicable in the pursuit of daily affairs. The humanists had to concede, for example, that the ability to speak well was important in negotiations,®* the study of history was valuable for interesting conversation and for the prudent ordering of practical affairs,®>” and poetry was useful for daily life and as an aid to oratory.58 The prince would find profit in the knowledge of history, rhetoric, and letter-writing,®® as well as the theory of government.®° Yet these notes were generally muted. Whatever off-handed concessions Vergerius might make to specific utility, he was concerned to point out how following a career traditional to a family might interfere with liberal studies, and congratulated Ubertinus for 53 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 110. Cf. Alberti, The Family, pp. 266-

68. 54 Pace, De fructu, p. 117. Cf. Alberti, The Family, p. 82. 55 Erasmus, Education ofa Christian Prince, p. 150. 56 Vergerius,

De

ingenuis

moribus,

p. 104;

Piccolomini,

Pp. 143.

57 Guarino, De ordine, p. 168.

58 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 108. 59 Piccolomini, De educatione, pp. 141, 143, 152. 60 Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, p. 183.

De

educatione,

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studying letters in addition to a hereditary military career. Vives would take the position that “... nothing is so distant from literature as either the desire or the anxiety for money.” ® The proper perspective on specific utility was well stated by Sadoleto: Giovio is equipped not only with the physician’s lore ... but also with every liberal and generous accomplishment. Specially is he remarkable for his eloquence, and for a certain magnificence of style in the exhibition of which as a writer of history he brings to his own age the credit and glory of the best writers of the past.%°

The greatest specific utility is found in the studies of medicine and law, but these are not to be construed as liberal activities.*4 The

liberal studies may have specific utility, but must be of general utility. Thus rhetoric, if it was of practical value for secretaries, theologians, lawyers, and teachers, was most profitable in that it presented moral lessons through the study of the lives of great men and developed the personality through urbane speech. The student was therefore advised to pursue the study of several branches of learning especially suited for general utility and character formation,®** the most frequently mentioned being classical languages and literature, grammar, logic, rhetoric, history, moral philosophy, poetry, music, arithmetic, and geography.®’ While it would not be wise to term this solution of the problem of discipline vs. utility perfectly satisfactory, it certainly suited the age and became characteristic of its educational doctrine. Knowledge vs. Style

The attempt to forge a notion of general utility to cope with the problem of discipline vs. utility brought into focus a related problem regarding the goals of education, that of knowledge vs. style. Petrarch precipitated the problem by reinstating imitation as a pedagogical technique. Enamored of the life-style of the ancients, whom he regarded as masters of the art of living, and impressed by 61 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 103-104. 62 Vives, On Education, p. 277. 63 Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 72. 64 Vergerius, De ingenius moribus, p. 108. 65 Linton C. Stevens, ‘‘Humanistic Education and the Hierarchy of Values

in the Renaissance,’ Renaissance Papers (1955), 58. 66 Cf, Bruni, De studiis, p. 127.

I, 67 Cf. Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 102-109; Vegius, De educatione,

75-107; Erasmus, De ratione, pp. 162-68.

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the dominant role of linguistic arts in the classical past, he felt that a person could best achieve true understanding of classical ideals and practices by steeping himself in classical techniques of expression. For him, imitation meant forming a personal style based on classical usage, not linguistic identity with the ancients.*® Yet confusion speedily arose as to whether it was the knowledge to be derived from the classical authors or the labor of imitating their style which led most surely to sound character formation. That this should have occurred is perhaps inevitable. Professional rhetoricians and the practice of rhetoric were at the core of the fourteenth and fifteenth century cultural flowering in Italy.®® It was only natural, then, that the humanists would conceive the art of expression as a treasured tool for forming good character. They believed ... that men could be molded most effectively, and perhaps only, through the art of eloquence, which endowed the precept with life, immediacy, persuasive effect, and which stimulated a man’s will as well as informing his reason.7°

It was thus easy to step into a preoccupation with style. Were this not enough, the question of the use of the classics for character formation had been raised by the Fathers of the Church, and from the time of Jerome (A.D. 347-419), purely formal study of the classics had been an accepted technique.7! Even persons trying their best to ignore the Christian ages would have been hard put to divest themselves of so habitual a view. It was only thirty years after Petrarch’s death that Bruni advised Battista Malatesta that the foundations of all true learning must be laid in the sound and thorough knowledge of Latin: which implies study marked by a broad spirit, accurate scholarschip, and careful attention to details. 72 88 Power, Main Currents, p. 345.

6° Cf. note 51, p. 23, supra. Cf. also Delio Cantimori, “‘“Rhetoric and Politics in Italian Humanism,” Journal of the Warburg Institute, I (1937-38), 83-102; Hannah

H.

Gray,

‘Renaissance

Humanism:

The

Pursuit

of Eloquence,”

Journal of the History of Ideas, XXIV (1963), 497-514; Peter Herde, ‘‘Politik und Rhetorik in Florenz am Vorabend der Renaissance: Die ideologische Rechtfertigung der Florentiner Aussenpolitik durch Coluccio Salutati,” Archiv fiv Kulturgeschichte, XLVII

(1965), 141-220; and Nancy S. Struever,

The Language of History in the Renaissance: Rhetoric and Historical Consciousness in Florentine Humanism

(Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press,

1970). 70 Gray, “Renaissance Humanism,”’ pp. 500-501. "1 Bolgar, The Classical Heritage, p. 51. 72 Bruni, De studiis, p. 124.

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The latter phrases ring ominously: Bruni had perhaps found Petrarch, as later writers have, less classical in style than he believed himself to be,7? and hence decided on more slavish imitation. A half

century later, Battista Guarino, recounting: his famous pedagogical method, counseled that:

father’s

the works of Vergil must be learnt by heart, and recited as a regular task. In this way the flow of the hexameter, not less than the quantity of individual syllables, is impressed upon the ear, and insensibly moulds our taste. Every commentary of importance must be consulted to enable us to form our own judgment as to the precise meaning of the text and the force of each individual work. This practice quickens our intelligence and concentrates our attention: it tends to careful construing, to ready composition, to more exact recall of details.”

Only the most ardent love of the classics could justify this sort of prescription. In point of fact, a working solution was speedily found. Vergerius provided the key at the very outset of the period in his comment: “T do not think that thoughts without style will be likely to attract much notice or secure a sure revival.” 7° The formula was a happy one: a person could, while paying lip service to the primacy of knowledge, assert the indispensability of style, leaving the way clear for almost any pedagogical practice he preferred. Thus Bruni could assert (and one can only suspect his true meaning in the larger context of his whole tract) that proficiency in literary form, not accompanied by broad acquaintance with facts and truths, is a barren attainment; whilst information,

however vast, which lacks all grace of expression, would seem to be put under a bushel or partly thrown away.”° The formula had been found, and the theoretical solution would

lend its mantle to all manner of practice to the time of Erasmus ”” and beyond. The Liberal Arts Curriculum

As we pass from consideration of the goals of humanist education a

8 George Clarke Sellery, The Renaissance: Its Nature and Origins (Madison,

Wis.: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1969, p. 68.

74 Guarino, De ordine, pp. 165, 173.

75 Vergerius, De ingenuis morvibus, p. 105. 76 Bruni, De studiis, p. 132.

77 Erasmus, De vatione, p. 162.

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to description of its content, this emphasis on the value of style is a useful signpost indicating that the high road of interpreting the “liberal studies’ is distinctly linguistic in its direction. If information without expression is less than desirable, the art of expression must be the informing principle of liberal knowledge. Humanistic education begins with the art of expression by written and oral composition and interpretation. The organizing schema is no novelty, but is derived from the structure of the Trivium.’® To this,

as we shall see, would be joined the subjects of the Quadrivium as well as a more recent arrival or two. The great weight of emphasis, however, remained on the eloquent arts. The humanist contented himself, as did Quintilian with mathematics, to give the other disciplines only fleeting verbal allegiance, except as they could be usefully related to the arts of expression, and took care to recommend their pursuit only through the works of authors famed for their style. At the beginning of liberal studies, therefore, we find grammar, which Vergerius termed ‘‘the foundation on which the whole study of literature must rest,” 79 and which. Guarino conceded to be the

foundation of all education.8®° That this was no mere formal concession based on logical priority is evident from Bruni’s elucidation of the role of grammar: ... the foundations of all true learning must be laid in the sound and thorough knowledge of Latin: which implies study marked by a broad spirit, accurate scholarship, and careful attention to details. Unless this solid basis be secured it is useless to attempt to rear an enduring edifice. Without it the great monuments of literature are unintelligible, and the art of composition impossible. To attain this essential knowledge we must never relax our careful attention to the grammar of the language, but perpetually confirm and extend our acquaintance with it until it is thoroughly our own.*1 Because of the importance conceded it, however, we must not infer

that universal agreement existed as to the exact nature of grammar. While Vergerius and Bruni were content to leave the definition of grammar obscure, implying that it treats of the parts of speech, figures of speech, and the rules of composition,®? Piccolomini 78 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 107; Piccolomini, Pp. 144. 79 Vergerius, De ingenuis morvibus, p. 107.

De educatione,

80 Guarino, De ordine, p. 163.

81 Bruni, De studiis, p. 124. 82 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 107; Bruni, De studtis, p. 124.

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divided it into the arts of right speech, prose and verse composition, and letter-writing,®? and Guarino partitioned it into ‘“‘methodice,”’

the study of the rules of the parts of speech, and “historice,” the study of continuous prose narrative, especially historical.*4 In truth, grammar was an unsettled discipline, well clear of its infancy perhaps, but suffering the formative crises of an awkward adolescence. Even comparatively late in the age of the Renaissance, Cardinal Sadoleto grumbled that grammar “includes not ‘letters’ only, not only nouns and verbs, and the other parts of speech, but embraces and deals with the learning of poets and prose authors in such a fashion that it seems to leave little in those subjects to be dealt with by other arts.” 8° Conceptually unformed, grammar was methodologically immature as well, and orthography, accidence, syntax, prosody and style were alike far from being crystallized in authoritative rule and usage.®* For this reason, Renaissance educational theorists frequently found it necessary in their tracts to attend to some of the specifics of grammar.*’ Of course there were in existence some texts that could be recommended as having made a sound start at formulating authoritative rules, those most frequently resorted to being the classical texts of Donatus, Priscian, Diomedes,

and Servius, and the more contemporary compendia of the elder Guarino, Alexander de Villa Dei, and Nicholas Perotti.8§ Yet these

were not wholly satisfactory, and the humanist educators were generally agreed that grammar could best be learned by diligent reading.8® The student could safely pass over the scholastics and most of the later Christian writers as being clumsy and graceless. Only those pagan and Christian writers exhibiting an authentically classical style would do, and even these must be winnowed out carefully to isolate the true masters of language. The humanists 88 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 145. 84 Guarino, De ordine, pp. 163-64. 85 Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 92. 86 Woodward,

Vitiovino, p. 210.

87 Cf. Piccolomini, De educatione, pp. 145-48, 153-54; Guarino, De ordine,

93-96. p. 164; Erasmus, De ratione, p. 165; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp.

88 Bruni, De studiis, p. 124; Guarino,

De ordine, pp. 164-65. Erasmus,

De ratione, p. 163; Sadoleto, De pueris, Pp. 92; Woodward,

V2ttovino, p. 209.

sixteenth Buisson reports Latin grammars by 120 authors in use in the (Nieuwkoop: stécle XVIe du ues pédagogiq ouvrages des e Répertoiv century: p. 55. B. De Graaf, 1962), passim. See Stevens, “Humanistic Education,” pp. 147-48; 89 Bruni, De studiis, p. 124; Piccolomini, De educatione, Guarino, De ovdine, p. 164; Erasmus, De ratione, p. 163.

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generally agreed that Vergil and Cicero were the premier Latin stylists but could not achieve the same measure of certainty regarding the merits of others.®° Whatever other uses may have been asserted for grammar, its major value was for rhetoric. As has been noted, rhetoric was central to the origins and purposes of Renaissance humanism. The bond which united humanists, no matter how far separated in outlook or in time, was a conception of eloquence and its uses. Through it, they shared a common intellectual method and a broad agreement on the value of that method. Classical rhetoric ... constituted the main source for both. It provided the humanists with a body of precepts for the effective communication of ideas and, equally important, with a set of principles which asserted the central role of rhetorical skill and achievement in human affairs.**

The difference between the political constructs of the classical age and those of the Renaissance did not permit simple transference of classical rhetorical purposes and forms to the newer age. Thus Vergerius could fairly complain that eloquence was virtually a lost art in courts, councils,

and assemblies.®?

He seems,

however,

to

have been confusing eloquence with the use of classical oratorical forms in certain types of public functions. Most of the humanists perceived that eloquence was useful in a variety of daily settings, summed up in the term “‘affairs,”’ ° for eloquence could make its contribution wherever speech was useful, and, as Sadoleto noted,

‘Gf this human society is to be maintained in easy effectiveness, there is no instrument of more signal use than the art of speech.” In rhetoric as in grammar,

models were to be used, and here once

again Cicero claimed preeminence. ”° The logical arts of the Trivium were viewed by the humanists with mixed emotions. Vergerius could assign logic an honorable place in his curriculum pointing out that, since it made possible the distinction of truth from falsehood, it was “‘the guide to the acquisi90 Bruni, De studiis, p. 125; Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 151; Guarino,

De ordine, pp. 165, 168-69; Erasmus, De ratione, p. 164. 1 Gray, ‘‘Renaissance Humanism,” p. 498. 92 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 107. 93 Piccolomini,

De educatione, p. 143.

94 Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 85; Cf. Vives, On Education, pp. 38-39. 95 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 151; Vegius, De educatione, I, 86; Guarino, De ordine, pp. 171-72; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 98; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, Pp. 416.

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5}

tion of knowledge in whatever subject.” ®* Guarino, on the other hand, valued it only as an aid to understanding Cicero.*’ This remarkable divergence of views seems to derive from the gulf between the ideal conception of logic and the unfortunate uses to which it had been put by the later Scholastics: perhaps Vergerius focused on the former, Guarino on the latter. Other humanists were

careful to observe the distinction. Pius II, while pointing out its usefulness, warned that in the wrong hands it could be an instrument of “intellectual death” or of “ingenious trifling” which was ‘“anworthy of the true Citizen,” ®°* and Erasmus stated: If it is claimed that Logic should find a place in the course proposed I do not seriously demur; but I refuse to go beyond Aristotle and I prohibit the verbiage of the schools. Do not let us forget that Dialectic is an elusive maiden, a Siren, indeed, in quest of whom a

man may easily suffer intellectual shipwreck. Not here is the secret of style to be discovered.

The Scholastics had sowed

too zealously in the fields of logic,

exhausting the soil, and the humanists, whatever their theoretical

concessions, seemed in practice to prefer to let it lie fallow. The art of expression was thus to be pursued through the disciplines of grammar and rhetoric. The study of the classics demanded in these disciplines could be pursued by three basic techniques: exposition by the tutor, reading, and composition. In the first century of Renaissance humanism, classics were dictated to the students who then read them back for accuracy and expression. The master then cited parallel passages and explained allusions while the students hoarded notes in their copy books.1°° Later Erasmus revised the technique of exposition so as to afford greater respect for the context of the work under study. Beginning with an appreciation of the author and his literary genre, he felt, the teacher moves on to the plot, noting diction and borrowings from other authors as the reading progresses, and ends by drawing moral lessons from the narrative.!% In the latter days of the Renaissance, some humanists advocated translating the Latin passage into the vernacular, retranslating it into Latin, and using the comparison of the 98 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 107. 97 Guarino, De ordine, p. 172. 98 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 155. 99 Erasmus, De vatione, p. 165. : 100 Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 228-29.

101 Erasmus, De vatione, pp. 173-74-

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two Latin versions thus arrived at to isolate the original author’s characteristics.1° The reading aloud of classical authors was perceived as valuable in fostering grace and confidence in conversation and formal speaking,!°? in exposing the meaning of a passage,*™ in nurturing good enunciation,1% and in promoting good digestion and warming the body.!% Composition, valuable as a qualification for a public career and as a tool for the study of the classical authors,!°? could be learned through paraphrasing, treating the same subject in different literary forms, imitating models, and writing to complete an outline.t°* The result of the student's instruction, reading, and composition may often have been no more than clumsy imitation of classical techniques, but the literature of the Renaissance witnesses that genuine personal and creative classical eloquence was frequently achieved. This eloquence, won at the price of so great toil, must express real knowledge if it was to be more than mere ornament. For the humanist, the crown of grammar and rhetoric was thus philosophy. Yet by no stretch of the imagination can the Renaissance be regarded as much more than an interlude, a breathing spell in the long development of Western philosophy. Perhaps the humanists felt speculative philosphy had been irretrievably damaged by the scholastics, or perhaps they felt the search for final causes too solitary a task for social man.!°° At any rate, the humanists generally eschewed metaphysics in favor of a moral philosophy which was “little more than the common-places of Roman Stoic morality as expounded by Cicero and Seneca.” 4° Pius II saw philosophy 102 William E. Miller, ‘‘Double Translation in English Humanistic Education,”

Studies

in the Renaisssance,

X

(1963),

163-174;

Vives, De tradendis

disciplinis, pp. 113-14; Antoniano, Dell’Educazione, pp. 414-15; Roger Ascham, The Scholemaster (Boston: D. C. Heath & Co., 1898), pp. 179 ff. 103 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 143; Vegius, De educatione, Guarino, De ordine, p. 174; Antoniano, Dell’Educazione, pp. 418-20. 104 Bruni, De studiis, p. 125; Guarino, De ordine, p. 174. 105 Guarino, De ordine, p. 163.

1, 82;

NEOs De Gee 107 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 152; Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 231-32. 108 Vegius, De educatione, I, 73; Erasmus, De ratione, pp. 171-73. Cf. also H. Gmelin, ‘Das Prinzip der Imitatio in den romanischen Literaturen der Renaissance,” Romanische Forschungen, XL (1932), 83-360. 109 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 110. Vittorino, p. 221; Leontine Zanta, La renaissance du 110 Woodward, stoicisme au XVIe siécle (Paris: Edouard Champion, 1914). Cf. Vivis, On Education, pp. 250-61, Introduction to Wisdom, 204, p. 110. For a notable exception, see Sadoleto, De puervis, pp. 126-27.

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developed by Socrates and Plato from Thales’ natural science to a study from which a man will learn his duties to God and man as well as a variety of other specific virtues.1!! As may be expected, the study of classical authors was the chief method for learning moral philosophy.1” Historical consciousness was keen among the humanists, and they accorded history a major place in their curriculum. It was considered not only an attractive subject,* but an easy one containing no subtleties or complexities but simply narrating matters of fact.144 More important, it was conceived as eminently useful,

laden as it was with lessons, warnings, examples, and moral principles.45 Profit would be gained, however, only from the study of the classical age and, perhaps, sacred history up to the apostolic age, on no account bothering with the nonsensical and stylistically barren productions of more recent chronicles."® Grammar, rhetoric, moral philosophy, and history together constitute by far the major portion of the liberal studies. The weight of most humanists’ concern lay with them, and the humanists granted other pursuits a deal less attention and enthusiasm. Arithmetic and geometry were recommended as being certain,"’” and useful both in practical affairs and as tools for other sciences." Yet admiration for them was by no means unrestrained, for Piccolomini counseled that geometry not be allowed to become too absorbing,1!® and Bruni lumped them with astrology as unfit for the attention of a cultivated mind.!2° Astronomy was conceded a place in the range of liberal studies because it aided clarity of contemplation, offered the possibility of practical application, and was indispensable to proper understanding of some allusions in classical literature.124 Music was granted some value in that it fostered inner 111 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 157. 12 Bruni, De studiis, p. 127; Woodward, Vittorino, p. 221. 113 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 106.

114 Bruni, De studtis, p. 128. 115 [bid.; Piccolomini,

De educatione, p. 152; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 103;

Vives, On Education, pp. 237-49. 6

Bruni, De studiis, p. 128; Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 152.

117 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 108 ;Piccolomini, De educatione, p, 156. am Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 156; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 121-22. 118 119 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 156.

120 Bruni, De studiis, p. 126. 121 Vergerius,

De

ingenuis

: moribus,

p. 156; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 137-38.

p. 108;

Piccolomini,

De

educatione,

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harmony and agreeable recreation. Yet it must be pursued cautiously because of the dangers it presented.1?° The measure of music’s acceptance among the humanists is Piccolomini’s careful conclusion based on his reading of history: So amidst some diversity of opinion our judgement inclines to the inclusion of Music, as a subject to be pursued in moderation under instructors only of serious character, who will rigorously disallow all melodies of a sensuous nature. Under these conditions we may accept the Pythagorean opinion that Music exerts a soothing and refreshing influence upon the mind.’

The Quadrivium still deserved to be subsumed to the heading ‘Jiberal arts,” but with numerous and weighty reservations. Two other pursuits, the reading of the poets and the study of Greek, were approved for their literary and linguistic uses. Poetry was deemed useful for oratory,!2 prose composition,!’ and for recreation.28 In addition, . Familiarity with the great poets is essential to any claim to true education. For in their writings we find deep speculations upon Nature, and upon the Causes and Origins of things, which must carry weight with us both from their antiquity and from their authorship. Besides these, many important truths upon matters of daily life are suggested or illustrated.1#°

Yet the power of poetry is such that it may easily seduce, so care 122 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 108, 117; Vegius, De educatione, I, 105; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 116; Elyot, The Gouernour, pp. 25-28. 123 Vergius, De educatione,

Elyot,

The

Gouernouy,

124 Piccolomini,

De

pp.

I, 105; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 108, 112-17;

26-27;

educatione,

Antoniano, p. 155.

Cf.

Dell’Educazione, also

Paul

Oskar

pp.

435-

Kristeller,

“Music and Learning in the Early Italian Renaissance,” Journal of Renatssance and Baroque Music, I (1947), 255-74; E. Lowinsky, “Music in the Culture of the Renaissance,” Journal of the History of Ideas, XV (1954), 509-53; D. P. Walker, ‘“‘Musical Humanism in the Sixteenth & Early Seventeenth Centuries,” The Music Review, II (1941), 1-13, 111-21, 220-27, 288-308, III (1942), 55-71, and Der musikalische Humanismus im 16. und fruehen 17. Jahrhundert (Kassel; Barenreiter-Verlag, 1949). 125 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 108; Guarino, De ordine, p. 165. 126 Cf, Achille Pellizzari, I1 Quadrivio nel vinascimento. Biblioteca della ‘Rassegna’, No. 8 (Naples: F. Perrella, 1924). 127 Vegius, De educatione, 1, 72; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 106; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, p. 414. 128 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 108; Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, p. 70. 129 Bruni, De studiis, p. 129.

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must be exercised in selecting poets for study.1%° The Elegiac Poets were felt especially unsuitable by reason of their lasciviousness."** The study of Greek found its way into the curriculum by stages, as it became increasingly available to the humanists. At the very outset of the age of the Renaissance we find Vergerius, who felt that the history of Rome could not be thoroughly studied without a knowledge of Greek, agonizing that the tongue was “‘on the point of perishing even amongst its own sons, and to us Italians is already utterly lost, unless we except one or two who in our own time are tardily endeavoring to rescue something—if it be only a mere echo of it— from oblivion.” 182 Yet Vergerius’ pessimism was excessive. Little more than half a century later, Piccolomini, who himself did not know Greek, could confidently recommend the study of the language to Ladislas, the King of Bohemia and Hungary, though he confessed to some doubt as to the possibility of finding a suitable tutor in that savage region.!33 Whatever the situation in the barbarian fastnesses to the north, the study of Greek had made mighty strides in Italy. In 1459 Guarino could direct the student to Chrysoloras’ text, "Eowrhyara and outline methods for studying Greek grammar and literature.134 Within another seventy years, Castiglione would be able to suggest conversance with Greek as a routine accomplishment for aspiring courtiers.1%° The rapid development of proficiency in Greek during the age is evident also in that Guarino conceded that there was small hope of following Quintilian’s dictum that the student should begin with Greek rather than Latin, while Erasmus half a century later hesitated not a whit in approving Quintilian’s advice.136 Inany case, the humanists achieved broad agreement on the necessity of studying Greek as an aid to the complete mastery of atine?* 130 Piccolomini,

De

educatione,

p.

151;

Vegius,

De

educatione,

I, 84;

Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 103-104. 131 Piccolomini,

De

educatione,

p.

151;

Antoniano,

Dell’ Educazione,

PP. 412-13. 182 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 106. 183 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 149. 134 Guarino, De ordine, pp. 167-68. 135 Catiglione, Book of the Courtier, p. 70. 136 Guarino,

De ordine, p. 167; Erasmus,

137 Guarino,

De ordine,

De rvatione, p. 163; Elyot,

The

Gouernour, pp. 34-35. The development of the study of Greek in the Renaissance is treated in John Edwin Sandys, Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1905), pp. 174-204. p. 166;

Erasmus,

De vatione,

p. 163;

Sadoleto,

De pueris, p. 90; Pace, De fructu, pp. 109, 127-35; Vives, On Education, pp. 94-96, 143-49. Buisson reports Greek grammars by sixty-four authors in

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These, then, are the “liberal studies’’ which, in the opinion of

humanists, constituted the royal road to the achievement of ‘“human-ness.”’ They were not, perhaps, to be undertaken with equal diligence: a liberal education did not require acquaintance with all of them. Mastery of any one might be the work of a lifetime, and most men, content with a modest capacity, might do well to pursue the study most suited to them, taking care to realize that perfection in any subject demanded understanding of its relation to the rest.138 In fact, in a given instance, it might be desirable to

restrain a learner in one area while encouraging effort in another, but it should not be forgotten that “true distinction is to be gained by a wide and varied range of such studies as to conduce to the profitable enjoyment of life, in which, hovewer, we must observe due proportion in the attention and time we devote to them.” 18°

The Use of the Classics From the foregoing treatment, it is evident that the humanists set great store by the classics. Consciously pursuing a revival of the life-style of antiquity, they leaned on the ancients both for the content of the liberal studies,!4° and for the fruitful use of leisure

time,!41 and garlanded their treatises with innumerable classical allusions. They viewed classical antiquity as “‘a Golden Age, an ideal yet real past, worthy to evoke both patriotic pride and eager imitation,” 4? and would generally agree with Vergerius that the classics ‘‘contained the records of the great achievements of men; the wonders of Nature; the works of Providence in the past, the

key to her secrets in the future.”’ 148 For all this, however,

the most ardent of the humanists enter-

tained certain doubts about the value of the classics. The strictures use in the 16th century: Répertoive des ouvrages pédagogiques, passim. See Stevens, ‘“‘Humanistic Education,”’ p. 55. 138 Vergerius, De ingenuts moribus, p. 109.

189 Bruni, De studiis, p. 127. 140 Cf, Bruni, De studiis, pp. 127-31; Piccolomini, De educatione, pp. 15152; Vegius, De educatione, I, 86-87; Guarino, De ordine, pp. 169-70; Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, p. 201; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 98, 101 ff.; Castiglione, Book of the Courtiery, p.70; Paul Oskar Kristeller, The Classics and Renaissance Thought, Martin Classical Lectures, Vol. 15 (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1955). 141 Cf. Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 117; Guarino, De ordine, pp. 176-77; Antoniano, Dell’Educazione, p. 181. 142 Woodward, Desiderius Evasmus, p. 32. 143 Vergerius, De ingenius moribus, p. 105.

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they laid on the study of classical poetry revealed but the tip of the iceberg, the great bulk of which was constituted by the hoary problem of the Christian use of the classics. The humanists, we have taken care to point out, by no means abjured Christianity, and a great many of the humanist educational theorists were clerics. At the very onset of the age, one such cleric, Blessed Giovanni Dominici,

savaged the educational use of the classics as inimical to faith and morals, in a philippic memorable for its bitterness,“ and was answered within months by Bruni’s concessions to allegorical interpretation.4® The spectre of Dominici, continually revived in his followers, haunted later humanist clerics. We are not justified in concluding that, when Pius II warned that “‘you will be confronted by the opposition of the shallow Churchman,” ‘4° he was referring to Dominici, but no matter the person, physical or moral, in his

mind: Dominici’s was the dart that pricked him. His defense of the educational value of the classics rested on a weak argument, that if we disdain those who fall into error we must turn our backs on and a strong one, that the fathers of the Church many theologians, and the Apostle Paul had themselves utilized the pagan classics.14” He specifically claimed the authority of Basil and Jerome for the principle that the Christian ought to draw from the classics that which is beautiful and inspiring and ignore the rest.4° This leads us to suspect the breadth and precision of his acquaintance with Christian authors. He might have expressed Jerome’s point more accurately, and made profitable reference to Augustine and Hugh of St. Victor. Nonetheless, his solution, vague and vulnerable though it was, seems to have expressed the extent of the thinking of the earlier humanists. A decade later, Vegius could find no better defense of the classics than Augustine’s recommendation of Vergil and Cicero.149 He did, however, attempt to give critics less cause for attacks on the classics, for he defended Vergil from charges of immorality on the ground that Dido’s fate was intended to show women the way to true happiness,1®° whereas sixty years earlier, 144 Dominici, Regola, pp. 35-36. Cf. also Woodward, p. 41. Cf. also his Lucula noctis, passim. 145 Bruni, De studiis, pp. 131-32. 146 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 149.

147 Thid., p. 150.

148 Tbid., p. 150. 149 Vegius, De educatione, I, 83-84. 150 Tbid., p. 87.

Desiderius Evasmus,

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Coluccio Salutati had been able to do no better than explain the conduct of Aeneas and Dido on the basis that such conduct had been permissible in heroic times.1°1 It is not to be supposed that foes of the classics were squelched by such thin reasoning. Their sniping persisted, and occasionally, as in the time of Savonarola’s glory in Florence, they had their day in the sun. The charismatic Dominican preached that ... the humanists merely pretend to be Christians ;those ancient authors whom they sedulously exhume and edit and praise are strangers to Christ and the Christian virtues, and their art is an idolatry of heathen gods or a shameless display of naked men and women,’

and, lashed by the frenzy of his apocalyptic warnings, the citizens of Florence transformed their carnival into a religious holiday illumined by bonfires of classical authors.1? The search for a more perfect justification for the classics must continue. The soundest and most complete defense was produced by Erasmus. He advanced a multifaceted historical argument which contended that the classics were essential for Christians because Greek and Roman institutions and thought systems had been adopted by the early Christians to express and spread the Faith, because the Fathers of the Church had not only themselves studied and used classical literature and philosophy but explicitly recommended the classics, and because classical antiquity was an historical fact which no man could ignore. To this he added the assertion, the fruit of long and careful study, that the moral thinking of the ancients was virtually identical to that of Christians and thus would more likely foster Christian virtue than inhibit it.54 The importance of the classics 151 Peter

Burke,

‘“‘The Sense

of Historical

Perspective

in Renaissance

Italy,” Journal of World History, XI, 4 (1969), 626. Cf. also Roberto Weiss,

The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1969). 152 Will

Durant,

The

Story of Civilization,

Vol.

V:

The Renaissance:

A

History of Civilization in Italy from 1304-1576 A.D. (N. Y.: Simon & Schuster,

1953), P- 146.

158 Francesco

Guicciardini,

Domandi (N. Y.: Harper

The

History

of Flovence,

trans.

by Mario

& Row, 1970), p. 146. Cf. also Girolamo Savonarola,

De Simplicitate Christianae Vitae, ed. by Pier Giorgio Ricci (Rome: Angelo Belardetti, 1970), and Ralph Roeder, The Man of the Renaissance (N. Y.: World Publishing Co., 1958), pp. 71-72. 154 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, p. 337; Edward J. Power, Evolution of Educational Doctrine: Major Educational Theorists of the Western World (N. Y.: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969), pp. 214-15; Woodward, Deszderius Evasmus, pp. 48-49.

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thus safeguarded, Erasmus conceded that their use by immature students continued to present a procedural problem. To meet it, he suggested careful inculcation of morals in early home training,’ allegorical interpretation,!®* and careful selection of texts.1®’ After his time, humanists could rest content that they could demonstrate convincingly what they had always believed about the value of the classics.

The Nature and Use of History The humanists did not merely explore the classics: they explored them in their historical context. Indeed, the sense of history permeates humanist educational tracts to the extent that one almost becomes wearied at the flood of historical examples that they contain. It has been suggested that the general similarity of the Italian city states to the polities of Greece and Rome accounts for this,158 but this is an opinion subject to some qualification, as is evident from the fact that Petrarch’s interest in antiquity seems to have been motivated by his desire to forget his own age.!®® In any case, Vergerius was able to commend the educational value of history as an attractive and useful subject.1®° Succeeding humanists would agree with this estimate, assigning its usefulness chiefly to the provision of practical lessons and moral precepts.’ In this sense, history was especially useful for princes, for “‘a Prince who cannot read the lessons of history is a helpless prey of flattery and intrigue.” 162 Yet even the prince must exercise caution in the study of history, for the proper use of history depends upon precise inter155 Power,

Educational Doctrine, p. 215; Woodward,

Desiderius Evasmus,

pp. 154-60. 186 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, p. 339; Power, Educational Doctrine, p. 216; Woodward, Desiderius Evasmus, pp. 49-50.

157 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, pp. 339-40; Power, Educational Doctrine, pp. 216-17; Woodward, Desiderius Evasmus, pp. 111-15. 158 Burke, ‘Historical Perspective in Renaissance Italy,”’ p. 627. 159 John Herman Randall, Jr., The Making of the Modern Mind: A Survey of the Intellectual Background of the Present Age (rev. ed.; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1940), p. 118. 160 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 106. 161 Bruni,

De studiis,

p. 128;

Guarino,

De

ordine,

p. 169;

Sadoleto,

De

pueris, p. 107; Guillaume Budé, De l’institution du prince (Paris: L’ Abbaye de l’Arrivour, 1547), p. 64. Cf. also Hans Baron, ‘“‘Das Erwachen des historischen Denkens im Humanismus des Quattrocento, Historische Zeitschrift, CXLVII (1932), 5-20; B. L. Ullman, “Leonardo Bruni and Humanistic Historiography,” Medievalia et Humanistica, IV (1946), 45-61. 162 Piccolomini,

De educatione, p. 141.

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pretation, and the careless reader can easily be led into érror7? This, of course, is a somewhat

narrow view of history, and were

this the sum of humanist views on the subject, there would be little to distinguish their views from those of the most benighted cleric of the Early Middle Ages. The expanding dimension of sophistication in their conception of history is indicated by Guarino’s estimate of history as one of the two major divisions of grammar.14 Thus history could also be conceived as useful for the understanding of classical allusions,!®° and for the development of style.16° Indeed, a philological case for the usefulness of history could be built upon the notion that authoritative usage could be determined only in terms of the context of a word’s use, which context “included the mental world of the writer’s time.” 16” There seems, therefore, to have been in the Renaissance perception of history an underlying complexity which gives the lie to the estimate of Bruni, historian though he was, of history as “‘an easy subject ... the narration of the simplest matters of fact.”’ 16° There are, in fact, a number of distinguishing characteristics we may assign to the Renaissance idea of history. Where medieval thinkers tended to treat past ages as of the same fabric as their own time, the men of the Renaissance possessed a sense of historical perspective which made them acutely aware of anachronism.'®® This deeper insight into the nature of history manifested itself in the entire progress of humanist historiography from its beginnings in the local recording of civic achievements to its apogee in creditable world histories,17° and the elucidation in Renaissance

histories of

the ideas of progress, the plenitude of nature, the influence of climate, the cyclical nature of reality, the stability of human nature, and the inevitability of decline.171 That some of these 163 Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, pp. 201-202. 164 Guarino, De ordine, p. 169.

165 Erasmus, De ratione, p. 168. 166 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 148.

167 Burke, ‘Historical Perspective in Renaissance Italy,” p. 619. 168 Bruni, De studtis, p. 128.

169 Burke, ‘‘Historical Perspective in Renaissance Italy,” pp. 615-16. Fora fuller elaboration of this idea, see his The Renaissance Sense of the Past (N.Y.: St. Martin’s Press, 1970). 170 Harry Elmer Barnes, A History of Historical Writing (2d ed.; N. Y.: Dover Publications, 1962), p. 100. 171 Herbert Weisinger, ‘Ideas of History During the Renaissance,” Journal of the History of Ideas, VI (1945), 416. Cf. also Hans Baron, “Das Erwachen

des historischen Denkens

im Humanismus;’’

Myron P. Gilmore,

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themes are incompatible to the point of antithesis suggests a rich variety in humanist historiography that distinguishes the age from previous eras. It is certainly correct to term the emergence of local history as characteristic of the Renaissance. After all, three of the five human-

ists who held the post of chancellor in Florence between 1427 and 1494 produced histories of the city,!’* to which we would have to add the Florentine histories of Machiavelli and Guicciardini.'% Nonetheless, the main emphasis of humanist historians remained upon

classical

history, if not thirty years he referred to the to understand ment.” 178 So

times.

