'Household Business': Domestic Plays of Early Modern England [1 ed.] 9781442621084, 9780802082978

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'HOUSEHOLD BUSINESS': DOMESTIC PLAYS OF EARLY MODERN ENGLAND

The domestic play flourished on the English popular stage during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Its roots were predominantly native, rather than classical, and its mainspring was the staging of domestic conflict among English characters from the middle ranks of society. 'Household Business' traces the genre's origins in the cycle plays of medieval England and examines its aesthetic configurations in relation to extra-literary discourses and practices that underwrote Renaissance ideologies of private life. At a time when the orthodox view of the family defined it as the foundation of the social order, a number of domestic dramas took a more critical perspective, stressing the contradictions and struggles that attend marriage and the patriarchal family. In addition to well-known domestic dramas such as A Woman Killed with Kindness, Arden ofFeversham, The Witch of Edmonton, and A Yorkshire Tragedy, Viviana Comensoli analyses less well-studied plays such as A Warning for Fair Women, Two Lamentable Tragedies, and The Late Lancashire Witches. The book also provides an extensive and timely assessment of domestic comedy, demonstrating how plays such as The London Prodigal, The Fair Maid ofBristow, and The Honest Whore (Parts I and II) resist homiletic paradigms in favour of a more dialectical dramaturgy. VIVIANA COMENSOLI is Professor of English at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo, Ontario. She has published widely on Renaissance drama and culture, and is the co-editor of Discontinuities: New Essays on Renaissance Literature and Criticism (University of Toronto Press 1998) and of Enacting Gender on the English Renaissance Stage (University of Illinois Press 1999).

THE M E N T A L AND C U L T U R A L WORLD OF TUDOR AND STUART ENGLAND Editors Paul Christiansen Camille Slights D.R. Woolf

VIVIANA COMENSOLI

'Household Business': Domestic Plays of Early Modern England

U N I V E R S I T Y OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

© University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1996 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada Reprinted in paperback 1999 ISBN 08020-0733-3 (cloth) ISBN 08020-8297-1 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Comensoli, Viviana Household business : domestic plays of early modern England (The mental and cultural world of Tudor and Stuart England) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-80200733-3 (bound) ISBN 080208297-1 (pbk.) 1. Domestic drama, English - History and criticism. 2. English drama - Early modern and Elizabethan, 1500-1600 - History and criticism. 3. English drama 17th century - History and criticism. I. Title. II. Series. PR658.D65C651996

822/.3O9/355

C96-931485-X

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Humanities and Social Sciences Federation of Canada, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

For Elaine

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Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Introduction

ix

3

1 Medieval and Tudor Contexts 27 2 Fashioning Marriage Codes: Sixteenth-Century Griseldas 49 3 Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 65 Civility and the Crisis of Order 65 A Woman Killed with Kindness 69 Arden of Feversham 84 A Warning for Fair Women 92 A Yorkshire Tragedy 97 The Menial Household and the Politics of Plenty 103 Two Lamentable Tragedies 103 4 'Retrograde and Preposterous': Staging the Witch/Wife Dyad no 5 Developments in Comedy 132 Prodigal Husbands and Patient Wives 132 The Household, the Brothel, and the House of Correction 136

viii Contents Epilogue 147 NOTES 153 WORKS CITED INDEX 225

197

Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to the many individuals who have assisted me during the various stages of this project. Kay Stockholder and Joel Kaplan were inspiring teachers who offered valuable insights when I began thinking about the volume. Sara Munson Deats, Linda Woodbridge, C.E. (Ted) McGee, and my colleagues Joyce Lorimer and Anne Russell generously read and commented on portions of the manuscript. I also extend warm thanks to my students and research assistants, Viona Falk, Dianne Krynicki, and Beth Wolf, for their insights and hard work. I have also benefited by the helpful comments and suggestions provided by the anonymous readers of the University of Toronto Press and the Canadian Federation for the Humanities. Suzanne Rancourt, Barb Porter, and Miriam Skey of the Press have been generous and expert editors. The assistance and expertise of the staff at the British Library, and of Amy Menary and Karen Scott at Wilfrid Laurier University Library have also been invaluable. Martin Dowding skilfully prepared the index. A grant from the Social Sciences and Research Council of Canada funded research assistance and travel. I am very grateful to the Office of Research at Wilfrid Laurier University for course remission and a book preparation grant. Paul Tiessen, my Department Chair, has been unstinting in his consideration and support. Thanks to Joanne BuehlerBuchan and Sandra Wallace, our Department secretarial staff, for their incomparable efficiency. A version of chapter 2, 'Fashioning Marriage Codes: SixteenthCentury Griseldas/ originally appeared in Renaissance and Reformation n.s. 13 (Summer 1989). A version of the discussion of The Witch of Edmonton in chapter 4, '"Retrograde and Preposterous": Staging the

x

Acknowledgments

Witch/Wife Dyad/ originally appeared in 'Witchcraft and Domestic Tragedy in The Witch of Edmonton/ in The Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe, ed. Jean R. Brink, Allison P. Coudert, and Maryanne C. Horowitz, vol. 12 of Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies Monograph Series (Kirksville, MO: North East Missouri State University Press, 1989). I thank the publishers for permission to reprint portions of those essays. Segments of other chapters have been presented as papers at various society meetings and conferences: the Renaissance Society of America; the Glasgow International Renaissance Conference; the Canadian Society for Renaissance Studies; the International Patristic, Medieval and Renaissance Conference; and the North East Modern Language Association. I reserve my deepest gratitude to my family for their patience, encouragement, and good humour. My parents, Giulia and Inaco Comensoli, have as always given unqualified support. Most especially, I thank my partner, Elaine Auerbach, for listening to my ideas, reading and commenting on the manuscript, and for her understanding during the years when writing this book was a regular feature of household business.

'HOUSEHOLD BUSINESS'

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LORD AVERNE: Forreigne[?] LADY: nay domestick. tis howshould busines all. (Heywood, The Captives)

Introduction

i The English domestic play originates on the popular stage towards the end of the sixteenth century. Its literary roots are predominantly native rather than classical, and its mainspring is the presentation of domestic conflict among English characters drawn chiefly from the non-aristocratic ranks of society: merchants, housewives, labourers, farmers, shopkeepers. The prologues and epilogues often stress that the plays are fashioning a dramatic form which differs from classical or aristocratic models. 'Look for no glorious state/ advises the Prologue of Thomas Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness (1603), 'our Muse is bent / Upon a barren subject, a bare scene' (11. 3-4).1 The declaration echoes Tragedy's induction in A Warning for Fair Women (anonymous, c. 1593-9): 'My Sceane is London, native and your owne, / ... my subject too well knowne ... ' (11. 95-6), a claim reiterated in the Epilogue in Tragedy's reminder that the events we have witnessed are 'home-borne' (Warning, 1. 2729).* In his Apology for Actors (1612) Heywood employs the double meaning of domestic in his description of 'our domesticke hystories' as a form of drama drawing on English subjects and on 'domesticke, and home-borne truth/ 3 The example which Heywood offers is the dramatization, 'in Norfolke' by 'the then Earle of Sussex players/ of an event 'which within these few yeares happened/ in which 'a woman ... had ... secretly murdered her husband' out of love for 'a yong gentleman.'4 The best plays, writes Heywood, are those which have 'power to new mold the harts of the spectators'; because the 'English blood' best responds to 'the person of any bold English man presented' in a 'prosperous performance/ plays which treat everyday subjects and

4 'Household Business' include characters drawn from 'among vs/ such as 'Rosamond, and Mistresse Shore/ will 'proue' especially appealing to audiences.5 The domestic play's interest in 'home-borne' subjects and in the drama of the 'everyday' has influenced subsequent assessments of the genre, most of which have focused on the tragedies. In the nineteenth century, J.P. Collier identified a distinct 'species of dramatic representation ... which may be said to form a class of itself: - it may be called domestic tragedy, and pieces of this kind were founded upon comparatively recent events in our own country.'6 Collier was referring to the interest of early domestic tragedies (also known as murder plays) in contemporary reportage: the action is usually precipitated by a murder, the basis of which is an actual and recent crime recorded in a ballad, chapbook, chronicle, or pamphlet.7 In vogue chiefly between 1590 and 1610, the murder plays gave way to plots which no longer revolved around topical events but which retained the domestic setting. In the early twentieth century domestic tragedy was deemed distinct for its intensive focus on the contemporary family. A.W. Ward, for example, observed the emphasis on 'incidents which gain ... force from the frequency of their occurrence in the familiar sphere of daily life'; the dramatists 'compass strong theatrical effects by the treatment of subjects at once interesting and homely ... and suggestive of the sympathy which attaches itself to any tale of eventful experiences in accustomed surroundings.'8 This view was adopted by Chilton Powell, who considered the portrayal of 'family life' to be the genre's distinguishing feature, and by a group of Heywood scholars interested in the overriding importance of the household setting.9 However, with the publication of Henry H. Adams's widely influential study, critical interest shifted to the genre's didactic structures. Seeking to interpret the plays as they would have been understood by the original audiences who saw them performed in the public theatres, Adams located their widespread popularity in their Anglican impulses: 'Elizabethan domestic tragedies inculcated lessons of morality and religious faith in the citizens who came to the theatres by offering them examples drawn from the lives and customs of their own kind of people. The choice of the hero, the moralizing, and the religious teaching are ... consistent attributes of all these plays/10 The homiletic superstructure and the portrayal of characters from the common ranks of society led to Adams's important discovery of the genre's debt to the morality play, in which the protagonist represents ordinary humankind and the action is circumscribed by a pattern of temptation, sin, repent-

Introduction 5 ance, punishment, and divine mercy. Although also noting that issues pertaining to statecraft are subordinated to the focus on familial relationships, Adams considered this focus incidental to the genre's exploitation of the morality tradition. The genre became identified as 'the dramatic equivalent of the homiletic tract and the broadside ballad/ the writers' 'primary purpose [being] to teach the people by means of examples couched in terms of their own experiences.'11 The notion of a strong correlation between the expectations of an allegedly homogeneous group of urban playgoers and the domestic play's realistic and didactic structures also developed alongside sociological studies, carried out in the 19305 and 19405, of the early modern theatres and their audiences. In Shakespeare and the Rival Traditions Alfred Harbage remarked that the homiletic superstructure of domestic tragedy has parallels in a group of comedies performed in the public theatres: 'The "homiletic tragedies" in which adultery leads to disaster are overwhelmed ... by what might be called, with equal justice, the "homiletic comedies" where a woman's constancy saves the day.'12 The 'popular' dramatists, argued Harbage, appealed to a supposedly unified group of middle- and working-class spectators who attended plays largely for edification, whereas playwrights writing for the private theatres catered to the more decadent tastes of elite audiences. And in Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan England Louis B. Wright characterized the plays of Dekker and Heywood in particular as mouthpieces for their largely 'middle-class' audiences, whose 'growing class consciousness' inspired the creation of the new drama.13 As has been frequently pointed out, this perspective has allowed little room for differentiation with respect to individual response, and has combined under the broad rubric of a 'rising middle class' groups that in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were socially and economically distinct. In their surveys of contemporary social institutions and practices, the Elizabethan commentators William Harrison and Thomas Smith distinguish, in hierarchical order according to revenue and social standing, four major social groups: 'We in England,' writes Harrison, 'divide our people commonly into four sorts, as gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, and artificers or laborers.' Among the gentlemen, the monarch is in a distinct 'estate,' followed by lords, noblemen, knights, and 'they that are simply called gentlemen.' The 'citizens and burgesses' are described as having 'next place to gentlemen/ and they include merchants, manufacturers, and other 'citizens' who 'serve the commonwealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporate towns where they

6 'Household Business' dwell/ The third group consists of 'yeomen' or 'freemen born English [who] are also for the most part farmers to gentlemen ... or at the leastwise artificers/ Yeomen, explains Harrison, 'have a certain pre-eminence and more estimation than laborers and the common sort of artificers/ and they 'commonly live wealthily, keep good houses, and ... come to great wealth ../ At the bottom of the hierarchy Harrison lists 'the fourth and last sort of people/ the group which in England comprises 'day laborers, poor husbandmen, and some retailers (which have no free land), copyholders, and all artificers, as tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers, masons, etc/14 Andrew Gurr has noted that each of these subgroups could be distinguished from the others 'in education, occupation, dress and income/15 Although, as Ann Jennalie Cook has suggested, the 'privileged' or middle stratum generally defined the majority of spectators in the London theatres, audiences spanned the entire social spectrum, ranging from royalty to the dispossessed (courtiers, merchants, students, petty criminals, vagrants, and the unemployed).16 The heterogeneity of audiences helped to make the public stage an important site of convergence for diverse segments of the population, and for wide-ranging discursive and dramatic traditions.17 The view that domestic drama was written for the edification of spectators in the public theatres has continued to influence studies of the genre. Qualifying Henry Adams's suggestion that domestic tragedy originates in Anglican theology, Stephen Trainor has identified 'a separate strain of domestic tragedy that was essentially Calvinist in origin and relied heavily on Puritan theories of conversion and homiletics/ While the tragedies based on Anglican theology 'followed the general Anglican format of delivering a warning based largely on the fear of punishment/ those influenced by Calvinism 'sought to replicate the emotional effect of the Puritan sermon that strove to achieve a sudden and overpowering conversion arising from an apprehension of the horrible nature of sin/18 For G. Nageswara Rao, domestic drama more generally portrays, 'against the background of ordinary family life ... an action of deep and commanding moral interest' with which its audience - 'the country squires and town merchants' - could easily identify; Ada Lou Carson and Herbert L. Carson have stressed 'the tragic potential of the colloquial and the commonplace' together with 'a didactic intention based upon a realistic development of materials'; and Michel Grivelet has argued that the genre (including the comedies) deals in a fundamental way with family life, its overall aim being to instruct the spectator in the exaltation of married love. Andrew Clark, like Grivelet, has

Introduction 7 proposed that the genre not be restricted to type or theme - 'to limit the domestic genre solely to tragedy is to exclude a number of other plays which have many of the characteristics of the genre and are seriously concerned with domestic themes and relations'; however, his discussion of specific plays relies heavily on their debt to the 'field of domestic doctrine and conduct which they ... evince.' And in her analysis of the representation of the family in domestic tragedies and comedies, Kathleen McLuskie, while acknowledging that 'there existed a constantly changing relationship between literary convention and real social change/ denies the plays any differentiation with respect to dramatic strategy or intent: the 'focus' of the genre is 'moral rather than social/19 The homiletic superstructure has also been deemed to distinguish the domestic play from citizen comedy, a genre that developed syncretically alongside of it. In his discussion of the two genres, Alexander Leggatt has suggested that while both are concerned with characters from the non-aristocratic ranks involved in 'everyday' situations, domestic drama originates in a more distinct theatrical tradition governed by a pervasive didacticism: 'the category "citizen comedy" cuts across a variety of comic modes ... [such as] the satiric, the didactic, and the simply amusing, with everything from lightweight farce to pieces that verge on domestic drama,' the latter being a genre distinguished by 'moral earnestness' and 'a seriousness of tone.'20 Although citizen comedy and domestic drama are not as mutually exclusive as the argument from didacticism would indicate, the major distinction between them, I would suggest, is that citizen comedy, while often including domus scenes, takes the city rather than the household as its fulcrum, spanning a variety of settings: taverns, London houses, streets, docks, and brothels. The city is thus continually felt as a compelling force. No single activity absorbs the action's full attention, and domestic themes are subsumed within the depiction of city life and its attendant social conflicts. The genre also engages more directly than does domestic drama the broad, contemporary affairs of state (cases in point are the war between France and England, which forms a haunting background to Dekker's The Shoemaker's Holiday, and the political intrigue that underwrites Hey wood's Edward IV). These differences notwithstanding, thematic and structural correspondences clearly exist not only among domestic drama and citizen comedy, but also among these and other Renaissance dramatic genres. Moreover, to single out the influence of the morality tradition on the domestic play ignores the fact that edification is the overt aim of all English Renaissance literature. For Thomas Heywood, every play, be it

8 'Household Business' Tragedy, History, Comedy, Morrall or Pastorall/21 shares the didactic structures of classical drama, 'either animat[ingl men to noble attempts, or attaching] [i.e., laying hold of, fastening tol the consciences of the spectators/22 Heywood's defence of the stage on moral grounds recalls countless similar injunctions in early modern literary texts. Compare, for example, the commonplace promise to the reader in William Baldwin's Preface to the 1599 edition of A Mirroure for Magistrates: 'here as in a loking-glas, you shall see (if any vice be in you) howe the like hath bene punished in other heretofore, whereby admonished, I trust it will be a good occasion to move you to the soner amendment/23 The early modern theatre, however, was not a monolithic institution which passively and unequivocally bolstered dominant moral or political orthodoxies. Heywood's Apology belongs to an extensive body of pro- and anti-theatrical tracts that, taken together, attests to the instability of the theatre as an institution for the inculcation of moral or social codes and precepts. As Jean Howard suggests, one of the most striking features of the early modern debates about the theatre 'is how variously this institution was interpreted by contemporaries and how differently they described the "lessons" it taught, the social consequences it effected/24 Heywood's description of the theatre as capable of teaching subjects not only 'humanity and manners' but also 'obedience to their King'25 is, for example, strongly disputed by the author (John Greene?) of A Refutation of the Apology for Actors (1615), for whom 'Stage-Players ... to please the vulgar ... set before them lyes, and teach much dissolution and deceitfulnes/26 Whereas for Heywood plays 'comprehend ... what in our liues and manners is to be followed, what to bee auoyded,'27 for Greene they 'consist ... of sundry impieties, comprehending ... damnable things, wherein is taught how in our liues and manners wee may follow all kinde of vice with Art/28 It was not merely Puritan practice to condemn plays for promoting idleness and other forms of disorder. As early as 1532, the monk Richard Whitford in his treatise The Pype or Tonne of the Lyfe of Perfection advised both a monastic and lay audience that although interludes and plays may include 'many things full devout and that might edify,' such forms of entertainment are unsuitable for those striving for a life of spiritual perfection: 'For without fayle they ben spectacles of mere vanites, which the worlde callethe pastymes / and I call them waste tymes // 29 Thus while playwrights may have appealed to prevailing moral codes, they often did so in order to escape censure. We can only speculate, moreover, about what moral or religious significance homiletic

Introduction 9 discourses and dramatic texts may have had for their original audiences. Within the last twenty-five years a wide body of evidence has been uncovered suggesting that in the early modern period belief was a more problematic construct than had previously been supposed. Both popular and elite cultures, writes Imogen Luxton, 'were far less ... literate' than historians had assumed, and were frequently 'confused about their beliefs/30 Although villagers often shared common goals, each person might interpret those goals and assumptions differently, and have conflicting aspirations and interests. In his analysis of the philosophical, political, legal, and theological discourses of the period, Perez Zagorin has demonstrated that individuals were sometimes compelled to conceal their actual beliefs. English Protestants, for example, were 'confronted with moral conflicts as a result of the enforcement of conformity by the royal state and established church/ and treatises on the subject of conscience often referred to the problem of dissimulation. During the Tudor and Stuart reigns various groups, under threat of reprisal, were forced to prevaricate about their beliefs, the 'imposition of compulsory oaths and subscriptions on Protestant dissenters as religious and political tests occasioning! both controversy and evasion/31 Zagorin's detection of pervasive dissimulation parallels the findings of Lucien Febvre on the anxiety about double truth, doubt, and unbelief felt by many Europeans in the sixteenth century, and of Victoria Kahn on the relation between the humanist rhetorician, who 'can know nothing absolutely/ and the sceptic, who 'shares with the orator a refusal of dogmatism' and the ability to speak convincingly on any side of a question.32 Although the writers of homilies and domestic-conduct books upheld the principle of natural law and of immutable truth, they also knew that they were responding to fragile and transitory experience. It has been widely perceived that the dissemination of homiletic treatises and household manuals was largely a response to changes in the social structure brought about by increasing urbanization and mobility, changes led in part by the tremendous expansion of London, the financial and cultural hub of the country. The growth of the urban population far surpassed the general increase in population and economic growth. London, for example, grew from a town of 50,000 individuals in 1500 to a metropolis of 575,000 in 1700 to become the largest European city; and between 1560 and 1640 rapid growth in population and large-scale land transfers contributed to an apparent disintegration in the social order.33 The shifting social dynamics led to changes in the distribution of wealth and property and to fluctuations in the standard

io

'Household Business'

of living. These in turn led to the expansion of social groups such as those belonging to the gentry, the professions, and the trades, as well as to the displacement of labourers (in particular of agricultural workers forced from the land by enclosure acts) and to an increase in the numbers of drifters and vagrants.34 Faced with unprecedented social mobility, the English authorities sought to inculcate the respect for order in the population by appealing to traditional notions of stability and hierarchy. On one hand, the overt function of the homilies, sermons, and domestic-conduct literature was to disseminate Christian humanist values; on the other hand, these texts served the interests of the church and state, whose objective was to monitor and control public opinion. Yet these tracts and sermons were neither always promulgated nor received in the manner in which the authorities would have hoped. Elizabeth's colloquy (1585) in which she addresses her bishops on the problems underlying a reformed ministry demonstrates the difficulties incurred by the authorities in trying to promote a uniform system of belief: You suffer many ministers to preach what they list and to minister the sacraments according to their own fancies ... to the breach of unity: yea, and some of them so curious in searching matters above their capacity as they preach they wot not what - that there is no Hell but a torment of conscience. Nay, I have heard there be six preachers in one diocese the which do preach in six sundry ways. I wish such men to be brought to conformity and unity: that they ... preach all one truth; and that such as be found not worthy to preach, be compelled to read homilies ... for there is more learning in one of those than in twenty of some of their sermons. And we require you that you do not favour such men ... hoping of their conformity ... for they will be hanged before they will be reformed.35 There was, moreover, mixed reaction to the publication of Certain Sermons or Homilies (1547) and the Homily against Disobedience and Wilful Rebellion (1570). These texts preached the necessity of upholding 'good ordre and obedience/ but like all forms of dogma they had their detractors even among the church elite.36 It is especially difficult to determine the extent of the influence of homiletic and other socializing tracts on the so-called common people. The behaviour prescribed in these discourses - patience, deference to authority, and so on - must be considered in relation to the prevailing power structures. Keith Wrightson has suggested that 'the deference accorded to superiors/ for example, 'might be little more than a form

Introduction 11 of demeanour, a recognition of the imperatives of the particular social situation/ and an eagerness to display subordination 'in return for assistance, favour or protection/37 Nor do homilies and conduct books always sustain consistent points of view. Although their didacticism serves politically conservative interests, they are often riddled with inconsistencies and contradictions, the authorial perspectives varying with the kinds of readers who are being addressed. A case in point is the diversity of the marriage manuals, texts which, as Heather Dubrow observes, inscribe 'conflicting theories' about a number of 'procedures appropriate for weddings (is a church ceremony necessary? is a de futuro contract binding?) and about the very nature of marriage itself/38 The public and private theatres of early modern England reflect the heterogeneity of early modern culture, each fostering modes of representation which sometimes promote and sometimes challenge dominant political, religious, and social systems.39 Like other dramatists with professional ties chiefly to the public theatres, writers of domestic plays speak to audiences representing diverse social and economic interests, and in their plots they portray contrary and opposing impulses. Domestic drama includes a variety of characters ranging from the 'middling sort/ to the group that Harrison labels 'the fourth ... sort of people in England' (day labourers, artificers, masons, and so on),40 to the poor and the dispossessed. While playwrights may well have wanted to document the lives of ordinary people in order to entertain predominantly urban audiences, some of these texts encode the material aspirations of families who wield significant power and influence.41 To describe the protagonists and their activities as 'spectacularly ordinary people going about their daily tasks'42 disregards the fact that a number of the male characters share a privileged status gained as a result of sophisticated and exploitative economic practices made possible by the benefits guaranteed by the institutionalization of private property and the patriarchal family. Other plays are more concerned with the poor and the powerless, and with the detrimental effects of a money economy on dispossessed individuals. The genre's discontinuous and divergent emphases indicate that playwrights by no means respond uniformly to the ideologies and institutions which entrench the hierarchies of class, gender, and status. II

During the sixteenth century the demands of new audiences contributed

12 'Household Business' to the proliferation of new literary forms and the multiplication of genres. 'It was a moment/ writes Claudio Guillen, 'of dynamic contact between traditional artistic principle and practical innovation/43 Early modern writers and theorists readily accommodated the new forms, which for the most part were as yet uncodified. In the theatre, stage plays altered over the decades with the emergence of different genres, the processes of accommodation and invention providing, as Walter Cohen contends, both 'the basis of similarity and the potential for divergence/44 Yet the fashioning of new forms was not always accomplished without anxiety or self-consciousness. In their interrogation of the traditions of classical or aristocratic forms of drama, writers of domestic tragedy reveal an acute awareness of their engagement in a complex process of restructuring, in which conventional forms are at once upheld and resisted. A number of inductions and epilogues betray self-consciousness about the process of innovation. Beneath the apologetic tone typical of these structures, we detect a mixture of authorial anxiety and bravado in the claims that spectators should not expect to see orthodox tragedies: Gentlemen, we hope you'll pardon this naked tragedy Wherein no filed points are foisted in To make it gracious to the ear or eye; For simple truth is gracious enough And needs no other points of glozing stuff. (Arden of Feversham, Epilogue, I4~i8)45 We could afford [i.e., wish] this twig a timber-tree, Whose strength might boldly on your favours build; Our russet, tissue; drone, a honey-bee; Our barren plot, a large and spacious field; Our coarse fare, banquets; our thin water, wine; Our Poet's dull and earthy Muse, divine; Our ravens, doves; our crow's black feathers, white. But gentle thoughts, when they may give the foil, Save them that yield, and spare where they may spoil. (A Woman Killed with Kindness, Prologue, 5-14)

Peter Holbrook points out that the theatre in early modern England was, 'as an institution, necessarily sensitive to differences of rank and to the structure of society'; texts such as Arden, A Woman Killed, and A

Introduction 13 Warning for Fair Women generally reveal 'not an oppositional orientation toward tragedy but an ambiguous, shifting pattern' in which the plots 'move in and out of ... [the] high mode, which is regarded as usually taking for granted aristocratic norms/46 However, the degree to which these shifts replicate or displace elite models depends upon two important factors: (i) the extent of the playwright's interest in the dialectical presentation of conflict; (2) the complex interaction between playwright and audience. An emerging genre is in general terms a working model whose diachronic patterning depends upon the interrelation between a writer's choices and audience expectation. In its self-conscious break with established dramatic and homiletic traditions, domestic drama eludes homogeneity of purpose as it reconstitutes and reinscribes (sometimes confidently, sometimes ambivalently) inherited praxes. From the writer's perspective, a play is a pattern of inherited structures and precepts interacting with the work as it evolves. The interaction between a writer's experience and pre-existing forms, and between writer and audience, implies that no one work will embody completely all prototypical features of a given genre. Jean-Marie Schaeffer, commenting on the 'genericity' of any given text, proposes that 'insofar as a text enters into social communication,' it inevitably 'situate[s] itself with respect to the structure of the accepted literary field of its epoch - to make a place there for itself; it does this by 'capitalizing] on the partially decisional character of generic nomination, which functions as a buffer between textual genericity and accepted generic paradigms.'47 The task of the reader consists in formulating an approximate position of influence within the coordinates of the genre. One way to effect this formulation is to examine the general field of literary conventions and influences with which an emerging form enters into dialectical relation. Literary traditions necessitate competition between writers, their fellowauthors, and the authors on whose works the emerging texts are modelled. A 'new' work, therefore, becomes 'both a deviant from the norm ... and a process of communication referring to the norm.'48 In this context, domestic drama may be approached as a related body of texts sharing a number of overlapping characteristics and impulses (formal structure, subject matter, mood), which each text exploits in a different manner and with a different degree of intensity. Although Alastair Fowler's definition of early modern genres as 'a family whose septs and individual members are related in various ways, without necessarily having any single feature shared in common by all,'49 is a useful preliminary criterion for the classification of specific texts, the metaphor of

14 'Household Business' 'family resemblance' can be applied only loosely. One of the difficulties with the metaphor is that it subordinates difference.50 More important, the characteristics of a genre will vary with the author and with social, political, and cultural forces, so that genre entails mediation between texts, and between text and ideology. As a system of signification that underwrites the ideas and objectives which shape political, moral, and cultural procedures, as well as the codes of everyday life, ideology cannot, as Louis Althusser argues, be equated with 'the real conditions of existence'; rather, it is 'an imaginary/ a 'representation of the real world' that governs the 'conditions of existence.'51 'Each epoch/ writes Tzvetan Todorov, 'has its own system of genres, which stands in some relation to the dominant ideology/ and 'like any other institution, genres bring to light the constitutive features of the society to which they belong/52 But within all ideological systems there exist, as P.N. Medvedev and Mikhail Bakhtin have shown, a number of 'mutually contradictory truths, not one but several diverging ideological paths/53 A text's response to ideology is grounded in the dual concepts, elaborated by Bakhtin, of intertextuality and polyphony, whereby an utterance always forms part of a group of other utterances, which it appropriates and regenerates. There is no such phenomenon as an isolated text or autonomous voice, only of voices resonating with others within social space.54 In a culture's configuration of interests and objectives, the tensions between dominant and subversive discourses will sometimes reveal similarities between apparently disparate ideas and activities, and at other times profound bifurcations. The uncovering of a culture's (and a text's) diffuse, disparate, and often shifting organization offers up a network of impulses in which instances of resistance and absorption will be manifest. A historical construct expressing human consciousness, a genre can variously represent, promote, and challenge ideological systems. Ill

If a stage play engages its subject matter dialectically, audiences will recognize not only their desires and ideals but also the contradictions and struggles inherent in them. A widely held critical assumption is that while providentialism is apparent in most English Renaissance plays, it is qualified by the so-called principal dramatists, who consistently inscribe polysemous meaning. Although many canonical playwrights uphold temporal, mutable constructions, the labelling of their

Introduction 15 texts as 'major' or 'great/ as has often been the practice, has tended to marginalize a body of drama that also does not always genuflect to audience expectation or to essentialist notions of truth. A persistent criticism of the domestic play has been that it is an aesthetically 'inferior' genre. This assessment originated in the early part of the twentieth century and evolved largely out of A.C. Bradley's New Critical definition of 'Great Man' tragedy, a form which he placed at the top of the hierarchy of the so-called major tragedies (Hamlet, Othello, Lear, Macbeth).55 A by-product of the 'Great Man' theory of tragedy has been the critical tendency to give greater consideration to the plays of Shakespeare than to those of his contemporaries, in particular those writing for the public theatres. In 1990 Carol Thomas Neely voiced the still valid complaint that while 'current research on women's status and women writers, on the construction of sexualities and the history of homosexuality, on colonialist discourse and popular revolts has drastically transformed the early modern period/ it 'has achieved only a barely perceptible decentering of Shakespeare, who remains the catalyst to and referent of many such explorations.'56 The New Critical preoccupation with aesthetic quality and with Shakespeare's 'superior' craft has informed recent studies contrasting the artistry of Shakespeare's Othello with that of other tragedies with domestic themes.57 What this approach has ignored is that so-called minor dramatists like Heywood, Dekker, and the anonymous writers of domestic plays inscribe, sometimes more ambivalently and sometimes more radically than does Shakespeare, discursive conventions and ideological paradigms. While domestic drama exploits the morality tradition more overtly than do other types of early modern plays, this difference in method should not be confused with difference in purpose, which often is of degree rather than kind. Whereas some plays insist on schematic conclusions, others move towards a complex displacement of homiletic structures. Although retaining the traditional focus on the tragedies and on their 'ethical pattern' of action, Madeleine Doran has argued against a strictly providentialist reading of domestic tragedy. Many of these plays take contemporary crimes for their subject matter, and would be especially appealing as thrillers. In this context, vestiges of the morality play appear 'less like the original impulse to the plays than like a conventional moral pattern such subjects would attract'; while not denying that the genre 'owefs] a good deal to the morality/ Doran has argued for 'a shift [of]... emphasis in viewing the relationship.' Doran's proposal, however, that plays such as Arden of Feversham, A Woman Killed with

16 'Household Business' Kindness, and The Witch of Edmonton 'suffer distortion if viewed as dramatized homilies' is never developed in her brief but provocative discussion.58 A non-schematic treatment of the genre has also been urged by Peter Ure, who reminds us that the writers of domestic plays, like their counterparts in the private theatres, 'had to handle character and incident before an audience/ and should therefore 'be judged as dramatists and not as homilists/59 To Adams's paradigm of the commoner-protagonist Ure adds the relationship between husband and wife, a relationship which qualifies the doctrinal pattern of the action: 'While ... a code of marriage' underlies the tragedies, the latter 'could not have occurred without... [the moral] order being disturbed by the aberration of one or other partner/60 Ure does not go so far as to argue in favour of authorial resistance to homiletic closure: the dramatist, he writes, 'accepts the morality from which the treatises proceed/ and although the marriage code is crucial to the play's dramatic power, 'it is the agreement about this code/ which the playwright 'could assume' in the spectator, 'that contribute^] to its effect/61 Rather than categorically upholding the marriage code, writers of domestic drama reveal an interest in perversity and contrariety. A play will sometimes stabilize around a specific ideology while simultaneously approaching another. My purpose is not to provide a survey of all domestic plays, nor does this study permit more than a cursory treatment of texts only affiliated with the genre. My inquiry will focus on those tragedies and comedies that interrogate generic and ideological codes. I will begin by demonstrating that domestic drama grows out of the literary and cultural traditions of the Middle Ages, in particular medieval cyclical drama. At the same time, the aesthetic points of departure between domestic and medieval drama illuminate differences that are concomitant with the later genre's interest in the ideology of private life. The domestic play brings into relief the instability of the early modern household, together with the passions, rivalries, and ambivalence attending early modern theories of order. A number of the tragedies and comedies reconstitute inherited precepts through irony, paradox, and ambiguity, creating disjunctions and clashes of values that are not easily resolved by homiletic formulas. IV

The domestic play's interest in the contemporary family indicates that the genre emerged out of historical changes (and continuities) in social

Introduction 17 structure. While noting the limitations of the providentialist reading, however, we must be careful not to counterbalance it with a reductive historical critique. Domestic drama is more than simply a minor species of didactic theatre which schematically mirrors contemporary social practices;62 it is a new genre in which the historical and ideological contexts scrutinized are a composite of the world portrayed on stage and the society of the playgoer. That domestic strife can assume tragic proportions attests to the enormous importance placed on marriage and the family, whose social, political, and economic significance in the early modern period has been well documented. Since the publication of Lawrence Stone's The Family, Sex and Marriage in England (1977) it has become commonplace to view the early modern family as a political institution, and the householder's private duties as complementary to religious and political obligations. Although Stone's claim that a nuclear family 'organized around the principle of personal autonomy' emerged in the sixteenth century63 has been qualified by evidence of the existence of nuclear family units as early as the eleventh century, and of 'middle-class individualism' in England in the thirteenth century,64 early modern treatises define the family as a distinct political category. The patriarchal-familial conception,' writes Gordon Schochet, had, by time of the Stuarts, 'become the chief view of political origins.'65 In De Republica Anglorum Thomas Smith describes 'the house and familie' as 'the first and naturall' beginning of a 'common wealth.' Smith further defines 'the house' as 'the man, the woman, their children, their servauntes bonde and free, their cattell, their hous-holde stuffe, and all other things, which are reckoned in their possession'; the commonwealth is created by the 'multitude of houses and families which make stretes and villages, and the multitude of the stretes and villages [which] make townes, and the multitude of townes the realme.'66 With the weakening of the feudal system of mutual obligations and rights, the family assumed a crucial function in the promotion of social stability and governance. Obedience to husbands, fathers, and masters was considered the principal duty of women, children, and servants, and rebellion within the family was viewed as synonymous with rebellion against the state. In The Good Hows-holder (anonymous, 1607) the writer, appealing to biblical authority, compares the structure of the patriarchal household with that of the church and the body politic: 'Every Governour should be that in the body politick of his house, which the heart is in the natural body of man: as it communicateth life and vital spirits to the rest of the members; so must the Master of the hous-

i8 'Household Business' hold endeavour to impart the spiritual life of grace, to all that are members of his body politick/ In Certayne Sermons Appointed by the Queens Majesty (1569) the reader is cautioned that 'it is not lawful for inferiours and subjects in any case to resist or stande against the superior power'; disobedience of both public and private authority leads to 'al mischiefe and bitter destruction both of the soules, bodies, goodes and commonwealths/67 The household, declares Robert Cleaver on the eve of the seventeenth century, should function as 'a little commonwealth' whose rulership, both 'civill and righteous,' must be exercised by the husband or 'cheefe' with the support of his wife or 'fellowhelper/68 The orderly household was deemed essential to the family's preservation, and domestic crime a challenge to God's will. 'Great efforts/ writes Keith Thomas, 'were made by the State and by local authorities to see that everybody was attached to a household, and the government displayed a strong prejudice against bachelors and masterless men/69 By the early sixteenth century the idea of the family as the foundation of the orderly Christian state and of matrimony as among the highest of human pursuits underwrites a wide range of political and religious discourses. Cultural historians have recently demonstrated that the postReformation emphasis on companionate marriage was not a distinctly Puritan phenomenon, but one which had its roots in ancient Greek and patristic discourses, and whose doctrinal assumptions were shared by Christian humanists, Protestant reformers, and Anglican conformists alike. Margo Todd observes that wedlock was generally viewed by 'sixteenth-century commentators as having three primary goals: companionship, procreation and avoidance of fornication/70 The Puritan celebration of marriage as, in the words of Thomas Becon, 'an hye, holy, and blessed order of life' created by 'God in Paradise'71 is preceded by Erasmus as early as 1497 in the Encomium Matrimonii (pub. 1518), in which he writes that it is 'an especial sweetness to have one with whom ye may communicate the secret affections of your mind, with whom ye may speak even as it were with your own self/72 In The Office and Duties of an Husband (1555?) Juan Luis Vives, following Erasmus, advises the husband to live peacefully with his wife in order to ensure 'the society and fellowship of life'; earlier, in book two of the English translation of The Instruction of a Christen Woman (1529), Vives had celebrated the superiority of marriage over celibacy, praising his parents' successful union.73 But while the definition of the early modern family as a sacred and

Introduction 19 hierarchical institution held together by the mutual obligations of husbands, wives, and children provided the foundation of the sociopolitical order, the family was a more dynamic and complex institution than has traditionally been assumed. Ralph Houlbrooke points out that the relation 'between official doctrines and actual practice, and consequently the speed with which changes in the former affected the latter, are overestimated/74 The dominant view of marriage, moreover, conflicted with the widespread pattern of resistance to order that culminated in the revolution of 1640. Power relations within the family did not precisely replicate those that defined the state, and there is considerable evidence that many individuals thwarted prevailing notions of the stable family. Margaret Ezell has shown that English women sometimes displayed certain forms of power that contradicted the traditional patriarchal model of the family: 'Domestic patriarchalism was a personal authority on the family level. In theory, the husband was the head of the house. In practice, when death often removed him before his spouse, or in a marriage where the wife possessed the stronger will of the two, the woman often fulfilled "patriarchal" duties/ Wives thus 'wielded considerable power, whether acknowledged in theory or not/ but it was a form of power that was exerted largely in the private sphere, 'not through the public institutions/75 Allison Coudert has documented the rebelliousness of many wives from all social classes in Protestant England, while Sarah Hanley has argued that in sixteenthand early seventeenth-century France women's 'cultural purview contained the Family-State compact' by 'counterfeiting] culture over time to fashion themselves and their spheres of action/76 In her study of early modern definitions of petty treason, Frances Dolan has illustrated the paradox inherent in those definitions: while 'petty treason constructs the subordination of wives and servants to the master of the household as the foundation of domestic and civil order ... it also acknowledges that wives and servants did not always cooperate; their subordination was not a given/77 Many households were laden with conflict, to the extent that families were often unable to keep subordinates from turning to vagrancy for their livelihood. In England the increasing fragmentation of the family during the period from 1540-1640 alarmed church and state authorities. The 'Homilie of Whoredome and Unclennesse' declared 'the outragious seas of adultery, whoredome, fornication and unclennesse' to be 'above other vices' in having 'overflowed almoste the whoole worlde/ to 'the utter destruction of the publique wealthe'; these various 'synnes' now

20 'Household Business7 comprised one Vice/ which had spread 'so abundantly, that through the customable use thereof ... [it] is growen into suche an height that in a maner emong many it is compted no sin at al/78 The cracks in the official image of the orderly family led to the proliferation of conduct guides proclaiming the sanctity of the family and denouncing those who would bring dishonour to it. In An Order of Household Instruction (1596) Josias Nichols stressed 'what good may come out of a well instructed familie, namely, that it may bee the preseruing of the countrie and Church, in the time of extreame daunger and darknesse/ The theologian William Perkins described the family as the 'first Societie' or 'the Schoole, wherein are taught and learned the principles of authorities and subiection'; and Robert Sanderson, preaching at Paul's Cross on the need for 'the suppression] of Novelties and the preservation of Order and Peace/ equated 'the Political Laws in the Civil State' with 'domesticall orders in Private Families/79 Yet in everyday practice the model of the 'well instructed familie' proved untenable. The sanctification of the early modern family was only partially rooted in religious idealism; it was also a political response to shifts in and challenges to the social and moral foundation of society. Between 1560 and 1640 prosecutions of disorderly conduct increased in frequency, the most common offences being those which disrupted the notion of the well-regulated family - adultery and fornication, bigamy, scolding, desertion, and violence. 'Divorce from bed and board, with the hope of ultimate reconciliation/ comments Houlbrooke, 'was granted on account of infidelity, cruelty, and inability to live together because of continual quarrels/ Numerous instances of violence against wives 'came to judges' notice as a result of presentments made during visitations and inquisitions. Those who sought decrees of separation were no doubt greatly outnumbered by those who simply abandoned or expelled their spouses/80 Relying on evidence gleaned from sources such as court documents, legal theory, and popular sources, Dolan has documented other types of domestic violence which were defined as crimes, including 'acts of murder (petty treason, wife murder, infanticide) and of witchcraft/81 Especially disturbing to the authorities were disruptions in the gender hierarchy. During this period the scold, the termagant widow, and the unmarried woman refusing marriage were growing in number and in vociferousness, and they were severely admonished. Scolds were women who 'brought their rejection of women's "quiet" and obedience out of the household and into public view/ and they were consistently prosecuted; to the church courts the scold was guilty

