Hooded Knights on the Niagara: The Ku Klux Klan in Buffalo, New York 9780814752661

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Hooded Knight s o n th e Niagar a

HOODED KNIGHT S ON TH E NIAGAR A The K u Klu x Kla n in Buffalo , Ne w Yor k Shawn Lay

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n © 199 5 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Lay, Shaw n Hooded knight s o n th e Niagar a : the K u Klux Kla n in Buffalo, Ne w York / Shaw n Lay . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s (p . ) and index . ISBN 0-8147-5101- 6 (cloth) ; ISBN 0-8147-5102- 4 (pbk. ) 1. K u Klu x Kla n (1915 - )—Ne w Yor k (State)—Buffalo—History . I. Title . HS2330.K63L33 199 5 322.4'2'0974797—dc20 95-428 5 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-free paper , and thei r bindin g material s are chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a 10

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For Ginnie Lay and Thorne Lay

Contents

List o f Table s i

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List o f Figure s x

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Acknowledgments xii

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Introduction 1 1. A Troubled Communit y 1

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2. Th e Kluxin g o f Buffal o 3

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3. Fraternity , Mora l Reform , an d Hat e 6

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4. Th e Knight s o f th e Quee n Cit y 8

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5. Th e Destructio n o f th e Buffal o Kla n 11

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Conclusion 14

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Notes 15

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Historiographical Essa y 17

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Index 19

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Tables

1. Occupationa l Distributio n (b y Percent) of Buffalo Klansmen , 1921-1924, Compare d wit h th e Occupationa l Distributio n o f Buffalo' s Male an d Native-Whit e Mal e Working Population s in 192 0 8 7 2. Occupationa l Distributio n (b y Percent) of Buffalo Klansmen , 1921-1924, Compare d wit h th e Occupational Distributio n o f Buffalo' s Native-White-of-Native-Parentag e Mal e an d Foreign-Born Mal e Workin g Population s i n 192 0 8 9 3. Representatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n i n High Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4 9

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4. Representatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n i n Middle Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4 9 2 5. Representatio n o f Buffal o Klansme n i n Low Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4 9

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6. Representatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n i n Skille d Occupations , 1921-1924 9 6 7. Representatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n i n Semiskille d an d Service Occupations , 1921-192 4 9

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x Tables 8. Ag e Distributio n (b y Percent ) o f Buffalo Klansme n a t th e Time o f Joinin g th e Klan , 1921-1924 , Compare d wit h th e Ag e Distribution o f Buffalo' s Male an d Native-Whit e Mal e Populations, Ag e 1 8 and over , i n 192 0 10 8 9. Surve y Result s Concernin g th e Denominationa l Affiliatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n Compare d wit h th e Denominationa l Distribution o f Buffalo ' s White Protestan t Churc h Members , Age 1 3 and over , i n 192 6 11 3

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1. Buffal o an d Nearb y Communitie s circ a 192 0 1

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2. Locatio n o f Buffalo Ward s 1

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3. Percentag e Votin g fo r Schwa b i n 192 1 Buffalo Mayora l Election, b y War d 2

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4. Numbe r o f Klansme n i n Buffal o Wards , 1921-192 4 10

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5. Percentag e o f Klansme n i n Native-Whit e Mal e Population , Age 21 an d Older , b y War d 10

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Acknowledgments

Many peopl e hav e assiste d m e i n th e research an d writing o f thi s book. M y larges t scholarl y deb t i s owe d t o Dewe y W . Grantham , of Vanderbilt University , wh o guided the study through its disser tation stage; without Professo r Grantham' s steadfast suppor t an d wise counsel, all would have been lost long ago. The dissertation' s second reader , Samue l T . McSeveney , als o provide d invaluabl e help a t critica l junctures , challengin g m e t o hone bot h m y pros e and the quality of my analysis. Through the years I have addition ally benefite d fro m th e advice , support, an d professional exampl e of Lewis C. Perry, Jimmie L . Franklin, Daniel B. Cornfield, Do n H. Doyle, Jonatha n Dewald , Davi d A . Gerber , Rober t G . Pope , an d Kenneth K . Bailey. Others hav e rendere d crucia l assistance . Th e archiva l staff s o f the Buffalo an d Eri e Count y Historica l Society , th e Stat e Univer sity o f Ne w Yor k a t Buffalo , an d th e Roma n Catholi c Dioces e o f Buffalo fulfille d al l m y request s fo r material s i n a cheerfu l an d professional manner . Severa l Buffalonian s consente d t o persona l interviews, helping m e fill i n majo r gap s i n the book ' s narrative ; I a m particularl y gratefu l fo r th e cooperatio n o f Franci s X . Schwab I V and Cath y Desmon d Hughes , whos e familie s playe d a prominent rol e i n fighting th e Klan . Specia l thank s ar e likewis e xiii

xiv Acknowledgments due to my research assistants , Lynn Brunner, Alan Nothnagle, an d Isabella Mark , an d t o th e eightee n senio r histor y major s wh o helped conduc t a telephon e surve y t o determin e th e religiou s af filiation o f Buffalo Klansmen . As always , th e lov e an d suppor t o f m y famil y hav e sustaine d me throug h th e year s o f researc h an d writing . I woul d lik e t o express m y deepes t appreciatio n t o m y wife , Imelda ; m y fou r children, Alexander, Lawrence , James, and Katerina ; m y sister-in law Susan ; an d m y nephe w Griffin . I am als o exceedingly gratefu l for th e hel p an d encouragemen t o f m y mothe r an d brother , tw o extraordinarily gifte d an d generou s people . T o bot h o f them , thi s volume i s dedicated .

Hooded Knight s o n th e Niagar a

Introduction

They came in the dead of night, marking the homes and businesses of thei r enemie s wit h crud e symbol s an d dir e warnings . The y plotted against thos e of other religious faiths and circulated secret lists o f allege d "traitors " t o th e natio n an d community . The y mailed anonymou s threat s t o loca l resident s wh o refuse d t o b e intimidated int o silence , al l th e whil e claimin g tha t the y wer e the tru e champion s o f America n justic e an d freedom . The y wer e strongly implicate d i n th e bombin g o f a privat e residence ; a n undercover operative in their employ killed one man and seriously wounded another. Indeed, by the late summer of 1924 , their activities had brough t th e city o f Buffalo t o th e brink of open religiou s warfare, a local newspaper editor lamenting that "In a community where peopl e hav e live d peaceabl y an d harmoniousl y fo r man y decades, worshippin g a s the y hav e see n fi t an d wit h th e highes t respect fo r on e another' s belief s an d convictions , thi s issu e o f religion is hauled into the political aren a by persons with no more principles tha n a 'snake ha s hips / wit h bigotr y an d dissensio n taking the place of peace and goodwill/' 1 These unsettlin g an d dangerou s development s i n Buffal o re sulted fro m th e recent arriva l o f a racist an d religiously exclusiv e secret society—th e Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan . Arguabl y th e 1

2 Introduction largest an d mos t influentia l manifestatio n o f organize d intoler ance i n Unite d State s history, th e second Kla n pursued a progra m that ofte n promote d hatred , fear , an d divisiveness ; i n many Amer ican communities , citizen s live d i n complet e drea d o f th e organi zation. I n th e cas e o f Buffalo , however , i t i s intriguing , an d sig nificant, tha t th e activitie s allude d t o abov e wer e engage d i n no t by Klansme n bu t b y th e hoode d order' s loca l opponents ; i n fact , the newspape r edito r wh o desperatel y invoke d "respec t fo r on e another's belief s an d convictions " wa s a n activ e membe r o f th e KKK. While th e Kla n ma y hav e proceeded wit h relativ e impunit y in certai n othe r locales , i t clearl y encountere d a ver y differen t situation i n Buffalo , wher e opponent s enjoye d acces s t o govern ment powe r an d refuse d t o countenanc e th e Kla n a s a legitimat e force i n civic affairs. I n New York's second larges t city, the knight s of th e Invisibl e Empir e soo n discovere d th e powerfu l constraint s that limite d Kla n growt h an d influenc e i n th e urban Northeast . At th e tim e o f it s foundin g i n Georgi a i n 1915 , it appeare d highl y unlikely tha t th e secon d Kla n woul d eve r develo p a followin g i n places a s fa r awa y a s Buffalo . Heade d b y "Imperia l Wizard " Wil liam J . Simmons , a n impractica l an d chronicall y inebriate d for mer Methodis t circui t rider , the organization pose d a s the reincar nation o f the K u Klu x Kla n o f Reconstructio n bu t offere d recruit s little beyon d mysti c fraternalis m an d group-rat e insurance . Al though th e KKK' s advocac y o f whit e supremacy , Protestan t soli darity, an d stric t la w enforcemen t seeme d t o offe r th e basi s fo r some typ e o f socia l o r politica l action , Imperia l Wizar d Sim mons's lac k o f directio n an d obsessio n wit h arcan e ritualis m hin dered th e developmen t o f a n effectiv e program . Durin g it s first years, the Kla n wa s just on e of many bizarre men's societies in th e United States , a smal l an d obscur e fraterna l grou p tha t lacke d any meaningfu l degre e of social relevance. 2 All o f thi s suddenl y change d i n 1920 , whe n Simmons , i n a desperate attemp t t o breathe ne w lif e int o th e Klan , acquire d th e services o f th e Souther n Publicit y Association . The owner s o f thi s small advertising firm, Edwar d Youn g Clarke and Elizabet h Tyler , recognized tha t th e haples s Imperia l Wizar d ha d barel y begu n t o exploit th e Klan' s potential , an d the y too k decisiv e measure s t o