‘““What

else,”

Petrarch

asked,

“‘...

is all

the praise of Rome?’ 17 and Bruni, despite the devoted to writing the history of Florence, doubtless classical age when he stipulated that “‘it is our duty the origins of our own history and its developPius II rejected the chronicles of Bohemia and

Hungary in favor of Livy, Sallust, Justin, Quintus Curtius, Valerius Maximus, Arrian, and the scriptural authors of sacred history.176

It is, therefore, not belief in the use of history but the intricacy of texture, the philological orientation, and the perceptual sophistication of humanist historiography that distinguished the age of the Renaissance from previous eras. The Vernacular

Classical thought, example, and expression so dominated the scholarly concerns of the age as to leave virtually no scope for the vernacular tongue. Of the early humanists, only Dominici and Alberti couched their educational prescriptions in the vernacular, in both cases within the framework of treatises on the broader subject of family governance. Those who wrote specifically educa“Freedom and Determinism in Renaissance Historians,’ Studies in the Renaissance, III (1956), 49-60; Louis Green, Chronicle into History: An Essay

on the Interpretation of History in Florentine Fourteenth-Century Chronicles (N. Y.: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Donald R. Kelley, “Legal Humanism and (1966), 184-199.

the

Sense

of History,’

Studies

in the Renaissance,

XIII

172 Donald J. Wilcox, The Development of Florentine Humanist Historiography in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1969), p. 2. 173 Barnes, History of Historical Writing, pp. 107-108. 174 Cited in Theodor E. Mommsen,

Medieval and Renaissance

Studies, ed.

by Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1959), p. 122. 175 Bruni, De studiis, p. 128; Woodward, Vittorino, p. 216. 176 Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 152. Cf. also Guarino, De ordine, p. 169.

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tional treatises did so in Latin and almost universally omitted even the mention of the vernacular. The omission of the vernacular from theoretical consideration seems to have been mirrored in practice: the evidence available to us suggests, for example, that Vittorino and Guarino found no place for it in their schools.1”’ The early humanists do not seem to have felt that the vulgar tongue, meshed in the toils of its adolescence, possessed the flexibili-

ty and power adequately to express great thoughts. It is true, of course, that Bruni defended his use of Italian in his Vita di Dante

by asserting that whether the writing is in Latin, or in Volgare does not matter; the

difference is no other than that between writing either in Greek or in Latin. Every language has its own perfection, a tone of its own, and a peculiar way of refined and scientific expression.*”®

Yet over against this we must set his contention that Dante used Italian only because of his ignorance of Latin,!7® and his failure in his treatise De studiis et literis to make any provision for the study of the vernacular. His praise of the vernacular thus has more the air

of nervous justification than of sincere conviction. Alberti, in a similar defense of his practice, more realistically conceded that Italian could fairly be ranked with Latin only when “... learned men decide to refine and polish it by zealous and arduous labors.’’?®° As the Renaissance sprawled across space and time, the activities of scholars who, like Bruni, used the common tongue despite their unwillingness to concede its curricular value, contributed mightily to the polishing and refining Alberti saw as necessary. Challenges to the universal spiritual sway of the Roman Church, the emergence of the middle classes, and the beginnings of cohesive national states encouraged the pretentions of vulgar tongues. Writing in 1529, Erasmus, the doyen of classicists, could still stigmatize French as

“a language which is barbarous and unformed, in which spelling never follows pronunciation, whose sounds are mere noises for which

the throat

of man

was

never

framed,’

and

dismiss

the

common tongue from educational use to be “‘left to be picked up in the ordinary intercourse of life.’’ 181 Yet the vernacular was by that 177 Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 40, 42. 178 Cited in Baron, Early Italian Renaissance, I, 306. 179 Cf. Woodward, Vittorvino, p. 41.

180 Alberti, The Family, p. 153. 181 Erasmus,

De pueris, pp. 199, 201.

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time making inroads upon education. Guillaume Budé had written an educational treatise, De l’institution du prince, in the vernacular

a decade earlier. In De tradendis disciplinis, published in 1523, Vives strongly urged that teachers know the vernacular thoroughly, the better to instruct their charges in the “learned languages.” 1%? In Castiglione’s IJ Cortegiano, published the year before Erasmus’ pronouncements, could be found a lengthy disquisition applying the canon of authoritative usage to the speaking of correct Italian. 18° Elyot’s The Boke named the Gouernour appeared only two years later. The production of educational treatises in the vernacular continued, and increasing emphasis was given the educational use of the common tongue, so that Cardinal Antoniano, writing in 1584 was able not only to recommend that the teacher know how to express himself easily and accurately in the vernacular,’** but that the student take pains to learn the common tongue: Parimente e necessario di ben esercitare il fanciullo nello studio della nostra lingua volgare, mentre é ben disdicevole il vedere talora un gentiluomo che non sa se non inettamente spiegare i suoi concetti nelle lettere famigliari ....1%

A century later acceptance of the vernacular in education could be measured from Locke’s assertion that English boys should learn French before Latin.1%¢ Physical Training

The humanist educators were by no means interested in producing the sort of scholar who is next thing to a disembodied intellect: The “‘uomo universale’”’ was to be a complete man, characterized by perfection of the body as well as of the mind. The most negative rationale for the pursuit of physical education derived from emphasis on moral and religious training. Youth was seen as a time of tremendous energy which, if unchanneled, would result in evil and destructive activity, and thus supervised physical activity was 182 Vives, On Education, pp. 103-104. Cf. also his Introduction to Wisdom, I14, p. 106. 183 Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, pp. 47 ff. 184 Antoniano,

Dell’Educazione,

pp. 390-92.

185 “T ikewise it is necessary to exercise the young child well in the study

of our common language, while it is quite unseemiy to find a gentleman who

cannot at all times explain his ideas precisely in the mother tongue....” Ibid., p. 415. ; 186 John Locke, Some Thoughts Concerning Education, ed. by F. W. Garforth (Woodbury, N. Y.: Barron’s Educational Series, 1964), p. 195.

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necessary.!8? In a more positive sense, physical education was perceived as conducive to the productive use of leisure time for healthy recreation,18§& and for aesthetic enjoyment.1** Beyond these, emphasis upon physical education was nurtured also by the popularity of the profession of arms among titled classes and the increasing desirability of some acquaintance with the arts of war on the part of the middle classes.19° Doubtless these were, in great extent, arguments of convenience. After all, these thinkers were animated by a lively admiration for the classical ages, which considered an education incomplete unless pursued in the gymnasium and palaestra. Only against this background can we properly understand the extravagant praise Alberti heaped on physical education: The physicians, and those who have long observed and carefully studied what is good for the human body, say that exercise preserves life, kindles heat and natural vigor, skims off waste and bad elements,

strengthens every muscle and sinew. Exercise is necessary to young men, useful to old ones. The only person who should not engage in exercise is one who does not wish to lead a happy, joyous, healthy life.

Exercise certainly not only can turn a languid and drooping person into a fresh and vigorous one, but it can even more effectively make a bad and vice-ridden human being into an honorable and disciplined one. It can make a weak intellect powerful, and change a poor memory into a very precise and powerful one. No one can have been so spoiled and made so strange and hard that effective diligence and zeal cannot entirely transform and restore him in a matter of days.1*?

If other humanists took such an encomium at all seriously, it is small wonder that they devoted a deal of attention in their educational writings to physical development.1% 187 Dominici, Regola, p. 42; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 111. 188 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 116; Dominici, Regola, p. 43; Alberti, The Family, pp. 83-84; Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 138; Vegius, De educatione, I, 110-11; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, pp. 426-29. 189 Woodward, Studies in Education, p. 37. 190 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 113, 115-16; Piccolomini, De educatione,

p. 138;

Vegius,

De

educatione,

I, 108;

Elyot,

The Gouernour,

PP. 74-79: 191 Alberti, The Family, pp. 63, 65. 192 Cf, Wilhelm Krampe, Die italienischen Humanisten und ihrer Wirksamheit fiir die Wiederbelebung gymnastischer Padagogik. Ein Beitrag zur allgemetnen Geschichte der Jugenderziehung und der Leibestibungen (Breslau: W. A. Korn,

1895);

O. Richter,

“Die

Ansichten

und

Bestrebungen

italienischer

Humanisten auf dem Gebiete der Leibeserziehung. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Leibesiibungen,’’ Monatschvift fiiy des Turnwesen, XIV (1895),

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477,

At least one of the humanist educational theorists clearly detected the importance of heredity in physical formation, unscientific though his view of the process of hereditary transmission may have been. Vegius stipulated that parents must exercise moderation in eating and drinking lest their intemperateness lead to predisposition to sensuality in their children, abstain from intercourse when weak or tired so as not to beget infirm progeny and carefully select art objects for the bedroom lest their exposure to grotesque representations adversely shape the developing fetus.1®* His insistence upon a moderate regimen for pregnant women was shared by Antoniano.*% The belief that mothers must insure the proper development of their offspring by nursing them was also popular.*” By far the majority of humanists regarded physical education as a process of early home training by which the individual was hardened by physical privations and exertions.1% Almost without exception, therefore, the humanist educators took a Spartan approach to the regulation of the child’s food, drink, sleep, and dress, without making any significant revision of Vergerius’ dictum: All excess in eating and drinking, or in sleep, is to be repressed ... in no case is it allowable to eat, drink, or sleep up to the point of complete satisfaction ...19”

There were, of course, efforts made to include physical training in the process of schooling. Vittorino carefully organized the physical activity of his scholars: Whatever the weather, daily exercise in some form was compulsory. There was ample space for games, riding, running, and all the 98-107,

139-49,

193-200,

262-70; and Carl Rossow,

Italienische und deutsche

Humanisten und ihre Stellung zu den Leibestibungen (Leipzig: C. G. Naumann, 1903). The progress of scientific study tended to confirm their enthusiasm, as witness Girolamo Cardano, Opus novum

cunctis de sanitate tuenda, ac vita

producenda studiosis apprime necessarium: in quatuor libyos digestum (Rome: F. Zanettum, 1580), and Hieronymus Mercurialis, Artis Gymnasticae apud Antiquos celeberrimae, nostris temporibus ignoratae libvi sex (Venice: Juntas, 1569). 193 Vegius, De educatione, I, 18-19; Erasmus, De pueris, p. 104. 194 Vegius, De educatione, 1, 19-20; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, pp. 49-50. 195 Vegius, De educatione, I, 20-23; Erasmus, De pueris, p. 194; Sadoleto,

De pueris, p. 23; Antoniano, Dell’Educazione, pp. 55-57196 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 113-14; Piccolomini, De educatione, p. 137; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, p. 64. 197 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 100. Cf. Piccolomini, De educatione,

pp. 137-39; Vegius, De educatione, 1, 26-29, II, 190, 220; Erasmus, De pueris, p--202;5) Vives, -Lntvoduction to Wisdom, 81-117, pp. 96-100; Antoniano, Dell’ Educazione, pp. 53-55, 357-82.

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athletic exercises then popular. We hear that he specially encouraged certain games of ball, leaping, and fencing. He prized excellence in sports as only less praiseworthy than literary power, for in such power he found a sound corrective to self-indulgence and effeminacy.1%8

Guarino’s school likewise seems to have devoted significant time and attention to physical pursuits.19° Beyond this it is difficult to estimate what impact humanistic theory had in practice in the area of physical education. Church vs. State in Education

In addition to discussing the goals and content of education, the humanists attended to other educational questions in a distinctive way. First among these in order of logical priority was the problem of the rights of the state vis-a-vis those of the Church in education. Medieval thinkers had been preoccupied with the relative power of the Church as against temporal rulers, a question arising from the absence of the concept of moral personality in Teutonic tribal law and expressing itself in disagreements ‘as to titles of ecclesiastical properties and the right of investiture.?°° It was only at the close of the medieval period that the temporal power began to acquire the characteristics associated in modern times with statehood.? The rights of the state in education were not asserted in medieval times save in the solitary, fevered fantasies of Pierre Dubois: Disendowment of the Church, and of the monasteries, absolute authority for the secular State, women’s enfranchisement, mixed

education, are all advanced with the one object of increasing the power of the French king, who is to be made Emperor and to rule in Constantinople. International Arbitration was to decrease the horrors of war, and educated women were to be sent to the Holy Land in order to marry and convert both the Saracens and the priests of the orthodox Church, and also to become trained nurses and teachers.?% 198 Woodward,

Vittovino, p. 65.

199 Woodward, Studies in Education, p. 38.

200 Cf. Sidney Z. Ehler, Twenty Centuries of Church and State: A Survey of theiy Relations in Past and Present (Westminster, Md.: The Newman Press,

1957), PP- 23-37:

201 Tdem., ‘On Applying the Modern Term ‘State’ to the Middle Ages,” Medieval Studies Presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., ed. by J. A. Watt, J. B. Morral, and F. X. Martin (Dublin: Colm O. Lochlainn, 1961). 202 John Neville Figgis, Political Thought from Gerson to Grotius : 1414-1625 (N. Y.: Harper & Bros., 1960), pp. 31-32. Cf. Pierre Dubois, De Recuperatione

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Dubois penned his De recuperatione in 1306, and it was not until twenty years later that the definitive statement of the rights and prerogatives of the secular state over against the Church was

enunciated by Marsiglio of Padua, whose Defensor pacis remained until the Reformation the basic text of those who resisted clerical domination of society.2% Even the seminal works of Pierre Dubois and Marsiglio of Padua advanced a characteristically medieval identification of the secular state with the person of an individual ruler. The slow gestation of the modern concept of the state would continue for generations: when Marsiglio wrote, Machiavelli’s formulations were more than a century and a half beyond the horizon.?% For a variety of reasons, the sites most propitious for this gestation were the burgeoning polities of the Italian peninsula. Thus, at the Quattrocento’s end, Vergerius could write confidently of the interest of a secular state in education, holding that Tervae Sanctae (Paris: Picard, 1891); Thomas I. Cook, History of Political Philosophy from Plato to Burke (N. Y.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1937), pp. 231-37; Bede Jarrett, Social Theories of the Middle Ages, 1200-1500 (Boston: Little,

Brown & Co., 1926), pp. 92-93; Claude Jenkins, ““The Religious Contribution of the Middle Ages,” in Mediaeval Contributions to Modern

Civilisation, ed. by F. J. C. Hearnshaw (London: George G. Harrap & Co., 1921), pp. 67-68. 203 Marsiglio of Padua, The ‘“‘Defensor Pacis’ of Marsilius of Padua, ed. by C. W. Previté-Orton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926); C. Kenneth Brampton,” Marsiglio of Padua, Part I: Life,’ English Historical Review, XXXVIII (Jan. 1923), 1-21; Cook, History of Political Philosophy, Pp. 237-41; Philip Hughes, A History of the Church, Vol. III: The Revolt Against the Church, Aquinas to Luther (N. Y.: Sheed & Ward, 1947), pp. 145-53; Jean Riviere, ‘‘Marsile de Padoue,”’ Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique (15v. in 30; Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1902-50), X, cc. 153-77. The quartercentury preceding Marsiglio’s work witnessed a debate regarding the limits of secular and ecclesiastical power which was rich in controversial literature, the most notalbe pieces of which were Egidio Colonna, Aegidius Romanus de ecclesiastica potestate,

ed. by Richard

Scholz

(Weimar:

H. Boéhlaus,

1929),

Jacobus de Viterbo, Le plus ancien traité de Véglise. Jacques de Vuterbe, De vegimine Christiano, ed. by Henri Xavier Arquilliere (Paris: G. Beauchesnes, 1926), and Jean de Paris, On Royal and Papal Power, trans. by J. A.

Watt (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1971). The entire controversy is admirably delineated in Jean Riviére, Le probléme de l’église et de l'état au temps de Philippe le Bel. Etude de Théologie positive (Paris: E. Champion, 1926). 204 Cf, Niccolo Machiavelli, The Discourses, trans. by Leslie J. Walker and Brian

Richardson

(Baltimore,

Md.:

Penguin

Books,

1970),

The

Prince,

trans. by Luigi Ricci and E. R. P. Vincent (N. Y.: New American Library, 1952).

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... the education of children is a matter of more than private interest; it concerns that State, which indeed regards the right training of the young as, in certain aspects, within its proper sphere.?

Unfortunately, Vergerius did not clarify what he considered to be those “certain aspects,” nor did he expatiate upon his expressed wish to see the state’s educational responsibility extended.? Presumably, he envisioned the advent of state support of schools. If so, he was well in advance of his time, for theorists for more than

acentury after were preoccupied with the state’s educational rather than its educational duties. Cardinal Dominici, writing beginning of the 15th century, introduced one of the five sections of his educational treatise, ““Education with regard state,’ in this way: Since your children, and particularly the boys, are members

rights at the major to the

of the Republic, which, as you know, has need of many things, as, for instance, governors, defenders, and artisans, it is proper that they be brought up for its utility.?°”

The state, he felt, had a right to expect that the process of education would produce for it a citizen trained in political impartiality, fitted for both public and military service, a lover of justice who would not only pray for the state but preserve and strengthen its economic functioning by his skill in manual arts.?°° Heady notions these, to be affirmed by a Cardinal of the Church, and the truest measure of Dominici’s estimate of the times lies in the fact that his ideas were not improved upon until Erasmus turned his penetrating gaze upon the subject. Perhaps because of excessively secular constructions which had been placed upon the words of theorists like Dominici, who, though no less religious were perhapsless cautious, Erasmus took care to set the right of the state in its proper perspective, advising parents, “Your children are begotten not to yourself alone, but to your country: not to your country alone, but to God.” 2°® To a thinker alert to elucidate so easily and generally ignored a distinction, emphasis on the educational rights of the state without corresponding emphasis on its duties must have seemed astonishing negligence. The state, he proclaimed, has at least as much responsibility as the Church 205 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 99-100. 206 [bid., p. 100. 208 Tbid., pp. 162-65. 207 Dominici, Regola, p. 62. 209 Erasmus, De pueris, p. 187.

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for providing qualified teachers.24° He was prepared to find the

state deficient in this regard, and hoped that perhaps the liberality of the wealthy would supply for the state’s neglect of responsibility with respect to providing educational resources for the children of the poor.*1! Of course, the tardiness of the state to assume its educational responsibilities was a failure of practical insight, and Erasmus distilled the wisdom of Plato and his contemporaries for Prince Charles: A prince who is about to assume control of the state must be advised at once that the main hope of a state lies in the proper education of its youth. This Xenophon wisely taught in his Cyropaedia. Pliable youth is amenable to any system of training. Therefore the greatest care should be exercised over public and private schools and over the education of the girls, so that the children may be placed under the best and most trustworthy instructors and may learn the teachings of Christ and that good literature which is beneficial to the state.”1”

An undertone of wistful hope may be detected in the prescription. In any case, Erasmus had managed, in this case as in others, to provide in the instance as much theoretical scaffolding as the age demanded. The Renaissance educational theorists never so resolved the question of Church vs. State in education as to make it disappear, but they could be content with the order and harmony with which Erasmus related the several elements of the problem. The question of Church vs. State in education would doubtless have assumed more serious proportions, and evoked a deal more debate, had the humanists not laid so great stress upon the role of parents in education. If education were to occur within a family context, conducted by the parents in the child’s earliest years, afterwards by a tutor whose status was virtually that of family member, the participation of any extra-familial agency would be small indeed. Inany humanist conception of education, of course, both church and state could be

expected to achieve status as final causes, but could scarcely hope to challenge the role of the family as efficient cause of education.

Early Home Training This emphasis on the educational role of the family, far from being the result of whim or arbitrary choice, was firmly founded in a conception of moral purpose: one must take especial care to 210° [O1d., P-.299211 Tbid., p. 210.

212 Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, pp. 212-13.

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frustrate the disposition to evil so characteristic of the age and take advantage of the child’s malleability to inculcate virtuous habits.” Careful physical nurturance is required not only to maintain the infant in existence, but also to lay the foundation for the child’s entire moral and personal development.?4 For this reason, as has been noted, parents were held to bear major responsibility for forming their children in such physical habits as would promote the selfdiscipline basic to the practise of all other virtues.?¥° Since they viewed imitation as the chief means by which young children learn, humanist educators conceived the role of parents in early home training primarily as an exercise in example: they must live the virtues they would have their children absorb.7!* The one area in which their role could properly be termed instructional was the teaching of religion. If fundamental religious awareness could be ingrained by the example of parental participation in religious exercises,”!7 this was no more than preliminary to communication of religious ideas and truths. Cardinal Sadoleto noted that this was to be done, “not so much by argument, which the child cannot follow at this tender age, as by examples and by accounts of the wonderful things which God has done,” #48 and doubtless there were parents whose religious knowledge, fervor, and imagination were equal to the task. Yet Piccolomini probably expressed the outer limits of realistic expectation when writing to the eleven year old King of Bohemia and Hungary: We believe that you were instructed as is befitting a Christian, that you know the Lord’s Prayer, the Salutation of the Blessed Virgin, the Gospel of John, the Creed, some prayers, what sins are mortal,

the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, the Commandments of Almighty God, the Works of Mercy, and finally the way of saving the soul and leading it to heaven.*1®

In the normal course of affairs, parents could probably be counted upon to do a deal less than this, drilling their children in a few basic 213 Erasmus, De pueris, p. 181; Sadoleto, De pueris, p. 18; Vives, Introduction to Wisdom, 9, 10, p. 86.

214 Cf. note 37, supra. 215 Cf. pp. 23-24, supra. 216 Vegius, De educatione, I, 5-10; Erasmus, De pueris, pp. 188-89; Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 25-46. 217 Sadoleto, De pueris, pp. 25-27. 218 [bid., Dp. 49: 219 Piccolomini, De educatione, trans. by J. S. Nelson, p. 129. Cf. Antoniano, Dell Educazione, pp. 94-95.

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3

prayers and useful catechetical formulations, while skating perilously close to the thin ice of superstition.?#° Apart from the communication of moral example and basic religious data, the chief educational duty of parents was the provision of a suitable tutor. While it is true that Erasmus counseled that parents themselves follow the example of the ancients in tutoring their own children, his plaints against the practice of his time make it evident that it was a rare parent who did not prefer to put his children in the hands of a tutor.?#! It is only natural then that we find the humanist educators taking pains to urge parents to exercise great care in selecting worthy tutors.”?? That the advice was practically as well as logically necessary is suggested by Erasmus’ lament that “... it is thought natural that ... a child ... should be left in charge of a man ignorant of learning and of illiberal condition.” ** This seems to have been in good measure a problem in domestic economics, as certain of the humanists found it necessary to advise parents that it was unworthy and unwise to grudge paying a good salary to a tutor.?%4 The Education of Women

The final emphasis characteristic of Renaissance educational theorists is their approach to the education of women. Although as late as 1524 it was possible for Juan Luis Vives to herald himself as the first to treat fully of the education proper for a Christian woman,225 a variety of thinkers before him had adverted to the subject, among them a number of humanists who had been reshaping and extending the educational doctrine of both ancients and Christians regarding women. The time demanded such a venture. The diminution of clerical control of society, the invention of courtly love, the emergence of the merchant class all made the redefinition of woman’s nature and purpose in society inescapable. The result, some have asserted, was that “‘in the education of Girls 220 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, p. 100. 221 Erasmus, De pueris, p. 201; Elyot, The Gouernour, p. 22.

222 Vergerius, De ingenuis moribus, pp. 100, 110; Piccolomini, De educatio-

ne, pp. 136-37; Vegius, De educatione, I, 6-10, 39, 57-58; Guarino, De ordine, pp. 200-201; Erasmus, Education of a Christian Prince, pp. 142-43, De pueris, pp. 195, 201; Elyot, The Gouernour, pp. 24-25, 32-34; Antoniano, Dell’ Educa-

zione, Ppp. 392-96, 403-406. 223 Erasmus, De pueris, p. 201. 224 Thid., p. 193; Antoniano,

Dell’ Educazione,

pp. 395-96.

225 Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, Pp. 92.

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the Humanist contemplated a standard of attainment and a range of subjects identical with those proposed for boys.” 96 Such a conception would, of course, be consistent with the humanist notion of the general utility of education for character formation. Yet it would be astounding indeed if the humanist educational theorists, committed as they were to adapting to the individual differences of pupils, would not have made some differentiation according to gender.?2? We are forced back up on the sources themselves, and they indicate that, for a variety of reasons, the contention that the Renaissance brought a real measure of educational opportunity could most charitably be termed an overstatement. At the very outset it must be noted that the humanists were unable to achieve unanimity in their conceptions of the nature of women. Are the many deprecations of women which Signor Gasparo advances in Book Three of I/ Cortegiano simply a literary device to provide narrative justification for the Magnifico Giuliano’s praise of women? It does not seem so; they have about them a ring of authenticity which indicates that Castiglione had often heard it said that woman was less perfect than man, that she as matter derives perfection from man who is the form, that she is frigid as man is warm, that she is responsible for Adam’s sin, so that his encomium for women had necessarily to respond to such contentions.228 The notions he tried to refute were,

in truth, common

currency in his own day and for a good time afterward. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries saw an astonishing number of contributions to the polemic, and it cannot fairly be said that either side won a decisive victory.??® Lacking a clear and unanimous doctrine regarding the nature of women, the humanists found it necessary to treat women operationally, according to their perceived function. Yet their perceptions of the function of women were various. When Bruni idealized woman he saw her immersed in the arts of learning, spiritual heiress of Sappho and Aspasia.?8° By contrast, Alberti expected no more from 226 Woodward, Vittorino, p. 247. 227 Mary Agnes Cannon, The Education of Women during the Renaissance (Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America, 1916), p. 30. 228 Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, pp. 212 ff.

229 Cf. Ruth Kelso, Doctrine for the Lady of the Renaissance University of Illinois Press, 1956), pp. 5-37. 230 Bruni, De studiis, p. 123.

(Urbana:

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woman than that she be a good wife Castiglione focused upon the woman court, and must thus possess a wide intellectual virtues.282 Vives, treating married woman,

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and household manager.” who must lead her life at range of moral, social, and woman variously as virgin,

and widow, resolved that, at bottom, a woman’s

central achievement was the preservation of chastity. His central point was that . many

things are necessary to a man:

prudence,

practical knowledge, natural ability, memory,

some

eloquence,

art of living,

justice, generosity, magnamity and other things too numerous to mention. If some of these things are lacking in him, he is not to be reproached as long as he has some. But in women no one looks for eloquence, natural ability, prudence, the arts of living or the management of things, or justice or generosity. No one looks for anything in her except chastity, and if she lacks this she is no more than a man would be in whom everything was lacking.

The actual incidence of scholarly ladies such as Bruni found worth encouraging may be presumed to have been relatively slight, although women occasionally occupied university chairs.” We may likewise presume that, given nature of society in the age, relatively few women would be directly involved in the activities of courts. Most women,

we may

then assume,

were

destined from birth for

the roles Alberti and Vives conceived for them. The great majority

of women,

therefore, destined to be wives or mothers, would need

formation in moral virtue more than any other accomplishment. The pattern for moral education was well established. When speaking specifically of girls, therefore, there was little reason to do much more than shape the familiar prescriptions a bit. Vegius summed up the greater part of Renaissance wisdom on the subject in a single paragraph: Sed et magna cura suscipietur ne adulescentulorum utantur coloquiis eorum maxime qui compti, comatuli, formosulique sunt, ne extranearum puellarum habeant commercium, earum praecipuae quae calamistratae, quae dispaliatae incedunt, quae peregrinos olent odores, quae ambitiosus se ornant atque induunt, quae cultioris formae suae curiosiores videntur, quae exquisitionibus medicamentis fucant capillos et faciem, alimenta cuncta libidinum insignisque ac manifestae impudicitiae argumenta, quae amatoriis cantibus 231 Alberti, The Family, pp. 208 ff. 232 Castiglione, Book of the Courtier, pp. 206 ff. 238 Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, p. 134. wo

234 Woodward,

Vittorino, p. 122.

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cupide indulgent, ne earum exemplo observare incipiant ... Semovendae erunt quae iocis et salibus, quae blandioribus litterulis, qua lyrarum pulsibus saltationibusque delectantur.”°

Similar, if more extended passages can be found in Alberti and Vives. 236 When we approach the intellectual education of girls, we cannot but regard as significant Vives’ prescription: There are some girls who are little capable of learning letters as there are some men. Other girls have such good minds that they seem born for letters, or at least letters don’t seem repellent to them. The former ought to be compelled to learn. The latter should not be prohibited from it, but rather coaxed and attracted to it.8”

Such a statement from one with so relatively narrow a view of the role of women in society argues for the presence of a strong tradition of intellectual education for women in Renaissance humanism. We know, of course, that Battista Malatesta, to whom Bruni addressed

his treatise, attained a high degree of competence in classical letters.228 We are told that Cecilia Gonzaga, one of Vittorino’s pupils, was learning Greek at the tender age of seven,?° and numerous examples of distinguished intellectual achievement by women in the era can be adduced.*4° Such instances ought not to lead us to conclude that girls and boys were generally exposed to an identical curriculum. Bruni’s influential treatise stipulated that “rhetoric in allits forms ... lies absolutely outside the province of a woman,” 241 and it is reasonable to assume that any number of families, in making provisions for the education of their children, 235 “Vet great care shall be taken that they not converse with young men, especially such as are ornamented, hairy, or effeminate, that they not have contact with girls from outside the family particularly those whose hair is teased with a curling iron, who wander all about, who reek of strange odors,

who adorn and clothe themselves ostentatiously, who seem too ornamented and studied in manner, who color hair and face with cosmetics—their entire respect for their parents being put in a clear light by the excesses of their remarkable and obvious immodesty—who eagerly surrender themselves to love songs, lest they begin to follow their examples.... They will have to be separated from those who delight in pranks and jokes, gushy little notes, and dancing to the beat of lyres.”’ Vegius, De educatione, I, 121. 236 Alberti, The Family, pp. 214-16; Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, pp. 140-50. 237 Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, p. 112. 238 Woodward, Vittorino, pp. 119-20; Cannon, Education of Women, pp. 7-8. 239 Sandys, Revival of Learning, p. 80. 240 Cannon, Education of Women, passim. 241 Bruni, De studiis, p. 26.

MAJOR

EMPHASES

IN RENAISSANCE

EDUCATIONAL

THEORY

57

would agree with him that certain subjects useful for the production of a good public man were unsuitable for training girls. In the main, we could scarce expect more than that “... the young woman of the nobility, and particularly the reigning houses, should know Latin well, some Greek, should be able to write Italian verse, and

often know at least one other modern language,’ ?42 and we should expect to find people generally settling for a good deal less. The intellectual training of girls in the Renaissance was probably in most instances guided by the sort of thinking expressed in Vives’ art principle: “... we do not want the girl learned but goods ta If we are to speak, then, of the educational distinctiveness of Renaissance humanism, we must do so in terms of these charact-

eristics : 1. Central emphasis upon moral and religious training for a man whose existence is social as well as eschatological ; 2. The development of the notion of the general utility of education with some concessions to its specific utility ; 3. The wedding of knowledge and style as educational aims; 4. Elucidation of a concept of liberal studies differing in emphasis from that of the Middle Ages; 5. Justification of the value of the classics in the education of

a Christian;

6. Deeper understanding of the nature and uses of history; 7. Ongoing debate on the suitability of the vernacular for educational purposes ; 8. Elaboration of the nature and importance of physical training;

g. Concessions to the rights and duties of the state in education; to. Provision for early home training; 11. Increasing awareness of the possibilities of education for women.

Only by tracing the presence or absence of these themes in the writings of Vincent of Beauvais can we properly decide whether and to what extent he may be termed “humanist.” Strat242 J, J. Walsh, What Civilization Owes Italy (rev. ed.: Boston: The ford Co., 1930), p. 149. 243 Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, p. 105.

CHAPTER

VINCENT

ON THE

THREE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

Moral and Religious Training Men are expressions of the cultural tradition in which they are formed, and it is difficult to the point of impossibility to conceive of a man so “re-forming” himself that his thoughts, deeds and words would not betray the influence of the culture into which he first was initiated. The hand of the past is especially heavy on one who, like Vincent of Beauvais, consciously aims to transmit the best insights his cultural tradition has to offer. Thus, it is hardly surprising that we find Vincent’s educational ideas rooted in concern for moral and religious training. From the remnants of Rome’s greatness, from the stocks of tribes which had inhabited the ancient forests of the West, from the rich

variety of peoples who had wandered into Europe from the fifth Christian century onward, the High Middle Ages fashioned a civilization. Diverse though its physical and social origins, this civilization came to agree on an intellectual and spiritual heritage deriving from Judaeo-Christian thought and the ideals of classical Athens and Rome. All of these stressed the centrality of moral and religious training in education. The Jews interpreted their long and stormy experience as the history of salvation: God had intervened in history to form a special, saving relationship with them, his Chosen People. The record of this relationship, particularly the Pentateuch, must be preserved and studied, and the fruits of such study codified and applied. The basic motivation and motif of education among the Jews was thus moral and religious training, and emphasis which the Scriptures transmitted to medieval Europe.* Athens underwent a long developmental period in the evolution from tribe to city-state, during which the dominant work of educa1 For treatments of early Jewish education, see Nathan Drazin, History of Jewish Education (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1940); Eliezer Ebner, Elementary Education in Ancient Israel (N. Y.: Block Publishing Co., 1956); and Fletcher H. Swift, Education in Ancient Israel (La Salle, Ill.: The Open Court Pub. Co., 1919).

VINCENT

ON THE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

59

tion was the inculcation in the young of the ideal of the noble warrior by use of the tribal myths. With the enfranchisement of the navy in the aftermath of the Persian Wars, Athens was forced to design a new educational practice to suit for participation in politics citizens who had not been nurtured in the ideal of the noble warrior, which was, in any case, no longer sufficient in view of the

complexity and sophistication of the city-state. Some there were who would opt for a short-cut course in the techniques of public persuasion, but this would open the door to all manner of knavery and trickery in public life. The training of a citizen had profound moral implications; “citizenship was the possession of those who had a proper system of values, profound knowledge and understanding leading to wisdom and an ideal of service to their fellow man and to the state, and who exemplified leadership in politics and society.’ Isocrates thus aimed to educate persons who manage well the circumstances which they encounter day by day, and who possess a judgment which is accurate in meeting occasions as they arise and rarely misses the expedient course of action; next, those who are decent and honorable in their intercourse with all with whom they associate, tolerating easily and good-naturedly what is unpleasant or offensive in others and being themselves as agreeable and reasonable to their associates as it is possible to be; furthermore, those who hold their pleasures always under control and are not unduly overcome by their misfortunes, bearing up under them bravely and in a manner worthy of our common nature, finally, and most important of all, those who are not spoiled by successes and do not desert their true selves and become arrogant, but hold their ground steadfastly as intelligent men, not rejoicing in the good things which have come to them through chance rather than in those which through their own nature and intelligence are theirs from birth.®

Plato devoted certain of his dialogues in whole or part to the problem of the teachability of virtue and in his old age summarized his views on the centrality of moral formation to education: I term, then, the goodness that first comes to children “education’’. When pleasure and love, and pain and hatred spring up rightly in the souls of those who are unable as yet to grasp a rational account; 2 Power, Main Currents, p. 93. 3 Isocrates,

Panathenaicus,

30-32,

in The

Collected

Works

of Isocrates,

trans. by George Norlin and Lauren Van Hook. Loeb Classical Library (hereinafter cited as LCL) (3v.; N. Y.: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1928-45), I, 388-89.

60

VINCENT

ON THE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

and when, after grasping the rational account, they consent thereunto after having been rightly trained in fitting practices: this consent, viewed as a whole, is goodness, while the part of it that is

rightly trained in respect of pleasures and pains, so as to hate what ought to be hated, right from the beginning up to the very end, and to love what ought to be loved,—if you were to mark this part off in your definition and call it ““education’’, you would be giving it, in my opinion, its right name.*

By the time the Macedonians subjugated her at the outset of their adventures in Asia, Athens had elevated to the level of theoretical

formulation the notion that moral and religious training is the root aim of education. Like Athens, Rome evolved from tribe to city-state and reached a stage of complexity at which education must produce a public man rather than a warrior. The experience of Athens was available to her, and the importation of learned Greek slaves in the decades following the battle of Tarentum in 272 B.C. fostered its utilization. The resultant educational practice was crowned by the theories of Cicero and Quintilian, the latter, influenced by Isocrates, specifying of his ideal orator that “‘the first essential for such a one is that he should be a good man, and consequently we demand of him not merely the possession of exceptional gifts of speech, but of all the excellences of character as well.” > Although the coming of the Caesars gravely diminished the importance of oratory in public life, Quintilian’s Education of an Oratory, with its concentration on the necessity of moral formation, would be influential for centuries to come.

Christianity fell heir to all of these doctrines. At the outset it hewed to the radical belief that the imminence of the end of the world made all but the narrowest religious instruction futile. Quite early on, however, as belief in the Parousia’s proximity waned, Christians began the long process of assimilating pagan learning to their purposes. Religious training no longer could claim sole sway in Christian education, but it retained its primacy. Clement of Alexandria, the first great synthesizer of classical learning and 4 Plato, Laws, I, # 563BC, trans. by R. G. Bury. LCL (2v.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1926), I, 88-91.

5 Marcus

Fabius

Quintilianus,

The Institutio

Oratoria

of Quintilan,

I,

Pr., 9, trans. by H. E. Butler. LCL (4v.; N. Y.: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1920-22), I, 8-9.

ON THE

VINCENT

Christian ideals, envisioned and noted:

AIMS

61

OF EDUCATION

Christ as the teacher par excellence,

the Instructor being practical, not theoretical, His aim is thus to improve the soul, not to teach, and to train it up to a virtuous, not to an intellectual life.... But our Educator being practical, first exhorts to the attainment of right dispositions and character, and then persuades us to the energetic practice of our duties, enjoining on us pure commandments... .® A tone was set for Christian education; it was to be “‘practical, not

theoretical”, giving moral and religious training more attention than had the pagans. The Christian was a wanderer in this world, to be fitted not for the sort of public career which could demand both breadth and depth of human learning, but for an eternal destiny which could be achieved by even the unlettered. Human learning would not be discarded, but encouraged as a valuable tool in attaining this destiny; yet it would remain clearly subordinate to moral and religious training. The most efficient service Christian education could perform was the training of spiritual leaders, and Christian educational institutions no less than Christian society as a whole came to be dominated by clerical power and purposes. So it was that, following the lead of Hrabanus Maurus,’ educational tracts in the century preceding Vincent’s writings, e.g. those of Thierry of Chartres, Hugh of St. Victor,® Gerard 6 Titus Flavius Clemens,

The Instructor,

I, i, in Alexander

Roberts

and

James Donaldson, eds., The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings N. Y.: of the Fathers down to A.D. 325 (hereinafter cited as ANF) (10v.; Charles

Scribner’s

Sons,

II, p. 209.