Introduction 21 of 'a "breach of Christian charity"' requiring penance; to manorial and urban courts her offence was public disruption, for which the punishment was the cucking-stool.82 The authorities' insistence upon a system of order based on female subordination indicates that women did not always conform to the roles prescribed for them. Church court records frequently cite the insubordination of women as a reason for marital strife. In Essex, for example, an unnamed husband declared in 1562 that he desired to keep his wife, but that 'she wanting government doth absent herself; and in 1574 another husband explained that he 'turned ... away' his wife 'for that she would not be ruled.'83 At Norwich, the surviving decrees of marital separation indicate that the successful petitioners were primarily women.84 The assertions of patriarchy that we encounter in the [domestic] tracts,' argues Heather Dubrow, 'were surely at least in part reactive, responses not only to the assertions of independence that many feminist scholars have traced in late Elizabethan and Jacobean culture but also to the degree of autonomy that the authors of these tracts were themselves ascribing to women.'85 Although the conduct books were intended to hold up the family as a spiritual institution, some authors acknowledged its precariousness. Ideally, the husband wisely governed his wife, whose duties, we are told in the 1534 translation of Xenophons Treatise of Hovseholde, included being 'a good companion, and a good felow to hir husband in a house.'86 The 'Homily of the State of Matrimony,' however, lamented 'how few matrimonies there be without chidings, brawlings, tauntings, repentings, bitter cursings, and fightings.'87 In Bethel, or a Forme for Families (1633) Matthew Griffith denounced the growing number of husbands who wasted their earnings 'in whoring, idleness, drunkenness, [and] gaming,' leaving the support of the household entirely to their wives; William Gouge, in his highly popular treatises, Of Domesticall Duties (1622-33), admitted that whenever he instructed his parishioners in 'the doctrine of female submission and inferiority' he sensed 'a certain amount of "squirming" and "murmuring" on the part of the women in the audience'; and William Whately, conceding in A Bride-Bush Or, A Wedding Sermon (1617) that 'Most men' who 'enter into this estate, [i.e., marriage]... complaine thereof,' directed his tract to those individuals who 'finde' marriage 'a little Hell.'88 Because the confines of the private sphere ultimately depended on the way public authority was constructed and disseminated according to the influence exercised by the state, it was not coincidental that, given the privileges bestowed on the husband as the spiritual leader, most of

22 'Household Business' the political tracts and marriage manuals written during the first half of the sixteenth century were addressed to men.89 In De Republica Anglorum Smith clarifies the rationale for this practice in his definition of the family as a 'private' institution whose governance mirrors that of the kingdom; 'in the house and familie is the first and most naturall (but private) appearance of one of the best kindes of a common wealth, that is called Aristocratia where a few and the best doe governe'; and just as the king rules by divine right, so 'God hath given to the man great wit, bigger strength, and more courage to compell the woman to obey by reason.'90 Women in early modern England, with only a few significant exceptions, were discouraged from actively participating in public life, so that very few preached or published for a living. Men's published works about women, marriage, and family life attest not only to how men publicly regarded women, but also to how women were taught to think about themselves.91 The few household treatises aimed at women usually instructed them in their moral obligations or in specific menial tasks such as cooking and wine-making.92 The marriage guides, domestic economies, and household manuals belonged to a larger body of educational literature aimed at instructing the emerging classes in civility. In addition to providing guidance on how to sustain domestic hierarchy and on practical subjects such as cooking, household medicine, and the rearing of children, these tracts included advice about manners. An important adjunct to the ideal of the orderly family was the growing emphasis on civilized behaviour both outside and inside the home. By the mid-sixteenth century the literature on civility included a vast system of codes and precepts to oversee private behaviour. Books on manners offered advice to family members not only on how to conduct themselves in public but also in private conversations, that is, conversations at home rather than outside the house. A large number of conduct guides focused on the regulation of table etiquette; they also instructed readers on menu planning and service, as well as on the content and tone of diners' conversation. 'A whole normative programme,' writes Michel Jeanneret, was 'instituted; the domestication of appetites and the controlling of nature by art' were undertaken in order to create 'a more polite and cultured society.'93 The rules governing behaviour within the private sphere were thus crucial to the production of the ideology of domination and subordination. The word private,' observes Anne Ferry, 'as distinguished from public, was frequently used in contexts which define it simply to mean domestic/94 But private life was not conceived as an autonomous

Introduction 23 domain disengaged from public institutions; rather, it existed in dialectical relation to the public sphere, and in particular to public authority. As Gouge asserts in Domesticall Duties, by the early seventeenth century the relation between the public and private spheres had become axiomatic: 'who knoweth not that the preseruation of families tendeth to the good of Church and common-wealth? so as a conscionable performance of household duties, in regard of the end and fruit thereof, may be accounted a publike worke/95 Indeed, an important qualification needs to be made when we refer to the distinction between public and private in early modern England: the early modern state, argues Althusser, is 'the State of the ruling class/ and is therefore 'neither public nor private; on the contrary, it is the precondition for any distinction between public and private/96 The entrenchment of what Richard Hooker and his contemporaries called 'private families'97 was the underpinning of early modern official ideology, and the locus of the meaning which constructed social relations. These relations, however, rested on a fundamental contradiction: the enforcement of harmonious interpersonal relations within a system of social hierarchies. The dominant ideologies of early modern England did not problematize familial relations; 'the rhetoric of the marriage manuals in particular/ comments Dubrow, is 'grounded in ordering in the sense both of giving commands and of establishing order/ the writers 'delight[ingl in the process of hierarchical enumeration/98 Yet among the numerous discourses which prescribe wifely duties, one sometimes detects confusion and contradiction on the part of the authors as they attempt to fashion a homogeneous view of companionate marriage. Although Christian humanist and Protestant discourses generally uphold the value of spiritual equality in marriage, the concept of equality is denied to socially unequal partners. Gouge, for one, rationalizes the inconsistency by reclaiming the traditional view of marriage as the blending of two identities into one, namely the husband's: if 'a woman of eminent place' is married to a man of low social rank, Tt booteth nothing what either of them were before mariage ... for in giuing her selfe to be his wife, and taking him to be her husband, she aduanceth him aboue her selfe, and subiecteth her selfe unto him/99 Some of the writers of conduct books celebrate companionate marriage while qualifying their praise. A case in point is Edmund Tilney's inclusion, in The Flower of Friendship (1568), of the Lady Isabella's eloquent denunciation of marital hierarchy and sexual inequality. Isabella's denunciation of wifely obedience, together with her speeches in favour

24 'Household Business' of equality in the distribution of household duties, represents an emergent discourse which is more fully articulated in the culture at large towards the end of the sixteenth century.100 It is also an emergent narrative whose idealism is scrutinized in a number of domestic plays. V

The tensions which prompted widespread injunctions against the precariousness of the early modern household are crystallized in domestic drama. On one hand, the family is invested with the ability to generate social order and continuity, the dramatists typically striving for the appearance of an ordered world governed by married love. Marriage is seen as the early humanists and contemporary homilists saw it, that is, as the site where one practises active, Christian virtue. The order invested in the patriarchal family is bolstered by the salubrious, civilized household. At the outset, the plots create an atmosphere suggestive of English civility and prosperity. They do so by setting scenes in spaces that in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries became indicative of social status among the gentry and yeomanry: libraries, studies, closets (small, wood-panelled rooms), kitchens, dining rooms, bedrooms, gardens. Stage properties include a variety of household effects (stools, beds, salters, card tables, and so on) further typifying status and comfort. On the other hand, in the staging of domestic strife and violence the plays inscribe a profound disenchantment with the ideal of the wellordered, civilized family. The locus in quo of transgression is the patriarchal household, and tragic suffering arises from the protagonists' inability to abide by social codes governing civility and domestic hierarchy. Whereas the homilies, marriage treatises, and household economies invariably call for the speedy punishment of erring individuals, in a number of domestic tragedies and comedies the protagonists' rebellion against the cult of domesticity is only tentatively corrected. These texts explore the vicissitudes attending the early modern family, showing them to be concomitant with the individual's ambiguous and often painful relation to prevailing constructions of agency and private life. The domestic play's interest in marriage, civility, and the early modern household coincides with the genre's preoccupation with the category woman. In many domestic tragedies and comedies the protagonists are women. While some of these plays concur with a large body of extra-literary discourses seeking to define femininity, others contest

Introduction 25 those definitions. The genre's multifarious representation of 'woman' corresponds to the rhetorical and political strategies of many early modern fictional texts. Revealing subtle ironies and modulations in the adaptation of misogynist social and stage conventions, Linda Woodbridge has pointed out that authors do not unfailingly defer to commonplace injunctions with respect to female humility; while 'the ideal ... was trumpeted from city pulpits/ the literature of early modern England 'is full of women' who challenge orthodox codes of behaviour, and whose defiance is not always denigrated by the authors.101 Catherine Belsey has similarly shown how non-canonical dramatic texts do not easily capitulate to the patriarchal institutionalization of marriage: whereas officially sanctioned discourses often depend for their 'success on the elimination of difficulties/ the fictional narrative, and drama in particular because it speaks to a broad spectrum of audiences, relies for its 'continuation on obstacles and impediments to the resolution of conflict/102 Critical theory and practice that takes woman as a central category has often disempowered women by representing them merely as victims of patriarchal law. In her study of texts by English women writers of the early seventeenth century, Barbara Kiefer Lewalski has demonstrated 'the oppositional nature' of these texts as they 'consistently though variously resist, oppose, and rewrite patriarchal norms.'103 Conceptualizations of woman and femininity are deployed in early modern culture in such a way that they resist uncomplicated binary distinctions between male and female, dominant and submissive, oppressor and oppressed. The woman-as-victim paradigm has ignored oppositional discourses and the numerous historical instances of feminine denial and transgression attesting to gender-specific anxiety about changing social relations.104 Determining the intertextual and historical contexts of a 'popular' genre like the domestic play does not mean, then, that the ideologies which inform these texts are mere by-products. A multivocal genre, domestic drama forms part of the vast network of discourses comprising early modern English culture, which was marked by disparity and contradiction. Although providentialism is a governing teleological principle of the genre, certain texts gesture towards alternatives to officially sanctioned codes and norms, be they moral, linguistic, literary, or social.105 To describe domestic drama as fundamentally didactic, or to claim that the genre merely exalts the pleasures of the so-called common people, is to obfuscate a number of these plays' resistance to traditional praxes. Identifying the protagonists' alienation as grounded

26 'Household Business7 in the tension between personal desire on the one hand and social, discursive, and ideological claims on the other, texts such as A Warning for Fair Women, Arden of Feversham, A Yorkshire Tragedy, The Witch of Edmonton, and the two parts of The Honest Whore counter homiletic structures by inscribing change and instability above order and continuity. The patterns of resistance in these and other plays are in need of critical synthesis.

1 Medieval and Tudor Contexts

Domestic drama has its roots in the literary and cultural traditions of the Middle Ages. While the development of the genre out of the morality play has been widely observed, it is also indebted to other medieval dramatic forms. The oldest analogue of the domestic murder play is 'Dux Moraud/ a fragment of a fourteenth-century English play. The subject is the story of Apollonius of Tyre and his daughter, a victim of paternal incest. After murdering her mother and daughter at the behest of Apollonius, she murders her father for later abandoning her. Journeying to a foreign land, she continues her life of sin until she is providentially rescued by the teachings of St Augustine. The theme of human redemption, together with the homiletic pattern of temptation, sin, and repentance, underlies not only the morality drama but cyclical plays as well, which reached their peak in the fifteenth century and remained influential well into the sixteenth century.1 The English cycles and domestic drama demonstrate considerable intertextuality in their presentation of the contemporary family,2 at the same time that their aesthetic and ideological points of departure reveal, among other things, the domestic play's more sustained ambivalence towards the myth of the orderly family. The areas of intersection are especially significant because they contribute to the growing revisionist claim that the family in Europe developed not on the heels of the Protestant Reformation but during the later Middle Ages. The inclusion of domestic matter in the medieval cycles coincides with the growing typological importance of the family. With the exception of high aristocratic circles, the family had long existed as a social institution for the vast majority of people. The view of the early feudal kindred family as consisting of a number of related households sharing hearth, board, and fields, which gave way to smaller, more self-contained households managed

28 'Household Business7 by members of a nuclear family and their servants,3 has in the past decade been qualified by historians and demographers. David Herlihy has demonstrated that beginning in the seventh century distinct domestic units known as households were 'used as standard units in censuses and surveys/ and although the units varied in structure and size, the degree of variance had greatly decreased; similarly, Barbara Hanawalt and Alan Macfarlane have shown that ordinary people did not live in extended households in medieval and early modern England.4 From the twelfth century in both England and France the 'hearth7 became associated with the patriarchal domestic unit, a connection which would become commonplace during the late Middle Ages.5 The movement towards individual family units was commensurate with the church's widespread reforms, which were intended to shape and guide the secular world. Creating a comprehensive theology and canon law of marriage, the church assumed within its jurisdiction the practice of judging cases pertaining to marriage. A major departure from traditional doctrine was the affirmation, based on a series of papal decrees (1159-89), that no person or institution could interfere in an eligible couple's decision to marry, in effect sanctioning marriage based on choice.6 Evidence of affective ties between family members has been widely observed, dispelling the notion that in medieval society people did not form emotional bonds with their closest kin.7 The promotion of affect in marriage was evidenced by, among other developments, the evolution of the legal term maritalis affectio (intent to marry). By the ninth century the concept of consent came to be defined by church authorities as meaning 'consent by the partners themselves,7 and maritalis affectio was gradually invested with sentiment and even romance.8 In sanctioning affective familial ties, the medieval church was anticipating what has been regarded as a distinctly Protestant phenomenon, although one cannot go so far as to suggest that the encouragement of affective relations constitutes evidence of the promotion of individualism. As Michael McKeon observes, 'the larger purpose7 which '"individualist77 values ... reflect and support is not the validation of the individual but the promotion of Church interests through the subversion of kinship solidarity/9 The conjecture that the Middle Ages had no distinct concept of childhood is also no longer tenable. On the contrary, medieval records and literature reveal that while some parents showed a lack of interest in their children, many formed deep emotional bonds with them. Already at the end of the tenth century Bernard of Anjou had remarked that 'rearing7 and 'taking care7 of children 'is the natural bent of all human beings' and a duty

Medieval and Tudor Contexts 29 through which they attain 'the largest part of their happiness/10 Child mortality was high, and while some parents reacted by distancing themselves emotionally from their offspring, many remained close and demonstrative regardless of the consequences.11 The parent-child bond was prominent in hagiography, especially in the cult of the infant Jesus, which was the main site for the expression of both sacred and secular attitudes towards childhood, and in which parental involvement was notable for its passionate nature.12 I

In the drama, a number of cycles include pageants that ground the action in the everyday world, combining allegory and typology with naturalism and homiletics. Human suffering is depicted amid evocative scenes of domestic pathos, while theological themes are subsumed under a range of dramatic situations that appeal directly to contemporary values. A prevalent topos is the emotional interaction between parents and children. The topos is poignantly dramatized in the Towneley Herod the Great (Play 16, Incipit magnus Her odes) during the lament of a mother whose child has been slaughtered by Herod: 3 MULIER. Alas, my bab, myn innocent, My fleshly get! For sorow That God me derly sent, Of bales who may me borow? Thy body is all to-rent! I cry, both euen and morow, Veniance for thi blod thus spent...

(11. 560-6)13

The refrain is echoed in turn by two other bereaved mothers (11. 495-502, 523-33). Douglas Cole has suggested that with the exception of 'traditional plaints connected with the Passion, the situations which give rise to the expression of innocent suffering all involve some kind of domestic bond'; a 'parent's lament over a lost child' represents 'one of the more important kinds of suffering in the mystery-cycles, a kind of suffering which, because of its independence from the Passion story, could easily be adapted to the developing needs of secular drama in a later age.'14 Even liturgical plays, however, sometimes depict human sorrow within a familial context. As in lyric poetry, the trope of the planctus Mariae (Mary's lament uttered over the dead body of Christ) increasingly balances human and divine sorrow,

3. Yet to claim that Alice murders her husband simply out of love for Mosby,77 or that her unruly behaviour is chiefly the result of an irreconcilable tension between her current social position and her aristocratic breeding/8 is to ignore the play's engagement with the contemporary crisis of domesticity. Although in committing adultery Alice Arden openly defies a sacrosanct code, the audience is invited to sympathize with her need to create a more desirable private space. Unlike Anne Frankford's passive capitulation to her seducer in A Woman Killed with Kindness, which in effect upholds the notion of woman's feeble-mindedness and innate tendency to vanity and concupiscence, Alice Arden's rejection of female subordination gives voice to a radical discourse of desire.79 Alice's defiance of the stereotypical female role is expressed in language that is charged with longing for deliverance from bondage: 'Might I without control / Enjoy thee [Mosbyl still, then Arden should not die' (^274-5). Douglas Bruster has observed that 'the social thematics of women's language' during this period, 'though sometimes working to portray female speakers in favorable, even privileged positions ... most often emerged in terms of negative images, of prejudicial, scornful commonplaces and stereotyped versions of female speech and speakers.'80 In his description of the ideal marriage, the Venetian humanist Francesco Barbaro defines silence as the quintessential female virtue: women should believe they have achieved glory of eloquence if they will honor themselves with the outstanding ornament of silence. Neither the applause of a declamatory play nor the glory and adoration of an assembly is required of them, but all that is desired of them is eloquent, well-considered, and dignified silence.81 Barbaro's injunction to women to be silent echoes the early modern anxiety about female wit. A case in point is Thomas Gainsford's warning to men that 'if witty,' a woman will be 'impudent to shame thee or make thee weary.'82 A comparison with A Woman Killed with Kindness clarifies the Arden playwright's more complex treatment of female speech and

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 89 desire. During her second seduction by Wendoll, Anne Frankford's mental disorientation is indicated by her confused, cliche-ridden language: ANNE. You have tempted me to mischief, Master Wendoll; I have done I know not what. Well, you plead custom; That which for want of wit I granted erst I now must yield through fear ... Once o'er shoes, we are straight o'er head in sin. (A Woman Killed with Kindness, xi.no-14)

Anne's bewilderment - T have done I know not what' - contrasts sharply with Alice Arden's wilful encroachment upon the male prerogatives of desire and resoluteness: ALICE. Nay, Mosby, let me still enjoy thy love; And, happen what will, I am resolute.

0.218-19)

Alice's forbidden speech reverses the commonplace that man only is by nature audacious and therefore better suited to command the household, whereas woman, who is naturally weak-minded and timorous, is better equipped for the role of helpmate.83 In this context, Alice's behaviour negates the neo-Aristotelian construct of the mulier economica, which defines woman strictly according to the order of marriage. All women, writes T.E. in The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, 'are understood either married or to bee married and their desires as subject to their husband/ the 'common Law here shak[ing] hand with Divinitie'; that is why women have no political 'voyse,' and why they do not 'make,' 'consent to' or 'abrogate' any laws.84 Throughout the play Alice struggles with a rigid system of male dominance which denies agency and freedom to women. The Protestant wife, remarks Lisa Jardine, was granted 'freedom' only on the condition that she perform 'a number of clearly allotted tasks,' at the same time that 'the quality of the [marital] relationship lay only minimally within her control.' Protestant discourses confirm 'the absence of any actual means of altering' the wife's situation, 'however piously her entitlement to such alteration was affirmed.'85 As a rebellious wife, Alice Arden shares the recalcitrance of early modern women who questioned the hierarchy of gender. D.E. Underdown has argued that widespread attempts by authorities to enforce patriarchal dominance in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century

90 'Household Business' England were largely a response to women's insubordination: 'Women scolding and brawling with their neighbours, single women refusing to enter service, wives dominating or even beating their husbands: all seem to surface more frequently than in the periods immediately before and afterwards ... [t]his is also the period during which witchcraft accusations reach their peak/86 Alice Arden's transgressions also coincide with recently discovered writings of recusant and other English women of the Stuart period, many of whom were disillusioned with orthodox prescriptions of female behaviour. The diaries, memoirs, and other forms of personal memoranda of women from the gentry and nobility reveal that the writers, while generally accepting the conduct literature's division of female experience and duties into the three stages of virginity, marriage, and widowhood, did not always welcome the second stage with enthusiasm. Sara Mendelson observes that 'marriage could represent a major trauma for women, and various sources reveal that they regarded it as the crucial turning-point in life'; among the unmarried women's diaries a consensus emerges that maidenhood is 'the most carefree and enjoyable' of the three female states, with the prospect of marriage often eliciting 'a tense and anxious period,' and an 'unwillingness to abandon ... liberty.'87 As for the outcome of actual marriages, the diaries and memoirs record a variety of responses to marital relations and domestic duties, ranging from conjugal bliss to bitterness, strife, and desertion. The alternative voices to dominant ideologies of marriage include various female literary conventions. In her analysis of women's antimarriage poems of the seventeenth century, Margaret Ezell has illustrated that marriage is depicted as 'a "snare" or "trap" where the true, unpleasant character of the spouse is revealed. Love acts as "fetters" which "enslave" those foolish enough to get caught. The particular danger from love, however, which is cited only in women's poems, is that once married, women fall under the legal authority of their spouses/88 In her study of women writers of Jacobean England, Barbara Kiefer Lewalski has found that while 'women did not... float free of the ideology and institutions that structured Jacobean society,' a 'strong resistance' is nevertheless 'mounted in all these women's texts to the patriarchal construct of women as chaste, silent, and obedient, and their overt rewriting of women's status and roles/89 Like her real-life and fictional counterparts, Alice Arden breaks silence and in doing so challenges not only the external trappings of order, but also the very basis of society which denies a married wo-

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 91 man's right to agency and self-expression. In so doing, Alice Arden prefigures characters such as Elizabeth Gary's Mariam and Webster's Duchess of Malfi and Vittoria Corombona, who, as Lisa Jardine contends, represent 'a consistent and believable female heroic persona/90 In another trajectory of the plot, Arden's business practices reveal a character with whom the audience cannot make a comfortable, let alone heroic, identification. During the early scenes Arden flouts the principle of charity through covetousness and gain of his neighbours' lands. Although Arden's actions have legal sanction, his expropriation of land having been made possible through the state's privatization of church property during the seizure of church revenues, his status seeking blinds him to the suffering of those who have become dispossessed through the free land market: GREENE. Desire of wealth is endless in his mind, And he is greedy-gaping still for gain; Nor cares he though young gentlemen do beg, So he may scrape and hoard up in his pouch.

^.474-7)

Arden's civilized position in the status hierarchy is made possible by his exploitative business dealings.91 In a stroke of dramatic irony, Arden's murderers conceal themselves in his 'countinghouse' (xiv.ioi), a 'private chamber, closet, or cabinet appropriated to business and correspondence' (OED), before stabbing him. Immediately preceding the murder, another quintessential sign of civility and social rank - the door - is brought into relief when the killers, in order to reach their target, must pass through a series of doors: 'When this door opens next, look for his death' (xiv.i4i). As we saw in A Woman Killed with Kindness, it was common practice in the homes of the gentry for the head of the household to withdraw by himself to a separate space where he could meditate in private; it was also the place where he engaged in the reckoning of household accounts, an activity often employed in literary and other discourses as a metaphor for taking stock of one's spiritual condition.92 Arden, however, never has time to repent his cupidity, and he dies oblivious to the retribution for his sins which Providence has presumably effected. The plot is further complicated by the involvement of Bradshaw, Arden's innocent victim in the land deal, who, through a series of bizarre, coincidental events, is implicated in Arden's murder and suffers the same fate as the assassins. And although two of the murderers,

92 'Household Business7 Black Will and Shakebag, function in part as providential agents who are requited with death, the other assassin, Clarke, escapes and is never heard from again ('how he died we know not' [Epilogue, 1. 8]). His disappearance is a deliberate departure from Holinshed's account, in which none of the assassins escapes.93 Clarke is allowed to go free, we infer, because his profession - painter - is ranked among 'the poets' favourites' 0.255) and because he has participated in Arden's demise strictly out of love for Alice's servant Susan, 'Love' being 'the painter's Muse' (1.256). The denouement also prevaricates about Alice's repentance and eventual redemption; although Alice shows some contrition for her crime, her remorse is not entirely credible since it closely follows her arrest.94 The providentialist narrative is forestalled, signalling authorial uneasiness with homiletic closure. A Warning for Fair Women Like Arden of Feversham, A Warning for Fair Women (a murder play in which an unfaithful wife's accomplices murder her merchant-husband so that she can marry a gentleman) only tentatively upholds the homiletic pattern of action. The play, however, has received little critical attention, the standard interpretation being that it accomplishes its 'goals of warning and moral conversion through a system of rewards and punishments.'95 Recently, a more careful reading has been proposed by Frances Dolan, who locates the play within the tradition of the hybrid moralities, which, 'in their oscillation between the old and the new,' are Vehicles for competing, irreconciled interpretations of the events depicted.' A 'late example' of a hybrid play, A Warning for Fair Women, argues Dolan, Vividly dramatizes' Anne Sanders's 'thwarted desires for status and independence,' at the same time that it 'censures ambition and social change by immediately associating social climbing with adultery and murder.'96 Lena Cowen Orlin demonstrates that the play 'participate^]' in 'the late-Elizabethan dialogue of rule and order'; elsewhere Orlin argues that Anne Sanders's transgression 'arises from the ambiguities and contradictions of the woman's coterminous roles in the household hierarchy. And the fundamental premise of her seduction is the fabrication of a crisis of patriarchal authority,' although in its portrayal of 'the wife who is ... ethically manipulable and defraudable' because she is 'oeconomically tractable,' the play 'reauthorizes patriarchal control.'97 The play's deeper structures, I would suggest, force the spectator to recognize the contradictions

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 93 inherent in the cults of civility and domestic patriarchy, at times challenging in dramatically subtle ways the premises on which those structures rely. The play opens by invoking the signifiers of early modern civility: Enter Anne Sanders with her little sonne, and sit at her doore. BOY. Praie ye mother when shal we goe to supper? A. SAN. Why, when your father comes from the Exchange, Ye are not hungrie since ye came from schoole. BOY. Not hungrie (mother,) but I would faine eate. A. SAN. Forbeare a while until your father come, I sit here to expect his quicke returne. BOY. Mother, shal not I have new bow and shafts, Against our schoole go a feasting? A. SAN. Yes if ye learn, And against Easter new apparel too. BOY. Youle lend me all your scarfes, and al your rings, And buy me a white feather for my velvet cappe, Wil ye mother? yea say, praie ye say so. A. SAN. Goe pratling boy, go bid your sister see My Closet lockt when she takes out the finite.

(ii.323-37)

The vignette is bracketed by two important signs of status and prosperity: the 'doore' (s.d.) by which Anne and her son are sitting, and Anne's private 'Closet' (1. 337). Anne's closet, as the dialogue indicates, would have been 'a small side-room or recess for storing utensils, provisions,' and delicacies (OED). Although as a private repository Anne's closet would not have been considered as valuable a space as was the study or chamber normally reserved for the private activities of men, the closet, together with the other itemized objects and goods (the door, Anne's scarves and rings, the boy's 'velvet cappe,' and the fruit), point to Anne's considerable wealth. The material pleasures are made possible, we infer, by George Sanders's business at 'the Exchange' (1. 324) But while the dialogue and stage properties draw on the convention of the salubrious household setting, the subsequent action destabilizes the ideology of the familiar. Anne Sanders's wealth is unable to forestall the dissolution of her marriage. Her tragedy is precipitated not by her adultery with George Browne, but by a domestic squabble over her husband's deferral of payment of her debt to the Draper and Milliner, for the reason that his 'great affaires / Must not be hindred by such trifling wares' (^.578-9). Anne does not overtly repudiate the wife's

94 'Household Business' natural subordination to her husband, but she does express her anguish at her subjugation as a woman: I am a woman, and in that respect, Am well content my husband shal controule me, But that my man should over-awe me too, And in the sight of strangers ... I tell you true, do's grieve me to the heart.

(^.655-9)

Like Alice Arden, Anne comes to realize that a public self is unavailable to a married woman beyond her identity as someone's wife. Anne's subordinate status not only requires her husband to 'controule' her (1. 656) but also permits her male servant to 'over-awe' her (1. 657). The submissiveness required of women conflicts with Anne's strong sense of autonomy and personal integrity: So that my breach of credite, in the while Is not regarded: I have brought these men, To have their mony for such necessaries, As I have bought, and they have honestly Delivered to my hands, and now forsooth, I must be thought so bare and beggarly, As they must be put of until to morrow.

(^.629-35)

Anne's refusal to 'goe on credite' (1. 645) startles the two merchants, who are not used to such behaviour in a woman (11. 636-53). More significantly, although Anne's rebelliousness is not as fully drawn as Alice Arden's, her decision to flout her husband's disapproval is a tacit negation of domestic hierarchy. Anne Sanders's crimes are rendered in bold allegorical strokes in the play's three dumb shows. The allegorical structures of the dumb shows have been generally deemed incongruous with the rest of the plot, which is usually considered more realistic.98 On closer inspection, however, one senses that the dramatist is conscious of the limitations of the allegorical structures of the dumb show, structures which by 1600 would be largely outmoded," employing them mainly to illustrate the simplism of stock moral formulas. The insufficiency of moral exegesis in explaining tragic action is crystallized in the third dumb show, in which Tragedy anticipates the moral consequences of the crimes which have been committed:

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 95 Thus lawles actions and prodigious crimes Drinke not the bloud alone of them they hate, But even their ministers, when they have done Al that they can, must help to fil the Scearie, And yeeld their guilty neckes unto the blocke.

(11. 1811-15)

The moral is undermined by two striking complications: (i) Tragedy's self-consciousness as a figure in a drama who is aware of the need for other characters who 'must help to fil the Sceane/ that is, who is concerned with theatrical rather than moral imperatives; (2) the dense, laborious quality of the syntax, which prevents the smooth articulation of a crisp moral lesson.100 The unique features of the first dumb show, that of the 'bloody banquet/ resist facile allegorizing in an especially complex way. The conspicuous function of the 'bloody banquet' is to alert the audience to Anne's seduction by Browne and to foreshadow Browne's murder of George Sanders. A more unsettling effect is the dramatization of the household not as the seat of civility, as it appears to be in the play's opening scenes, but of distortion and incongruity. Citing A Warning for Fair Women as an example, Muriel Bradbrook has noted 'a dumb show of particular horror known as "the bloody banquet,"' which 'was rather like the Thyestean feast: the table was set with black candles, drink set out in skulls and the Furies served it up. ... The realism of the mutilations was helped by bladders of red ink and the use of animal's blood.'101 The 'bloody banquet' in A Warning for Fair Women complicates the connection, commonly found in medieval and Renaissance allegories, between the appetites for food and lust; it does so by linking quotidian pleasures with the grotesque and the uncanny. The dumb show depicts a 'deadly banquet' (iv./So) and 'bloudy feast' (1. 788) given in a 'fatal house' (1. 785) in which familiar domestic prop are transformed into grotesque iconographic signs: a 'table' spread with blood (1. 788); 'Ebon tapers' (1. 781); 'lustfull wine,' (1. 793); 'pale mazo [wooden drinking bowls!' (1. 794); and a 'fatall doore' through which the Furies enter (1. 796). Tn the grotesque,' writes Bakhtin, 'all that wa for us familiar and friendly suddenly becomes hostile. It is our own world that undergoes this change.'102 A similar destabilization of the familiar underlies the uncanny. Sigmund Freud defines 'the uncanny' (in German, das unheimlich) as 'that class of the frightening which leads back to what is known of old and long familiar/103 Linking unheimlich to its opposite, heimlich, Freud locates the uncanny within a structure,

96

'Household Business'

namely the home, which at once comforts and conceals. 'Heimlich,' that which is 'familiar, tame, intimate,' and which /belong[s] to the house or the family/ refers to 'the enjoyment of quiet content... arousing a sense of agreeable restfulness and security as in one within the four walls of his house/104 'Unheimlich/ on the other hand, is terrifying 'precisely because it is not known and familiar/ But not all that which is unfamiliar is terrifying. In its more specific association with a 'feeling' of 'horror,' or of 'gruesome[ness],' unheimlich is that which makes one 'uncomfortable, uneasy/ so that 'everything is unheimlich that ought to have remained secret and hidden but has come to light/105 Especially significant here is the ambiguity inherent in the term heimlich: 'among its different shades of meaning/ notes Freud, 'the word "heimlich" exhibits one which is identical with its opposite, "unheimlich". What is heimlich thus comes to be unheimlich/ The word heimlich, then, 'belongs to two sets of ideas, which, without being contradictory, are yet very different: on the one hand it means what is familiar and agreeable, and on the other, what is concealed and kept out of sight/106 In his translation of Freud's essay, James Strachey points out that 'a similar ambiguity attaches to the English "canny", which may mean not only "cosy" but also "endowed with occult or magical powers"/107 The eerie 'banquet' in A Warning for Fair Women reveals that the structures of feeling which have come to light were hitherto not absent in the Sanders's home; they were merely repressed. In the portrayal of Anne's repentance and execution, the conventional structures that conceal disorder and ennui are themselves depicted as contributing to the devolution of civility and domestic order. The playwright deliberately departs from the predictable solutions found in the chief source for the denouement, Arthur Golding's A Briefe Discourse (1573).lo8 Golding's Calvinist pamphlet emphasizes the adulterous wife's contrition, her prayers before her execution, and Browne's scaffold speech, all of which are attended by the Doctor of Divinity who 'instructs]' the sinners 'aright/109 The wife prefaces her lengthy confession with the recognition of and lament for her former domestic bliss, which has included material prosperity - 'I had a good husband, by whom I had manie children, with whom I lived in wealth, & might have done stil, had not the devill kindled in my hearte ... unlawfull lust & ... a murtherous intent' - and she dies uttering a 'godly Prayer out of the Service boke which is used to be said at the hour of death/110 Anne Sanders's words echo the sixteenth-century commonplace that spiritual riches constitute true wealth. But in breaking with Golding's

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97

emphasis on the wife's forfeited 'wealth/ the play also points to the spiritual bankruptcy of the ethos of civility. Anne's repentance speech is compressed to approximately thirty lines (2664-93) in which she calls on heaven's mercy and society's pardon, but never mentions her former material comforts. Her only pious act is to bestow on her children a gift in the form of 'a booke / Of holy meditations' known as 'Bradfords workes' (xxi.27O2~3), namely the Protestant martyr John Bradford's Godlie Meditations upon the Lordes Prayer, the Beleefe, and the Ten Commandements (1562). This gift, Anne tells the children, shall make them 'richer than with gold, / Safer than in faire buildings: happyer / Than al the pleasures of this world can make you' (xxi.27O5~7; emphasis added). Anne's disparagement of 'gold' and of 'faire buildings/ edifices which presumably would include the proper house which she managed at the beginning of the play, recalls Bradford's definition of the spiritual role of the domus: 'Houses are ordained for us, that we might get into them from the injury of weather, from the cruelty of beasts, from disquietness of people, and from the toils of the world'; they are not to be enjoyed for secular pleasures, but rather for the 'rest and peace' and 'quiet mind' which they should provide.111 Bradford is also invoking the prevalent medieval topos of the house as, in the words of St Augustine, a gauge of one's spiritual condition: Then in that great quarrel of my spirituall house, which I had stifly made against my selfe, in the chamber and closet of my hart.'112 Bradford's advice is even more critical of material prosperity than the sermon preached approximately one hundred years later at Paul's Cross by John Gore, who warns that 'It is a blessing to have the wealth of the world and to prosper outwardly; but it is a greater blessing to have the grace of the Spirit and to prosper inwardly.'113 The contradictions that militate against the ideology of civility and private life in A Warning for Fair Women are only partially deflected by Anne Sanders's acquiescence to an earlier Christianity in which the world and the soul are polarized. The facile solution to 'unlawfull' conduct prescribed in Golding's homiletic tract is qualified in the play by Anne's rejection of a world in which agency is entirely determined by gender, class, and status. A Yorkshire Tragedy A late murder play, A Yorkshire Tragedy is based on the arrest and execution of Walter Calverley (or Caverley), a Yorkshire gentleman, for

98 'Household Business' crimes which he committed against his family and other members of his household on 20 April 1605. The play was entered in the Stationers' Register on 2 May 1608. The general consensus has been that the play is based on an anonymous pamphlet entered three years earlier, on 12 June 1605, entitled Two most vnnaturall and bloodie Murthers: The one by Maister Cauerley, A Yorkeshire Gentleman, practised vpon his wife, and committed vppon his two Children, the three and twentie of Aprill 1605. The other, by Mistris Browne, and her seruant Peter, vpon her husband, who were executed in Lent last past at Bury in Suffolke. 1605. Recently, however, it has been proposed that 'the play was in fact written before the pamphlet/ and that 'the pamphlet is based on the play ...'"4 Both texts follow a similar plot line: Walter Calverley, a gentleman whose parents bequeath him a fortune of approximately eight hundred pounds per year, becomes the ward of a venerable guardian. Calverley, a minor, falls in love with and privately betroths himself to a gentlewoman; after some time, he departs for London where he agrees to a marriage arranged by his guardian. The honourableness of the new wife notwithstanding, the arranged union is for Calverley the source of profound distress. The disappointment with his marriage, and his burdensome role as a married gentleman and dependent ward, lead to profligacy, waste, the abuse of his wife, and the murder of his children. In the pamphlet Calverley spends the remainder of his life in prison, where he daily repents his crimes. The play, on the other hand, suggests that he is subject to 'a deadl[y] execution' (x./^).115 In addition to the anonymous play and the pamphlet, George Wilkins's The Miseries of Enforced Marriage (c. 1607) is also based on the Calverley incident. Wilkins, however, completely disregards the subject of child murder. As we have already seen, the play focuses instead on the hero William Scarborow's prodigality and his first wife's suicide as the pernicious effects of forced marriage.116 Both the pamphlet of Two Most Vnnatural and Bloodie Murthers and A Yorkshire Tragedy appropriate the prevalent sixteenth-century trope of the murderous husband/father. Frances Dolan has observed that towards mid-century, popular literature such as ballads and pamphlets 'shift their focus from insubordinate dependents to the murderous husband, depicting his abuse of his authority as petty tyranny.' These texts 'demoniz[e] the murderous husband as a lunatic exception ... deny [ing] his relationship to other husbands, refusing to reflect on the potential for abuse built into marriage or the imbalance of power within the household.'117 The stated purpose of the pamphlet is to present for 'Christian heart[s]' a

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life

99

'murther so detestable, that ... it desires record for example sake ... 'll8 Although it occasionally invests Calverley's crimes with a complex causation - having brought his family to poverty, Calverley sets out to murder his infant child because, 'prickt by his preposterous fate, [he] had a desire to roote out all his owne generation: and onely intending to murther it, was carelesse what became of himselfe ... ' (p. 108) - the pamphlet quickly capitulates to the homiletic significance of the crimes: Maister Caverley, though God permitted the Sunne to blush at his unnaturall acts, yet he suffered him not to escape without his revenge: for when he was at the townes ende, within a bowshoote where his childe sucked, that hee came to murther ... he was soone overtaken ... and indeede ceazde on by those, did both lament his fall, and pitty his folly. (pp. 108-9) A Yorkshire Tragedy explores in a more systematic way both the psychology of the murderous husband and the social dimensions of his crimes. Like Arden of Feversham and A Warning for Fair Women the play shows how the ideology of private life is unable to withstand contradictions and challenges, so that it inevitably effaces them. The plot of A Yorkshire Tragedy traces how the 'ancient honour ... and name' of a house (ii.9) is desecrated by the Husband's aloofness and his Voluptuous' and 'ill beseeming' habits (ii.y-S). The principal characters are named according to their domestic or social roles (Husband, Wife, Maid, Gentleman, and so on) and the action takes place within the various private rooms of Calverley Hall. Among the scenes set outside the house, two take place on the grounds, the other 'right against ... [the] house' (x.i) where the Husband is arraigned for killing his children and wounding his wife and servant. The words 'home' or 'house/ the latter referring both to one's household and lineage, appear more than fifteen times during the course of the play. The dramatist, however, avoids the usual practice in domestic tragedy of delineating, in the opening scenes, the comforts and pleasures of the civilized house; and although much of the action is set within private spaces, there are no wholesome scenes of family life. Instead, the plot moves quickly to the presentation of the Husband's crimes, and to his arrest and punishment. Early modern England, we have seen, was a society in which one's identity and survival were defined according to one's membership in a family. A person alienated from his or her family and place in the social hierarchy was, Michael Macdonald observes, 'socially extinct';

ioo 'Household Business' conduct 'that threatened to destroy the relationships and objects that defined a person's social identity was gravely irrational/ and was among the 'signs of alienation from the fundamental values of ... society.'119 Affirming the ideology of collective obligations and rights, the choric figures in A Yorkshire Tragedy define the civilized house as the foundation from which an individual gains an honourable identity, and to which he or she owes absolute allegiance: GENTLEMAN [to Husband]. Y'are of a virtuous house; show virtuous deeds. 'Tis not your honour, 'tis your folly bleeds. Much good has been expected in your life ... (ii. 170-2) KNIGHT [a justice of the peace]. ... Ruinous man, The desolation of his house, the blot Upon his predecessors' honoured name.