Introduction 3 improve th e order' s finances an d solicitatio n procedures . Clark e and Tyler' s mos t importan t innovatio n wa s th e hiring of hundred s of KK K recruiter s (kleagles ) wh o worke d o n a commissio n basis . This application o f modern sale s techniques reape d almos t instan t rewards, a s throughou t th e Sout h thousand s o f ne w member s entered th e fol d i n 192 0 and 1921. 3 Much o f th e kleagles ' succes s wa s th e resul t o f th e adaptabl e manner i n whic h the y approache d potentia l recruits . Althoug h hostile journalist s routinel y characterize d KK K representative s as unscrupulou s "salesme n o f hate " wh o exploite d th e unusuall y virulent strain s o f racism , bigotry , an d nativis m tha t prevaile d after Worl d Wa r I , a variet y o f othe r appeal s wa s als o utilized . Depending o n who m the y wer e soliciting , Kla n recruiter s migh t stress th e "characte r building " aspect s o f membership, th e KKK' s rich fraterna l life , th e opportunit y fo r busines s contacts , o r th e group's potentia l fo r improvin g communit y conditions—an y typ e of sales pitch tha t migh t secur e a commission. Th e hooded order' s practice o f absolut e secrec y als o assiste d expansion , man y me n joining simpl y ou t o f curiosit y o r becaus e the y di d no t wan t t o b e left ou t o f wha t appeare d t o b e a n up-and-comin g organization . An individual' s decisio n t o joi n th e Invisibl e Empire , therefore , could no t alway s b e solel y credite d t o racia l an d religiou s intol erance. 4 By mid-1921 th e Klan' s multifacete d appea l ha d resulte d i n th e establishment o f score s o f loca l chapter s (klaverns ) acros s th e South, an d Imperia l official s ha d begu n dispatchin g recruiter s t o other part s o f th e country . I n man y locale s th e hoode d orde r succeeded i n attractin g prominen t an d influentia l citizens ; th e charter member s o f th e klaver n i n Houston , Texas , fo r example , "represented literall y a glossar y o f Houston' s who's who" includ ing "silk-stockin g me n fro m th e banks , busines s houses , an d pro fessions." 5 I n othe r communities , suc h a s th e west Texa s city o f E l Paso, th e Kla n faile d t o acquir e th e suppor t o f loca l elite s ye t remained largel y peaceabl e an d law-abiding . Othe r chapters , however, soo n demonstrate d th e profoun d dange r pose d b y th e existence o f an unregulate d secre t societ y whose group imag e wa s strongly linke d t o a traditio n o f extralega l vigilantism . Through out 192 1 hundreds o f Klansmen—almos t al l o f the m resident s o f

4 Introduction the South—participate d i n appalling act s of violence, using guns , whips, an d a variety o f other weapons t o terrorize Africa n Ameri cans and white opponents i n certain communities. 6 The violence accompanyin g Kla n expansion naturall y alarme d law-abiding citizen s an d soo n attracte d th e attentio n o f th e na tional press . Prominen t publication s suc h a s Literary Digest, th e Nation, Outlook, an d Independent detaile d Kla n outrages, and William Randolp h Hearst' s newspape r chain presente d a sensationa l expose i n th e lat e summe r o f 1921 . B y fa r th e mos t influentia l assessment o f th e KK K wa s tha t prepare d b y th e Pulitzer-owne d New York World. Widely syndicate d an d presented i n installment s over a three-wee k perio d i n September , th e World's investigatio n characterized th e Klan as an inherently lawles s and violent move ment tha t exploite d th e fear s o f gullibl e Americans . Becaus e th e Invisible Empire' s "evi l an d viciou s possibilities " wer e "bound less," the paper demanded that Congress move quickly to suppress the organization. 7 Federal actio n was no t lon g in coming. For one week beginnin g on Octobe r 11 , 1921 , the Hous e Rule s Committee conducte d pub lic hearings t o determine i f there was a need for anti-Klan legisla tion, focusin g upo n charge s tha t th e KK K was violen t an d financially corrupt. Despite th e repeated efforts o f committee member s to impug n th e Klan , surprisingl y littl e soli d evidenc e cam e t o light. Th e highligh t o f th e hearing s wa s th e extende d persona l testimony o f Imperia l Wizar d Simmons , wh o stresse d hi s order' s lofty intention s an d fraternal orientation ; th e recen t outbrea k o f violence, h e claimed , wa s th e wor k o f impostor s wit h n o lin k t o the Klan . Simmon s conclude d hi s appearanc e wit h a theatrica l flourish, avowin g tha t th e congressme n wer e a s "ignoran t o f ou r principles a s wer e thos e wh o wer e ignoran t o f th e characte r an d work of Christ," then collapsing from his chair onto the floor. 8 The nationa l attentio n directe d towar d th e Kla n i n th e lat e summer an d fal l o f 1921 , rathe r tha n discreditin g th e hoode d order, greatl y assiste d expansion . Th e threa t o f federa l anti-Kla n legislation evaporated , an d million s o f American s learne d abou t the orde r fo r th e first time . Eve r hungr y fo r ne w recruit s an d klectokens (initiatio n fees) , Imperial official s waste d littl e tim e i n exploiting thi s abundanc e o f free publicity , orderin g kleagle s t o

Introduction 5 intensify thei r efforts acros s the nation. The response was remark able: within a matte r o f months , dozen s o f thrivin g klavern s ha d been established i n California an d the Pacific Northwest, Colorad o was wel l o n it s wa y t o becomin g a Kla n stronghold , an d ten s o f thousands wer e donnin g hood s an d robes in th e Midwest; eve n i n New Yor k an d Ne w Englan d th e Invisibl e Empir e seeme d t o b e making considerable gains. 9 Several importan t factor s assiste d th e Klan's growth outside of the South . First, and mos t importantly , th e KKK' s claim tha t th e values of native-born white Protestants should predominate i n the United State s foun d a read y audienc e fro m Main e t o California . Strong strain s o f racism , nativism , anti-Catholicism , an d anti Semitism ha d longe d influence d America n nationa l life , an d the y were particularl y influentia l durin g th e earl y 1920s , a tim e o f growing concer n ove r race relations , th e impac t o f foreign immi gration, an d th e influenc e o f religio n i n politics . The Kla n als o benefitted fro m th e romanti c imag e o f th e origina l KK K tha t had bee n plante d i n th e public' s min d b y Davi d War k Griffith' s immensely popula r film, The Birth of a Nation. Show n repeatedl y across th e countr y afte r it s premier e i n 1915 , Griffith' s epi c por trayed th e first Kla n a s a manifestl y nobl e grou p tha t ha d save d white civilizatio n durin g a dangerou s period. 10 Now , non-South erners (i f the y wer e willin g t o pa y th e Invisibl e Empire' s ten dollar initiatio n fee) could fo r th e first time personall y partak e o f the mystery and excitement o f the Klan movement . The appea l o f th e secon d Klan , however , extende d beyon d it s militant ethnocentrism and its manipulation of romantic imagery . By 192 2 it was clear that th e Invisible Empir e intended t o involv e itself i n politica l affairs , an d man y citizen s joine d wit h th e hop e that th e Kla n coul d addres s specifi c problem s i n thei r communi ties. Recognizin g this , Imperia l Wizar d Hira m W . Evan s (wh o replaced William J. Simmons i n 1922 ) advised Klan leaders not t o "put int o effec t an y se t program , fo r ther e ar e differen t need s i n the variou s localities . You r progra m mus t embrac e th e need s o f the people it must serve." 11 As a result, the Klan in many commu nities evolve d int o a medium o f corrective civi c actio n tha t spen t more tim e addressin g loca l issue s suc h a s publi c educatio n an d zoning law s tha n i t di d in advancing th e KKK' s warped ideology .

6 Introduction Indeed, almos t al l majo r cas e studie s o f th e secon d Kla n outsid e of th e Sout h hav e discovere d tha t th e secret order , sans it s hood s and mysteriou s rituals , bor e a remarkabl e resemblanc e t o othe r locally oriente d politica l an d socia l movement s i n America n history.12 Sustained b y it s grass-root s popularity , th e Invisibl e Empir e became a majo r forc e i n th e nation' s politica l lif e durin g th e period 1922-1924 . Th e stat e government s o f Oregon, Colorado , and Indiana fel l unde r the contro l o f the Kla n for a period, and in many othe r part s o f th e countr y th e hoode d orde r score d majo r victories i n municipa l elections . B y 192 4 th e perceive d powe r o f the Kla n wa s suc h tha t neithe r o f th e majo r political partie s wa s willing formall y t o denounc e th e organization ; i t appeare d ver y likely, i n fact , tha t th e Kla n woul d b e a fixture o n th e electora l landscape fo r year s t o come. 13 A t thi s ver y momen t o f triumph , however, th e Invisibl e Empir e entere d a perio d o f stee p declin e that woul d eventuall y rende r i t powerless . Th e causes o f thi s col lapse ar e still no t fully clear , but th e fading o f the group's romantic image , internecin e feuding , scandal s involvin g high-rankin g Klan officials, an d increased activism by th e order's opponents al l seem to have played a role. The KKK may also have been a victim of it s ow n success : having effectivel y serve d notic e t o establishe d leaders tha t million s o f whit e Protestant s wer e dissatisfie d wit h the course of public affairs , the organization ha d possibly fulfille d its chief purpose ; thus, like other forms o f organized mas s protes t that hav e emerge d fro m tim e t o time , i t ha d littl e reaso n t o con tinue and simply faded away. 14 Considering tha t th e secon d Kla n recruited fro m thre e t o six mil lion American s an d profoundl y influence d th e nation' s politica l and socia l life fo r a period , on e migh t assum e tha t th e hoode d order would have immediately bee n the subject of intensive schol arly investigation. Yet, with the exception of a few tracts prepared by sociologist s i n th e 1920 s an d on e historica l cas e stud y pre sented in 1936 , the KK K for decades evaded seriou s scrutiny. One major reaso n fo r thi s wa s tha t th e organizatio n lef t behin d ver y few records , bu t probabl y eve n mor e importan t wa s th e genera l conviction amon g scholar s tha t th e nature and appeal of the Kla n