1899-1903),

Cf. Joseph M. McCarthy,

al “Clement of Alexandria and the Foundations of Christian Education Theory,” History of Education Society Buletin, No. 7 (Spring, 1971), 14-15. 7 Magnentius Hrabanus Maurus, De clericovrum institutione in Jacques as Paul Migne, ed., Patrologia cursus completus, series latina (hereinafter cited padaPL) (Paris: Migne-Garnier, 1844 ff.), CVII and Des Hrabanus Maurus 1890). gogische Schriften, ed. by Joseph Freundgen (Paderborn: F. Schonigh, 8 Theodoricus Carnotensis, ‘“Eptateuchon, sive bibliotheca de septem on artibus liberalibus,’’ Bibliothé¢que de Chartres, Mss. 497-98 (available microfilm

at the

Pontifical

Institute

of Medieval

Studies,

St.

Michael’s

of Chartres College, University of Toronto since the destruction of the library descripFor 3584. Ms. Paris, , Nationale que Bibliothé and II) in World War

moyen dge (du Ve tions and extracts, see A. Clerval, Les écoles de Chartres au 1965), pp. 221 ff., G.M.B.H., Minerva in: rt-am-Ma (Frankfu siécle) XVIe au

latins de la and Barthélemy Haureau, Notes et extraits de quelques manuscrits

Bibliothéque

Nationale

(5v.;

Paris:

Klincksieck,

1892),

I, 51-69,

and

his

1880), I, Histoive de la philosophie scolastique (2v.; Paris: Pédone-Lauriel, Chartres,” 393-403. Cf. also Edouard Jeauneau, “Le Prologus de Thierry de Mediaeval Studies, XVI (1954), 171-75. icon de ® Hugo de Sancto Victore, Hugonis de Sancto Victore: Didascal

62

VINCENT

ON THE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

Ithier,!° Conrad of Hirschau," and John of Salisbury,!? were gen-

erally given over to considerations of clerical formation. The cultural tradition which Vincent sought to express thus stressed moral and religious training. That Vincent was heir to this tradition should not be read to mean that he was thoroughly familiar with all its twists and turns. Nowhere in De eruditione filiorum nobilium and De morali principis institutione does he cite Isocrates, Plato, Clement, Thierry, or Conrad and, while he quotes John of

Salisbury’s Policraticus often enough, never mentions his educational tract, Metalogicon.1* Withal, he was sufficiently familiar with others fully to mine the riches of his intellectual tradition. So it was that he insisted on the priority of moral and religious training in the education of the Christian layman, and the extent of his commitment is evident from the title of Chapter Fifteen of De eruditione filiorum nobilium: “That All Desire to Learn Ought to Tend Toward Theology: That Is, Divine Science.’’ At the very heart of Vincent’s educational theory is the notion that: ... the soul of the child, recently infused into the flesh, is liable to

its corruption, and its intellect to such a mist of ignorance and its emotions to such corruption of lust that it is infantile both in understanding and in well-doing ... And so on account of this two-fold infantilism, it is necessary for such a soul to receive a two-fold education, namely of teaching to enlighten the mind and of discipline to rule the emotions.*

To emphasize

the point, Vincent

quotes Augustine,®

and it is

studio legendi, ed. by Charles Henry Buttimer. The Catholic University of America Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Latin, Vol. X (Washington, D. C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1939) and The Didascalicon of Hugh of St. Victor: A Medieval Guide to the Arts, trans. by James Taylor. Records of Civilization, Sources and Studies (N. Y.: Columbia University Press, 1961). 10 Gerard Ithier, De institutione novitiorum, in PL,

CLX XVI, cc. 925-52.

11 Conradus Hirsaugiensis, Dialogus super auctores, ed. by R. B. C. Huygens. Collection Latomus, Vol. XVII (Brussels: Latomus, 1955). 12 Joannes Saresberiensis, The Metalogicon of John of Salisbury: A Twelfth-Century Defense of the Verbal and Logical Arts of the Trivium, trans. by Daniel D. McGarry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962). 13 No adequate index exists of authors cited in SM. 14 DE, XV, 1-2, p. 55; NC, p. 181.

18 DE, I, 7-22, pp. 15-16; NC, p. 106. 16 Aurelius Augustinus, De trinitate, XVI, DE, I, 12-19, p. 16; NC, p. 106.

v, 7, in PL,

XLII,

c. 1041;

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS OF EDUCATION

63

worth noting at this point that, whatever Vincent’s acquaintance with and understanding of Augustinian thought, in De erudatione and De morali principis institutione together he cites only eleven of the twenty-three principal sources of Augustine’s educational theory.17 At any rate, Vincent’s use of Augustine in this case permits him to assert that these two aspects of education, teaching and discipline, cannot profitably be deemed disjunctive. Rather, intellectual formation must be viewed as dependent upon proper moral formation, for, Vincent notes, “certain hindrances (to learning) are inherent in the way of life ...,”’ these hindrances being the seven capital sins: pride, envy, anger, sloth, covetousness, lust, and

gluttony.18

The

eradication

of these

hindrances

is the proper

province of moral formation. In addition, the process of learning itself contains

the hindrances

carelessness,

bodily disquiet,

and

lust of the eyes, which must be countered by discipline rather than teaching.1® Moreover, discipline is central to education because perception requires ‘‘laborious exercise in learning.” *° Were this not enough, Vincent also points out that, in addition to its dispositive role, discipline is intellectually productive in that “the exercise of study and discipline sharpens the human mind against the evils which idleness begets in it.” 2! These things being so, Vincent feels that moral instruction is needed ‘‘because knowledge without virtue or good morals is not only futile, but is actually injurious.” Childhood is the most fit time for moral formation,” and in the

course of urging children to accept discipline patiently, Vincent sheds more light on the value of religious and moral training. He advances seven reasons for the patient acceptance of discipline, “the goodness of the divine will, reverence for parents, the good of patience itself, the example of Christ and the saints, the actual usefulness

of the discipline, its relative shortness,

and its subse-

quent happiness’’.24 In expanding upon these, he is unable to resist inserting the lightness and necessity of the punishment into the 17 Cf, Aurelius Augustinus, St. Augustine: On Education, ed. and trans. by George Howie (Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1969), pp. vii-viil. 18 DE, IV, 2-36, pp. 17-18; NC, pp. 125-27. 19 DE, IV, 36-59, 69-71, pp. 18-20; NC, pp. 127-29. 20 DE, V, 29-30, p. 22; NC, p. 132.

21 DE, V, 47-48, p. 22; NC, p. 132. iJ

SDIDS OG WS seks fos ZIG INKS, 1 arty

23 DE, I, pp. 5-8, XXIII, pp. 78-83; NC, pp. 106-110, 216-24. wp 4 DE, XXVII, 2-7, p. 95; NC, p. 246.

64

VINCENT

ON THE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

already formidable list.25 Of these, the usefulness is seen as fourfold as it educates a person “‘to perceive rightly and to do well’, accustoms him to endurance, humbles him, and brings him forgive-

ness.26 It is clear from this treatment that Vincent’s endurance transcends the self-control with which the ancients sought to avoid debilitating excesses of emotion and faults that would militate against their fitness for public life. Vincent’s endurance is a means of imitating Christ and achieving closeness to him as well as of avoiding distractions from the pursuit of eternal happiness. He follows Cyprian of Carthage in terming discipline “the orderly correction of morals”, and Gerard Ithier (whose De imstitutione novitiorum he erroneously ascribed to Hugh of St. Victor) in defining it as “good and honorable behavior seeking ... to abide in good things, blameless throughout all.”’ ?” All of this requires that boys be taught filial obedience, selfcontrol, and social behavior, for ‘‘through the first they are made humble in relation to their elders, through the second they are made orderly within themselves, through the third they are made rightly behaved in relation to friends and neighbors.” ?° In the Christian view, all men aim at Heaven, no matter what

their state in life, and we may thus assume that Vincent’s prescriptions for moral formation are capable of broad application. For this reason, he is at pains to point out that training in obedience is especially necessary for royal children, since it affords them insight into the proper mode of commanding others.?® Vincent’s treatment of obedience is thus extensive, discussing the reasons for obedience, the persons to be obeyed, and the manner in which obedience ought to be exercised. Vincent adduces three reasons for the practice of obedience, “the good of obedience itself, examples, and its advantages.”’ 9° Obedience is good because it was the primary demand placed by God upon Adam, which led Gregory the Great to conclude that it “is the only 2 DE, XXVII, 172-213, pp. 100-102; NC, pp. 254-56. 26 DE, X XVII, 94-166, pp. 98-100; NC, pp. 251-54. 27 Thascus Caecilius Cyprianus, De duodecim abusivis saeculi, XII, 13, in Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum (hereinafter cited as CSEL) (7ov.; Vienna: C. Geroldi Filium 1866 ff.), ITI, iii, 170; Ithier, De institutione novitiovrum, X, PL, CLX XVI, c. 935A; DE, XXVIII, 4-8, p. 103; NC, p. 259. 28 DE, XXVIII, 8-24, pp. 103-104; NC, p. 260. 29 DE, XXVIII, 32-33, p. 104; NC, p. 261. 30 DE, XXVIII, 37-39, p. 104; NC, p. 261.

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS

OF EDUCATION

~

65

virtue which can insert other virtues in the mind and guard that which it has inserted.” 3! Likewise, obedience was the primary demand made of Christ.32 Abraham, Christ, and the entire range of

creation other than devils and man provide significant examples of obedience.®? Vincent conceives the primary advantages of obedience as spiritual in nature, far transcending any specific practicality training in it may have for rulers. They include brotherhood with Christ, the presence of Christ in the mind, the purification of men from their own desires, victory over enemies physical and spiritual, attainment of inward and outward peace, readiness for the Beatific Vision, and progress into eternal life.34 Were these advantages not sufficient, Vincent darkly notes that “just as many blessings are offered as a reward to the obedient, so also there are many curses for the disobedient.” 3° Vincent’s treatment of who ought to be obeyed is a paradigm of the structure of medieval society. At the very pinnacle is God, and “thus neither to prelate nor to earthly father nor to any man whatsoever should there be obedience except it be according to God and on account of God, who is the beginning and end of everything.” 8° After God come prelates, his representatives on earth. These must be honored spiritually by obedience even if they live in an evil fashion, so long as their commands are not ‘‘against reason.’’3” Next come parents, and to them children owe obedience first in “those things which are their parents’ own’, that is to say, “in deed, that is in ministering to their necessities; in word, by verbally expressing mental agreement with their precepts; and in all patience, that is by patiently sustaining their corrections and blows,” and second in those things which they refer to God,”’ that is, “in believing, in doing, and in being warned.” 38 This obedience is specified in the Fourth Commandment and hence is owed under pain of sin, but it is better if obedience be given to a parent freely and voluntarily for the spiritual advantages it brings.8® In addition to these, spiritual 31 Gregorius Magnus,

XXVIII,

Moralia,

XX XV, 29, in PL, EXxyi,c.

39-52, pp. 104-105; NC, pp. 261-62.

32 DE, XXVIII,

52-59, p. 105; NC, p. 262.

33 DE, XXVIII, 59-127, pp. 105-107; NC, pp. 262-66. 34 DE, XXVIII, 127-46, pp. 107-108; NC, pp. 266-67. 35 DE, XXVIII, 193-94, p. 109; NC, p. 269. 36 DE, XXIX, 2-22, pp. 109-10; NC, pp. 270-71.

87 DE,

X XIX, 28-61, pp. 110-11; NC, pp. 271-73.

38 DE, XXIX,

67-76, pp. 111-12; NC, p. 274.

89 DE, XXIX, 97 115, pp. 112-13; NC, pp. 275-77.

705C; DE,

VINCENT ON THE AIMS OF EDUCATION

66

and temporal princes and judges ought to be obeyed by those persons within their jurisdictions, and masters must be obeyed by their slaves.49 These categories summarize the way of precept, yet Vincent concedes that to conform oneself to precept does not unleash the full formative power of obedience. To obtain the maximum educational value from the practice of obedience, one must heed the counsel to perfection, so that it behooves us to obey not only superiors to whom we are held by [sic] the commandment, but also equals or even inferiors, as what human Peter states in his first book, 2, ‘submit yourselves to every

creature for the Lord’s sake.’ As blessed Bernard [of Clairvaux] says in the book On Commandment and Dispensation, ‘Obedience is not perfect when it is cramped and confined within the limits of commandment’.**

d, Finally, as to the manner in which obedience ought to be rendere “freely, : Vincent advances Bernard of Clairvaux’ seven degrees simply, cheerfully, swiftly, courageously, humbly, unceasingly or perseveringly.” * The second step in the process of developing positive discipline is the teaching

of self-control,

which,

Vincent

holds,

is exterior,

related to one’s neighbor, and ‘“‘consists in seemly control of the body.” 48 Here Vincent has almost exclusive reference to Ithier’s De institutione novitiorum, citations from which comprise eighty of percent of Vincent’s treatment of the subject, a total of 143 lines lay of ing demand a 17i-line chapter. In so doing, Vincent was children the sort of conduct expected of novices in religious life. We the can never be completely certain whether he was simply culling g assumin ably comfort or Ithier from most generally applicable dicta broad the but men, all that what is good for the cleric is good for range of Vincent’s recommendations on moral and religious training certainly suggests the latter. In this case, Ithier’s basic assumption is that disorderly conduct is the outward manifestation of disorder to in the soul, so that proper regulation of bodily actions is able the adds Vincent confer stability and peace on the soul.“* To this 40 DE, XXIX, 130-152, pp. 113-14; NC, pp. 277-78. one, 41 7 Pet,, 11:13; Bernardus Claraevallensis, De praecepto et dispensati VL, 42 DE, 43 44

p. 278. 1, PL, CLXXXIPicyso8A, DE, XXIX, 144-49, p. 114; NC, c. 656AB; I, CLXXXII PL, 4, XLI, Sermones, Bernardus Claraevallensis, XXX, 1-5, p. 114; NC, p. 279. DE, XXXI, 2-10, pp. 117-18; NC, p. 284. DE, Ithier, De institutione novitiorwm, X, PL, CLXXVI, c. 935BCD;

XXXII

Ti-31, p: 118; NG; ip: 265.

VINCENT

ON THE

AIMS

OF EDUCATION

.

67

comment that external behavior is also important in avoiding scandalizing one’s neighbors, and for edifying them.** Approving Ithier’s stipulation that ‘“‘external discipline must be maintained in four things especially: in appearance, in gesture, in speaking, in eating,” 4° Vincent could not resist quoting in extenso the lengthy and hilarious catalogue of abuses Ithier documents in each area: Yet there are some who if they know no better than to listen to obvious babblers, open their mouths wide as the words are spoken,

as if the meaning might flow in through their mouths. Others, and the worst yet, while acting or listening stick out their tongues like thirsty dogs and at each single gesture move them around as if lapping around in a jar. When others speak they spraddle out their fingers, raise their eyebrows, rotate their eyes in a circle, or fix them

in profound concentration as it were, exhibiting—they think—the difficulties of inner high-mindedness.... When others walk they sail with the arms and in truth by a double wonder at one and the same time walk up and down on earth with the feet and fly high in the air with the arms. What is this marvel, I ask, which at one and

the same time can manage the walk of a man, the rowing of a ship, and the flight of a bird? 4”

The third stage of positive discipline is social behavior. Vincent believes that social life is worthwhile even for children if the company be good, since company is pleasant and offers the rewards of “support in a fall, consolation and improvement under conditions of peace and quiet, assistance against attack.” 48 In choosing companions one must take into account prudence, agreement in general outlook, and steadfastness.49 The first of these, prudence, chooses a

companion who is faithful in word and deed, sufficiently sound of morals to provide good example, and alike in studies and training.®° The second, agreement, is observed by means of humility, for which

patience is required, reticence, which guarantees against annoyance,

accusation, and the divulging of secrets, and moral resemblance.®! The third, steadfastness, Vincent limns in the words of Pseudo-Boethius: a DE, XXXI, 34-37, p. 118; NC, p. 285. 46 Ithier, De institutione novitiorum, X, PL, CIEXSQVilNc. 035D3 DEST,

38-39, p. 118; NC, p. 285. 4? Ithier, 942AB;

De

institutione

DE, XXXI,

novitiorum,

XII,

PL,

CLXXVI,

70-77, 85-89, pp. 119-20; NC, pp. 286-87.

48 DE, XXXII, 6-7, 15-27, pp. 123-24; NC, pp. 290-91. 49 DE, XXXII, 77-79, p. 125; NC, p. 294. 50 DE, XXXII, 80-165, pp. 125-28; NC, p. 294-98. 51 DE, X XXIII, 2-24, pp. 128-29; NC, pp. 299-300.

cc.

941CD-

VINCENT ON THE AIMS OF EDUCATION

68

The prudent scholar should always rejoice in some companion to whom he can open his own heart, who diligently relieves the clouds of fortune.... By turns they may indulge in books, or eagerly in little questions, step by step in praiseworthy recollection, reciprocally in useful reproof. ... And thus between them there may abide a full mutual pleasure; as this develops, the dew of youth drops upon them, overflows in middle age, saturates in old age.”

In this social life, one must guard against the sort of excessive familiarity and unrestrained affection which may lead to concupiscence.®? Finally, Vincent quotes Gerard Ithier extensively regarding specifics of the behavior of boys toward superiors, inferiors, and equals.™4 All of the above comments on moral formation pertain primarily to the childhood years. Yet Vincent is not unmindful of the need for discipline among adolescents, who require discipline because theirs is an age of inclination toward evil, particularly wrath, lust, and complete profligacy and licentiousness.® Since the adolescent has freer use of reason, his transgressions are thus graver than those of a boy.®* A youth, then, must beware of false continence, which springs from pride, and realize that true continence is a gift of God. He must fight to the end with spiritual weapons and, if he is vanquished, should immediately seek the medicine of Penance.®” It is altogether remarkable that a person be able to pass through his youth without transgression, so difficult is that time of life, and one could never achieve this without God’s help and without having virtues “molded in them by admonitions, rebukes, and chastisements. ...”’ 58 The virtues that must be impressed upon them are those which will counter the particular vices of the age. Humility must therefore counter wrath, chastity must counter lust, maturity must counter lasciviousness.®® Humility is most obviously the object of education, for it is fashioned by humiliation, advice and obedience to parents, teachers, and elders, while chastity is fashioned 52 Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarium, DE, XXXIII, 51-58, p. 130; NC, p. 302.

IV, PL, NE

58 DE, XXXIII, 67-120, pp. 130-32; NC, pp. 302-304.

novitiorum, V, PL, CLXXVI, cc. 928D-930D; 132-43; NC, pp. 305-307. 2-56, pp. 134-36; NC, pp. 307-310. 4-6, 58-89, pp. 134, 136-37; NC, pp. 307, 310-11. 90-141, pp. 137-38; NC, pp. 311-14. 2-43, pp. 138-40; NC, pp. 314-16. 61-64, p. 140; NC, p. 317.

54 Ithier, De institutione

DE, 55 56 57 58 59

XXXIV, pp. DE, XXXV, DE, XXXV, DE, XXXV, DE, XXXVI, DE, XXXVI,

Vecce rearGe

VINCENT

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69

by modesty and sobriety, and maturity is fashioned by seriousness and silence.®° Useful also for this formation is the triple recollection of old age, death and judgment.* The habitual recollection of age, death, and judgment seems calculated to produce a person dour to the point of neurosis. Yet hundreds of times in history such recollection has in fact produced holy people, some perhaps despondent and tormented, but many lively and jovial enough. The central point, in any case, is that a man formed from youth to meditate on the final things is preparing for another world: his destiny is sanctity. The quantity and quality of reflection Vincent devotes in De eruditione to moral and religious formation is indication enough that he considered such formation to be the major goal and greater part of the content of education. His educated man must be a saint before all else.

Discipline vs. Utility

It follows that Vincent valued the discipline which produces sound moral character rather than any specific utility of education. Indeed, Vincent’s intellectual forebears had always found the concept of specific utility of education a trifle dangerous. It was, to be sure, a serious public debate as to the utility of education for public purposes that inspired Isocrates and Plato to formulate their educational

theories,

the former

electing to train an orator, the

latter a statesman. Yet in so doing, they took the high road of general utility, in opposition to those who would debase education into mere training for market-place utility. Isocrates’ orator, as we have noted, was to be a versatile, responsible, and moral public man,

and Isocrates was at pains to exonerate himself from the charge of having once earned his keep by writing speeches for the law courts. Plato took pains to wed rhetoric to philosophy.® In constructing an ideal educational ladder remarkable for its rigor, he took care to emphasize the higher purposes of the various branches of study,®4 and in his later years stated positively : 60 DE, XXVI, 64-155, pp. 140-43; NC, pp. 317-22. 61 DE, XXXVI, 162-64, p. 143; NC, p. 322. 62 Isocrates, Antidosis, 30 and 37, in Works, II, 202-203, 206-207. 63 Plato, Phaedrus, in The Works of Plato, trans. by B. Jowett (4v. in I;

N. Y.: The Dial Press, 1936), III, 379-449. 64 Plato, Republic, VII, # 525 ff. in Great Dialogues of Plato, trans. by W. H. D. Rouse (N. Y.: New American Library, 1956), pp. 325 ff.

70

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_,. the education we speak of is training from childhood in goodness, which makes a man eagerly desirous of becoming a perfect citizen, understanding how both to rule and be ruled righteously. This is the special form of nurture to which, as I suppose, our present argument would confine the term “‘education’”’.®*

Aristotle, himself discussing education in the context of politics, followed this lead in commenting that “‘it is evident, then, that there is a sort of education in which parents should train their sons, not as being useful or necessary, but because it is liberal or noble... . To be always seeking after the useful does not become free and exalted souls.” 8 The educated man envisioned by the Athenian theorists, then, was to be formed by the discipline of learning so as to become a rational citizen. He would prefer the general utility of discipline to any narrowly conceived specific utility, even if a deal of specific utility was inescapable in his education, by reason of the nature of his society. The emphasis evolved by the Athenian theorists took firm root in the thought of later classical authors. Like the Athenians he admired, Quintilian decried those who felt an orator could win fame and fortune without rigorous preparation, saying: . it is my prayer that every dealer in the vilest merchandise may be richer than they and that the public crier may find his voice a more lucrative possession. And I trust that there is not one even among my readers who would think of calculating the monetary value of such studies.®”

In the final portion of his treatise, he discussed the problems associated with making one’s living by pleading cases, conceding that “‘by far the most honorable course, and the one which is most in keeping with a liberal education, is not to sell our services nor to debase the value of such a boon as eloquence... .”’ °° In the Christian outlook, there was even less tolerance for the

notion of the specific utility of education. Describing the work of Christ the Instructor, Clement of Alexandria enunciated the basic

Christian position on the subject of utility in education: But our Educator being practical, first exhorts to the attainment of right dispositions and character, and then persuades us to the 65 Plato, Laws, I, # 643E-644A, Vol. I, 64-65. 66 Aristotle, Politics, VIII, 1338a, 30-32, 1338b, 3-4, in The Basic Works of Aristotle, ed. by Richard McKeon (N. Y.: Random House, 1941), p. 1308. 8? Quintilianus, Institutio Oratoria, I, xii, 17, Vol. I, pp. 198-99. 68 Tbid., XII, vii, 8, Vol. IV, pp. 422-23.

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Fisk

energetic practice of our duties, enjoining on us pure commandments, and exhibiting to such as come after representations of those who formerly wandered in error. Both are of the highest utility—that which assumes the form of counselling to obedience, and that which is presented in the form of example... .°°

It may fairly be said that Clement was forced to opt for the general utility of discipline over any marketplace utility. The Church of his time, expecting Christ’s triumphal return at any moment, urged Christians to abandon themselves to proximate preparation for the event, and while “Clement wrote for that great mass of humans who find the web of daily obligation too complex to break, who cannot retreat to the desert,”’ 7° it would not have been

safe for him to depart too far from the prevailing preoccupation with the Parousia. Though anticipation of the last things became less keen as the Church grew increasingly conservative, Christian thinkers continued to view education as aimed at extra-mundane

reality, and we find that this notion, somewhat refined, stands at

the heart of Augustine’s educational thought: . the happy life consists simply in the possession with understanding of what is eternal. The eternal, in which alone we can properly put our trust, is what cannot be taken away from the person who loves it. To possess it is to know it. The eternal is the most valuable of all things. Therefore, we cannot possess it except

with that part of us by which we excel the rest of creation, that is,

with the mind.”

By the fifth century A.D., then, the foundations of what may be termed a theology of education had been firmly laid. It is tempting to assume

that this theology, expanded and refined, permeated

that most Christian of societies, medieval Europe, inspiring men with the vision of homo viator engaging in the strenuous business of learning as a spiritual exercise, spurning mere worldly motivations. Such was hardly the case. Little more than a century after Augustine, when Europe could still fairly be called Christian, Cassiodorus began his most famous treatise with the following lament:

Perceiving that the schools were swarming with students because of a great longing for secular letters (a great part of mankind believed that through these schools it attained worldly wisdom), I was,

69 Clemens,

The Instructor, I, ANF, Vol. II, p. 209.

70 McCarthy, “Clement of Alexandria,”’ p. 13. 71 Augustinus, On Education, p. 89.

72

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I confess, extremely sorry that the Divine Scriptures had no public teachers, since worldly authors were rich in instruction beyond doubt most distinguished.7?

The intellectual reconstruction of Europe from the ninth century through the High Middle Ages, while it produced a number of theoretical works orienting the liberal arts to theology and human pursuits to eternal life, affords many instances of the intrusion of the aim of specific utility into educational practice. Charlemagne’s efforts at reviving education were motivated not only by spiritual concerns but by the exigencies of administration.” True it is that from the tenth century schools were almost exclusively clerical and monastic, with the liberal arts “‘taught for the purpose of arriving at a better understanding of the Scriptures.” 7* But one may well question why students sought a better understanding of the Scriptures. Were they interested for their soul’s sake, or was there a bit of carnal cunning in their pursuit of learning? After all, in a rigidly stratified society, an ecclesiastical career constituted the simple certain means of upward mobility. Small wonder, then, that every bright and ambitious lad, every youngster with dreams and visions, yearned for the ecclesiastical life, where, as in the case

of Napoleon’s

soldiers,

the marshal’s

baton was implicit in every knapsack. But theoretically for the lower orders of priesthood, and actually for the higher orders, learning, the knowledge of Latin, the ability to read and write, was a sine qua non. That meant the University! 7°

To view the priesthood and the universities in this fashion is certainly a step downward from the medieval theoretical concentration on the formative power of discipline. But that is not the limit of the descent. Consider that in the twelfth century John of Salisbury had to defend the entire structure of learning against rascals who, like some of the less scrupulous Sophists, specialized in devising educa-

72 Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, An Introduction to Divine and Human

Readings,

trans. by Leslie Webber

Jones. Records

of Civilization,

Sources and Studies, No. XL (N. Y.: Columbia University Press, 1946), p. 67. 73 Philippe Wolff, The Cultural Awakening (N. Y.: Pantheon Books, 1968), pp. 36-38. 74 Luitpold Wallach, ‘‘Education and Culture Medievalia et Humanistica, IX (1955), 18-19.

78 Schachner, Mediaeval Universities, p. 311.

in the Tenth

Century,”

VINCENT

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73

tional short-cuts for the sake of the narrowest possible utility.”® When we add to these instances the emphasis on marketable studies in the southern universities, and the importance of the professional rhetorician in the cities of Northern Italy throughout the period,’” we can only conclude that from the Sophists onward training for specific utility occupied as continuous and effective a place in the practice of education as did formative discipline in the theory of education. Faced with this disjunction, Vincent opted firmly for the general utility of formative discipline. The education he envisioned for noble children inextricably blended teaching for the mind and discipline for the emotions.” Such an intermingling was necessitated by Vincent’s view of man’s destiny. Throughout the entire Speculwm and in the De eruditione Vincent returns time and again to the thought that knowledge is to serve wisdom, that wisdom procures happiness because such is the nature of man, and happiness must include salvation.”®

Vincent sounds the keynote of his conception of utility in noting that: _ unlearned and foolish men lightly regard or even despise words of teaching or wisdom because they do not recognize their usefuleset.

expanding on his notion of usefulness with a simile: Just as a man proves his strength by lifting and carrying a heavy stone, so men are proved in the study and work of acquiring wisdom.*!

It would be unfair to Vincent to assume that he viewed academic learning as the sole and necessary path to wisdom, for in his De morali he seems to concede that even an illiterate king could rule wisely with the aid of learned counselors,8?and in De eruditione he repeats Seneca’s comment, “it is possible ... to have arrived at wisdom 76 Joannes

Saresberiensis,

Metalogicon,

I, i, vi, pp. 9-12, 24-25.

Cf. also

Joseph M. McCarthy, ‘“‘John of Salisbury and the Preservation of Sound Pedagogy,” History of Education Society Bulletin, No. 4 (Autumn, 1969), 49-57-

77 Cf. pp. 25, 28, supra. Cf. also Helene Wieruszowski, ‘“‘Avs Dictaminis in the Time of Dante,” Medievalia et Humanistica, I (1943), 95-108.

78 Cf. DE, I, 19-22, p. 6; NC, p. 106. 79 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 114.

a

DE,

X,

73-75,

P- 39;

NC, p. 157.

81 DE, X, 78-80, p. 39: NC, p. 157. 82 DM, XV, 78-80, p. II7.

74

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without liberal studies,” 8 but he certainly viewed academic learning, properly undertaken, to be the best means of acquiring wisdom. This is quite evident in his enumeration of the four fruits of learning: rooting out and banishing of carnal vices, making the mind serene and glad, consolation in time of trouble or relief in labor, and tranquillity or quietness of soul.** Perhaps more noteworthy than the fact that this list makes no concession whatever to marketplace utility, is the orientation of these benefits to the individual’s moral formation and peace of mind to the exclusion of consideration of his participation in public life. This is somewhat anomalous when we consider that Vincent prepared his specifically educational tract with a view to forming those who would assume prime place in the political life of the community. Indeed, although the West had produced an impressive literature on the right formation of princes,®® it seems to have escaped Vincent’s notice. In his introduction to Vincent’s De morali principis institutione, Schneider asserts: not only does the author take no account of his predecessors, but he is in fact not aware of the vast number of similar handbooks written before him. Instead he decries the’ paucity of literature on the subject. The only treatise with which he admits any acquaintance is the De bono regimine principum of Helinand of Froidmont....*°

Moreover, in his De morali, Vincent cited Helinand only thrirteen times, John of Salisbury (of whose Policraticus Helinand’s work is a rehash) only eight times, and in De eruditione Vincent found no room at all for Helinand and quoted John of Salisbury only twice! What concessions Vincent makes to specific utility are to be found in his discussion of the wise ruler in Chapters Ten through Seventeen of De morali. He states as his basic principle, “‘sicut ... princeps ceteros excellit potestate, sic etiam precellere debet sapientia et bonitate. ...’’87 An enumeration of the practical ways 83 Lucius Annaeus Seneca, L. Annaei Senecae ad Lucilium epistularum moralium, (88), 32, ed. by Otto Hense (Leipzig: Teubner, TOE4); pe 371) DE, XV, 49-50, p. 56; NC, p. 183. 84 DE, XII, 94-116, p. 47; NC, pp. 169-70. 85 Cf, Berges, Fiirstenspiegel; Lester K. Born, “The Perfect Prince,” “The Specula Principis of the Carolingian Renaissance,” Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoive, XII (1933), 583-612, and his introduction to Erasmus’ Education of a Christian Prince, pp. 44-130. 86 Schneider in DM, p. xv. 87 “| as the prince excels others in power, he ought also to excel in wisdom and goodness.” DM, X, 10-11, p. 77.

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS

oS

OF EDUCATION

in which the prince must exercise wisdom leads Vincent at length to stipulate that the prince ought to be literate, especially in the Scriptures.®® “Rex illiteratus,” he agrees with Helinand (and, unwittingly, with John of Salisbury), “quasi asinus coronatus.”’ 8° In the context of Vincent’s discussion in De morali, the practical output of the prince’s learning would be wisdom in setting his house in order, giving and receiving advice, legislating, choosing officials and advisors, handling finances, and making war.*® Yet, as has been noted, he holds that even an illiterate king could achieve such practical wisdom with the aid of learned counselors.®! Vincent seems to feel that the practical skills needed by a ruler are inadequate in themselves to justify educating noble children. At the outset of De eruditione, again noting that an illiterate king is like a crowned ass, he firmly relates the education of nobles to the moral rather than the pragmatic demands of their lifestyle: ... because many-sided learning may be most necessary for such people, Palladius states in book I On Agriculture: ‘It is fitting for no one more than a prince to know better and more things,’ whose teaching can be profitable to all his subjects. Further, because great men do not usually work with bodily effort like other men, on this account they may well have a worthwhile literary occupation, which they may follow to acquire wisdom in the time made free; as this from Ecclesiastes 38: ‘He will find the wisdom of a learned man in the opportunity of leisure, because he hath little business, and he will learn it.’ Again, as it says in the same book, in 33: ‘idleness teaches much evil.’ Thus also Seneca to Lucilius: “Leisure without study is death.’%

In the case of nobles, as is true of all other men, the general utility of moral formation is paramount. Apart from these few references to the benefit of education specific to the ruler, Vincent’s comments on the aim of education are infused with emphasis on moral formation, even in his discussions 88 DM, XV, 1-25, pp. 113-14.

Cf. 89 “An unlettered king is like a crowned ass.” DM, XV, 77-78, p. 117.

ineewy, .CCxil, Helinandus a Frigida Monte, De bono vegimine principts, C. C. I. Webb by ed. 6, IV, us, Policratic nsis, Saresberie Joannes and c. 736BC, 254. I, 1909), (2v.; Oxford University Press,

90 DM, X-XIV, pp. 77-112. 91 See note 82. 92 Flavius Vegetius Renatus, Flavi

Vegeti Renati epitoma vet militaris, I,

Praef., 4-5, ed. by C. Lang (Leipzig: Teubner, 1885), p. 4; Ecclus., 24-25, XXXIII:28; pp. 8-9; NC, p. III.

Seneca,

Ad

Lucilium

(82), 3, p. 316;

DE,

XX XVIII:

II, 9-19,

76

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OF EDUCATION

of academic learning. Thus, for example, he concerns himself with the hindrances to learning, initially specifying them as ‘‘carelessness in learning, absence of plan for due order and method, and mishap of poverty or illness, or of the lack of books or teacher.’’ 8 Of these, Vincent views the first, carelessness, as a fault of discipline, and he

agrees with Pseudo-Boethius that “it is better to be a workman laboring zealously than a scholar who bears the yoke of carelessness.” *4 He does not hold this view simply because he is a careful scholar, but because: Ignorance is the mother of all evils, which is brought forth by indifference and idleness, and is nourished and made to increase by carelessness. °°

The other two hindrances are not clearly faults of discipline, but after treating them, Vincent finds he must add a fourth hindrance, which is a fault of discipline, namely bodily disquiet and lust of the eyes,9° and this he damns by savoring a lengthy passage from Pseudo-Boethius satirizing students who wander about town engaging in gluttony and intercourse, delighting in their personal adornment, and attending lectures “as a last resort and rarely.” 97 The negative emphasis on discipline in his discussion of the hindrances to learning indicates the positive necessity of discipline leading to moral formation as the aim of education. Vincent insists that: ... the exercise of study and discipline sharpens the human mind against the evils which idleness begets in it. It whitens it by shrewdness, polishes it by the lustre of purity and innocence, that is, wipes away the rust of vice and guards it unharmed from all corrosion of sin.°?

For this reason, he takes the stand that “‘... all studies ought to assist in gathering wisdom as if they were its handmaidens,”’ °° or, more strongly put, ‘‘... all desire to learn ought to tend toward 98 DE, IV, 38-40, p. 18; NC, p. 127.

94 Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarium, VI, PL, LXIV, DE, IV, 43-44, p. 19; NC, p. 127.

c. 1235C;

95 Pseudo-Clement, Epistolae, III, in Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Patrologiae

cursus completus, series gyaeca (hereinafter cited as PG) (161v,; Paris: MigneGarnier, 1857 ff.), I, c. 494B; DE, IV, 46-48, p. 19; NC, p. 127. 96 DE, IV, 69-70, p. 20: NC, p. 129. 97 Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarium, 1228C; DE, IV, 72-87, p. 20; NC, p. 129.