(ix.32-4)

Blaming the Husband's 'scandal[ous]' crimes (ii.no) on madness, the members of the community are deeply disturbed by his consequent loss of reputation and property. Nothing, they caution, must ever be done to forfeit others' esteem. The link between social alienation and madness is introduced in the First Gentleman's warning: ... Those whom men call mad Endanger others; but he's more than mad That wounds himself, whose own words do proclaim Scandals unjust to soil his better name. It is not fit; I pray forsake it.

(11.107-11)

The Husband himself, during one of his raving speeches, recognizes madness and social suicide as inescapable consequences of the abandonment of honour and civility: ... Down goes the house of us; down, down it sinks. Now is the name a beggar, begs in me. That name, which hundreds of years has made this shire famous, in me and my posterity runs out ... My riot is now my brother's jailor, my wife's sighing, my three boys' penury, and my own confusion! (^.73-9) Tears his hair.

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 101 Although the Husband's addiction to gambling and whoring brings him 'inexorably to the crimes which form the catastrophe of the drama/120 his refractory behaviour throws into relief the insufficiency of civility and domesticity in forestalling either his madness or malaise.121 Before the Husband's arraignment his despondency, like Alice Arden's and Anne Sanders's, is directly linked to the domus, the institution against which these characters hurl themselves, denouncing the confinement it represents. The Husband's transgressions are linked to a stultifying domesticity, his colourful metaphors not only underscoring his wildness but also counterpointing the flat injunctions of the choric characters. Ridiculing the latter's linguistic propriety and decorum - 'God den, I thank you, sir; how do you? adieu, I'm glad to see you. Farewell instructions, admonitions!' (11.114-15) - the Husband decries hospitality and neighbourliness. Refusing to be 'Curbed in' (ii.79), he admits to having married strictly 'for fashion' (ii.74), that is, 'out of regard for convention,'122 and to 'hat[ingl the very hour I chose a wife, a trouble, trouble. Three children like three evils hang upon me, fie, fie, fie ...' (ii.ioi-3). The 'world of the seventeenth century,' writes Michel Foucault, 'is strangely hospitable ... to madness. Madness is here ... an ironic sign that misplaces the guideposts between the real and the chimerical... an absurd agitation in society ... /123 The Husband's riotousness is counterpointed by the Wife's 'Kind[ness],' her 'obedien[ce]' (ii.174), and altogether exemplary behaviour within the community of Yorkshire. On the surface, the Wife's conduct is two-dimensional: the Wife, suggests Henry Tyrrell, 'is all tears, morality, and crouching submission. She is not an interesting, but a painful character/124 And although A.C. Cawley and Barry Gaines show that in contrast to her 'wordy, pious and submissive' counterpart in the pamphlet, the Wife is 'endowed with much more sense and spirit,' they nevertheless argue for a character defined strictly according to homiletics: 'The language of the emotions comes naturally to her; in contrast to her husband, she constantly uses words like heart, soul, heaven because they express the Christian and human values that matter most to her.'125 The Wife's sterling reputation in the community accords with the early modern idea that civilized conduct in the home is supposed to make individuals better disposed to act honourably outside of its confines. Yet the Wife's virtue is inextricable from her concern with matters of property and pecuniary liability. The complication is reinforced by a development which is not found in the pamphlet, namely the Wife's humble visit to her rich uncle in London, a visit which she undertakes to secure 'some office / And place at

102 'Household Business' court' for her husband (iii.19-20). The visit has a dual purpose: (i) to preserve the reputation of the Wife's immediate family - 'Why should our faults at home be spread abroad? / Tis grief enough within doors' (iii.5-6); and (2) to sustain her landed status. WIFE. ... 'Twill be a means, I hope, To make new league between us and redeem His [the Husband's] virtues with his lands. By this good means I shall preserve my lands ... Now there is no need of sale ...

(iii.2i-3)

(iii.29, 31)

The Wife's self-interest in preserving both the family's honour and property explains her puzzling behaviour in the final scene, the purpose of which has eluded commentators. Given her spirited sententiousness until now, the Wife's meagre response to the Husband's murder of their children has been viewed as surprisingly out of character.126 Her only reference to the murder occurs when the children are 'laid out' (s.d.) before their parents: WIFE. O, our two bleeding boys, Laid forth upon the threshold!

(x.33~4)

While the emphasis on 'the threshold' brings back into relief the domestic space which has been defiled by the Husband's crime, the Wife's limp outburst abates the crime's enormity. Her attention is entirely focused on her hope for her husband's repentance and his forgiveness by the court. In a rhetorically effective strategy, the Wife publicly hesitates in expressing complete assurance in the court's pardon: 'O my repentant husband! / ... Thou shouldst not, be assured, for these faults die / // the law could forgive as soon as I' (x.28, 31-2; emphasis added). The Husband's contrition restores his 'father's and forefathers' worthy honours' (ii.137). Likewise, the Wife's forgiveness of the Husband, a virtue noted twice by the presiding justice (x.62-5, 70-1), preserves her reputation. More to the point, in a society in which a woman's property became her husband's upon marriage, and could be confiscated in punishment for his crimes, the Wife's public expression of unqualified forgiveness of her husband's crimes preserves not only her reputation but also her lands.

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 103 The Menial Household and the Politics of Plenty Two Lamentable Tragedies

In Robert Yarrington's Two Lamentable Tragedies the subject is once again domestic murder. The text consists of two alternating plots: the first, 'of the murther of Maister Beech/127 is set in London, and was likely written as early as 1594 'to take advantage of the notoriety of the murder of Thomas Beech/ which took place on 23 August 1594;128 the second, of the murder of a young child by his uncle, is set in Padua. The two plots are loosely connected through the Induction and Choruses, a connection which enhances the homiletic pattern: in both plots Homicide, Avarice, and Truth oversee the crimes, and both end with the conviction, repentance, and execution of the murderers Merry and Fallerio. The two plots are otherwise dramatically distinct. As in A Warning for Fair Women the characters in the English plot inhabit identifiable geographical spaces while allegorical figures are relegated to the periphery of the action. And as in all other domestic plays, the site of conflict is the English household, with an important difference: the subject of scrutiny is now the menial rather than the gentrified household. The murther of Maister Beech' interrogates the ideology of order and civility by considering the menial household's role in the money economy.129 At the same time that the English plot stresses moral and theological edification, it forces the spectator to take note of a disturbing paradox: the root of Thomas Merry's crime is the sin of covetousness, but the problem of sin is complicated by the widespread social and economic instability that typifies Merry's world. The topical events, the village atmosphere, and the society of neighbours locate the action in late sixteenth-century England. As in a number of other domestic-murder plays, however, The murther of Maister Beech' goes beyond journalistic reportage. Although based on actual contemporary events, the action is not reducible to a mere interplay of conventional discourses and praxes; rather, it intervenes in the narrative of the familiar by transforming it. Puzzled as to why 'none of the persons murdered shows any moral guilt/ Henry Adams perceptively suggested that 'the fate of the innocents may possibly be laid to blind chance operating even in a world controlled by Providence.'130 Yet blind chance is only one factor that displaces the homiletic design. Attending blind chance are severe fluctuations in a money economy that give rise

1O4 'Household Business' to poverty, disorientation, and discontent, problems acutely felt by the villagers who populate the play. Unlike most domestic tragedies, in which the protagonists are well-to-do landholders, 'the murther of Maister Beech' deals with townspeople who are for the most part poor. The characters consist of small merchants or retailers, smallholders (who owned fields), cottagers (who for the most part did not own even smallholdings), day labourers, and servants. Although small retailers, cottagers, and smallholders in late sixteenth-century England sometimes held offices such as that of churchwarden, juror, pig and ale warden, and other local positions, the other characters in the play belong to the majority of the population, the group that William Harrison lumped together as 'the fourth and last sort of people/ and that Thomas Smith described as 'havfing] no voice nor authoritie in our common wealth ... no account [being] made of them but onelie to be ruled ... /131 The plot brings into relief the tension between the ideal orderly society drawn in homiletic and other discourses, and village life as experienced by the majority of the population who felt the brunt of the economic crisis that, since the 15905, had disrupted English villages. During the decade in which the events of the play take place, England had experienced a number of poor harvests which caused adversity to the point of starvation in many communities, precipitating an economic crisis that drove many small landholders into a lifetime of debt. The crisis was especially hard on the poor, many of whom were forced to rely on parish relief.132 During the early sixteenth century possibly as much as 50 per cent of the population had been unable to live without assistance, a situation that worsened during the 15905. The problem was even more severe in the towns, where poverty had emerged as a fundamental problem in the 15208 and 15305; despite the rise in economic prosperity during the later part of the century, the number of poor people in towns grew, 'many of them with little hope of finding permanent employment or adequate housing for themselves and their families/133 The hardships led to an increase in crime and in the numbers of vagrants and vagabonds, as well as to widespread discontent, which in turn led to riots.134 At the outset of the play Yarrington stresses that Thomas Merry, an alehouse-keeper, has managed in spite of indigence to fulfil the role of ideal householder: although his house is simple, he is a model of civility. His 'conversation, / Is full of honest... curtesie/ and he is 'belou'd' by his family and neighbours; he has a 'louing sister, and a carefull

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 105 man/ both of whom strive to please him (sig. A3v); his 'little house' is 'well frequented/ his neighbours preferring it because, in addition to serving the best beer 'in all this towne/ Merry 'keepes good rule and orders in his house' (sig. A3v). The emphasis on Merry's orderly, civilized household and business establishment contradicts the popular assumption about alehouses, which were deemed to appeal to the desperate and the dispossessed. Drinking establishments in pre-industrial England consisted of three types: 'in declining order of size and status, the inn, the tavern and the alehouse.' Inns were normally 'large, fashionable' premises that offered expensive food and lodging to the well-to-do; taverns provided wine and limited accommodation to prosperous customers. Alehouses were usually smaller establishments selling beer and basic food and lodging to those from the bottom of the social hierarchy, including vagrants.135 By the 15805 alehouses had proliferated to include as many as one establishment for every fifty persons in some towns, their chief function being to minister to the needs of the vagrant and labouring poor, providing them with food, drink, and shelter. Those who kept alehouses did so either because they wished to supplement a meagre income or because they could find no other source of employment.136 Rather than being a site of misconduct, Merry's 'house' attracts patrons whose reputations are unsullied and whose conversation revolves around the subjects of trade and employment. Merry and his customers .habitually refer to one another as 'neighbor/ recalling the advice in contemporary homilies and conduct books that courtesy and fellowship will shield one from hardship. In the prologue, Homicide laments the scarcity of crime in this 'happie' and prosperous English town: I Haue in vaine past through each stately streete, And blinde-fold turning of this happie towne, For wealth, for peace, and good lie gouernement, Yet can I not finde out a minde, a heart For blood and causelesse death to harbour in; They all are bent with vertuous gainefull trade, To get their needmentes for this mortall life, And will not soile their well addicted harts: With rape, extortion, murther, or the death, Of friend or foe, to gaine an Empery.

(sig. Air)

The town's peacefulness is soon disrupted by Merry's crime. Overhear-

106 'Household Business' ing his loyal patron, Thomas Beech (a thrifty chandler), discussing his financial stability, Merry resolves To bring his coyne to my possession' (sig. A4v). Luring Beech to an upper room of the alehouse, Merry strikes him fifteen times with a hammer. Merry's faithful sister Rachel and his man-servant Harry Williams are aware of the murder and promise to conceal it. Although he does not break his promise, Harry takes refuge at the Three Cranes Inn, trusting that 'God will reuenge' the 'iniquitie' (sig. Cir). Rachel, on the other hand, who is still a 'Maide/ (D2v) must remain in her brother's household, and she vows to be his 'true and faithfull comforter' (sig. D2v). Rather than 'mend[ing]' his and Rachel's 'pouertie/ (sig. B3v) as he had hoped to do, Merry is forced to devote all of his time to concealing the crime. In the process, he strikes Beech's assistant, young Thomas Winchester, who later dies from the wound, and he dismembers Beech's corpse in an attempt to rid the alehouse of any evidence of murder. But the portrait of 'vertuous gainefull trade' (sig. A2r) is undercut not only by Merry's obsession with 'wealth and reputation' (sig. A3v) but also by the uncertainty that dominates the lives of all the villagers. The contradiction between the quiet prosperity noted in the prologue on one hand and the historical record on the other is brought into focus by the rhetorical emphasis on discontent, which dominates the first hundred lines of the dialogue. Although the town appears to be a model of 'goodlie gouernement/ a certain uneasiness is shared by the inhabitants. Although Thomas Beech is 'not much in debt' (sig. A4v) and boasts that he 'liue[sl contentedlie' (sig. A4v), he seems to need Merry's liquor in order to dull a nameless apprehension: BEECH. Now fill two cans of your ould strongest beare: That make so manie loose their little wits, And make indentures as they go along.

(sig. A3v)

Merry's man Harry Williams is described as 'not verie well' as he 'sitteth sleeping by the kitchen fier' (sig. A4). In his first appearance on stage, Merry is perplexed by his own 'meane and discontented' life: 'But wherefore should I thinke of discontent,' he ponders in soliloquy, when T am belou'd' by many? (sig. A3v). At the same time that Merry is portrayed as covetous, the spectator is forced to take note of the precariousness of his livelihood. Merry's character is not drawn as crudely or as naively as has sometimes been suggested;137 rather, Yarrington carefully explores the conflict between

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 107 the character's conscience and his desire to escape a life of extreme indigence. Merry's poverty is part and parcel with one of the most serious social problems of late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England - dearth amid plenty.138 In The Anatomy of Abuses (1583) Philip Stubbs had voiced the widespread complaint 'that in plentie of all things, there is great scarsitie and dearth of all thinges ... that which might haue been bought heretofor within this twentie, or fourtie Years, for twentie shillings, is now worth twentie nobles ... That which was worth twentie pound, is now worth a. C. pound, and more.'139 Although Merry is employed, he lacks the bare necessities of life: 'I cannot buy ... my bread, my meate' (sig. A4v); and although his 'little [ale]house' is 'well frequented' (sig. A3v) he himself 'cannot buy ... beare'; nor can he afford 'fagots' or 'coales' and other 'necessaries' (sig. A4v). Despite the fellowship promised by Merry's patrons, none can afford to assist him. All they can do is advise patience: NEIGH[BOR]. In time no doubt, why man you are but young, And God assure your selfe hath wealth in store, If you awaight his will with patience.

(sig. A4r)

Until now, Merry declares, he has been satisfied to 'content my selfe, / Till God amend my poore abilitie' (sig. A4r). But patience ultimately gives way to despair and crime. The paradox of scarcity amid plenty was puzzling to many of Yarrington's contemporaries. Responding to the metaphysical questions raised by the prevalence of dearth, Protestant divines appealed to the doctrine of judgments. Seeking to explain the three national burdens famine, plague, and war - William Gouge and other clerics interpreted them as judgments of divine wrath, the 'consequents of sinne.'140 Among the sins blamed for these burdens were gluttony, drunkenness, and in particular covetousness. According to Stubbs, 'scarsitie and dearth' amid 'plentie' were largely caused by 'the rich Men' who had so balaunced their shelfs with Gold and siluer, as they cracke againe. And, to such excesse is this couetousnes growne, as ... many a poore man, with his wyfe, childe, and whole famelie, are forced to begge their bread all their dayes after. Another sorte who flow in welth, if a poore man haue eyther house or Land, they [i.e., the rich] will neuer rest untill they haue purchased it, giuing him not the thirde parte, of that it is worth.141

io8

'Household Business'

God's punitive measures, however, were not interpreted as a sign of divine disapproval of an exploitative class system, but as hardships to be endured as part of a divine strategy for bringing about spiritual reform and regeneration. To many theologians and commentators this succinct explanation clarified and therefore made more tolerable an ominous situation. Others were more sceptical about the theory of divine retribution. In the 1549 edition of Thomas Smith's Discourse of the Com mon Weal, written in response to the economic crisis of the late 15408 when, in spite of good harvests, prices were inflating, a character expresses amazement at the 'scarcitie of thinges' among so much wealth: I mervayll much ... what should be the cause of this dearth; seinge all thinges are (thanckes be to Code) so plentifull. There was never more plentie of cattell then there is nowe, and yet it is scarcitie of thinges which commonly maketh dearth. This is a mervelous dearthe, that in such plentie cometh, contrary to his kynd.142

Faced with a heretofore unknown development, other characters provide moral answers to the problem, determining that cupidity is the cause. The Doctor, however, persuades them that the causes are monetary. Dearth, he explains, causes rising prices and underemployment, a problem which he attributes to the debasement of the coinage, the effect of which is that individuals now have to pay more in coins to obtain the same number of goods.143 In the 15905 the problem of dearth was occasioned by a series of poor harvests which diminished supply, thereby raising the price of grain.144 Like a number of his contemporaries, Yarrington construes the root cause of the paradox of dearth amid plenty as extending beyond morality. Aware that the merchants on the wealthier side of town are involved in 'gainefull trade/ (sig. A2r) Merry's patrons attribute the disparity to widespread covetousness (sig. A4r); but they also decry the impact of expensive imports on the national economy: NEIGHBOR].... I had rather drinke, Such beare as this as any Gascoine wine: But tis our English manner to affect Strange things, and price them at a greater rate, Then home-bred things of better consequence. MER[RY]. Tis true indeede, if all were of your minde, My poore estate would sooner be aduanc'd: And our French Marchants seeke some other trade.

(sig. A4r)

Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 109 In the exchange between the Neighbor and Merry, we overhear Yarrington's critique of unfair trade laws. Merry and his neighbours' resentment of the importation of luxuries like French wine was shared by Tudor and Elizabethan commentators who saw that English prosperity was being channelled into the conspicuous consumption of imports rather than into ensuring full employment. Thomas Starkey, in A Dialogue between Pole and Lupset (c. 1529-32), had criticized English merchants for exporting 'thyngys necessary to the use of our pepul' (food, metals, and cloth) in order to import 'vayn tryfullys & concetys'; 'all such marchantys ... be procurarys only of the vayn plesure of man ... of the wych sorte surely many we have here in our cuntrey, by whome we may se thys poly tyke ys ... grevusly dyseasyd ... ' In 1577 William Harrison had denounced in similar terms the practice of importing French wines in other than English ships: 'when every nation was permitted to bring in her own commodities, [the latter] were far better cheap and more plentifully to be had.'145 While Yarrington does not treat Merry's crimes solely as an effect of economic deprivation, 'the murther of Maister Beech' is more than a dramatized homily against the sin of covetousness. Robert Law has observed that in the denouement of both the English and Italian plots the murderers, 'in long laments, precisely in keeping with the style of the broadside ballad, acknowledge their sins, pray God for forgiveness, and announce their readiness for death.'146 And in each plot a relative who has helped conceal the criminal's identity is also executed. In 'the murther of Maister Beech/ however, the limitations of the homiletic formula are once again revealed when Merry's sister Rachel, who has been guilty of concealment but not of murder, is executed, while Merry's servant Harry, who has also assisted in the concealment, pleads benefit of clergy and escapes with a branding, 'wretched Rachel's sexe den[ying] that grace' (sig. I2v). As in Arden of Feversham and A Warning for Fair Women the theological perspective is only tentatively upheld. Juxtaposing the homiletic narrative with a frank portrayal of hardship and discontent, Yarrington exposes moral, social, and economic codes as constructed by a money economy that benefits only a few.

4

'Retrograde and Preposterous': Staging the Witch/Wife Dyad

An important juncture in the evolution of domestic drama is the emergence of plays dealing with the effects of witchcraft on English communities and, more specifically, on English households.1 The two extant examples of domestic witch plays are both tragicomedies: Dekker, Ford and Rowley's The Witch of Edmonton (1621) and Heywood and Brome's The Late Lancashire Witches (1634). In subject matter these texts share the domestic murder plays' interest in contemporary reportage and the cult of domesticity. The last of the surviving murder plays, The Witch of Edmonton, stages a recent contemporary event, namely the execution of Elizabeth Sawyer for witchcraft on 19 April 1621. The action surrounding the witch-figure fuses with the marriage plot, in which an English household is destabilized through the tragic consequences of forced marriage. The Late Lancashire Witches, a hastily contrived play performed at the Globe Theatre in 1634, exploits popular interest in the trial of several Lancashire women also charged with practising witchcraft. As Andrew Clark observes, the play contains other 'undeniable similarities to domestic drama': Mr Generous 'belongs entirely to Hey wood's long line of magnanimous, forgiving husbands,' and the transgressive wife is a 'variation on her predecessors,' although the 'intrusive element in the marriage is not a lover, but the wife's involvement in witchcraft.'2 In addition to exploiting contemporary journalism and the tropes of domestic drama, both plays encode extensive cultural anxiety about witchcraft. In the popular culture of early modern England, including the theatre, the figure of the witch is a sign of disorder - in the body, the family, and the body politic - the causes of which are rooted in female insubordination. Witchcraft, as described in Protestant discourses, is first and foremost a subversive act, encouraged if not initi-

'Retrograde and Preposterous7 111 ated by the devil, and intended to thwart the divine order. In The Mystery of Witchcraft (1617) the Protestant theologian Thomas Cooper declares that his treatise, in which he describes 'the truth, nature, occasions, growth and power' of witchcraft, is 'very necessary for the redeeming of these atheisticall and secure [i.e., careless, dangerous] times'; witchcraft is a threat to stability because it is a 'plaine vsurpation of the diuine office, and a flat peruersion & disgracing of the diuine Provide[n]ce/3 As with any behaviour that challenges the established order, the underlying cause of witchcraft is seen to be the desire for power. Those perceived as most likely to become witches, therefore, are those who are powerless. For early modern demonologists, women are especially susceptible to witchcraft not only because many are dispossessed materially, but also because, as Cooper's treatise concludes, women are 'vsually more ambitious and desirous of Soueraignety, the rather because they are bound to subiection.'4 In other words, since women are disenfranchised under patriarchy they can be easily tempted to oppose it. A common thread linking early modern discourses on the subject of witchcraft is the perception that witches, like the garrulous wives of the domestic plays discussed in previous chapters, negate the neoAristotelian construction of female subordination, namely the mulier economica or the belief that woman can be considered only in relation to the order of marriage. Against the construction of the ugly, vituperative witch, defenders of patriarchy promote the image of the virtuous housewife who remains subordinate to her husband's authority. 'Patriarchal hierarchy/ writes Allison Coudert, 'was not threatened by the celebration of women in subordinate roles, but at the beginning of the early modern period, forces were at work that challenged the established intellectual principle of male superiority. The witchcraze was one response to that challenge.'5 The link between women and witches had informed European discourses long before the witch hunts. The stereotype of the witch combines the Aristotelian view of women's souls as deficient in reason, rendering them more prone to credulity and superstition than men, with the Judaeo-Christian view of woman as the cause of original sin and the Fall from grace.6 In the Middle Ages witchcraft was considered an act of heresy to which women, as a consequence of their frail intellects, were especially susceptible. The Malleus Maleficarum (1486), the first printed encyclopedia of witchcraft, describes women as 'more credulous' than men, 'naturally more impressionable,' and therefore

112 'Household Business' 'more ready to receive the influence of a disembodied spirit/7 The charge of female credulity is reiterated by James I, who in Daemonologie (1597) explains why far more women than men are 'giuen' to witchcraft: The reason is easie, for as that sexe is frailer then man is, so is it easier to be intrapped in these grosse snares of the Deuill, as was ... proued to be true, by the Serpents deceiuing of Eua at the beginning, which makes him the homelier with that sexe ... 8 There is, however, a marked shift from the medieval definition of witchcraft as heresy to the early modern construction of witchcraft as a form of usurpation of the divine order. Whereas in the Middle Ages invectives against witchcraft are restricted for the most part to formal diatribes generated chiefly by patristic and scholastic authorities, in early modern Europe they shift to the persecution of the accused. This development has in part been located in the Reformation's literal obedience to the biblical injunction, Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live' (AV, Exodus 22:18). Alan Kors and Edward Peters contend that the strong Protestant emphasis on scripture and on the role of Satan 'only strengthened the already present fear of diabolism and witchcraft in the lands that reformed the Church/ 9 But the shift is also rooted in the early modern perception of witchcraft as an act of transgression against the orderly, stable commonwealth. Those accused of practising witchcraft, that is, those who posed the most severe threat to social cohesion, were not simply poor and aged women, but unassimilable women old or diseased spinsters, widows, prostitutes, obstreperous wives, healers, and midwives. Merry Wiesner writes that although 'learned notions of witchcraft as demonology made some inroads into popular culture, the person most often initially accused of witchcraft in any village' was a woman 'who had a reputation as a healer, a scold, or a worker of both good and bad magic/10 Midwives, for example, were 'expert in methods of birth control, and most likely cooperated in abortions and infanticides' with families who were either too poor to sustain many children, or who 'did not wish to jeopardize their new prosperity/11 The early association of maleficia (the misfortunes, injuries, or calamities suffered by persons, animals, or property as the result of the witch's pact with the devil) with abortofacients and sterilizing potions, together with the almost universal assumption that the users of such potions would be women, helped to feminize the crime of witchcraft.12 The danger attributed to all forms of maleficia was their

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 113 association with a malevolent femininity that, if empowered, would engender chaos. On the English Renaissance stage, the witch is a signifier of female insubordination, and witchcraft a powerful threat to patriarchal hierarchy and authority. In her association with negation and mutability, the witch-figure belongs to the literary trope of the mundus inversus (the world upside down).13 A prevalent form of this trope is the construction of the witch as the inversion of the ideal Protestant wife, whose insubordination overturns the orderly household and, by extension, the social order. I

The plays that treat the effects of witchcraft on the domus divide into two categories: (i) those such as Lyly's Endimion (c. 1591), Shakespeare's Macbeth (1606-7), Middleton's The Witch (c. 1610-6), and Marston's The Wonder of Women or The Tragedy of Sophonisba (c. 1604), which rely for their material primarily on English and European folk-lore, and in which the subject of witchcraft is influential but not central to the action; (2) the domestic tragicomedies that focus on the role of the witch.14 Although The Witch of Edmonton and The Late Lancashire Witches deal more extensively with the witch's influence on the English household, considerable intertextuality exists between these plots and their non-topical counterparts, particularly in the portrayal of the witch/wife dyad. Among the non-topical plays, Lyly's Endimion is the first to articulate a profound anxiety about perceived attempts by witches to subvert natural law within the state and the family. The anxiety is manifest in Lyly's treatment of Dipsas, who is partly modelled on classical witches. Dipsas's 'damnable Arte' has threatened the rulership of Cynthia (the allegorical representation of Queen Elizabeth), whose 'gouernment' is the 'possession] ... [of] the eternall Gods' (V.iii.25-6).15 Dipsas's challenge of Cynthia, a challenge which Cynthia easily dispels, conforms to the pervasive fear of witches as instruments against the monarchy, a fear which helped to mobilize the persecution of witches in Elizabethan England.16 But Dipsas's ability to seduce unwitting males into ungodly marriages represents a more mundane danger: Dipsas is also an ignoble wife who in divorcing her husband and banishing him to the wilderness vindicates feminine frailty. Like many early modern women punished for scolding, brawling, and

114 'Household Business7 dominating their spouses, Dipsas is a distortion of wifely grace and humility. When Sir Thopas (a young, half-witted knight) expresses his wish to marry Dipsas, three male choric figures reduce her to the stereotype of the witch as a repulsive, voracious shrew. SAM[IAS]. That vglie creature? Why shee is a foole, a scold, fat, without fashion, and quite without fauour. ... EPlfTON]. Why in marrying Dipsas, hee [Sir Topas] shall haue euerie day twelue dishes of meate to his dinner, though there be none but Dipsas with him. Foure of flesh, four of fish, foure of fruite. ... SAM[IAS]. Excellent! for of my word, she is both crabbish, lumpish, and carping. (III.iii.88-9, 93-5, 99-100)

Dipsas's grotesqueness is enhanced by her 'scold[ingj' speech (III.iii.88), a feature derived from the commonplace notion in medieval and early modern discourses that women's mental powers are weak and therefore susceptible to evil partly because, as the Malleus warns, 'they have slippery tongues/17 Dipsas is also guilty of reversing the notion that man only is by nature audacious and therefore better suited to rule the household, whereas woman, who is by nature defective, is better equipped for submission: [SIR THOPAS]. ... Doth Dipsas stoope? wyll shee yeeld? will she bende? DARES. O sir as much as you would wish, for her chin almost toucheth her knees. ... Shee is a notable Witch ... (¥.11.55-6, 78)

Yet the danger that Dipsas represents is comically contained by the broad humour in these episodes, which undercuts the force of the witch's professed threat to male sovereignty. In the final scene we witness the witch/shrew's unexpected repentance of her former 'wicked[ness]' (V.iii.4o), central to which has been her irreverence towards her husband: DIPSAS. ... Yet among al the things that I committed, there is nothing so much tormenteth my rented and ransackt thoughts, as that in the prime of my husbands youth I diuorced him by my deuillish Arte; for which, if to die might be amendes, I would not Hue till to morrowe. (V.iii.4i-5)

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 115 Following Dipsas's public confession, Cynthia permits her to return to society and to the husband whom she had divorced in order to practise sorcery (V.iii.258-68). Dipsas's forgiveness restores both social and domestic harmony; we also infer that her ugliness vanishes once she renounces black magic. By the end of the sixteenth century, the association in the drama between witches and obstreperous wives is conceived as a more serious and less manageable deviation than it is portrayed by Lyly. Social renewal becomes contingent upon the witch's punishment rather than her repentance. The increasingly negative portrayal of the witch has a political underpinning in the accession of James I, whose Daemonologie denounces not only witches but also those who profess scepticism about their existence.18 The notion of the witch as unworthy of redemption is also closely related to the pervasive concern in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England with the growing insubordination of women. Those accused of being witches were often women who resisted patriarchal claims, and in Puritan circles especially the rebelliousness of many wives was often equated with witchcraft.19 In The Witch, a non-topical play set in seventeenth-century Italy, Middleton does not scrutinize the sociopolitical dimensions of witchcraft. Like Jonson's Masque of Queens, The Witch exploits traditional witch-lore for sensational effects, drawing on the standard view of witches as the embodiment of chaos;20 like Shakespeare's Macbeth, for example, it employs the cauldron motif as part of the apparatus of the 'feast of death and essential disorder.'21 In addition to Middleton's reliance on popular magical topoi is his depiction of the witch as the inversion of the 'honest duteous wife' (I.i.16).22 Against a background of marriage celebrations, the opening scene of The Witch revolves around the returned soldier Sebastian's determination to honour his betrothal to Isabella in spite of her marriage to Antonio. Sebastian enlists the aid of Hecate, who creates a maleficium rendering Antonio selectively impotent, permitting him to continue sleeping with his whore but not to consummate his marriage to Isabella who has received false news of Sebastian's death. Middleton is exploiting the belief that witches could induce impotence even in the innocent. King James, for one, had proclaimed that the devil's 'filthy witchcraft' can make a man 'unable versus hand (that is, sexually dysfunctional towards a specific woman), that 'if the power of witchcraft may reach to our life, [so] much more to a member [i.e., sexual organ] ... wherein the Devil hath his principal operation.'23 The mythical witches - Hecate, Stadlin, and

n6 'Household Business' Hoppo - are complemented by the ordinary, recognizable woman who crosses traditional gender boundaries. Isabella's sister Francisca is unwed, pregnant, and in danger of being outcast because she has not been made 'sociable and honest' through 'the married life' (II.i.66, 67). A major source of anxiety for Isabella and the other married women is that Francisca is 'too long alone' (1. 65). Ironically, Francisca's autonomy permits her a certain freedom of expression that alarms the married women. She declares, for example, that there 'should ... be a statute against' all adulterous husbands (II.i.86), but her outburst is censored by Isabella who advises her sister that a husband and children would 'mend your discourse much' (II.i.iO2). Like many women accused of witchcraft, Francisca, in refusing to be silent, is threatened with the punishment of isolation from society. A woman becomes a witch when she resists or refuses to conform to her prescribed social and religious role, negating both natural and divine law. Shakespeare's Lady Macbeth has much in common with Middleton's Francisca and Lyly's Dipsas and with those women labelled witches by early modern theologians who advocated that a wife's foremost desire was to be 'bound to subiection.'24 Characterized by the newly created king Malcolm as a 'fiendlike queen' (V.viii.yo),25 Lady Macbeth is demonic, just as Lyly's Dipsas is 'deuillish' (V.iii.43), precisely because she subverts prescribed notions of femininity. Lady Macbeth's rejection of prescribed feminine behaviour has been widely observed. She and the 'secret, black, and midnight hags' (IV.i.48) who tempt Macbeth are invested with a certain 'wild[ness]' (I.iii.4o) that, as Peter Stallybrass has observed, opposes an implied norm of womanliness.26 Banquo is disturbed by the Witches' equivocal identity in much the same way that the spectator is invited to be disturbed by Lady Macbeth's: 'You should be women,' Banquo tells the Witches, 'And yet your beards forbid me to interpret / That you are so' (I.iii.45-7). In both action and speech Lady Macbeth also transgresses, and parodies, the normal roles of demure wife and hostess.27 She undertakes all of the preparations for Duncan's murder, advising Macbeth to 'look up clear' and to 'Leave all the rest to me' (I.v.71, 73). She desires to 'chastise' Macbeth 'with the valor' of her 'tongue' (I.v.27), and she reproaches him for his guilt in a barrage of imperative utterances - 'Give me the daggers'; 'Retire we to our chamber'; 'Go get some water / And wash this filthy witness from thy hand' (II.ii.5i, 64, 44-5). Rhetorically, Lady Macbeth's appropriation of masculine language fuses with the language of the three Witches, which is also dominated by imperatives: 'Give me'; 'Look what I have

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 117 done7; 'Show me, show me' (I.iii-5,26,27). Like many women of the early modern period who were branded witches because, as Allison Coudert argues, they 'rejected the private world of female domesticity for the public world of men/28 Lady Macbeth appropriates male prerogatives and brings about domestic and social dissolution. The construction of the witch/shrew by Shakespeare and other playwrights has a direct parallel in Luther's association of the witch with the impious Christian wife. Unlike medieval demonologists, for whom the antithesis of the witch is the virginal nun, Luther contrasts the deviant behaviour of the witch with the behaviour of the ideal housewife, whom he compares with the inner-directed snail: ... just as the snail carries its house with it, so the wife should stay at home and look after the affairs of the household, as one who has been deprived of the ability of administering those affairs that are outside and that concern the state. She does not go beyond her most personal duties.29

'Luther's remedy for the female vulnerability to witchcraft/ writes Sigrid Brauner, is 'a logical corollary of his views on marriage: women should accept their God-given place as housewives and use their inherent moral power.'30 Luther's explanation for the female practice of witchcraft also coincides with English political discourses on the theological and social value of the family as, to quote Hobbes, 'a little Monarchy' in which 'the Father or Master is the Sovereign.'31 The fusion of Lady Macbeth and the Witches is further grounded, as Janet Adelman has argued, in their mutual 'perverse' maternity, Lady Macbeth's rejection of her natural domestic role signalling the 'unnatural abrogation' of motherhood: 'Calling [for her unsexing] on spirits ambiguously allied with the witches themselves, she phrases this unsexing as the undoing of her own bodily maternal function.'32 'Make thick my blood/ Lady Macbeth commands the spirits, Stop up th' access and passage to remorse, That no compunctious visitings of nature Shake my fell purpose ... ... Come to my woman's breasts, And take my milk for gall, you murdering ministers, Wherever in your sightless substances You wait on nature's mischief! ...

(I.¥.43-50)

n8 'Household Business' Lady Macbeth's equation of her maternal 'milk' with 'gall' is consonant with the identification found in contemporary treatises on colostrum (the first milk secreted after birth, sometimes called 'green milk' [OED]) with the milk of witches, an identification, notes Adelman, 'localizing] the image of maternal danger.'33 The portrait of Lady Macbeth, however, also echoes a cross-cultural fear of women's bodies. Anthropological studies indicate that the issue of ritual pollution has been used in many cultures as evidence of women's inferiority. As James Brain observes, at the same time that 'all bodily emissions are considered polluting/ the physiology of women 'makes them appear more polluted and polluting than men.'34 In a broad range of patriarchal cultures, women's bodily emissions are perceived as fundamentally dangerous because they are signifiers of death. Thus it is not coincidental that witches in various cultures have been accused of using their bodily excretions to bring about the death of their victims, a threat inscribed in Lady Macbeth's association of breast-feeding with murder (I.v.47-8). Although Lady Macbeth is directly associated with the witches in 'direst cruelty' (I.v.43), the profound influence of her murderous ambitions and fantasies on her husband extends beyond even the witches' powers over the natural world. As the witches themselves admit, although they can severely tempt human beings to destruction, their power is in fact limited: Though his [the captain's] bark cannot be lost, / Yet it shall be tempest-tost' (I.iii.24-5). The failure of their temptation of Banquo underscores their role as mere catalysts to Macbeth's crimes. Lady Macbeth's influence, on the other hand, is destructive - the witch/wife is even more terrifying than her androgynous supernatural counterparts. The conflation of witches and abusive wives, and the link between women's bodies and death, are more sensationally dramatized in Marston's Wonder of Women. Just as Lady Macbeth renounces the true calling of her womb in favour of a barren yet insatiable thirst for power, Marston's arch-witch Erichto displays a 'woman's greediness' (V.i.i/})35 for carnal pleasure and dominance. Erichto's terrifying powers are unleashed in the underworld where she performs necrophilic and necrophagous rites, arousing the spectator's dread of the female body's insatiable desires.36 When her deep magic makes forced heaven quake And thunder spite of Jove, Erichto then From naked graves stalks out, heaves proud her head

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 119 With long unkempt hair loaden, and strives to snatch The night's quick sulphur. Then she bursts up tombs, From half-rot cerecloths then she scrapes dry gums For her black rites. But when she finds a corse New graved whose entrails yet not turn To slimy filth, with greedy havoc then She makes fierce spoil and swells with wicked triumph To bury her lean knuckles in her eyes. ... ... But if she find some life Yet lurking close, she bites his gelid lips, And sticking her black tongue in his dry throat, She breathes dire murmurs which enforce him bear Her baneful secrets to the spirits of horror. (IV.i.io6-i6, 118-22)

According to the Malleus Maleficarum, 'all witchcraft comes from carnal lust, which is in women insatiable ... '37 Asserting that 'Love is the highest rebel to our [the witch's] art' (IV.i.iyo), Erichto, echoing Lady Macbeth's stealthy and lurid search for earthly power, seeks her pleasure in the beds of kings. ERICHTO. Know we, Erichto, with a thirsty womb, Have coveted full threescore suns for blood of kings. ... We, in the pride and height of covetous lust, Have wished with woman's greediness to fill Our longing arms with Syphax' [the King of Libya's] well-strung limbs. (V.i.8-9, 13-15)

Erichto's double is Sophonisba, a model of 'female glory, / The wonder of a constancy so fixed / That fate itself might well grow envious' (Prologue, 11. 20-2). Like the ideal wife of the conduct literature Sophonisba is dutiful and submissive, promising her husband Massinissa 'that no low appetite / Of my sex' weakness can or shall o'ercome / Due grateful service unto you or virtue' (1.11.175-7). Sophonisba's 'immense / ... virtue' (V.iii.no-ii) enables her to accept the limits of female intelligence and the value of female silence: ... since affected wisdom in us women Is our sex' highest folly, I am silent. I cannot speak less well, unless I were More void of goodness.