Introduction 7 movement di d no t meri t furthe r investigation . Clearly , a hate mongering organization suc h as the KKK could only thrive amon g fanatics an d low-statu s individuals , particularl y thos e residin g i n the declinin g village s an d smal l town s o f rura l America. 15 Thi s was no t a n assessmen t tha t nee d t o b e documente d o r verified ; i t was self-eviden t t o an y reasonabl e an d enlightene d membe r o f the academy . Over th e pas t thirt y years , historian s hav e finally begu n t o assay thi s traditiona l vie w o f th e Kla n an d hav e foun d i t sorel y lacking. Majo r regiona l an d nationa l studie s produce d i n th e 1960s revealed tha t th e KK K wa s a s popula r i n urba n area s a s i n the rura l hinterlan d an d tha t Klansme n wer e motivate d b y a complex variet y o f concerns, not just racia l an d religiou s hatred. 16 In mor e recen t year s a growin g collectio n o f cas e studie s ha s employed th e technique s of the new social history t o further revis e traditional thinkin g abou t th e Klan , arguin g tha t th e secre t orde r drew it s membership fro m a broad cros s section o f the white mal e Protestant populatio n an d generall y functione d i n th e manne r o f a typica l civi c actio n group . Thi s recen t bod y o f wor k suggest s that th e KK K wa s muc h mor e o f a mainstrea m organizatio n tha n was onc e believe d an d tha t Klansmen , althoug h assuredl y racis t and bigoted , wer e averag e citizen s i n th e contex t o f th e times ; indeed, a majo r them e o f thi s ne w scholarshi p i s tha t th e intoler ance tha t characterize d th e KK K pervade d al l level s o f whit e American societ y durin g th e 1920s. 17 Work produce d b y Kla n revisionist s ove r th e pas t fifteen year s has focuse d upo n communitie s acros s th e nation , wit h scholar s examining som e twent y klavern s i n California, Oregon , Utah, Colorado, Texas , Indiana , Ohio , an d Georgia . Ye t th e Kla n experi ences o f communitie s i n a n importan t par t o f th e country , th e urban Northeast , hav e remaine d completel y unassessed . Thi s i s unfortunate i f onl y becaus e o f th e larg e numbe r o f Klansme n i n the region . In Ne w Yor k and Pennsylvani a alon e ther e wer e half a million members , with ten s of thousands mor e i n Ne w Jerse y an d New England; a single rally on Lon g Island coul d attract a hoode d throng o f ove r eigh t thousan d knights. 18 Wh o wer e thes e men ? What combinatio n o f impulses , influences , an d motivation s ha d brought the m int o th e Klan ? Why , i n thi s mos t cosmopolita n

8 Introduction and culturall y divers e sectio n o f th e nation , di d the y embrac e a n organization tha t virtually ensured them the enmity of fellow residents? As a firs t ste p towar d redressin g th e shortag e o f wor k o n th e second Kla n i n th e Northeast , thi s stud y wil l presen t a detaile d examination o f th e experience s o f th e hoode d orde r i n th e larg e industrial cit y o f Buffalo , Ne w York . Th e focu s here , a s i n mos t other cas e studie s o f th e KKK , shal l b e upo n Klansme n them selves—the problems they confronted, their social characteristics , and the actions that they took; less emphasis shall be placed upon the nationa l Klan' s ideolog y an d rhetoric , fo r thes e ofte n prove d to b e poo r indicator s o f wha t transpire d a t th e loca l level . A s i s true of muc h recen t socia l history , thi s stud y ha s bee n guide d b y the conviction tha t scholar s ar e obligated t o trea t th e people the y write abou t wit h a certai n degre e o f restraint an d respect—eve n those wit h who m the y vehementl y disagree . Frankly , thi s ha s proven ver y difficul t fo r thi s author , a devou t Roma n Catholi c who is married to a woman of color and committed t o a variety of progressive causes. The presentation of a prolonged and emotional denunciation o f th e Klan , however , woul d hav e bee n bot h self indulgent an d counterproductive . Although th e flaunting o f one' s liberal sensibilitie s migh t b e emotionall y gratifyin g (a s wel l a s politically expedient) , it will only be through careful researc h and neutral reasonin g tha t th e complex source s of racial an d religiou s intolerance i n American society will be adequately assessed . While a commitmen t t o scholarl y objectivit y i s important , i t means littl e i f researc h material s ar e no t available . Fortunately , this stud y ha s benefitte d fro m a n unusua l abundanc e o f primar y sources on th e Buffalo Klan , including a comprehensive member ship list, undercover reports on the klavern's secret meetings , and a rar e KK K busines s directory . I n addition , newspape r report s of Klan-relate d development s hav e prove d particularl y valuable . Although al l o f Buffalo' s si x majo r paper s covere d aspect s o f th e local Kla n episode , th e mos t extensiv e coverag e wa s tha t o f th e Buffalo Daily Courier, which established contact s withi n th e klavern shortl y afte r th e chapter' s founding . Accordingly , th e Courier has serve d a s a cor e sourc e fo r muc h o f th e basi c narrativ e here , despite th e paper' s over t anti-Kla n bia s an d intensel y pro-Demo -

Introduction 9 era tic orientation . I n a n attemp t t o mitigat e an y distortio n tha t might resul t fro m thi s reliance , Courier reports hav e been checke d against account s appearin g i n th e pro-Republica n Buffalo Morning Express, whic h also , althoug h i n a les s hostil e fashion , dis played a n abidin g interes t i n th e KKK ; a t certai n points , materia l from othe r newspaper s ha s als o been extensivel y utilized . This book has been compose d i n as straightforward a fashion a s possible. Chapte r 1 discusses th e socia l an d politica l factor s tha t contributed t o th e ris e o f th e KK K i n Buffal o an d chapte r 2 de scribes th e foundin g an d earl y developmen t o f th e klavern . Chap ters 3 and 4 present a n extende d evaluatio n o f th e Buffal o Klan' s activities an d membershi p an d chapte r 5 analyze s th e ruthles s fashion i n whic h th e loca l chapte r wa s destroyed . Th e conclusio n evaluates th e study' s findings i n th e contex t o f Kla n historiogra phy. Th e overal l result , th e autho r hopes , i s a wor k tha t wil l advance scholarship, enlighten readers , and hel p ensure tha t wha t occurred i n Buffal o durin g th e first hal f o f th e 1920 s never occur s again.

One

A Troubled Communit y

Buffalo, th e self-proclaime d Quee n Cit y o f th e Grea t Lakes , en tered th e 1920 s well-establishe d a s a majo r urba n center . Score s of churches , a progressiv e publi c schoo l system , thre e colleges , a university, a fine art s academy , museums , libraries , an d concer t halls atteste d t o th e city's rich spiritual , educational, an d cultura l life; dozen s o f charitable , social , an d professiona l organization s and a municipal governmen t tha t employe d nearl y eight thousan d workers likewis e indicate d a n advance d stag e o f urba n develop ment, a s di d th e moder n offic e building s an d hotel s tha t domi nated th e downtow n skyline. 1 Th e federa l censu s fo r 192 0 place d the loca l populatio n a t 506,775 , certifying Buffal o a s th e elevent h largest municipalit y i n the Unite d States , and b y 192 5 the numbe r had increase d t o jus t ove r 538,000 . Whe n th e rapidl y expandin g populations o f nearb y communitie s (se e figure 1 ) such a s Lacka wanna, Tonawanda , Lancaster , Cheektowaga , Wes t Seneca , an d Amherst ar e considered , th e numbe r o f resident s i n th e greate r Buffalo are a wa s approximatel y 580,00 0 a t th e beginnin g o f th e decade an d mor e tha n 640,00 0 five year s later . I n fe w previou s periods ha d futur e growt h an d prosperit y seeme d mor e assured , city planners confidentl y predictin g tha t th e metropolitan popula tion woul d excee d tw o million b y 1950. 2 11

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Troubled Community 1 Lockpor t P

Lancaster

-4-Blasdell

Hamburg

Figure 1 Buffalo an d Nearb y Communitie s circ a 192 0 This optimism reste d i n larg e part on a recent an d remarkabl e upsurge i n loca l industria l production . I n 1919 , the tota l valu e of manufactured good s produce d i n Buffal o wa s $634,409,733 , a n increase o f 25 6 percen t ove r th e tota l fo r 1914 . Benefitting fro m electrification, modernize d facilities , an d bette r management , al most al l o f th e city' s chie f industrie s wer e achievin g unprece dented outpu t b y 1920 : withi n a five-yea r period , flour millin g

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production ha d increase d b y 13 7 percent , mea t packin g 11 5 per cent, foundr y an d machin e product s 18 4 percent, an d automobil e bodies an d part s 41 4 percent ; similarl y impressiv e gain s too k place i n th e steel , chemical, furniture , an d tannin g industrie s an d in man y smalle r sector s o f th e economy , wit h th e resul t tha t the Commerc e Departmen t ranke d Buffal o a s th e eight h larges t manufacturing cente r i n th e country. 3 Industry an d manufacturing , conducte d i n a vast rin g of factor ies and plant s tha t circle d withi n an d jus t beyon d th e cit y limits , constituted th e chie f sourc e o f Buffalo' s growt h an d prosperity , but othe r forms o f economic activity were also important. The cit y was secon d onl y t o Chicag o a s a commercia l shippin g cente r i n the 1920s ; ove r five hundre d freigh t train s arrive d an d departe d daily, an d eac h yea r million s o f ton s o f bul k commoditie s passe d through th e port . Loca l trad e wit h Canad a steadil y increase d throughout th e decade , &nd the wholesal e marketin g o f coal, lum ber, machinery , foo d products , an d automobile s experience d un precedented expansion . Commercia l bankin g als o gre w rapidly , more tha n sixt y branc h bank s bein g opene d betwee n 191 6 an d 1926. Th e profit s o f industr y an d commerce—distribute d i n th e form o f mor e job s an d highe r wages—i n tur n sustaine d a bur geoning retai l econom y tha t employe d ove r thirt y thousan d work ers by 1929. 4 Economic advancemen t depended , o f course , upo n people . I n 1920, Buffalo' s workin g population—proprietors , self-employe d professionals, salarie d employees , an d wage-earners—numbere d 215,323. More tha n three-quarter s wer e whit e males , but th e per centage of women an d black s was gradually increasing . Just unde r 46 percen t o f al l worker s wer e engage d i n manufacturin g an d industry; 26. 1 percen t hel d clerica l position s o r wer e involve d i n trade, and 17. 1 percent hel d jobs i n public, professional, personal , and domesti c service ; mos t o f th e remainde r worke d i n transpor tation. Ove r th e cours e o f th e decade , thi s distributio n change d somewhat, bu t industr y an d manufacturin g remaine d th e larges t sources of employment. 5 The prejudice s an d socia l custom s o f th e perio d inevitabl y in fluenced th e occupationa l statu s o f certai n group s withi n th e working population . Africa n American s wer e mor e likel y t o hol d