98 DE, V, 47-50, p. 22; NC, pp. 132-33. 99 DE, XII, 117-18, p. 47; NC, p. 170.

II, PL, LXIV,

cc. 1227A-

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS

OF EDUCATION ™

Tah

Theology.” °° He is, then in agreement with the theorists who preceded him that formative discipline is to be valued over specific utility in education. In view of his clerical background and the prevailing medieval notions of man as destined for life in another world, it is hardly surprising that he conceived such discipline almost exclusively in spiritual and theological terms, although greater familiarity on his part with previous writers on the formation of rulers may have led him to more concessions to the worldly preoccupations of those for whom he wrote De eruditione and De moral. Yet Vincent was preoccupied, as will be seen, with the unworthy practices to which the science of logic was being put in his day. It was greed, he felt, that prompted men to emphasize logic to the detriment of the other arts, for logic could be turned to a variety of profitable uses. And this greed, Vincent felt strongly, was a serious impediment to the pursuit of wisdom, agreeing with Hugh of St. Victor that: he is unworthy of wisdom, who devotes himself to obtaining anything through it other than itself, who seeks it ... not that he may possess it, than which nothing is better, but that he may prostitute it for a price.1%

“Yet today,”? laments Vincent, “almost all or at least very many

scholars do this very thing, to learn the profitable sciences, or hastening on to those which they can learn more quickly.” aes

Knowledge vs. Style

How then is a man best formed: by the dogged pursuit of knowledge or the laborious cultivation of style? Western educational thinkers wrestled with this question for centuries without managing a clear solution because of the continual alterations in the role of eloquence in public life. Surely those who envisioned short-cut courses in rhetorical trickery for the sake of winning arguments at all costs—and there must have been many of these for Isocrates, Quintilian, and John of Salisbury had to dispose of their pretensions in different ages—surely such men would have been the most intransigent advocates of style. Yet it would have been a poor style indeed, neither founded in nor leading to deep knowledge, and 100 DE, XV, 1-2, p. 55; NC, p. 181.

de Sancto Victore, De archa noe morali, III, 6, PL, XIII, 97-99, p. 51; NC, p. 175. DE, c. 653A; 101 Hugo

102 DE, XIII, 99-101, p. 51; NC, p. 175.

CLX XVI,

VINCENT

78

ON THE

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OF EDUCATION

hindering rather than fostering sound personal formation. Responsible educators who viewed eloquence as a vital adjunct of public life generally conceded that it must proceed from broad culture, that it was a rigorous exercise in synthesizing that culture into a moment of responsible persuasion. Whether in their hearts they favored knowledge or style as the dominant partner in the relationship was very much a matter of their state in life. Isocrates, himself a frustrated orator, sought to educate orators by exposure to a broad curriculum which was, quite naturally, weighted toward the arts of rhetoric. He aimed, in fact, at raising oratory to the level of an

art form and thus became intrigued with the possibilities of style.

He held that not only may prose be artistic but that the utterance of rhetoric may be, ought to be, a work of art as complete and as substantive as the utterance of poetry; that it has its own ascertainable laws of rhythm and of harmony; and that the artist who having mastered these laws, addressed himself to the treatment of a great subject, had with him a power, beside and beyond the strength of his cause or of his genius—a power coming to him, as to the poet, through his art, and springing from an essential music latent in language which his art has shown him how to bring upon hisear?®

Quintilian, too, writing in a milieu in which the orator still played an important public role, dedicated himself to the proposition that man can be an orator unless he is a good man,” 1% and no outlined a comprehensive curriculum to ground such a man thoroughly in a wide array of knowledge. Yet the weight of his preoccupation must have been with style, for he devoted a full seven of his twelve books to the mechanics of rhetoric and oratory! It was in the Hellenistic world where public deliberative oratory virtually disappeared, that educational emphasis on style achieved its greatest importance. Unwilling to jettison Isocrates’ educational insights yet lacking proper scope for the responsible deliberative oratory he so valued, the Hellenists turned to epideictic oratory,

oratory for exhibition’s sake. Eloquence was “the crown and completion of any liberal education worthy of the name,”’ 1° but it is small wonder that in the circumstances the technique of eloquence could take precedence over the content. The advent of Christianity was a serious setback for the practice 103 R.C, Jebb, The Aitic Ovators (2v.; London: Macmillan, 1876), II, 55-56.

104 Quintilianus, Institutio Oratoria, XII, i, 3, vol. IV, pp. 356-57.

105 H{. I. Marrou, A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. by George

Lamb

(N. Y.: Sheed and Ward,

1956), p. 196.

—

VINCENT

ON THE

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OF EDUCATION

~

79

of eloquence. Of the most basic Christian writings, the Gospels, only that of St. Luke, himself an educated Greek, was stylistically adequate to appeal to those who had been educated in the classical manner.1% A radical sect anticipating the momentary return of Christ had no use for the fripperies of pagan learning, and even Clement of Alexandria, the first to attempt a real synthesis of Christianity and pagan culture, noting that to act well is of greater consequence than to speak well, wrote: . it is my purpose

... to live according to the Word and to

be understand what is revealed; but never affecting eloquence, to

content merely with indicating my meaning ... For I well know that

to be saved, and to aid those who desire to be saved, is the best

thing, and not to compose paltry sentences like gewgaws.... This the Scripture had expressed with the greatest possible brevity when it said, “Be not occupied much about words.” *°”

The inroads eloquence could make in Christian teaching were slow and as late as the fourth century, the Apostolic Constitutions firmly decreed: “Abstain from all the heathen books.” 1°* Style did not reach true respectability among the Christians until the advent of St. Jerome who, despite the shock of his celebrated dream in which a a divine voice accused him of being a Ciceronian rather than by Christian,!°® remained to the end of his life a man impassioned the ns Christia fellow his on urge to beautiful language and ready their formal study of the ancient classics, of their form rather than to able was e, content.14° His younger contemporary, Augustin was and advance still more means of rendering the classics safe, style. thus able to venture a formal defense of the power and uses of

teacher to Yet even he was distrustful of rhetoric,41 and advised the

bear concern himself “‘not so much with the eloquence he brings to conceded on his teaching, as with its clarity.” 42 Nonetheless, he

of that if teaching were undertaken “‘with no regard to elegance style, the benefit comes only to a few very enthusiastic students by Joseph 106 Alfred Wikenhauser, New Testament Introduction, trans. 212-14. pp. 1958), Herder, and Herder Y.: Cunningham (N.

1,x,in ANF, II, 311. 107 Titus FlaviusClemens, The Stromata, or M iscellanies, 393. VII, ANF, in 6, I, , Apostles Holy the of tions 108 Constitu PI exe ces 6-072 109 Eusebius Hieronymus, Epistolae, OI

Nicholas Hritzu, 110 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, pp. 51-52. Cf. also John ity of America Univers Catholic The Jerome. St. of The Style of the Letters University of Patristic Studies, Vol. LX (Washington, D. C.: Catholic America Press, 1939). 112 [bid., p. 378. 11 Augustinus, On Education, pp. 369-77.

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who are anxious to get to know anything that is to be learned, no matter how rough and unpolished the style in which it is expounded.” 118 This formed the kernel of the Christian solution to the problem of knowledge vs. style in education. Wisdom was to be acquired by learning and the discipline entailed by the learning process. The value of style could be defended, but the work of acquiring eloquence could never assume priority of place in personal formation. When Europe struggled to reconstruct learning after its virtual extinction in the West from the sixth to eighth centuries, a certain revival of literary humanism and style was apparent in monasticism.2!4 More dominant, however,

was the scholastic spirit, which

emphasized the discovery of knowledge to the detriment of stylistic expression. ‘Stripped of ornamentation and abstract, the scholastic language accepts words originating in a sort of unaesthetic jargon, provided only that they be specific.” 1° Vincent was a Scholastic, member of a new religious order whose leading light, Thomas Aquinas, produced during Vincent’s lifetime a series of works astoundingly luminous in their logical pursuit of truth, but utterly devoid of the slightest pretension to eloquence. Like his more famous confréres, Vincent absolutely preferred knowledge to ornamentation. All studies had to tend to theology, said Vincent, and it followed that rhetoric must be harnessed to the

sort of philosophy which was really a disguised theology. At the outset of his relatively brief treatment of composition, Vincent approves Cassiodorus’ dictum, .. articulate speech separates us from the beasts, the ability to write from the ignorant.... Thus these two things in themselves proclaim and sustain the finished man."*

Of course, an interesting variety of thinkers could pledge allegiance to such a statement and then haggle endlessly as to its meaning. 113 [bid., p. 380. 114 Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and the Desive for God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. by Catharine Misrahi (N. Y.: New American Library, 1962), pp.

148-49.

Cf. also Noreen

Hunt,

ed., Cluniac

Monasticism

in the

Central Middle Ages (Hamden, Conn.: Archon books, 1971), and Lowrie J. Daly, Benedictine Monasticism, Its Formation and Development Through the Twelfth Century (N. Y.: Sheed and Ward, 1965). 115 Leclercq,

Love of Learning,

p. 149. Cf. also M. Hubert,

‘‘Aspects du

latin philosophique au XIIe et XIIIe siécles,” Revue des etudes latines, XXVII (1949), 227-31. 116 Magnes Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, De orthographia, Praef., 7, PL, LXX, c. 1241C; DE, XVIII, 5-7, p. 64; NC, p. 194.

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS

OF EDUCATION .

81

Vincent felt that the art of writing begins with practice in writing in relation to the works of others, correcting those which are incorrect, copying those which are good, excerpting those which are better, and translating and expounding those which are in alien tongues.!!7 Of these, the first two are simply a matter of ensuring that one possesses books, and accurate ones at that. The third, of

course, was a practice which must have been quite close to the heart of as diligent a compiler as Vincent, yet he devotes only seventeen lines to the subject, most of them, appropriately enough, citations from other authors.!!8 As befits so determined a florillegist, Vincent leaves little doubt that such excerpting is to be done to preserve noble thoughts and not well-turned phrases. The section on translation is simply an admonition to accuracy.4* Clearly, Vincent intends the practice of writing in relation to the writings of others as an exercise in the preservation and extension of knowledge, style being ignored as a consideration. From this, Vincent passes to consideration of the practice of one’s own writing. One must distinguish, he feels, between private writings such as lecture notes and writings intended for publication. It is the latter with which he concerns himself, and he sets his tone

when he asserts that these are “things, which more advanced and wiser men alone should make, so that these things may possess greater accuracy of words and meanings.” 12° The emphasis is to be on scholastic accuracy, so that we are hardly surprised to find eloquence all but ignored. The specific qualities Vincent holds necessary in writings done for publication are “maturity, truth, brevity, humility, appropriateness to time and place, frankness, moderation, discrimination.’’ 124 Such a list does not, on the face of it, betray keen concern for questions of style. A discussion of brevity, of course, affords opportunity for discussion of style, but Vincent’s only concession to brevity as a matter of style is his quotation of Seneca’s remark, “‘it is the sign of a great artist to have encompassed everything in a small space.’ 122 Yet his real concern in commending

117 DE, XVIII,

2023, p. 65; NC, p. 195.

118 DE, XVIII, 43-60, p. 66; NC, pp. 196-97.

119 DE, XVIII, 61-95, pp. 66-67; NC, pp. 197-98. 120 DE, XIX, 8-9, p. 68; NC, p. 199. 121 DE, XIX, 14-16, p. 68; NC, p. 199. 122 Seneca, Ad Lucilium, VI, i (53), 11, p. 164; DE, XIX, NC, p. 200.

25-26, p. 68; 6

82

VINCENT

ON THE AIMS

OF EDUCATION

brevity is evident from his approval of Cyprian’s notion that brevity is useful to memory 1° and especially his citation from Peter Cantor: We should most strongly be moved to seek brevity and to shun prolixity by the great expense involved in copying big books, the waste of time and weariness, the bodily effort of correcting them, the small gain from reading them, the loss from postponing and delaying more profitable things, and the weight to be carried around.1*4

We may wonder that the author of the three massive volumes of the Speculum maius should espouse this reason for brevity, but what concerns us here is that Vincent’s conception of brevity has so few roots in any appreciation for or advocacy of style. None of the other qualities Vincent advances as vital to writing for publication bear any significant stylistic dimensions. Vincent’s treatment of discussion and argumentation is likewise virtually barren of concern for style. His chapter on practice in discussion illumines the right intention, the right order, and the

right manner for debating, treating these wholly as moral and intellectual in nature.!25 This is followed by a chapter decrying the evils of contentiousness in discussion, a chapter bristling with quotations whose burden is condemnation of contending about words rather than thoughts and demonstrates a certain distrust of the uses to which rhetoric may be put.!26 A final chapter on moderation in argument,!2” and Vincent is safely beyond the subjects of written and oral expression without ever having seriously addressed himself to eloquence and its uses. That Vincent elected in discussing education to ignore personal formation in eloquence does not mean he was himself immune to considerations of style nor that his works are devoid of pleasing style. So constant a sampler of the wares of the great writers who preceded him could not have been completely immune to the allures of eloquence. We find in Vincent’s writings an occasional flutter of apt and poetic phrase. In the main, however, Vincent’s prose perfectly reflects his preoccupation with knowledge over style. 123 Thascus Caecilius Cyprianus, Testimonia, 4-6, CSEL, ITI, i, p. 36. 124 Petrus Cantor, Verbum abbreviatum, II, PL, CCV, c. 27D; DE

32-36, p. 69; NC, p. 200. 125 DE, XX, pp. pp. 70-72; NC, pp. 203-207. 126 DE, XXI, pp. 73-75; NC, pp. 207-210. 127 DE, XXII, pp. 75-78; NC, pp. 210-15.

Xe,

CHAPTER

VINCENT

ON THE

FOUR

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

The Liberal Aris Curriculum

By the time Vincent of Beauvais elaborated his educational theories, the West had arrived at a centuries-long consensus on curriculum. At the very outset of Western development, the Greeks underwent a long evolution from the education proper to a primitive tribe, embracing the arts of self-preservation, tribal citizenship, unsophisticated theories of life, and aesthetic expression,’ through a mythic education fostering the ideal of the aristocratic warrior,” to an educational system emphasizing gymnastics and music, which had evolved from the physical training necessary for warriors and the musical skill required for appreciation of the epic myths and sagas and were transformed into the groundwork of accomplishments vital for participation in a society which valued drama, deliberative oratory, and Olympic competition.? They became, in short, the arts of expression, expanding to embrace a range of skills including gymnastics, gesture, mimicry, pantomime, dancing, rhapsodizing, chanting, reading, choral singing, dramatics, oratory, poetry, stories, myths, fables, literature, philosophy, and science.* The crisis of educational thought following the Persian Wars led to expansion and refinement of this curriculum to point it more precisely toward the production of effective public men for an advanced society. Isocrates favored a curriculum embracing grammar, composition, essay writing, elocution, history, archaeology, jurisprudence, citizenship, religion, ethics, philosophy, geography, political science, and strategy.’ Plato was also concerned with the expansion of the curriculum, but he was perhaps more preoccupied 1 Cf. Power, Main Currents, pp. 6-7. 2 Cf. Frederick A. G. Beck, Greek Education, 450-350 B.C. (London: Methuen & Co., 1964), pp. 17-71. 8 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, p. 241. 4 Tbid., p. 293.

5 See A. Burk, Die Pddagogik des Isokvates (Wurzburg: Becker, 1923), pp. 118-19; R. S. Johnson, “‘Isocratic Methods of Teaching,” American (Jan., 1959), 25-36; Power, Educational Journal of Philology, LXXX Doctrine, p. 46.

84

VINCENT

ON THE CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

by the most efficient possible order of the curriculum in the context of a managed society. He thus designed a rigorous ideal system of education remarkable for its stratification, the first two stages of which adumbrate the separation of the curriculum into a trivium of literary studies and a quadrivium of scientific studies.* The claim has been made and denied that Aristotle adopted these seven studies into his curriculum in virtually the form they would later assume,’ and the fact that such a point could be controverted indicates the difficulty inherent in attempting to draw an exact syllabus from the political and educational writings of the ancients. Marrou feels that the syllabus of the Hellenistic era became essentially the seven liberal arts which would dominate the Middle Ages. These seven liberal arts, which were finally and definitely formulated in about the middle of the first century B.C. ... were made up of the three literary arts, the Carolingian Tv7viwm—grammar, rhetoric and dialectic; and the four mathematical branches of the Quadrivium —geometry, arithmetic, astronomy and theory of music—the traditional division since the time of Archytas of Tarentum, if not

Pythagoras himself.®

Since Plato drew upon the mathematical work of both Pythagoras and Archytas they perhaps ought to be credited with the basic division of studies which is first dimly visible in his work. Needless to say, the early Christians did not immediately and enthusiastically seize upon the seven liberal arts as the solution to their educational problems, although in the third century Origen linked liberal studies to divine studies, noting that “the children of the philosophers speak of geometry and music and grammar and rhetoric and astronomy as being ancillary to philosophy; and in the same way we might speak of philosophy itself as being ancillary to Christianity.” ® Later in the same century, Lactantius, although distrustful of philosophy, wrote that grammar, rhetoric, geometry, music and astronomy should be studies as its handmaidens. By the beginning of the fifth century, however, we find two African thinkers making the seven liberal arts respectable in the 6 Paul Abelson,

The Seven Liberal Arts:

A Study in Mediaeval Culture,

Columbia University Teachers College Contributions to Education, No. 11 (N. Y.: Russell & Russell, Inc., 1965), p. 2. 7 Thomas Davidson, Aristotle and the Ancient Educational Ideas (N. Y.: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1907), pp. 239 f.; Abelson, Seven Liberal Arts, p. 2. 8 Marrou, Education in Antiquity, p. 177. ® Origenes Adamantius, Letter of Origen to Gregory, I, in ANF, IX, 295.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

85

OF EDUCATION

Christian syllabus. In three of his works, Augustine of Hippo catalogued the liberal arts. In all three lists he presented the trivium of grammar,

dialectic and rhetoric, yet of the quadrivium,

only music and geometry appear on all three lists, arithmetic, astrology, and philosophy vying for the other two places.*? At about the same time, the non-Christian writer, Martianus Capella, in his alle-

gory, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, was advancing the cause of the arts which would endure: grammar,

rhetoric, dialectic,

arithmetic, geometry, astonomy, and music."

Cassiodorus seems to have been the first Christian to use the term “seven liberal arts,’’ 12 in a brief tract each of whose seven chapters outlined the content of one of the arts, the quadrivium

being covered rather summarily and rhetoric being granted the lion’s share of the text.}8 From the time of Cassiodorus the term ‘‘seven liberal arts” is the regular expression for the round of preparatory secular studies.

Isidore of Seville uses it as well as the terms ‘trivium’ and “quadrivium’. So do Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus and the scholastic writers.14

When we speak of Alcuin and Hrabanus Maurus, of course, we are

treating of the era in which Western learning was being recreated after a period of cultural darkness. Alcuin had in his grasp the opportunity to create a new and original curriculum with which to fill what amounted to an educational vacuum. Yet he was by no means an original thinker, and hesitated to venture much beyond what he had been taught at York." He preferred to seek guidance from those authors with whom he was most familiar. In education these amounted

pretty much

to Isidore, Bede, and Cassiodorus,!®

and

10 George Howie, Educational Thought and Practice in St. Augustine (N.Y.: Teachers College Press, 1969, p. 247.) 11 Martianus Minneus Felix Capella, Martianus Capella, ed. by Adolfus Dick

(Leipzig: Teubner,

192 5), and William

Harris Stahl et al., Martianus

Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts. Vol. I: The Quadrivium of Martianus 1250. Capella, Latin Traditions in the Mathematical Sciences, 50 B.C.—A.D. Records of Civilization, Sources and Studies, No. LXXXIV (N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1971). A sympathetic resumé of Capella’s role may be found in H. Parker,

‘‘The Seven Liberal Arts,” English Historical Review, V, 19

(1890), 437-61.

12 Abelson, Seven Liberal Arts, p. 9. 13 Cassiodorus Senator, Divine and Human Be4 Abelson, Seven Liberal Arts, p. 9.

Readings, pp. 142-209.

15 Forthe teaching of thesevenliberalarts at York, see Charles J. B. Gaskoin, Alcuin: His Life and Work (N. Y.: Russell and Russell, 1966), pp. 33-40. 16 Power, Main Currents, p. 280.

VINCENT

86

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

this being the case, Alcuin contented himself with reestablishing the seven liberal arts, as is evident from certain of his educational

works:

On Grammar,’

On

Orthography,8

On Rhetoric

and the

Virtues,1® On Dialectics,?® and De cursu et saltu lunae ac bissexto.*1

He is also reputed to It is in the dialogue nature and value of device of a supposed

have written a treatise, On the Seven Arts.*3 On Grammar that Alcuin clearly specifies the the liberal arts, responding to the rhetorical question from students:

Sunt igitur gradus, quos quaeritis et utinam tam ardentes sitis

semper ad ascendendum, quam curiosi modo estis ad videndum; grammatica, rhetorica, dialectica, arithmetica, geometrica, musica

et astrologia. Per hos enim philosophi sua contriverunt otia atque negotia.... iis quoque sancti et catholici nostrae fidei doctores et defensores omnibus haeresiarchis in contentionibus publicis semper superiores exstiterunt.”8

The reference to astrology should not lead us to conclude that Alcuin espoused a superstitious pseudo-science: that he meant by it what we today call astronomy is evident from other of his works.™ One is forced to agree with the estimate that, judged “by his properly didactic writings ... the best that can be said is that he gave to Western Europe imperfectly understood fragments of the wisdom of the ancients.” 2° Yet Alcuin was not merely the unskilled midwife to the rebirth of the liberal arts: his influence was truly pivotal in that he baptized them. Where earlier Christians had regarded them as merely useful adjuncts for the study of Scripture, 17 Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus, Grammatica,

PL, CI, cc. 849-902.

18 Idem, De orthographia, ed. by Aldo Marsili (Pisa: Vallerini, 1952); also in PL, CI, cc. go1-920.

19 Idem, The Rhetoric of Alcuin and Charlemagne, ed. and trans. by Wilber Samuel Howell (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1941); also in PL, CI, CC. 919-950. 20 Tdem, De dialectica, PL, CI, cc. 949-976. 21 Idem, De cursu et saltu lunae ac bissexto, PL, CI, cc. 979-1001.

22 Cf. A. F. West, Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools (N. Y:.

Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1892), p. 108.

23 “These, therefore, are the stages you seek, and may you always be as eager to ascend them as you are now curious to see them: grammar, rhetoric, dialectic,

arithmetic,

geometry,

music,

and astrology.

For upon

these the

philosophers have lavished their leisure and their labor ... and because of these the holy and catholic doctors and defenders of our faith have always shown themselves superior to all heretics in public controversies.”” Alcuinus,

Grammatica, PL, CI, cc. 853D-854A. 24 Cf. West, Alcuin, p. 108; Gaskoin, Alcuin, p. 196.

25 West, Alcuin, p. 113.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

87

Alcuin held them to be indispensable to divine learning, integral to Christian culture.2¢ This doctrine safeguarded the position of the seven arts as the basic preparatory curriculum of the High Middle Ages. The only remaining obstacle to their complete acceptance was the traditional Christian distrust of the unsavory uses to which rhetoric could be put, and John of Salisbury did much to palliate such distrust by emphasizing the role of the logical arts of the Trivium against the hucksters who peddled short-cut training in argumentation. His own paean to the arts clarifies the exalted role they were expected to play in education by the twelfth century: Grammar and Poetry are poured without stint over the length and breadth of their [the classical authors’] works. Across this field ... Logic, which contributes plausibility by its proofs, weaves the golden lightning of its reasons: while Rhetoric, where psersuasion is in order, supplies the silvery luster of its resplendent eloquence. Following in the path of the foregoing, Mathematics rides (proudly) along on the four-wheel chariot of its Quadrivium, intermingling its fascinating demonstration in manifold variety.?”

While he conceived of an education that was broader than even the Trivium and Quadrivium,?* John’s purpose was to illuminate the nature and function of the Trivium, and it is significant that, of whereas Cassiodorus had stressed rhetoric, John devoted three fruition to bringing ,?® the four sections of his Metalogicon to dialectic the revival of dialectic begun by Berengar of Tours, Lanfranc, and this Anselm of Canterbury.?° His treatment demonstrates that by and time the West had recovered all of Aristotle’s logical works, Aristote on heavily lean would from his time scholastic learning the and style literary the of lian logic and method, to the detriment

other liberal arts.*? Cf. also 28 Power, Educational Doctrine, p. 157, Main Currents, pp. 281-82. West, Alcuin, p. 97.

27 Joannes Saresberiensis, Metalogicon, I, xxiv, p. 67. of John of 28 Daniel D. McGarry, “Educational Theory in the M etalogicon Salisbury,”’ Speculum, XXIII (1948), 669, 671-72. y’s Theory of 29 Cf. however Sr. Mary Bride Ryan, ‘“‘John of Salisbur 56-62, and her work, John Rhetoric,” Studies in Medieval Culture, II (1966),

of Salisbury on the Arts of Language in the Trivium, dissertation, The Catholic University of America,

unpublished Ph.D.

1958.

(Baltimore: 30 Cf, David Knowles, The Evolution of Medieval Thought 93-106. pp. 1962), Helicon Press, and Learning 31 Reginald Lane Poole, Illustrations of Medieval Thought 194. p. 1920), an, Macmill Y.: N. (2d ed.; 32 Paetow,

Arts Course

at Medieval

Universities,

pp. 29-30.

88

VINCENT ON THE CONTENT OF EDUCATION

The practice of the University of Paris ought to have had great influence on Vincent if only by reason of proximity, and at the time he wrote the seven liberal arts were still given lip-service there as the foundation of a sound education. In point of fact, they were accorded remarkably unequal treatment. Grammar was no more than a study of rules, with questionable usages being clarified not by recourse to the literary productions of the ancients, but by syllogistic argumentation. Rhetoric was simply neglected, and no more than the “‘fossilized remains” of the old Quadrivium remained. Logic reigned supreme.** His acquaintance with past thinkers being as extensive as it was, Vincent’s thinking was by no means completely circumscribed by this influence, and if we find him giving short shrift to the Quadrivium, we also see that he found opportunity to criticize logical practices of his day. We have noted that Vincent advocated the pursuit of liberal studies by noble children both for their value in the pursuit of wisdom and their usefulness in so filling leisure time as to forestall idleness. He placed himself on record as defining these liberal studies as the traditional seven arts of grammar, logic, rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy,*4 yet was prepared to concede that other divisions of knowledge and arrangements of its order could be made. He was careful to point out that Alfarabi, writing of the origin of the sciences, gave the order of knowledge as language, grammar, logic, and poetry, while in treating the division of the sciences classified knowledge as language, logic, theoretical science,

natural

science,

divine

science

and

political

science.®®

Likewise, he indicated that Richard of St. Victor followed expression and logic with ethics and speculative science. His commitment to the traditional division, however, is evident in that he hastens to

add that for Alfarabi “the science of language includes grammar, and rhetoric is under it or under logic,” and that under logic 38 Schachner, Mediaeval Universities, Thought, p. 173. 3420S) eeexiven VOL LUL ta L4™ 35 Mohammed

ibn Mohammed

pp.

125-27;

Knowles,

ibn Tarkhan abu-Nasr al-Farabi,

Medieval

Uber den

Ursprung der Wissenschaften (De ortu scientiarum), ed. by Clemens Baeumker, Beitrége zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, XIX, 3 (1919), II, 8-22, p. 22; Alpharabti philosophi opusculum de scientiis, trans. by Guilielmus Camerari, in Catdlogo de las sciencias, ed. and trans. by Angel Gonzalez Palencia (2d ed.; Madrid: Miguel Asin, 1953), p. 87. 36 Richardus a Sancto Victore, Excerptiones, 202A; DE, XI, 29-33, p. 41; NC, p. 160.

I, i, 23, PL, CLXXVII,

c.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

89

Richard of St. Victor includes “the three sciences of speech: grammar, rhetoric and dialectic.” 3”

In any case, Vincent does not cite Alfarabi and Richard to challenge the traditional liberal arts, but to provide evidence for his own contention, “... grammar is the foundation of all the sciences,

although many neglect it nowadays as if it were worthless. And thus they can make but little progress in the others.” °° Here Vincent echoes the words of the allegorical poem, The Battle of the Seven Arts, written at almost the same time as De eruditione: “...

Logic has the students, whereas Grammar is reduced in numbers.”’ °° The burden of the poem is succinctly stated by its translator: Grammar, the champion of Orleans, supported by the humanists and the classical authors, goes out to battle against Logic of Paris who has gathered under her banner all the books and studies taught at that university. After a spirited engagement, Grammar is defeated and the Muse of Poetry goes into hiding.*°

Vincent thus took a humanistic position unpopular in Paris at this time, and bolstered his contention with weighty citations from Quintilian, Aristotle, Alfarabi, and Hugh of St. Victor. It has been

suggested that the humanism of Vincent’s pro-grammarian stance is tempered by the fact that “all or much of the literary knowledge he upholds is that of the scriptures,” #1 the evidence for this suggestion being Vincent’s gloss on a quotation from Jeremiah, “ “They have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters,’ that is, saving

wisdom, for the reason that they will not hear the sacred scriptures.’’# Yet Vincent defended the pagan classics in the sixteenth chapter of De eruditione, “By What Right A Christian May Read All Kinds of Books.” * De eruditione contains 335 quotations from forty-two classical authors, a total of ten percent of the linage of all quotations in the 37 DE,

XI, 27-28, 33-34, p. 41; NC, p. 160. Elsewhere

he reproduces an

extended quotation from Richard which describes and orders the seven arts in the traditional way. See Richardus a Sancto Victore, Excerptiones, I, ii, 3-4, PL, CLX XVII, c. 205ABC; DE, XV, 56-76, p. 57; NC, p. 184. 38 DE, XI, 35-37, p. 41; NC, p. 160.

89 Henri d’Andeli, The Battle of the Seven Arts, ed. and trans. by Louis John Paetow. Memoirs of the University of California, Vol. 4, No. 1, History, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1914), p. 39. Universities, p. 19.

40 Paetow, Arts Course at Medieval

41 Craig in NC, note 30, p. 491.

-

42 Jer., 11:13; DE, XIII, 102-104, p. 51; INGE ps 175:

43 DE, XVI, pp. 58-62; NC, pp. 185-90.

go

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

book.44 Perhaps our enthusiasm for Vincent’s pro-grammatical humanism ought not to be unbridled, and yet we may surely consider it authentic enough. While De Evuditione was not the proper place for any extended disquisition on grammar, Vincent devoted the entirety of Book Two of his Speculum Doctrinale to the nuts and bolts of the subject, further evidence of his alliance with the humanists of Orleans in this matter.” That Vincent held much less of a brief for rhetoric is evident in that he awards it only ten of one hundred and thirty-one chapters of Book Three of his Speculum doctrinale.*® Indeed, when he takes up rhetorical questions in De eruditione, it is by way of describing the qualities desirable in a teacher. Thus he agrees with Terence that “there is nothing that may not be spoiled by bad telling,” and with Cicero that “nothing is so rough and uncouth that it may not become graceful through eloquence.” 4” This being so, a teacher ought to cultivate eloquence. Vincent advises that five things are necessary for eloquence, namely, nature, conviction, practice, gesture, and joy of heart, and expands quite briefly on each.*® Beyond these, the method of teaching requires five things in the manner of speaking, ‘namely, making sentences clear or plainness, brevity, usefulness, agreeableness, cadence.” 4° From the nature of the list, above all it is evident that Vincent here is not interested in presenting a true outline of classical rhetoric, nor does he anywhere else in De eruditione do so, nor does he specify what of rhetoric ought to be taught apart from a passing reference to the learning of metrical

rules.®° Although Vincent abhorred the tendency of logic to overshadow grammar, he did not fail to grant logic due attention. The entire third book of Speculum doctrinale is devoted to the subject, with the exception of thirty-three chapters given over to rhetoric and 44 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, Appendices V-VI, pp. 226-30. The estimate disagrees with Bourne’s of 11% because the 84 lines of prologue and six lines of Arabic authors have been added here.

45 SD, II, i-cxciii, Vol. III, ff. 82-210. Yet Vincent was not entirely un-

critical of grammarians. Cf. DE, XIII, 121-22, p. 51; NC, pp. 176-77. 46 SD, III, xcix-cviii, Vol. III, ff. 281-37.

47 Publius Terentius Afer, The Phormio of Terence, IV, iv, 15-16, (696-97),

ed. by Charles Dziatzki, trans. by M. H. Morgan (Cambridge, Mass: James Wilson and Son, 1894), pp. 64-65. 48 DE, II, 90-94, p. 11; NC, p. 115. 49 DE, III, 3-5, p. 13; NC, p. 118. FOP DE-V,,59)9ps 23 5eN Cn Dose

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

ol

poetics. In so doing, Vincent may well have been merely giving the Devil his due, for he makes it clear in De eruditione that he has no

use for those who place too much stock in the mechanical operations of logic and reduce it to a matter of idle trickery, utilizing Seneca’s plaint: Unless I have set up some trickly syllogisms and have tacked on a lie by a false conclusion springing from the truth, I shall not be able to distinguish things to be sought from things to be fled ... ‘Mouse is a syllable; a mouse gnaws cheese: therefore a syllable gnaws cheese!’’ Now imagine my not being able to solve this! “What you have not lost, you have left; you have not lost horns;

therefore you have horns! ” ... I donot have time for such fooleries; a vast business is at hand. What am I doing? Death follows me; life flees. Teach me something in the face of this.*?

His distrust of logic thus a matter of record, Vincent proceeded to advise his readers on that aspect of logic most important in the formation of youngsters: the proper use of debate. The procedure of debate is adequately covered in Speculum doctrinale,* and Vincent feels no need to traverse this familiar ground once again in detail. In any case, his concern in De eruditione is moral rather than structural: he advances as the three most important elements of discussion right intention, right order, and right manner or moderation.** Right intention requires, Vincent writes, that discussion “should of course be guided away from vain glory or mere disputation and toward the searching out of truth or for proficiency or even toward what pertains to the theologians: the strengthening of faith and the purification of morals.” 55 The relative weight Vincent attaches to these objectives is clear from the fact that he supports the search for truth, proficiency, and the purification of morals with a single quotation each, while he bolsters the strengthening of faith with five citations.®® Vincent treats right order without defining or describing it. Here too the direction of his concern is theological: 51 SD, IIT,i-cxxxi, Vol. 111, ff. 211-300.

42 Seneca, Ad Lucilium, V, vii (48), 5-8, 12, PP- 143-44, Vili (49), 8-9, Pp. 149; DE, XIV, 65-78, p. 54; NC, p. 180. 58 SD, III, Ixxxiii-Ixxxvi, Vol. III, ff. 270-72. 54 DE, XX, 6-7, p. 70; NC, p. 203. 55 DE, XX, 7-10, p. 70; NC, pp. 203-204.

56 DE, XX, 10-34, pp. 70-71; NC, pp. 204-205.

VINCENT

Q2

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

right order is necessary especially for theology, and no one can adequately discuss the faith without first firmly possessing it.®” As to right manner or moderation, Vincent devotes a deal of attention to the subject, beginning on a positive note with an ironic quotation from Pseudo-Clement,®® then turning to a negative approach in devoting a chapter to ‘‘shunning contentiousness in discussion,” because of the seven evils of such contentiousness, pride, vainglory, folly, disorderliness, darkening of conscience, assault on truth, and

darkening of the mind.5® Here again, we may note that in the enumeration only two of the faults are properly intellectual, the remainder moral. The entire treatment of logic in De eruditione thus far suggests that Vincent’s espousal of a pro-grammarian stance, if it was due in part to Vincent’s attachment to the classics, was probably heavily motivated by Vincent’s perception of the dangers to morals presented by the misuse of logic in disputation. Having devoted a deal of space to the moral aspect of argumentation, Vincent delivers himself of a smattering of observations on specific techniques in disputation. When one is arguing, one must take care not to propose useless questions, nor to inquire into the obvious, nor to use unintelligible illustrations, nor to advance un-

provable assumptions or sophistical conclusions, nor to rely on the subtleties of pagan philosophers or overblown eloquence in discussion of the scriptures.®° In rebuttal, different methods are to be used according to the purpose of the opponent. The merely curious person must be parried, the provocateur thwarted, the seeker after truth engaged in conference, the heretic courageously withstood.* “Behold

thus on the manner

of discussion,’

concludes

Vincent.

“These words will suffice for the literary instruction of beginners and the practice of the more advanced.” ® The statement is somewhat astonishing in view of the thinness of detailed prescription regarding the seven arts. Vincent has clearly defended the purposes of grammar and indicated the weaknesses of logic, yet he has not presented any adequate outline of either, and he certainly does not pursue their use in philosophical inquiry nor take up other branches of 57 DE, XX, 34-54, pp. 71-72; NC, pp. 205-206. 58 Pseudo-Clement,

Recognitiones,

II, 24-25, PG, I, ¢. 1261BC;

53-70, p. 72; NC, p. 206. 59 DE, XXI, pp. 73-75; NC, pp. 207-10. 60 DE, XXII, 1-37, pp. 75-76; NC, pp. 210-12. 61 DE, XXII, 37-86, pp. 76-78; NC, pp. 212-15. 62 DE, XXII, 86-87, p. 78; NC, p. 215.

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philosophy in De eruditione. One must pursue logic in the third book of Speculum doctrinale,* metaphysics (in relation to mathematics) in the sixteenth book,* and other philosophical questions in a variety of places in the Speculum maius.®° Moreovet, Vincent avoids even the mention of the Quadrivium in De eruditione, doubtless expecting that specifics could be supplied by reference to Speculum mauus. Thus one seeking the content of mathematics must consult the sixteenth book of Speculum doctrinale for a quick course in arithmetic, algebra, and geometry,®* and for instruction in astronomy one must plod through the entirety of the third and fifteenth books of Speculum naturale, which expand on God’s work on the second and fourth days of creation,®? as well as consulting the sixteenth chapter of Speculum doctrinale.®8 One cannot emphasize too strongly that in Vincent’s conception the seven liberal arts stand in the stern shadow of the science of theology. One wearies of repeating Vincent’s admonition “that all desire to learn ought to end toward theology: that is, divine science,” ®® but it is so central to his thought as to demand such repetition. Vincent insisted that every art and teaching ought to be the

handmaiden

of divine

learning, which is for the edification of faith and morals, and to be

referred back and disposed to it as to its purpose. For just as God is the end of all things, so also theological science, which is concerned with the things of God, is the end of all the arts. This alone is philosophy, and alone truly is wisdom.”°

To cement his point Vincent cites three pagan sources as agreeing that the highest philosophy, metaphysics, is truly divine science,” 63" See note 51.