(Il.i.136-9)

12O 'Household Business' Because her husband and Carthage 'owe [i.e., own]' her 'body' (II.i.i4o), Sophonisba 'resolve[s]' out of a sense of 'honour and just faith' (V.iii.96-7) to 'save' her husband (1. 97) by sacrificing her life. She dies, she claims, 'most happy in my husband's arms' (1. 106). II

In the domestic witch plays the danger posed by women who challenge patriarchal authority is perhaps most crudely articulated in The Late Lancashire Witches. In addition to staging topical events (two series of notorious Lancashire witch trials), the play shares the domestic drama's emphasis on conflict between predominantly English characters from the non-aristocratic ranks (in this case, merchants, housewives, a tailor, and a miller). Amid the accusations of and confessions to witchcraft, the dramatists treat farcically a number of folk beliefs about sorcery: magic bridles, a mill haunted by cats, and false apparitions. The maleficia, on the other hand, are portrayed as serious threats, and their supposed practitioners - women who have overthrown the 'wholesome order' and 'governance of ... a house' (IV.i.i866,1861) - are judged as deserving of their punishments by 'lawfull lustice' (Epilogue, 1. 28O3).38 Although the Prologue lays claim to the familiar technique in domestic drama of 'ground[ingl' the action in scenes 'from our owne Nation' (11. 6, 5), the play forsakes historical veracity for theatrical sensationalism. No reference is made to the actual accused women's recorded disavowals of witchcraft, which were credible enough to convince the assize authorities to defer sentencing, in turn prompting Charles I and the Privy Council to initiate an investigation. The play,' writes Herbert Berry, 'represents the case for the prosecution alone.'39 In the final scenes, those who had voiced reasonable doubts about the actuality of witchcraft acknowledge their ignorance. Cross-cultural studies of witchcraft have revealed that while the nature of witch beliefs will often vary from one society to another, two interrelated constants about these beliefs transcend cultural boundaries: 'witches,' argues James Brain, 'represent people's deepest fears about themselves and society, and they represent a reversal of all that is considered normal behavior in a particular society.'40 Prominent among the Lancashire witches' maleficia are their supposed crimes against the orderly family: like Middleton's Hecate they employ 'a plaine Maleficium versus ham' (111.1.1967) to emasculate men and to induce in wives the desire to behave with 'immodesty' (1. 1968). When the home of a

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 121 'respected ... master of a govern'd Family' is disrupted by the women's supposed 'sorcery' (I.i.266-8), the event is described by a neighbour as 'retrograde & preposterous' (1. 273) because it has 'turn'd topsie turvy' (1. 271) the natural hierarchy of relationships within the household: The good man, in all obedience kneels vnto his son, Hee with an austere brow commands his father. The wife presumes not in the daughters sight Without a prepared courtesie. The girle, shee Expects it as a dutie; chides her mother Who quakes and trembles at each word she speaks, And what's as strange, the Maid she dominiers O're her yong mistris, who is aw'd by her. The son to whom the Father creeps and bends, Stands in as much feare of the groome his man.

(11. 276-85)

Observing that the 'foot' has usurped the 'head' (1. 306), another neighbour comments that 'such rare disorder ... / breeds pitty ... ' (11. 286-7). The harshest judgment is reserved for the fictional Mistress Generous, the wife of the most pious and 'Hospita[ble]' neighbour in Lancashire (I.i.2o6). Despite her husband's forgiveness, Mistress Generous refuses to abandon witchcraft, whereupon her husband considers it his Christian duty to 'deliver' her 'Into the hand of Justice' (¥.1.2531-2). Although in the Epilogue the authors disclaim That we for lustices and Judges sit' (1. 2812), asserting that 'Mercy' may still intervene on behalf of the accused (11. 2807-9), Mistress Generous has been implicitly found guilty, and will presumably be damned. None of the plays discussed so far scrutinizes, through its representation of the witch-figure, the subordinate position of women in early modern England. The Witch of Edmonton is unusual in that the dramatists deliberately discredit supernatural causation by treating witchcraft as a complex social construction. With its undertone of pain and bewilderment, the play makes a radical statement about demonology: Elizabeth Sawyer is not an agent of supernatural powers but an individual confronting an entrenched social code that relegates old and poverty-ridden spinsters to the devil's company. Mother Sawyer's tragedy arises from an inextricable link between her persecution and her internalization of the community's brutality: 'Some call me Witch/ she declares, 'And being ignorant of my self, they go / About to teach me how to be one' (II.i.8-io).41 Feeling 'shunn'd / And hated like a sickness: made a scorn

122 'Household Business' / To all degrees and sexes' (II.i.95-7), srie resolves to take revenge against an abusive world since "Tis all one, / To be a Witch, as to be counted one' (11.113-14). When Mother Sawyer finally summons the 'Familiar' or 'devil/ her desire for revenge is a coherent response to the violence she can no longer endure. The play's immediate source is The Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer, a Witch, a pamphlet entered in the Stationers' Register on 27 April 1621 in which Henry Goodcole, chaplain of Newgate prison, records his interviews with Elizabeth Sawyer shortly before her execution. The pamphlet is essentially a tract against the dangers traditionally associated with witchcraft. Elizabeth's answers form a conventional catalogue of the causes and effects of demonology, revealing little about the personality of the woman or the social roots of witchcraft. Dekker, Ford, and Rowley, on the other hand, initially portray Mother Sawyer as knowing nothing about witchcraft. Long before her pact with the Familiar, she is accused of 'Forespeak[ing]' her community's cattle and of 'bewitch[ing] their Corn' and 'their Babes at nurse' (II.i.i2-i3). The villagers blame demonology for the community's economic hardships and for behaviour which poses a disturbing challenge to the patriarchal order. Through desperation Mother Sawyer conforms to society's expectations to the point where she becomes consumed by 'madness' (IV.i.i53). Her madness attests to what William Monter suggests witchcraft itself had become, that is, 'a magical form of violent revenge, practiced by exactly those persons who could not employ physical violence.'42 Marginalized women especially suited this requirement: 'They had many grievances; they wanted revenge; yet recourse to the law often was beyond their economic power, and successful physical violence was beyond their physical power.'43 They gained revenge by arousing their accusers' fear of magic. In response to her suffering and social dislocation, Elizabeth Sawyer adopts a strategy of survival that is also similar to that of early modern revenge heroes. In his study of radical revenge plays, Jonathan Dollimore remarks that 'the disintegrating effects of grief are resisted not through Christian or stoic renunciation of society,' but through 'a vengeful re-engagement with the society and those responsible for that grief.'44 The unorthodox structures of the Mother Sawyer plot locate the roots of witchcraft in the external conditions of class, misogyny, and poverty. The signs which identify Mother Sawyer as an outcast are her age, her gender, her physical deformity, and her poverty, her demise epitomizing what Frank Thorney claims awaits those in her world who 'feel /

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 123 The misery of beggery and want; / Two Devils that are occasions to enforce / A shameful end' (0.17-20). The dark side of rural England is represented by the villagers, including prominent citizens, all of whom exploit Mother Sawyer's outcast status. As Joseph Klaits has demonstrated, in the witch persecutions of the early modern period, 'members of the elites and ordinary folk found a common cause/45 The accusations against Mother Sawyer are initiated by her landlord, Old Banks, who calls her 'Witch' (11.1.17) and 'Hag' (1. 27) and beats her when she refuses to return the 'few rotten sticks' (1. 21) which she has gathered from his property. It is significant that the spectator first sees Mother Sawyer collecting bits of firewood from her landlord's grounds. In England witchcraft trials coincided with the enclosure laws, which 'broke up many of the old co-operative village communities,'46 increasing the numbers of poor people, many of them widowed and elderly, and depriving them of any means of subsistence. When old women evoked the now-dying code of communal sharing by asking their neighbours for help, and were rebuffed, they responded, like Elizabeth Sawyer, with curses. The play's boldest statement about witchcraft, however, is the Anne Ratcliff action, which exploits the popular construction of the witch as a rebellious wife. The episode deals with the supposed bewitchment of Old Ratcliff's wife Anne, which is used to explain her madness and death. The 'bewitchment' takes place moments after the villagers have burned Mother Sawyer's thatch. Exasperated and 'dri'd up / With cursing and with madness' (IV.i. 152-3), Mother Sawyer reminds the Familiar about Anne Ratcliff, 'Who for a little Soap lick'd by ... [Mother Sawyer's] Sow, / Struck, and almost had lam'd it' (11. 169-70). Having been refused charity by Anne Ratcliff, her neighbour, Mother Sawyer had instructed the Familiar to 'pinch that Quean to th' heart' (1. 171). The Dog's 'Look here else' (1. 172) is followed by the stage direction, Enter Anne Ratcliff mad. A number of critics have commented on the ambiguity surrounding Anne's estrangement. Etta Onat points out that Mother Sawyer's Familiar rubs Anne only after she has gone mad, and proposes that 'her suicide might very well have been caused by nothing more than a coincidental madness, not the result of demonic possession at all'; and Michael Hattaway notes that 'the text makes it legitimate to conjecture that ... [Anne's] madness arose independently of the devil's action,' the 'motives for action aris[ing] out of social transactions' while the 'chains of causation are left incomplete.'47 The structural indeterminacy, I believe, crystallizes the

124 'Household Business' interplay between the social and psychological construction of both Mother Sawyer's and Anne Ratcliff's madness. Beneath the surface conflict, the play creates a number of structural parallels between the two characters. To begin with, economic destitution is a source of mental anguish for both women. Just as Mother Sawyer's indigence is responsible for the trespass of her sow, poverty has led Anne Ratcliff to injure the animal. And although the two women are enemies, Anne's jabber about deprivation echoes the cynical perspective which Mother Sawyer has voiced in her claim that there is no justice for the dispossessed: RATC Hoyda! a-pox of the Devil's false Hopper! all the golden Meal runs into the rich Knaves purses, and the poor have nothing but Bran. Hey deny down! Are not you Mother Sawyer? SAWY. No, I am a Lawyer. RATC. Art thou? I prithee let me scratch thy Face; for thy Pen has flea'd off a great many mens skins ... I'll sue Mother Sawyer, and her own Sow shall give in evidence against her. SAWY. Touch her. [Dog rubs her.} (IV.i.i77~86)

Significantly, the Familiar 'rubs' Anne when, like Mother Sawyer, she is railing against the disparity between the rich and the poor. The verbal exchange between the two women underscores their mutual estrangement. Although the Dog touches Anne during her delirium, Mother Sawyer believes that she has induced Anne's madness. The old woman delights in inverting the power structure of her world by fancifully assuming the role of 'Lawyer' to Anne's victimization. As she rails at Anne for being uncharitable - That Jade, that foul-tongu'd whore, Nan Ratcliff (IV.i.i68) - Mother Sawyer denounces her enemy with epithets identical to those which the community had formerly levelled at her, namely 'Jadish' and 'Whore' (IV.i.4, 24). Mother Sawyer in effect strips the married woman of her socially sanctioned identity, taking revenge upon the community that has been responsible for her own alienation. That Anne's derangement has also stemmed from coercion is indicated by the interpolation of society's need to associate women with madness: O. BANK. Catch her [Anne] fast, and have her into some close Chamber: do, for she's as many Wives are, stark mad. (IV.i.i93~4)

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 125 Anne's nameless anxiety, which the community attributes to supernatural causes, is related to a type of 'madness' exhibited by 'many Wives' (1. 94) in the village. Calling for Anne's confinement and Mother Sawyer's execution, the community hopes to temper the unnatural behaviour of all the village women: [COUNTRYMAN] 2. Rid the Town of her [Mother Sawyer], else all our Wives will do nothing else but dance about ... Country May-poles. [COUNTRYMAN] 3. Our Cattel fall, our Wives fall, our Daughters fall, and Maid-servants fall ... (IV.i. 10-13)

Following Anne Ratcliff's suicide, Old Banks spearheads the move 'to burn' Mother Sawyer 'for a Witch' (IV.i.2i5). During her arraignment, however, she is momentarily spared by the intervention of a Justice. In a significant departure from Goodcole's treatment of this event, the dramatists initially stress the Justice's wisdom and compassion in reprehending the villagers for their violent actions, which he labels 'ridiculous' (IV.i.4o) and 'against Law' (1. 51). 'Instead of turning [Mother Sawyer] into a witch,' he warns, 'you'll prove your selves starke Fools' (11. 41-2). The villagers' fury subsides when the Justice insists on treating the old woman with mildness. Mother Sawyer, however, continues to vilify her detractors. When Sir Arthur, a libertine and a schemer, joins the interrogation, she exposes his false rectitude and denounces a concept of honour based on class and privilege: 'Men in gay clothes, whose Backs are laden with Titles and Honours, are within far more crooked then I am; and if I be a Witch, more Witch-like' (IV.i.86-8). Her boldest denunciation is reserved for 'Princes Courts/ where, she claims, are found 'painted things ... / Upon whose naked Paps, a Leachers thought / Acts Sin in fouler shapes then can be wrought' (11. 103-7). Henceforth, the accusations against Mother Sawyer abruptly shift from conspiracy with the devil to insubordination towards the status hierarchy. It is not Mother Sawyer's alleged crimes that secure her execution but her spirited vituperation. In Sir Arthur's words, she has given 'her Tongue gallop' (IV.i.ioo), and according to the Justice she has exhibited 'sawcie[ness]' and 'bitter[ness]' (1. 81). Although the community shares responsibility for Mother Sawyer's death, and although some of the most prominent citizens are themselves guilty of moral backsliding, none of the villagers is punished through any real or symbolic intervention of Divine Providence, as is

126 'Household Business' expected in domestic tragedy. And while in the denouement Mother Sawyer utters the conventional public-repentance speech of the genre (V.iii.5O-i), we infer that in the world of the play she has been condemned irrevocably. In locating the social roots of the witchcraze, The Witch of Edmonton claims a unique position in early modern English drama, the playwrights going beyond not only the analogues but also the pious indictments of both continental and English sceptics. The play's rational perspective had been current in a number of discourses on demonology since the second half of the sixteenth century. This perspective was forcefully articulated by the physician Johann Wier, whose De Praestigiis Daemonum (1563) was published at the time when witch prosecutions in Germany were entering their most intense phase. While not rejecting the reality of witchcraft, Wier claimed that the confessions for which women were being executed were illusions incited either by devils or by melancholia. Wier's misogynist bias, however, is evident in his proposal that women are easier prey than men to the sleights of demons because women are inherently prone to delusion,48 a supposition echoing the long-standing claim for women's credulity. Critiques similar to Wier's were later put forth by Neoplatonists, hermeticists, Paracelsians, and a few neo-Aristotelian commentators, all of whom argued that worship of the devil as practised by sorcery was founded upon illusion and was therefore harmless.49 In England, Reginald Scot cast doubt on the prevalent belief in maleficia by offering non-magical theories of their causes. Dekker, Ford, and Rowley's sympathetic portrayal of Mother Sawyer suggests their possible debt to Scot's The Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584), a widely influential treatise which provoked James I to write his Daemonologie.50 Scot claimed that witchcraft was a myth created by the faithless: The fables of Witchcraft have taken so fast hold and deepe root in the heart of man, that fewe or none can (nowadaies) with patience indure the hand and correction of God. For if any adversitie, greefe, sicknesse, losse of children, corne, cattell, or libertie happen unto them; by & by they exclaime uppon witches.51

For Scot, the persecutions of those believed to be witches conflicted with the Protestant idea of Providence, which held that neither good nor evil can occur without God's will: 'certeine old women heere on earth, called witches, must needs be the contrivers of all mens calam-

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 127 ities, and as though they themselves were innocents, and had deserved no such punishments/52 Scot considered Wier's assertion that melancholia induced women to confess to impossible acts as only one naturalistic cause among others; many aged women, he pointed out, were physically ill and in urgent need of medical and financial assistance, their vulnerability making them easy targets for witchmongers.53 The Witch of Edmonton directly echoes Scot's critique of the persecution of those believed to be witches on the basis that such measures contradict a providentially ordained universe. The play also upholds the scepticism of George Gifford, who in 1593 wrote that legal convictions were founded on doubtful evidence and conjecture, and that the more gruesome the punishments the more people were wont to persecute the innocent.54 By 1621 scepticism had gained widespread acceptance, as is evident from the growing number of accusations both of imposture on the part of those claiming demonic possession and of judicial fraud.55 Whereas Reginald Scot and others had dismissed witchcraft primarily on theological and rational grounds, The Witch of Edmonton exposes the tyranny of the collective law that prohibits behaviour which threatens to destroy the codes that define an individual's social identity. The Mother Sawyer action creates one field of displacement of social and homiletic imperatives by interrogating popular notions of magical causation. The marriage plot or Frank Thorney action locates the witchcraze in the social need to punish those who transgress social boundaries. The two plots are loosely connected by the influence of the supernatural on the protagonists. The marriage plot combines individual tragedy and domestic dissolution with the supposed effects of black magic. Frank Thorney, who has secretly married another woman, yields to familial pressures to marry Susan, the daughter of a rich yeoman, consoling himself with the thought that a wise woman, 'Known and approv'd in Palmestry,' (II.ii.n6) has foretold that he would have two wives. In a sudden demonic impulse, attributed by society to the evil influences of the 'Witch' Sawyer (V.iii.2i~7), Frank kills Susan. The supernatural link between the two plots has been consistently viewed as a melodramatic device which undermines the tragic potential of the events dramatized. George Rao writes that 'the popular belief in witchcraft is made one of the chief reasons for the domestic crime,' Mother Sawyer being 'shown as the source of mischief; and George Herndl complains that in the Frank Thorney plot 'the action is so presented that the motive of the "sin" is hardly felt to lie within the will of the sinner,

128 'Household Business' which is paralyzed by the power of evil/ while in the Mother Sawyer plot 'tragic emotions dwindle into sentimentality/56 A close analysis of the action, however, reveals considerable complexity in the portrayal of the association between witchcraft and domestic crime. The popular explanation for Susan's demise, namely Frank's bewitchment, is undermined by a number of complications, foremost of which is Frank's admission that he is defeated primarily from within. Moreover, we shall see that Susan, the paragon of wifely patience and humility, dies, like Mother Sawyer, at the moment when she is most talkative and assertive. That Mother Sawyer and Susan meet similar ends underscores the general fear of unauthorized female speech, a fear which, we have seen, underlies early modern witchcraft beliefs. The marriage plot explores the relationship between power and gender as it bears upon the witch phenomenon and on notions of ideal domestic conduct. Under profound emotional strain, Frank Thorney commits bigamy rather than disobey the wishes of his father and the community that he marry Susan, whose wealthy family makes her a respectable catch. Rather than confess his clandestine marriage to Winnifride, Sir Arthur's maid, Frank submits to a series of inescapable compromises, indulging in a painful web of lies in order to retain his father's and the world's approval. Frank's inability to reconcile personal and social claims underwrites his murder of Susan, which thematically unifies the two plots. The brutality to which Susan is subjected parallels the violence experienced by Mother Sawyer and, by extension, Anne Ratcliff. Like the conventional patient wife, Susan enters marriage believing a wife's duty is to be passive and solicitous, and above all to yield to her husband's will (II.ii.79-88). Susan's notions of wifely perfection lead her to blame herself for Frank's discontent, a reaction based on a set of conventional moral prescriptions governing conjugal behaviour. When Susan finally thwarts convention by passionately voicing her sexual desire, Frank reproaches her for undermining her role as a 'perfect Embleme of ... modesty' (II.ii.iO4). Her ardent speech on Frank's 'power / To make me passionate as an April-day' (II.ii.89) elicits a startling reply: FRANK. Change thy conceit, I prithee: Thou art all perfection: Diana her self Swells in thy thoughts, and moderates thy beauty. ... ... still as wanton Cupid blows Love-fires, Adonis quenches out unchaste desires.

(II.ii.94~6, 101-2)

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 129 Susan's passion and garrulousness shock and confuse Frank, whose response affirms two quintessential distinctions between female and male virtue: he denies Susan's sexuality by expecting her to be an emblem of chastity, and he upholds the husband's duty to command by instructing his wife in female decorum. Before Susan reveals her passion, Frank cannot even contemplate her death: ... thou art so rare a goodness, As Death would rather put it self to death, Then murther thee. But we, as all things else, Are mutable and changing.

(II.ii.i38-4i)

As a paragon of modesty, Susan is exempt from mutability; as a flesh-and-blood woman, Susan, like Mother Sawyer and Anne Ratcliff, pays dearly for her humanity. Ignoring her husband's command to be silent, Susan importunes him (Il.ii. 107-9) to the point that her prattle makes her an easy victim: 'till this minute/ Frank charges, 'You might have safe returned; now you cannot: / You have dogg'd your own death' (III.iii.37-8). In Frank's claim that Susan has 'dogg'd' her own death, there is a direct association between Susan and carnality as represented by the Dog who courts Mother Sawyer and who independently paws Frank prior to Susan's murder (Ill.iii.i^). Frank instinctively articulates the widespread suspicion that women are inherently disposed towards lust. Woman 'is more carnal than a man,' write the authors of the Malleus Maleficarum, 'as is clear from her many carnal abominations' for which 'there are more women than men found infected with the heresy of witchcraft.'57 Susan dies because she cannot meet Frank's expectations of female virtue, whose cultural construction the play has emphasized. The conclusion of the marriage plot is notable for its resistance to homiletic closure. Lying seriously ill as a result of a self-inflicted wound designed to make others believe he was attacked by Susan's murderers, Frank is overcome with remorse and guilt. He sleeps badly, eats little, and hallucinates about death, for which he longs. Unable to envision a better life, he muses on the possibility of suicide (IV.ii.i9-27). In prison, he is forced to realize that he cannot escape divine justice. His repentance speech (¥.^.134-42), which includes the conventional didactic address to the audience, and which brings about society's forgiveness, conforms to the stock scaffold speeches of domestic tragedy, sharing with them the recognition of 'the justice of earthly punishment.'58 How-

130 'Household Business' ever, Frank's didactic message to the world, namely that individuals should marry for love and not for material gain (V.iii. 107-10), has a hollow ring when juxtaposed with the deep-seated impulses that have provoked Susan's murder. Unlike the heroine of A Woman Killed with Kindness, who 'dies repentant and in hope of heaven,'59 Frank experiences an enduring spiritual malaise which further qualifies his repentance, for only the certainty of death gives him the inner strength to face his punishment.60 The final scenes, moreover, do not bring about a providential cleansing; instead, they highlight society's role in the tragic events we have been witnessing. On his way to Frank's hanging, Susan's grief-stricken father meets Mother Sawyer, who is being executed simultaneously for witchcraft. Without cause, Old Carter blindly accuses her of having been the 'instrument' (V.iii.2i) of Frank's murder of Susan. A few moments later, however, when face to face with Frank, Old Carter acknowledges that social claims have been responsible for his daughter's demise: 'if thou had'st not had ill counsel, thou would'st not have done as thou didst' (11. 116-18). Ironically, the 'ill counsel' to which Old Carter refers is neither palmistry nor witchcraft but his and Old Thorney's enforcement of Frank's marriage to Susan. The marriage plot's complex structures are further clarified if we compare the Frank Thorney action with its analogue, George Wilkins's The Miseries of Enforced Marriage. Both plays open upon a pair of lovers promising to honour the contract per verba praesenti, by means of which they have secretly agreed to be husband and wife in the eyes of God;61 and both trace the husband's fall from bridegroom to bigamist to repentant sinner. Wilkins, however, is chiefly concerned with the evil effects of forced marriage, not with the problematic relationship between character and social law. The two young lovers in The Miseries of Enforced Marriage, William Scarborow and Clare Harcop, are largely mouthpieces for companionate marriage, the betrothal scene celebrating the married couple as having been 'knit by heaven' (I, p. 480). William's subsequent bigamy and Clare's suicide are the tragic consequences of evil guardianship. Clare's suicide precipitates William's desertion of his other wife, Katherine, and his abandonment to a profligate life. William reaches the point where he contemplates murdering Katherine and his children, but his recognition of Katherine's virtue and the news of his evil guardian's death help to bring about his repentance. Before dying, the guardian had realized his cruelty and made appropriate amends by doubling William's inheritance. In the hastily contrived conclusion,

'Retrograde and Preposterous' 131 William and Katherine are reunited, and the play ends in praise of the workings of Providence: BUT[LER]. Heaven ... has his gracious eyes, To give men life, not life-entrapping spies.

(V, p. 575)

In contrast, the deaths of Frank, Susan, Anne Ratcliff, and Mother Sawyer in The Witch of Edmonton stem from the characters' fragmentation, which is portrayed as inextricably linked to social barriers created by class, poverty, and misogyny. Interpreting the marriage code and the witchcraze as manifestations of a pervasive social anxiety, the play exposes the inadequacy of homiletic conclusions in mitigating tragic events.

5

Developments in Comedy

Prodigal Husbands and Patient Wives Between 1600 and 1608 five comedies performed in the public theatres reconstruct the Tudor Prodigal Son plots by focusing on the fall and redemption of profligate husbands and the trials of the patient wife. These comedies also retain the superstructure of domestic tragedy. Alfred Harbage has observed that 'the "homiletic tragedies" in which adultery leads to disaster are overwhelmed ... by what might be called, with equal justice, the "homiletic comedies" where a woman's constancy saves the day/1 How a Man May Choose a Good Wife from a Bad (generally attributed to Thomas Heywood),2 The Fair Maid of Bristow, The London Prodigal, and the two parts of The Honest Whore have as a central character a heroine whose trials counterpose her husband's backsliding. The Griselda archetype is modified in that the wife is now the husband's social equal, and the emphasis is on her sexual fidelity. In addition to the patient wife and prodigal husband (whose gambling and whoring lead to insurmountable bad fortune) two of the plays include a lusty admirer who pursues the patient wife. The virtue of all three characters is tested but only the wife endures the trials, and at the end she humbly receives her just rewards.3 A peripheral figure is one who wields considerable authority (usually a father or a magistrate) and who functions as the wife's protector. In How a Man May Choose a Good Wife From a Bad, the prototype of these plays, the long-suffering Mistress Arthur is subjected to the cruelty of her husband who poisons her in order to please his mistress. The wife is rescued by a suitor who offers to marry her and alleviate her misery, but she remains loyal to her marriage vow of constancy. Her exemplary behaviour, which is assisted by Justice

Developments in Comedy 133 Reason's protective influence, is commended by the community, and the play ends with the reformed prodigal's advice to would-be husbands concerning the merits of patient and self-effacing wives. The prodigal's reformation and the wife's steadfastness are sanctioned by an extensive body of contemporary discourses, which provides instruction to those who would bring dishonour to their families. The prodigal,' writes Andrew Clark, 'compared with his original in the morality plays, is examined less as a general "moral" type than a contemporary social figure ... a transition symptomatic of the change overtaking both society and drama in the period, and already evident in [Wilkins's] The Miseries.'4 An important consequence of the prodigal's eventual conformity to social norms is a considerable monetary reward made possible by the generosity of a rich relative. As in domestic tragedy, however, the comedies treat contemporary social codes neither uniformly nor unequivocally. In some of these plays the tension between drama and the ideology of manners remains largely unalloyed, as it does in How a Man May Choose and to a great extent in The Fair Maid of Bristow. In the latter, the wild prodigal Edward Vallenger is disinherited by his father in order To make him see his sin' (IV.i.6oi),5 and Edward's loyal wife Anabell never wavers in her conjugal fidelity or in her belief that she 'shall have a husband of new birth' (1. 603). Other plays anticipate the impulses of satirical comedy, in particular its overriding interest in sexual transgression within a money economy and in the exposure of folly and hypocrisy, usually of characters from the merchant class. The London Prodigal approaches the cynicism of Jacobean satire in its ambiguous treatment of marriage and the effects of wealth and social climbing. The father, Flowerdale Senior, is a wealthy London merchant who lacks both wisdom and propriety. Assisting his profligate son in scheming to retrieve the son's lost wealth, Flowerdale Senior deceives Sir Lancelot Spurcock (another rich merchant) into believing that a substantial will has been made out to his daughter Luce. Although Luce is promised in marriage to Sir Arthur Greenshield, whom she has vowed to 'affect / ... aboue any shuter' (i.e., 'suitor') (II.iii.i-2),6 the mercenary Lancelot falls into the trap and forces Luce to marry young Flowerdale. The marriage to which the enforcement gives rise critiques the (social) need for the wife's submission at any cost.7 While Luce, for example, resigns herself to having been 'inforced' and 'compelled' to marry by her father (III.iii.i29), she also admits that 'hie heauen doth know, / With what vnwillingnesse I went to Church' (III.iii.i27-8). Moreover, her decision to work towards con-

134 'Household Business' verting her libertine husband rather than annul the marriage is juxtaposed with her sister Delia's equally unremitting preference to remain unmarried. Echoing Julia's misogamy in the 1599 Patient Grissil, Delia boldly refuses to marry, pointing out that 'married life' is far harsher for women than the ideal would suggest: Not that I doe condemne a married life, For tis no doubt a sanctimonious thing: But for the care and crosses of a wife, The trouble in this world that children bring; My vow is in heauen in earth to Hue alone, Husbands, howsoeuer good, I will haue none.

(V.i.463-8)

That Delia has been portrayed as neither lazy nor willful gives credence to her misogamy. And while her scepticism is deflected by the comic ending - the company is called to 'M(aister) Ciuites house' (V.i.473) for a celebratory 'dinner' (1. 471) - her speech against marriage is never contradicted, her would-be-suitor merely resigning himself to the fact that, like many others, Delia 'will Hue a Batcheller too' (1. 469). The two parts of The Honest Whore reveal a more sustained resistance to tidy play-making. Part I, by Dekker and Middleton, is a hybrid domestic play which combines a loose blend of genres within three separate plots, each of which reverses a central motif of domestic comedy. The romance plot, in which a hostile Duke tries to prevent the marriage of his daughter and her suitor, alters the stock situation in which a benign authority figure helps to bring about marital harmony. In the domestic plot the heroine is not the conventional patient wife but the prostitute Bellafront, whose conversion is followed by her marriage to Matheo, the wastrel who originally seduced her. The subject of marriage, however, is relegated almost entirely to the Candido action, or the merchant plot, which also has its separate conflicts and resolutions.8 Taken together, these disparate elements create a drama marked by tentative narrative connections. Hippolito's suit in the romance plot, for example, is only minimally tied to the Bellafront action through his function as the courtesan's instructor in virtue, a role undermined by his role as mad lover of the Duke's daughter Infelice. The Bellafront action's debt to morality drama is often noted. Sylvia Feldman argues that although 'a courtesan is a major character ... she becomes the mankind figure, and the play deals with her regeneration'; and for Harry Keyishian, Bellafront's conversion represents the Victory'

Developments in Comedy 135 of 'traditional morality/9 The play, however, surpasses its morality-patterned analogues through two important modifications: (i) the homiletic significance of Bellafront's progression from sin to reformation is undercut by her sustained passion for Hippolito and by her financially opportunistic marriage to the gamester Matheo;10 (2) in the Candido plot, described in the quarto as being about The Humours of the Patient Man/ homiletics are displaced by humour comedy.11 The Candido action further transforms the patient wife into a patient 'mad-man' (IV.iii.29~3o)12 ridiculed by a shrewish wife who commissions a guller in order to thwart her husband's patience. Elsewhere, I have argued that the Candido action demonstrates a strong debt to Italian popular comedy, in particular the Commedia dell'arte's critique of an unbridled mercantile ethic as embodied by the senile Pantaloon, on whom Candido is modelled. Candido's trials are remarkable for their absurdity; rather than imitating the trials of the patient wife, they expose the merchant as a Pantaloon or comic butt.13 Homiletic, melodramatic, and satirical structures clash in i Honest Whore in such a way that characters who serve as models of ethical conduct are at once venerated and exposed as foolish or mad. The sequel demonstrates a more controlled dramatic interest in the myths surrounding companionate marriage.14 The Bellafront-Matheo action rescues the patient wife and her prodigal husband from a reductive literary and philosophical tradition, the tests of the patient wife becoming the trials of a converted prostitute struggling against both economic deprivation and society's scepticism.15 In the Infelice-Hippolito action, marital conflict is only tentatively resolved, with harmony being gained not through the wife's patience but through her denial of it. INFE[LICE]. Were there no Men, Women might Hue like gods. Guilty my Lord? HIP[POLITO]. Yes, guilty my good Lady. INF. Nay, you may laugh, but henceforth shun my bed, With no whores leauings lie be poysoned. (III.i.i9O-3)16

The pattern of sin, punishment, and redemption dramatized in the prodigal husband action of the analogues is heavily qualified in that Hippolito's adultery is never punished, and neither he nor Matheo is given the prodigal's stock public-apology speech for reprobate behaviour. Hippolito comes close to an apology in his aphorism - "Tis a good

136 'Household Business7 signe when our cheekes blush at ill7 (¥.11.192) - but it is a muted echo of young Flowerdale's confession to his wife in The London Prodigal: ... wonder among wiues! Thy chastitie and vertue hath infused Another soule in mee, red with defame, For in my blushing cheekes is seene my shame ...

(¥.1.320-3)

and of Edward Vallenger's equally rhapsodic 'contryssion' (V.iii.i2O5) in The Fair Maid of Bristow: Sweet beautious lettes, the rauser of my smart, Forget in me what I haue done amisse, And seale my pardon with one balmy kisse My soule repents her lewd impyetie ...

(V.iii. 1193-6)

Although Matheo's transgressions are redeemed in the end by his wife's patience and by the generosity of her father, Dekker alters the homiletic formula by having the prodigal remain silent during the remainder of the play. And while Matheo and Hippolito are pardoned, something of the ruthless remains in both characters. The Household, the Brothel, and the House of Correction Underlying the comic admixtures of the Honest Whore plays is an impulse which Northrop Frye ascribes to 'ironic comedy/ both classical and Renaissance, namely a 'tendency ... to ridicule and scold an audience assumed to be hankering after sentiment, solemnity, and ... approved moral standards/17 In addition to modifying the themes of patience and prodigality, the plays' textual strategies involve the scrutiny of another fundamental topos of domestic drama, namely the cult of hospitality as practised within sumptuous domestic spaces. We have seen how domestic tragedies exploit what Henry Wotton describes as 'the Theater of ... Hospitality, the Seate of Selfe-fruition,' which governs 'every Mans proper Mansion House and Home.'*8 In domestic comedy, hospitality becomes the sine qua non of the ideal householder's active virtue. The genre echoes a vast body of literature depicting hospitality as a duty sanctioned both by classical authorities and the biblical injunction, 'Be not forgetful to entertain strangers: for thereby some have entertained angels unawares' (AV, Hebrews 13:2).19 In How a Man May

Developments in Comedy 137 Choose hospitality deflects the adversity which the virtuous wife experiences at the hands of her cruel husband. Mistress Arthur maintains a decorous household despite her spouse's infidelities, her neighbourliness attenuating her suffering. The wife's hospitality also upholds the Christian household's obligation of neighbourliness to the poor: 'men/ she exclaims, 'though they be poor, / Should not be scorn'd' (ii, p. 85), her charity preserving the family's honour through the expression of good will towards others.20 Through hospitality the patient wife can transform the household into a private sanctuary. But as we saw in A Woman Killed with Kindness open-handed hospitality, offered to friends and family or to passers-by, is not only a Christian but also a social obligation. In the early modern period, notes Felicity Heal, hospitality becomes 'a household activity, emanating from the domus and concerned with the dispensing of those goods best afforded by it - food, drink and accommodation.'21 John Taylor, the water-poet, defines the hospitable household as the supreme sign of the 'worthy' British gentleman and wife, whose noblesse oblige is determined by the number of guests they can accommodate, as well as by the variety of the entertainment and the quantity of the provisions they dispense free of charge. Suppose ten, fifteene, or twenty men and horses come to lodge at their house, the men shall have flesh, tame and wild-fowle, fish, with all varietie of good cheere, good lodging, and welcome; and the horses shall want neither hay or provender; and at the morning at their departure, the reckoning is just nothing. This is the worthy gentlemans use, his chiefe delight being only to give strangers entertainement gratis.22

Hervet's translation (1534) of Xenophon's description of the householder's duties underscores in similar terms the social obligation to be generous to many: ... ye must nedes make many feastes and many great bankettes, or the people will scante abyde the syght of you. More ouer ye must receive into your houses many strangers, and intreate them honorably, keping good hospitalitee. Furthermore, ye must byd many men to dyner, and do them some pleasure, or elles at your nede, ye shall haue no manne to helpe you.23

Although ideally hospitality is to be exercised by individuals from all social classes, it is also an important indicator of social status. In The

138 'Household Business' Gentile Sinner Clement Ellis defines the model host who keeps 'Hospitality his Housekeeper, Providence his Steward, Charity his Treasurer' as a nobleman or gentleman.24 By the sixteenth century hospitality becomes identified with the gentry's and citizens' imitation of courtliness. As a social obligation, hospitality is an expression of courtesy and civility. Early modern definitions of hospitality frequently conflate it with courtesy, so that hospitality signifies not only 'generosity, benevolence, goodness' but also 'courtly elegance and politeness of manners' (OED). Anxious to sustain her role as model housewife and neighbour, Mistress Arthur in How a Man May Choose instructs her servants in deference as she awaits her distinguished guests: There was a curtsy! let me see't again; / Ay, that was well' (Ill.iii, p. 54). Completely lacking in irony, these scenes show the wife trusting the security of her marriage entirely to heaven, her chief concern being propriety and good manners: she worries, for example, that her 'guests will come / Ere we be ready' and that a servant 'cannot keep his fingers from the roast' (Ill.iii, pp. 54-5). 'Hospitality,' Wotton reminds his readers, is also 'a kinde of priuate Princedome' which 'may well deserve ... according to the degree of the Master, to be ... delightfully adorned.'25 Wotton's definition of hospitality as an expression of the sumptuous household's adornment further associates hospitality with prosperity. John Gore, the rector of Wendenlofts in Essex, explained in a sermon preached at Paul's Cross that inward and outward prosperity are entirely compatible: while 'it is a blessing to have the grace of the Spirit and to prosper inwardly,' it is also 'a great blessing to have the wealth of the world and to prosper outwardly.'26 How a Man May Choose, like A Woman Killed with Kindness, constructs the prosperous English household according to the measure of 'extent and variety'of hospitality27 Mistress Arthur's neighbourliness is facilitated by the expensive provisions and furnishings that attest to her elevated social status. MRS ART. Come, spread the table; is the hall well-rubb'd? The cushions in the windows neatly laid? The cupboard of plate set out? the casements stuck With rosemary and flowers? the carpets brush'd? MAID. Ay, forsooth, mistress. MRS ART. Look to the kitchen-maid, and bid the cook take down the oven-stone, [lest] the pies be burned ... MAID. Yes, forsooth, mistress.

Developments in Comedy 139 MRS ART. Where's that knave Pipkin? bid him spread the cloth. Fetch the clean diaper napkins from my chest, Set out the gilded salt, and bid the fellow Make himself handsome, get him a clean band. (Ill.iii, p. 54)

In Tilney's Flower of Friendship (1573) the Lady Julia warns that the married woman 'must be ... verye carefull, and circumspect of hir good name'; the 'chiefest way ... to preserve and maintaine this good fame, is to be resident in hir owne house. For an honest woman in sobernes, keping well hir house, gayneth thereby great reputation ../ With respect to her 'huswifery/ it must 'be well done ... even in thinges of least importaunce/28 A great deal of the action of How a Man May Choose revolves around the preparation of meals. Cooking, writes Lu Emily Pearson, 'like ornate architecture or elaborate dress or anything else that might impress one's acquaintances with a display of wealth/ became in the early modern period an important sign of social rank.29 In The English Hus-Wife (1615) Gervase Markham advises the female reader to develop and refine 'her skill in Physicke, Cookery, Banqueting-stuffe, Distillation ... Baking, and all other things belonging to an Household/ skills which attest to the 'inward and outward vertues which ought to be in a compleat woman/30 As early as the fifteenth and as late as the seventeenth century, class differences in what people consumed, and especially in what they ate, became more important than geographical differences. Meat, for example, such as that being prepared by Mistress Arthur's servants for Justice Reason and other wealthy guests (Ill.iii, pp. 54-5), was costly and not readily available, its consumption linked with the households of the privileged classes.31 The relation between prosperity, neighbourly reciprocity, and social status is explored in an earlier, 'peripherally domestic'32 comedy, The Two Angry Women of Abington (c. 1598). From the outset the married couples try to outdo one another in courtesy. The dialogue emphasizes the preoccupation with 'quittance/ 'debt/ and 'disbursement]/ throwing into relief the burdens and anxieties underlying 'familiar neighbourhood': GOURSEY. Good Master Barnes, this entertain of yours, So full of courtesy and rich delight, Makes me misdoubt my poor ability In quittance of this friendly courtesy. BARNES. O Master Goursey, neighbour amity

140 'Household Business' Is such a jewel of high-reckoned worth, As for the attain of it, what would not I Disburse: it is so precious in my thoughts. ... ... truly I esteem Mere amity, familiar neighbourhood, The cousin-german unto wedded love. ... MRS GOURSEY. O, Master Barnes ... ... 'tis we that are Indebted to your kindness for this cheer, Which debt, that we may repay, I pray let's have Sometimes your company at our homely house.

(Li. 1-8, 16-18, 32-6)33

In the denouement, the conflicts provoked by the anxieties attending debt are displaced by the trope of 'good will7 (V.v.2898), the characters heeding Sir Ralph's 'courte[ous]' invitation (1. 2861) to 'rejoice' at 'dinner time' as his 'promised guests' and at his expense (11. 2854-60). The trope also informs the final scenes of How a Man May Choose, The Fair Maid of Bristow, and The London Prodigal, in which the reconciliations between husbands and wives include the reaffirmation of their goodwill towards their communities. The Honest Whore plays configure a more problematic link between the various tropes of civility and domesticity. In Part I, the Candido action builds on the parallel between the merchant's home and Bellafront's (bawdy) house, a parallel that has been ignored in critical assessments of the play. Peter Ore suggests that Part I achieves dramatic unity in that 'the converted shrew of the Candido scenes matches the converted courtesan of the Bellafront scenes'; and RJ. Palumbo argues for a 'thematic contrast between Candido and Bellafront' on the basis that Candido's role as an ideal tradesman and husband enhances the social order, while Bellafront's 'function - prostitute - is part of a custom that brings social disorder/34 The contrast along moral lines between the Candido and Bellafront actions is dramatically tidy, and obfuscates the more unsettling correspondences which link the sale of flesh with the sale of cloth. Both Candido and Bellafront ply a trade, and both consider human interaction in terms of how it furthers their economic ends. The scene immediately following Candido's sale of a penny's worth of cloth to the gullers introduces Bellafront who is described by a courtier in terms of linen: 'A skin, your satten is not more soft, nor lawne whiter' (II.i.i72). The prostitute's trade is similar to the merchant's in that Bellafront must also comply with the demands of her customers.