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Troubled Community

low-status job s tha n white s an d female s wer e mor e concentrate d in low-manual , semiskilled , an d servic e employmen t tha n males . Among whit e workers , thos e wh o wer e native-bor n an d o f nativ e parentage enjoye d th e highes t overal l status , approximatel y hal f holding nonmanua l position s i n 1920 ; i n contrast , onl y 22. 8 per cent o f foreign-born worker s filled nonmanua l roles. 6 Socioeconomic disparitie s amon g th e wor k forc e wer e wel l re flected b y Buffalo' s residentia l development . Wes t o f Mai n Street , within th e boundarie s o f th e Twenty-Fift h War d (se e figure 2) , resided man y o f th e city' s mos t prominen t busines s an d profes sional people ; here , alon g beautifu l tree-line d boulevard s suc h a s Delaware Avenue , the wealthy an d near-wealth y live d in homes a s elegant a s any i n the Unite d States . To the north , near th e Chapin , Bidwell, an d Lincol n parkway s i n th e Twenty-Thir d Ward , wer e other affluen t neighborhoods . Thes e elit e district s wer e locate d in ward s wit h th e highes t percentag e o f nativ e white s o f nativ e parentage i n th e city . Les s exclusive , middle-clas s residentia l ar eas—the easter n section s o f th e Twenty-Secon d an d Twenty Fourth Ward s o n th e wes t side ; th e Nort h Park , Central Park , an d Kensington district s i n northeas t Buffalo ; ne w housin g develop ments nea r th e Humbold t Parkwa y o n th e uppe r eas t side ; an d south-side neighborhood s alon g Sout h Par k Avenue—wer e als o characterized b y larg e native-white-of-native-parentag e popula tions, althoug h resident s wer e mor e likel y t o b e o f Germa n an d Irish ancestr y tha t wa s th e case in th e most prestigiou s wards. 7 While middle-clas s Buffalonian s tende d t o resid e i n outlyin g areas, those of lesser means were concentrated i n the more centra l and congeste d part s of the city. As in previous decades, the poores t wards wer e o n th e lowe r wes t an d eas t sides , where , ami d th e noise an d pollutio n fro m nearb y railroads , factories , an d stock yards, residents endured substandar d housin g an d th e other prob lems typica l o f low-incom e neighborhoods . Th e population s o f these inner-city district s contained th e highest ward-level percent ages o f foreign-born white s i n Buffalo , matche d onl y b y th e heav ily industrialize d Twenty-Firs t War d i n th e northwester n par t o f the city. 8 Two importan t fact s concernin g th e foreig n bor n i n th e 1920 s should be stressed. First, as a group, they were a declining elemen t

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Figure 2 Location o f Buffalo Ward s in th e city ; i n fact , a s immigratio n restrictio n wen t int o effect , their number s shran k fo r th e firs t tim e i n decades , fro m 121,53 0 (23.9 percen t o f th e tota l population ) i n 192 0 t o 118,94 1 (20. 7 percent) in 1930 . Second, the foreign born had attained an unprecedented degre e of national an d ethnic diversity . Poles (6.2 percen t

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Troubled Community

of th e cit y population) , German s (4. 1 percent) , Italian s (3. 2 per cent), Canadians (3. 1 percent), Irish (1.4 percent), and Englis h (1. 3 percent) composed th e largest loca l groups in 1920 , but ther e wer e sizable contingent s fro m man y othe r countries. Over the course of the decade , most o f the non-English-speaking nationalitie s experi enced a declin e i n numbers , wit h th e exceptio n o f Italians , wh o increased b y 1 9 percent. A t the sam e time , th e combine d numbe r of immigrant s fro m Canad a an d Britai n ros e b y nearl y 2 7 percent. 9 Residing with , among , an d nea r th e foreig n bor n wer e man y native-born ethnic s o f foreign , mixed , an d nativ e parentage . Wards i n th e heavil y Polish , Italian , German , an d Iris h part s o f the cit y include d th e highes t percentage s o f second-generatio n ethnics, but eve n i n th e elit e district s nearl y a thir d o f th e native born whit e resident s ha d a t leas t on e foreign-bor n parent . Pub lished federa l censu s dat a d o not revea l th e precis e ethni c compo sition o f war d population s i n 1920 , but reliabl e estimate s fo r sev eral majo r ethni c group s ca n b e culle d fro m manuscrip t censu s returns. These percentage s indicat e tha t Buffal o ca n b e viewe d a s being roughl y divide d int o si x ethni c zones : a heavil y Iris h sout h side, a Polish lowe r east side , a German uppe r eas t side , an Italia n lower west side , a large Anglo-American distric t encompassin g th e upper wes t sid e an d th e northeaster n par t o f th e city , an d a n ethnically diverse—Polish , Anglo , an d German—secto r t o th e northwest. 10 Race als o divide d th e community . B y 1920 , ther e wer e nearl y five thousan d black s i n Buffalo , mos t o f who m live d i n th e Sixt h and Sevent h Ward s on th e lowe r east side , one of the mos t impov erished part s o f th e city . A s elsewhere i n th e Unite d States , loca l African American s confronte d racis t attitude s tha t severel y lim ited socioeconomi c mobility . I n a stud y conducte d i n 1927 , Uni versity o f Buffal o sociologis t Nile s Carpente r discovere d tha t many cit y employer s considere d black s t o be "slo w thinkers " wh o were "no t abl e t o assum e an y responsibility" ; mos t o f thos e inter viewed agree d tha t black s "shoul d alway s hav e a whit e ma n a s foreman." 11 Wit h suc h sentiment s prevailing , i t i s no t surprisin g that th e large majority o f black workers were confined t o low-pai d

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unskilled an d semiskille d jobs and tha t thei r status improved onl y marginally durin g th e 1920s . Buffalo's African-America n popula tion di d include , however , a numbe r o f talente d busines s an d professional peopl e wh o spearheade d effort s o n behal f o f racia l improvement an d expande d civi l rights ; voicin g thei r opinion s in th e black-owne d Buffalo American an d workin g throug h suc h organizations a s th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colored People , these leader s kep t a clos e watch o n development s that migh t threate n thei r community. 12 Religion supplemente d rac e a s a sourc e o f potentia l conflic t i n Buffalo i n th e 1920s . According t o federa l censu s data , jus t unde r 64 percent o f all cit y churc h member s i n 192 6 were Roman Catho lic; Protestants , i n contrast , compose d onl y 27. 8 percen t o f thos e affiliated wit h a particula r church , whil e Jew s constitute d les s than 6 percent . Thes e figures probabl y exaggerat e th e exten t o f Catholic dominanc e somewhat , becaus e man y Protestant s di d no t belong t o a specifi c denomination ; but—jus t o n th e basi s o f th e large numbe r o f resident s o f Irish , Polish , Italian , an d Germa n ancestry—it seem s virtuall y certai n tha t a majorit y o f Buffaloni ans were Roma n Catholic. 13 As a n institution , th e Catholi c Churc h wa s on e o f th e largest , wealthiest, an d bes t establishe d organization s i n Buffalo. I t main tained eighty-fou r churche s an d sixty-tw o parochia l schools , published it s ow n newspaper , an d owne d hundred s o f acre s o f valu able rea l estat e throughou t th e city . Unde r th e leadershi p o f a series of politically astut e bishops , the Buffal o Dioces e had forge d a close relationship wit h loca l political an d busines s leaders, earning gratitud e fo r it s stron g stan d agains t socialis m an d othe r forms o f "radicalism. " Th e churc h remaine d a forc e fo r socia l conservatism throughou t th e 1920s , it s clergyme n regularl y de nouncing divorce , marita l infidelity , birt h contro l ("rac e suicide, " one pries t terme d it) , th e erosio n o f traditiona l famil y life , an d a perceived abandonmen t o f Christian ideals. 14 Catholics, therefore , occupied commo n groun d wit h Protestant s o n man y socia l issues . Differences ove r controversia l matter s suc h a s prohibition , how ever, kept traditiona l suspicion s an d animositie s full y activated . Local politic s i n th e 1920 s reflecte d th e generall y conservativ e

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Troubled Community

orientation o f mos t Buffalonians . Throughou t th e decade , despit e rising ethni c tensions , th e larg e majorit y o f voter s enrolle d a s Republicans; eve n i n 1924 , whe n controvers y ove r th e K u Klu x Klan threatene d t o explod e int o ope n religiou s warfare , ove r 6 4 percent o f th e potentia l electorat e affiliate d wit h th e part y o f Lincoln. A s had lon g bee n th e case , partisanshi p demonstrate d a close relationshi p wit h ethnicit y i n Buffalo . Averag e Republican enrollment percentage s fo r th e perio d 1922-192 4 (th e tim e whe n the loca l KK K wa s mos t active ) sho w tha t Republica n strengt h was belo w 5 0 percen t i n onl y eigh t wards—al l locate d i n th e heavily Iris h an d Polis h part s o f th e city—whil e Italian , German , and old-stoc k ward s ha d sizabl e Republica n majorities . Th e larg e Republican followin g i n wards on the upper eas t sid e is of particu lar interes t becaus e i t strongl y suggest s tha t significan t number s of German Catholic s ha d abandone d thei r longtim e suppor t o f th e Democratic party. 15 Not surprisingly , give n enrollmen t figures, th e Republica n party wo n presidentia l election s i n Buffal o throughou t th e 1920s . Warren G . Harding carrie d th e cit y wit h a landslid e 63. 4 percen t of th e vot e i n 1920 , and fou r year s late r Calvi n Coolidg e receive d 57.2 percen t i n a three-wa y race ; i n 1928 , Herber t Hoove r nar rowly prevaile d ove r Ne w Yor k Governo r Alfre d E . Smith. 16 I n state an d loca l races , however, th e electorate wa s fa r mor e unpre dictable. The fortunes o f Al Smith provid e a goo d cas e i n point. I n his successfu l 191 8 rac e fo r governor , Smit h faile d t o carr y Buf falo, an d i n 192 0 he was handily defeate d i n th e cit y by Natha n L . Miller. Two years later, emphasizing his opposition t o prohibition , Smith trounce d Mille r locally , only t o be soundly defeate d i n 192 4 by Theodor e Roosevelt , Jr. ; i n 1926 , Smit h narrowl y carrie d th e city i n a contes t wit h Ogde n L . Mills. 17 As the governor' s up s an d downs i n loca l pollin g wel l demonstrated , th e intermingle d an d ever shiftin g influenc e o f religion , ethnicity , party , an d clas s re sulted i n a ver y comple x an d volatil e politica l situation . Thi s was eve n true r a t th e municipa l level , wher e divers e interest s converged wit h particula r intensity . Because th e event s tha t wer e taking plac e i n cit y politic s playe d suc h a crucia l rol e i n shapin g the loca l Kla n experience , the y shoul d b e examine d i n som e detail.