64 SD, XVI, lvi-lxxv, Vol. III, ff. 1535-1548. 8 Cf. Ludwig Lieser, Vinzenz von Beauvais als Kompilator und Philosoph: eine Untersuchung seiner Seelenlehve im Speculum Mazus (Leipzig: F. Meiner, 1928); Carl von Prantl, Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande (4v.; Leipzig, S. Hirzel, 1855-70), III, 77-85; Albert Stéckl, Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters (2v.; Mainz: Franz Kirchheim, 1865), Il, 345-52. 66 SD, XVI, i-xliv, Vol. III, ff. 1503-1529. 87 SN, III, i-cv, XV, i-c, Vol. I, ff. 161-232, 1093-1156.

68 69 70 ax 1

SD, XVI, xl-1, Vol. III, ff. 1529-1532. DE, XV, 1-2, p. 55; NC, p. 181. DE, XV, 5-9, p. 55; NC, pp. 181-82. Pseudo-Apuleius, Asclepius, XII, 14-16, XIV, 12-15, in Apulet Platonict Madaurensis opera. Vol. 111: De philosophia libri, ed. by Paul Thomas

(Stuttgart: Teubner, 1970), pp. 48-49. Aristotle, Metaphysics, A (1), 2, 982a, 28—983a, 11, B(III), 2, 996b, 10, in Basic Works, pp. 691-93, 718; Abu-Ali

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and cites Richard of St. Victor’s subordination of them to the three modes of interpreting Scripture.” It is in terms of such a paradigm that one must judge Vincent’s use of the term “liberal” when he speaks of the seven arts. The content of the seven arts was not to be thought of apart from the authors in whom it was expressed. In the infancy of the rekindling of these branches of learning, sound research techniques had rather to be invented than assimilated. For this reason, refer-

ece to authority assumed somewhat disproportionate methodological significance. McGarry comments of John of Salisbury that ‘‘the list of known sources drawn on in composing the Metalogicon reads much as might the index of Greek and Roman classical authors, together with Patristic and Mediaeval Christian writers (to the middle of the twelfth century).” 7? Much the same might be said of the great majority of medieval writers, but for none perhaps so truly as of Vincent of Beauvais, since he consciously adopted the literary form of the florilegium. In De eruditione, for example, full fifty-five percent of the text is given over to quotations.”4 By reason of the increasing availability of pagan authors, Vincent was able to cite extensively from them, a matter of ten percent of the linage of his text.7* That he placed value on the thoughts of the pagan authors is evident, but the manner and extent to which he did must be understood in light of a centuries-old Christian debate on the use of pagan writings.

The Use of the Classics One does not draw too long a bow in asserting that educators have always betrayed a certain ambivalence regarding the use of the literature of the past. A literary work is in the first place an expression of the values of its own age: when a society’s values change, the work must be discarded for educational use or reinterpreted to emphasize its timeless qualities. For centuries of al-Husain ibn Abdullah ibn Sina, Die Metaphysik Avicennas, ed. and trans. by M. Horten (N. Y.: Haupt, 1907), p. 25; DE, XV, 9-36, pp. 55-56; NC, pp. 182-83. 72 Richardus

a Sancto

Victore,

Excerptiones,

I, ii, 4, PL,

CLXXVII,

c. 205CD; DE, XV, 69-76, p. 57; NC, p. 184. 78 McGarry in Joannes Saresberiensis, Metalogicon, p. XxXill. 74 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, Appendix V, pp. 226-28. The estimate disagrees with Bourne’s figure of 56% because the 84 lines of prologue have been included here. 75 See note 44.

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tribal development the ancient Greeks relied on a core of mythic works expressive of the ideals of the group,”* yet when Athens faced her great crisis of educational theory after the Persian Wars, these mythic works were found wanting. ... the texts of Homer, Hesiod and the other poets were still to remain the subject matter of elementary education. Children could scarcely understand their deepest meaning and apart from their obvious moral implications the myths could appeal to children as little more than pleasant (or unpleasant!) stories.’”

Isocrates sought to downgrade the mythic tradition, beginning his Panathenaicus by remarking: “when I was younger, I elected not to write the kind of discourse which deals with myths nor that which abounds in marvels and fictions.” 78 Plato reacted even more strongly, proposing strict censorship of myths and fables, even those of Homer and Hesiod.”® The problems the Athenian educators faced regarding the educational use of the ancient writings of their cultural group were minor indeed when compared with the difficulties Christians found in accommodating to the literature of the wider cultural ecumene in which they found themselves. The first Christian thinkers to seek a rapprochement with Greek culture wrote for a radical community hostile to pagan learning, and contented themselves with suggesting that heathen mythology prefigured Christian doctrine, and the ideas of the pagan philosophers were in some measure consonant with it, and, in fact, were often plagiarized from Jewish theology.®° They were not, of course, blind to the dangerous philosophical and theological errors of the pagans, but preferred to emphasize the good that could be culled from their writings. Yet stern opposition to pagan learning persisted. Tertullian, whose militant orthodoxy

76 Cf. Beck, Greek Education, pp. 17-71. UEELOVdss pany Ls 78 Isocrates, Panathenaicus, in Works, Il, pp. 372-73. 79 Plato, Republic, II, # 377-78, Ill, # 387DE, 391AB,

Dialogues,

pp.

174-78,

185,

188-89,

Laws,

VII,

392B, in Great # 801D-802E, Vol. II,

Pp. 46-53.

80 Justin Martyr, The First Apology of Justin, XX-XXII, LIX, in ANF, I, Lin ANF, I, p. 195, Hortatory 169-70, 182-83, Dialogue with Trypho, the Jew,

Address to the Greeks, I-X XXVIII, in ANF, I, pp. 271-89; Titus Flavius Clemens, Exhortation to the Greeks, V1, in ANF, II, pp. 191-93, Stromata, iL vii, xiii-xx, II, v, xviii, xxi-xxii, IV, iv-v, xiv, V, ii-v, in ANF, II, pp. 291-93,

308-309, 313-24, 351-53, 305-69, 374-77, 449-52, 465-76, 481-90.

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forced him eventually into heresy, accused schoolmasters and professors of literature of being in affinity with manifold idolatry: first in that it is necessary for them to preach the gods of the nations, to express their names, genealogies, honourable distinctions, all and singular; and further, to observe the solemnities and festivals of the same . . ®* The profession of teaching is thus, in Tertullian’s view, off limits for

the Christian. Realizing, however, that literary erudition is crucial for the pursuit of divine studies, he suggests that learning is allowable for a believer since the learner is freer than the teacher to reject what is incompatible with Christian belief.*? As the Church achieved progressive political and social synthesis with the pagan world, more liberal attitudes began to make themselves felt. In the East, Basil the Great, son of a famous rhetorican,

advised that pagan literature could be of value in education if carefully censored to exclude all material that could be spiritually dangerous, but he was obscure as to how this was to be done.* Lactantius agreed that the pagan works were dangerously laden with error, but found it nonetheless necessary to use them.** St. Jerome, while he agonized over the extent of his commitment to the classics,85seemed willing to permit the educational use of the classics so long as form was emphasized and content ignored.** Of these, only Basil approached a real solution to the problem, without, however, being specific enough regarding techniques. The true effect of the others was simply to admit the pagan classics to the curriculum without adequate safeguards. The only viable alternatives for the Christian schoolmaster were to use the classics or ignore them as best he could. It was Augustine who provided what would remain for centuries the effective method of using the classics in education. Beginning with Basil’s notion that one ought to be 81 Quintus Septimus Florens Tertullianus, On Idolatry, X, in ANF, III, 66.

82 Tbid., pp. 66-67. Cf. also M. L. W. Laistner, ‘‘Pagan Schools and Christian Teachers,” Liber Floridus: Mittellateinische Studien, Festschrift Paul Lehmann, ed. by Bernhard Bischoff and Suso Brechter (St. Ottilien: Eos Verlag der Erzabtei, 1950), pp. 47-61. 83 Basil the Great, Address to Young Men on Reading Greek Literature, in Letters, trans. by Roy J. Deferrari. LCL (4v.; London: Wm. Heinemann,

1934), IV, 249-348.

84 Tucius Caelius Firmianus Lactantius, The Divine Institutes, in ANF, VII,

9-223. 85 Hieronymus, Epistolae, XXII, PL, XXII, cc. 416-17.

86 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, pp. 51-52; Power, Educational Doctrine, p. 134.

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able to cull the good from the bad in pagan literature, he advised that compendia of essential facts ought to be devised, and that rhetorical illustrations might be selected from the scriptures rather than the pagans. §’ Augustine’s solution was a workable one, and the one most generally espoused by Christian intellectuals after his time. There was not, of course, a complete end to opposition to the use of pagan texts. Ennodius and Gregory the Great would later express themselves on the subject in terms more befitting Tertullian than Augustine.®® Yet in the de-Christianization of Europe between the sixth and eighth centuries, the debate lost a deal of its acuity.®® It was with the revival of learning, particularly in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as the works of pagan authors were becoming once more accessible in the West, that the question was raised once again. This time a solution was advanced to afford Christian learners access to complete versions of the classics, and not simply snippets. Hugh of St. Victor stipulated that the key to proper use of the classics lay in the method of their exposition: Exposition includes three things: the letter, the sense, and the inner meaning. The letter is the fit arrangement of words, which we also call construction; the sense is a certain ready and obvious meaning which the letter presents on the surface; the inner meaning is the deeper understanding which can be found only through interpretation and commentary.

This skirts dangerously close to the doctrine of divine inspiration, which theologians apply only to the scriptures. Yet Hugh asserts that in everything that is written lies an inner meaning, one which God intended and of which the human author was doubtless unaware. If this be so, then no piece of literature can possibly be dangerous to faith and morals, provided the divinely intended inner meaning is properly isolated. On this basis, the intellectuals of the High Middle Ages were free to use the pagan classics. Unfortunately, even Hugh’s prescription did not bring about a flowering of classicism: one cannot make a sound case for classicism 87 Bolgar, Classical Heritage, pp. 52-54; Power, Educational Doctrine, PP- 135-36. 88 Gregorius Magnus, Epistolae, XI, liv, PL, LX XVII, cc. 1171C-1172B; Magnus Felix Ennodius, Epistolae, IDS ibe 1B SEP SY

Ga 30504Cp

89 For a careful treatment of the Christian use of the classics to the ninth century, see M. Roger, L’enseignement des lettres classiques. 90 Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon, III, viii, trans. by Taylor, p. 92. 7

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in the twelfth century.*! Literacy having been revived in the Carolingian Renaissance, the context of ancient learning having been recovered in the Twelfth Century Renaissance, scholars were embarking on the business of the total organization and synthesis of all knowledge, a labor which would become, in the hands of the scholastics, an increasingly sterile exercise in structure, emphasizing logic to the detriment of literary studies, and resulting in the production of an endless and deadening succession of swmmae.* Encyclopedist though he was, Vincent stood with those who favored grammar over logic, and dipped his toes cautiously into the waters of humanism. Yet we have noted that his motivation may have been less pro-grammar than anti-logic, and this on grounds that were ultimately moral. For this reason, we may expect Vincent to be an admirer of the classics, but we should not be surprised to find his admiration cautious. Almost at the outset of De eruditione, Vincent interrupts a chapter on nature, exercise, and discipline in learning to comment on the danger of using the classics in education, asking, why should the minds and tongues of little ones be even today filled with poetic tales and dissolute fictions ?For while the teaching of the poets is useful so far as the metrical rules are concerned, yet it is unprofitable, I may rather say calamitous so far as content is concerned.8 His caution, be it noted, is for small children rather than mature

Christians, and for them he is prepared to accept Augustine’s notion that literary examples can be culled from Christian rather than pagan books, and he takes pains to indicate several likely sources.% Elsewhere, in discussing logic, he entertains a different type of caveat with regard to use of pagan works by questioning Jerome’s advice to Pope Damasus:

In discussion of the divine scriptures it is not fitting to collect the arguments of Aristotle, nor to squeeze out a trickle from the flood of Tullian eloquence, nor to charm the ears by Quintilianic floscult and schoolboy declamations.® 91 Leclercq, Love of Learning, p. 119.

92 This is far truer of the North, Vincent’s milieu, than of Italy, where the

current of Latin culture flowed with less interruption. Cf. Helene Wieru-

szowski, ‘Rhetoric and the Classics in Italian Education of the Thirteenth Cen-

tury,” in J. Forchielli and A. M. Stickler, eds., Collectanea Stephan Kuttner, I, Studia Gratiana, Vol. XI (Bologna: Institutum Gratianum, 1967), pp. 168-207. 93 DE, V, 57-60, p. 23; NC, p. 133. 95 Hieronymus, Epistolae, XXXVI,

29-37, p- 76; NC, p. 212.

94 DE, V, 69-78, p. 23; NC, p. 134. 14, PL, XXII, ce. 458-59; DE, XXII,

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This, of course, is meant

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for the mature

99

Christian, and Vincent

feels it important that distinctions be made among persons when considering what they ought to be encouraged or forbidden to read, for, as he notes, the Fourth Council of Carthage permitted bishops to read heretical books when necessary while forbidding them for children and the unlearned, while it permitted children to read pagan books in the process of their schooling, but forbade them for bishops! % It is really to the purposes rather of the mature Christian than to those of the child that Vincent addresses himself in the sixteenth chapter of De eruditione: “By What Right a Christian May Read All Kinds of Books.” *? One cannot fairly claim that there is anything original about the chapter. Vincent’s first point is that one may select from pagan authors that which is good and useful, rejecting what is impious and dangerous, a doctrine so hoary and accepted as scarcely to deserve the seven quotations with which he supports it.°° His other argument is that the pagans have written many things consistent with Christian teaching, a doctrine which would not have surprised Justin Martyr in the second century. 9? And with that Vincent passes on to considerations of heretical literature. One may well argue from the very nature of his writings that Vincent

believed in the use of compendia,

and that, along with

his recommendation of selection and the use of literary examples from Christian works, is evidence enough that he was familiar with Augustine’s solution to the problem of the use of pagan books. Yet, although he quotes from the chapter in which Hugh of St. Victor enunciated his notion of allegorical interpretation, he does not cite the key passage! In any event, it is obvious Vincent had made his own peace with the pagan classics. We have noted that a full ten percent of De evuditione consists in four hundred and forty-one quotations from forty-five pagan authors.1°° Forty-one of the eighty-four nonscriptural authors cited in De moral: are pagans, and they account for forty-three percent of the citations in the work.1*! No adequate 96 Gratianus,

Decretum,

I, Dist.

XX XVII,

PL, CLXXXVII,

c. 20; DE,

XI, 65-67, 70-72, p. 42; NC, pp. 161-62. 97 DE, XVI, pp. 58-62; NC, pp. 185-190. 98 DE, XVI, 1-44, pp. 58-60; NC, pp. 185-87. 99 DE, XVI, 44-69, p. 60; NC, pp. 187-88.

100 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, Appendices V-VI, pp. 226-31. Variations are due to the inclusion of the 84 lines of prologue here. 101 Schneider in DM, Index Citationum Scriptorum, pp. 219-30.

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estimate exists as to Vincent’s citation in Speculum maius. One

authority maintained that Vincent quoted 450 authors in Speculum naturale, revising his estimate to 350 in a later work, but in neither case did he propose how many of these were pagan.1° Other authorities, agreeing on the estimate of 450 authors cited, similarly failed to specify how many of these were pagan.1°3 Lieser has tabulated a total of 124 citations, from twenty-seven pagan authors in five books of Speculum naturale, a total of forty-three percent of the authors and twenty percent of the citations adequately documented.1°4 Daunou presented a lengthy list of authors, pagan and Christian, cited in Speculum maius,1 and concluded: Il ne nous a transmis en entier aucun opuscule classique grec ou latin. Il a du moins donné des extraits de plusiers livres perdus; et l’on doit reconnaitre que, par les citations considérables qu'il a faites des versions ou des textes, il a contribué plus que personne au moyen Age, a inspirer le gofit de rechercher et d’étudier les monuments de ces deux littératures.1%

The list Daunou presented has been challenged by Boutaric, who presents an exhaustive survey of Vincent’s citations from some seventy-nine pagan authors in Speculum maius 107 and his estimate of Vincent’s importance has been modified by Ullman, who states that he does not quote directly a single line from any work that is unknown to us. Nor has it yet been shown, I think, that his quotations have any value for the text of any ancient author. Such value as may at one time have been attached to some of them has been dispelled by the discovery of the source of many of them, a book of selections now in Paris but formerly apparently in Beauvais,*°® 102 B. L. Ullman, ‘“‘Tibullus in the Mediaeval Florilegia,” Classical Philolo-

gy, XXIII, 2 (Apr., 1928), 154, “New Edition,” p. 313.

103 Alexander Baumgartner, Geschichte der Weltliteratur. IV: Die lateinische und griechische Literatur der Christlichen Volker (2d ed.; Freiburg-im-Breisgau, Herder, 1900), p. 464; Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, p. 580. 104 Lieser,

Vinzenz von Beauvais,

pp. 7-8. In this accounting,

I have not

included a total of eleven citations attributed simply to “‘philosophus,”’ nor eighty-seven attributed to “‘auctor.”” For additional considerations on Vincent’s classical sources, see Paul Edgard Boutaric, ‘Vincent de Beauvais et la connaissance de l’antiquité classique au treziéme siécle,” Revue des questions historiques, XVII (1875), 5-57, and Aristide Marigo, “Cultura letteratura e preumanistica nelle maggiori enciclopédie del dugento, lo ‘Speculum’ ed il ‘Tresors’,”’ Giornale storico della lettevatura italiana, LXVIII (1916), 1-42, 289-326.

105 Daunou, ‘‘Vincent de Beauvais,” 483-84. 106 [bid., p. 485. 107 Boutaric, ‘‘Vincent de Beauvais,”’ pp. 23-55. 108 Ullman, ‘““New Edition,” p. 321.

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and feels that Vincent is significant in the study of the transmission of the classics because he gives us a sound picture of the classical influence in his age, because later authors borrowed their classical citations from him, and because he demonstrates the popularity of Ovid over Vergil in his time.!°° Whatever the significance of Vincent’s practice for the history of classical literature, it is ample evidence that he valued the classics. Of course, he put them in their proper place, for at the outset of his Speculum maius he states that the scriptures are to have pride of place, next are canons, decretals, conciliar legislation and the writings of doctors of the Church, after them come uncanonized Christian writers, and then pagan authors.1!° His use of the pagan authors was strictly in keeping with this order of priority. ... they were often taken out of context and interpreted to explain or justify the philosophical or theological doctrines that Vincent held. Thus, for example, Horace and Ovid (including the Ars Amatoria) often support Christian ethics. The Stoic philosophy of the Romans was particularly important in ethics and passages from many works of Cicero and Seneca appaer in all parts of the Speculum as well as in the De eruditione.“

For all this, Vincent was.a genuine classicist in an age which had all but lost fertile contact with the classics. The Nature and Use of History

The consciousness of an historical heritage is a crucial element in the common consciousness of any group. In ancient societies, myth, fable, and epic performed the function of tracing group values to origins in a glorious historical past. Such a mythopoeic tradition sufficed for educational purposes for centuries of Greek tribal development.!? As the community grew more sophisticated, critical approaches to the traditions of the Greeks and their neighbors were pioneered by such men as Hecataeus of Miletus, Charon of Lampsacus, Dionysius of Miletus, Scylax of Caryanda, Antiochus of Syracuse and Hellanicus of Lesbos.1!8 True critical history began with the writings of Herodotus of Halicarnassus who treated the 109 Ullman, ‘“Tibullus,’’ p. 131, ‘“New Edition,” p. 322. Leclercq challenges such conclusions as oversimplifications in Love of Learning, p. 119. 110 SM, Generalis Prologus, xii, Vol. I, f. 10.

111 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 86. 112 Cf, Beck, Greek Education, pp. 17-71. 118 Barnes, History of Historical Writing, p. 27.

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background and events of the Persian Wars, and Thucydides, who attempted to make sense of the Peloponnesian War.* The former died about the time of Isocrates’ birth, but Isocrates was nearing his fortieth year before the passing of Thucydides. Perhaps influenced by Thucydides’ arguments for contemporary history, Isocrates sought to introduce the study and prose composition of recent events into his curriculum to afford both moral examples and insights into the consequences of political decisions.‘ In Antidosis, he showed himself well able to engage in drawing lessons from a critical examination of past events in his recounting of the activities of Timotheus.1!* History thus found its way into the ancient curriculum. In the Hellenistic world, the prose writers used for educational purposes were mainly historians,'!”? and history occupied a prominent, though scarcely autonomous place in the Roman curriculum.!!8 History was thus a branch of rhetoric written chiefly as an exercise in clarity and power of composition, or to cite moral examples.1!® The canons of objectivity laid down by Thucydides and Polybius were adhered to and extended, although some historians, such as Caesar, used history adroitly for self-promotion, and others, such as Livy, verged into patriotic propaganda.}2° The Christians found it necessary to alter somewhat the canons of historical writing developed by the Greeks and Romans. Their glorious past was primarily the story of God’s intervention in human events, a history of the process of fallen man’s salvation. The scriptures, the records of God’s acts, were inspired by God and obviously could not be approached with the same critical spirit with which the pagans approached the tales told of their deities. Events recorded in the scriptures must be believed; incredible events must be accepted as miraculous or conceded a higher meaning which could be exposed by reference to allegory or symbolism.'?! Thus one of the earliest Christian writings, the Epzsile of Barnabas 114 [bid., pp. 28-32. 115 Beck, Greek Education, pp. 277-79. 116 Tsocrates, Antidosis, 102-139, in Works, II, 242-65.

117 118 119 Greece 1220 121

Marrou, Education in Antiquity, p. 164. Power, Main Currents, p. 177. Cf, E. J. Johnston, “‘How the Greeks and Romans Regarded History,” and Rome, III (1933/34), 38-43Barnes, History of Historical Writing, p. 37. Tbid., pp. 42-43.

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explained God’s command to Abraham to circumcise 318 of his servants:

“And Abraham circumcised ten, and eight, and three hundred of his household.”’ What, then, was the knowledge given to him in this? Learn the eighteen first and then the three hundred. The ten and eight are thus denoted—Ten by I, and eight by H. You have (the initials of the name of) Jesus. And because the cross was to express the grace (of our redemption) by the letter T, he says also, .Lareé Hundred.” He signifies, therefore, Jesus by two letters and the cross by one.1??

This sort of allegorical interpretation reached the height of its excess in the third-century theological work of Origen, which evoked the founding at Antioch of an opposition school of literal interpretation.!23 Despite such opposition, a strong allegorizing tendency was manifest in the Christian approach to the scriptures into the High Middle Ages.1*4 The attempt to elucidate scriptural events was not the only venture of Christian historiography. By the beginning of the third century Christians had begun the labor of producing chronicles which would emphasize the importance of the Hebrew past, and the continuity with and superiority over it of the Christian experience, this while relating these events temporally to the events of pagan history.12 The Chronicle of Eusebius of Caesarea was the most complete, systematic, and influential of these early efforts.1Ӣ By the beginning of the fifth century, Augustine could offer an acceptable rationale for the study of even pagan history by the

Christians : ... whatever we gather about the course of past events from what is called history gives us considerable help in understanding the Scriptures, even if we learn it outside the Church by instruction in childhood. For we often seek information about a number of different matters by the use of Olympiads and by the names of the consuls. Ignorance of the consulship in which our Lord was born and of that in which He suffered, has led some people into the mistake of thinking that He was forty-six years of age when He suffered. ... Now we know on the authority of the Gospel that he was about 122 The Epistle of Barnabas, in ANF, I, 142-43. 128 Johannes Quasten, Patrology. Vol. Il: The Ante-Nicene Literature after 121-22. Irenaeus (Westminster, Md.: The Newman Press, 1953), pp. 92-93, 44. p. Writing, Historical of History 124 Barnes, 125 Thid., pp. 45-40.

126 Tbhid., p. 46.

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thirty years of age when He was baptized. As to the length of His life thereafter, we can discover this by piecing together his activities from the text. However, so that no shadow of doubt may arise from some other source, we can establish the facts with greater clarity and certainly by comparing pagan history with the Gospel.’®”

From this it is evident that Augustine, who firmly espoused the allegorical interpretation of scripture, was not lacking in a certain sympathy for the literal approach,!?° a sympathy that was harbinger of a tenuous compromise that would characterize later Christian approaches to the scriptures and of the critical spirit making inroads into Christian historiography. By the twelfth century, Hugh of St. Victor could make a vital distinction: The whole interpretation of the holy Scripture is treated according to a threefold notion-history, allegory, and tropology (that is morality). History is a narrative of achievements, expressed in the literal meaning of the words. It is allegory when, by an event of history (which is given in the literal meaning of the words) another event, either of the past, present, or future, is revealed. It is tropology when we recognize what we ought to do in that deed which we hear has been done.129

One does not risk much in concluding from Hugh’s words that by his time history, while still clearly subordinate to the purposes of divine

science,

had

achieved

a

measure

of distinctiveness,

of

autonomy. Indeed by the twelfth century Christian historiography had produced three distinct genres: the chronicles which wed Eusebius’ chronological system to Augustine’s elaboration of the notion of salvation history, annals, and hagiography.¥° To these that great century added significant works in biography, autobiography, political, local and contemporary history, and the beginnings of vernacular history.13! Nonetheless the great majority of the most prominent historians of the entire medieval period 127 Augustinus, On Education, pp. 355-50. Cf. also Wm. M. Green, “‘Augustine on the Teaching of History,” University of California Publications in Classical Philology, XII (1944), 315-32. 128 FB, Cayré, Manual of Patrology and History of Theology, trans. by H. Howitt

(2v.; Paris: Desclée and Co., 1940), I, 654.

129 Hugo de Sancto Victore, The Book of Master Hugo of St. Victor on the Three Most Important Circumstances of the Achievements of History that ts Persons, Places, Times, cited in Clara P. McMahon, ‘‘Pedagogical Techniques: Augustine and Hugh of St. Victor,’ History of Education Quarterly, III, 1 (March, 1963), 35-36. 130 Haskins, Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, pp. 227-232. 181 Tbid., Pp. 244-75.

VINCENT

were

annalists

ON THE

CONTENT

or chroniclers,!82

OF EDUCATION

I05

and the little evidence we have

suggests that the teaching of history, at least in the twelfth century, stressed classification of events by the persons who figured in them, the places and times in which they happened, and therefore memorization of endless tables of such material. In the evolving tradition of Christian historiography, Vincent’s Speculum historiale occupies an honorable place. As was the case with most medieval chronicles, the Speculum historiale is chiefly important for the light it sheds on events relatively contemporary to its composition.1*4 Its importance to our discussion, however, is the light it sheds on Vincent’s probable notions on the educational uses of history, a question to which he gave scant explicit attention. At the outset, it must be noted that Vincent was no mere naive

collector of fabulous tales: he was at least sophisticated enough to distinguish history from ephemera, calendars and annals on the ground that it, history, embraces many ages, many years, and from arguments and fables on the ground that history is true.1*° Similarly, he realized that so much disagreement existed on the precise years in which events occurred, that it was simply safer to designate events by the reigns in which they took place.1%* Sources, he realized, were in disarray, and this was a major motivation of his greatest work: Ad istud ipsum prouocauit me plurimum falsitas vel ambiguitas quaternorum; in quibus auctoritates sanctorum adeo plerumque mendaciter a scriptoribus vel notariis intitulabuntur cum scribebantur: ut que hec sententia; uel cuius auctoris esset omnino nesciretur, dum uerbi gratie que Augustini uel hieronymi erat ascribebatur Ambrosio uel Gregorio uel Isidoro uel econtra. Aut uerborum aliqua parte dempta uel addita uel mutata sensus auctoris corrumpebatur. Sic et de dictis philosophorum aut poetarum; sic de narrationibus historicorum fiebat; dum unius nomen pro alio sumebatur; uel dictorum ueritas simpliciter euertebatur.19” 182 Barnes, History of Historical Writings, p. 66; Ullman,

“New Edition,”

o22e 133 Clara P. McMahon, “‘The Teaching of History in the Twelfth Century,”

History of Education Quarterly, II, 1 (March, 1962), 47-51. 184 Barnes, A History of Historical Writing, p. 66; Ullman, “New Edition,’,

322. 135 SD, III, cxxvii, Vol. III, f. 297. 186 SM, Generalis Prologus, v, Vol. I, f. 5.

187 “The falsity or ambiguity of manuscripts has especially provoked me to this work; for in them the authorities of the saints are in the majority of cases so falsely attributed when they are written down by writers or copyists: so that what opinion should be assigned to what author is altogether unknown,

106

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OF EDUCATION

He thus used his sources critically, ”admitting the incompleteness of his information, and indicating by the frequent use of ‘dicitur’ and ‘fertur’ that he was reporting many things of which he was not perfectly sure,” 88 and was able to concede that the things he retailed were not equally true or valuable. In one notable case, he chastised one of his favorite sources,

Helinand

of Froidmont,

for writing that devils had, in King Arthur’s time, taken human form, coupled, and begat children.¥*? Likewise, he did not hesitate to

accord space to criticism of members of the hierarchy, even Popes ! 14° This must not, however, be taken to mean that Vincent was thoroughly critical according to the canons of modern scholarship, for “his other-world approach to ultimate truth made it unnecessary for him to worry about absolute accuracy in what to him were minor details.” 141 Moreover, Vincent’s use of his sources

can be highly eclectic and unsystematic in keeping with his acceptance of Jerome’s canon for the use of pagan books: If we discover anything useful in them, we should take it for our dogma. And if anything superfluous shave off aui37*

...

these things we should

Thus, although he approvingly cites Jerome’s comment, “I do not .. . follow the errors of Origen because I know that all he said is false,” 143 Vincent feels free to cite Origen twice each in De eruditione and De morali.44 In addition, Vincent did not scruple to alter citations when it suited his purpose, even to the extent of reversing the meaning of the original author.1” The other-worldly bias must always be kept in clear view when until, for example Gregory or Isidore added or changed this way with the

that of or vice and the sayings

Augustine or Jerome is ascribed to Ambrose or versa. Or some part of the words is deleted or author’s meaning is destroyed. It has also been of philosophers or poets and the narratives of

historians; until the name of one has been used for another, or the truth of the

sayings simply demolished.” [bid., i, Vol. I, f. 1. 138 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 84. 189 Vincent cites a portion of Helinand’s Chronicle which has been lost.

SNeiiielvit viol lit 057.

140 SH, XXIV, xcviii, XXV, xxi, lv, Vol. IV, ff. 970-71, 1009, Io21.

141 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 177; Lemoine, “‘Oceuvre encyclopédique,”’ p. 578. 142 Hieronymus, Epistolae, XXI, 13 (76), PL, XXII, c. 385; DE, XVI, 3-6, p. 58; NC, pp. 185-86. 43 Ibid, LXXXIV, 3 (524-25), PL, XXII, cc. 745-46. 44 DE, XVIII, 40-43, XXVIII, 68:93, pp. 66, 105-106; NC, pp. 196, 262; DM, VII, 45-48, XVI, 74-78, pp. 53, 128. 145 Craig in NC, p. 68.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

107

evaluating Vincent’s scholarship. True to his tradition, he felt that history was the record of man’s salvation, and that secular history was always subject to sacred history. 4° His preference for sources, as has been noted, followed the order of scripture, canons,

decretals, and conciliar legislation, writings of doctors of the Church, uncanonized Christian writers, and pagan authors.147 The degree of critical scrutiny to which he subjected these sources may fairly be said to describe an inverse order. Yet, it is noteworthy that Vincent’s use, even of scripture, could be considered critical for its time, in terms of the methods of scriptural interpretation then in vogue. We have described Hugh of St. Victor’s distinction of scriptural interpretation into literal, allegorical, and tropological senses. To these, writers in Vincent’s own time, Guibert de Nogent,

Hugh of St. Cher, and anagogical sense, which life.148 Vincent prefers St. Victor in extending

Thomas Aquinas, had added a fourth, the refers to blessings to come and the future the older division, and follows Richard of it to include the liberal arts:

Now all the arts are subject to the divine wisdom and the inferior learning rightly ordered to the superior, therefore under that sense which dwells mutually in words and things, history is contained ; and three sciences are subject to it: grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric.

And under that sense which dwells mutually in things and mystical facts, allegory is contained. And under that sense which is in things and their mystical interpretations, tropology is contained; and to these two things arithmetic, music, geometry, astronomy, and physics are subject.149

Despite this, Vincent did use the newer anagogical sense occasionally.15° His major reliance, however, was on the literal sense,‘** and this “may be taken as significant of a fundamental turn of Vincent’s mind for the literal, the objective, and the realistic.’ *

This, of

course, demonstrated a deal of intellectual independence in Vincent, for the other than literal senses were highly favored by the men146 SM, Generalis Prologus, v-vi, Vol. I, ff. 4-6.

147 [oid., xii, Vol. 1,1. 10. 148 H. Caplan, ‘‘The Four Senses of Scriptural Interpretation Medieval Theory of Preaching,” Speculum, IV (1929), 282-87. 149 Richardus a Sancto Victore, Excerptiones, I, ii, 4, PL,

and the

CLX XVII, cc.

205CD; DE, XV, 69-76, p. 57; NC, p. 184. 150 DE, XXIV, 121-24, LI, 72-76, 138-53, pp. 87, 215-16; NC, pp. 231, 429-30, 433-34. 2 151 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 83. 152 Craig in NC, p. 62.

108

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OF EDUCATION

dicants, and the formulators of the anagogical sense were fellow Dominicans. His Speculum historiale reveals that he was anything but hamstrung by excessive pride in his Order, °° The Speculum historiale is an enormous volume by any standards: its thirty seven hundred and ninety-four chapters occupy thirteen hundred and thirty-four closely printed folio pages in the Douai edition, an estimated total of 1,230,000 words ! 4° The size of the

work is proportionate to its scope, for it essayed to describe the span of history from Adam to A.D. 1250. The weight of the tome is on the Christian era, the birth of Christ having been reached by the end of the sixth book, so that the entire pre-Christian era occupies only about sixteen percent of the total work. By contrast, the era from Charlemagne to 1250 A.D. occupies about twenty-six percent of the volume. The whole is a rich texture of ecclesiastical, political and cultural history, and geography demonstrating heavy structural dependence on the chronicle genre of recording history. For all his extensive involvement in the writing of history, Vincent does not explicitly assign history a place in the curriculum. Yet it is clear that he assumed that history would take the position of handmaiden to the seven arts, illuminating them with abundant examples. His manner of composition itself is testimony to this, for we have indicated the space he devoted to citations in his writings. In this sense, of course, “‘history’’ is understood as the study and

use of past authors, and the space Vincent devotes in Speculum historiale to extensive reproduction of the ideas of certain thinkers, e.g. Bernard of Clairvaux to whose writings he devoted an entire book of 128 chapters, is indication enough that he felt this to be a legitimate understanding of the nature of history. Yet Vincent preferred to define history in terms of deeds and events,** and it is clear from his usage in De morali that he intended history in this sense to be used to enrich the understanding of the learner. He underscores his contention that a prince ought to be learned by pointing out that . exempla huius rei habemus, primo quidem in antiquis regibus populi Dei, uidelicet David et Salomone ... Deinde uero in regibus 153 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 91.

154 Ullman, ‘“New Edition,” p. 326. Cf. Johann Friedrich Eckhard, Einige Nachricht von des Vincentii Bellovacensis Speculo Historiale (Eisenach: G, A. Meyer, 1769). 155 SH, XXVIII, i-cxxviii, Vol. iv, ff. 1143-84. 166 SD), IIL, cxxvii, Vol. ITI, f. 297.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

10g

Egypci, maxime in Phtolomeo Philadelpho qui ... ualde studiosus et librorum amator fuit, ac Demetrium bibliotece ... prefecit ... [qui] diuinas scripturas ex hebraico in grecum per lxx interpretes transferi curauit, easque in alexandrina bibliotheca habuit. Postea uero in regibus et imperatoribus Romanus, ut in Iulio Cesare et Augusto ac ceteris, qui pene tocius orbis monarchium tenuerunt. Et licet corporalis milicie frequenter et exerciciis et imperii negociis occupati, tamen philosophorum libris utpote gentiles Dei scienciam ignorantes, liberalibus artibus diligenter edocti sunt. Unde et Claudius Senecam habuit magistrum, et Traianus Plutharcum. Tandem etiam in regibus Francorum, et precipue in Karolo Magno ... habuit sequidem ... preceptorum in arte grammatica Petrum Pisanum, in ceteris disciplinis Albinum, cognomento Alcuinum . Postea uero filius eiusdem Ludouicus Pius tantus diuinarum scripturarum amator exhibit, quod ei Michael Grecorum imperator sancti Dionisii Ariopagite De iherarchia libros, ad ipsius peticionem ex greco in latinum translatos, misit ... Postmodum quoque Karolus Caluus, cuius rogatu Johannes Scotus praefatimartiris Dyonisii Iherarchiam ex greco in latinum uerbum ex uerbo transtulit.”