Developments in Comedy 141 In order to prosper Bellafront would please the devil himself 'Could the diuel put on a humane shape' (II.i.34i); and Candido, who declares that he 'meanes to thriue/ avows that he would 'please the diuell, if he come to buy' (I.v.i27~8). 'Hospitality/ writes Daryl Palmer, 'encourages a benign description of the world, even as it supports strategies of exploitation/35 In both Candido's and Bellafront's houses the bond between host and guest fosters economic prosperity through exploitation. Like the courtesan, Candido extends hospitality to those who can advance his wealth and prestige. We learn, for example, that Candido has 'vppon a time inuited home to his house certaine Neapolitane lordes of curious taste, and no meane pallats, coniuring his wife ... to prepare cheere fitting for such honourable trencher-men' (I.iv.25-8); while they waited, he 'entertained the lordes, and with courtly discourse beguiled the time' (1. 33). Although we never see Candido turning anyone away, his courtesy is never extended to the less fortunate, even though his trade is among the most prosperous.36 Candido's selective hospitality accords with the anxiety surrounding friendship and courtesy in the early modern age as not entirely guaranteed by affective feelings but by external influences such as wealth, social position, and family objectives.37 In a striking juxtaposition, the scene in which Candido invites his wealthy customers to dinner (Part I, I.v.23O-i) is immediately followed by Bellafront seated at her toilet preparing to receive her 'guests' (II.i.46). On one hand, the bawdy exchange between pimp and whore parodies the motif of the 'lady at her toilette' commonly found in Renaissance iconography and lyric poetry, in which an eroticized female figure is seated in her closet at her dressing table, gazing at her beauty and grace.38 Formerly places of devotion, small rooms divided by a 'doore' (10.44), as is Bellafront's closet, were beginning to assume a distinctly secular value.39 While witnessing the prostitute at her toilette, the audience is treated to an elaborate tableau of her private chambers, the brusque, energetic dialogue between whore and pimp further parodying the activities and rituals that attend private space. Enter Roger with a stoole, cushin, looking-glasse, and chafing-dish. Those being set downe, he pulls out of his pocket, a violl with white cullor in it, and two boxes, one with white, another red painting ... Enter Bellafront not full ready, without a gowne, shee sits downe, with her bodkin curies her haire, cullers her lips. BELL. Wheres my ruffe and poker you block-head?

142 'Household Business' ROG. Your ruffe, and your poker, are ingendring together vpon the cup-bord of the Court, or the Court-cup-bord. BELL. Fetch'em: Is the poxe in your hammes, you can goe no faster? ... ROG. Thers your ruffe, shall I poke it? BELL. Yes honest Roger, no stay: pry thee good boy, hold here ... Pox on you, how doest thou hold my glasse? ROG. Why, as I hold your doore: with my fingers. ... BELL. Gods my pittikins, some foole or other knocks. ROG. Shall I open to the foole mistresse? ... BELL. ... hee shall serue for my breakefast, tho he goe against my stomack. (II.i.i5-56)

The popular typology of camaraderie and hospitality between householders, servants, and guests is invested with grotesque overtones in the racy dialogue, grounding Bellafront's trade in a world of exchange and barter in which the prostitute and her 'guests' cannibalize one another - 'hee shall serue for my breakefast, tho he goe against my stomack' (1. 56). Like the linendraper, the courtesan is 'hospitable' in order to meet her material needs. The domus is not a fixed point of virtue and stability it has become a site of economic exchange and reciprocity. The link between merchant and whore is common in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century satirical and courtly literature; one of the earliest examples is found in Giovanni della Casa's Galateo Ovvero de Costumi (1558), in which the harlot is anxious to hawk her wares and sell them at a good price.40 The alliance between household and brothel is also found in the comedy of the Italian Cinquecento, when perspective scenery was introduced. The Venetian architect and designer Sebastiano Serlio (1475-1554) writes that the domestic dwellings in comedies should be those of 'personaggi privati, come saria di cittadini, avocati, mercanti, parasiti, & altre simili persone' (private persons, such as citizens, lawyers, merchants, parasites, and other similar people); street scenes are also suitable for comedy, and a brothel clearly demarcated must be located immediately adjacent to the door of the smallest and nearest citizen's house, together with a church, an inn, and shops. Further specifications indicate practical windows and balconies, facilitating numerous sexual encounters.41 In i Honest Whore the link between household and shop, and between household and brothel, posits a similar assault on notions of civility and the ideal marriage. Moving rapidly from household to household, the

Developments in Comedy 143 plots converge in Bedlam which is described as a 'house' (V.ii.ioS) and in which Bellafront is referred to as a 'huswife' (1. 300). All of the couples are reunited in marriage, a dramatic convention severely undercut by the setting.42 The couples solidify their marriage vows in Bedlam because, according to Matheo, 'none goes to be married till he be starke mad' (V.ii.35). The spoof on married love is sustained in Candido's panegyric in praise of Patience as 'the sap' of spiritual 'blisse' (V.ii.5i2), an utterance whose homiletic import is undermined by its reductio ad absurdum to 'the hunny gainst a waspish wife' (1. 514). Finally, as a portrait of a world 'vpside downe' (IV.iii.63) tne asylum scene casts doubt upon the Duke's cheerful pronouncement that 'henceforth' everyone will find 'happinesse' and 'be blest' because 'Our families shall ... breath[el in rest' (V.ii.39i-2). Paralleling the retreat to Bedlam at the end of i Honest Whore, the denouement of Part II subjects the spectator to a tour of yet another 'house,' this time Bridewell, the notorious House of Correction. On the surface, the Bridewell scene appears to lack proportion in that it ends the play without appropriate attention to the central characters, who are almost forgotten amid the Duke's arraignment of all the prostitutes in the city.43 Yet the obtrusion of the irrepressible 'whores' and their pimp, who are pursued by constables and 'Beadles, one with Hempe, the other with a Beetle' (a 'pestle or mallet for pounding, mashing' [OED]) (s.d., V.ii.2i4), serves both to blur the melodramatic effect of the final act and to highlight class tensions at the very moment when the patient wife is garnering her rewards for virtue. 'Domestic comedy,' writes Northrop Frye, 'is usually based on the Cinderella archetype ... the incorporation of an individual very like the reader into the society aspired to by both, a society ushered in with a happy rustle of bridal gowns and banknotes.'44 Bridewell, with its emphasis on unruliness, repression, and toil, is an inversion of the idealized society towards which domestic comedy typically leads. A professional writer who was imprisoned for debt in the Poultry Counter in 1598, and in the King's Bench Prison from 1613 to 1620, Dekker goes beyond the conventional stage practice of depicting Bridewell as merely of topographical interest.45 2 Honest Whore atypically portrays the House of Correction as a jail for the punishment of those who transgress social codes. In A Survey of London (1603) John Stow had stressed the cooperation between the aristocracy and the citizens in the creation of Bridewell, the 'sundrie well disposed' citizens' 'good and charitable prouisions ... for the poore' contributing to a well-run oper-

144 'Household Business' ation.46 Dekker's guard praises in similar terms the orderliness and sense of purpose with which the inmates set about their daily tasks: 'All here are but one swarme of Bees/ he boasts, 'and striue / To bring with wearied thighs honey to the Hiue' (V.ii.35-6). But at the same time as the guard articulates the popular view of Bridewell's inception, he makes an unexpected disclosure: 'Fortune can tosse the World, a Princes Court / Is thus a prison now' (V.ii.i6-i7). The equation of Bridewell with prison is a notable departure from Stow, as is the extensive description of the types of punishment to which all inmates are subjected regardless of their offence: The sturdy Begger, and the lazy Lowne, Gets here hard hands, or lac'd Correction. The Vagabond growes stay'd, and learnes to 'bey, The Drone is beaten well, and sent away. As other prisons are, (some for the Thiefe, Some, by which vndone Credit gets reliefe From bridled Debtors; others for the poore) So this is for the Bawd, the Rogue, and Whore.

(V.ii.37-44)

Unlike the wholesome picture of the workhouse drawn by Stow, 'wherein a great number of vagrant persons be now set a worke, and relieued at the charges of the cittizens,'47 Dekker's tour of Bridewell exposes not only the prison atmosphere but also the ineffectualness of the 'work' ethic practised there. The problem is foregrounded in the exchange between the aristocrats and the rebellious prostitute Dorathea Target: DUKE. Why is this wheele borne after her? I. MASTER. She must spinne. DOR. A coorse thred it shall be, as all threds are. ASTO[LFO]. If you spin, then you'll earne money here too? DOR. I had rather get halfe a Crowne abroad, then ten Crownes here. ... INFAE[LICE]. Doest thou not weepe now thou art here? DOR. Say yee? weepe? yes forsooth ... doe you not heare how I weep? Sings. (V.ii.289-94, 296-8)

Dorathea's spirited insubordination demonstrates the failure of one of the chief aims of the early modern House of Correction, namely to

Developments in Comedy 145 render the labour of idle individuals socially beneficial.48 The new use of the workhouse as a prison was a radical departure from existing practices which derived from the belief that rehabilitation was achievable simply by the deterrent loss of individual liberty. Bridewell, writes Michel Foucault, came to possess 'not only the aspect of a forced labor camp, but also that of a moral institution responsible for punishing, for correcting a certain moral "abeyance" which ... cannot be corrected by the severity of penance alone/49 Instead of witnessing the reformation of the Bridewell inmates which ideally should result from the 'Charitable vse' (V.ii.53) to which they are put, the audience is forced to take stock of the various punitive mechanisms regularly used by beadles: 'the whip' (V.ii.47); 'the Anuill' (1. 51); 'blowes' (1. 52); the 'Bason' (a piece of cast-iron) (s.d., V.ii.367); the 'blue Gowne7 ('the dress of ignominy for a harlot' [OED]); 'Chalke and ... Mallet' (s.d., V.ii.3i2). Carolo's quip - 'An excellent Teeme of Horse7 (V.ii.45) - underscores the dehumanizing punishments that prevail here. Demonstrating a willingness to obey only after they have submitted to 'beat[ings]7 and 'lac'd Correction7 (i.e., whipping, usually at the tail of a cart) and having acquired 'hard hands,7 the inmates are thereupon released.50 The discrepancy between the official view of Bridewell and the coercive place which Dekker reveals it to be, is reinforced in the guard's sceptical reply to Infelice's claim that Bridewell 'should make euen Lais honest7 (¥.11.254). Suddenly confessing doubt about the universal value of prison, the guard admits to the general failure of its practices: Some it turrtes good, But (as some men whose hands are once in blood, Doe in a pride spill more) so, some going hence, Are (by being here) lost in more impudence ... (V.ii.254-7; emphasis added)

The guard's misgivings belie his former maxim that 'Here Prouidence and Charity play such parts, / The House is like a very Schoole of Arts' (V.ii.28-9).51 Dekker's critique of the ethical imperative of punishment forestalls the conventional melodramatic ending of the marriage plot. As early as Act II, Bellafront had attributed her prodigal husband's 'wilde ... behauiour' (11.1.49) not only to a predisposition to vice, as is customary in domestic comedy, but also to his having been 'spoyld (i.e., "ruined" [OED]) by prison/ where 'he's halfe damned comes there' (1. 50). The

146 'Household Business7 prototypes of the prodigal husband - Young Arthur in How a Man May Choose, Mat Flowerdale in The London Prodigal, and Edward Vallenger in The Fair Maid of Bristow - are wastrels and profligates who reject their families, and whom Providence punishes with insurmountable ill fortune, but their reformation prevents any actual experience in prison. Amid the Bridewell setting, Bellafront reaps her rewards for patience: like her counterparts in the play's analogues she is reunited with her husband, beginning life anew with the blessing of the Duke and with a handsome financial reward from her father. The social elevation of the couple contrasts sharply with the poverty and petty crimes for which the other Bridewell inmates have been incarcerated, underscoring the contradictions in Bellafront's 'new' world. The Duke's pronouncement, in the concluding lines of the play, that the city of London shall be a 'Spheare' of 'patience' and virtue (V.ii.495, 494) is a standard comic vehicle through which the old society is replaced with a renewed and healthier one. In counterpoint to the Duke's festive tone, the events in Bridewell have revealed a world of repression and chance - a world in which justice is arbitrarily dispensed, and in which those whose crime is to be poor and idle are punished and forced to perform dehumanizing tasks for their livelihood. Whereas the final scenes of domestic comedy typically end in celebration of the reunited couples amid 'ioyfull mirth,' 'sportfull houres' (Faire Maide of Bristow, V.iii.i2i4, 1224) and 'feast[ing]' (The London Prodigal, V.i.443), the tragic tone of the Bridewell and Bedlam episodes in The Honest Whore plays casts doubt upon the widespread social regeneration promised by the Duke.

Epilogue

When The Late Lancashire Witches was published in 1634 domestic drama was already in decline. The waning of the genre's popularity coincides with widespread changes in dramatic fashion and taste, and with increasing social stratification.1 Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, those plays specifically concerned with domestic conflict increasingly conform to the popular drama of manners with its emphasis on the illicit love duel. In the drama of the Restoration, domestic themes are subsumed within the satirical game of love. The satire revolves around marriage as the catalyst of disorder, although in the end characters usually forgo intrigue in favour of the status quo. The principal character is the rake (a distant relative of the prodigal husbands of early domestic drama) who scorns the constraints of marriage, but usually has the good sense to know when the game must be abandoned. A different type of 'domestic play' appears with English Sentimental Comedy. In reaction against the code of illicit love reflected in the drama of manners, which, in the words of Jeremy Collier in his celebrated attack on the English stage, 'rewarded debauchery/ 'ridiculed virtue and learning,' and was 'disserviceable to probity and religion,'2 English Sentimental Comedy revolves around didactic, sentimental vignettes of family life. In Richard Steele's The Conscious Lovers (1722), a prototype of the new domestic comedy, the hero is conscientious and morally faultless; he scorns cupidity and is kind to his servants. He is guided by an unfailing sense of honour and is above earthly passions, as evidenced by the personal sacrifice that he endures for the sake of his family's reputation. Although he loves the heroine, Indiana, he resolves to please his parents by marrying Lucinda, a decision agreed to by the equally noble Indiana. Sentimental Comedy, which is closely related to the French comedie

148 'Household Business' larmoyante, consistently sacrifices dramatic complexity for didacticism. The genre develops alongside the new domestic tragedies of Edward Moore, George Lillo, and Nicholas Rowe, who, like their early modern counterparts, alter the basic paradigm of heroic tragedy by making commoners - in this case middle-class characters - the protagonists of their plays. Lillo's The London Merchant (1731) inspired G.E. Lessing in Germany to write Miss Sara Sampson (1755) in his attempt to liberate German theatre from neoclassicism and to inspire middle-class tragedy. Although unequivocally didactic, The London Merchant contains the dramatically rich portrait of Millwood, the scornful but generous and witty prostitute who recalls the spirited heroines of the earlier English domestic plays. Millwood's bold pronouncements on the determining force of necessity upon personal desire echo the recalcitrance of Alice Arden, Bellafront, and Elizabeth Sawyer. During the French Enlightenment domestic tragedy is reformulated in the plays and dramatic theories of Denis Diderot. Applying the term 'tragedie domestique et bourgeoise'3 to his plays and to those of his predecessors, Moore and Lillo, whom he praises for heralding the new drama, Diderot distinguishes three characteristics of eighteenth-century domestic drama: (i) it must be serious, its subject morally significant, and the intrigue simple, domestic, and close to real life; (2) character must always be subordinate to plot; (3) the action must express pathos and inspire sentiment.4 Diderot praises Moore's Gamester, which he translated, and Lillo's London Merchant in particular for incorporating these important dramatic principles, and applauds the manner in which the authors treat domestic and social problems in didactic, sentimental scenes leading to happy resolutions. For Diderot, the basic function of the 'domestic theatre' is to perpetrate bourgeois values, the measure of a dramatist's success being the ability to flatter the audience. In an essay on dramatic language Diderot writes that the playwright's duty is to instruct the spectator, who must never be led to question the bourgeois order: Tout doit etre clair pour le spectateur. Confident de chaque personnage, instruit de ce qui s'est passe et de ce qui ce passe; il y a cent moment ou Ton n'a rien de mieux a faire que de lui declarer nettement ce qui se passera. [All must be clear to the spectator, who must anticipate the fate of each character and be instructed in all that has passed and all that shall come to pass on stage. There must be many instances in which the spectator has nothing better to do than to anticipate what shall transpire.]5

Epilogue 149 Diderot's is not a theatre interested in challenging the audience's expectations: 'que les spectateurs s'avancent au denouement sans s'en douter' (the spectators must proceed to the resolution without ever doubting their own judgments).6 At the same time that Diderot does not wish to disturb the spectator's complacency, we detect a note of condescension towards the audience that must be protected from complexity and ambiguity. In Diderot's enthusiasm for the domestic plays of his English predecessors, he is conspicuously silent about the early modern drama. One possible reason for the neglect is that Diderot's theatre, as Michel Grivelet suggests, is much less domestic than it is bourgeois.7 Diderot is interested neither in portraying character dialectically nor in scrutinizing the ideology of bourgeois domesticity, but in attaching importance to characters and sentiments which have been absent from the French stage. The domestic situation, notes Grivelet, has less intrinsic value for Diderot than does the social status of the characters (merchant, judge, lawyer, politician, citizen, magistrate, and so on).8 By populating the stage with 'fathers, husbands, sisters, brothers,'9 Diderot hopes to instruct in social conduct the class that now exerts power and influence. What Diderot's 'domestic and bourgeois theatre' does challenge, however, is the legitimacy of the aristocratic order which his audience is engaged in displacing. The complex dramaturgy that informs early modern domestic drama more closely approximates the theatre of Ibsen and Arthur Miller than it does English Sentimental Comedy or the derivative theatre of Diderot. In A Dolls House Torvald Helmer recalls the self-satisfied husbands of domestic tragedy whose marriages, like those of George Sanders and Master Arden, break down when their wives realize that marriage has forfeited their agency. Nora rejects her life as a 'doll-child,'10 denying the concept of the mulier economica. During her struggle to sustain the secret payments to Krogstad, Nora realizes that she must reject the notion of female self-denial: NORA. ... It has been by no means easy for me to meet my commitments punctually ... there is something that is called, in business, quarterly interest, and another thing called payment in instalments, and it is always so dreadfully difficult to manage them. I have had to save a little here and there, where I could ... I haven't been able to put aside much from my housekeeping money, for Torvald likes good food ... Last winter I was lucky enough to get a lot of copying to do; so I locked myself up and sat writing every evening until quite late at night. Often I was desperately

150 'Household Business' tired; but all the same it was a tremendous pleasure to sit there working and earning money. It was like being a man. (I, pp. 14-15) Nora's struggle teaches her to value not patience but activity and independence, values traditionally associated with men. When Nora finally reproaches her husband, her words attest to her realization: 'I have waited so patiently for eight years; for goodness knows, I knew very well that wonderful things don't happen every day ... As I am now, I am no wife for you' (III, pp. 70-1). Nora rejects Torvald's definition of her as 'Before all else ... a wife and a mother' (III, p. 68); and in her claim 'that before all else I am a reasonable human being' (III, p. 70) she echoes an earlier defiance of a misogynist tradition that denies to woman the capability of reason and requires her to submit to the will of men. The construction of the patient wife is also exploited in Miller's Death of a Salesman. Most of the action takes place in Willy and Linda Loman's tiny frame house. Willy Loman, a distant counterpart of the erring husband in early English domestic drama, is married to a dutiful and solicitous wife whom he has betrayed. Linda's patience, however, is shown to be as destructive as Willy's dream of success; and Linda's importunities, like Susan's in The Witch of Edmonton, cannot in the end redeem her husband from himself. A similar pattern informs Ibsen's The Wild Duck, whereby Hjalmar Ekdal's struggle derives from the tension between a comfortable life of illusion, represented by his elegant house, and his dream of art and freedom, represented by the wild duck. Smug, well fed, and complacent in his domestic comfort, Hjalmar fills his ennui with the vague and unsubstantial dream of being a great inventor, from which he awakens into despair. The affirmation of one's selfworth, which Miller sees as 'the underlying struggle ... of the individual' seeking to acquire a '"rightful" position' in the world, is, he argues, at the heart of tragedy, including those plays whose protagonists are from the common ranks: 'No tragedy can ... come about when its author fears to question absolutely everything, when he regards any institution, habit or custom as being either everlasting, immutable or inevitable.'11 In domestic tragedy, the site of that struggle is the family, the institution from which the struggle 'extends itself ... into society ... broach[ing] those questions of social status, social honor and recognition, which expand its vision and lift it out of the merely particular toward the fate' of an entire culture.12 Ibsen and Miller, of course, are not the only modern dramatists who

Epilogue 151 have exploited the themes and structures of early modern domestic drama. Other playwrights, among them Caryl Churchill, Tennessee Williams, and Eugene O'Neill, have also contributed to the genre's reconstitution in the twentieth century. Long Day's Journey Into Night especially warrants mention here because the power of the tragedy derives largely from O'Neill's intense focus on the domus. The latter is persistently threatened by fog, which throughout the play presses thickly against the window-panes. A foghorn is heard at intervals, alerting us to the family's fate. The haunting sound of the foghorn underscores the emptiness of the interior set. The play opens on the 'living room of the Tyrones' summer home / 8:30 A.M. of a day in August, 1912'; at the rear of the set are two double doorways with portieres. The one at right leads into a front parlor with the formally arranged, set appearance of a room rarely occupied. The other opens on a dark, windowless back parlor, never used except as a passage from living room to dining room.13

The action unfolds before the doorways, in the shabby living room which holds a 'small bookcase' (s.d., I, p. 11) filled with important books. The Tyrone family acts out their despair in the mid-region between the bright and formal exterior which is the front parlour, and the darkness of the inner room. The characters confront themselves and one another, gradually wearing away at the protective veneer of their lives until each faces her or his own tragic destiny and that of the others with a measure of tolerance and pity. Mary Cavan Tyrone describes the tragic consequences awaiting those who cling to idealism and illusion: 'None of us can help the things life has done to us. They're done before you realize it, and once they're done they make you do other things until at last everything comes between you and what you'd like to be' (Il.i, p. 61). The facility with which we may locate the literary roots of a modern dramatic tradition suggests that there is much to recommend the earlier domestic play to the age in which we live.

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Notes

Introduction 1 Thomas Heywood, A Woman Killed with Kindness, ed. R.W. Van Fossen. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 2 A Warning for Fair Women, ed. Charles Dale Cannon. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 3 Thomas Heywood, An Apology for Actors, 1612, sigs. B3r, Gir. Heywood elsewhere plays on the double meaning: in The Rape ofLucrece, p. 175, and in The Captives (see epigraph, above), p. 53. 4 Heywood, Apology, sig. Gir. 5 Heywood, Apology, sigs. B5v, Gir. 6 Collier, The History of English Dramatic Poetry to the time of Shakespeare: and Annals of the Stage to the Restoration, vol 3, p. 49. 7 In A Warning for Fair Women, for example, we are told that the tragedy is both 'well knowne' (Prologue, 1. 96) and 'true' (Epilogue, 1. 2729). On the documentary texture of the murder plays see Doran, Endeavors of Art, p. 143; Sturgess, Introduction, Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, pp. 8-9; and Gurr, Playgoing in Shakespeare's London, pp. 112 and 143-4. All extant and lost domestic plays are surveyed in Andrew Clark, Domestic Drama, vol 2, pp. 382ff. 8 Ward, Preface, A Woman Killed with Kindness, p. xiii. 9 Powell, English Domestic Relations, 1487-1653, p. 192, n. i. Velte observed that 'simple direct accounts of tragic occurrences' are situated 'in the homes of ordinary citizens' (The Bourgeois Elements in the Dramas of Thomas Heywood, p. 101); Cromwell considered 'the common relations of family life' essential to the action (Thomas Heywood: A Study in the Elizabethan Drama of Everyday Life, p. 73); and Arthur M. Clark characterized the

154 Notes to pages 4-6 genre as 'that body of plays which centres in the home and the institution of the family' (Thomas Heywood: Playwright and Miscellanist, p. 228). 10 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. viii. 11 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 185. 12 Harbage, Shakespeare and the Rival Traditions, p. 235. 13 Wright, Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan England, p. 638. Wright's wholesale definition of 'middle-class' spectators has more recently been adopted by Susan P. Cerasano in her study of the writers, players, and audiences of the First Fortune Playhouse (1600-21), the most important public theatre of its day. Heywood, Dekker, and Middleton, the chief Fortune playwrights, are depicted as shrewd and perceptive of their audience's lack of 'cultural sophistication: naive, conservative, often complacent in its own ignorance'; and the plays are deemed more likely 'to [have] created a secure position from which the middle-class viewer could be coaxed to consider alternatives to his own conduct and morality than to openly challenge bourgeois values' ('Alleyn's Fortune: The Biography of a Playhouse,' p. 144). In Dekker and Heywood: Professional Dramatists Kathleen McLuskie corrects the longstanding view of Dekker and Heywood as playwrights who merely catered to the unsophisticated tastes and expectations of popular audiences. Like Shakespeare, she points out, Dekker and Heywood 'were professionals, and it is as professionals that their work offers a useful vantage point from which to understand the conditions of theatre as it became firmly established in the artistic and commercial world of London at the turn of the seventeenth century' (p. i). Yet in her analysis of the two dramatists' works McLuskie sometimes falls back on conventional assessments, citing their 'commitment to old-fashioned values and styles of popular entertainment' (p. 75). 14 Harrison, The Description of England (1577, 1587), pp. 94-118. Cf. Smith, De Republica Anglorum: A Discourse on the Commonwealth of England, chs. 16-24. 15 Gurr, Playgoing in Shakespeare's London, p. 49. 16 Anne Jennalie Cook argues that Elizabethan audiences consisted almost exclusively of those privileged few who 'ruled the political world, the mercantile world, and the rest of the cultural world,' and who 'stood firmly apart from the mass of society' (The Privileged Playgoers of Shakespeare's London, 1576-1642, p. 272); Hattaway generally concurs, suggesting that 'the number of poorer people in the audience must have been comparatively small' (Elizabethan Popular Theatre: Plays in Performance, p. 48). Butler, on the other hand, points out that the privileged 'could best afford' to attend the theatre, and 'left most written records of ... attend-

Notes to pages 6-8 155 ance; but their 'presence ... does not logically entail the absence of the unprivileged7 (Theatre and Crisis 1632-1642, p. 298). Gurr also contends that spectatorship spanned a wider range of social groups than Cook suggests (Playgoing in Shakespeare's London, p. 49). 17 See Howard, The Stage and Social Struggle in Early Modern England, p. 13; and Cohen, Drama of a Nation, pp. 17-20. Cohen notes that in England the synthesis of 'native popular and neoclassical learned traditions' is evident chiefly in the plays 'composed for the permanent, public, commercial theaters that opened in the late 15705 and only closed, under government order, seventy years later' (p. 17). 18 Trainor, '"Guilty Creatures at a Play/" p. 40. For Cawley, on the other hand, Elizabethan domestic tragedies 'such as Arden of Feversham and A Woman Killed with Kindness' may be classified as 'salvation plays which carry on the tradition of the Catholic moral plays/ and A Yorkshire Tragedy as 'first cousin to Protestant homiletic tragedies/ although the play 'may also be related to damnation plays in the biblical cycles' ('A Yorkshire Tragedy Considered in Relation to Biblical and Moral Plays/ p. 165). 19 Rao, The Domestic Drama, p. 50; Carson and Carson, Domestic Tragedy in English, vol i, pp. 6, 12; Grivelet, Thomas Heywood et le Drama Domestique Elizabethain, p. 353; Clark, Domestic Drama, vol i, pp. 20-1; McLuskie, "Tis but a Woman's Jar": Family and Kinship in Elizabethan Domestic Drama/ p. 229. Recently, the homiletic reading has been revived by Harry Levin, who suggests that the 'admonitory and moralistic tone' of the murder plays 'recalls the occasional urban echoes in the moralities and interludes' ('Notes toward a Definition of City Comedy/ p. 140). 20 Leggatt, Citizen Comedy in the Age of Shakespeare, pp. 4, 11. Arthur Brown has taken the unique view that there is virtually no distinction between citizen and domestic drama. Dealing almost entirely with comedies by Dekker, Heywood, and Jonson, 'the most consistent workers in the field/ Brown notes these playwrights' common interests: the London settings, the didactic patterns, national loyalty and patriotism, morality-play elements, and the psychology of humours ('Citizen Comedy and Domestic Drama/ pp. 63-83). Nevertheless, he differentiates between those plays which include but do not stress family relations, and those which deal extensively with domestic problems, acknowledging that differences in plot structure and characterization ultimately distinguish the two dramatic forms (pp. 66-9). 21 Heywood, Apology, sig. F4r. 22 Heywood, Apology, sig. F3v. 'A Tragedy/ for example, 'include[s] the fatall and abortiue ends of such as commit notorious murders, which is

156 Notes to pages 8-10

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

30

31 32

33

34 35

aggrauated and acted with all the Art that may be, to terrific men from the like abhorred practises' (sig. F3v); comedy is 'a discourse consisting of diuers institutions, comprehending ciuill and domesticke things, in which is taught, what in our Hues and manners is to be followed, what to bee auoyded' (sig. Fiv); 'a morair succeeds by 'perswad[ing] men to humanity and good life, to instruct them in ciuility and good manners'; in 'a forreigne History, the subiect is so intended, that... either the vertues of our Country-men are extolled, or their vices reproued' (sig. F3v); and a domestic history treats 'domestike, and home-borne truth[s]' in such a way that the 'vnchaste are by vs [i.e., playwrights] shewed their errors' (sig. Giv). Baldwin, Preface, A Mirrourefor Magistrates, in The Mirror for Magistrates, ed. Lily B. Campbell, pp. 65-6. Howard, The Stage and Social Struggle in Early Modern England, p. 4. Heywood, Apology, sigs. C3r, F3v. I.G. [John Greene?], A Refutation of the Apology for Actors, sig. Fir. Heywood, Apology, sig. Fiv. Greene, A Refutation, sig. Fir. Richard Whitford, The Pype or Tonne of the Lyfe of Perfection (Redman, 1532); cited in Marie Denley, 'Strictures on Interludes and Plays to Religious and Lay People in the Earlier Sixteenth Century,' pp. 444-5. Luxton, The Reformation and Popular Culture,' p. 57. See also Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, and Amussen, An Ordered Society, p. 3. On the limitations of reading early modern texts according to our assumptions about audiences' orthodox beliefs see Hodge, 'Marlowe, Marx and Machiavelli: Reading into the Past/ pp. 1-22; and Gurr, who cautions that 'a great deal of room is left for memorable poetry and Jonsonian "application" in the hinterland of audience responses. But there is sadly little tangible evidence there' (Playgoing in Shakespeare's London, p. 112). Zagorin, Ways of Lying: Dissimulation, Persecution, and Conformity in Early Modern Europe, p. 222. Febvre, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century, see esp. pp. 253, 326, 412-14, and 455-7; Kahn, Rhetoric, Prudence, and Skepticism in the Renaissance, pp. 35-6. See Beier, The Problem of the Poor in Tudor and Early Stuart England, p. 10; Amussen, 'Gender, Family and the Social Order, 1560-1725,' p. 216; and Underdown, The Taming of the Scold/ p. 116. See Wrightson, The Social Order of Early Modern England/ p. 187. Cited in Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments 1584-1601, p. 70.

Notes to pages 10-13 157 36 'An Exhortacion concernyng Good Ordre and Obedience to Rulers and Magistrates/ in Bond, ed., Certain Sermons or Homilies [1547], p. 167. Puritans, notes Bond, challenged the homilies on the basis that they 'stood in the way of a "free pulpit"' (Preface, p. x). On the propagandistic nature of homiletic tracts see Bond, pp. ix-x; Siegel, 'English Humanism and the New Tudor Aristocracy/ pp. 450-68; Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, p. 36; and Dollimore, Radical Tragedy, p. 84. 37 Wrightson, The Social Order of Early Modern England/ pp. 193-4. 38 Dubrow, A Happier Eden, p. 27. 39 See especially Dollimore, Radical Tragedy; Belsey, The Subject of Tragedy, Kastan and Stallybrass, Introduction, Staging the Renaissance, pp. 6-7; and Howard, The Stage and Social Struggle. 40 Harrison, Description of England, p. 118. 41 Michael Jardine and John Simons observe that in many of these plays the characters are 'comparatively wealthy: they are landed, have fiscal/mercantile interests, and employ more than token retinues' (Introduction, The Two Angry Women of Abington, p. iii). Holbrook notes that many characters in domestic tragedy belong to the 'minor gentry' (Literature and Degree in Renaissance England, p. 87) and suggests that the genre be called 'bourgeois tragedy' (p. 86) in order 'to express the middling station of the heroes of these plays, occupying a rank different from both the lowest and the highest in society' (p. 175, n. 7). The term 'bourgeois tragedy/ however, effaces two fundamental aspects of the genre: (i) it includes comedies and tragicomedies as well as tragedies; (2) a number of the plays (for example, Two Lamentable Tragedies, The Witch of Edmonton, and the Honest Whore plays) include protagonists who are extremely poor. 42 Farley-Hills, Shakespeare and the Rival Playwrights 1600-1606, p. 122. 43 Guillen, Literature as System, p. 126. 44 Cohen, Drama of a Nation, p. 19. 45 The Tragedy of Master Arden ofFaversham, ed. M.L. Wine. Further refetences to the play will be to this edition. Because the spelling of Faversham is 'the customary spelling of the town' (Wine, Introduction, p. xxxiv, n. i), Wine has emended the title, which appears in the quarto as 'Feversham/ to 'Faversham.' In deference to the quarto, I will retain the traditional title. 46 Holbrook, Literature and Degree in Renaissance England, pp. 87-8. 47 Schaeffer, 'Literary Genres and Textual Genericity/ p. 182. Greene, in The Light in Troy, pp. 20-7 and 32-43, urges the consideration of genre in

158 Notes to pages 13-15 terms of a text's mundus significans or the rhetorical/symbolic vocabulary shared by early modern writers and their audience. 48 Guillen, Literature as System, p. 61. 49 Fowler, Kinds of Literature, p. 41. 50 See Miner, 'Some Issues of Literary "Species, or Distinct Kind"/ p. 24. Similarly, in The Dialogic Imagination, p. 374, Mikhail Bakhtin emphasizes the flexibility and inclusiveness of early modern genres. On the elasticity and complexity of genres in both Renaissance theory and practice, see Colie, The Resources of Kind, and Lewalski, 'Introduction: Issues and Approaches/ Renaissance Genres, pp. 1-12. 51 Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation)/ in Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays, p. 164. 52 Todorov, Genres in Discourse, p. 19. On the historicity of literary genres, see also Jameson, The Political Unconscious, pp. 140-1; Jameson, Marxism and Form; Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World; and Hulse, Metamorphic Verse, p. 14. 53 Medvedev and Bakhtin, The Formal Method in Literary Scholarship, p. 19. 54 Bakhtin, Problems of Dostoevsky's Poetics. See also Williams, The Long Revolution, p. 47. 55 Bradley, Shakespearean Tragedy. Bradley's schematic is echoed in Hardison's assessment of dramatic 'greatness': although 'the belief that the aim of literature is moral instruction ... underlies a vast (and often rather tedious) body of homiletic writing/ we can be grateful that 'Marlowe, Shakespeare, Chapman, Webster, and Ford ... do not write tragedies like those described by Heywood [in An Apology for Actors], in which the protagonist exemplifies a neatly labeled moral flaw that the audience is taught to "abhor" by the catastrophe' ('Three Types of Renaissance Catharsis/ pp. 8-9). Levin differentiates in similar terms between domestic and heroic tragedy: 'Sordid crimes befalling commoners might have been considered unworthy of dramatization by classical-minded critics' ('Notes toward a Definition of City Comedy/ p. 140). Cf. Rick Bowers's application of the label 'small' to the artistry that underwrites domestic plays ('A Woman Killed With Kindness: Plausibility on a Smaller Scale/ p. 295). Although Holbrook, in Literature and Degree in Renaissance England, p. 86, argues that domestic tragedies reveal 'a complex investment in "the tradition" [of tragic form] as well as a distance from it/ he nevertheless classifies them as an 'Elizabethan minigenre.' 56 Neely, 'Remembering Shakespeare Always but Remembering him Differently/ p. i. 57 For Farley-Hills, 'Othello's domesticity is a very different affair from [that

Notes to pages 16-17

58 59 60 61

62

X

59

of A Woman Killed with Kindness] ... The deliberately low-key presentation of character through a linguistic medium that is ... as unpretentious as it is efficient, contrasts vividly with the tone of the Othello music' (Shakespeare and the Rival Playwrights 1600-1606, p. 123). Nuttall, in A New Mimesis, also argues for Othello's superiority to other domestic plays: 'It is fairly obvious that these plays catered for appetites which are served today by the more sensational Sunday newspapers. The title pages of these domestic tragedies repeatedly strike a note of prurient censoriousness which is immediately recognizable'; the only connection between Shakespeare's play and 'these domestic tragedies' is seen to be 'the then uncommon theme of marriage' (p. 133). And although Shaffer suggests that Othello 'fits the general mold' of domestic tragedy, he singles out Shakespeare for 'inevitably overthrowing the tradition' in order to 'move toward a different vision' ("'To Manage Private and Domestic Quarrels"/ pp. 448, 450-1). Doran, Endeavors of Art, p. 143. Ure, 'Marriage and the Domestic Drama in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 197. Ure, 'Marriage and the Domestic Drama in Hey wood and Ford/ p. 201. Ure, 'Marriage and the Domestic Drama in A Woman Killed With Kindness/ p. 197; 'Marriage and the Domestic Drama in Heywood and Ford/ p. 203. A similar conclusion is drawn by Lieblein, for whom the murder plays 'neither alter nor shirk the morality of their sources/ although in contrast to the 'unequivocal moral judgments' of the 'chronicles, journalistic pamphlets, court testimony, underworld narratives, and ballads' on which they are based, they 'elaborate the social context, examine motives, and suggest the complicity of the victim in a way which changes the audience's perception of events' ('The Context of Murder in English Domestic Plays, 1590-1610,' p. 181). The tendency to view the genre as largely determined by its social context informs Orlin's otherwise illuminating study of the role of the household in domestic tragedy ('Man's House as His Castle in Arden of Feversham/ pp. 57-89. (The essay is derived from Orlin's 'Man's House as His Castle in Elizabethan Domestic Tragedy.') Elsewhere, Orlin qualifies the extent of the influence of the social context by suggesting that although 'domestic tragedy had its formal genesis in domestic patriarchalism/ certain 'examples of the genre ... tested the ideational system' ('Familial Transgressions, Societal Transition on the Elizabethan Stage/ p. 30). In her fine book, Private Matters and Public Culture in Post-Reformation England, Orlin treats domestic tragedy as largely reflective of the structures that inform

160 Notes to pages 17-18

63 64

65 66

67 68

69 70

'the history of the private7 (p. 4). For McLuskie, plays such as A Woman Killed with Kindness, A Yorkshire Tragedy, The Wise Woman of Hogsdon, and Two Angry Women of Abington 'serve to authenticate ... the social relations ... [which they] present' ("Tis but a Woman's Jar": Family and Kinship in Elizabethan Domestic Drama/ p. 232). Attwell, in his new historical reading of Arden of Feversham, provides a valuable analysis of early modern 'bourgeois' ideology, but he ignores the play's ironic impulses when he suggests that it ultimately upholds 'the cultural processes that accompanied the consolidation of middle-class hegemony' ('Property, Status, and the Subject in a Middle-class Tragedy: Arden of Faversham/ p. 348). Adams's argument in favour of a culturally homogeneous group of plays and audiences is thus dislodged by Attwell's 'culturally determinate' reading of the text as unambiguously involved in the 're-narrativization of events and the representation of social relations and values' (p. 329). Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, p. 7. On the emergence of distinct family units during the Middle Ages see Herlihy, Medieval Households, pp. v-vi; on the development of medieval 'individualism' see McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel 1600-1740, p. 3. Schochet, Patriarchalism in Political Thought, p. 54. Smith, De Republica Anglorum, pp. 23, 29. Cf. Bodin's refutation of Aristotle's distinction between political and domestic hierarchy on the grounds that the family 'is the true seminarie and beginning of euery Commonweale, as also a principall member thereof (The Six Bookes of a Commonweale [1586], Book I, ii, p. 8). The Good Hows-holder, pp. 2-9; Certayne Sermons Appointed by the Queen's Majesty, sigs. Ki, Ij. Cleaver, A Codly [Godly] Form of Householde Government, sig. 65. Hooker also describes the close link between paternal and kingly authority: 'It is no improbable opinion ... that as the chiefest person in every household was always as it were a king, so when numbers of households joined themselves in civil society together, kings were the first kind of governors amongst them. Which is also ... the reason why the name of Father continued still in them, who of fathers were made rulers' (The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, in Works, vol. i, pp. 242-3). Thomas, 'Women and the Civil War Sects,' p. 317. Todd, Christian Humanism and the Puritan Social Order, p. 99. Todd illustrates that the long-held assumption concerning the Puritan rearrangement of the definition of marriage in favour of the emphasis on companionship 'is wide of the mark' (p. 99). She cites Christian humanists such

Notes to pages 18-20

161

as Erasmus, Vives, and Thomas More, as well as Anglican conformists, on the importance of companionate marriage, and points out that in the command given in the 1562 homily on matrimony (which 'remained unchanged down to 1662' [p. 99, n. 13]), marriage is defined as Instituted of God, to the intent that man and woman should live lawfully in a perpetual friendship, to bring forth fruit, and to avoid fornication' (p. 99). In The Renaissance Notion of Woman, Maclean contends that with respect to matrimony 'it is difficult to see more than minor shifts of emphasis occurring during the Renaissance7 (p. 66). On the continuities and differences between the conceptualization of marriage as conceived by Plutarch and by medieval and early modern commentators, see Wayne, Introduction, The Flower of Friendship, pp. 12-21. 71 Becon, The Golden Boke of Christen Matrimony (1542), pp. 1-2. On the status of matrimony in Puritan writings see Lucas, 'Puritan Preaching and the Politics of the Family/ pp. 224-40. 72 Erasmus, A ryght frutefull Epystle ... in laude and prayse ofmatrymony, sigs. Cvi-Cvii; on the dates of composition and translation, see Telle, Erasme de Rotterdam et le Septieme Sacrement, p. 160. 73 Vives, The Office and Duties of an Husband, sig. A4v; The Instruction of a Christen Woman, sigs. Diir-Diiv. Cf. Battus's description of wedlock as 'the most excellent state and condition of life ... which all the godly both by preaching and example have commended unto us, and placed the same in the top of all good works' (The Christian Man's Closet, sig. 4v). 74 Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p. 14. 75 Ezell, The Patriarch's Wife, pp. 161,163. 76 Coudert, The Myth of the Improved Status of Protestant Women/ p. 78 and passim; Hanley, 'Engendering the State/ p. 5. On the problem of female rebelliousness in France, see also Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France, chap. 5. 77 Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, p. 24. 78 Certain Sermons or Homilies [1547], p. 174. On the pervasiveness of adultery and other disruptions in the ideal of the orderly family, see Ingram, Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640) and Amussen, 'Gender, Family and the Social Order/ pp. 205-6. On the social and eco-nomic impact of the fragmentation of family life, see also Beier, Masterless Men, p. 56, and The Problem of the Poor in Tudor and Early Stuart England,

pp. 8-9. 79 Nichols, An Order of Household Instruction, sigs. B3v-B4r; Perkins, Christian Oeconomie, sig. Qq5r; Robert Sanderson, Sermon, 6 May 1632, in MacLure, Register of Sermons Preached at Paul's Cross 1534-1642, p. 137.