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.... The aspiration s an d attitude s o f Buffalo' s larg e populatio n o f re cent immigran t stoc k wer e wel l represente d b y th e controversia l individual wh o woul d dominat e cit y governmen t fo r mos t o f th e 1920s. Born o n Buffalo' s eas t sid e i n 1874 , th e so n o f poo r immi grant parent s fro m Austri a an d Bavaria , Franci s Xavie r Schwa b scarcely seeme d destine d fo r civi c prominence . Shortl y befor e completing hi s elementar y education , Schwa b wen t t o wor k a s a tinsmith's apprentice , late r claimin g tha t hi s rea l educatio n ha d come i n th e "schoo l o f experienc e an d i n th e universit y o f har d knocks." Ove r th e nex t decade , Schwa b worke d fo r a numbe r o f local industria l firms , the n change d career s an d becam e a sales man fo r th e Germania Brewin g Company . Hardworking an d natu rally gregarious , Schwa b soo n establishe d himsel f a s a popula r figure amon g loca l taver n keeper s an d restaurateurs , man y o f whom wer e fello w German-Americans ; h e als o wa s activ e i n th e Knights o f St . John , a German-dominate d Catholi c men' s grou p similar t o th e Knight s o f Columbus . Severa l year s later , Schwa b utilized hi s contacts an d expertis e t o secure a position a s manage r of the Buffalo Brewin g Company , which late r became th e Mohaw k Products Company , on e of Buffalo's mos t prominen t breweries . In the interim, he assumed th e joint position o f president an d genera l manager, thereb y completin g a n impressiv e ris e i n th e worl d o f business. 18 By this time, Frank Schwa b had develope d a personal styl e tha t delighted hi s friend s an d infuriate d hi s enemies . A tall, lea n ma n with a dar k moustache , alway s dapperl y attire d wit h hi s sil k ti e adjusted i n a distinctiv e "submarine " fashio n beneat h hi s collar , he delighte d i n bein g th e cente r o f attention ; noontim e woul d typically find hi m i n a loca l saloo n o r cafe , surrounde d b y cronie s and holdin g fort h o n a variet y o f topic s i n hi s heavil y accente d English. Eve r read y wit h a n encouragin g word , a friendl y smile , or a smal l cas h handou t fo r th e les s fortunate , h e considere d himself t o b e a specia l frien d an d representativ e o f th e commo n people. Suc h populisti c sentiments , however , wer e largel y unre lated t o an y typ e o f coheren t politica l philosoph y o r partisa n orientation. Althoug h nominall y a Republican , Schwa b wa s i n actuality a n independen t wh o remaine d free o f link s t o profes -

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sional politicians , bein g motivate d mor e b y cultura l issue s an d the pursuit o f personal powe r tha n an y desire to ingratiate himsel f with th e politica l establishment. 19 H e constitute d a wil d car d o n the loca l politica l scene , on e wh o onl y cam e t o powe r becaus e o f the unusual opportunitie s created , ironically , by prohibition . From th e tim e o f it s implementatio n i n 1920 , prohibition ha d generated tremendou s resentmen t i n Buffalo . Th e electorat e ha d never bee n consulte d o n th e issue , givin g ris e t o th e impressio n that a relatively smal l grou p o f zealots, headed by the Anti-Saloo n League, ha d manage d t o impos e unrealisti c restrictions . Ther e was als o th e sens e tha t prohibitio n di d no t represen t a sincer e attempt t o improve societ y but was , rather, a heavy-handed effor t to dictate arbitrar y standard s o f personal behavio r t o those whos e cultural tradition s include d th e consumptio n o f alcoholi c bever ages. The prominent rol e assumed b y evangelical Protestants , par ticularly Methodists , i n th e dr y crusad e additionall y bre d resent ment, th e edito r o f the Buffal o Catholic Union & Times eventuall y concluding tha t th e nobl e experimen t constitute d " a tyrann y tha t was foiste d upo n u s by Methodist fanaticism." 20 Despit e such atti tudes, however, federal , state , and loca l authoritie s presse d ahea d with enforcemen t effort s throughou t 192 0 an d 1921 , further out raging th e proponents o f "personal liberty. " The widesprea d hostilit y t o prohibitio n i n Buffal o offere d a ready-made campaig n issu e fo r aspirin g politicians . Recognizin g this, member s o f th e Knight s o f St . Joh n circulate d a petitio n i n behalf o f th e mayora l candidac y o f Fran k Schwa b i n th e summe r of 1921 , and h e subsequently announce d hi s intentio n t o stand fo r office. A t first, i t seeme d ver y unlikel y tha t Schwa b coul d surviv e the nonpartisa n cit y primar y i n Octobe r 1921 . Althoug h well known fo r hi s charit y wor k an d hi s succes s i n th e brewin g indus try, h e ha d neve r ru n fo r electiv e offic e an d wa s oppose d b y fou r veteran politicians , includin g incumben t Mayo r Georg e S . Buck ; Schwab's campaig n wa s staffe d largel y b y inexperience d volun teers an d hi s Catholicism , occupation , ethni c origins , an d bras h personality—while asset s i n certai n quarters—alienate d man y voters. Moreover, Schwa b was currentl y unde r federa l indictmen t for violatin g th e Volstea d Act ; th e two-coun t charg e stemme d from a rai d o n on e o f hi s brewerie s earl y i n 1920 , durin g whic h

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1

federal agent s discovere d tha t rea l beer , rathe r tha n lega l "nea r beer," wa s bein g manufacture d an d distributed. 21 Eve n fo r man y of those who opposed prohibition , th e prospect o f voting for a ma n who had violate d federa l la w wa s far fro m attractive . In contras t t o hi s opponents , al l o f who m steere d clea r o f th e prohibition issue , Fran k Schwa b mad e repudiatio n o f th e Eigh teenth Amendmen t th e centerpiec e o f hi s campaign . Proclaimin g a desir e t o restor e "san e liberty " t o Buffal o throug h th e legaliza tion o f ligh t wine s an d beer , h e charge d tha t th e dr y law s ha d resulted i n a proliferatio n o f unregulate d "sof t drink " shop s tha t sold dangerous concoctions , and tha t a recent surg e in illicit hom e brewing threatene d th e moral s an d healt h o f th e city' s children . While Schwa b admitte d tha t i t wa s beyon d th e mayor' s abilit y t o end prohibition , h e promise d t o reduc e th e leve l o f enforcemen t by assignin g th e polic e "dr y squad " t o other duties , claiming tha t the fourtee n federa l prohibitio n agent s statione d i n Buffal o coul d manage th e situatio n i n "splendi d fashion. " H e als o assure d th e voters tha t th e indictmen t currentl y pendin g agains t hi m woul d not prov e t o b e a problem , indicatin g tha t h e wa s "conten t t o let tha t matte r res t wit h th e distric t attorne y an d th e prope r authorities." 22 To th e astonishmen t o f loca l part y professionals , Schwab' s grass-roots campaig n gaine d momentu m righ t u p t o pollin g da y on Octobe r 18 . Th e final tallie s reveale d tha t Mayo r Buc k ha d received 24,47 8 vote s an d Schwa b 19,273 , whil e th e othe r con tenders, includin g thos e backe d b y Buffalo' s Republica n an d Democratic machines , traile d badly . Thi s mean t tha t Buc k an d Schwab, bot h independen t Republicans , woul d fac e eac h othe r i n a runof f i n th e genera l electio n i n November . A s th e edito r o f the Buffalo Courier observed , th e return s demonstrate d tha t "th e people vot e a s the y will , no t a s politica l machine s an d bosse s dictate." 23 Throughout th e followin g thre e weeks , Buffalo experience d on e of th e mos t bitterl y divisiv e mayora l campaign s i n th e city' s his tory. Thi s was , perhaps , inevitabl e give n th e star k contrast s be tween th e tw o candidates . Th e scio n o f a wealth y an d prominen t local family , Georg e Sturge s Buc k wa s a graduat e o f Yale Univer sity an d th e Universit y o f Buffal o La w School . H e reside d i n on e

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of th e community' s mos t prestigiou s neighborhoods , serve d a s a n elder o f th e Firs t Presbyteria n Church , an d ha d lon g bee n a lead ing progressiv e figure i n count y an d cit y government . Fran k Schwab, o n th e othe r hand , wa s a second-generatio n German American, a working-class Roma n Catholi c with n o previous expe rience i n politic s bu t plent y o f familiarit y wit h th e liquo r indus try. 24 Give n thes e particula r differences , shar p division s i n th e electorate alon g ethnic , religious , an d clas s line s coul d b e antici pated. Schwab an d hi s supporter s staye d o n th e offensiv e throughou t the campaign , concentratin g thei r effort s o n neighborhood s i n central, east , an d sout h Buffalo . Schwa b continuall y stresse d hi s opposition t o prohibitio n an d pledge d t o lobb y i n Washington , D.C., fo r th e legalizatio n o f ligh t wine s an d beer : " I wan t t o tel l you tha t prohibitio n i s a curs e t o th e countr y an d t o th e children , and th e mayo r ca n a t leas t protes t agains t it . Tha t i s wha t I propose t o d o i f elected. " H e als o emphasize d hi s intentio n t o establish a cit y administratio n tha t woul d b e sensitiv e t o th e needs o f al l loca l residents , regardles s o f thei r ethnicity . "Whe n I am electe d I want yo u t o drop i n an d se e me anytime, " he advise d a grou p o f Italian-Americans . "Jus t say , 'Hello , Frank, ' an d I'l l take car e o f you." H e extende d thi s invitatio n t o other immigran t groups a s well , speakin g befor e th e Polis h Singin g Circle , th e Hungarian Brotherhood , th e Ukrainia n Men' s League , an d man y other ethni c club s an d societies . At on e gatherin g o f Irish-Ameri cans hel d a t a Catholi c hig h school , Schwa b informe d hi s coreli gionists tha t "Th e tim e ha s com e whe n the y mus t sa y th e Iris h and th e Dutc h [Germans ] amoun t t o much . W e ar e al l peopl e o f one typ e an d just a s goo d a s ther e ar e on God' s earth . . . . I appea l to th e Iris h o f the first , second , an d thir d ward s t o put m e ove r o n election day." 25 Schwab's stron g appea l withi n certai n ethni c communities dis tressed Mayo r Buck , wh o accuse d th e brewe r o f pandering t o "al l of th e racia l prejudice s [and ] t o al l o f th e discontente d element s in ou r city , promisin g everythin g tha t h e think s i s necessar y t o win a vot e her e an d there. " Th e mayo r particularl y decrie d Schwab's promis e t o reduc e prohibitio n enforcement , stressin g that "Respec t fo r th e la w i s th e basi s o f securit y i n a democracy .