This heaping up-of historical examples is so characteristic of De morali that were all historical examples deleted from the work, it would be reduced to a pamphlet. That Vincent subscribed to the exemplary use of history in education is an inescapable conclusion.*?® 157 “| we have examples of this first of all among the ancient kings of the people of God, namely David and Solomon.... Then among the kings of Egypt, especially Ptolemy Philadelphos, who ... was especially studious and a lover of books, and appointed Demetrius as librarian ... [who] took care that the holy scriptures be translated into Greek by seventy translators and had them in the Alexandrian library.... Afterward among the Roman kings and emperors, who held sway over nearly the whole world. And, granted that they were frequently occupied militarily in physical exercises and in the affairs of the empire, still, although being Gentiles they were ignorant of divine sciences, they were diligently instructed by the books of the philosophers. Whence also Claudius had Seneca for a tutor and Trajan had Plutarch. At last among the kings of the Franks, especially Charlemagne _.. for he had Peter of Pisa as a mentor in grammar, Albinus, surnamed Alcuin, in other disciplines.... And afterward his son, Louis the Pious,

appeared so great a lover of the divine scriptures that Michael, emperor of the Greeks, sent him the books On the Hierarchy of holy Dionysius the Areopagite, translated at his request from Greek into Latin. ... And afterward Charles the Bald, at whose request John Scotus Eriugena translated the On the Hierarchy of the aforementioned martyr Dionysius from Greek into Latin.” DM, XV, 83-146, pp. 117-120. 158 For a more complete discussion of Vincent’s historical work and views with especial reference to the Speculum historiale, see Weber’s Vincent of Beauvais: A Study in Medieval Historiography, and his “Vincent of Beauvais and Medieval Public Opinion,” paper presented at the Midwestern Medieval Conference, Western Michigan University, 1972.

IIo

VINCENT

ON THE CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

The Vernacular

The vernacular languages of Europe developed slowly by the corruption and division of Latin and the basic Teutonic tongues. Before the birth of Christ, Cicero was horrified at the barbarousness

that had crept into Latin in Spain.5® Over long centuries, such barbarousness would bastardize Latin into a welter of local dialects which would coalesce into the great Romance languages. Outside the Empire, in the fastnesses of Northern Europe, there

flourished guttural tribal tongues out of which would grow a variety of Germanic languages. None of these Latin and Teutonic dialects were considered worthy for literary use, although the propagation of the Christian faith early on demanded that the scriptures be translated into them, as in the case of Ulfilas’ translation of at least

part of the Bible into Gothic as early as the fourth century.'®° In the eclipse of learning in Europe between the sixth to eighth centuries, the vernaculars achieved widespread use, yet the pace of their development remained so slow that, if they were suitable for commercial and even political use, they were still too primitive to challenge Latin in literary use, as is évidenced by the French and German versions of the Treaty of Verdun partitioning Charlemagne’s empire in 842: Pro Deo amur et pro Christian poblo et nostro commun salvament dist di in avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat In Gedes minna ind in these Christianes folches ind unser bedhero gealtnissi, fon thesemo dage frammordes, so fram so mir Got gewizci indi madh furgibit.1

Still the Teutonic Eddas and Sagas, so long an oral literature, were beginning to find their way into writing, and poetry was beginning to be written in the Germanic tongues. Similar advances were being made in the Romance tongues.1*? Nonetheless, as late as the twelfth century, the European vernaculars were still struggling toward literary respectability, and Latin remained the common 159 Will Durant, The Story of Civlization. Vol. IV: The Age of Faith (N. Y.: Simon and Schuster, 1950), p. 904. ; 160 Ulfilas, Die Heiligen Schriften Alten und Neuen Bundes in gothischer Sprache, ed. by H. F. Massmann (Stuttgart: S. G. Liesching, 1857). 161 ‘Ror the love of God, and for the Christian people and our common salvation, from this day forth, as God may give me wisdom and strength.” Cited in Durant, Age of Faith, p. 904. 162 Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, II, 249-51.

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

Teter:

OF EDUCATION

language of learning in Western Europe.’ By the turn of the thirteenth century, vernacular history had established itself as a legitimate literary genre,!®4 romance poetry had acquired popularity among the nobility! and the rise of municipal schools would do much to advance the educational use of the vernaculars.1* Despite this, Vincent held no brief whatever for the use of the vernacular in education. Nowhere in De eruditione or De moral does he cite an author whose work was not available in Latin or Greek. His treatment of grammar mentions Hebrew briefly,1®” Greek a bit more extensively,16* but devotes over ninety percent of its range to the intricacies of the Latin tongue. Indeed, the only trace of the vernacular in Vincent is in orthography. Bourne notes of the Speculum maius that The newly developing French language begins to appear in some of the more common spellings ... The letters ‘‘u’”’ and “‘v’” are almost

entirely interchangeable [sic]. The letter “‘e’” most commonly replaces the dipthong “‘ae’, “‘t’” frequently replaces “th and ts, in turn, replaced by “c” in many words. “Y” and “i” likewise alternate. ‘‘Nihil” has become “nichil’’, “‘otium’’, ““ocium’’; “‘laeti-

tia” is “leticia’”; “etiam” is regularly “eciam’’; ‘‘utriusque’’ is replaced by the later form, ‘“‘utrisque”’ ;1°° These usages, of course, constitute no more than the sort of “‘barbarousness” Common in the Latin of the scholastics, and for which

later ages would hold their style in disdain. They do not constitute any conscious concession to the literary claims of the vernacular and it should be plain that Vincent never gave the slightest consideration to placing the vernacular in the curriculum.*’° Physical Training

Similarly, Vincent seems to have ignored the claims of physical education

in the curriculum.

True, the Greeks

and

Romans

set

great store by athletic and ephebic training.171 Yet by the time of 163 Haskins, Renaissance of the Twelfth Century, p. 127. 164 [bid., Da275165 Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, D255:

166 Cf, Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, pp. 817-36. TPS LWW Ol WAL, tee7: 168 Jbid., vi-x, xxviii- xxxii, Vol. III, ff. 7-11, 24-28.

169 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 55. 170 Daunou, “Vincent de Beauvais,” pp. 517-18. 171 Cf, Charles A. Forbes, Greek Physical Education

Century-Crofts,

1929); E. Norman

Gardiner,

(N. Y.: Appleton-

Athletics of the Ancient

World

(N. Y.: Oxford University Press, 1930) and Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals

IIz2

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

the coming of Christianity, the original purposes of such training had all but disappeared, their association with the pagan cul riculum made them suspect to the less intellectual Christians, and a NeoPlatonic suspicion of the possible corruption of the soul by bodily license made them anathema to thoughtful Christians. When we seek Clement of Alexandria’s thoughts on physical education, therefore, we find him preoccupied with the body, but not with what we are accustomed to term physical education. He examines eating, drinking, and dressing from the standpoint of the preservation of Christian morals.172 The baths seem dangerous to him, and if he concedes that they are desirable for cleanliness, heat and health,

he hastens to stipulate that the Christian must not bathe for pleasure.178 He prefers the gymnasium to the bath, but enters a variety of cautions regarding exercise.’’* As the gymnasium gradually disappeared in the West, Christian thinkers limited their discussions of the body and its care to the moral values involved. By the Middle Ages, virtually the only survival of physical education was in chivalric training.*” Thus we do not find in Vincent’s work any proposals for physical education as it was understood by the ancients and the Renaissance humanists. He is concerned with the care of the body, and devotes a deal of space in Speculum doctrinale to advice on health and exercise.176 In an educational context, care of the body assumes an importance that transcends merely keeping the organism in being, for, as Augustine wrote, We may believe that the soul even of the small infant has indeed known itself, but too intent upon those things which it begins with delight to sense through the senses of the body, so much the more because newer, it is by no means able to reflect upon itself ... For this age permits so much to all the senses of the body, as if it concentrated itself, that whatever pleases the flesh, that alone is strongly desired or abhorred.'*’ (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1910); H. A. Harris, Greek Athletes and Athletics (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1966); Marrou, Education in Antiquity, pp. 116-132. 172 Clemens, The Instructor, II, III, i-v, xi, in ANF, I, 237-79, 284-89. 173 [bid., III, v, ix, pp. 279, 282-83. 174 Tbid., III, x, pp. 283-84.

175 Cf. Julius Bintz, Die Leibesiibungen des Mittelalters (Giitersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1880). 176 SD, XII, xxxi, lxiii, Vol. ITI, ff. 1092-93, 1114-15. 177 Augustinus, De trinitate, XIV, v, 7, PLOXLI sev 1041

p. 6; NC, p. 106.

P

DE,

i r2en7,

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

ES,

Thus Vincent’s basic principle that education must embrace teaching for the mind, discipline for the emotions. 178 If there is anything at all in Vincent’s writings that can in any way be termed physical education, it is his extensive preoccupation with discipline, which reaches its apogee in his treatment of self-control, which, he holds

“consists in seemly control of the members of the body.” *7* In this discussion,

almost

exclusive

reference is had to Ithier’s De

institutione novitiorum, citations from which comprise eighty percent of the thirty-first chapter of De eruditione. Ithier’s basic assumption is that disorderly conduct is the outward manifestation of disorder in the soul, so that proper regulation of bodily actions is able to confer stability and peace on the soul.'®° To this, Vincent adds the observation that external behavior is also important to avoid scandalizing one’s neighbors and for edifying them,** and, having done so, gives Ithier free rein for the remainder of the chapter. “External discipline,’ Ithier holds, “‘must be maintained in four things especially: in appearance, in gesture, in speaking, in eating.” 182 Of course, it is possible to describe these activities in a positive fashion, specifying in what way these things ought to be done. Such a treatment, however, does not afford as tempting an

opportunity for stylistic flights as does the form of a screed of charges against those who err in these matters. Vincent therefore excerpts from Ithier’s tract an amusing catalogue of abuses which constitutes the most entertaining portion of De eruditione. We find that Some fools wrap their garments around themselves, many others turn them inside out, ridiculous buffoonery. And others, to display themselves, expand and stretch them further, as much as they can;

others pull them together into one all wrinkled; others twist and wind to roll them up; others painfully pluck and slash them; they expose all the outlines of their body with shameless dishonor. Others casting aside ... their cloaks show the lightness of their minds by the looseness of their clothing. ... And so everyone should control and manage his own actions; so that in nothing whatsoever does he pass the limit of temperance or the mold of modesty..... age

178 DE, I, 19-22, p. 6; NC, p. 106. 179 DE, XXXI, 10, p. 118; NC, p. 284. 180 Ithier, De institutione novitiorum, X, PL, CISXXVIE c: 935 BCDEDE; KX Rip gi-3Pipsr1s NC) p.zs5. 181 DE, XXXI, 34-37, p. 118; NC, p. 285. 182 [thier, De institutione novitiorum, X, PL, CL XXXVI c.935D5, DE, XOCx 38-39, p. 118; NC, p. 285. 183 Tthier, De institutione novitiorum, XI, PL, CLXXVI, cc. 936AB, 943 B; DE, XXXI, 54-61, 93-94, Pp. 119-20, NC, pp. 286-37.

II4

VINCENT

ON THE

CONTENT

OF EDUCATION

No matter that Ithier wrote for religious novices and Vincent for noble children; there is in such observations a wry wisdom that can bemuse one with its timelessness and breadth of applicability. The right ordering of the body to the service of the soul is Vinothercent’s concern, as it was that of the ancients. Yet Vincent’s

worldly bias leads him to a view of the body as basically negative, privative, dispositive, a notion far removed from the ideals that produced the gymnasia and palaestrae. Apart from his borrowings from Ithier, and a potpourri of prescriptions on the management of 18 there is nothing even remotely relating to physical educasleep, tion in the modern sense in Vincent’s writings. 184 DE, XVII, 33-66, pp. 63-64; NC, pp. 192-93.

CHAPTER

VINCENT

ON

OTHER

FIVE

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

Church vs. State in Education

In our day when the question of the comparative rights of Church and State in education has for long been a vexing question it is difficult to conceive that this problem was rather tardy in its appearance in Western thought. How, we wonder, could so many thinkers in so many ages have failed to take note of so evident and pressing a question ? In great part, the answer must be that the question as we know it is formulated in terms of the demands of modern national states and a bewildering plurality of religious sects. In different political climes with more homogeneous religious traditions, the fusion of religious and political practices absolutely prevented such a question from arising. In such cultures, the question must be so rephrased as to ask what formal strictures the community, considered as politico-religious entity, placed upon the process of education. Thus, the Jewish community, engaging as it did upon the living out of God’s saving of man in history, found education necessary to provide the skills needed for studying and interpreting the records of God’s intervention in history. When the records began to assume written form, schools grew up by the corporate will of the community, and not until 64 A.D. was it decreed by Rabbi Joshua ben Gamala that all Jewish boys must attend elementary schools.* is The extent of state control of education among the Greeks Solon by no means clear. Early in the sixth century before Christ, in his is reputed to have included prescriptions regarding education legislation. Thus Aeschines attributed these statutes to Solon: The teachers of the boys shall open the schoolrooms not earlier than

is sunrise, and then shall close them before sunset. No person who they while room the enter to ed permitt be shall boys the older than daughter’s are there, unless he be a son of the teacher, a brother, or a

be husband. If anyone enter in violation of this prohibition, he shall shall ium gymnas the of tendent superin The death. with punished manunder no conditions allow any one who has reached the age of 1 Abraham

Cohen,

1949), Pp. 231-38.

Everyman’s

Talmud

(N. Y.: E. P. Dutton

and Co.,

VINCENT

TiG

ON

OTHER

QUESTIONS

EDUCATIONAL

hood to enter the contests of Hermes together with the boys. A gymnasiarch who does permit this and fails to keep such a person out of the gymnasium shall be liable to the penalties for the seduction of freeborn youths. Every choregos who is appointed by the people shall be more than forty years of age.”

In addition, Solon has been credited with statutes regulating other forms of supervision, age of admittance to school, compulsory vocational training, and the size of schools.* Perhaps such laws did exist, for Plato has Socrates ask Criton: Well, the laws about feeding the child and the education in which you were brought up. Did not those which had that duty do well in directing your father to educate you in mind and body ? ’

Yet Marrou and Freeman felt that Plato had in mind the unwritten law of custom, and held that Aeschines’ reportage indicates only that Solon wished to forestall pederasty, so that one may not conclude to the existence among the Athenians of formal compulsory education

laws.® The

evidence

does, however,

indicate

that the

Athenian state made some efforts to supervise education, efforts which must have been sporadic at best,® and provided no support for education beyond the erection and maintenance of a few gymnasia.? Only ephebic training was compulsory in Athens, and this seems not to have been so before 335 B.C. ® By contrast, Sparta maintained an educational system that was under state control at every point. Yet the Spartan system shunned intellectual education for physical and military training, and when the citystate declined, no other culture found the system suited to its needs. While the Spartan system as a whole disappeared, the principle 2 Aeschines, Against Timarchus, 12, in The Speeches of Aeschines, trans. by Charles Darwin Adams. LCL (N. Y.: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1919), pp. 12-13. 8 Ibid., p. 11; Forbes, Greek Physical Education, p. 75; Kenneth J. Freeman, Schools of Hellas: An Essay on the Practice and Theory of Ancient Greek Education from 600 to 300 B.C. (3d ed.; N. Y.: Macmillan, 1922), pp. 45-46, 57; John W. H. Walden, The Universities of Ancient Greece (London: George Rutledge and Sons, 1912), pp. 60-61. 4 Plato, Crito, # 50D, in Great Dialogues, p. 455. 5 Marrou, Education in Antiquity, p. 382; Freeman, Schools of Hellas, p. 57. 8 Power, Main Currents, p. 57. 7 Forbes,

Greek

Physical

Education,

p. 83;

Gardiner,

Athletics

of the

Ancient World, p. 41. 8 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, pp. 458-61. ® Cf. Werner W. Jaeger, Paideia: The Ideals of Greek Culture (3v.; N. Y.: Oxford

University Press, 1945), I, 77-115; Marrou,

Ppp. 19-23.

Education in Antiquity,

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

Tel,

of total state control over education which it established found new currency in Hellenic culture. Athens’ defeat in the Peloponnesian War had led many Athenian thinkers to a sneaking and wistful admiration for the role Spartan education played in the strengthening of the state. Xenophon had commended Spartan education to the Athenians, under the guise of a description of Persian practices, as a means of restoring Athens to greatness,1° and both Plato and Aristotle held control of education to be vital to a strong state.™ Over a period of time, the Hellenistic cities began to heed the advice of such thinkers and bring education under political control,

adapting the Spartan model of political control to an education that was intellectual and cosmopolitan. The Romans were relatively slow to extend state control over education. Although there is evidence of legislation regarding education under the Republic, 1 Cicero asserted that “our people have never wished to have any system of education for the free-born youth which is either definitely fixed by law, or officially established. . . .” 14 Until the Caesars, Rome pursued the Athenian policy of rare intervention in education. With Augustus’ revival of s the ephebic system, a new era dawned.!® Subsequent emperor and libraries hed establis , granted a variety of benefits to teachers professorships, and provided for the tutelage of needy children.’® 10 Joseph M. McCarthy, ‘“Xenophon’s Cyropaedia: A Neglected Educatio 70-75. 1970), nal Tract,’ Cithava, X, 1 (Dec., 11 Plato, Republic, VII,

VI,

# 765D-766C,

# 519-20, in Great Dialogues,

pp. 316-19, Laws,

Vol. I, pp. 438-41; Aristotle, Politics, VII, xv,

1334ab,

Works, pp. 1299VILL, i, 1337a, Nichomachean Ethics, I, ii, 1904AB, in Basic

1300, 1305, 935-36. Hellenistic 12 M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the World (N. Y.: Oxford University Press, 1941), pp. 1059-61.

, trans. by 13 Gauis Suetonius Tranquillis, On Rhetovicians, I, in Suetonius

434-37. J. C. Rolfe. LCL (2v.; N. Y.: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1920), II,

Clinton Walker 14 Marcus Tullius Cicero, De ve publica, IV, iii, trans, by

232-33Keyes. LCL (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1943), PP. ro romano 15 C, Barbagallo, Lo Stato e listruzione pubblica nell’umpe n in AntiEducatio Marrou, 16-17; pp. 1), 191 Battiato, (Catania: Francesco quity, pp. 299-301. M.L. A. 16 Barbagallo, Lo Stato e listruzione, pp. 114-22, 147, 153, 187-91; 1911), , Hachette Paris: 2v.; ed.; (new e Gaston Boissier, La fin du paganism Cf. also H. 1g 301-305. pp. y, Antiquit in n Educatio Marrou, 168-71; 165, I, in der rémischen Hadley, “Uber das Verhaltnis von Staat und Schule

Studi Superiori nella Kaiserzeit,”’ Philologus (1920) 176-91; M. A. Levy, “Gli

ersitario politica di Vespasiano,”” Romana: Rivista dell’Istituto Interuniv n (Cambridge: Italiano, 1 (1937), 361-67; and A. S. Wilkins, Roman Educatio The University Press,

1931).

VINCENT

118

QUESTIONS

EDUCATIONAL

ON OTHER

In the fourth century, Theodosius made education a state monopoly. It was during this period of consolidation of state control over schooling that Christianity spread throughout the Roman Empire, bringing about the first stirrings of Church-State controversy in education. The Christians were tormented enough by the question of the use of the pagan classics.!7 It was difficult for them, as we have seen, to justify the pursuit of pagan learning: to pursue it in a school controlled by a state which rendered divine homage to its emperor was all but unthinkable. It is precisely the necessity of accepting the Roman gods with the Roman schools that led Tertullian to deny that a Christian could be a schoolmaster in a state school,

first, in that it is necessary for them to preach the gods of the nations, to express their names, genealogies, honourable distinctions, all and singular; and further, to observe the solemnities and festivals of the same, as of them by whose means they compute their revenues. ... The very first payment of every pupil he consecrates both

to the honour and to the name of Minerva; so that, even though he

be not said “‘to eat of that which is sacrificed to idols’ nominally (not being dedicated to any particular idol), he is shunned as an idolater. What

less of defilement

does he incur

on that

ground,

than

a

business brings which, both nominally and virtually, is consecrated publicly to an idol? 18

The crisis eased only when the emperors exercising a monopoly over education were themselves Christians. There was no Christian outcry over the extension of state power over education by Valentinian and Theodosius. The state system of education disappeared in the wake of the Empire’s collapse, but enough of a tradition of political leadership in education was preserved through the Dark Ages so that it was not surprising to find Charlemagne at the end of the eighth century, not only encouraging a revival of learning, but, at Alcuin’s behest, issuing a capitulary commanding religious to engage in the work of teaching, which left no doubt of his presumption of authority in the matter: Notum igitur ... quia nos una cum fidelibus nostris consideravimus utile esse, ut episcopia et monasteria nobis, Christo propitio, ad gubernanda commissa, praeter regularis vitae ordinem atque sanctae religionis conversationem, etiam in litterarum meditationibus 17 Boissier, Fin du paganisme,

1, 172.

18 Tertullianus, On Idolatry, X, in ANF, III, 66.

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

II9Q

uniuscujusque eis qui, donante Domino, discere possunt, secundum

qualiter sicut capacitatem, docendi studium debeant impendere; i et discendi docend quoque ita morum, atem regularis nonna honest Deo placere qui ut um, verbor seriem ornet et ordinet instantia ant recte neglig non appetunt recte vivendo, et etiam placere loquendo.!®

general acYet if the general sense of this mandate could attain ted by entrus eries monast and ceptance, the phrase “‘the bishoprics lived shorta only the favor of Christ to our control,” expressed in kings sh political dependence of the Papacy upon the Franki rds. the face of the threat posed to Rome by the Lomba

In 754,

claim to power Pope Stephen III had sanctioned Pepin the Short’s establishment the and in return for the routing of the Lombards began issuing e of the Papal States. When Pepin’s son Charlemagn al domain, capitularies laying claim to a major say in the spiritu embarking Rome realized with horror that the Carolingians were as well as al spiritu s matter in on a course of theocratic legislation stration, admini of tool a temporal, the adaptation of religion as and name would and the political use of clergy they themselves the with ing, control.2® A universal political power was a-born Popes; yet without Church as its tool. This was anathema to the those who claimed the assent of.the Papacy to their theocratic aims, on over broad domini se imperial power could not hope to exerci gical sanction tracts of Europe.”4 To this political need for theolo t of moral perwas added the complication that, since no concep of the North were sonality existed in Teutonic tribal law, the lords entity capable of ate corpor a as unable to envisage the Church power of dispothe ng claimi ownership, and so had no hesitation in therefore would sal over ecclesiastical properties. The Middle Ages ding unyiel and be punctuated by epic struggles between proud with our faithful we have 19 “Therefore, be it known ... that together eries committed to our monast and pacies episco the in deemed it useful that, addition to the order of in be, to ought governance by Christ’s favor there religion, zeal in teaching holy of ction transa the and rule the to life according able to learn, according are gift God’s by who in the studies of letters for those rule confers probity the of to the capacity of each one; so that as observance grace and order to give may ng learni and ng teachi in of morals, so also zeal sentences,

in order that those who

seek to please God by living correctly,

ng correctly.’ Carolus Magnus, may not neglect to please him by speaki . 895AB Epistolae, II, PL, XCVIII, c. p. 21. 20 Ehler, Twenty Centuries of Church and State, n City, N. Y.: Doubleday, Garde (2v.; Europe of y 21 Henri Pirenne, A Histor

1958), II, 3-4.

I20

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

churchmen and monarchs: Gregory VII vs. Henry IV; Becket vs. Henry II; Adrian IV vs. Frederic I Barbarossa.”? By the reign of Pope Innocent III, the Church had reached the apex of her power, and as soon as he ascended to the Papal throne in 1198, Innocent dictated his approval of the situation: Sicut universitatis conditor Deus duo magna luminaria in firmamento coeli constituit, luminare majus, ut praeesset diei, et luminare minus, ut nocti praeesset ;sic ad firmamentum universalis Ecclesiae,

quae coeli nomine nuncupatur, duas magnas instituit dignitates: majorem, quae quasi diebus animabus praeesset et minorem, quae quasi noctibus praeesset corporibus: quae sunt pontificalis auctoritas et regalis potestas. Porro sicut luna lumen suum a sole sortitur, quae re vera minor est illo quantitate simul et qualitate, situ pariter et effectu: sic regalis potestas ab auctoritate pontificali suae sortitur dignitatis splendorem. .. .*8

This long struggle between monarchs and Popes was essentially religious and political in nature, but it spilled over occasionally into the area of education. Frederick I Barbarossa’s famed Habita which granted a rather generous range of rights to scholars was not merely a device to draw foreigners to his realm, or to advance his prestige by the number and greatness of universities in his domains; it was also a ploy shrewdly designed to render an influential mass of intellectuals sympathetic to his claims vis-a-vis the Papacy. The Popes were not slow to turn the technique to their advantage, and “‘by heaping benefits and favours on the struggling universities by protecting them against even kings and avaricious churchmen, they bound all grateful scholars to them with bands of steel.” 22 The conflict is best portrayed in terms of individual persons or positions, since the use of the term ‘“‘state’’ is more confusing than illuminating in this period. Cf. Ehler, ““On Applying the Modern Term ‘State’ to the Middle Ages,”’ PP. 492-501. 23 “JTust as God, the maker of the universe, has set two great luminaries in the firmament of heaven, a greater one that may be foremost in shining by day, and a lesser one that may be foremost in shining by night; so he has established two great dignities for the firmament of the Church Universal, which is signified by the name of heaven: a greater which is foremost for the days, that is, souls, and

a lesser which

is foremost

for the night, that is,

bodies: which are pontifical authority and royal power. Thus, just as the moon gets its light from the sun, and for this reason is lesser in its quantity and likewise quality, in its size as well as in its effect, so the royal power gets the splendor of its dignity from the pontifical authority.”’ Innocentius III, Epistolae, CCCI, PL, CCXIV,

24 Schachner, Mediaeval

so 01d PRAT

c. 377AB.

Universities, pp. 45-46.

VINCENT

EDUCATIONAL

ON OTHER

I21I

QUESTIONS

By the lifetime of Vincent of Beauvais, the Church had consolidated a remarkable control over the secular affairs of Europe, a control that would not collapse until Nogaret and Sciarra Colonna confronted Boniface VIII at Anagni in 1303. The claims of central secular authorities to control of education had been effectively refuted: education was dominated by the Church. Only in the case of municipal schools in Italy, Germany, and England was there any serious challenge to clerical control of education,?® and the major thrust of this development, at least in Northern Europe, came after Vincent’s death. Only five municipalities in Germany, for example, established municipal schools during Vincent's lifetime.?’ This being the case, it is small wonder that Vincent demonstrates

scant concern with the question of the comparative rights of the Church and secular rulers in education. His view of society reveals little that is startling. At the outset of De morali, he makes his basic stance clear in citing Hugh of St. Victor’s simile: The whole of society is the body of Christ, of which the two sides are the clerics and the laity. Of course, the clerics constitute the right side, the laity the left.28 All of Vincent’s theory on the relationship of Church and State reposes in germ in this juxtaposition. The clerics and laity are not the sheeps and goats of the Apocalypse, but like the goats, the laity are on the left hand of God ! When Vincent discusses the secular power, he accepts the organic concept he found in Helinand of Froidmont attributed to Plutarch: the prince is the head of what we have long since become accustomed to calling ‘‘the body politic’, his counselors are the heart, and various other classes of people perform the function of other parts of the body, down to the farmers who are the feet.?® 26 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, pp. 817-36;

I[X,eX, Biblio1898). Sansoni, C. G. (Florence: 25 No. italiana, a letteratur delia critica teca 27 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, p. 821.

Giuseppe Salvioli, L’istruzione pubblica in Italia net secolt VIII,

2-3, PL, 28 Hugo de Sancto Victore, De sacramentis fidei christianae, II, ii,

CIDGKVay cons

1O

29 Helinandus

3-13; D3:

D417 Mi a Frigida Monte,

De bono vegimine principis,

XV

Sees

CXII, c. 740A; DM, I, 20-33, p. 4. This likening of the state to a body separate

from the body of the Church, which Vincent reinforces by referring to the “mystical body of the state” in SD VII, xv, Vol. III, f. 566, implies greater autonomy for the state than the analogy of the state as the left side of society, and the notion has been called ‘‘a. major step in the French monarchy’s attempt to emancipate itself from ecclesiastical interference,’ by Lester K. Little, ‘St. Louis’ Involvement

(1964), 134.

with the Friars,” Church History,

XX XIII

I22

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

Because the state is likened to a body, one ought not to conclude that it arises from nature. On the contrary, the state arises by reason of greed and malice, and an entire chapter is devoted to historical examples in support of this thesis.9° If this is the case, if the state comes into being by ambitious men seizing power over others, is it not an evil institution?

But

Vincent is no an-

archist. Although the origin of kingly power is evil, yet it must be retained in existence, “ut mali per penas corrigantur et boni remunerentur.” 3! The origin of the state is legitimatized by its purposes; similarly an individual ruler, even though to rule initially means to usurp power over other men, may be legitimitized by the presence of four conditions, “‘videlicet ordinationis divine dispensacio, populi consensus vel electio, ecclesie approbatio, longissimi temporis cum bona fide prescriptio.” 8? From Vincent’s view of the comparative position of the clergy and laity, it is not difficult to make assumptions about the relative value he placed on these conditions. In fact, Vincent underscores the necessity of ecclesiastical approval by citing Innocent III’s likeness of Church and secular power to the sun and moon.** If all things happen by the Divine providence, it follows that even wicked rulers have their power from God.*4 If the state exists to reward the good and punish the evil, it is easy to concede that tyrants are raised up by God to chastise evil people.*® Vincent’s De morali thus strongly indicates that his view of the state was quite negative and that he was completely enthralled by the claims of the Church to dominate society. We must, however, bear in mind that Vincent was not blind to the faults of the churchmen. We have observed before that he repeated criticisms of Popes and other members of the hierarchy in Speculum historiale.*° Moreover, when he argued in De eruditione that laymen ought to obey churchmen, he conceded that “‘ifa prelate command something 30 DM, II, pp. 9-18. 31 in order that evil persons may be corrected by punishments and good ones rewarded.”’ DM, III, 3-4, p. 19.

82 “namely the divine dispensation of ordination, the consent or election of the people, the approval of the church, rule for a long time in good faith.” DM, IV, 6-8, p. 28. 83 Innocentius

III, Epistolae,

64-71, p. 31. 34 DM, V, 1-9, p. 39.

35 Tbid., 10-12, p. 39.

36 Cf. p. 106, supra.

CCCCI,

PL,

CXIVeces

377A:Be DNMaRINE

VINCENT

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123

against reason for a clerk or layman to do, he is not held to obedience of such a kind.” 3? Withal, Vincent saw no reason to concede any secular ruler a sphere of influence in education. In De eruditione, there is no mention of the duty of the state to support or provide education. Neither is there any overt mention of the obligation of the Church to maintain schools. Like most of the Christian writers before him, and, in fact, many of those who followed up to the time

of the Enlightenment, he passed over in silence the educational

theories of Aristotle and Plato, and took for granted the right and duty of the Church to educate in all fields.38

Likewise, while Vincent feels the prince has a strict duty to become learned, especially in the divine writings,®° he nowhere in De morali contends that the prince has any responsibility directly to educate his subjects or see that they are educated. For Vincent, the problem of the rights of the Church vs. those of the state in education simply did not exist.

Early Home

Training To this point, we have generally treated educational questions in the context of formal schooling. Yet it is apparent that the tual greater portion of moral and religious training, and some intellec to off goes child a formation as well, occurs in the years before school.

In primitive

societies,

virtually

the whole

of education,

n apart perhaps from some specialized apprenticeships, is a functio early of measure a been has there of the family. In every society ns home training, and theorists have had to cope with the questio on. formati of the nature and most efficient method of such e, Among the Jews, home education was a matter of divine mandat for the Book of Deuteronomy commands, Take to heart these words which I enjoin on you today. Drill them into your children. Speak of them at home and abroad whether you are busy or at rest.*°

still In the pre-exilic period, therefore, when the sacred history was the on placed was is emphas handed on by oral tradition, major which schools, of instructional role of the family. In the absence d were not yet required for literary purposes, families also assume 87 DE, XXIX, 58-59, p. 111; NC, p. 273. 88 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 113. 39 DM, XV, I-3, p. 113.

0 Deut., V1:6-8.

124

VINCENT

ON OTHER EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

total responsibility for the physical, vocational, and social education of their offspring.*! This responsibility was diluted in the postexilic period when schools were necessitated by the appearance of the scriptures in literary form, but the influence of the family remained paramount, and compulsory elementary education was not instituted until 64 A.D.” Among the Spartans, education was under the total control of the state, and newborn infants had to be approved by a council of elders or exposed on Mount Taygetus. The infant child was taught by its mother not to express fear or anger and to endure pain and hunger. After infancy, the child accompanied its father in order to observe and absorb the forms of adult male culture.* The practice of early childhood education among the Athenians is by no means so clear. Athens, we have noted, was reluctant to formulate or enforce educational legislation, and early home training was left to individual decision. History has left us few insights into the early years of Athenian youth. We know that early education was of great concern to Athenians, for Xenophon remarked in his remembrances of Socrates, “‘nor are the parents content just to supply food, but so soon as their children seem capable of learning they teach them what they can for their good. . . .“# Xenophon was, of course, a man who valued the practical above all else, but the context of his comment does not support the conclusion in that he was speaking merely of moral and vocational training to the exclusion of intellectual education. Yet the major emphasis must have been on moral formation, for Plato had Protagoras observe to Socrates: Education and admonition commence in the first years of childhood, and last to the very end of life. Mother and nurse and father and tutor are quarelling about the improvement of the child as soon as ever he is able to understand them: he cannot say or do anything without their setting forth to him that this is just and that is

unjust: this is honorable, that is dishonorable; this is holy, that is unholy; do this and abstain from that. And if he obeys, well and

good; if not, he is straightened by threats and blows like a piece of warped wood.”

41 Power, Main Currents, p. 26. 42 Cf. p. 115, supra. 48 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy, p. 205. 44 Xenophon, Memorabilia, II, ii, 6, trans. by E. C. Marchant. LCL (N. Y.:

G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1923), pp. 106-107. 45 Plato, Protagoras, in Works of Plato, IV, p. 157.

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

125

This is a sound enough indication that the business of early home training was mostly a matter of moral and social education, and if it presents a somewhat gloomy picture of education by harassment, there is evidence enough that Athenian children did not lack for toys and games and that songs, nursery rhymes, and fables were used to transmit moral example and quicken the child’s interest. Yet Plato was obviously dissatisfied with the practice of his time and suggested improvements. Fables he thought dangerous, and he thought it desirable to censor fable-makers, disapproving any bad fables they make. “Those which are approved,” he wrote, ‘we will persuade the mothers and nurses to tell the children, and to mould the souls of the children by the fables. .. a eA tay ane Laws he set forth the principle that “because of the force of habit, it is in infancy that the whole character is most effectually determined,” 48 and for that reason advised careful supervision of pregnant women 4® and devised a system of what our own age might call day-care centers for children three to six.*° The center of Roman life, especially in Republican Rome, was it the family.*! “The family was the chief educational agency; period.” was the best, if not the only, school of the early Roman The chief goal of early home training in this period was moral formation, and it was chiefly the responsibility of the distaff side. Thus Tacitus limned the practice: Every citizen’s son, the child of a chaste mother, was from the

in beginning reared, not in the chamber of a purchased nurse, but to glory special her was it and embrace, and bosom that mother’s study her home and devote herself to her children. It was usual to to select an elderly kinswoman of approved and esteemed character her In . household the of children the all of charge have the entire presence it was the last offence to utter an unseemly word or to doa disgraceful act. With scrupulous piety and modesty she regulated ns not only the boy’s studies and occupations, but even his recreatio

of the and games. Thus it was, as tradition says, that the mothers their directed Atia, Aurelia, , Cornelia s, Gracchi, of Caesar, of Augustu

ss of children’s education and reared the greatest of sons. The strictne

n, pp. 240-41; 48 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Educatio Marrou, Education in Antiquity, pp. 142-43. p. 174. 47 Plato, The Republic, 11, # 377, in Great Dialogues, >

8 Plato, Laws, VII, # 792E, Vol. I, 18-19.

49 Ibid. 50 Tbhid.,

'

4 793E-794C, pp. 20-23.

51 Marrou, Education in Antiquity, pp. 235-30. 52 Power, Main Currents, p. 149.

126

VINCENT

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EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

the discipline tended to form in each case a pure and virtuous nature which no vices could warp, and which would at once with the whole heart seize on every noble lesson. Whatever its bias, whether to the soldier’s or the lawyer’s art, or to the study of eloquence, it would make that its sole aim, and imbibe in its it fullness.**

There is a certain wistfulness in Tacitus’ remarks, for long before his time Roman mothers had abandoned both breast feeding and the early education of their children to slaves, and the persons he cited as examples were not representative of the practice of their time.54 For this reason Quintilian insisted that parents choose a nurse not only on the basis of good character, but also on the basis of the excellence of her elocution. Quintilian aimed to train orators, and he realized that it is the nurse that the child first hears, and her words that he will

first attempt to imitate. And we are by nature most tenacious of childish impressions, just as the flavour first absorbed by vessels when new persists, and the colour imparted by dyes to the primitive whiteness of wool is indelible. Further, it is the worst impressions that are most durable.”

Indeed, he was doubtless the most fertile thinker on early childhood education that the ancient world produced, concerning himself with the child’s companions, methods of interesting him in learning, and holding, against those who felt boys shouldn't be taught to read before age seven, “those ... who hold that a child’s mind should not be allowed to lie fallow for a moment are wiser.” ** While his treatise received great attention and admiration, it is unlikely that it had much serious effect in advancing intellectual education into the pre-school years. The Christians were heirs to the traditions of both the Jewish and Graeco-Roman worlds, the influence of the former being stronger at the outset. Because of this, and because of distrust of pagan school, it is small wonder that the Christians early on developed a strong reliance on moral and religious training within the family setting. We would expect to find a variety of treatises by early 53 Cornelius Tacitus,

A Dialogue on Oratory, 28, in The Complete Works of

Tacitus, trans. by Alfred John Church and Wm. Jackson Brodribb (N. pies Random House, 1942), Pp. 75764 Ibid., p. 758; J. P. V. D. Balsdon, Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome (N. Y.: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1969), p. 92. 86 Quintilianus, Institutio Oratoria, I, i, 4-5, Vol. 1, pp. 20-21. 86 Tbid., I, i, 8-9, 20, 15-16, pp. 22-25, 28-29, 26-27.