162 Notes to pages 20-3 80 81 82 83 84

Houlbrooke, Church Courts and the People, pp. 68-9. Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, p. 2. Amussen, An Ordered Society, p. 122. Cited in Emmison, Morals and the Church Courts, pp. 163,162. See Houlbrooke, Church Courts and the People, p. 68. Although, as Houlbrooke notes, 'no one pretext for separation predominates among the surviving record of suits/ a number of petitioners sought 'separation on the ground of their inability to live together because of continual quarrels'; moreover, while 'separation cases sometimes ended peacefully ... there is no convincing evidence of vigorous efforts to reconcile estranged spouses' (p. 68). 85 Dubrow, A Happier Eden, p. 26. A similar suggestion is made by Lucas, in 'Puritan Preaching and the Politics of the Family/ p. 227. 86 Xenophons Treatise of Hovseholde, trans. Gentian Hervet, p. 11. 87 Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, p. 535. 88 Griffith, Bethel: or a Forme for Families, pp. 292-3; Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties, p. 275; Whately, A Bride-Bush Or, A Wedding Sermon, sig. A2r and title page. 89 Hull, in Chaste, Silent & Obedient, notes that 'few marriage guides addressed women readers directly in either titles or dedications' (p. 48). 90 Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p. 23. 91 On the political function of the marriage manuals see Klein, Preface, Daughters, Wives, and Widows, p. x. 92 Cases in point include Edward Gosynhyll's The Vertuous Scholehous of Vngracious Women (c. 1550); The Good Huswives Handmayde; containing many principall poyntes of Cookery (anonymous, 1591); and The Good Houswives Treasurie. Being a ... booke instructing to the dressing ofmeates (anonymous, 1588). 93 Jeanneret, A Feast of Words: Banquets and Table Talk in the Renaissance, p. 3. See also Elias, The Civilizing Process, pp. 84-129. 94 Ferry, The 'Inward' Language, p. 53. 95 Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties, p. 76. 96 Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses/ p. 144. On the emergence of the ideology of privacy in early modern Europe in general, see also Chartier (ed.), Passions of the Renaissance; on its development in England see Belsey, The Subject of Tragedy, p. 130; Rose, The Expense of Spirit; and Orlin, Private Matters and Public Culture in Post-Reformation England. 97 Hooker, The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, in Works, vol. i, p. 242.

Notes to pages 23-7 163 98 Dubrow, A Happier Eden, p. 27. 99 Gouge, Of Domesticall Duties, p. 272. On the 'ironies and paradoxes that are continually inscribed but inconsistently acknowledged' in Puritan discussions of companionate marriage and in 'the conceptualization of women/ see Rose, The Expense of Spirit, p. 126 and pp. 124-31. 100 See Wayne, Introduction, The Flower of Friendship, pp. 42-5. Wayne notes that 'the history of ideologies of marriage in Renaissance England does not readily make a coherent narrative'; the conduct books, for example, when 'address[ing] such tangled issues as love and power, public and private duty/ lack 'convincing clarity and a single line of argument7 (pp. i, 2). Cf. Jordan's suggestion that humanist treatises on the religious value of marriage as a vehicle of 'personal salvation' are not always consistent in subordinating political concerns (Renaissance Feminism, 101 102 103 104

P. 56).

Woodbridge, Women and the English Renaissance, p. 172. Belsey, The Subject of Tragedy, p. 9. Lewalski, Writing Women in Jacobean England, p. 3. On the critical tendency to ignore feminine transgression in early modern England, see Newman, Fashioning Femininity and English Renaissance Drama, pp. xviii-xix. 105 For a valuable discussion of the prevalence of 'symbolic inversion' in western culture, see Babcock, The Reversible World, p. 14. i: Medieval and Tudor Contexts 1 On the longevity of the cycles see Bradner, The Rise of Secular Drama in the Renaissance/ p. 7; Parente, Religious Drama and the Humanist Tradition-, Johnston, 'Cycle Drama in the Sixteenth Century/ pp. 1-15; and The Inherited Tradition: The Legacy of Provincial Drama/ pp. 1-25. 2 Although the notion that the cyclical plays often bear closely on everyday life has, as Lumiansky notes, 'become axiomatic' ('Comedy and Theme in the Chester Harrowing of Hell,' p. 11), commentary on the links between domestic and biblical drama remains cursory and anecdotal. Cawley, in defining A Yorkshire Tragedy as an example of 'Protestant homiletic traged[y]/ has suggested that the play's origins can be located 'in the biblical cycles and moral plays of the Middle Ages' ('A Yorkshire Tragedy Considered in Relation to Biblical and Moral Plays/ pp. 165, 155). Ada and Herbert Carson have noted that 'repentant sinners' in miracle plays sometimes 'came from the lower classes ... domestic realism [being] often used to explain biblical stories or moral behavior to the

164 Notes to pages 28-9 peasantry' (Domestic Tragedy in English, vol. i, p. 26). And Andrew Clark has more broadly proposed that 'the naturalistic representation' in some mystery plays 'of everyday scene and subject, as well as the popularity of the relations of husband and wife, proved an important evolutionary force in the development of domestic drama' (Domestic Drama, vol. i, p. 103, n. 4). The observation is nevertheless incidental to Clark's project. For Adams, the only relation between the mystery cycles and domestic drama is their mutual festive role of providing 'serious entertainment for the general populace' (English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy, 1575-1642, p. 54). 3 See, for example, Bloch, Feudal Society, vol. i, pp. 130-1. 4 Herlihy, Medieval Households, p. v; Hanawalt, The Ties that Bound; Macfarlane, Marriage and Love in England. On the development of the aristocratic nuclear family during the later Middle Ages, see James, Family, Lineage, and Civil Society, pp. 13-16; and Philippe Contamine, 'Peasant Hearth to Papal Palace: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries/ pp. 427-30. 5 See Barthelemy, 'Civilizing the Fortress: Eleventh to Thirteenth Century,' PP- 397-423. 6 The decrees are listed in Donahue, 'The Canon Law in the Formation of Marriage and Social Practice in the Later Middle Ages/ pp. 144-58. 7 The chief exponents of the now outdated view are Aries, Centuries of Childhood, and Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England. Both contended that medieval families lacked affective ties (chiefly as a result of demographic conditions such as the high mortality rate for children), fostering the interests of the lineage at the expense of those of individual families. 8 Brooke, The Medieval Idea of Marriage, p. 129. Other recent revisionist treatments of the development of marriage and the family in the Middle Ages include Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages', Nicholas, The Domestic Life of a Medieval City, esp. p. 33; Klapisch-Zuber, Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy; Howell, Women, Production, and Patriarchy in Late Medieval Cities; and Marshall, The Dutch Gentry: 1500-1650, esp. chap, i, The Core Family Unit and the Lineage: Identity, Relations, and Realities.' 9 McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel, p. 142. See also Goody, The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, pp. 152-6 and chaps. 5 and 6. 10 Bernard of Anjou, Miracles of Ste. Foi (994); cited in Herlihy, Medieval Households, p. 112. 11 In her exhaustive investigation of parent-child relationships between 1330 and 1479, Shahar writes that 'the high rate of mortality of infants and children in the Middle Ages was the consequence of limited medical skills

Notes to pages 29-33 165 and not of the absence of emotional involvement' (Childhood in the Middle Ages, p. 2). On the nurturing of and emotional attachment to children during the medieval period see also Macfarlane, Marriage and Love in England, pp. 56 and 328-36. 12 Herlihy, Medieval Households, pp. 125-6; Shahar, Childhood in the Middle Ages, p. 84. 13 The Towneley Plays, ed. Martin Stevens and A.C. Cawley, vol. i. Further references to the Towneley cycle will be to this edition. 14 Cole, Suffering and Evil in the Plays of Christopher Marlowe, pp. 22-3. 15 On the dramatic function of Mary's role in the medieval lyric, see Sticca, The Planctus Mariae in the Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages, p. 175. 16 The N-Town Play: Cotton MS Vespasian D.8, ed. Stephen Spector, vol. i. Further references to the N-town pageants will be to this edition. The manuscript on which the edition is based is from East Anglia and comprises 'a proclamation, or banns ..., describing a series of forty pageants, and a text of what appears to be forty-one pageants (wrongly numbered forty-two), almost entirely written in the hand of a single scribe/ The pageants, however, do not form 'a straightforward cycle'; the manuscript 'contains part of such a cycle ... but it also contains some quite different dramatic pieces' (Meredith, Introduction, The Passion Play from the N. Town Manuscript, pp. 1-2). 17 The Chester Mystery Cycle, ed. R.M. Lumiansky and David Mills, Vol. i. Further references to the Chester cycle will be to this edition. 18 Stevens and Cawley, eds., The Towneley Plays, vol. 2, p. 580, n. 349. 19 Keiser, 'The Middle English Planctus Mariae and the Rhetoric of Pathos/ p. 172. On Mary's multiple signification in the liturgical drama, see also McNeir, 'Corpus Christi Passion Plays as Dramatic Art/ p. 624. 20 The Brome Play of Abraham and Isaac/ in Non-cycle Plays and Fragments, ed. Norman Davis, Play 5. 21 Schell observes that Abraham undertakes the sacrifice only 'by an act of desperate ecstasy' (The Distinctions of the Towneley Abraham/ p. 326). 22 'Abraham's will' in the Chester pageant, writes Mills, is 'to do God's will/ just as 'it becomes Isaac's will to do his father's will' (The Chester Cycle,' p. 126). For a survey of medieval sermons on filial obedience, see Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England, p. 493. 23 White, Theatre and Reformation, pp. 112-13. 24 Cited in Simon, Education and Society in Tudor England, p. 80. 25 Although staging, plot development, and characterization in these plays bolster their homiletic superstructure, they inscribe an important tension

166 Notes to pages 34-9

26

27

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

38 39 40 41

42 43

'between a basically Humanist-derived belief that a Christian education can ensure moral and spiritual regeneracy and the prevailing Calvinist conviction that salvation is a predestined consequence of irresistible grace7 (White, Theatre and Reformation, p. 114). The Northampton Play of Abraham and Isaac, in Non-cycle Plays and Fragments, ed. Norman Davis, Play 4. Further references to the play will be to this edition. Christ before Pilate I: The Dream of Pilate's Wife, in The York Plays, ed. Richard Beadle. Further references to the York cycle will be to this edition. Twycross, The Theatricality of Medieval English Plays/ p. 42. Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre, p. 52. Southern, The Medieval Theatre in the Round, p. 117; see also pp. 132 and 230-1. Tydeman, The Theatre in the Middle Ages, p. 147. Nicoll, The Development of the Theatre, p. 52. Adam: A Twelfth-Century Play, trans. Lynette Muir, s.d., pp. 166, 183. di Somi, Dialogues and Stage Affairs, trans. Allardyce Nicoll, in The Development of the Theatre, p. 273. Beadle, The York Cycle/ p. 89. See Robinson, The Art of the York Realist/ p. 237. On the verisimilitude of York Play 30, Robinson comments: 'the reason why Caiaphas should be in bed when Jesus is brought to him is a very simple one: Jesus was arrested during the night. Taking this fact as his starting point, the playwright could have reasoned ... that a bedtime and waking scene for Caiaphas should naturally follow' (The Art of the York Realist/ p. 237). Twycross, The Theatricality of Medieval English Plays/ p. 42. See also Robinson, The Art of the York Realist/ p. 237. Weimann, Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater, p. 102. Saint Augustine: Confessions, bk. 8, p. 215. The 'great rebuilding' in England did not affect the homes of the peasantry until the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries, depending upon the region. Montaigne, The Essayes of Montaigne, p. 746. On the semiotic function of retiring to a private space see below, chap. 3. The raucous clashes between Noah and Uxor, observes Gash, echo the carnivalesque brawls between spouses that took place after Easter at Hocktide ('Carnival against Lent: The Ambivalence of Medieval Drama/ P- 79).

Notes to pages 40-5 167 44 Sutherland, '"Not or I see more neede": The Wife of Noah in the Chester, York, and Towneley Cycles/ p. 184. 45 Gash, 'Carnival against Lent/ p. 79. 46 The plays are Dekker, Chettle, and Haughton's Patient Grissil (c. 1599); Heywood's How a Man May Choose a Good Wife from a Bad (1601-2); The Fair Maid of Bristow (anonymous, 1603-4); The London Prodigal (anonymous, 1603-5); and the two parts of Dekker's Honest Whore (1604-0. 1607), Part I of which is co-authored with Middleton. George Wilkins's The Miseries of Enforced Marriage (c. 1606), a tragicomedy, also has affinities with these plays. On the constitutional features of domestic comedy, see below, chap. 5. 47 Quinn, Introduction, The Faire Maide of Bristow, p. 27. 48 See the discussion above of the Reformation interludes dealing with the rearing and education of children. See also Wilson, The English Drama 1485-1585, pp. 96-101, and White, Theatre and Reformation, p. 112. 49 Ingelend, The Disobedient Child, p. 303. 50 Thomas Heywood, How a Man May Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, V.iii, p. 96. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 51 Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays, ed. Hardin Craig. Further references to the two plays will be to this edition. On the classical roots of the actor's address to the spectator and its adaptation to the medieval stage, see Albert Cook, The Dark Voyage and the Golden Mean, p. 44; and Munson, 'Audience and Meaning in Two Medieval Dramatic Realisms/ pp. 183-206. 52 See Phythian-Adams, Desolation of a City, p. 89. 53 Bevington, Medieval Drama, p. 461. 54 Axton and Happe, Introduction, The Plays of John Heywood, p. 15. 55 Norland, 'Formalizing English Farce: Johan Johan and Its French Connection/ p. 145. 56 John Heywood, Johan Johan, in The Plays of John Heywood, ed. Richard Axton and Peter Happe. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 57 Spivack, Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil, pp. 253-4. The more than twelve plays which survive, argues Spivack, 'represent a substantial body of dramatic literature most of which has not survived' (p. 253). Bevington, in his discussion of the English popular theatre, has also argued for an identifiable group of 'hybrid moralities' which do not belong 'to the canon of the orthodox morality because they deal with historical or romantic material and present as main characters specific personalities rather than types ...' (From Mankind to Marlowe, p. 10). 58 Spivack, Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil, p. 255.

168

Notes to pages 46-9

59 Belsey, The Subject of Tragedy, p. 33; Dolan, 'Gender, Moral Agency, and Dramatic Form in A Warning for Fair Women/ p. 202. 60 For a survey of the hybrid plays that incorporate the romantic topos see Spivack, Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil, pp. 218-26. 61 Garter, The Most Virtuous & Godly Susanna, ed. W.W. Greg. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 62 Bevington, From Mankind to Marlowe, p. 63. 2: Fashioning Marriage Codes i The tale of Patient Griselda was first recorded in European literature in 1353 in Boccaccio's Decameron. Whether the legend had an original folktale source is unknown. Bettridge and Utley, in 'New Light on the Origin of the Griselda Story/ note that a number of folk-tale versions have been identified as deriving from Northern Europe, but that 'the Mediterranean ... does not furnish one version which could be construed either as a possible modern derivative of Boccaccio's oral source or as a local derivative of the ... originals' (p. 154). After Boccaccio transcribed the tale it became immensely popular in European folklore and literature. Inspired by Boccaccio's tale, Petrarch expanded it in Latin in 1374 (De Insigni Obedientia et Fide Uxoris), while in the same year Giovanni Sercambi retold Boccaccio's novella in condensed form. A number of medieval French versions are based on Petrarch's rendition, including the first secular dramatization in the anonymous L'Estoire de la Marquise de Saluce mix par personnages et rigme (1395). Chaucer's Clerk's Tale, which is based on Petrarch's and a French redaction, is the first of numerous English versions. In Europe the legend continued to be rendered in chapbooks, anonymous tales, and in operatic and dramatized versions down to the twentieth century, retaining its popularity among a variety of audiences. The medieval adaptations are noted in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, pp. 288-331. All extant and lost analogues are cited in Hoy, Introductions, Notes, and Commentaries to Texts in 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker' Edited by Fredson Bowers, vol. i, pp. 131-43. See also Griffith, The Origin of the Griselda Story. The earliest sixteenth-century version of the legend appears to be Ralph Radcliffe's lost text De Patientia Griseldis (1546-56?). The extant sixteenthcentury adaptations are Phillip's hybrid morality The Play of Patient Grissell (c. 1558-66); the ballad 'Of Patient Grissel and a Noble Marquess,' two versions of which exist (one in manuscript form [c. 1600], the other as a short poem by Deloney in The Garland of Good Will [registered 1593]); and

Notes to pages 49-50 169 the Pleasant Comedy of Patient Grissil (written 1599; printed 1603) by Dekker, Chettle, and Haughton. In her survey of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century texts, Anna Baldwin suggests that the anonymous chapbook History of Patient Grisel, the earliest edition of which is dated 1619, could possibly have been written in the late sixteenth century, but the evidence is inconclusive ('From the Clerk's Tale to The Winter's Tale/ p. 201). 2 Although it has been customary to assign the authorship of the play to Phillip, Roberts in his unpublished edition of the play has argued that it was possibly written in collaboration with John Heywood (An Edition of John Phillip's Commodye ofPacient and Meeke Grissill, p. 199). The observation, however, remains conjectural. 3 Until the 19808 the sixteenth-century adaptations of the Griselda legend were largely ignored in criticism. In an early essay on the Elizabethan dramatizations of the legend, Keyishian generally dismissed Phillip's adaptation, and characterized the 1599 play as a tiresome morality written for audiences who 'could deal with mighty truths' but who 'evidently also needed the sickly reassurance of the Griselda story' ('Griselda on the Elizabethan Stage/ p. 261). More recently, Champion, in Thomas Dekker and the Traditions of English Drama, has argued that although the 1599 play 'fails to provide motivation that is either adequate or consistent' (p. 19), its 'comic structure ... appears firm' (p. 18). Bliss characterizes Dekker and his collaborators as 'experienced men of the theater who seek plot material for saleable, stageworthy entertainments/ and who in secularizing the story of Griselda provide 'only token answers to the problems ... [the play] stages' ('The Renaissance Griselda/ pp. 325-6). Belsey, while claiming little originality for the 1599 play, concedes that Grissil's suffering 'leaves the audience to ... ponder the question whether there is any proper limit to the silent endurance of patriarchal tyranny' (The Subject of Tragedy, p. 171), but she does not pursue the insight. Bronfman suggests that the 1599 play treats issues such as 'class prejudice' and 'sovereignty in marriage ... with far more complexity than had its predecessors' ('Griselda, Renaissance Woman/ p. 217). Pechter, in 'Patient Grissil and the Trials of Marriage/ views the marquess-Grissil relationship as a story of 'desire/ which 'implicate^]' the audience 'as the subjects ... of a continuing history' (pp. 7, 24). 4 Petrarch's letter is included in Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, pp. 184-7; the quotations are from p. 186. 5 Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, p. 150. 6 Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, p. 150.

170 Notes to pages 51-3 7 Boccaccio, The Decameron, trans, and ed. Mark Musa and Peter E. Bondanella, p. 138. Further references to the text will be to this edition. 8 Hawkins remarks that Chaucer 'inserts' into the allegorical significance of the Griselda tale an interpretation 'which he inherited from Petrarch, and which supplies his audience with an alternative frame of reference, only after having criticized Walter far more powerfully ... than did his predecessor7 (The Victim's Side: Chaucer's Clerk's Tale and Webster's Duchess of Malfi/ p. 345). Ellis, noting Chaucer's concern with female powerlessness, argues that in the Clerk's Tale 'associations of the home with ambiguity, insecurity, and women's vulnerability merge most effectively' ('Domestic Treachery in the Clerk's Tale/ p. 101). Hansen, on the other hand, suggests that while The Clerk's Tale 'offers readers a ... rich and compelling ... confrontation with patriarchal power/ Chaucer, 'the male poet,' ultimately realizes the powers of silence and unintelligibility that he usurps from and must finally deny to his female heroines' (The Powers of Silence: The Case of the Clerk's Griselda/ pp. 230, 247); and Dinshaw concludes that 'for all his sympathy with the trials of the female/ the Clerk's 'primary point is not sympathetic' (Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, p. 152). 9 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Clerk's Tale, in The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. F.N. Robinson. Further references to the tale will be to this edition. 10 Both Hunt, in Thomas Dekker: A Study, p. 59, n. 35 and Jenkins, in The Life and Work of Henry Chettle, p. 161 disclaim the 1599 play's debt to Phillip. More recently, however, Hoy has suggested that 'Phillip's play represents a stage in the development of the Griselda story, specifically as concerns the Marquess' motivation, that ought not to be overlooked, for it points in the way that both ... [Deloney's] Ballad and the play of 1599 will take in their attempts to account for Griselda's treatment at the hands of her noble husband7 (Introductions, Notes, and Commentaries to Texts in 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker/ vol. i, p. 139). Although Hoy does not analyze the marquess's behaviour in the context of Phillip's presentation of the ideal marriage, I am indebted to his discussion of the evolution of the testing motif. 11 Pechter, 'Patient Grissil and the Trials of Marriage/ p. 12, n. 32. Although Pechter's observation is useful in locating the protobourgeois structures of the play, I disagree with his contention that 'we see no evidence of his [Gwalter's] ruling' (p. 12, n. 32); on the contrary, the 1599 play goes beyond its analogues by problematizing the early modern analogy between sovereigns and husbands/fathers. 12 Erasmus, A ryght fruteful Epystle ... in laude and prayse ofmatrymony, sigs. Cvi-Cvii.

Notes to pages 53-6 171 13 Jeremy Taylor, A Course of Sermons for All the Sundays of the Year (1653), Sermon XVII: The Marriage Ring/ Part I, pp. 209, 210; Perkins, Christian Oeconomie, pp. 669, 671. 14 Puttenham, The Maner of Reioysings at Manages and Weddings/ p. 53; Spenser, Amoretti, in Spenser: Poetical Works, ed. J.C. Smith and E. De Selincourt, p. 573. Further references to the poem will be to this edition. 15 'From at least the 15205,' observes Wrightson, 'there were forces active which served to accentuate inequalities and to enhance social and cultural differentiation, and which overlapped in such a way as to intensify the risk of conflict - between landlords and tenants, the "better sort" and the "meaner sort," the "godly" and the "ungodly," the "polite" and the "vulgar." Yet at the same time there were factors which worked against such an outcome: the active paternalism of the Tudor and Stuart state and of individuals responsive to traditional social obligations; the ubiquitous ideology of order and obedience; the ambivalent position of the growing "middling sort"'; and 'the growing complexity of the social order, which undermined some traditional group identities without yet creating new ones of a stable nature' (The Social Order of Early Modern England/ pp. 200-1). 16 For a survey of the plays and treatises dealing with the subject of forced marriage, see Blayney, 'Enforcement of Marriage in English Drama (1600-1650),' pp. 459~7217 Wilkins, The Miseries of Enforced Marriage, Act I, p. 488. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 18 Heywood, A Curtaine Lecture, sigs. F2-3. 19 Taylor, Sermon XVII, The Marriage Ring/ Part I, p. 211. 20 Phillip, The Play of Patient Grissell, ed. R.B. McKerrow. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 21 Phillip's introduction of these details, notes Bliss, 'helps shift his play's emphasis to the domestic unit' (The Renaissance Griselda: A Woman for all Seasons/ p. 307). 22 Hoy, Introductions, Notes, and Commentaries to Texts in 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker/ vol. i, pp. 140-1. 23 Deloney, The Garland of Good Will, ed. J.H. Dixon, stanza i. Further references to the ballad will be to this edition. 24 Dekker, Patient Grissil, in Dramatic Works, ed. Fredson Bowers, vol i. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 25 In my assessment of the play's psychological overtones I take issue with those who disclaim any complex motivation for Gwaiter's cruelty. For Keyishian, 'Gwaiter's decision to test his wife is motivated by no external circumstances' ('Griselda on the Elizabethan Stage/ p. 255). Similarly, Hoy

172 Notes to pages 58-65

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

34 35 36 37 38

contends that the urge to test Grissil 'seems to have sprung full blown from the head of the Marquess' and is 'not occasioned by any felt need to win for her the hearts of his people' (Introduction, Notes, and Commentaries to Texts in 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker,' vol. i, p. 141). Amussen, An Ordered Society, p. 123. Taylor, Sermon XVIII: The Marriage Ring/ Part II, pp. 219-20. Stallybrass, 'Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed/ p. 127. Tilney, The Flower of Friendship, p. 134; Wayne, Introduction, The Flower of Friendship, p. 47. Tilney, The Flower of Friendship, pp. no, 112. Gouge, Domesticall Duties, p. 272. On the inconsistencies in the conduct literature concerning equality in marriage, see above, chap. i. Levin, The Multiple Plot in English Renaissance Drama, p. 50. It is widely accepted that Dekker seems to have been responsible for those sections of the play involving Grissil's indigent family, the scenes depicting poverty and human suffering being characteristic of Dekker's pamphlets and later plays. See Hunt, Thomas Dekker, pp. 15-16; and Hoy, Introductions, Notes and Commentaries to Texts in the 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker/ vol. i, pp. 143-6. Dekker, Foure Birds of Noahs Arke, ed. P.P. Wilson, pp. 124-5. 'A Speach to the Lords and Commons of the Parliament at White-Hall/ in The Political Works of King James I, ed. Charles H. Mcllwain, p. 307. Perkins, Christian Oeconomie, sig. Qq5. 'A Speach to the Lords and Commons of the Parliament at White-Hall/ p. 307. Cited in Hoy, Introductions, Notes, and Commentaries to Texts in 'The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker/ vol. i, p. 133.

3: Domestic Tragedy and Private Life 1 Houlbrooke, The English Family 1450-1700, p. 114. Beier notes that 'the disintegration of families took many forms, but a classic one was desertion by the male partner ... Men departed for many reasons - poverty and debt, family disputes, impressment and adultery' (Masterless Men, p. 52). Belsey, in 'Alice Arden's Crime/ p. 83, writes that 'crimes of violence/ including domestic crimes, 'were by no means uncommon' in early modern England. See also Amussen, 'Gender, Family and the Social Order, 1560-1725,' pp. 205-10; Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, p. 137; and Macdonald, Mystical Bedlam, chap. i. 2 Griffith, Preface, Bethel: or a Forme for Families, sigs. B2V-B3V.

Notes to pages 66-9 173 3 Herrup, 'Law and Morality in Seventeenth-Century England/ p. no. 4 Herrup, 'Law and Morality in Seventeenth-Century England/ p. in. 5 Between c. 1590 and 1610 approximately twenty domestic tragedies, most of them murder plays, were written, only five of which survive in their entirety: Arden of Feversham (c. 1590-2), A Warning for Fair Women (c. 1593-9), Two Lamentable Tragedies (c. 1594-1601), A Woman Killed with Kindness (c. 1603), and A Yorkshire Tragedy (c. 1605-8). 6 Hobbes, Philosophical Rudiments Concerning Government and Society, pp. 130-1. 7 Hobbes, Philosophical Rudiments Concerning Government and Society, p. 129. Although in Leviathan, as Thomas notes, Hobbes 'refutes the simple patriarchal theory of government' (The Social Origins of Hobbes's Political Thought/ in Hobbes Studies, ed. K.C. Brown, p. 189), Hobbes's treatise on the different kinds of government locates the origins of paternal, monarchical government in the eternal, divinely obtained universal order. 8 Hooker, Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, in Works, vol. i, p. 242; Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p. 23. 9 Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p. 23; T.E., The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, p. 6. Belsey comments that women, upon marrying, 'surrendered ... to their husbands' their right to acquire and inherit property, 'exercis[ing] no legal rights as members of the social body' (The Subject of Tragedy, pp. 152-3). See also Alice Clark, Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century. 10 Medvedev and Bakhtin, The Formal Method in Literary Scholarship, p. 8. 11 Erasmus, 'On Good Manners for Boys' / De civilitate morum puerilium libellus/ trans. Brian McGregor, in vol. 25 of Collected Works of Erasmus, p. 275. 12 Erasmus, 'On Good Manners for Boys/ pp. 273-4. 13 Montaigne, Essayes, p. 112. Noting the various social applications of early modern discourses on manners, Jacques Revel remarks that 'the sixteenth century was a time of intense effort to control social intercourse through the rules of civility. Society insisted that a person's gestures be intelligible to others. Behavior was judged by the group/ the codes of manners becoming 'increasingly effective as they were internalized by individuals' ('The Uses of Civility/ in Passions of the Renaissance, p. 167). 14 Heywood, Apology, sig. F3v. 15 I.G. [John Greene?], A Refutation of the Apology for Actors, sig. Fir. 16 More, An Account of Virtue, p. 139. 17 Williams, The Long Revolution, p. 48.

174

Notes to pages 69-72

18 Williams, The Long Revolution, pp. 45, 48. 19 Williams, The Long Revolution, p. 48. 20 These and other household items have been verified as late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century stage properties by King in his valuable study of plays staged between 1599 and 1642 (Shakespeare and Staging, 1599-1642). King has compiled 'a systematic survey of theatrical requirements for 276 plays' by seeking 'positive correlations between the external evidence, as provided by contemporary architecture and pictures of early English stages, and the internal evidence, as provided by the texts of plays first performed in the years 1599-1642' (p. i). King lists the following as frequently used domestic props: tables (sometimes 'set with meat,' as in Patient Grissil [p. 19]); chairs and stools; beds; canopies; carpets; chests; curtains; hangings; cushions; trunks and hampers; and tiring rooms. For a condensed list of similar items included in a 1598 inventory preserved in Henslowe's papers, see Brockett, History of the Theatre, p. 181. 21 On England's 'Great Rebuilding,' see Hoskins, Provincial England, p. 131, and Orlin, "The Causes and Reasons of all Artificial Things" in the Elizabethan Domestic Environment,' pp. 19-75. In design, notes Orlin, houses in the early modern period were 'machine[s] for conspicuous self-expression, never more so than in the choices available through and exerted in ornament' (p. 61). On the social and economic function of lavish private space, see also Contamine, 'Peasant Hearth to Papal Palace/ pp. 425-505; and Fisher, The Development of London as a Centre of Conspicuous Consumption in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,' pp. 199-220. Fisher observes that the houses of the gentry were often multiple-story mansions, 'double, triple, even quadrupled-fronted structures,' adorned with elaborately engraved balconies and windows (p. 200). 22 Harrison, Description of England, pp. 200-1,199. 23 Harrison, Description of England, p. 200. 24 Harrison, Description of England, p. 200. 25 Wotton, The Elements of Architecture, p. 82. 26 Harrison, Description of England, p. 140. 27 Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class, p. 152. Mennell, in All Manners of Food, p. 83, points out that 'new cookery books were much more plentiful in sixteenth-century England than in France, where it was medieval texts which were frequently reprinted/ 28 See Burton, The Early Tudors at Home, pp. 103-9. Burton notes that in the 15605 silver and pewter 'rapidly displaced the thick pieces of bread or wooden trenchers formerly used' (pp. 103-4). 'The exchange of vessel,' writes Harrison, 'as of treen [wooden] platters into pewter, and wooden

Notes to pages 72-4 175

29

30 31

32

33 34

35 36 37

spoons into silver or tin/ marked another major step toward domestic decorum in the mid-sixteenth century (Description of England, p. 201). Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, p. 6. A number of commentators have observed the importance of Frankford's house. Bescou has noted its symbolic value: 'en verite la maison est ici 1'un des personnages principaux' ('Thomas Heywood et le probleme de 1'adultere dans Une femme tuee par la bonte/ p. 139), as has Rauchbaur, in 'Visual and Rhetorical Imagery in Th. Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness,' p. 203, and Levin, in The Multiple Plot in English Renaissance Drama, p. 94. Henderson, in 'Many Mansions/ p. 291, has illustrated the Christian typology that informs the architecture. Scobie has suggested that although the play 'differs from many if not all of the plays written within the domestic tragedy type by not being a dramatisation of contemporary historical events, as were Arden and most of the plays that followed it/ it nevertheless 'shares' with other domestic tragedies 'the domestic emphasis and the middle-class setting7 (Introduction, A Woman Killed with Kindness, p. xxi). Orlin has argued that Frankford's house is prototypical of the early modern house in that 'it is a political association, an economic enterprise, a social institution, and ... a moral system' (Private Matters and Public Culture in Post-Reformation England, p. 151). Wotton, The Elements of Architecture, p. 82. Bruni, for example, urges women to study the liberal arts but warns that 'public' pursuits are 'absolutely outside the province of woman' (De Studiis et Literis [1409], p. 126). The play was performed by Worcester's Men in 1603. On the company's expenditure for Anne Frankford's attire, see Gurr, The Shakespearean Stage 1574-1642, p. 82. Woodbridge, Women and the English Renaissance, p. 27. Woodbridge remarks that the 'connection between women and property was so deeply engrained in Renaissance thought that such diction was often used as an innocent compliment' (Women and the English Renaissance, p. 268, n. 4); and Newman observes that in many sermons of the period 'woman is a series of prosthetic parts and the "bodie whereunto it is fastned" is the husband. The larger metaphorical frame is the Pauline letter to the Ephesians, the commonplace notion of marriage as the union of man and woman into one flesh ... ' (Fashioning femininity and English Renaissance Drama, p. 9). See Partridge, Shakespeare's Bawdy, p. 112. Ranum, 'Refuges of Intimacy/ p. 218. For Canuteson, Frankford is 'a refined revenger of his tainted honor ...

176

Notes to pages 75-80

protesting] to be acting out of kindness7 (The Theme of Forgiveness in the Plot and Subplot of A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 139). Bromley, on the other hand, argues that Frankford is an 'ideal' Christian 'gentleman' who 'takes the moderate ... course' ('Domestic Conduct in A Woman Killed with Kindness,' p. 268); and David Cook, in 'A Woman Killed with Kindness: An Unshakespearian Tragedy/ p. 363, suggests that Frankford's action upholds the principle of Christian charity. 38 Ferry, The 'Inward' Language, p. 46. 39 The Good Hows-holder, pp. 5-6. 40 Reynolds, The Staging of Elizabethan Plays at the Red Bull Theater: 1605-1625, p. 125. 41 Jourdain, English Decoration and Furniture of the Early Renaissance (1500-1650), p. 158. 42 Ranum, 'Refuges of Intimacy/ pp. 207, 218. 43 Ranum, 'Refuges of Intimacy/ p. 217. 44 Montaigne, Essayes, p. 745. 45 D'Ewes, The Diary of Sir Simonds D'Ewes (1622-1624), p. 103. 46 Guazzo, The Civile Conversation ofM. Steeven Guazzo, vol. i, p. 48. 47 Montainge, Essayes, p. 746 (emphasis added). 48 Roper, The Lyfe of Sir Thomas Moore, Knighte, pp. 30-1 (emphasis added). 49 D'Ewes, The Diary of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, p. 60. 50 Although I arrived at my analysis of the study in relation to Frankford's subjectivity before the publication of Orlin's Private Matters and Public Culture in Post-Reformation England, Orlin offers the similar suggestion that the study, in 'allow[ing] of private meditation and linguistic formulation/ also 'produced Frankford's judgment/ which 'valorized his agency ... authoring] him as an apparently determinate male self (p. 188). 51 McLuskie, in Renaissance Dramatists, p. 136, writes that 'in A Woman Killed with Kindness Anne Frankford's part fulfils both mimetic and symbolic functions within the narrative. She is, on the one hand a figure in a particular story of adultery and repentance and, on the other, a paradigm case of the adulteress and repentant wife/ 52 Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, p. 537; Gosynhyll, The Scole House of Women (c. 1541), sig. Bvii. 53 Comparing Heywood's play with Robert Greene's 'Conversion of an English Courtesan/ a story appended to A Disputation Between a He Conny-catcher and a She Conny-catcher (1592), McNeir argues that 'Greene's heroine ... falls not long after marriage in the same precipitate, unpre-

Notes to page 80 177 meditated, and apparently unmotivated manner' as does Anne Frankford ('Heywood's Sources for the Main Plot of A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 203). Hoffman speculates that 'the demands of the ballad plot [of "Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard"] also compromised Hey wood's development of Anne's character and thus resulted in her unsatisfyingly rapid submission to a lover' ('"Both bodily deth and werdly shame": "Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard" as Source for A Woman Killed With Kindness,' p. 170). Other apologists for Heywood's dramaturgy include Bromley, who suggests that we consider the play according to its merits as a morality: 'the question of motivation, applied to Anne or other characters, is sometimes irrelevant ... because Hey wood is not interested in individual psychology'; Anne 'responds to her trials courageously, and Heywood fashions her into an exemplary gentlewoman at the end of the play' ('Domestic Conduct in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ pp. 261, 260). Kiefer contends that Heywood deliberately refrains from providing motivation for Anne's fall because 'he recognized that to give Anne a credible motive - any motive - for adultery would compromise his intent. To have supplied a motive would have meant explaining and thus, implicitly, condoning Anne's transgression' ('Heywood as Moralist in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 87). And Panek argues that 'by largely avoiding the question of motivation, Heywood presents the act of adultery ... unobscured by either mitigating or damning circumstances, so that we may focus ... on ... Anne's repentance and Frankford's "kindness"' ('Punishing Adultery in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 367). For Spacks, on the other hand, dwelling on the issue of Anne's lack of motivation obfuscates the abandonment of morality shared by all of the principal characters: The world of A Woman Killed with Kindness is not a world of true and significant moral standards - it is rather a world of appearance ... The only major character who does conform to a true and rigid vision of honor, Master Frankford, is himself trapped in the world of appearances to the extent that he is unable to perceive and judge truly' ('Honour and Perception in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 330). On Hey wood's conscious didacticism in A Woman Killed see also Townsend, The Artistry of Thomas Heywood's Double Plots,' p. 102. 54 The view of Anne's motivation as dramatically unimportant was originally proposed by Cromwell, for whom Heywood's chief concern is 'the nature of Frankford's revenge/ and not Anne's infidelity (Thomas Heywood: A Study in the Elizabethan Drama of Even/day Life, p. 55). Day cautions modern readers that 'Heywood's contemporaries deemed women

178 Notes to pages 80-1

55 56

57 58

59

frail creatures, quick to fall if not carefully supervised ... [so that] dwelling on the fall of Frankford's wife would lead the play too far from Heywood's purpose' (History of English Literature to 1660, p. 345). Wentworth suggests that Anne, who is 'initially victimized by her compassion for Wendoll and a corresponding' insufficiency of 'understanding ... lacks the intellectual resources and the moral insight to discern any solution to her predicament' (Thomas Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness as Domestic Morality/ p. 155). Cook views Anne's fall as evidence of her naivety: This patently is her first encounter with passion - of which she knows nothing after her secluded youth and calmly affectionate marriage' ('A Woman Killed with Kindness: An Unshakespearian Tragedy/ p. 357). Canuteson also contends that 'Anne's sudden fall ... should give us few problems ... the relationship of Wendoll and Frankford, with the betrayal of a friend, is the moral issue' (The Theme of Forgiveness in the Plot and Subplot of A Woman Killed with Kindness/ pp. 130-1). Heywood, Apology, sig. Giv; Preface, Gunaikeion, unnumbered page. Townsend, The Artistry of Thomas Heywood's Double Plots/ p. 102. Canuteson points out 'the matter of the expensive "black veluett" gown which Anne would have worn from scene xvi to the end of the play in contrast with Susan's white wedding dress - probably the same white dress that Anne wore in the first scene' (The Theme of Forgiveness/ p. 125). Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, p. 537. The play's debt to the homily contradicts the widely held view that during a time when it was customary practice for adulterous wives to be publicly exposed and humiliated by their husbands, Heywood transformed the revenge ethic by portraying a husband who forgives his wife's transgression. The exponents of this view include Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 157; Arthur M. Clark, Thomas Heywood: Playwright and Miscellanist, p. 236; Day, History of English Literature to 1660, pp. 344-5; and Van Fossen, Introduction, A Woman Killed with Kindness, pp. xxx-xxxi. Levin argues that Frankford's domestic servants 'are an integral part of ... [the] household, and, through their ultimate relationship with him, impart a homely and genre-like quality to the portrayal of his world ...' (The Elizabethan "Three-Level" Play/ p. 32). Yet the maid's gesture idealizes the loyalty of servants in an age when cynicism towards them was widespread. See Castan, 'Politics and Private Life/ p. 54 and Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England, pp. 33-5.