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Defiance o f law propagate s anarchy." 26 I n Buck's view, the centra l issue wa s no t th e advisabilit y o f prohibitio n pe r se , bu t th e broader matte r o f maintainin g th e integrit y an d authorit y o f es tablished institutions . Elec t Schwa b mayor , h e warned , an d th e "forces o f evi l whic h ar e represse d b y constan t exertio n fro m th e police force wil l flaunt themselve s i n th e face o f decency." 27 As th e campaig n heate d up , religiou s an d ethni c tension s be came mor e apparent . No t surprisingly , th e Protestant-dominate d Anti-Saloon Leagu e vehementl y oppose d Schwab' s bi d fo r th e mayoralty; Willia m H . Anderson , th e group' s Ne w Yor k stat e su perintendent, commente d durin g a specia l tri p t o Buffalo tha t th e brewer wa s a "politica l faker " an d tha t "an y cit y whic h wil l elec t to enforc e th e la w a ma n wh o doe s no t den y tha t h e ha s violate d the la w deserve s exactl y wha t i t wil l get." 28 Th e Reveren d Dr . Charles H . Stewar t o f th e Nort h Presbyteria n Churc h als o openl y opposed Schwab , arguing tha t hi s election woul d tea r th e commu nity apart : "Doe s Buffal o wan t sectional , racial , an d sectaria n issues t o determin e he r policy ? Never ! W e wan t n o eas t sid e against wes t side , n o issu e a s t o one' s religiou s convictions , whether Catholic , Protestan t o r Jewish , an d n o distinctio n a s t o nationality whethe r German , Italia n o r Pole . We mus t al l b e first and alway s American. " Havin g mad e thi s loft y appea l fo r civi c unity, Stewar t wen t o n t o urg e member s o f hi s congregatio n t o vote for thei r fello w Presbyterian , Georg e Buck. 29 In th e end , Protestan t solidarit y fel l short . O n Novembe r 8 , Frank Schwa b score d a narrow victory , out-polling Buc k 62,747 t o 59,986. A number o f factors ha d contribute d t o this win, but prob ably th e majo r reaso n wa s tha t th e recen t implementatio n o f prohibition, i n associatio n wit h th e contrastin g background s o f the tw o candidates , ha d strongl y polarize d th e electorate , im parting unusua l salienc y t o preexisting ethnic , religious, and clas s divisions. Th e electio n total s reveale d tha t Schwa b ha d handil y carried Buffalo' s olde r ward s wher e th e bul k o f th e community' s foreign bor n an d native-bor n ethnic s resided , whil e th e stronges t support fo r Buc k wa s i n th e norther n district s an d i n th e wealth y west-side neighborhood s (se e figure 3) . Statistical analysi s o f th e vote fo r Schwa b indicate s a ver y stron g an d negativ e correlatio n with ward-leve l populatio n percentage s o f native-bor n white s o f

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Figure 3 Percentage Votin g fo r Schwa b i n 192 1 Buffalo Mayora l Election , b y War d native parentage (-.829 ) an d stron g an d positiv e correlation s wit h the percentag e o f foreign-bor n white s (.617 ) an d native-bor n whites o f foreig n o r mixe d parentag e (.649) , all correlation s bein g statistically significan t a t .001 , one-tailed test . Schwa b di d partic ularly wel l i n th e Iris h an d Polis h part s o f th e city , bu t h e als o

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garnered decisiv e majoritie s i n th e Italia n ward s an d i n Ward s Six an d Seven , wher e man y Africa n American s an d Russia n Jew s lived. Intriguingly , however , th e brewe r di d les s wel l i n th e Ger man districts , a possible reflection o f Protestant-Catholic division s within th e local Germa n community. 30 Quite naturally , Schwa b partisan s exulte d i n thei r triumph ; t o many, i t seeme d tha t th e commo n people—particularl y thos e o f non-Anglo-Saxon stock—ha d trul y triumphed , unseatin g a politi cally experience d membe r o f th e civi c elit e an d replacin g hi m with on e o f thei r own , a second-generatio n ethni c wh o woul d b e the firs t Roma n Catholi c mayo r o f Buffalo . Th e electio n result s also appeare d t o constitute a fir m rebuf f t o the advocate s o f stric t prohibition enforcement , particularl y th e widel y despise d Anti Saloon League . I n a n actio n hardl y calculate d t o cultivat e goo d will, Schwa b backer s sen t a gloatin g telegra m t o Stat e Superin tendent Willia m Anderso n a s soo n a s victor y wa s assured : "W e have jus t electe d th e leadin g brewe r o f Buffal o mayo r o f th e city . We hav e canne d th e dr y ou t o f dry . Pleas e notif y Presiden t Har ding, [Anti-Saloo n Leagu e Genera l Counsel ] Wayn e B . Wheeler , and Joh n D . Rockefeller . Yo u mad e 15,00 0 vote s fo r Schwa b b y your speech [i n Buffalo durin g th e campaign]. In the future, pleas e stay home/' 3 1 Wha t wa s possibl y forgotten , however , wa s tha t 59,986 voters, fully 48. 9 percent o f those participatin g i n th e elec tion, ha d no t vote d fo r Schwab , an d tha t man y i n thi s grou p di d not inten d suddenl y t o abando n th e principle s an d value s tha t they believe d shoul d guid e communit y life . A s Fran k Schwa b would soo n discover , hi s educatio n i n th e "schoo l o f experienc e and th e university o f hard knocks " was far fro m over . From th e tim e tha t h e assume d offic e a t th e beginnin g o f 1922 , Mayor Schwa b wa s determine d t o fulfil l hi s campaig n pledg e t o be accessibl e t o averag e citizens . H e answere d hi s ow n phone , opened al l o f his ow n mail , an d move d hi s des k a t cit y hal l t o a n outer offic e s o tha t h e coul d personall y receiv e callers . H e als o remained i n clos e touc h wit h resident s throug h hi s continue d active participatio n i n twenty-seve n fraterna l societie s an d nu merous organize d charit y efforts . Thi s ope n style , complemente d by th e mayor' s natura l gregariousness , helpe d solidif y hi s follow -

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ing i n Buffalo' s ethni c neighborhoods , reassurin g hi s supporter s that h e would remai n committe d t o their concerns. 32 A significan t numbe r o f Buffalonians , however , wer e no t im pressed b y th e change s i n th e mayor' s office , seein g the m a s bein g both undignifie d an d par t o f a shameles s attemp t t o pande r among gullibl e elements . Othe r action s take n b y Schwab—hi s energetic lobbyin g o n behal f o f "hom e rule " legislatio n fo r Ne w York cities , hi s effort s t o reduc e th e powe r o f th e cit y hospita l commission, hi s suppor t fo r $1. 5 million i n bonuses fo r municipa l workers, an d hi s proposa l tha t h e b e give n a sea t o n th e Buffal o school board—als o seeme d t o b e par t o f a coordinate d campaig n to expan d hi s powe r an d politica l base. 33 So , too , did a propose d ordinance tha t th e mayo r sponsore d i n regar d t o the regulatio n o f the city' s thousand s o f "sof t drink " shops . Under th e provision s o f the suggeste d law , owner s o f suc h establishment s woul d b e re quired t o secur e a n annua l license , but th e mayo r coul d refus e t o grant a licens e t o an y applican t who m h e deeme d t o b e o f poo r moral character . Becaus e muc h o f the "sof t drin k business " serve d as a fron t fo r th e illega l sal e an d consumptio n o f alcoholi c bever ages, th e la w als o meant , i n fact , tha t th e city' s mos t prominen t antiprohibitionist, a beer brewe r wh o was currentl y unde r federa l indictment fo r violatin g th e Volstea d Act , woul d no w determin e which applicant s wer e morall y qualifie d t o operat e a speakeasy . Nevertheless—primarily becaus e non e o f th e othe r fou r member s of th e cit y commissio n wante d t o assum e responsibilit y fo r regu lating th e shops—th e ordinanc e secure d passag e i n earl y Marc h 1922, thereby significantl y enhancin g th e mayor' s influence. 34 This di d no t mea n tha t Schwa b coul d alway s hav e hi s way ; a s one angr y cit y commissione r reminde d him , "You'r e par t o f th e commission, bu t you'r e no t al l o f it. " Althoug h Schwab' s fou r colleagues o n th e commissio n wer e willin g t o ced e contro l ove r soft drin k establishments , the y jealousl y defende d thei r authorit y in othe r matters , regularl y clashin g wit h th e mayo r an d quarrel ing amon g themselves . Initially , Commissione r o f Publi c Affair s Frank C . Perkin s ha d hope d t o wi n Schwa b ove r t o th e ide a o f municipal ownershi p o f utilities , bu t whe n th e mayo r prove d re sistant, th e commissione r lashe d ou t durin g a meeting : " I a m surprised a t you . Good night ! I thought you' d stan d fo r somethin g