VINCENT

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127

case. Christian writers dealing with the subject, but such is not the As one writer has noted, number of _.. if we take education in the usual sense of the term, the

is essays on this subject written by the Fathers of the Church find perhaps would person minded cally statisti A small. ly extreme d in the that one treatise on education stands against one hundre field of theology.®”

ter a We reach the end of the fourth century before we encoun fruitfully Christian educational tract that deals thoroughly and ChrysosJohn of pen the with early home education, and this from and he bewailed tom. His interest, of course, was moral training,

the fact that

train his boy in our own day every man takes the greatest pains to this child’s e exercis to But speech. and ure literat in in the arts and heed.*8 soul in virtue, to that no man any longer pays

a number of To ameliorate this situation, Chrysostom suggested ng ill of others remedies. Licentious speech, swearing, and speaki that the child must be strictly forbidden.*® Care must be taken and edifying hear nothing harmful, but rather that he be told simple contain.®° they s lesson the stories and made to repeat them and touch and sight and The temptations afforded by the senses of smell ce Patien ity.*! must be forestalled by careful nurturance in auster boy that the is to be cultivated, particularly in relation to slaves, y, he must Finall . ately adequ house may learn to order his own marriage for red prepa be and be preserved from sexual temptations ostom Chrys ted: neglec and a career.®* Nor is the formation of girls entire the gh Throu conceded his final paragraph to the subject. of training more tract, Chrysostom stressed the negative aspects is conceived as a than the positive: the work of moral formation tomed to rigor accus be must work of prevention, and the child t (N. Y.: American Book 5? Robert Ulich, History of Educational Though Co., 1945), pp. 81-82. ory and the Right Way for 58 Joannes Chrysostomos, Address on Vaingl L. W. Laistner, Christianity and Pavents to Bring Up Their Children, 19, in M. University

, N. Y.: Cornell Pagan Culture in the Late Roman Empire (Ithaca Press, 1951), Pp. 95. 59 Tbid., 22, 30, 32, PPp- 96, 99, 100.

60 61 62 3 oe4 ce

Tbid., Tbid., Thid., [bid., Tbid.,

36-46, 54-63, 66-72, 76-89, 90, p.

51-52, Pp. 101-107, 109. : pp. I10-12. pp. 113-26. pp. 117-22. 122.

128

VINCENT

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EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

and austerity. The spirit of the youngster is to be bridled, and coercion is necessary, but must be used with sophistication: to Have not recourse to blows constantly and accustom him not being is he as ly, constant it feel he if for rod; the be trained by to trained, he will learn to despise it. And when he has learnt rather him Let nought. to despise it, he has reduced the system at all times fear blows but not receive them. Threaten him with the tawse, but do not lay it on and do not let thy threats proceed to of action. Do not let it appear that thy words do not pass the stage that belief the by d attende when use of only is threats: for a threat it will be put into effect. If the offender learn your intention, he will despise it. So let him expect chastisement but not receive it, so that his fear may not be quenched but may endure. ... Yet when thou dost see that he has profited by fear, forbear, seeing that our human nature has need of some forbearance.®

This is a grim recommendation indeed, to educate by force and fear. It is sobering to realize that this brief homily summed up Christian thought on home training for both prior and succeeding centuries. In point of fact, Vincent's educational thought on early home by training proceeds inexorably along this line of moral formation , austerity and discipline. The wellspring of his educational thought for ne discipli and t intellec the for it will be recalled, is teaching the emotions, with the latter given great stress because of the dependence of intellectual formation upon personal discipline. In ion, Vincent’s view, childhood is the most fit time for moral format

and he endorses Quintilian’s opinion, That age of man is best for molding character, when it is guiltless of deception and submits most easily to instruction. For you will break sooner than you will correct bad habits which have persisted.®”

This being the case, the work of instruction in virtue is the proper province of the parents,** and a virtuous son affords his father joy in this life and after death as well, while an undisciplined son brings only shame and sorrow to his parents.®® Should the parents wish to employ an instructor, it is essential that they choose one for his sound moral character as well as for his skill in learning, 65 Tbid., 30, pp. 99-100. 66 DE, I, XXIII, pp. 5-8, 78-83; NC, pp. 106-110, 216-24. 67 Quintilianus, Instituto Oratovia, I, iii, 12, Vol. I, pp. 58-59; DE,

72-75, P- 7; NC, p. 109.

68 DE, I, 2-4, XXIII, 47-53, pp. 5, 80; NC, pp. 106, 217-18. 69 DE, XXIII, 53-116, pp. 80-82; NC, pp. 218-21.

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129

so that his deeds will reinforce his words, his authority will be strengthened, and he will not corrupt his pupils. 7° The process of moral formation can be described negatively as

well as positively, inasmuch as a boy must be restrained from evil as well as shaped toward good.”! In the process of restraining their sons from evil, parents must not shrink from the use of threats, rebukes and physical punishment.” Here Vincent stands foursquare with Chrysostom, and for his views he claims divine sanction: And so we are told in Ecclesiasticus 30 ““Bow down his neck while he is young,” because like the tree or shrub while it is still tender, he is trained more willingly; but when it has grown hard is more easily broken than trained. So at once is added: ‘“‘and beat him on the sides while he is-a child, lest he wax stubborn and be disobedient,”

that is, he may not consent to you when you wish to set him right after he has become an adult and is hardened.”

Yet, Vincent notes, since Augustine has written, The prince or judge should deem it ignoble for him to punish the condemned in his own person, and so may hand him over to others to whom he delegates this authority,

a man may entrust this task of correction to a teacher.’* Moreover, he hastens to stipulate that the punishment not be too harsh, citing the Old Testament command, “‘let not thy hand cause his death.” ”° He follows his exhortations on punishment with a chapter delineating the qualities which must modify its application. Strictness is necessary to the purpose of punishment,’° yet to it must be added gentleness, which leads rather than repels, and discrimination, which embraces manner, timeliness, and location of restraint.’

This represents a vast improvement on the scanty and ill-considered comments of Chrysostom on discipline and doubtless upon the practice of Vincent’s own time. Indeed, despite Vincent’s careful admonitions, brutal discipline would be the rule rather pp. 110, 112-14, 70 DE, II, 2-3, 29-69, XXIII, 21-35, pp. 9-10, 79; NC, 216-17. 71 DE, XXV, 2-5, p. 88; NC, p. 232. 88, 90-91; NC, 72 DE, I, 24-25, 28-29, 69-70, XXV, 24-26, 61-64, pp. 6-8, pp. 107, 109-10, 233, 235, 23773 Ecclus., XXX:12; DE, I, 65-71, p. 7; NC, p. 109. GUN Ith, 25 JE, 74 Aurelius Augustinus, De diversis quaestionibus, EDO

XL, c. 36; DE, XXV, 107-11, p. 91; NC, p. 238.

75 Pyov., X1X:18; DE, XXV, 63-64, p. 90; NC, p. 235-

76 DE, XXVI, 5-47, pp. 92-93; NC, pp. 239-41.

77 DE, XXVI, 5-57, 106-20, pp. 92-93, 95; NC, pp. 241-45.

1ES10)

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than the exception in schools and probably in homes for centuries to come. Having placed so much stress upon the early moral formation of the young, Vincent is at some pains to refute the “detestable proverb which is commonly repeated: the young saint becomes the old devil.” 78 It is evident that acceptance of such a notion would cut the very foundations out from under Vincent’s theories on early home training and moral formation of youth. In the first place, he says, such an occurrence is rare enough although occasionally it may perhaps seem to happen, yet it does not often happen that a child making progress in good morals afterwards rebels against goodness, and in those where perhaps it does occur, the goodness seems not to have been true, but rather feigned.’®

Beyond this, we must bear in mind that even good children may backslide because of bad companions or insufficient parental control, for as Seneca has written, “it is unavoidable that imperfect

things should make mistakes; sometimes indeed they make progress, sometimes . . . slip back.” 8° Finally, with a barrage of counter proverbs, the odious saying is sunk, and Vincent is able to conclude that boys whose goodness is not feigned nor inwardly constrained, but in whom goodness itself has grown up naturally through good teaching and who already have shown steadfastness in it ... these do not readily wander from their accustomed way of life.** With that, Vincent concludes his treatment of the moral formation

of boys in early childhood, although he cannot forbear from inserting an occasional comment on the subject while treating of other matters. We have seen that Vincent devoted comparatively little space to what may loosely be termed “physical education,” and it is difficult to determine how much of what he said on the subject pertains to early training. Some attention is given in Speculum doctrinale to care of the infant, but the brevity of the treatment indicates that he either knew or cared little about the subject.*” 78 DE, XXIII, 116-18, p. 82; NC, p. 221.

79 DE, XXIII, 120-23, p. 82; NC, pp. 221-22. 80 Seneca, Ad Lucilium, II (71), p. 252; De, XXIV, NC, pp. 222-23. 81 DE, XXIV, 146-63, p. 83; NC, p. 223. 82 SD, XII, xxxi, Vol. III, ff. 1092-93.

142-46, pp. 82-83;

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We are familiar with some of the lengthy passages he quotes from Ithier on bodily self-control. A further passage, dealing with table manners, merits citation here: . some men at dinners wishing to unburden the plates, pounce on and seize the fat and suet in square pieces from the entree, dripping it all round about the table, and when they have removed the inside, they replace what remains in its former position. When others drink they plunge their fingers into the midst of the vessel. Others wipe their greasy hands on their clothes and again return them to holding food. Others fish for their vegetables with bare fingers as if they were spoons, so that while they fill their bellies they seem to wash their hands in the very same cup. Others put back halfeaten crusts, and prechewed cakes after they have eaten their food,

and dip the toothmarked morsels into the table vessels.**

Here, as in the sections quoted in the previous chapter regarding dress, and gesture,*4 Ithier is discussing the training of novices, boys who must at least have been in their early teens. Yet one may fairly conclude that Vincent would agree that the inculcation of proper bodily self-control must begin in early childhood. He does not, however, make the point explicitly. Nor does Vincent distinguish whether intellectual education is to be undertaken in early childhood or, if so, to what extent.

True, he links intellectual and moral education closely and points out that “the age of boyhood is infantile and stubborn in the matter of learning and lazy in that of well-doing,” * but his discussion of intellectual education begins with considerations regarding the choice of the teacher, and he nowhere specifically describes parental activity in intellectual education. It seems justifiable to conclude that Vincent did not trust parents to perform any but the most rudimentary tasks of intellectual education such as, perhaps,

teaching the alphabet. The Education of Women In all of this, Vincent is writing specifically of the instruction and formation of boys. The education of girls was quite a different matter to Vincent, one which he saved for the last ten chapters of De eruditione. 83 Ithier,

De

institutione

novitiorum,

XXI,

952A; DE, XXXI, 149-59, p. 122; NC, p. 289. 84 Cf. p. 113, supra.

85 DE, I, 51-53, p. 7; NC, p. 108.

PL,

CLXXVI,

cc.

951AB-

132

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That Vincent should have chosen this manner of treating the education of women is hardly surprising: he was, after all, responsive to his cultural tradition,

and in that tradition instances

of

equality of educational opportunity and treatment of boys and girls were the exception rather than the rule. This circumstance stems from the relative positions of men and women in society, and equality of the sexes has been the exception rather than the rule in Western society, a circumstance ultimately traceable to the first differentiation of function by sex in primitive societies.*¢ Even in a society such as that of the ancient Jews where the sacred scriptures celebrated the importance of women,’’ educational opportunities for women were curtailed after the return from exile.** A measure of educational equality was attained by the women of Sparta. True, they were trained to be mothers of warriors rather than warriors themselves. Yet they received a training similar in many ways to that of boys, with athletic exercises, some of them engaged in with the boys, the staple of the curriculum.*® On Lesbos, women had by the end of the seventh century their own educational system, a response to closed fellowship of pederasty among males.*° Athens was quite a different case; a male-dominated society, it made no provision for the intellectual or physical education of girls, simply training them for virtue, attractiveness, and domestic usefulness. Xenophon’s Oeconomicus presented, in the comment of Isomachus on his wife, the ideal product which the Athenian male expected of female training: She was not yet fifteen years old when she came to me, and up to that time she had lived in leading-strings, seeing, hearing and saying as little as possible. If when she came she knew no more than how, when given wool, to turn out a cloak, and has seen only how the spinning is given out to the maids, is not that as much as could be expected? %

This sort of attitude offended Plato, and in his political prescriptions 86 Eby and Arrowood,

History and Philosophy of Education, pp. 25-26;

Power, Main Currents, pp. 8-9. 87 Pyov., XXXI:10-13.

88 Eby and Arrowood, History and Philosophy of Education, p. 156. 89 Tbid., pp. 212-14; Marrou, Education in Antiquity, pp. 17, 23; Power, Main Currents, p. 36.

90 Marrou, Education in Antiquity, pp. 33-3591 Xenophon, Oeconomicus, VII, 5-6, trans. by E. C. Marchant. LCL (N. Y.:

G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1923), pp. 414-15.

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Less

he plumped for the social and educational equality of the sexes. No other policy made sense to him and he wrote: I affirm that the practice which at present prevails in our districts is a most irrational one—namely, that men and women should not all follow the same pursuits with one accord and with all their might. For thus from the same taxation and trouble there arises and

exists half a State only instead of a whole one, in nearly every instance; yet surely this would be a surprising blunder for a lawgiver to commit.

Women were capable of being guardians of the state as much as men, Plato felt, and hence were to have equal education.®* This was not to be co-education,

however, for while the children of both sexes

played together in. early childhood, they were to be separated at school age.® Plato’s work was prophetic of the educational turnabout of the Hellenistic world, which saw girls engage in primary and secondary education on an equal footing with boys, receive the same physical education as boys in some areas, participate in mixed choirs, and even occasionally reach the point of studying philosophy. The Romans were amenable to Hellenisticculturein this respect, and it was not unusual to find Roman boys and girls studying together, and some aristocratic women were highly educated. The early Christians certainly did not see eye-to-eye with those ancients who admitted women to equality in education and society. It was St. Paul who, in his letters drew the main outlines of what was to be the early Christian doctrine on women. In his view, man was

superior in the perspective of salvation history: For Adam was formed first, then Eve. And Adam was not deceived,

but the woman was deceived and was in sin. Yet women will be saved by childbearing, if they continue in faith and love and holiness with modesty.%? For this reason, “the head of the woman is the man,” 98 and the

woman must not presume to speak in church or teach.®°® A woman ought to be simply dressed and adorned, and occupy herself with 92 Plato, Laws, VII, # 805AB, Vol. II, pp. 58-59.

;

Laws, % Plato, Republic, V, # 451D-457B, in Great Dialogues, pp. 249-54, VII, # 804D-805B, 313B, Vol. II, pp. 56-59, 84-85. 50-53, % Tdem., Laws, VII, # 793E-794C, 802E, 813B, Vol. II, pp. 20-23, 84-85.

Deon Educational Ideas in Antiquity, pp. 103, 117, 136, 144, 206. %6 Tbid., pp. 247, 27497 r Tim., I11:13-15. 28a TiCoy,, 2:37

99 Tbid., X1V:34-35; 1 Tim., IL:11-13.

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good works.!°° St. Peter agreed that the woman was ‘‘the weaker vessel’ and ought to be subject to her husband.!% The Ante-Nicene Christian writers formed their opinions on the nature and status of women largely from these texts, and cited them in those relatively few instances in which they bothered to give specific attention to the subject of woman’s role in the Church.1 Of these Ante-Nicene writers, the most liberal in regard to women was the convert most disposed to Hellenistic culture, Clement of Alexandria. While he admitted that the husband is the head of the wife,1°% yet he argued with a wealth of historical examples that women were as capable as men at reaching perfection,’ and seems to have held a brief for equal education for women, observing that ‘(women are...to philosophize equally with men, though the males are preferable at everything, unless they have become effeminate.1% It seems apparent from the last comment that Clement’s Hellenistic appreciation of woman’s possibilities were eroded by Christian theology and, indeed, he followed Paul also in concern for the proper adornment of women.1% After Clement the deluge. Tertullian, the founder and stormy petrel of Latin Christianity, elaborated on women’s apparel, tracing the origins of female ornamentation to the fallen angels.'°” He sternly refuted pseudo-Pauline writings that claimed for women the right of teaching and baptizing: For how credible would a woman even to learn power of teaching, and “and at home consult

it seem, that he [Paul] who has not permitted with overboldness, should give a female the of baptizing! ““Let them be silent,” he says, their own husbands.” 198

100 7 Tim., I1:8-11.

101 7 Pet., I11:1-7. 102 Cf. Clemens, The Instructor, I1, xiii, III, xi, Stvomata, III, xii, IV, viii, ANF, II, 269, 287, 398, 420: Quintus Septimus Florens Tertullianus, The Chaplet, XIV, Against Marcion, VIII, On Prayer, XX, ANF, III, 102, 446,

669, 677, 687; Origines Adamantius, Commentary on Matthew, XVI, ANF, IX, 505; Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus, The Treatises of Cyprian, II, vii, XII, iii, ANF, V, 432, 544-46; Constitutions of the Holy Apostles, I, iii, III, vi, ix, VI, xxix, ANF, VII, 394, 427-29, 463. 103 Clements, Stvomata, IV, viii, ANF, II, 420.

104 Tbid., IV, xix, pp. 431-32. 105 [bid., IV, viii, p. 420. i=} 106 Clemens, The Instructor, III, xi, ANF, II, 287-89.

107 Quintus Septimus Florens Tertullianus, On the Apparel of Women, II, ANF, IV, 14-15. Cf. also his treatise On the Veiling of Virgins, IV, ANF, IV, 27-37, and his On Prayer, XX-XXIII, ANF, ITI, 687-89. 108 Tertullianus, On Baptism, XVII, ANF,

III, 677.

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Clearly, Tertullian would not have seen much need for the education of women beyond simple moral and religious training. By the end of the fourth century, the Christian doctrine of the education of women is aptly summed up in Chrysostom’s treatment of the subject, a single paragraph of his homily On Vainglory: Let his mother learn to train her daughter by these precepts, to guide her away from extravagance and personal adornment and all other such vanities that are the mark of harlots. Let the mother act by this ordinance at all times and guide the youth and maiden away from luxury and drunkenness. This also contributes greatly to virtue. Young men are troubled by desire, women by love of finery and excitement. Let us therefore repress all these tendencies.*°°

The training of women is no more than a pale imitation of the boy’s education, and it concentrates on a moral training in which the regulation of raiment is accorded disproportionate attention.” Little change was visible in this conception even as late as the Carolingian Renaissance." That little change in the state of women is visible over so long a period of history is not surprising. The submergence of women in the first Christian centuries is explainable in terms of the praxis of a nascent church relying on apostolic authority. At a later point, it seems due to the return of Europe to near-barbarism in which the lot of European women must have approached that of women in primitive tribes. In the latter period, women would doubtless not have had access to learning even if their position in society had been more exalted: precious little learning survived, and what did was most generally in the hands of the clerics.42 Yet if the Carolof ingian Renaissance revived letters, it also laid the foundations be could which upon European political and economic stability 109 Joannes Chrysostomos, On Vainglory, 90, p. 122.

n one at that, 110 Perhaps the most liberal note, and a somewhat uncertai

‘“Would you not was struck in Augustine’s Soliloquies, when Reason queries: is educated or whom be delighted by a fair, modest, obedient wife, one who

es, I, x (17), you could easily teach ...?” Aurelius Augustinus, Soliloqui Y.: Cima Pub. (N. I e, Augustin St. of Writings in Gilligan F. Thomas by trans. Co., 1948, p. 365. 111 Power, Main Currents, p. 274. a l’époque 112 Cf. Henri Pirenne, ‘De l’état de l’instruction des laiques mérovingienne,”

Revue

Bénédictine,

XLVI,

2-3

(Apr.-July,

1934),

165-77;

pp. 18-22. NoteWallach, “Education and Culture in the Tenth Century,” Thompson, The Westfall James in d worthy exceptions are fully discusse Research and Source Franklin Burt Ages, Middle the in Laity the of Literacy Works Series, No. 2 (N. Y.: Burt Franklin, 1960).

136

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built a powerful lay society.43 By the late eleventh century this lay society began to develop a notion of romantic chivalry which profoundly altered the conception of the nature of woman and her role in society and produced a vernacular literature of interest to noble ladies.144 Not surprisingly, there grew up a literature on the education of noble women,!5 of which chapters forty-one to fiftytwo of De eruditione are part.1® Vincent’s treatment of the education of girls begins with a disquisition on the preservation of chastity, and never moves far beyond that point. He sees girlhood as “an age... prone to wantonness,”’ and directs that girls ‘‘should not wander promiscuously to dances, shows, and parties, but should be kept at home, lest as

they wander abroad they grow lustful or be lusted after. ...’’ 1?” Just as he has indicated that an unruly son brings shame and sorrow to his parents,!48 he warns that ‘“‘she who ‘confounds her father’, causing him embarrassment because she has lost the token of her virginity, ‘is his dishonor,’ because he has badly and negligently instructed and guarded her in his own house.’ 4° The seriousness of Vincent’s views on the matter can hardly be underestimated, for he underscores his comments by citing the precept of Deuteronomy: (If) virginity is not found in a damsel (by her husband), she shall be brought outside the doors of her father’s house and shall be stoned WITH STONES oni?

We do not know whether Vincent seriously believed that this should be done in his own time, but that he should have inserted the pas118 Cf, Georges de Lagarde, La naissance del’ esprit laique au déclin de moyen

age (6v.; Presses Universitaires de France, 1934-46); Henri Pirenne, Economic and Social History of the Middle Ages (N. Y.: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1963).

114 Cf. Taylor, The Medieval Mind, 1, 574-603, Il, 248-59.

115 Cf. Alice A. Hentsch, De la littérature didactique du moyen age s advessant specialement aux femmes (Cahors: Couestant, 1903), and Helene Jacobius, Die Erziehung des Edelfvatileons im alten Frankreich nach Dichtungen des AXII., XIII., und XIV. Jahrhunderts. Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fir romanische

Philologie, XVI Heft (Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1908).

116 For a thorough discussion of these chapters, see Tobin, Education of Women. LL ele es 7 Det 3 eNICy p..307LIS DH

OCX ID 105-107, .p.ot NG, pa22ir

169 DH OO 120 Deut., XX:

3 4287s 173 INC apna 60: # 20-21; DE, XLII, 41-42, p. 174; NC, p. 369. He cites a

similar passage with regard to unruly boys, Deut., XX1:18-21, in DE, XXIX, g1-96, p. 112, NC, p. 275.

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sage certainly indicates his intense commitment to the ideal of chaste womanhood ! Treating of the education of boys, Vincent has built his thought on the twin pillars of teaching for the mind and discipline for the emotions. While the girl’s virginity is being safeguarded therefore she should “be introduced to letters and instructed in morals.” 74 Yet whereas he devoted more than twenty chapters to the intellectual education of boys, he gives considerably less than a single chapter to that of girls. Moreover, there is a remarkable difference in the nature of intellectual education of girls. “They should be instructed in letters,” he writes, ”... because often they will carefully shun harmful thoughts to follow this honorable occupation, and avoid

carnal

lusts and

vanities.” 1” With

this as the

adequate motive for a girl’s intellectual education, Vincent sums up the process in the words of Jerome to Aletha: Let your daughter Paula have no knowledge of worldly songs, and let her not understand shameful things. The tongue while yet tender should be introduced to sweet psalms. The lustful youth of boys should be kept far away ... For her there should be letters of boxwood and ivory ... and she should play with them, that even her play may be instructive ... She should also have friends in learning whom she may emulate, by whose praises she may be incited. She should not be scolded if she be slower, but her mind

should be aroused by praises, to rejoice in herself when she wins out, and to be sorry when surpassed ... In conclusion, in place of gems and silk your virgin should love the divine scriptures, in which not the unstained decoration of gold and Babylonian parchment, but the faultless punctuation should satisfy for faith."

There is much that is admirable in these words, such as the use of

play for learning, the proper use of competition and praise, the admonition against scolding, yet one cannot but be disappointed that it constitutes virtually the whole of Vincent’s treatment of the intellectual education of girls. This said, and a few more citations presented to reinforce the notion that female learning is to be construed as a form of the defense of morals, Vincent turns to instruc-

tion in morals. “We of course agree,” he writes, ‘that they should be instructed 121 DE, XLIII, 4-5, p. 176; NC, p. 373.

122 DE, XLIII, 5-7, p. 176; NC, pp. 373-74-

123 Hieronymus, Epistolae, CVII, 4, 12 (682, 687-88), PL, MEX

876-77; DE, XLIII, 10-18, p. 177; NC, p. 374.

eens 70-72,

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and molded in four things: in purity or chastity, in humility, in silence, and in maturity of morals and behavior.” 1% The relative importance conceded these four things is evident in that questions affecting chastity occupy the remainder of the chapter, and the next two chapters as well, while the other three share a single chapter ! Food and drink, sleep and bathing are major enemies of chastity. “The eating of flesh and drinking of wine, and the repletion of the belly,” held Jerome, “‘are the nursery of lust.’’ 1° Vincent therefore cites Jerome and others on the desirability of fasting, hastening to add a disclaimer concerning immoderate fasting.!#° Similar, but less lengthy sections are given over to the dangers of excessive sleeping and of bathing.!2” The dangers of immoderate adornment were a preoccupation of early Christian writers from Paul onward, and Vincent shares their concern,

but is unable to add to their

ruminations on the subject. His chapter is merely a garland of their comments (with a few dicta of pagan authors interwoven), and he does not quote any author who wrote after Augustine.’”* A final danger to chastity is presented by companions and servants. Here again, Vincent leans heavily on Jerome who cautioned Salvinia: A butler with curly hair should not walk next to you, no effeminate actor, no devil of a singer with his envenomed sweetness, no young

man plucked and sleek,1?°

and advised Demetrias that the ideal companion should seem pretty and loveable to you and should be your friend, she who does not know that she is pretty, who pays no heed to her good looks and walking outdoors never lays bare her breast and neck, does not open her mantle to reveal her throat, but conceals her face and walks with scarcely one eye showing, which is necessary to see the path. ...18°

Beyond this advice, Vincent feels it necessary to devote a deal of 124 DE, XLIII, 60-62, p. 178; NC, p. 376. 125 Eusebius Hieronymus, Adversus Jovinianum, II, 7 (336), PL, XXIII, c. 297A; DE, XLIII, 96-97, p. 179; NC, p. 378. 126 DE, XLIII, 98-123, pp. 179-80; NC, pp. 378-79. 127 DE, XLIII, 123-39, pp. 180-81; NC, pp. 379-80. 128 DE, XLIV, pp. 181-87; NC, pp. 380-88.

129 Hieronymus, Epistolae,

LX XIX, 9 (506), PL, XXII, c. 730; DE, XLV,

34-37, p. 188; NC, p. 390. 130 Hieronymus, Epistolae,

20-23, p. 188; NC, p. 389.

CX XX, 18 (995), PL, XXII, c. 1122; DE, XLV,

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space to warning against a particularly evil and dangerous species, the lustful widow.1#! And with this diatribe, Vincent leaves the subject of chastity as such. The other things in which Vincent would see the maiden trained,

humility, silence, and maturity may fairly be viewed as adjunct to the preservation of chastity. True he observes that “even in the blessed virgin Mary the Lord had more respect to her humility than to her virginity.”’ 182 Yet where an author’s pages are, there his heart is also, and humility receives relatively short shrift, some thirty nine lines.153 Silence is passed over almost in silence: a mere six lines suffice to treat of it.184 Maturity, however, embraces physical expression, behavior, and dress, and Vincent is disposed to give a lot more space to this, by reason of his belief that exterior behaviour is an expression of interior composition so that proper control of external behaviour can foster inner harmony.1* His chief concern is control of the eyes, for the scriptures contend that “‘the whoredom of a woman may be known in the elevation of her eyes and in her eyelids.’ 186 Yet other mannerisms ought also to be avoided, and Vincent approves Jerome’s strictures against “churchwomen who walk with stretched out necks, speak deception with their eyes, clap both hands and feet, and walk with a studied \ |ea ve A woman, then, is to be educated for chastity and modesty, and

what intellectual education she receives is not for the purpose of climbing the ladder of the liberal arts to theology and wisdom, but to provide her enough literacy to read the scriptures as a means of forestalling lust. The rationale for this view of the training of women is Vincent’s view of woman’s place in society, a view that does not represent any advance from the position of the earliest Christian thinkers. It is surprising that nowhere in De eruditione does Vincent quote St. Paul’s views on women, but four times in hischapter on women he quotes St. Peter’s summary of much the same doctrine: 131 DE, XLV, 53-102, pp. 189-90; NC, pp. 391-93. 132 DE, XLVI, 3-5, p. 190; NC, p. 394.

133 DE, XLVI, 3-42, pp. 190-92; NC, pp. 394-95. 134 DE, XLVI, 43-48, p. 192; NC, p. 395. 135 Ithier,

De

XXXI-16-20;-p;

institutione

novitiorum,

X, PL,

CLXXVI

cc. 985 Be

DE,

118; NG, pi235-

1386 Ecclus., XXV1:9; DE, XLVI, 61-62; NC, p. 396.

PL, 187 Eusebius Hieronymus, Commentaria in Isaiam prophetam, II (60),

XXIV,

cc. 68D-69A; DE, XLVI, 80-83, p. 193; NC, p. 397.

I40

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EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

... let wives be subject to their husbands; so that even if any do not believe the word, they may without word be won through the behavior of their wives, observing reverently your chaste behavior. Let not theirs be the outward adornment of braiding the hair, or of wearing gold, or of putting on robes; but let it be the inner life of the heart, in the imperishableness of a quiet and gentle spirit, which is of great price in the sight of God. For after this manner in old times the holy women also who hoped in God adorned themselves, while being subject to their husbands. So Sara obeyed Abraham, calling him lord. You are daughters of hers when you do what is right and fear no disturbance.1*8

From the early Christian writers Vincent also borrows the traditional division of woman’s status in society into the three roles of virgin, married woman,

and widow, and concludes his disquisition

on woman’s education by exploring these roles. In this exploration lies the justification for his doctrine on the education of women.1%* The causes for contracting marriage, Vincent says are several: ... to procreate children, to avoid fornication, to reconcile enemies, to compose war, and other similar things. Among them the first two are most desirable because they are approved by the divine scriptures.14°

Evidently, Vincent was unaware of or unimpressed by the notions of romantic chivalry that were gaining currency in his time. He does make it perfectly clear that the woman’s consent is necessary. This however was not a concession to the rights of women, but a doctrine mandated by sacramental theology, primitive biology or sociology, and ascetical ideal, for Vincent knew that marriage is null without consent, believed that “unwilling wives are wont to have evil issue,” and felt that virginity was a more perfect state than marriage.!4! Parental responsibility in giving a daughter in marriage is a weighty matter, and more is involved than obtaining her consent. For matrimony is a figure of the union of Christ and the church and hence indissoluble. And because it is indissoluble and because trial marriage is unthinkably sinful, great care must be exercised by parents in selection of a spouse, for as Theophrastus has said: 138 7 Pet., III :1-6.

1389 DE, XLIV, 25-28, XLVIII, 25-26, 145-47, XLIX, 85-86, pp. 182, 198, 205; NC, pp. 381, 405, 411, 417. 140 DE, XLVII, 5-7, p. 195; NC, p. 399.

141 DE, XLVII, 2-4, 11-13, 23-25, pp. 194-95; NC, pp. 399-400.

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

I4iI

. whatever sort may have fallen to the lot, she must be retained. A horse, an ass, cow, dog, or the commonest purchases, even clothing,

kettles, cups and pitcher may first be tried and are then purchased. A wife alone is not displayed, lest she displease before she is taken in marriage. Therefore, if irascible, if foolish, if hateful, if proud, even if

she stink, yet to say anything about her after marriage is morally wrong.!42

So Vincent presents a few specific cautions to be observed in selection of a mate,!48 and if his ideas seem retrograde to us, we must

bear firmly in mind that the notion of courtship was in its infancy in his day, that arranged marriages have been more the rule than the exception among European nobility into our day, and that in many societies courtship is in its infancy even today. Giving a daughter in marriage also requires that parents complete her education by teaching her certain things about married life. In the first place, Vincent advances a sound practical admonition: she must be taught to honor parents-in-law.* Next, the wife must be admonished to demonstrate her love for her husband first by being subject to him, this largely a matter of what moral theologians to this day refer to as “rendering the debt,” i.e. rendering sexual service upon legitimate demand, second by being anxious'to please him so that he will love her and not develop a wandering eye, third by tolerating his faults patiently, and fourth by remaining chaste for him.14° As an appendix to the last admonition, Vincent embarks ona lengthy screed directed against immodest adornment,/46 which produces in the reader nothing more than a wearying sense of déja-vu, tempered a bit by a sense of marvel at the obsessive concern of Christian writers with the abuse of cosmetics. The third and fourth directions are that she be told to govern her family and household properly.447 One would think that here is opportunity for an extensive array of practical directions, but Vincent’s milieu was the cloister, not the hearth, and he

refrains, perhaps wisely, from expanding on the general precepts. Finally, Vincent urges that the bride-to-be should be instructed in 142 Cited in Hieronymus,

Adversus Jovinianum,

I, 46 (312), PL XXIII,

c. 275C; DE, XLVII, 71-76. p, 196; NC, p. 402.

143 144 1445 46

DE, DE, DE, DE,

XLVII, 55-77, pp. 196-97; NC, pp. 402-403. XLVIII, 7-11, p. 197; NC, p. 404. XLVIII, 12-74, pp. 197-99; NC, pp. 404-407. XLVIII, 74-168, pp. 100-202; NC, pp. 407-412.

147 DE, XLVIII,

168-76, p. 202; NC, pp. 412-13.

142

VINCENT

ON OTHER

EDUCATIONAL

QUESTIONS

the manner of leading a blameless life, that is, “not to be notorious in dress, gesture, speech, or in manner of life.’”’ 4° An entire chapter

is devoted to repetitious specifics documenting abuses in these areas. It is clear from the space devoted to the subject that Vincent concedes marriage to be the life status of the majority of women, and since his view of the woman’s role in marriage is identical with that of the early Christian writers, he sees no need of an education for women that does not aim at proficiency in this vocation. It is also clear that Vincent views this vocation almost exclusively in its moral aspects, and for this reason, apart from his fleeting mention of the necessity of proper governance of family and household and his somewhat more extended admonitions about proper choice of a spouse, education for matrimony is little different from education for virginity. Indeed, the last two chapters of De eruditione, dealing with the states of widowhood and virginity add little but a slight turn of direction to the prescriptions previously advanced, and nothing to the theory of female education. Vincent would have agreed whole heartedly with Vives’ dictum, “we do not want the girl learned but good.” 149 148 DE, XLIX,

14-16, p. 203; NC, p. 414.

149 Vives, Instruction of the Christian Woman, p. 105.

CHAPTER

SIX

CONCLUSION That Vincent concerned himself directly, in some cases extensively, with most of the emphases we have advanced as characteristic of Renaissance educational thought does not in and of itself warrant the conclusion that his thought truly anticipated that of the Renaissance. We have taken pains to demonstrate that most of these questions had deep roots in the European past, that a variety of thinkers, pagan and Christian had wrestled with them for centuries. It is not so much these questions and concerns of themselves that were characteristic of the Renaissance, but the uniqueness of Renaissance educational theory is to be sought in the manner in which Renaissance theorists approached and solved them. Plato was no less concerned with moral and religious training than Erasmus; Quintilian was no less interested in early home training than Vegius. Yet educational questions are at bottom social questions, and theorists in different ages, even when they are theorizing from the terminus ad quem of a long cultural tradition, contribute unique emphases by reason of the uniqueness of their immediate milieu. Thus we have taken care to indicate how much of Vincent’s thought was distinctive by setting it against the intellectual tradition which nurtured it. But our primary purpose is to demonstrate what of this distinctiveness, if any, can be related

to the age following Vincent’s. Once again we must ask whether his contribution was merely to mirror the stage his intellectual tradition had reached, or whether he advanced that tradition. We deal with

this in the shadow of a much larger problem, that of whether the evolution of educational doctrine in the West is continuous through the Christian ages or not, but we can at best hope to contribute a small piece to the solution of that puzzle. Again, it must be emphasized that the tendency of Western thinkers to consider a common range of problems only places them on a certain path; it does not of itself argue either that the path was straight or zigzag. Western thinkers have always felt moral and religious training to be central to education. Yet the Jews conceived such training as fostering a theocratic community proceeding toward salvation,

= CONCLUSION

I44

while the Greeks and Romans conceived it as an essential element in producing an effective public man. Christian thinkers generally followed Augustine’s view that moral and religious training was needed

to overcome

man’s

weakness

and emotional

infantilism,

and this was as true of the Renaissance humanists as of earlier thinkers. Educational theorists of the Renaissance emphasized the same specifics of moral and religious training as did Vincent: childhood as the crucial stage in moral formation, the responsibility of parents, inculcation of reverence for elders and ecclesiastical superiors, obedience and self-control in children, dignity and restraint of physical bearing. The similarities between Vincent’s prescriptions for moral and religious training and those of Renaissance theorists are remarkable in their extent and similarity. Their treatments differ not in prescription but in purpose. Vincent was ultimately doctrinal in his orientation. Like so many educational theorists, including the humanists of the Renaissance, he viewed moral and religious training as both aim and method of education. Yet he conceptualized such training in a peculiarly medieval fashion by specifying that ‘‘all learning ought to tend to theology,

that

is, divine science.” 1 He thus conceded

to moral

and religious training a doctrinal orientation which is almost totally

absent in the Renaissance thinkers. It is clear, moreover, that for

Vincent moral and religious training transcended precept perfection. While it would be unfair to later thinkers assert that they would settle for precept, it is clear that erally stopped short of Vincent’s notion of perfection.

to counsel simply to they genVincent’s

educated man was to be a saint; later humanists often considered

marketplace morality as the outcome of such training. It is Vincent’s other-worldliness, the consuming other-worldliness of the monk, that ultimately distinguishes his thought on moral and religious training from that of the Renaissance. Even though many of the Renaissance thinkers were clerics, they were clerics who were also men of affiairs, and thus more amenable to utilizing moral and religious training for the purposes of this world rather than for those of the next. The difference, however, is not to be

over-emphasized, for Vincent wrote for lay people and this, despite his reliance on Ithier’s volume on the instruction of religious novices, led him to make concessions to the social aspects of such 1 DE, XV, 1-2, p. 55; NC, p. 181.