Notes to pages 81-2 179 60 'An Homily of the State of Matrimony/ Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, p. 538. 61 Cicero, Offices, pp. 20-1; cited in McNeir, 'Heywood's Sources for the Main Plot of A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 207. Frankford's charity, adds McNeir, has parallels in Gascoigne and Greene, 'and sanction in the condemnation of wrathful vengeance by ... medieval ... and Renaissance authorities' (p. 207). 62 A few commentators have pointed to Frankford's complicity in Anne's death, but have reached different conclusions about the dramatic significance of his actions. For Ornstein, 'Heywood deliberately creates the ambiguity of Frankford's mildness' but the play raises no 'serious moral questions about Anne's guilt and suffering [or] about ... Frankford's motives' ('Bourgeois Morality and Dramatic Convention in A Woman Killed with Kindness/ p. 139). Vanita interprets Anne's punishment and the method of Frankford's forgiveness as morally and dramatically conventional: 'The titillating title [of the play] directs audience expectation to the kill; hence all that leads up to it is relatively unimportant and moves within an uncritically and unimpressively handled conventional formula ... Frankford restores to Anne the name of "wife" only when he is sure she is nearly dead and he will never have to live with her as a wife' ('Men Beware Men: Shakespeare's Warnings for Unfair Husbands,' pp. 205-13). Panek argues that while Frankford's 'kindness' obscures his vengeance, Heywood is deliberately criticizing the punishment: 'the idea that a repentant adulteress ... ought to be forgiven' is widely accepted by 'contemporary conduct-book authors,' so that 'the reader or audience [is] less than comfortable with Frankford's methods of punishing adultery' ('Punishing Adultery/ pp. 375 and 377, n. 19). 63 Battus, The Christian Man's Closet, sig. T3r-3v. Gutierrez interprets Anne Frankford's fall in relation to seventeenth-century Puritan discourses of resistance: 'The religious ideology identified as puritan takes on local meaning as Heywood carefully configures the triangle of adultery as the relationship between a possessed Christian and her demon: Anne Frankford, violating her own personal as well as community values, is possessed by Wendoll, a devil figure, with whom she commits adultery, and whom she then exorcises by fasting and prayer so as to be returned to God ... [T]he rhetoric of possession and exorcism ... along with Anne's ... retribution of self-starvation, signals the play's participation in ... Puritan resistance to episcopal authority' ('Exorcism by Fasting in A Woman Killed with Kindness, pp. 49-50). On Heywood's relation to early modern Puritanism, see also Atkinson, 'An Approach to the Main Plot of Thomas

i8o Notes to pages 83-6

64 65 66 67 68

69 70 71

72

Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness,' p. 25, and Ornstein, The Moral Vision of Jacobean Tragedy, p. 17. Elsewhere, Gutierrez contends that 'the ethical pattern of sin, repentance, and punishment that is the framework of so many domestic tragedies is absent in A Woman Killed with Kindness' (The Irresolution of Melodrama/ p. 283). Scobie also argues that Anne Frankford's sentence does not conform to the homiletic ending of the morality play in that her punishment is 'more intense in its moral assertion through being self-inflicted ... Choosing her own punishment, she confirms the truth of the moral judgement as she understands it. Acknowledgement points the way to ... the possibility of salvation, through action that affirms without imposing a moral code' (Introduction, A Woman Killed With Kindness, pp. xxi-xxii). Van Fossen, ed., A Woman Killed with Kindness, p. 96, n. 44. Heywood, Apology, F3v (emphasis added). See Contamine, 'Peasant Hearth to Papal Palace/ p. 496. Dollimore, Radical Tragedy, p. 14. Wine proposes that 'Arden is the first extant play of its type/ and suggests that 'two that are not extant, Murderous Michael and The Cruelty of a Step-Mother, both of the late 15705, may be forerunners' (Introduction, The Tragedy of Master Arden of Faversham, p. Iviii, n. i). Sturgess is more cautious about the play's uniqueness, suggesting that 'if not the first of these plays it was an important early example' (Introduction, Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, p. 19). In addition to the texts which I have cited, the play's sources and analogues include Stow's papers, Hasted's history of Kent, Southouse's survey, Jacob's History of the Town and Port of Faversham, the Breviat Chronicle, and Heywood's Troia Britannica. Day, History of English Literature to 1600, p. 349; Trainor, '"Guilty Creatures at a Play/" p. 40. Leggatt, '"Arden of Faversham/" p. 124. On the play's modifications of its sources and its interest in character, see Wine, Introduction, The Tragedy of Master Arden of Faversham, pp. IxviIxxiv. Sturgess argues that 'character portrayal is the play's outstanding feature. The characters are presented not as types or moral symbols but as individuals' (Introduction, Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, p. 23). A minority opinion is expressed by Walz, in 'Arden of Faversham as Tragic Satire/ p. 26, for whom 'the characters are clearly recognizable types. And they are the types associated with domestic satires, the farcical and moral interludes that constituted such a large part of sixteenth-century stage fare.' Douglas, 'Deciphering a Meal/ p. 61.

Notes to pages 86-90 181 73 74 75 76

Harrison, Description of England, p. 144. LeBlanc, 'Dinner With Chichikov/ p. 76. Harrison, Description of England, p. 141. Brown, Fictional Meals and Their Function in the French Novel, 1798-1848, p. 38. 77 Although the reasons for Alice's crime, argues Kato, 'are not mentioned in the play itself/ the spectator infers that she murders her husband because she has her lover and Arden is the object of her bitter hatred and the obstacle to their enjoying illicit love' ('Alice Arden of Feversham and her Company of Evil/ p. 189). For Brodwin, while Arden adheres closely to Holinshed's account, it develops the character of Alice in such a way that it explains 'the desperate quality of her love for Mosbie which drives her to murder for its preservation/ (Elizabethan Love Tragedy 1587-1625, P- 191)78 See Attwell, 'Property, Status, and the Subject in a Middle-class Tragedy: Arden of Faversham/ p. 339. 79 Orlin convincingly demonstrates that 'Alice Arden represents both the theoretical threat posed by women to patriarchal philosophy and the suspected inadequacy in practice of an elaborate mechanism of domestic prescription' (Private Matters and Public Culture, p. 105). I disagree, however, with her contention that Arden of Feversham capitulates to a 'thoroughgoing political orthodoxy' which is 'insufficient to one challenge to its intellectual integrity: it is fatally uncertain of how to treat, manage, and contain its disorderly woman' (p. 104). 80 Bruster, '"In a Woman's Key": Women's Speech and Women's Language in Renaissance Drama/ p. 244. 81 Barbaro, 'On Wifely Duties/ p. 206. While 'silence [is] the most outstanding ornament of women' (p. 206), Barbaro charges men with the duty to speak eloquently 'on those matters that they know well' (p. 204). 82 Gainsford, The Rich Cabinet, p. 163. 83 Although I concur with Belsey that in many instances Arden of Feversham 'presents Alice Arden's challenge to the institution of marriage as an act of heroism' (The Subject of Tragedy, p. 134), in my analysis I depart from her claim that 'a definitive meaning for Alice['s] ... crime ... remains elusive' (p. 135). 84 T.E., The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, p. 6. 85 Jardine, Still Harping on Daughters, pp. 42-3. 86 Underdown, The Taming of the Scold/ p. 119. For my analysis of Alice Arden's recalcitrance I am also indebted to Woodbridge's suggestion that 'the charge of sexual immorality' in early modern discourses 'is levelled

182 Notes to pages 90-2

87 88 89

90 91

92 93

94

95 96

at female[s] ... who have attained some measure of freedom of action/ so that 'one of the major charges in the Renaissance misogynist's catalogue, lust, may have been no more than a backlash against feminine freedom and assertiveness in the real world' (Women and the English Renaissance, p. 177). See also Newman, Fashioning Femininity, p. xviii. Mendelson, 'Stuart Women's Diaries and Occasional Memoirs,' pp. 192, 191. Ezell, The Patriarch's Wife, p. 107. Lewalski, Writing Women in Jacobean England, pp. 3, 2. The nine women whom Lewalski studies are Queen Anne, Princess Elizabeth, Arabella Stuart, the Countess of Bedford, Anne Clifford, Rachel Speght, Elizabeth Cary, Amelia Lanyer, and Mary Wroth. See also Krontiris, Oppositional Voices: Women as Writers and Translators of Literature in the English Renaissance, on the strategies employed by Englishwomen who challenge conservative ideologies of gender, and Otten's carefully documented account of non-literary writings by women from different social groups, in which they describe a wide range of female experience including suffering as a result of domestic abuse, unjust imprisonment, and economic exploitation (English Women's Voices, 1540-1700). Jardine, 'The Duchess of Malfi: A Case Study in the Literary Representation of Women,' p. 116. For a useful analysis of how 'Arden's prosperity and place in the social hierarchy is premised on the dispossession and displacement' of others, see Breen, The Carnival Body in Arden of Faversham/ p. 16. See Ferry, The 'Inward' Language, p. 49. Although insisting that 'in every other case, human justice and theological judgment are in complete agreement' in the play, Adams admits that 'there is no explanation for this miscarriage of justice,' that 'moral justice is far from perfectly executed' (English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 107, n. 14). Youngblood, in Theme and Imagery in Arden of Feversham/ p. 208, argues that like 'every tragedy,' Arden 'postulates a world of moral order and moral sanctions which human actions temporarily violate, with tragic human consequences; a moral order which at the close of the play has been, however artificially, restored and reaffirmed.' See Wine, Introduction, The Tragedy of Master Arden of Faversham, p. Ixxiv; and Orlin, for whom 'the brief closing scenes satisfy our instinct for justice, but not tidily' ('Man's House as His Castle,' p. 81). Trainor, '"Guilty Creatures at a Play/" p. 43. Dolan, 'Gender, Moral Agency, and Dramatic Form in A Warning for Fair Women,' pp. 202, 209.

Notes to pages 92-8 183 97 Orlin, Tamilial Transgressions, Societal Transition on the Elizabethan Stage/ p. 46; Private Matters and Public Culture, p. 112. 98 For Mehl, 'the playwright's technique becomes rather simple/ as evidenced by the 'alternation]' between 'realistic tragedy' and 'a morally instructive pantomime in which the characters taking part appear to be only the victims of the virtues and vices struggling for mastery of them' (The Elizabethan Dumb Show, pp. 94, 92). Dolan suggests that the dumb shows 'veil the playwright's reluctance to speak about such transgressions as a wife's infidelity and her plot against her husband's life. In their visual presentation of the unspeakable, the dumb shows reinforce Anne's role as a silent, passive figure even in this crime, her own tragedy' ('Gender, Moral Agency, and Dramatic Form in A Warning for Fair Women/ p. 211). 99 Mehl, The Elizabethan Dumb Show, pp. 95-6. 100 Boas, in An Introduction to Tudor Drama, suggests that Tragedy employs 'murky rhetoric' in order to set forth 'the meaning of these "Shows'" (p. 108). Whereas Boas views this development as being 'in uneasy contrast with the homely dialogue of the main action' (p. 109), I consider it more in keeping with the play's resistance to the cults of civility and domesticity. 101 Bradbrook, Themes and Conventions of Elizabethan Tragedy, p. 18. 102 Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, p. 48. 103 Freud, The "Uncanny/" p. 220. 104 Freud, The "Uncanny/" p. 222. 105 Freud, The "Uncanny/" pp. 220-5. 106 Freud, The "Uncanny/" pp. 224-5. 107 Strachey, trans, and ed., The "Uncanny"/ by Sigmund Freud, p. 225, n. i. 108 On the sources of the play, which in addition to Golding's tract include Holinshed's and Stow's accounts of George Sanders's murder, see Cannon, Introduction, A Warning for Fair Women, pp. 64-75. 109 Golding, A Briefe Discourse, p. 230. no Golding, A Brief Discourse, pp. 236-8 (emphasis added). in Bradford, 'Daily Meditations/ in Writings of the Rev. John Bradford, p. 444. 112 Augustine, St, The Confessions, p. 377. 113 Gore, The Way to Prosper, pp. 137-8. 114 Edward de Vere Newsletter, No. 21 (November 1990), p. [i]. 115 A Yorkshire Tragedy, ed. A.C. Cawley and Barry Gaines. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 116 See above, chap. 3; for further discussion of The Miseries of Enforced Marriage see chap. 5, below.

184 Notes to pages 98-103 117 Dolan, Dangerous Familiars, pp. 13-14. 118 Two Most Unnatural and Bloodie Murthers (1605), in Cawley and Gaines, eds., A Yorkshire Tragedy, Appendix A, p. 96. Further references to the pamphlet will be to this edition. 119 Macdonald, Mystical Bedlam, pp. 131, 165. 120 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 128. 121 While I find valuable Leggatt's contention, in English Drama: Shakespeare to the Restoration 1590-1660, p. 183, that in A Yorkshire Tragedy 'no saving conventions contain or neutralize the central character's drive to ruin/ I disagree with his suggestion that the playwright ascribes no motive to the Husband's behaviour beyond 'his drive to self-destruction' (p. 184): the 'threat ... that destroys the comfortable home to which the domestic play aspires as its ideal' is strictly 'from within ... and destroys it for no discernible reason' (pp. 185-6). 122 Cawley and Gaines, eds., A Yorkshire Tragedy, p. 61, n. 74. 123 Foucault, Madness and Civilization, p. 37. 124 Tyrrell, Preface to A Yorkshire Tragedy, in The Doubtful Plays of Shakspere, pp. 82-3. 125 Cawley and Gaines, Introduction, A Yorkshire Tragedy, pp. 19-20. 126 The Wife's thoughts,' write Cawley and Gaines, 'are engrossed by her husband, who seems to get the major share of her sorrow and her love. We must either accept the Wife's behaviour as a miracle of forgiveness or suppose that she concentrates her emotions on her husband in order to suppress an unbearable sorrow for her dead children. But neither the miraculous nor the psychological explanation is really convincing' (p. 20). Dolan similarly remarks that 'despite the loss of two of her children,' the Wife 'forgives' the Husband (Dangerous Familiars, p. 159). 127 Yarrington, Two Lamentable Tragedies, ed. John S. Farmer. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 128 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 108. See also Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage, vol. 3, p. 518. 129 Two Lamentable Tragedies has attracted little scholarly interest since Adams's denunciation of Yarrington's craft as 'characterized by ... naive psychology' (English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 108) and Andrew Clark's complaint that the text 'employs, ad nauseum, the customary dramatic device of divine providence and the popular religious beliefs of the sermons' (Domestic Drama, vol. i, p. 155). Recently, Tessitore and Orlin have argued for a more complex dramaturgy. Although not disputing the providentialist reading, Tessitore views the homiletic design as complemented by an Aristotelian mimetic structure whose

Notes to pages 103-108 185 ultimate effect is to induce catharsis, or moral purification ('purificazione morale'), in the spectator ('Two Lamentable Tragedies [i6oi]/ p. 53). Focusing on the characterization of Rachel in the English plot, Orlin demonstrates that 'order in the macrocosm - civic order' is 'dependent upon the betrayal of degree in the microcosm - household hierarchy' ('Familial Transgressions,' p. 35). 130 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. no. 131 Harrison, Description of England, p. 118; Smith, De Republica Anglorum, p. 46. 132 Slack, in Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 64, notes that 'in the three Kent parishes of Chatham, Gillingham and the Isle of Grain, in 1596,71 per cent of the population had no corn, and there were more people with than without only in the Isle/ Between 1580 and 1620 'many Essex parishes were complaining that they were "very sore charged with poor," and the clothing villages in the north of the country were overwhelmed by "poor artisans" in the 15905.' Similar 'pressures were felt to a much greater degree, and from an earlier date, in towns' (p. 67). 133 Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 67. 134 See Beier, The Problem of the Poor in Tudor and Early Stuart England, p. 13; Amussen, An Ordered Society, p. 31; Walter and Wrightson, 'Dearth and the Social Order in Early Modern England,' pp. 22-42; and Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 101. 135 Peter Clark, The English Alehouse, pp. 5,123-31. 136 Amussen, An Ordered Society, p. 170. 137 See Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 108; and Andrew Clark, for whom 'the excessive crudity of the work manifests itself in all matters of dramaturgy' (Domestic Drama, vol. i, p. 155). 138 Walter and Wrightson observe that 'it is difficult to exaggerate the extent to which people in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century were conscious of the threat of dearth' ('Dearth and the Social Order in Early Modern England,' p. 22). 139 Stubbs, The Anatomy of Abuses, sig. Ry. 140 Gouge, Gods Three Arrows; Plague, Famine, Sword (1631), p. 5. 141 Stubbs, The Anatomy of Abuses, sig. Ry. 142 Thomas Smith (?), Discourse of the Common Weal, p. 154. 143 See Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth, p. 154. Palliser points out that 'a measure of the increased understanding of economics during the second half of the century' is 'that the apparent paradox which Smith tried to explain in 1549 no longer seemed a problem in 1593. Fulke Greville could argue in a parliamentary debate in that year that high prices did

186

Notes to pages 108-11

not indicate national poverty but the opposite: "our dearth of everything amongst us, sheweth plenty of money"7 (p. 155). 144 See Slack, Poverty and Policy, pp. 48-52. 145 Starkey, A Dialogue between Pole and Lupset, p. 54; Harrison, Description of England, pp. 115-16. Palliser notes that in the early 15805 a number of commentators were calling 'for a reduction in unnecessary imports, especially silk, wine and spices ...' (The Age of Elizabeth, p. 330). 146 Law, 'Yarrington's "Two Lamentable Tragedies"/ p. 171. 4: 'Retrograde and Preposterous' 1 The English Renaissance plays that treat the subject of witchcraft divide into four broad categories: (i) those whose chief interest is in benign forms of magic; (2) those with historical subjects, in which a main character either practises or is influenced by witchcraft; (3) those in which the witch-figure has only a minor role; (4) witch plays. For a useful synopsis of the features of each group, see Thomas Heywood and Richard Brome, An Edition of The Late Lancashire Witches, Introduction by Laird H. Barber, p. 20. 2 Clark, Domestic Drama, vol. 2, p. 340. 3 Cooper, The Mystery of Witchcraft, title page and p. 5. 4 Cooper, The Mystery of Witchcraft, p. 206. In Thilomela Strikes Back/ p. 433, Gutierrez observes that early modern commentators often point 'to woman's desire to end her subjection to men, her desire for power, as a motivating factor in her choice for adultery or witchcraft. In other words, the woman deliberately chooses to ally herself with a power that is an enemy to the patriarchal system in which she is living/ 5 Coudert, 'Witchcraft Studies to Date/ p. 10. See also Jean R. Brink et al., Introduction, The Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe, p. 9. Although witch beliefs and the relation between women and witches are crosscultural phenomena, it is only in early modern Europe and America that the belief in witchcraft led to a witchcraze resulting in 'the death of between 60,000 and 200,000 people/ most of them women (Coudert, The Myth of the Improved Status of Protestant Women/ p. 61). In England and Scotland, intermittent witch hunts and persecutions were most intensive between 1590 and 1650. In 1542,1563, and 1604 respectively, three successive Acts of Parliament made witchcraft a statutory crime in England. Approximately 2,000 persons were tried in English assize courts from 1542-1736 'and some 300 executed7; among the latter, approximately

Notes to pages 111-15 187 85 to 93 per cent were women (Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England, p. 62. See also Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 520, and Larner, Enemies of God, p. 89). 6 Larner, Enemies of God, p. 92. 7 Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, pp. 43-4. 8 James I, Daemonologie, pp. 43-4. 9 Kors and Peters, Introduction, Witchcraft in Europe 1100-1700, p. 12. 10 Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, p. 225. 11 Nelson, 'Why Witches Were Women/ pp. 347, 346. 12 Coudert, 'Witchcraft Studies to Date/ p. 21. 13 See Stuart Clark, 'Inversion, Misrule and the Meaning of Witchcraft/ pp. 98-127. 14 In city comedies such as Lyly's Mother Bombie (1594) and Thomas Heywood's The Wise Woman ofHogsdon (1604) the titular heroines are not witches but crones whose magic is benign because they do not practise conjuring or devil-worship. Mother Bombie's claim - Tf neuer to doo harme, be to doo good, I dare saie I am not ill' (III.iv.91-2) - is never disputed in the play, and her activities lead to positive reconciliations in the denouement (Lyly, Mother Bombie, in vol. 3 of The Complete Works of John Lyly, ed. R. Warwick Bond). Similarly, Heywood's Wise Woman practises fortune-telling, palmistry, and midwifery, but in the end all of the couples whom she has matched are joined in marriage, and she attends the celebrations as the guest of honour. 15 Lyly, Endimion, The Man in the Moon, in vol. 3 of The Complete Works of John Lyly. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 16 See Briggs, Pale Hecate's Team, p. 64. 17 Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, p. 44. 18 Daemonologie, p. 55. James is here echoing the authors of the Malleus Maleficarum (see Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, p. i). 19 See Coudert, The Myth of the Improved Status of Protestant Women/ p. 66. 20 Peter Corbin and Douglas Sedge observe that in Middleton's The Witch 'continental and English witchcraft practices are mingled indiscriminately': the gathering of witches 'in a sabbath in which the Devil was worshipped, the sexual assaults on the community by incubus and succubus, the transvection of witches into the air by means of anointing ... belong ... to continental conceptions of witchcraft... They co-exist in the play alongside more characteristically English ingredients of witch-lore such as the familiar, the use of waxen effigies and the laming of cattle ...' (Introduction, Three Jacobean Witchcraft Plays, p. 15).

i88 Notes to pages 115-18 21 Knight, The Milk of Concord: An Essay on Life-Themes in Macbeth/ in The Imperial Theme, p. 139. The scenes in The Witch involving Hecate were so successful that Macbeth was revised so as to include a dance and two songs from The Witch as well as the figure of Hecate, who, like her counterpart in Middleton, 'takes advantage of the flying machinery at the Blackfriars theatre7 (Corbin and Sedge, Introduction, Three Jacobean Witchcraft Plays, p. 3). 22 Middleton, The Witch, in Three Jacobean Witchcraft Plays, ed. Corbin and Sedge. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 23 Cited in Thomas Bayly Howell, ed., A Complete Collection of State Trials, vol. 2 (1603-1627), pp. 799-801. 24 Cooper, The Mystery of Witchcraft, p. 206. 25 Macbeth, in The Complete Works of Shakespeare, ed. David Bevington. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 26 Stallybrass, 'Macbeth and Witchcraft/ p. 196. 27 On Lady Macbeth's transgression of 'her wifely roles as hostess and helpmate' see Klein, 'Lady Macbeth "Infirm of Purpose,'" pp. 240-55. 28 Coudert, The Myth of the Improved Status of Protestant Women/ p. 78. 29 Luther, Luther's Works, vol. i, p. 203. 30 Brauner, 'Martin Luther on Witchcraft: A True Reformer?', p. 37. In Fearless Wives and Frightened Shrews, p. 58, Brauner further notes that for Luther 'women are by nature fearful; they practice witchcraft in order to overcome their fears, but this only binds them all the more to their fearful nature. A woman can free herself from fear only if she accepts her weakness and becomes an obedient wife who trusts in God.' 31 Hobbes, Leviathan, or the Matter, Form, and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil (1651), chap. 20, para. 15. 32 Janet Adelman, '"Born of Woman": Fantasies of Maternal Power in Macbeth,' p. 97. In Malevolent Nurture, pp. 212-13, Willis suggests that while Macbeth 'associates demonic agency with unruly women and constructs the murder of a father-king as a profoundly unnatural act, it also arouses considerable anxiety about the "godly" social/political order headed by Duncan and then Malcolm. The interplay between the witches and Macbeth highlights a problematic associated not so much with women as with fathers and kings; a tragic mechanism inheres in godly patriarchal rule, seemingly dooming it to produce traitors out of loyal subjects.' 33 Adelman, '"Born of Woman": Fantansies of Maternal Power in Macbeth,' p. 98. The passage also alludes to menstruation. Fox has demonstrated that 'visitings of Nature' was 'a common euphemism for menstruation' ('Obstetrics and Gynecology in Macbeth,' p. 129). Tn the play's context of

Notes to pages 118-26 189

34 35 36

37 38

39 40 41 42 43 44

45 46 47

48

and Gynecology in Macbeth/ p. 129). 'In the play's context of unnatural births/ writes Adelman, 'the thickening of the blood and the stopping up of access and passage to remorse begin to sound like attempts to undo reproductive functioning and perhaps to stop the menstrual blood that is the sign of its potential' (p. 97). Brain, 'An Anthropological Perspective on the Witchcraze/ p. 18. Marston, The Wonder of Women, in Three Jacobean Witchcraft Plays, ed. Corbin and Sedge. Further references to the play will be to this edition. For the plot involving Erichto, Marston borrows heavily from Book VI of Lucan's Pharsalia. On the sexual and scatological underpinning of Erichto's necrophilic and necrophagous rites, Chauchaix observes: 'La magicienne manifeste, en effet, un interet particulier pour ce qui concerne les fonctions sexuelles et excrementielles. Elle est necrophile et necrophage: elle s'acharne avec avidite ... sur des cadavres ...' ('Visages de Femmes dans La Sophonisbe de J. Marston/ pp. 46-7). Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, p. 47. Heywood and Brome, An Edition of The Late Lancashire Witches by Thomas Heywood and Richard Brome, ed. Barber. Further references to the play will be to this edition. Berry, The Globe Bewitched and El Hombre Fiel/ p. 218. Brain, 'An Anthropoligical Perspective on the Witchcraze/ p. 15. Dekker, The Witch of Edmonton, in vol. 3 of The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker. Further references to the play will be to this edition. Monter, The Pedestal and the Stake: Courtly Love and Witchcraft/ p. 134. Monter, The Pedestal and the Stake/ p. 134. Dollimore, Radical Tragedy, p. 40. 'The Witch of Edmonton,' writes Dollimore, 'is remarkable for the way it depicts how habit, socially coerced, becomes another - or rather "anti" - nature' (p. 176). Dawson has suggested that 'Mother Sawyer's turn to witchcraft' is portrayed as 'a direct response to her particular social circumstances'; her 'malignity ... is unequivocally motivated by the scapegoat role she has been forced to play' ('Witchcraft/Bigamy/ p. 80). Klaits, Servants of Satan, p. 51. Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 562. Onat, Introduction, The Witch of Edmonton: A Critical Edition, p. 94; Hattaway, 'Women and Witchcraft/ p. 53. Atkinson observes that 'the play does not make it entirely clear whether or not the witch really is responsible for the death of Anne Ratcliff/ and suggests that 'the episode was probably imperfectly assimilated from the source' ('Moral Knowledge and the Double Action in The Witch of Edmonton/ p. 431, n. 8). Wier, De Praestigiis Daemonum, vol. i, p. 300. The debate about demonol

190 Notes to pages 126-30 ogy is well documented in Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella; Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries; and Anglo, 'Melancholia and Witchcraft/ pp. 209-28. 49 Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and Seventeeth Centuries, pp. 132-4. Thomas, in Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 579, claims that it was easier for Neoplatonists 'to advance a "natural" explanation for the witches' maleficium than it was for those who had been educated in the tradition of scholastic Aristotelianism' which frequently supported diabolical explanations. 50 Stuart Clark notes that before coming to England, James I had dealt cautiously and even sceptically with accusations of witchcraft; however, he later 'became a witch-hunter and demonologist' apparently 'to satisfy political and religious pretensions at a time when they could be expressed in few other ways/ finding 'in the theory and practice of witch persecution a perfect vehicle for his nascent ideals of kingship/ Foremost among these ideals was the duty of the king to be 'the people's teacher and patriarch' ('King James's Daemonologie: Witchcraft and Kingship/ pp. 164-5). Elsewhere, Clark suggests that James's 'attempt in 1590-1 to write into the confessions of the North Berwick witches a special antipathy between demonic magic and godly magistracy had been a way of authenticating his own, as yet rather tentative initiatives as ruler of Scotland' ('Inversion, Misrule and the Meaning of Witchcraft/ p. 117). 51 Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft, Book i, chap, i, para. i. 52 Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft, Book i, chap, i, para. i. 53 Scot, The Discoverie of Witchcraft, Book i, chap. 3, paras, i and 2. 54 See George Gifford, A Dialogue concerning Witches and Witchcraft. 55 See Notestein, A History of Witchcraft in England from 1558-1718, p. 143. 56 Rao, The Domestic Drama, p. 187; Herndl, The High Design, p. 272. 57 Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, pp. 44-7. 58 Adams, English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, p. 136. 59 Herndl, The High Design, p. 272. My reading of the denouement of The Witch of Edmonton takes issue with Herndl's claim that 'religious piety provid[es] again [as in A Woman Killed with Kindness] some reconciliation to the otherwise intolerable suffering of a man we cannot blame' (p. 272). 60 Brodwin, The Domestic Tragedy of Frank Thorney in The Witch of Edmonton,' p. 322. Elsewhere, Brodwin contends that Frank's 'final desire is that death may extinguish the despair which [his] ultimate self-recognition has brought' (Elizabethan Love Tragedy, p. 174). Onat, conceding that Frank's repentance is 'not the mere stock convention of homiletic drama/

Notes to pages 130-5 191 observes that it is 'dramatically credible' because 'Frank has been characterized as a man of some conscience and feeling' (Introduction, The Witch of Edmonton, p. 86). 61 The 'Church courts/ observes Stone, 'declared a marriage in church to be adulterous and of no validity if there could be proved a prior oral contract per verba de praesenti by one of the pair with another person' (The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800, p. 32). In Church Courts, Sex and Marriage in England, 1570-1640, p. 190, Ingram points out that 'marriage in church was undoubtedly normal practice in the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. But an unsolemnised or unwitnessed union, though irregular, might nonetheless be fully binding/ 5: Developments in Comedy 1 Harbage, Shakespeare and the Rival Traditions, p. 235. 2 See Grivelet, Thomas Heywood et le Drame Domestique Elizabethain, pp. 166-74, and Clark, Domestic Drama, vol. 2, p. 249, n. 36. 3 On the thematic importance of the testing motif in domestic comedy, see Manheim, 'The Thematic Structure of Dekker's 2 Honest Whore,' p. 365; Clark, Domestic Drama, vol. 2, chaps. 6 and 7; Quinn, Introduction, The Faire Maide of Bristow, p. 27; and Rao, The Domestic Drama, pp. 13 and 89-92. 4 Clark, Domestic Drama, vol. 2, p. 267. 5 The Faire Maide of Bristow, ed. Arthur H. Quinn. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 6 The London Prodigal, in The Shakespeare Apocrypha, ed. C.F. Tucker Brooke. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 7 I am indebted to Leggatt's observation that The London Prodigal leaves 'room for sombre reflection ... on the abuse of marriage and on the rights of parents and children' (English Drama, p. 183). 8 Champion, in 'From Melodrama to Comedy: A Study of the Dramatic Perspective in Dekker's The Honest Whore, Parts I and II,' p. 194, demonstrates that in content and in the amount of stage time it receives, the Candido plot is equivalent to the two other plots: the Candido scenes total 859 lines, compared with 669 lines for the Bellafront plot and 605 for the romance plot. 9 Feldman, The Morality-Patterned Comedy of the Renaissance, p. 98; Keyishian, 'Dekker's Whore and Marston's Courtesan,' p. 264. 10 Haselkorn, in Prostitution in Elizabethan and Jacobean Comedy, p. 125, argues that 'Bellafront is not naive; she knows men/ and her 'conversion in Part I

192 Notes to pages 135-7 runs less than a straight course. She teeter-totters between Hippolito and Matheo, going from one to the other, until she finally settles on Matheo, the man she can get ... set [ting] up a situation which will be fraught with unhappiness/ 11 'Candido's humour/ writes Ure, 'makes him seem ridiculous and touchingly good at one and the same time; we look up to him with one auspicious and one dropping eye' ('Patient Madman and Honest Whore: The Middleton-Dekker Oxymoron/ p. 26). 12 The Honest Whore, Part I, in vol. 2 of The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 13 Comensoli, 'Merchants and Madcaps: Dekker's Honest Whore Plays and the Commedia dell'Arte,' pp. 125-39. 14 It is generally agreed that 2 Honest Whore is primarily Dekker's, and that 'Middleton's contribution may have consisted principally in touches given to individual passages throughout the play' (Hoy, Introductions, Notes, and Commentaries, vol. 2, p. 6). 15 In The Restoration Rake-Hero, p. 137, Weber observes that 'men not only refuse to believe in her [Bellafront's] ability to change, but actively discourage it. Her reform frustrates both their lust and their easy assumptions of male superiority and female weakness. Male definitions of a woman's nature simply do not allow for the possibility of reform.' 16 The Honest Whore, Part II, in vol. 2 of The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker. Further references to the play will be to this edition. 17 Frye, Anatomy of Criticism, p. 48. 18 Wotton, Elements of Architecture, p. 82. See above, chap. 3. 19 On the proliferation of the concept of hospitality in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Heal, 'The Idea of Hospitality in Early Modern England/ p. 75, and Hospitality in Early Modern England. 20 The enormous importance placed on hospitality in the early modern period is evidenced by the practice of inscribing householders' neighbourliness and beneficence on their tombstones. Among the tombstones in Oxford county, for example, the epitaph to Christopher Kempster, a London freeman and mason who assisted in the building of St Paul's Cathedral, is typical: the engraved eulogy emphasizes that in addition to having 'liv'd in perfect Love and Amity with his dear Wife/ Kempster 'left behind him the Character of ... a loving Father, a Hospitable Neighbour and a Compasionate Benefactor to the poor' (St John Baptist Church, Burford, England).

Notes to pages 137-42 193 21 22 23 24 25 26

Heal, The Idea of Hospitality/ p. 67. Taylor, The Pennyless Pilgrimage/ p. 127. Xenophon's Treatise of Hovseholde, p. 6. Ellis, The Gentile Sinner, p. 179. Wotton, Elements of Architecture, p. 82. Gore, 'The Way to prosper/ in Register of Sermons Preached at Pauls Cross 1534-1642, p. 13727 Wotton, Elements of Architecture, p. 4. 28 Tilney, Flower of Friendship, pp. 135-6,137. 29 Pearson, Elizabethans at Home, p. 556. 30 Markham, The English Hus-Wife, p. 4. 31 See Burton, The Early Tudors at Home: 1485-1558, p. 138, and Mennell, All Manners of Food, p. 45. 32 Andrew Clark, Domestic Drama, vol. 2, p. 247. 33 Porter, The Two Angry Women of Abington, ed. Jardine and Simons (emphasis added). Further references to the play will be to this edition. 34 Ure, 'Patient Madman and Honest Whore/ p. 27; Palumbo, Trade and Custom in i Honest Whore/ p. 34. 35 Palmer, Hospitable Performances, p. 28. 36 Ball, in Merchants and Merchandise, p. 156, writes that 'the last years for which the enrolled customs accounts are available suggest some buoyancy in the trade: 104,000 shortcloths exported by London in 1601,118,000 in 1602, 92,000 in 1603, and 112,000 in 1604 ... the dying away of complaints of the over-expansion of cloth manufacture, together with positive contemporary comments on the prosperity of the trade, make it reasonable to believe that the peak of 127,000 shortcloths exported by English merchants from London in 1614 was not an isolated phenomenon, but the culmination of a decade of expansion/ 37 Aymard writes that 'friendship bound families more than individuals, or, rather, it bound individuals through their families ... Friendship was ubiquitous, commonplace, and necessary. It took many forms and was a part of the fabric of social relations, which it helped to shape. It kept the social machinery running smoothly7 ('Friends and Neighbors/ p. 453). 38 For a survey of the pictorial and poetic representations, see Goodman-Soellner, 'Poetic Interpretations of the "Lady at her Toilette" Theme in Sixteenth-Century Painting/ pp. 426-42. 39 Ranum, The Refuges of Intimacy/ p. 228. 40 della Casa, Galateo Ovvero de' Costumi, p. 385. 41 Serlio, Tutte I'opere d'architettura, pp. 45-7; translation mine.

194

Notes to pages 143-5

42 My analysis of the Bedlam scene takes issue with Price's claim that 'Setting the denouement in Bedlam permits Dekker to entertain his audience with a show of madmen, which has but little relation to his drama' (Thomas Dekker, p. 63). 43 Some commentators have been uneasy with the shift in perspective in the play's final scene. For Haselkorn, although the Bridewell episode is not gratuitous because it is 'connected with Bellafront's personal Bridewell/ it is nevertheless an extension of 'Dekker's Puritan morality [which] implies that one can achieve purification and atonement for sins only by submitting to ... harsh measures' (Prostitution in Elizabethan and Jacobean Comedy, p. 133). Others have offered qualified praise: for Conover, 'the "whores" are vital, lively, and interesting/ their presence 'help[ing] to end the play in a strong, theatrical manner, appropriate in mood, if not in terms of action, to the play which has preceded that ending' (Thomas Dekker, p. no). Sherbo suggests that the procession of the obstreperous prostitutes 'serves to counteract and weaken the sentimental effect of the fifth act with its reformations and reconciliations' (English Sentimental Drama, p. 108); and Hunt, although complaining of the 'appeal to the gallery/ observes the ending's tragic elements: The closing scenes ... to the present-day reader ... are terrible rather than comic; and perhaps they were to Dekker, too' (Thomas Dekker, pp. 100-1). 44 Frye, Anatomy of Criticism, p. 44. 45 In my reading of the Bridewell episode I depart from the contention, put forth separately by Shaw and Salgado, that Dekker merely draws on the popular, idealistic conception of the workhouse as reformatory. Shaw suggests that while the episode is informed by 'topographical and vocational realism ... the penology is somewhat idealized' and Bridewell is portrayed as 'a work house for correction rather than a prison for punishment' (The Position of Thomas Dekker in Jacobean Prison Literature/ pp. 369, 370). For Salgado, Dekker's treatment of confinement 'gives an idealized picture of Bridewell both as a house of correction and as recruiting centre' (The Elizabethan Underworld, p. 189). 46 Stow, A Survey of London, vol 2, p. 145. 47 Stow, A Survey of London, vol 2, p. 145. 48 'By being forced to work within the institution, the prisoners would form industrious habits and would receive a vocational training at the same time. When released, it was hoped, they would voluntarily swell the labor market' (Rusche and Kirchheimer, Punishment and Social Structure, p. 42). Cf. Sharpe, Crime in Early Modern England 1550-1750, p. 179: To the established notions of punishment as deterrence and retribution was added the

Notes to pages 145-9 195 idea that it might be possible to cure criminal instincts through a healthy dose of labour discipline/ 49 Foucault, Madness and Civilization, p. 59. 50 According to McConville, 'the penal side of Bridewell was ... emphasized by the preliminary flogging of certain categories of new prisoners - chiefly prostitutes and vagrants. This punishment was inflicted in public either at a cart's tail or in Bride weir s whipping room. Only after this induction did these prisoners pass on to the industrial parts of the prison. Retributive and reformative ends were thus jointly served7 (A History of English Prison Administration, p. 33). 51 The belief in the educational value of imprisonment was commonplace, but after the publication of 2 Honest Whore it was increasingly ridiculed by Dekker's contemporaries. The reformatory notion of prison became 'a standing joke. ... The lessons ironically supposed to be taught at such universities were villainy, blasphemy, drunkenness - and law' (Pendry, Elizabethan Prisons and Prison Scenes, vol. 2, pp. 270-2). Epilogue 1 'A tragic-comic vogue,' writes Andrew Clark, 'established by Beaumont and Fletcher also meant that domestic drama was now frequently limited to a portion of the dramatic action. Authors, for the sake of variety or fashion, introduce material extraneous to the genre' Domestic Drama, vol. 2, p. 325. See also Adams, who notes that plays such as Fortune by Land and Sea, Women Beware Women, The English Traveller, The Vow Breaker, and 'Tis Pity She's a Whore 'illustrate the debility of the genre and ... its imminent disappearance from the stage' (English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy 1575-1642, P- 160). 2 Collier, A Defence of the Short View of the Profaneness and Immorality of the English Stage (1698), ed. Arthur Freeman, p. 139. 3 Diderot, 'Entretiens sur Le fils naturel,' in Le Drame Bourgeois, p. 116. 4 Diderot, 'Entretiens sur Le fils naturel/ passim. 5 Diderot, 'De la poesie dramatique/ in Le Drame Bourgeois, p. 368; translation mine. 6 Diderot, 'De la poesie dramatique,' p. 368; translation mine. 7 Grivelet, Thomas Heywood et le Drame Domesticjue Elizabethain, p. 346. 8 Grivelet, Thomas Heywood et le Drame Domestique Elizabethain, p. 345. 9 Diderot, 'Entretiens sur Le fils naturel,' p. 150. 10 Ibsen, A Doll's House, trans. Sharp, Marx-Aveling, and Hannas, Act III, p. 66. Further references to the play will be to this edition.