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decent." B y th e summe r o f 1922 , relation s betwee n th e tw o me n threatened t o deteriorat e int o fisticuffs. O n on e occasion , afte r Schwab refuse d t o suppor t a referendu m o n a municipa l electri c plant, Perkin s charge d tha t instea d o f representing th e "plai n peo ple" th e mayo r wa s tryin g t o "knoc k the m out. " Schwab , visibl y outraged, pounde d hi s gave l fo r silenc e an d shouted , " I won' t b e insulted b y you! " Fortunately , a motio n b y anothe r commissione r shut of f debat e o n th e referendum . Th e mayo r late r advise d re porters tha t "I f Perkin s continue s t o insul t me , I'l l eliminat e hi m myself withou t an y motion." 35 Schwab's relation s wit h Commissione r o f Park s an d Publi c Buildings Joh n H . Meah l an d Commissione r o f Financ e an d Ac counts Ros s Grave s wer e als o les s tha n cordial . Resentfu l tha t th e mayor ha d attempte d t o influenc e th e awardin g o f par k conces sions, Meah l warne d Schwa b i n Ma y 192 2 tha t " I will tak e order s from n o on e excep t th e peopl e a s t o ho w m y departmen t i s t o b e run. If you but t int o m y department , mayb e you r departmen t wil l be butte d into. " I n late r months , th e pai r regularl y exchange d insults an d sarcasti c comments. 36 Ros s Graves' s difficultie s wit h the mayo r stemme d fro m difference s ove r th e cit y budget , th e commissioner accusin g Schwa b o f manipulatin g publi c account s so as t o reward hi s supporters . "Get th e ide a ou t o f your head tha t this i s Tamman y Hal l o r tha t Tamman y Hal l i s running Buffalo, " he advised th e mayor . When Schwa b an d th e thre e othe r commis sioners united i n the spring of 192 2 to push throug h a tax increase , higher salarie s fo r municipa l employees , an d th e creatio n o f a number o f ne w cit y jobs , Grave s wa s besid e himself , denouncin g the budge t proceeding s a s " a gran d carniva l o f waste" ; a t a late r meeting concernin g cit y finances, h e proclaime d tha t h e wa s ashamed t o b e i n th e compan y o f th e othe r commissio n member s and the n storme d ou t o f city hall. 37 After month s o f suc h squabbling , Mayo r Schwa b ha d becom e convinced tha t h e coul d no t effectivel y wor k wit h th e existin g commission, an d h e announce d hi s oppositio n t o th e reelectio n bids o f Grave s an d Perkin s i n th e 192 3 cit y election s (Commis sioner Meahl' s term , lik e Schwab's , wa s no t du e t o expir e unti l 1925). "In addition t o his hypocrisy a s a public official," th e mayo r said i n referenc e t o Graves, "I stand agains t hi s reelection becaus e

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he i s rankly inefficien t a s commissioner o f finance an d account s of the cit y o f Buffalo. " H e als o decrie d Graves' s suppor t o f prohibi tion, notin g tha t thos e "wh o hav e th e opportunit y o f seein g hi m daily kno w tha t h e no t onl y enjoy s a drink , bu t enjoy s a grea t many o f them. " Th e mayor' s sarcasm , however , faile d t o swa y the electorate . Bot h Grave s an d Perkin s ha d develope d stron g campaign organizations , an d the y easil y defeate d th e member s o f a Citizens ' Ticke t tha t ha d bee n fielded b y loca l businessmen . T o make matter s eve n wors e fo r Schwab , Commissione r o f Publi c Works Arthu r W . Kreinheder , th e on e membe r o f th e commissio n with who m th e mayo r ha d manage d t o forge a relatively amicabl e relationship, decline d t o ru n fo r reelectio n an d wa s succeede d b y William F . Schwartz, who had alread y indicate d hi s opposition t o Schwab's policies . I t seeme d ver y unlikely , therefore , tha t th e open acrimon y an d pett y feuding—wha t on e historia n woul d later refe r t o as "an hilariou s civi c circus"—would ceas e an y tim e in th e nea r future. 38 Naturally, th e unrul y behavio r o n th e cit y commissio n hardl y amused thos e citizen s wh o desire d a n efficien t an d progressiv e form o f government. To one resident wh o commented o n the com mission's antic s i n th e sprin g o f 1922 , it appeare d tha t "ou r origi nal generou s for m o f democrac y i s toda y plungin g u s int o ruin . That sam e elemen t whic h i n othe r day s lifte d paga n barbaris m from th e depth , i s no w draggin g ou r highe r civilizatio n int o th e mud." Th e edito r o f th e Buffalo Express als o lamente d th e appar ent lac k o f idealis m an d genuin e commitmen t t o publi c service , noting th e "enthusias m wit h whic h th e mayo r an d thre e coun cilmen . . . vote d t o increase the salaries of favored one s and other wise t o spen d th e publi c money. " Th e blam e fo r suc h shameles s behavior, h e argued , ultimatel y la y wit h th e voter s themselves , who ha d chose n "publi c servant s o n th e strengt h o f nois e an d hand-shaking an d extravagan t promises. " Th e conservativ e Buffalo Commercial likewis e fel t tha t democrac y ha d gon e astray , with th e result tha t th e city had fallen unde r the control of a "cre w of political demagogue s an d highbinders." 39 The intens e dissatisfactio n tha t man y Buffalonian s fel t ove r th e course o f loca l governmen t i n th e earl y 1920 s need s t o b e consid -

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ered i n th e contex t o f th e broade r socia l concern s o f th e period . Like most o f urban America , Buffalo wa s caugh t u p in a process of unsettling expansio n an d chang e durin g th e year s immediatel y after Worl d Wa r I , producin g a n impressio n amon g som e peopl e that—as evangelis t Bill y Sunda y sai d durin g a visi t t o th e city — the worl d wa s goin g "crazy , nuts , an d bughouse." 40 T o many , i t seemed tha t America n societ y ha d broke n loos e fro m traditiona l moorings an d entere d a perilou s ne w er a i n whic h th e basi c stan dards o f civilizatio n wer e unde r assault . I n 1922 , a loca l socia l observer argue d tha t a n unhealth y degre e o f materialis m an d a willful abandonmen t o f basic moralit y ha d se t th e nation adrift : It need s n o argumen t t o prov e tha t a larg e par t o f mankin d ar e passing through a crisis. . . . The unreflecting se e it. It is upon everyone's lips . Som e particular s stan d ou t prominentl y i n America n Life. The attendance of multitudes upon th e movies, profanity, an d multiplied forms of gambling; the addiction of our people to the use of tobacc o a t a cos t o f $2,000,00 0 i n 1921 ; the danc e evi l wit h it s excesses, the dispositio n i n dres s of women t o appea l t o the base r passions, th e relaxe d disciplin e o f th e publi c schools , profiteering , demagoguery, or the disposition t o play to the crowd in the interest of self or of party; th e increas e i n crime against propert y an d per son, notably i n th e case of highway robber y an d killing, once very rare, but now alarmingly frequent . The majo r cause s o f thes e dangerou s trends , h e concluded , wer e "a materia l developmen t ou t o f proportio n t o th e moral ; relaxe d home training ; . . . th e larg e an d irresponsibl e elemen t i n ou r great cities ; [and ] lowere d standard s i n th e administratio n o f law." 41 One topi c o f grea t interes t an d extende d publi c discussio n a t this tim e wa s th e ne w behavio r o f America n women . Throug h newspapers, magazines , an d motio n pictures , Buffalonian s wer e kept full y informe d o f th e lates t provocativ e trend s i n femal e hairstyles an d attire , a s wel l a s th e sexua l escapade s o f film star s and othe r celebrities ; th e Buffalo Courier, i n particular , regularl y offered a n abundanc e o f titillating storie s and photographs featur ing attractive, and ofte n scantil y clad , young women. Almost inev itably, th e ne w style s o f dres s an d deportmen t presente d b y th e media influence d loca l females , promotin g fear s tha t traditiona l values wer e bein g undermined. On e of the city's Protestan t minis -

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ters, for example , denounced th e modern Buffal o woman' s "oddit y of dress , he r lac k o f estheti c standards , th e hardnes s an d empti ness o f face , he r unculture d voice , he r revol t fro m custom s an d conventions whic h hav e becom e almos t sacred , he r exaggerate d sense o f freedo m an d individua l expression , an d a certai n bruta l coarseness whic h shock s lover s o f th e true , th e beautiful , an d the good/' 42 Anothe r religiou s spokesma n similarl y decrie d th e "Buffalo gir l o f th e bobbe d hair , rouge d cheeks , audaciou s smile , flippant carriag e an d darin g dialogue. " "Wha t mora l righ t hav e flappers t o overstrai n manhood? " h e asked . "Th e on e wh o tempt s another i s as guilty a s th e one who yields t o the temptation." 43 Alarm ove r trend s i n femal e behavio r fuele d concern s ove r th e conduct o f younger peopl e i n general . "The directio n i n which , fo r the mos t part , th e young peopl e of America ar e headed today, " th e Reverend Rober t J . MacAlpin e informe d hi s congregatio n a t th e Central Presbyteria n Church , "spell s certai n misfortun e fo r th e Republic tomorrow . Th e flagran t persona l libertie s no w conven tional betwee n th e youn g me n an d wome n o f society, th e lowere d moral ideal s o f th e grea t mas s o f ou r youn g women , foreshado w the weakenin g o f ou r nation' s futur e mora l integrity." 44 Anothe r Buffalonian fel t tha t th e curren t generatio n o f males , jus t lik e their femal e counterparts , suffere d fro m a lac k of positive guidin g values: "Wha t [wil l happe n to ] th e youn g ma n o f ou r time , wit h his eas y sens e of superiority ye t wit h littl e sens e of the thing s tha t make an d break , wit h n o rea l pla n o f lif e an d n o convictio n tha t he need s one , wit h n o breat h o f purpos e i n hi s mentalit y an d n o port towar d whic h he definitel y moves?" 45 Such assessment s indicated , i n man y citizens ' view , th e nee d for th e natio n an d th e communit y t o reinvigorat e thei r sens e o f social an d spiritua l purpose . On e cit y resident , i n a lette r t o a local newspaper , argue d tha t "th e firs t thin g tha t ough t t o b e taught [t o children ] i s respec t fo r authorit y o f parents, o f precep tors, o f th e dul y constitute d civi l authorities , an d o f th e law s enacted b y th e peopl e throug h thei r chose n representatives." 46 I n a sermo n i n whic h h e denounce d th e "excesse s and extravagance s in th e youn g lif e o f today, " th e Reveren d Dr . Charle s H . Stewar t asserted tha t "Th e rea l remed y fo r thes e grea t an d growin g evil s of ou r time s is , first, t o liv e righ t ourselves ; next , t o enforce , wit h