CONCLUSION

145

training,? while on the other hand the Renaissance thinkers would not contest the notion that man’s ultimate destiny lies beyond this world. The conflict between discipline and utility as educational aims, we have seen, moved Plato and Isocrates

to elaborate

their edu-

cational ideas, and from their time into the Middle Ages specific utility was disdained as an educational aim. Yet there were always institutions designed to prepare men for an occupation rather than for life in general, so that specific utility always had a foot in the educational door. The Middle Ages saw the door forced open a bit wider. John of Salisbury found it necessary to attack the Cornificans even as Plato and Isocrates had to refute the less scrupulous sophists. The espousal of the clerical state was often the surest road to upward mobility in a rigidly stratified society. In Vincent’s own time, the university curriculum in Northern universities was sliding toward increasing emphasis on utilitarian logic, and the Southern universities emphasized training in the lucrative professions.? It was this degeneration in the purposes of learning that led the Renaissance humanists to emphasize the general utility of liberal studies as a means of reinstating formative discipline to primacy as an educational aim. Yet this emphasis was the very core of Vincent’s educational theory, for to him the discipline that rules the emotions was completely enmeshed with the teaching that instructs the mind, and market place utility has no place in his thinking. He railed against . the physicians, who tend the earth—that is, the body for a price ... lawyers who assiduously provoke and litigate cases ... the grammarians who apply their minds to the fables of the poets ... and. . .thedialecticians and hangers on of earthly philosophy. Alllearning of this kind puffs up and begets gripings in the belly of knowledge.*

He was in direct agreement with Vives’ observation that “. . . nothing is so distant from literature as either the desire or the anxiety for money.” > Moreover, he placed the same bounds on his conception of discipline vs. utility as did later theorists He damned excessive pursuit of the liberal arts,* even as did Vergerius.” On the DE, XXXII-XXXIV, pp. 123-134; NC, pp. 290-307. Paetow, Arts Course at Medieval Universities, passim. DE, XIII, 114-123, p. 5; NC, pp. 170-77. Vives, On Education, p. 277. ; DE, XIV, 58-60, p. 54; NC, p. 180.

Vergerius, De ingenuts moribus, p. 110.

au OW nr 2

Io

146

. CONCLUSION

other hand, he addressed himself to the practicality of learning for princes, a problem which preoccupied Erasmus. Once again, the similarities of prescript between Vincent and Renaissance theorists are evident and extensive. Once again, what separates Vincent from later thinkers is context. Vincent despised the pursuit of utilitarian studies as an impediment to the discipline and instruction that lead through theology to wisdom and sanctity. The humanists despised emphasis on marketplace utility because it militated against the formation of the “uomo universale,” the well-rounded man of affairs. Regarding the problem of knowledge vs. style as educational aims little need be said. Vincent never seriously considered style as an educational aim, nor did he address himself to stylistic questions. He seems, in fact, to have distrusted eloquence as being a staple in the dialectician’s bag of tricks, awarding rhetoric a scant ten chapters in his discussion of logic.® In this respect, there is no correspondence of his thought with one of the central preoccupations of later humanists. By Vincent’s time, as we have seen, the seven liberal arts had attained primacy as the chief structure and content of a liberal education, the Trivium far surpassing the Quadrivium in importance, and logic dominating the Trivium. Vincent certainly accorded the Quadrivium a great deal less attention than the Trivium, as did the Renaissance theorists after him. He could not, however, abide the abuses of logic, and demonstrated a marked

preference for grammar, a preference shared by the Renaissance theorists. It has been suggested that Vincent assumed his programmarian stance because “... the bookish monk of quiet tastes found the atmosphere of the schools unbearable.” ® Perhaps this was a factor, but it seems probable that his major motivation was his perception of the prostitution of logic for narrowly utilitarian purposes. Moreover, he despised shoddy methodology in research and learning, as is evidenced by his professed reason for composing Speculum maius 1° and to emphasize logic to the detriment of grammar was to ignore the foundational function of grammar. It is, he points out,

8 SD, III, xcix-cviii, Vol. ITI, ff. 281-87. ® Craig in NC, p. 57. 10 SM, Generalis Prologus, i, Vol. I, f. 1.

CONCLUSION

147

.. the foundation of all the sciences, although many neglect it nowadays as if it were worthless. And thus they can make but little progress in the others.

The examples of tricky and fallacious syllogisms he cited from Seneca !2 represented exactly the sort of perversion of logic that Renaissance

thinkers

felt endemic

to scholasticism.

Of course,

Vincent’s grasp of grammar can by no means be considered comparable in extent and sophistication with that of the Renaissance humanists. His treatment of grammar in Book Two of the Speculum doctrinale is no more than a rehash of earlier grammarians and does not betray any of the preoccupation with canons of usage that so bedeviled the Renaissance thinkers. Where Vincent departs most seriously from the concerns of later ages is in his strict subordination of the liberal arts to theology. Humanists of the Renaissance would hold that the seven arts themselves, perhaps with an admixture of moral philosophy, could produce the ideal man. For Vincent they were only steppingstones to theology. It has been observed that peut-étre serait-on tenté ... declasser ... parmi les anti-humanistes ceux qui, ... ont concu tout le programme d’enseignement des sept arts comme une propédeutique a la theologie.1?

If one is so tempted, one must deny that Vincent was a medieval humanist, let’alone a harbinger of Renaissance humanists. Yet we have seen that one may advance prescriptions similar to or identical with those of humanists while departing from them in larger theoretical constructs, and this distinction looms large for the problem we have set out to solve. The educational use of the pagan classics vexed Christian thinkers up to the time of Erasmus. Many were the Christians who shunned those classics, but the main current of Christian thought on the question was the attempt to evolve a rationale for using the classics, an attempt which rarely omitted recommendations as to cautions to be observed in their use. The defenses early Renaissance humanists offered for using the classics were thin. In the thoroughness of his argumentation on the subject, Vincent was certainly equal to all of the humanists prior to Erasmus, that is to say, his reasoning 11 12 DE, 18

DE, XI, 35-37, p- 41; NC, p. 160. Seneca, Ad Lucilium, V, vii (48), 5-8, 12, viii (49), 8-9, Pp. 143-44, 149; XIV, 65-78, op. 54; NC, p. 180. George Paré, A. Brunet, and P. Tremblay, Le renaissance du XITe siécle

les écoles et Venseignement.

Publications de I’Institut d‘Etudes Médievales

p. 188. d’Ottawa, No. III (Ottawa: Institut d’Etudes Médievales, 1933),

148

~ CONCLUSION

on the matter was brief and thin. Yet while Paetow and Rand could not agree on the extent of classicism in the thirteenth century, they were at one in terming Vincent a genuine classicist,44 and this despite the dictum of the General Chapter of his order in 1228 which stated that Dominicans ... shall not study in the book of the gentiles and philosophers, although they may inspect them briefly. They shall not learn secular sciences nor even the arts which are called liberal unless sometimes in certain cases ... but shall read only theological works

whether they be youths or adults.’

His extensive citations from classical authors merit this designation. Moreover, Ullman insisted that his refusal to grant Aristotle priority over other pagan authors proved him a humanist rather than a scholastic,!® and Bourne, who viewed Vincent simply as a man of his time, summarizing and transmitting the West’s accumulated wisdom,

conceded that, in this respect at least, Vincent departed

from his contemporaries.!? In his cautions as to the use of pagan literature Vincent also resembled later humanists. Cardinal Dominici, who was a dedicated enemy of.the pagan classics, distorted this aspect of Vincent’s thought in citing him 131 times in Lucula noctis, his anticlassical tirade.18 At any rate, it is precisely in his authentic classicism that Vincent was most out-of-step with his own age (if one accepts Paetow’s view) and closest to the Renaissance humanists. He did, of course, place the pagan classics last on his list of authorities to be drawn on, and was eager to use them to provide evidence for Christian positions, and for this later thinkers would have faulted him. Nonetheless, his appreciation of the classical literatures and extensive, use of them is clearly anticipatory of Renaissance practice. Vincent’s historical investigations emphasized the Christian centuries, an emphasis which Renaissance historians would eschew. Nonetheless, in his view of the uses and methodology of history he was close to the later humanists. If the Renaissance theorist could make a strong case for the exemplary use of history, so could Vincent, and he was at one with Pius II and Erasmus regarding the 14 Paetow, Arts Course at Medieval Universities, p. 101; Rand, “Classics in

the Thrirteenth Century,” pp. 251, 263. 15 Thorndike, University Records, 16, p. 30. 16 Ullman, ‘“‘New Edition,” p. 319.

17 Bourne, Educational Thought of Vincent, p. 19. TSROtde) DOS.

CONCLUSION

149

profit a prince could derive from a careful study of history. As to methodology, Vincent could occasionally be credulous and one could criticize occasional lapses in his knowledge, but Vincent’s statement that he was prompted to write the Speculum maius by the extraordinary confusion in attribution of citations to authors, his distinction of history from fables, chronicles and annals, his ranking of types of sources in order of trustworthiness, and his criticisms of certain sources and of the hierarchy indicate a sophistication and critical spirit uncommon in medieval historiography. It is his rubric of salvation history and the absence of other organizing constructs that distinguishes him most sharply from Renaissance historians. The vernacular languages had to struggle for a place in the Renaissance curriculum, and did not breach the barriers of classicist

prejudice against them until the sixteenth century. Nonetheless, even the earlier humanists used the vernacular occasionally in their writings and recognized that the problem of the educational use of the classics would eventually have to be faced. Vincent neither used the vernacular in his writings, nor did he even allude to its use in education. Likewise the Renaissance thinkers, while they stressed a strict regimen of food, drink, sleep, and dress for small children,

also made provision for organized physical activity in schooling. While Vincent devoted some attention to the former on the ground that stability in outward activity could foster inner stability, he gave no attention to matters more properly termed ‘physical education.”

In these two areas, therefore, it is idle to assert that

Vincent was in any way a forerunner of Renaissance educational theory. It is possible to find in the work of Renaissance educational theorists some considerations as to the rights and functions of the state in education. For Vincent, the secular power was a necessary evil, which derived its entire jurisdiction from the Church. It was not until four decades after his death that the ascendency of the Church over lay society was curbed. Vincent, despite the fact that he advised a king and wrote treatises on the proper instruction of princes and noble children, obviously considered education a matter in which the family and the Church had proprietary interests. Apparently he did not foresee the flowering of secular power and therefore could not, as did later thinkers, assign the state a place in

the educational process.

I50

~ CONCLUSION

From the earliest time, Western thinkers had concerned them-

selves with early home training. The welter of prescriptions they advanced were distilled into a few basic notions by Vincent. The parents must chose a tutor carefully. They must bow the child to the yoke of obedience in his early years, since that period is most crucial in a person’s formation. They must not shrink from the use of physical punishment in this pursuit, although it ought to be tempered by gentleness and discrimination. This constitutes an adequate resumé of Renaissance thinking on the subject with two startling exceptions: the Renaissance theorists, while they emphasized the hardening of the child by physical deprivation, generally avoided the subject of corporal punishment, and they provided a number of specific recommendations regarding what prayers and doctrines the child was to be taught while emphasizing the moral example to be given by the parents. It is passing strange that the other-worldly monk should not have given detailed prescriptions for the instruction of the child in basic religious matters while the more worldly theorists of the later age would do so. Yet this is the case. In sum, however,

the thought of Renaissance

education on early

home training marked no significant advance on Vincent’s recommendations, apart from a greater richness of detail. We must not overemphasize the extent of intellectual education of women in the Renaissance, but we may concede that opportunity for it did exist and numbers of women took advantage of it. We must bear firmly in mind that while Bruni advocated that women study the liberal arts (with certain exceptions) and Castiglione envisioned the ideal woman as being educated to proper companionship for the accomplished courtier, Alberti expected a woman merely to be a good wife and housekeeper, Vegius emphasized her preservation from corruption by worldly companions, and Vives emphasized chastity above all other female accomplishments. It is in light of these considerations that we must evaluate Vincent’s consideration of women’s education. By modern standards his notions are certainly retrograde. A female child may become literate, but the purpose is the reading of pious literature to forestall temptation in idle hours. She must be educated to modesty and chastity above all. If marriage is to be her state in life, she must be carefully admonished to be a dutiful, obedient wife. Throughout there is great emphasis on avoidance of cosmetics and other adornments. Woman is a weak vessel to be carefully preserved, and her education

CONCLUSION

sean E

is moral and not intellectual. If we carelessly concede that the Renaissance was a great age of female liberation, and if we consider Bruni and Castiglione as representative of Renaissance educational theory on women, we cannot hold any brief for Vincent as protohumanist in this matter. Yet Castiglione’s writings make it evident that the Renaissance preserved a strong body of opinion on the inferiority of women, and Alberti, Vegius, and Vives do not represent any remarkable departure from Vincent's view of female education. What ought to draw our attention is that Vincent bothered to discuss female education at all. Christian literature

betrays an amazing dearth of systematic treatment of the subject, and the authors Vincent most admired among his immediate predecessors dealt with clerical education and betrayed small interest in educating lay persons, let alone women. In the circumstances, it is surprising indeed that Vincent should have mentioned women,

let alone have devoted ten chapters to them.

Of course,

he wrote De eruditione for the royal family which, at the time of the writing, included a daughter. In the circumstance, he would have found it necessary to mention female education, but the length of the treatment is still surprising. If his ideas seem narrow, he had little enough Christian writing on the subject to draw upon, and that profoundly misogynist. Moreover, the age he lived in was misogynist. With these considerations in mind, we may note for present purposes that Vincent departed from the tradition and practice of his age in writing extensively about female education and that a number of Renaissance humanists seem to have held quite similar views. In sum, then, we are able to aver that in specific prescriptions Vincent was close to the mainstream of Renaissance thought in seven of the eleven areas we have selected as characteristic preoccupations of Renaissance educational thinkers. Only in the areas of the problem of knowledge vs. style, the question of the educational suitability of the vernacular, conception of physical training, and perception of the role of the state in education are we unable to On trace any linkage between Vincent and Renaissance thinkers. the level of broad theory, especially with regard to Vincent’s perception of man as “homo viator”’ rather than ‘‘uomo universale”’ with his resultant other-worldliness and perception of the suborodds dination of all learning to theology, Vincent is completely at then, n, with Renaissance educational theorists. By Paré’s definitio

152

= CONCLUSION

Vincent was an anti-humanist. Yet the remarkable correspondence of Vincent’s specific prescriptions to those of the Renaissance humanists cannot be ignored. If we restrict our parameters to these specifics and to consideration of Vincent’s authentic classicism, we are justified in concluding that in many respects Vincent, far from being a quintessential Scholastic and mirror of his age, was a humanist,

at least in the medieval sense of the term, and

dipped more than one of his toes into the rising waters of Renaissance humanism. We cannot agree that his educational theory was thoroughly humanist in its conception, nor may we regard De eruditione as a Renaissance treatise out of its time. His work does,

however, seem definitely transitional, a blending of ideas that would have long currency with a framework which would soon be discredited. In this sense, his work may well indeed be a mirror of his age, reflecting not a static image, but the dynamic image of an age progressing without quite realizing it into a new age with new modes of thought. In this sense, Vincent ought to be understood; in this sense, he deserves to be termed “‘proto-humanist”’.

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siécle. Paris: Cham-

INDEX Abraham,

65, 103, 140 Adam, 64 Adrian IV, 120 Aeneas, 40 Aeschines, 115-116 Alberti, Leon Battista, 22, 43, 46, 54, 55, 50, 150, 151; I lubri della famiglia, 19 Albertus Magnus, St., 13 Alcuin, 85, 118; De cursu et saltu lunae ac bissexto, 86; On Dialectics, 86; On Grammar, 86; On Orthogvaphy, 86; On Rhetoric and the Virtues, 86

Aletha, disciple of St. Jerome, 137 Alexander de Villa Dei, 31

99,

2

St., 87

Antiochus of Syracuse, Io Antoniano,

Bede the Venerable, 85 Bellarmine, Robert, 2 Benzo of Alessandria, 11

Berengar of Tours, 87 Berges, Wilhelm, 8 St., 66, 108

bishops, 99

97,

Anagni, 121 anagogical interpretation, 107-108 Anselm of Canterbury,

Basil the Great, St., 39, 96 bathing, 112, 138 Battle of the Seven Arts, 89 Beauvais, 3, 4, 100. Beauvais, Diocese of, 2 Becket, Thomas, St., 120

Bientinesi, Giuseppina, 7

algebra, 93 allegorical interpretation, 102, 103-104, 107 Ambrosius,

Bacon, Roger, 13

Bernard of Clairvaux,

Alfarabi, 88-89

Altamura,

Augustus Caesar, 117, 125 Aurelia, mother of Julius Caesar, 125

Silvio, 45, 47;

Boccaccio, Giovanni, 14 Boethius, 24 Bolgar, R. R., 14 Bonaventure,

St., 13 Bonford, Jehan, 11 Boniface VIII, 121 Born, Lester K., 8

Tve libri

dell’ educazione christiana e politica det fighuolt, 20 Apocalypse, 121

Bourgeat, J.-B., 4 Bourne, John Ellis, 4, 5, 10, 111, 148

Boutaric, Edgard, 100 Bruni

d’Arezzo,

Leonardo,

22,

28,

Apostolic Constitutions, 79 Aquinas, Thomas, St., 13, 80, 107

29, 30, 35, 43, 54, 55, 56, 150, 151;

archaeology, 83

Vita di Dante, 44

Archytas of Tarentum, 84 Aristotle, 24, 26, 70, 84, 87, 89, 98, II7, 123, 148

arithmetic, 27, 35, 84, 85, 86, 88, 93, 107 Arrian, 43 Arrowood, Charles Flinn, 17 Arthur, King of Britain, 106 Asia, 60

Aspasia, consort of Pericles, 54 astrology, 35, 85, 86 astronomy, 35, 84, 85, 88, 93, 107 Athens, 95, 116, 117, 124, 132

Atia, mother of Augustus, 125 Augustine, St., 39, 62, 63, 71, 79, 85,

96, 97, 98, 99, 104, 129

On

Studies

and

Budé, Guillaume,

Letters,

18,

44;

De l’institution du

prince, 45 Burckhardt,

Jakob, 21

Cantor, Peter, 82

Capella, Martianus, The Marriage of Philology and Mercury, 85 Carolingian Renaissance, 98, 135 Casa Giocasa, 19 Cassiodorus, 71, 80, 85

Castiglione, Baldesar, 37, 55, 151; Il cortegiano, 20, 45, 54

150,

Chapotin, Marie-Dominique, 3, 6 Charlemagne, 72, 109, 110, 118, 119

Charles V, 51 Charles II the Bald, 109

178

‘

INDEX

Charon of Lampsacus, 101 chivalry, 140 Christianity, 21, 22, 60, 78, 79, 84, LI2; LIS .6S4 Christians, 95, 98, 99, 103, 112, 118, 126 Christine de Pisan, II, 13

Chrysoloras, Manuel, Epwrhyata, 37 Church vs. state, 21, 57, 149, 151; evolution of, 115-120; humanists

Dionysius the Areopagite, De therarchia, 109 discipline, 21, 23, 52, 57, 63, 66-68,

113,

137,

notion,

drama, 82

Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, 125

Cornificans, 145 cosmetics, 55, I4I, 150 Craig, William Ellwood, 7, 14 Creed245952 Criton, 116

Curtius Rufus, Quintus, 43 Cyprian of Carthage, St., 64, 82 Damasus,

Giovanni,

Dante, 44 Dark Ages, 118 Daunou, Pierre C. F., 4, 8, 14, 100 David, 108 De commendatione clerici, 12 debate, 91

Demetrias, 138

disciple of St. Jerome,

Demetrius,

librarian

at Alexandria,

109 Deuteronomy, 123, 136 dialectic, 84, 85, 86, 87, 107

Dido of Carthage, 39, 40 Diomedes, grammarian, 31 Dionysius of Miletus, 1o1

21, 39, 43, 50;

Lucula noctis, 13, 18, 148; Regola

del governo di cura familiare, 18 Donatus, 31 Douai, 9

dress, 47, 55, 112, 131, 139, 142, 149 drink, 47, 112, 131, 138, 149 Dubois,

Pierre, 48; De vecuperatione

terrae sanctae, 49

Du Boulay, César Egasse, 3 Dupin, Lewis Ellies, 2

early home training, 21, 57, 143, 150; evolution of, 123-128; humanists on, 51-53; Vincent of Beauvais on,

128, 131

Eby, Frederick, 17 Ecclesiastes, 75 Ecclesiasticus, 129 Echard, Jacques, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8 Eddas, 110

elegiac poets, 37 elocution, 83 eloquence, 32, 34, 55, 78, 79, 80, 90, 98, 146

Elyot, Thomas, The Boke Named the Gouernour,

Pope, 98

of 24-

divine science, 62, 77, 88, 93 Doctors of the Church, 24 Dominicans, I, 3, 4, 5, 108, 148

98; humanists on, 38-41; Vincent of Beauvais on, 98-101 Claudius Caesar, 109 Clement of Alexandria, 60, 62, 70,

102 Conrad of Hirschau, 62

on,

27; Vincent of Beauvais on, 73-77

Dominici,

pum, 12 Colonna, Giovanni, II Colonna, Sciarra, 121 Commandments, 24, 52 composition, 30, 31, 33, 34, 81, 83,

evolution

humanists

discussion, 91-92

on, 48-51; Vincent of Beauvais on, I21-123 Cicero, 24, 32, 33, 34, 39, 60, IOT, 117 classics, 21, 28, 33, 57, 147-148; evolution of Christian use of, 94-

71, 79, 112, 134 Colonna, Egidio, De vegimine princi-

145-146;

69-73;

20, 45

England, 121 Enlightenment,

123

Ennodius, 97 ephebic training, III, 116

Epicurus, 24 Epistle of Barnabas, 102 Erasmus,

Desiderius,

13, 23, 26, 29,

33, 37, 49, 41, 44, 45, 50, 51, 53, 143, 146, 147, 148; The Education of a

Christian

Prince,

20;

The

Liberal Education of Boys, 20; Upon the Right Method of Instruction, 19

Este, Niccold III d’, Marquis of Ferrara, 18

179

INDEX ethics, 83, 88

Hebrew language, III

Europe, 21, 58, 71, 72, 80, 86, 97, TLIOPTILTIZE Eusebius of Caesarea, 104; Chronicle, 103 exercise, 46, 47 exposition, 33, 97

Hecataeus of Miletus, ror

Florence, 40, 43 flosculi, 98 100d) 475 112, UIs cist 3S,) 040 Fourth Council of Carthage, 99 Frederick I Barbarossa, Habita, Kenneth

Hellenists, 78 Henry II, King of England,

Herodotus

120

120

Emperor,

of Halicarnassus,

Hesiod, 95 history, 21,

26,

27,

35,

IOI

148-1490;

evolution of, 101-105; humanists on, 41-43; Vincent of Beauvais on,

105-109

J., 116

Homer, 95

French language, 44, 110 Friedrich, Wilhelm Richard,

Hellanicus of Lesbos, ror

Henry IV, Holy Roman 120 heredity, 47

Ferrara, 22 Ferrara, University of, 18

Freeman,

Helinand of Froidmont, 75, 106, 121; De bono vegimine principum, 74.

7, 8

Horace,

ror

Hrabanus Maurus, 61, 85 Gabriel, Astrik,

Hugh of St. Cher, 107 Hugh of St. Victor, 39, 61, 64, 77,

10, I1

geography, 27, 83 geometry,

35, 84, 85, 86, 88, 93, 107

German language, 110 Germany, I21 Gifts of the Spirit, 24, 52 Gilson, Etienne, 13 Giovio, Paolo, 27

Tacobus de Voragine, 11 imitation, 28, 34, 52 Innocent III, 120, 122

inspiration, 97 Isidore of Seville, 85 Tsocrates, 59, 60, 69, 77, 78, 83, 145;

Gonzaga, Cecilia, 56 Gonzaga family, 19 Gospel of John, 52 gospels, 24

Gothic language, IIo Gower,

John, 11 Gracchus, Gaius, 125 Gracchus, Tiberius, 125

grammar,

89, 97, 99, 104, 107, 121

Iacobus de Cessolis, 11

27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 83,

84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 98, 107, 146, 147

Antidosis, 102; Panathenaicus, 95 Isomachus, 132 Italian language, 44, 45, 47 Italy, 121 Ithier, Gerard, 62, 66, 67, 68, 114,

131,

144; De institutione novitio-

vum, 64, 113

Jean de Meung, 11

Greece, 21, 41 Greek language, 36, 37, 57, III

Jerome, St., 28, 39, 79, 96, 98, 106,

Greeks, 95, IOI, III, 115, 144

Jesus Christ, 23, 24, 4051, 63, 65, Jews, 58, 123, 132

Gregory I the Great, St., 64, 97 Gregory VII, 120 Groéber, Gustav, 14 Guarino, Battista, 22, 29, 30, 31, 33,

37; Upon the Method of Teaching and of Reading the Classical Au-

137, 138, 139

John Chrysostom,

St., 127, 129; On

Vainglory, 135 John of Salisbury, 72, 74, 75, 77, 145; Metalogicon, 62, 87, 94; Policraticus, 62

Guicciardini, Francesco, 43

John Scotus Eriugena, 109 Joshua ben Gamala, 115 Julius Caesar, 102, 125 jurisprudence, 83 Justin, historian, 43

gymnasia, 112, 114, 116

Justin Martyr, 99

thors, 19

Guarino

da Verona,

18, I9, 22, 31,

44,48

Guibert de Nogent, 107

180 knowledge,

=

INDEX

21, 57, 146, 151; evolu-

tion of idea of its importance, 7780; humanists

on, 27-29; Vincent

of Beauvais on, 80-83

Lactantius, 84-96 Ladislas, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 19, 37, 52 Lanfranc of Canterbury, 87 Latin language, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 37, 44, 57, 72, 110, IIT law, 27 Lesbos, 132 letter-writing, 31 liberal arts; 21, 26, 27, 57, 72, 107,

145, 146-147; evolution of, 83-87; humanists on, 29-38; Beauvais on, 88-94 Lieser, Ludwig, 100 literacy, 98

Vincent

of

literal interpretation, 103-104, 107 Livy, 43, 102 Locke, John, 45 logic,27, 323.839°77) 85, 86,987, 88)

89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 146 Lombards, 119 Lord’s Prayer, 24, 32 Louis de Valladolid, 6 Louis I the Pious, 109 Louis IX, St., 4, 5, 6, 9 Luke, St., 79 Macedonians,

60

McGarry, Daniel D., 14, 94 Machiavelli, Niccolo, 43, 49 Malatesta, Battista, 18, 28, 56 Male, Emile, rz Mantua, 19

Milton, John, 18 moral philosophy, 24, 27, 34, 35, 147 moral training, 57, 123, 137, 143144; evolution of, 58-62; humanists on, 21-24; vais on, 62-69

Vincent

of Beau-

Mount Taygetus, 124 Muse of Poetry, 89 music, 27, 35, 84, 85, 86, 88

Napoleon I, 72 natural science, 88 Nogaret, Guillaume de, 121 Old Testament, 129 orator, education of, 69, 70, 78, 83, 126 oratory, 36, 60, 78, 83 Origen, 84, 103, 106

Orleans, University of, 89, 90 orthography, 111 Ovid, Avs Amatoria, IOI Pace, Richard, 26; The Benefit of a Liberal Education, 20 Paetow, Louis, 148

palaestrae, 114 Palladius, On Agriculture, 75 Papacy,

119, 120

Papal States, 119 Paré, Gérard, 151 Paris, 100 Paris, University of, 3, 88, 89 Parousia, 60

Margaret of Provence, 8 marriage, 140-142, 150

591g9 Paula, daughter of Aletha, 137 Peloponnesian War, 102, 117 Pentateuch, 58 Pepin III the Short, 119

Marrou, Henri-Irenée,

Perotti, Nicholas, 31

84, 116

Marsiglio of Padua, Defensor Pacis, 49 Mary, mother of Jesus, 139 mathematics, 30, 87, 93

medicine, 27 metaphysics, 34, 93 Michael II, Emperor

Parl SStee 30st 335 1645.13

Perrault,

Guillaume,

principum,

De

eruditione

12; Speculum

religio-

sovum, 12; Summa virtutum vitiorum, 12 Persian Wars, 59, 95, 102

et

Peter, St., 134, 139 of Byzantium,

10g Middle Ages, 16, 42, 59, 72, 87, 97, I1I2, II9Q, 145 military training, 116 Millauer, August, 7

Petrarch, 14, 17, 27, 28, 29, 41, 43

Philip II Augustus, 3 Philip II, King of Spain, 26 Philip III the Bold, 13 philosophy, 24, 34, 40, 69, 80, 83, 84,

85, 86, 93

181

INDEX

physical training, 21, 57, 130, 149, 151; evolution of, 111-112; humanists on, 45-48; Vincent of Beauvais on, 112-114 physics, 107 Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius, 13, 30,

33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 43, 52, 148;

On the Education of Children, 19 Plager, Julius, 11

Plato, 24, 35, 51, 59, 62, 69, 83, 116,

Lie

£23)

2

aenson

eis

aes:

Laws, 125 Plutarch,

109, 121

Royaumont,

Cistercian abbey of, 4

Rytko, Edward

G., 10

Sadoleto, Jacopo, 27, 30, 32, 52; De pueris vecte instituendis, 20 Sagas, 110 Sallust, 43 Salutati, Coluccio, 40 Salutation of the Blessed Virgin, 24, 52 Salvinia, disciple of St. Jerome, 138 Sappho of Lesbos, 54 Sara, wife of Abraham, 140

poetry, 26, 27, 36-37, 39, 78, 87, 88, acen political science, 83, 88 Polybius, 102

Savonarola, Girolamo, 40 Schlosser, Friedrich Christian,

prince, education

scriptures, 58, 72, 86, 94, 97, 98, 102,

of, 26, 37, 41, 51-

TO wes 7 Scylax of Caryanda, ror

52, 74-75, 77, 146, 149 Priscian, 31

propaganda, 102 prose, 78 Protagoras, 124 Pseudo-Boethius, Pseudo-Clement,

7

Schneider, Robert J., 9, 74 Scholastics, 33, 152

Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, 81, 9I, IOI, 109, 147 Servius, grammarian, 31

24, 34, 73,

Sixtus of Siena, 2

67, 76

sleep, 47, 138, 149 Socrates, 35, 116, 124 Solomon, 108

92

Ptolemy Philadelphos, 109 Pythagoras, 84

Solon, 115, I16

Quadrivium,

30, 36, 84, 85, 87, 88,

93, 146

Somme le vot, 13 Sophists, 72

Quattrocento, 46

Sparta,

Quetif, Jacques, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8

speculative science, 88

Quintilian, 37, 70, 77, 78, 89, 126, 128, 143; Education of an Orator,

Speculum morale, 2-3, 9, 11 Steiner, Arpad, 7

Stephen III, Pope, 119 strategy, 83

60

Rand, Edward

style, 21, 24, 30, 31, 57, 87, 146, 151;

K., 148

reading, 33, 34 religious training, 52, 123, 143-144; evolution of, 58-62; humanists on,

21-24;

116, 132

Vincent

62-69 Renaissance,

of Beauvais

13, 14, 143, 144, 145, 150, TNELOLIC 206027, 28). 78, 79, 80, 82, 84,

on,

evolution of as educational goal, 77-80; humanists on, 27-29; Vincent of Beauvais on, 80-83

summae,

98

syllogisms, 91, 147 15, 16, 17-57, 151 325, 33513550 .09) 85, 86, 87, 88,

90, 102, 107, 146

Richard of St. Victor, 88, 89, 94, 107

Roman Empire, 110, 118 Roman Republic, 117, 125 Romance languages, I10 Romans, III, 117, 133, 144 Rome, 21, 41, 58, 60, 119

Tacitus, 125, 126 Tarentum, Battle of, 60 Terence, 90 Tertullian, 95, 96, 97, 118, 134, 135

Teutonic languages, I10 Thales of Miletus, 35 Theodosius I the Great, 118 theology, 62, 77, 80, 92, 93, 147, 151

Theophrastus, 140 theoretical science, 88

182

-

INDEX

education of women, 136-142; on history, 105-109; on knowledge

Thibault of Navarre, 9

Thierry of Chartres, 61 Thucydides, 102 Timotheus, 102

vs.

Touron, A., 3 Tours, 6

ing,

style,

80-83;

on

liberal

arts,

88-94; on moral and _ religious training, 62-69; on physical train-

Trajan, 109

112-114;

TO) SUI eee eS

De

eruditione,

6-8,

eA O29 O3 Oona)

74, 75, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 98,

Trithemius,

Joannes, 2 Trivium, 30, 32, 84, 85, 87, 146 tropology, 107 tutor, 53, 150

131, 136, 139, 142, 151; De morali principis institutione, 8-9, 10, 13,

Twelfth Century Renaissance, 98

62, 63, 73, 74, 75, 99, 106, 109, IIT,

QO,

TOVAL06O;

Lig

Nr22,

2238)

I21, 122, 123; Speculum doctrinale,

Ubertinus, 26 Ulfilas, 110 Ullman, Berthold

TO; 11,1 90H G1, 93), LIZ 9130) m4

Louis, 5, 10, 14, oo, 148 universities, 3, 18, 72, 88, 89-90, 120,

145 utility, 21, 57, 145-146; evolution of as educational goal, 6-973; humanists on, 24-27; Vincent of Beauvais on, 73-77

Speculum historviale, 10, 11, 105, 108, 122; Speculum maius, 11, 13,

14, 73; 82, 93, 99, OT, EIt, 146, 149; Speculum naturale, 10, II, 93, 99

virginity, 3, 55, 136, 137, 139, 140 virtue, 22, 24, 25, 40, 52, 55 virtues; chastity, 55, 68, 136, 138, 139, 150; faith, 91, 92; happiness,

Valentinian I, 118

24;

Valerius Maximus, 43

justice,

Vegius, Mapheus,

obedience,

143,

LIL

13, 19, 39, 47, 55;

150, I51

Verdun, Treaty of, 110 Vergerius, Petrus Paulus,

13, 25, 26,

humility,

55;

138,

139;

magnanimity,

68,

81,

55;

68, 144; prudence,

55,

67; restraint of bodily activity, 24, 47, 66-67; restraint of tongue, 24; reverence, 23, 63, 144; self-

29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41, 49, 59,

control, 23, 64, 66, 131, 144; truth, 32, 81, 91; wisdom, 76, 77, 80, 93

Liberal Studies, 18 Vergil, 29, 32, 39, 101 vernacular, 21, 57, 149, 151; evolution of, 110-111; humanists on,

Vittorino da Feltre, 19, 44, 47, 56 Vives, Juan Luis, 13, 27, 53, 55, 56, 57,142, 145, 150, 151; Introduction

145;

On

Noble

Character

and

on,

to Wisdom, 20; On the Instruction of the Christian Woman, 20; On

Li vices; anger, 63; bodily disquiet, 63, 76; carelessness, 63, 76; concupi-

the Transmission of the Branches of Knowledge, 20, 45 Vogel, Aloys, 7

43-45;

Vincent

of Beauvais

science, 68; contentiousness, 92; continence, 68; covetousness, 63; envy, 63; falsehood, 32; folly, 92; gluttony, 23, 47, 63, 76; idolatry, 96; ignorance, 76; indulgence, 23; lust, 63, 68; lust of the eyes, 63, 76; pride, 63, 68, 92; self-indulgence, 22-23; Sevan Deadly Sins, 24; sloth, 63; vainglory, 92 Vincent of Beauvais, 132; life and works, 1-16; on church vs. state, I2I-123; on classics, 98-101; on

discipline vs. utility, 73-77; on early home training, 128-131; on

Wauquelin, Jean, 11 widowhood, 8, 55, 139, 140

William of Nangis, 11 women, education of, 21,

Beauvais on, 136-142

writing, 81, 83

Xenophon, 24, 117, 124; Cyvopaedia, 51; Oeconomicus, 132 York, 85

CLAREMONT, © ALIF. F

gs

~

150-

Works of Mercy, 52

LIBRARY

THEOLOGY

57,

151; evolution of, 131-136; humanists on, 53-57; Vincent of

“=, 47

ai

ae 125

McCarthy, Joseph M Humanistic emphases in the educational thought of Vincent of Beauvais / by Joseph

M32

M. McCarthy. 182p.

Geistesgeschichte

Bibliography:

(Studien und Texte

--

; 25 cm.

Ineludes

: Brill, 1976.

-- Leiden des

Mittelalters,

zur

Bd. 10)

p. C1531-176.

index.

1. Vincent de Beauvais, de1264, 2. Education, Medie= vale

36 Education,

Humanistio.

Ie Title.

}i

/

Ge

oe

ccsc

ise

IIe Seriese