196 Notes to pages 150-1 11 Miller, 'Tragedy and the Common Man/ pp. 4, 6. 12 Miller, The Family in Modern Drama/ p. 74. 13 O'Neill, Long Day's Journey Into Night, s.d., Act I, p. 11. Further references to the play will be to this edition.

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222 Works Cited Walker, D.P. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella. London: Warburg Institute, University of London, 1958. Walter, John, and Keith Wrightson. 'Dearth and the Social Order in Early Modern England/ Past and Present 71 (1976): 22-42. Walz, Eugene P. 'Arden of Faversham as Tragic Satire/ Massachusetts Studies in English 4, no. 11 (1973): 23-41. Ward, A.W. Preface. A Woman Killed with Kindness. Ed. A.W. Ward. London: Dent, 1897. Wayne, Valerie. Introduction. The Flower of Friendship: A Renaissance Dialogue Contesting Marriage By Edmund Tilney. Ed. Valerie Wayne. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992. Weber, Harold. The Restoration Rake-Hero: Transformations in Sexual Understanding in Seventeenth-Century England. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986. Weimann, Robert. Shakespeare and the Popular Tradition in the Theater: Studies in the Social Dimension of Dramatic Form and Function. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Wentworth, Michael. 'Thomas Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness as Domestic Morality/ In Traditions and Innovations: Essays on British Literature of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Ed. David G. Allen and Robert A. White. Newark: University of Delaware Press; London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1990. 150-62. White, Paul Whitfield. Theatre and Reformation: Protestantism, Patronage, and Playing in Tudor England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Wiesner, Merry E. Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Williams, Raymond. The Long Revolution. London: Chatto & Windus, 1961. Willis, Deborah. Malevolent Nurture: Witch-hunting and Maternal Power in Early Modern England. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995. Wilson, P.P. The English Drama 1485-1585. Ed. G.K. Hunter. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969. Woodbridge, Linda. Women and the English Renaissance: Literature and the Nature of Womankind, 1540-1620. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984. Wright, Louis B. Middle-Class Culture in Elizabethan England. 1935. Rpt- Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1958. Wrightson, Keith. The Social Order of Early Modern England: Three Approaches/ In The World We Have Gained: Histories of Population and Social Structure. Ed. Lloyd Bonfield, Richard M. Smith, and Keith Wrightson. Oxford and New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986. 177-202.

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Index

Abraham and Isaac plays, 31-4, 47, 165111120-2, 1661126. See also cycle plays Adam: A Twelfth-Century Play, 36, 1661133 Adams, Henry H., 4, 5, 6, 16, 103, i6on62; English Domestic or, Homiletic Tragedy, i54nnio-n, i64n2, I78n58, i82n93, i84ni2O and nni28-9, i85ni3O and ni37, I9on58, i95ni Adelman, Janet, 117, 118, i88n32, i88-9n33 adultery, 5, 19, 20, 43, 65, 79, 81, 82, 88, 92, 93, 132, 135, i6in78, i72ni, I76n5i, I77n53, I78n58, I79nn62~3, i86n4 alienation, 25, 99-100, 124 Althusser, Louis, 14, 23, 1581151, i62n96 Amussen, Susan Dwyer, 156^0 and n33, i6in78, i62n82, I72n26 and ni, i85ni34 and ni36 Anglicanism, 4, 18, i6in7O Anglo, Sydney, 190^8 architecture, 70-2, 74-5

Arden of Feversham. See Tragedy of Master Arden of Feversham, The Aries, Philippe, i64n7 Aristotle, 111, i6on66, I9on49 Atkinson, David, 179-80^3, i89n47 Attwell, David, i6on62, i8in78 audiences, 14, 30, 37, 40, 41, 45, 62, 81-2, 88, 91, 95, 129, 145, 148, i69n3, I94n42; and class, 5, 6, 11, I54ni3 and ni6 Augustine, St, 27, 97; Confessions, 38, i66n4O, i83nii2 Axton, Richard, 167^4 and n56 Aymard, Maurice, I93n37 Babcock, Barbara, i63niO5 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 14, 67, 95, 158^0 and nn52-4, i73nio, i83niO2 Baldwin, Anna, i69ni Baldwin, William: A Mirroure for Magistrates, 8, I56n23 Ball, J.N., I93n36 Barbaro, Francesco, 88, i8in8i Barber, Laird H., i86ni, i89n38 Barthelemy, Dominique, i64n5

226 Index Battista, Leon, 70 Battus, Bartholomeus: The Christian Man's Closet, 82, i6in73, 179^3 Beadle, Richard, 36, i66n27 and n35 Beaumont, Francis, i95ni Becon, Thomas, 18, i6in7i Bedlam, 143, 146, 194^2 Beech, Thomas, 103 Beier, A.L., 156^3, i6in78, I72ni i85ni34 Belsey, Catherine, 25, 45-6, 157^9, i62n96, i63niO2, i68n59, i69n3, I72ni, I73n9 Bernard of Anjou, 28, i64nio Berry, Herbert, 120, i89n39 Bescou, Yves, I75n29 Bettridge, William, i68ni Bevington, David, 47, 167^3 and n57, i68n62, i88n25 bigamy, 20, 65, 128, 130 Blayney, Glenn, I7ini6 Bliss, Lee, i69n3, I7in2i Bloch, Marc, i64n3 Boas, F.S., i83nioo Boccaccio: The Decameron, 50, 51, 52, 55, i68ni, i69n4, I7on7 Bodin, Jean: The Six Bookes of a Commonweale, i6on66 Bond, Ronald B. (ed.): Certain Sermons or Homilies, 10,157^6, i6in78 Bowers, Fredson, I7in24 Bowers, Rick, I58n55 Bradbrook, Muriel, 95, i83nioi Bradford, John, 97, i83nni Bradley, A.C., 15, 158^5 Bradner, Leicester, i63ni Brain, James, 118, 120, i89n34 and n4O Brauner, Sigrid, 117, i88n3O Breen, J.M., i82n9i

Bridewell, 143-6, 1941143 and 1145, 1951150 Briggs, K.M., 1871116 Brink, Jean R., i86n5 Brockett, Oscar, i74n2O Brodwin, Leonora Leet, i8in77, I9on6o Brome, Richard: The Late Lancashire Witches, no, 113, 120-1, 147, i86ni, i89n38 Brome play, 31, 32 Bromley, Laura, 176^7, 177^3 Bronfman, Judith, i69n3 Brooke, Christopher, i64n8 Brooke, C.F. Tucker, I9in6 Brown, Arthur, i55n2O Brown, James W., i8in76 Bruni, Leonardo, 175^1 Bruster, Douglas, 88, i8in8o Bryan, W.F., i68ni Burton, Elizabeth, I74n28, I93n3i Butler, Martin, I54~5ni6 Calverley, Walter, 97 Cannon, Charles Dale, I53n2, i83nio8 Canuteson, John, 175-6^7, I78n54 and n56 Carson, Ada Lou, 6, I55ni9, i63n2 Carson, Herbert L. See Carson, Ada Lou Cary, Elizabeth, 91 Casa, Giovanni della: Galateo Ovverode' Costumi, 142, i93n4O Castan, Yves, 178^9 Castle of Perseverance, The, 38, 83 Cawley, A.C., 101, I55ni8, i63n2, i65ni3, i83nii5, i84nn8, ni22, and nni25~6 Cerasano, Susan P., I54ni3

Index Certain Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches, 1621187, 1781157, 1791160 Certayme Sermons Appointed by the Queen's Majesty, 18, 1601167 Chambers, E.K., 18411128 Champion, Larry, i69n3, I9in8 Chapman, George, 158^5 Charles I, 120 Chartier, Roger, i62n96 chastity, 80, 129 Chaucer, Geoffrey: Clerk's Tale 51, 55, i68ni, i70nn8-9 Chauchaix, Jacqueline, 189^6 Chester plays. See under cycle plays Chettle, Henry: Patient GrissiL See under Dekker, Thomas children, 28-9, 16^7, i64~5nii; education of, 33, 68, 167^8; illegitimate, 65; parents and, 47; rights of, I9in7 Christ before Pilate I: The Dream of Pilate's Wife (York), 34, 36-7, 38, i66n27 and n37 Churchill, Caryl, 151 Cicero, 81, I79n6i civility, abandonment of, 100; codes of, 86, I73ni3; contradictions and, 92-3, 97; corruption of, 73; domesticity and, 68, 79, 101, 140; hierarchy and, 69; hospitality and, 138; insufficiency of, 101; manners and, 67-8; morality and, 68, 82; music and, 83; privacy and, 77; prostitution and, 142; resistance to, i83nioo; social order and, 66; wealth and, 70 Clark, Alice, I73n9 Clark, Andrew, 6, no, 133; Domestic Drama, I53n7, I54ni9, i64n2,

227

18411129, i85ni37/ i86n2, i9inn2-4, 193R32, 195111 Clark, Arthur M., I53n9, 1781158 Clark, Peter, 18511135 Clark, Stuart, 1871113, 1901150 class, 11, 17, 50, 52, 58, 61, 63, 108, 122, 131, 137, 139; houses and 70, 75. See also audiences; gender; status Cleaver, Robert, 18, i6on68 Cohen, Walter, 12, I55ni7, 157^4 Cole, Douglas, 29, i65ni4 Colet, John, 33 Colie, Rosalie Littell, 158^0 Collier, J.P., 4; The History of English Dramatic Poetry, I53n6 Collier, Jeremy, I95n2 comedy, citizen, 7, I55n2o; city, i87ni4; domestic, 6, 7, 16, 24, 40-1, 132-3, I9in3; homiletic, 5, 132 Comensoli, Viviana, I92ni3 conduct books. See domestic-conduct literature Conover, James, I94n43 Contamine, Philippe, i64n4, I74n2i, i8on66 Cook, Albert Spaulding, 167^1 Cook, Ann Jennalie, 6, I54~5ni6 Cook, David, 176^7, 178^4 cooking. See food; status Cooper, Thomas: The Mystery of Witchcraft, 111, i86nn3~4, i88n24 Corbin, Peter, i87n2O, i88nn2i-2 Coudert, Allison, 19, 117, i6in76, i86n5, i87ni2 and ni9, i88n28 Cromwell, Otelia, I53n9, I77n54 Crucifixion (Sequitur processus crucis) (Towneley), 30-1 cycle plays, 27, 29, I55ni8,

228 Index i63nni-2, 1651120; Chester, 30, 31-2, 36, 38-40, 45, 163112, 1651117 and 1122, 1671144; Coventry, 42, 1671151; N-town, 30, 32-3, 37, 38, 43-4, 79/ 81, i65ni6; Towneley (Wakefield), 29, 34, 36, 38-9, 40, 42, 45, i65ni3 and n2i, 1671144; York, 34, 36-7, 38, 39, 40, i66n27 and nn37-8, 167^4

Dempster, Germaine, i68ni Denley, Marie, I56n29 devil. See Satan D'Ewes, Sir Simonds: The Diary of SirSimonds D'Ewes, 76, 77, 176^5 and n49 didacticism, 7, n Diderot, Denis, 148-9, I95nn3~6 and n9 Dinshaw, Carolyn, 50, i69nn5~6, Davis, Natalie Zemon, i6in76 I7on8 Davis, Norman, i65n2O, i66n26 Dolan, Frances, 19, 20, 46, 92, 98, Dawson, Anthony, i89n44 i6in77, i62n8i, i68n59, i82n96, Day, Martin, 177-8^4, I78n58, i83n98, i84nii7 and ni26 i8on69 Dollimore, Jonathan, 83, 122, 157^9, dearth, 108, i85ni38, i86ni43. See i8on67, 189^4 also poverty domestic, defined, 3 Dekker, Thomas, 5, 15, 64, 122, 126, domestic plays, aesthetic 'inferiority' 136, I54ni3, I55n20, I94nn42~3; of, 15; Anglican impulses in, 4, 6; Foure Birds of Noahs Arke, 63, archetype in, 132, 143; audiences I72n34; The Honest Whore (pt.i), and (see audiences); Calvinism in, 6, i66n25; characteristics of, 26, 132, 134, 135, 136, 140-3, 146, 13, 24, 132-3, 146, 148; criticism I57n4i, i9inn8-9, I92nmo-i3, I93n34; The Honest Whore (pt.2), of, 15; decline of, 147; didacticism of, 5, 6, 7, 17, 25; 26, 40, 132, 134, 136, 140, 143-6, I57n4i, i67n46, I9in3 and n8, edifying nature of, 6; family in, 16, 24, 150; homiletic superstrucI92nni3-i4 and ni6, I94n43, I95n5i; Patient Grissil, 49, 52, 53, ture of, 7; medieval drama and, 35; morality tradition in, 7-8, 15, 56-8, 60-4, 65, 134, i67n46, 27; poverty in, 104; realism of, 5; i69ni, I7in24, I72n33; The Shoemaker's Holiday, 7; The roots of, 3, 27; subjects of, 4; tragedy and, 7; women in, 24-5 Witch of Edmonton, 16, 26, no, domestic-conduct literature, 9-10, 113, 121-31, 150, I57n4i, n, 21, i63nioo, I72n3i, I79n62 i89n4i, n44, and n47, I9on59, domesticity, 68, 79, 101; crisis of, 88 i9O-in6o domus, concept of, 35, 37, 97, 101, Deloney, Thomas: The Garland of 137, 142, 151; witchcraft and, 113. Good Will, 54, 55, i68-9ni, See also home I7onio, I7in23 Donahue, Charles, i64n6 demonology, 112, 121, 122, 126, doors. See architecture i89~9on48, i9on5O

Index Doran, Madeleine, 15, 153117, 1591158 Douglas, Mary, 85, 1801172 Dubrow, Heather, 11, 21, 23, 1571138, 1621185, 1631198 dumb shows, 94-5, 183^198-9 'Dux Moraud/ 27 Elias, Norbert, i62n93 Elizabeth I, 10, 113 Ellis, Clement: The Gentile Sinner 138, 193^124 Ellis, Deborah, I7on8 Emmison, F.G., i62n83 enclosure laws, 123 Erasmus, Desiderius, i6in7O and n72, I7oni2; Encomium Matrimonii 18, 53; On Good Manners for Boys 68, I73nnn-i2 Ezell, Margaret, 19, 90, i6in75, i82n88 Fair Maid of Bristow, The, 40, 132, 133, 136, 140, i67n46 family, 17; comedies and, 7; conflict in, 19; defined, 18-19, 20; development of, 27; divinely ordained, 67; fragmentation of, 66, i6in78; hierarchy and, 23, 24; identity and, 99; marriage and, 17, 19, 28; medieval, 28, i64m\7-8 and nil; order and, 24; origins of, i6on64; patriarchal, 39; power relations in, 19; social value of, 117; tragedies and, 7 famine, 107 Farce du Paste, 44, 45. See also Heywood, John Farley-Hills, David, 157^2, 158^7 Faversham, spelling amended, 157*45

229

Febvre, Lucien, 9, 1561132 Feldman, Sylvia, 134, 191119 femininity, 24, 25 Ferry, Anne, 22, 74, i62n94, 176^8, i82n92 Fisher, Frederick, I74n2i Fletcher, John, i95ni food, 95, i62n92, 174^7. See also status Ford, John, 122, 126, 158^5; Tzs Pity She's a Whore, i95ni; The Witch of Edmonton (see under Dekker, Thomas) forgiveness, 178^8, i84ni26 fornication, 19, 20, i6in7O Fortune Playhouse (First), I54ni3 Fossen, R.W. Van, i53ni, I78n58, i8on64 Foucault, Michel, 101, 145, i84ni23, I95n49 Fowler, Alastair, 13, 158^9 Fox, Alice, i88n33 freedom, women and, 89, i82n86 Freud, Sigmund: das unheimlich [uncanny] and, 95-6, i83nniO3~7 Frye, Northrop, 136, 143, I92ni7, 194^44 Gaines, Barry, 101, i83nii5, i84nn8, ni22, and nni25~6 Gainsford, Thomas, i8in82 Garter, Thomas: The Most Virtuous and Godly Susanna, 46-8, i68n6i Gash, Anthony, 40, i66n43, 167^5 Gascoigne, George, I79n6i gender, hierarchy and, 11, 50, 58, 61, 63, 69, 82, 89. See also class genre, 11-14, 157-8^7, i58nn5O-2 Gifford, George, 127, I9on54 Glass of Government, The, 33

230 Index Globe Theatre, no Golding, Arthur: A Briefe Discourse of the Late Murther, 96, 97, 18311108, 1831111109-10 Goodcole, Henry: The Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer, A Witch, 122, 125 Good Hous-wives Treasurie, The, 1621192 Good Hows-holder, The, 17-18, 75, 1601167, 1761139 Good Huswives Handmayde, The, 1621192 Goodman-Soellner, Elise, 1931138 Goody, Jack, 71, 164119, 1741127 Gore, John, 97, 138, i83nii3, I93n26 Gosynhyll, Edward, i62n92; The Scole House of Women, 79, 176^2 Gouge, William: Gods Three Arrows, i85ni4o; Of Domesticall Duties, 21, 23, 61, i62n88 and n95, i63n99, I72n3i Greene, John. See Refutation of the Apology for Actors, A Greene, Robert, 176^3, I79n6i Greene, Thomas, 157^7, 176^3 Greville, Fulke, i85ni43 Griffith, D.D., i68ni Griffith, Matthew: Bethel, or a Forme for Families, 21, 65, i62n88, I72n2 Griselda, archetype of, 132 Griselda legend, 48-64; adaptations of, i69n3; cruelty and, 52, 55, 56, 60, 61; dominance in, 60-1; marriage in, 49-64, i7Onio; origins of, i68ni; patriarchy and, I7on8; rebelliousness in, 49, 61 Grivelet, Michel, 6, 149, I55ni9, I9in2, I95nn7~8 Guazzo, M. Steeven: The Civile Con-

versation of M. Steeven Guazzo, 77, I76n46 Guillen, Claudio, 12, I57n43, 158^8 Gurr, Andrew, 6, I53n7, I54ni5, I55ni6, i56n3O, I75n32 Gutierrez, Nancy, 179-80^3, i86n4 Hanawalt, Barbara, 28, i64n4 Hanley, Sarah, 19, i6in76 Hansen, Elaine Tuttle, I7on8 Happe, Peter, 167^4 and n56 Harbage, Alfred, 5, 132, I54ni2, i9ini Hardison, O.B., 158^5 Harrison, William, 5, 6, n, 104, 109; The Description of England, 70, 86-7, I54ni4, i57n4O, I74nn22~4 and n26, I74~5n28, i8in73 and n75, i85ni3i, i86ni45 Haselkorn, Anne M., i9i-2nio, 194H43 Hattaway, Michael, 123, I54ni6, i89n47 Haughton, William: Patient GrissiL See Dekker, Thomas Hawkins, Harriet, I7on8 Heal, Felicity, 72, 137, 175^9, I92ni9, I93n2i Henderson, Diana, 175^9 Henslowe, Philip, I74n2o Herlihy, David, 28, i6on64, i64n4, i65ni2 Herndl, George, 127,19on56 and n59 Herod the Great (Incipit Magnus Her odes) (Towneley), 29 Herrup, Cynthia, 66, I73nn3~4 Hervet, Gentian, 137, i62n86, I93n23 Heywood, John: Johan Johan, 43, 44-5, i67n56; The Plays of John Heywood, 1671154 and n56

Index 231 Heywood, Thomas, 5,15,1541113, 1551120,1761153, i8on68; Apology for Actors, 3,8, 68,80, 83, 15311113-5,155111121-2,1561125 and 1127,1581155,1731114,1781155, 1801165; The Captives, 153113; A Curtaine Lecture, 54,1711118; Edward IV, 7; Fortune by Land and Sea, 195111; Gunaikeion, So, 1781155; How a Man May Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, 40,41,132, 133,136-7,138-9,140,146, 1671146 and n5O; The Late Lancashire Witches (see under Brome, Richard); The Rape ofLucrece, I53n3; The Wise Woman of Hogsdon, i6on62, i87ni4; A Woman Killed with Kindness, 3,12,15, 42-3, 66, 68, 69-83,84, 85,88-9, 91,130,137,138,153m, 155*18, 159*57, *59/ and n6i, i6on62, 173*5,175*29,177*53, i79nn6i-4, i9On59 Hobbes, Thomas, 66-7,117, I73nn6~7, i88n3i Hodge, Bob, i56n3O Hoffman, Dean, 177^3 Holbrook, Peter, 12,157n4i and n46, is8n^s Holinshed, Raphael, 92, i8in77, i83nio8; Chronicles, 84 home, 38, 87, 99, i66n4i. See also domus v Homilie of Whoredome and Unclennesse,1 19 homilies, 9, 10-11, 16 Homily against Disobedience and Wilful Rebellion, 10 x Homily of the State of Matrimony,1 21, 79, 80, i6in7O

homosexuality, 15 Hooker, Richard, 23; Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, 67, i6on68, i62n97, 173*8 Hoskins, W.G., I74n2i hospitality, 72,136-9,141-2, i92nni9~2O Houlbrooke, Ralph, 19, 20, 65, i6in74, i62n8o and n&4,172ni houses, 70,174n2i, 175^9. See also architecture; domus Howard, Jean E., 8,155ni7,156n24, 157*39 Ho well, Martha, i64n8 Howell, Thomas Bayly, i88n23 Hoy, Cyrus, 55, i68ni, i7onio, I7in22,17i-2n25,172n33 and n38,192ni4 Hull, Suzanne, i62n89 Hulse, Clark, 158^2 Hunt, Mary Leland, I7onio, I72n33, 194*43 husbands, 42, 58, 59, 62, 84-5, I7onn. See also patriarchy; privilege hypocrisy, 43-4,133 Ibsen, Henrik, 150; A Doll's House, 149-50,195nio; The Wild Duck, 150 ideology, 14,16, 22, 23,25,26, 69, 83, 84, 90, 93,97, 99,100, i6on62, i62n96, i63nioo, i82n89 individualism, 28, i6on64 infanticide, 112 Ingelend, Thomas: The Disobedient Child, 33,41,167^9 Ingram, Martin, I9in6i

Jack Juggler, 33

232

Index

Jacob and Esau, 33 Jacob, Edward, i8on68 James I, 63, 64,1721135; Daemonolog/e,H2,115,187118 and ni8, 1901150 James, Mervyn, 164114 Jameson, Fredric, 158^2 Jardine, Lisa, 89, 91,1811185, i82n9O Jardine, Michael, 1571141,193n33 Jeanneret, Michel, 22, i62n93 Jenkins, Harold, i70nio Johnston, Alexandra F., i63ni Jonson, Ben, i55n2O; Masque of Queens, 115 Jordan, Constance, i63nioo Jourdain, M[argaret], I76n4i Kahn, Victoria, 9,156^2 Kastan, David Scott, 157^9 Kato, Sadahide, i8in77 Keiser, George R., 31, i65ni9 Keyishian, Harry, 134, i69n3, I7in25,19in9 Kiefer, Frederick, I77n53 King, T.J., I74n20 Kirchheimer, Otto, I94n48 Klaits, Joseph, 123,189^5 Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, i64n8 Klein, Joan Larsen, i62n9i, i88n27 Knight, G. Wilson, i88n2i Kors, Alan, 112, i87n9 Kramer, Heinrich. See Malleus Maleficarum Krontiris, Tina, i82n89 Kussmaul, Ann, 178^9 language, 88-9,116; fear of female speech, 128 Larner, Christina, i87nn5~6

Law, Robert, 109, i86ni46 LeBlanc, Ronald, i8in74 Leggatt, Alexander, 7, 85, i55n2O, i8on70, i84ni2i, I9in7 Lessing, G.E.: Miss Sara Sampson, 148 Levin, Harry, I55ni9,158^5 Levin, Richard, 62,172^2,175n29, I78n59 Lewalski, Barbara Kiefer, 25, 90, I58n50, i63ni03, i82n89 Lieblein, Leanore, I59n6i Lillo, George: The London Merchant, 148 London, population of, 9 London Prodigal, The, 40,132,133-4, 136,140,146, i67n46,19inn6~7 Lucan: Pharsalia, i89n36 Lucas, R. Valerie, i6in7i Lumiansky, R.M., i63n2, i65ni7 Luther, Martin, 117, i88nn29~3O Luxton, Imogen, 9, i56n3O Lyly, John, 115, 116; Endimion, 113-15, i87ni5; Mother Bombie, i87ni4 Macdonald, Michael, 99, i72ni, i84nii9 Macfarlane, Alan, 28, i64n4, i65nn, i87n5 Maclean, Ian, i6in7O MacLure, Millar, i6in79 madness, 100-1,124-5. $ee a^s° alienation maleftcia, witchcraft and, 112,115, 120,126 Malleus Maleficarum, 111,114,119, 129, i87n7 and nni7~i8, i89n37, I9on57 Manheim, Michael, I9in3

Index 233 manuals, household, 22. See also domestic-conduct literature Markham, Gervase: The English HusWife, 139,193n30 Marlowe, Christopher, 158^5 marriage, abuse and, 98,19in7; aristocratic, 16^4; arranged, 52; choice and, 43, 49, 56; Christian virtue and, 24; class and, 52; codes of, 16, 53, 80,131; companionate, 52, 65,135, i6in7O; conflict and, 45; consent and, 28; contract and, I9in6i; disorder and, 147; divinely ordained, 67; equality and, 23, I72n3i; family and, 17,19; forced, 98,130,17ini6; hierarchy and, 60,111; ideal, 88; importance of, 18; manuals about, 22, 23, i62n89 and n9i, i63moo; medieval, 28; men and, 60; patriarchy and, 19, 25, 39, 49,111; power and, 64; Puritans and, i6in7i, i63n99; reciprocity in, 53; rejection of, 63; Restoration drama and, 147; 'trap' of, 90; vow of, 132 Marshall, Sherrin, i64n8 Marston, John: The Dutch Courtesan, I9in9; The Wonder of Women or the Tragedy of Sophonisba, 113, 118-20, i89nn35-6 McConville, Sean, 195^0 McKeon, Michael, 28, i6on64, i64n9 McLuskie, Kathleen, 7,154ni3, I55ni9, i6on62,176^1 McNeir, Waldo, 81, i65ni9,176^3, I79n6i Medvedev, P.N., 14, 67,158^3, i73nio Mehl, Dieter, i83nn98~9

men, dominance and, 60, 89. See also husbands; patriarchy; privilege Mendelson, Sara Heller, 90, i82n87 Mennell, Stephen, 174^7,193^1 Meredith, Peter, i65ni6 Middleton, Thomas, 120,134, I54ni3, i67n46,192nn and ni4; The Honest Whore, pt. i (see under Dekker, Thomas); The Witch, 113, 115-16, i87n20, i88nn2i-2; Women Beware Women, i95ni midwives, 112, i87ni4 Miller, Arthur, 149,150,196nnn-i2 Death of a Salesman, 150 Mills, David, i65ni7, i65n22 Miner, Earl, i58n5O Misogonus, 33 misogyny, 25, 59, 73, 80,122,131, 149, i82n86 Montaigne, Michel de, 38, 76,77; Essayes, 68, i66n42,173ni3, I76n44 and n47 Monter, E. William, 122, i89nn42~3 Moore, Edward: The Gamester, 148 morality, in Thomas Heywood, I77n53,179n62. See also Heywood, Thomas morality plays, 15, 83 More, Henry: An Account of Virtue, 68,173ni6 More, Sir Thomas, 77, i6in7O Munson, William, 167^1 murder, 4, 20, 27, 65, 84, 87, 88, 91, 92, 95, 97-9,102,103,110,129, I55ni9 and n22,173^, i8in77 mystery cycles. See cycle plays Neale, J.E., 156^5 Neely, Carol Thomas, 15,158^6 Nelson, Mary, i87nn

234 Index New Criticism, 15 Newman, Karen, i63niO4, 175^4, i82n86 Nice Wanton, 33 Nicholas, David, i64n8 Nichols, Josias, 20, i6in79 Nicoll, Allardyce, i66n29, n32, and n34 Noah Story, 38-40 Norland, Howard, 45, 167^5 Northampton (Durham) play, 33-4, i66n26 Notestein, Wallace, I9on55 Nuttall, A.D., on Othello, 159^7 Onat, Etta Soiref, 123, 189^7, i9O-in6o O'Neill, Eugene: Long Day's Journey into Night, 151, I96ni3 Orlin, Lena Cowen, 92, I59n62, i62n96, I74n2i, I75n29, i76n5O, i8in79, i82n94, 183^7, i84~5ni29 Ornstein, Robert, I79n62, i8on63 Otten, Charlotte F., i82n89 Owst, G.R., i65n22 Palliser, D.M., i85~6ni43, i86ni45 Palmer, Daryl, 141, I93n35 Palumbo, R.J., 140, I93n34 Panek, Jennifer, 177^3, I79n62 Paradox, 16, 19, 103, 107, 108, i63n99, i85ni43 Parente, James A., Jr., i63ni Partridge, Eric, 175^5 Passion plays, 29-31 patriarchy, 19, 21, 25, 39, 40, 49, 67, 84, 89, 92, 111, 113, i69n3, I7on8, i86n4 Pearson, Lu Emily, 139, I93n29

Pechter, Edward, 53, i69n3, i7onii Pendry, E.D., I95n5i Perkins, William, 20, 53, 63, i6in79, I7ini3, I72n36 Peters, Edward, 112, i87n9 Petrarch (Fransesco Petrarca), 50, i69n4; De Insigni Obedientia et Fide Uxoris, 50, 52, i68ni, I7on8 Pettie, George, 77 Phillip, John: The Play of Patient Grissell, 46, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54-5,

56, i68ni, i69nn2-3, I7onio, I7inn2o-i Phythian-Adams, Charles, i67n52 plague, 107 Planctus Mariae, 29-31, 47, i65ni5, i65ni9 Plutarch, i6in7O Porter, Henry: The Two Angry Women of Abington, 139-40, I57n4i, i6on62, I93n33 poverty, 104, 107, 121, 122, 131, 146, I57n4i, i72ni, i85nni32~4. See also dearth Powell, Chilton, 4, I53n9 Price, George, 194^2 prison, 143-5, *94n45 anc* n48, i95nn5O-i privacy, corruption of, 73; men and, 93; Montaigne on, 77; More on, 77; privilege of, 77-8; Roper on, 77; sexuality and, 74 private life, as social concept, 22-3,

66, 68, 75-9, 85, i62n96, i63nioo. See also public privilege, conjugal; masculine, 77-8, 84-5. See also husbands; men Privy Council, 120 Processus Noe cum filiis (Towneley), 39,42

Index 235 Prodigal Son plays, 41,132,133 property, women's, 102 prostitution, 140-3,148,194n43 Protestants, 9,18, 23, 28, 33, 89, no, 126 Providence, 126,131 Providentialism, 14,17, 25 public, social concept of, 22-3,68,756, 94, i63nioo. See also private life punishment, 24, 66, 79, 81, 82,130, 135,145,I79nn62~3,194^8, 195H50 Puritanism, 6, 8,18,115,157^6, i6in7i, I79n63 Puttenham, George, 53,17ini4 Quinn, Arthur H., 40,167^7,19in3 and n5 Radcliffe, Ralph, i68ni Ranum, Orest, 75,175^6, I76nn42~3,193n39 Rao, G. Nageswara, 6,127,155ni9, I9on56,19in3 Rauchbaur, Otto, I75n29 Refutation of the Apology for Actors, A, 8, 68,156n26 and n28,173ni5 Revel, Jacques, I73ni3 Reynolds, George, 75, i76n4O Roberts, Charles Walter, i69n2 Robinson, J.W., i66nn36-8 Roper, William, 77,176n48 Rose, Mary Beth, i62n96, i63n99 Rowe, Nicholas, 148 Rowley, William, 122,126; The Witch of Edmonton (see under Dekker, Thomas) Rusche, Georg, 194^8 Salgado, Gamini, 194^5

Sanderson, Robert, 20, i6in79 Satan (devil), 112,125,126 Sawyer, Elizabeth, no, 122 Schaeffer, Jean-Marie, 13,157^7 Schell, Edgar, i65n2i Schochet, Gordon, 17, i6on65 Scobie, Brian, I75n29, i8on63 Scolding, 20, 90,113,114 Scot, Reginald, 127; The Discoverie of Witchcraft, 126-7,I9onn5i~3 Sedge, Douglas, i87n2O, i88nn2i-2 Sentimental Comedy, 147,148 Sequitur Abraham (Towneley), 32 Sercambi, Giovanni, i68ni Serlio, Sebastiano, 70,142,193^1 servants, I78n59 Shaffer, Brian, I59n57 Shahar, Shulamith, i64n8 and nil Shakespeare, William, 15,154ni3, I58n55; Hamlet, 15; Lear, 15; Macbeth, 15,113,115,116-18, 119, i88n2i, n25, n27, and n32, i88-9n33; Othello, 15,158~9n57 Sharpe, J.A., 194^8 Shaw, Phillip, I94n45 Sherbo, Arthur, I94n43 Siegel, Paul, I57n36 silence. See under women Simon, Joan, i65n24 Simons, John, 1571141,193n33 sin, 103,107,135; original, 65-6, in Slack, Paul, 185^1132-3 and ni34, i86ni44 Smith, Thomas, 5,104,108, i85ni42; De Republica Anglorum, 17, 22, 67, I54ni4, i6on66, i62n9O, I73nn8~9, i85ni3i and ni43 Somi, Leone di, 36, i66n34 Southern, Richard, 35, i66n3O Spacks, Patricia Meyer, I77n53

236 Index Spector, Stephen, 1651116 speech. See language Spenser, Edmund: Amoretti, 53, I7ini4 Spivack, Bernard, 45, i67nn57~8, i68n6o Sprenger, Jacob. See Malleus Maleficarum Stallybrass, Peter, 59, 116, 157^9, I72n28, i88n26 Starkey, Thomas: A Dialogue between Pole and Lupset, 109, i86ni45 status, food and, 71-2, 85-6, 87, 139; gender and, 69, 97; privacy and, 77; social, 70, 77, 91, 137, 138. See also class Steele, Richard: The Conscious Lovers, 147 stereotypes. See witches; women Stevens, Martin, i65ni3 and ni8 Sticca, Sandro, i65ni5 Stone, Lawrence, 17, 157^6, i6on63, i64n7, i72ni, I9in6i Stow, John, i8on68, i83nio8; Annals, 84; A Survey of London, 143-4, I94nn46~7 Strachey, James, 96, i83niO7 Stubbs, Philip: The Anatomy of Abuses, 107, i85ni39 and ni4i Sturgess, Keith (ed.): Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, I53n7, i8on68 and n7i suicide, 125, 129, 130 Sutherland, Sarah, 40, 167^4 T.E.: The Lawes Resolutions of Womens Rights, 67, 89, I73n9, i8in84 Taylor, Jeremy: A Course of Sermons, 53* 58, 1711113 and ni9, 172^7 Taylor, John, 137, I93n22

Telle, Emile Villemeur, i6in72 Tessitore, Maria Vittoria, i84ni29 theatres, private, 11, 16; public 11, 132 Thomas, Keith, 18, 156^0, i6on69, 1 73n7/ !87n5, i89n46, I9on49 Tilney, Edmund: The Flower of Friendship, 23, 59, 139, i6in7O, i72nn29~3O, I93n28 Todd, Margo, 18, i6o-in7O Todorov, Tzvetan, 14, 158^2 Townsend, Freda, 80, I77n53, I78n56 tragedy, domestic, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12, 15, 16, 24, 65, 66, 68, 99, 104, 148, 149, 150, 1551118,, 157^41, 159n57 and n62; I73n5, 175^9, i8on63 and n68; 'Great Man' theory of, 15, I58n55 Tragedy of Master Arden of Feversham, The, 12, 15, 26, 66, 69, 84-92, 99, 109, I55ni8, I57n45, i6on62, I73n5, i8on68 and n7i, i8inn78-9 and n83, i82n9i tragicomedy, no, I57n4i, i67n46, 195111 Trainor, Stephen, 6, I55ni8, i8on69, i82n95 Trevor-Roper, H.R., i9onn48-9 Two Angry Women of Abington, The. See Porter, Henry Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays, i67n5i Two Most Unnaturall and Bloodie Murthers (pamphlet), 98-9, 101, i84nn8 Twycross, Meg, 35, i66n28 and n38 Tydeman, William, i66n3i Tyrrell, Henry, 101, i84ni24

Index 237 Underdown, D.E., 89, 1561133, i8in86 Ure, Peter, 16, 140, 159111159-61, 1921111, 1931134 Utley, Francis, i68ni Vanita, Ruth, 1791162 Velte, Mowbray, 153119 violence, domestic, 20, 24, 40, 56, 59 virtue, 78, 80, 101, 129, 142 Vitruvius, 70 Vives, Juan Luis, i6in7o; The Instruction of a Christen Woman, 18, 53, i6in73; The Office and Duties of an Husband, 18, i6in73 Vow Breaker, The, i95ni Wakefield plays. See under cycle plays Walker, D.P., 190^8 Walter, John, i85ni34 and ni38 Walz, Eugene P., i8on7i Ward, A. W., 4, I53n8 Wardmote Book of Faversham, 84 Warning for Fair Women, A, 3, 12-13, 26, 66, 69, 92-7, 99, 103, 109, I53n2 and n7, I73n5 Wayne, Valerie, 59, i6in7O, i63nioo, I72n29 wealth, 70, 73, 93, 108, 141, 1571141. See also class; dearth; poverty Weber, Harold, I92ni5 Webster, John, 91, 158^5; The Duchess of Malfi, 91, I7on8 wedlock. See marriage Weimann, Robert, 37, i66n39 Wentworth, Michael, 178^4 Whately, William: A Bride-Bush, 21, i62n88

White, Paul Whitfield, 33, 165^3, i66n25 Whitford, Richard: The Pype or Tonne of the Lyfe of Perfection, 8, I56n29 Wier, Johann, 127; De Praestigiis Daemonum, 126, 189^8 Wiesner, Merry, 112, i87nio Wilkins, George: The Miseries of Enforced Marriage, 53, 58-9, 98, 130-1, 133, i67n46, I7ini7, i83nn6 Williams, Raymond, 69, 158^4, I73ni7, I74nni8-i9 Williams, Tennessee, 151 Willis, Deborah, i88n32 Wilson, P.P., i67n48 Wine, M.L., I57n45, i8on68, i82n94 witchcraft, 20, i86n5, i87nn6-i4 and n2o; cross-cultural studies of, 120; deaths associated with, i86n5; domestic crime and, 128; domus and, 113; heresy and, 112; households and, no, 113; insubordination and, 113; Luther on, i88n3o; maleficia and, 112, 115; motherhood and, 117; plays dealing with, i86ni; political/social order and, i88n32, i89n44; punishment and, 116; revenge and, 122; social construction of, 121; threat of, in, 114; women's susceptibility to, 112 witches, execution of, 126, 130, i86n5; persecution of, 123, 126; punishment of, 115; stereotypes of, 114; wives and, 115, 118 Woman Taken in Adultery, The (Ntown), 43-4, 79, 81

238 Index women, abuse documented by, i82n89; aged, 127; Aristotle's view of, 111; bodies of, 118; delusion and, 126; education and, 73, 1751131; freedom and, 89, i82n86; heroic persona of, 91; insubordination of, 21, 88, 89-90, 113; language and, 88-9, 116; Luther on, i88n3o; madness and, 124-5; menstruation and, i88~9n33; misogynist conventions and, 25; moral obligations and, 22; obedience and, 52, 54; property and, 102; as property, 73, I75n34; rebelliousness of, 19; silence and, 52, 88, 129, i8in8i; souls of, 111; speech and, 128; stereotypes of, 80, 88-9; submission of, 58, 94; subordination of, 21, 52, 94, 111, 121; transgression and, 25, i63niO4, I78n58; victim paradigm and, 25 Woodbridge, Linda, 25, i63nioi, I75nn33~4, i8i-2n86

Worcester's Men, 175^2 Wotton, Henry, 136, 138; The Elements of Architecture, 70,

I74n25, i75n3O, I92ni8, 193^5 and n27 Wright, Louis B., 5, I54ni3 Wrightson, Keith, 10, 156^4, I57n37, I7ini5, i85ni34 and ni38 Xenophon's Treatise of Householde, 21, 137, i62n86, I93n23 Yarrington, Robert: Two Lamentable Tragedies, 66, 103-9, 1571141, I73n5, i84ni27 and ni29, i86ni46 Yorkshire Tragedy, A, 26, 66, 69, 97-102, I55ni8, i6on62, i63n2, I73n5, i83nii5, i84nn8 and nni2i-2 Youngblood, Sarah, i82n93 Zagorin, Perez, 9, I56n3i