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reasonable firmness, disciplin e an d authorit y i n th e home . Las t and mos t importan t o f all , [w e must ] reinstat e th e religio n whic h for s o lon g w e hav e treate d wit h suc h utte r indifferenc e an d eve n contempt." 47 Th e Reveren d Leo n O . Williams similarl y calle d fo r a "recover y o f spiritual ideas , a deepe r sens e o f spiritua l values , a stronger hold o n th e thing s o f the mind an d heart , a new emphasi s on culture. " "S o lon g a s th e movi e set s manner s an d morals , s o long a s educatio n sacrifice s cultur e t o utility , s o lon g a s materia l gain count s fo r mor e tha n spirituality, " h e warned , "[w e mus t reap] th e harvest w e have s o carelessly and thoughtlessl y sown." 48 The resolutio n o f othe r communit y problem s als o seeme d t o require a renewe d commitmen t t o traditiona l value s an d stan dards. Throughou t th e immediat e postwa r period , Buffal o an d Erie Count y experience d chroni c labo r unrest , mos t notabl y dur ing th e nationwid e stee l strik e o f 1919-20 ; owin g t o violen t clashes betwee n strikebreaker s an d unio n member s a t th e Lacka wanna Iro n an d Stee l Compan y (th e futur e Bethlehe m Stee l Cor poration) stat e troop s ha d t o b e calle d i n t o restor e order . Thi s traumatic episode , i n associatio n wit h strike s i n othe r industrie s across th e country, made man y people wonder whether th e Unite d States migh t b e permanentl y dividin g alon g clas s lines ; i n addi tion, because mos t o f the striking steelworkers were of "new immi grant" origins , th e unres t als o seeme d t o b e indicativ e o f serious , and possibl y unresolvable , ethni c tensions. 49 As was th e case wit h the variou s form s o f socia l chang e tha t followe d th e war , th e conflict betwee n labo r an d capital , wit h it s attendan t violence , enhanced th e impressio n o f a society coming apar t a t th e seams, a society tha t desperatel y neede d t o restor e orde r an d recove r a united sens e of purpose . Apprehensions ove r class conflict an d labo r unrest became espe cially apparen t durin g th e Buffal o streetca r strik e o f 1922 , whic h began onl y a fe w month s afte r Mayo r Schwa b cam e int o office . Early i n July , loca l member s o f th e Associatio n o f Stree t Railwa y Employees vote d t o strike against th e International Railwa y Com pany (IRC) , whic h refuse d t o negotiat e wit h th e union . Thi s brought streetca r traffi c insid e th e cit y t o a virtua l halt , greatl y inconveniencing an d angerin g residents . Initially , mos t o f th e community ha d considerabl e sympath y fo r th e strikers , bu t soo n

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the protest turne d violent , with unio n member s an d thei r support ers hurlin g stones , bricks , an d scra p meta l a t streetcar s manne d by strikebreaking motorme n an d conductors. 50 Th e few Buffaloni ans wh o dare d t o rid e IR C vehicle s ra n a considerabl e physica l risk, an d no t onl y fro m th e projectiles . I n on e episode , a dieticia n from a loca l hospita l wa s attacke d b y a grou p o f femal e strik e sympathizers afte r sh e stepped dow n fro m a streetcar ; he r attack ers grabbe d he r hair , rippe d of f he r clothes , an d viciousl y kicke d her whil e a crowd o f three hundre d unio n supporter s looke d on. 51 By mid-July , th e pres s reporte d "genera l rioting " alon g th e ca r lines i n th e heavil y Polis h eas t side , wher e resident s grease d streetcar rail s an d place d boulders , iro n girders , and othe r debri s on th e tracks . Thi s violenc e an d destructio n o f privat e propert y seriously undermine d publi c suppor t fo r th e strikers , Mayo r Schwab—one o f the foremost supporter s o f the union—admittin g that "recen t occurrence s indicat e tha t ther e ar e man y peopl e i n the cit y wh o d o no t hav e th e respec t fo r th e la w an d orde r whic h is essentia l t o th e ver y existenc e o f a civilize d community." 52 I n short order , mounte d an d motorize d unit s o f th e stat e militi a were move d int o Buffal o t o pu t dow n th e rioting , a tas k the y accomplished wit h considerabl e brutality , "hittin g children , beat ing me n wit h thei r rio t sticks , an d usin g vil e language. " B y thi s time, however , man y resident s agree d wit h th e presiden t o f th e Buffalo Chambe r o f Commerc e tha t "Th e sol e questio n properl y before th e publi c a t thi s tim e i s whether th e la w o r th e mo b i s t o have it s way i n Buffalo." 53 The violenc e associate d wit h th e streetca r strik e reenforce d th e perception o f a genera l upsurg e i n lawles s behavior . I n Buffalo , as i n man y othe r communitie s throughou t th e nation , ther e wa s frequent referenc e t o a n ongoin g "crim e wave " durin g th e earl y 1920s; i n Januar y 1922 , fo r example , th e edito r o f th e Express observed tha t a majo r featur e o f th e previou s yea r ha d bee n "th e [large] numbe r an d darin g characte r o f crimes." 54 Whether , i n fact, ther e wa s a significan t increas e i n crim e i s difficult t o ascer tain. Th e arres t record s o f th e Buffal o polic e departmen t fo r thi s period reveal a pattern tha t was probably mor e reflective o f political development s tha n o f th e amoun t o f criminal activity . Durin g 1921, th e las t yea r o f th e Buc k administration , th e Buffal o polic e

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made a tota l o f 32,24 6 arrests , up fro m 24,43 6 in 1920 . During th e Schwab administratio n th e tota l dippe d t o 25,52 4 i n 1922 , the n rose t o 29,94 8 i n 1923 ; i n 1924 , afte r loca l reformer s ha d force d the mayo r t o appoin t a ne w polic e chief , th e numbe r o f arrest s increased t o 34,563. 55 When on e considers tha t th e population s o f Buffalo an d Eri e Count y wer e rapidl y expandin g a t thi s time , an d that prohibitio n ha d create d a larg e ne w bod y o f offenders , thes e figures scarcel y see m t o indicat e a massiv e breakdow n o f la w and order . Nevertheless, man y citizen s remaine d convince d tha t thei r community wa s under sieg e by determined crimina l element s an d that firme r measure s wer e calle d for . Include d i n thi s grou p wa s State Distric t Attorne y Gu y B. Moore, who early i n 192 2 said tha t the current "crim e wave" could b e credited t o abuse o f th e probatio n system , excessiv e lenienc y o n th e par t o f some courts, undue solicitude for professional criminal s in and ou t of prison, the failure o f the public to insist upon a fair, but firm and fearless, prosecutio n o f offenders hig h an d low , and t o th e lac k of support b y th e publi c fo r prosecutor s wh o perform thei r dutie s i n that manner. 56 Another loca l residen t agree d tha t a failur e o f wil l la y a t th e roo t of th e problem : "S o th e wav e o f crim e goe s merril y on , an d evi dently w e lik e it , o r th e court s do , becaus e the y coul d sto p i t i n about fifteen minute s i f the y wante d to , an d the y don' t d o it/' 5 7 After sociologis t Fran k Tannenbau m addresse d a loca l grou p o n the nee d fo r priso n reform , on e Buffalonia n suggeste d tha t i t might b e more usefu l t o concentrate o n forceful retribution : "Wit h murders daily , holdup s hourly , th e presen t nee d i s mor e fo r pun ishment o f lawbreaker s tha n o f studyin g ho w t o mak e lif e i n prison a pleasure." 58 Loca l residen t Ernes t L . Gree n concurred , urging tha t criminal s "b e taugh t tha t the y wil l b e punishe d an d that ther e i s n o escape . . . . A s quickl y a s thunde r follow s th e lightning shoul d punishmen t follo w crime." 59 In th e vie w o f th e advocate s o f stric t la w enforcement , ther e was ampl e evidenc e o f a deterioratin g loca l situation . Buffal o experienced a recor d forty-thre e murder s i n 1921 , and a ras h o f shootings an d arme d robberie s th e following sprin g indicated tha t such violenc e wa s continuing. 60 B y Octobe r 1922 , accordin g t o a

34 A

Troubled Community

city cour t judge , Buffal o ha d becom e " a cit y o f gunmen , a terror ized city , wher e an y on e o f u s run s th e ris k o f bein g killed." 61 Former Eri e Count y Judg e Georg e B . Bur d concurre d wit h thi s assessment th e followin g year , claimin g tha t th e "serie s o f atroci ties, crime s committe d here—th e wors t i n recen t years—ha s shown tha t citizens , howeve r decen t an d la w abiding , ar e no t immune fro m attac k without provocation." 62 Th e most fundamen tal standard s o f orde r an d decency , therefore , mandate d a re newed commitmen t t o th e vigorou s suppressio n an d punishmen t of criminals . The growin g deman d fo r improve d la w enforcement , quit e un derstandably, intensifie d doubt s abou t a ne w cit y administratio n headed b y a n individua l wh o openl y oppose d certai n stat e an d federal laws . In th e opinio n o f his mos t arden t opponents , Mayo r Frank Schwa b pose d a majo r threa t t o th e community , bein g a n unscrupulous demagogu e whos e la x policie s coul d onl y resul t i n further socia l dissolution . I t wa s imperative , then , tha t th e mayo r be closel y watche d an d forcefull y oppose d i f h e attempte d t o un dermine th e rul e o f law . A s thing s turne d out , Schwab' s enemie s (including thos e wh o b y no w wer e donnin g whit e hood s an d robes) decide d t o confron t th e mayo r primaril y o n th e issu e o f enforcement o f th e prohibitio n an d vic e laws , a n issu e tha t wa s virtually guarantee d t o generat e political , cultural , an d religiou s controversy. Convinced tha t hi s electio n represente d a popula r repudiatio n o f the Eighteent h Amendment , Mayo r Schwa b too k decisiv e mea sures t o reduc e prohibitio n enforcemen t a s soo n a s h e assume d office, disbandin g th e polic e "dr y squad " tha t ha d bee n organize d by th e Buc k administratio n an d appointin g Joh n F . Burfeind , a fellow antiprohibitionist , a s Buffalo' s chie f o f police ; th e mayo r also tried , unsuccessfully , t o hav e th e cit y commissio n pas s a resolution callin g fo r th e legalizatio n o f ligh t wine s an d beer. 63 Schwab, i t shoul d b e stressed , too k suc h action s ou t o f a genuin e belief tha t prohibitio n wa s a n illegitimat e invasio n o f persona l liberty, an d no t becaus e h e endorse d th e unrestrained us e of alcohol. As he tol d a reporter from th e Buffalo Times i n 1922 , "I believe in temperance . I wa s neve r intoxicate d i n m y life , an d I neve r

A Troubled Community 3

5

allowed anyon e t o wor k fo r m e wh o wa s habituall y intoxicated . I drink a glas s o f bee r o r a n occasiona l highball . That' s all. " Lik e many German-Americans , h e simpl y fel t tha t th e consumptio n o f alcoholic beverages , provide d i t wa s don e responsibly , coul d b e a pleasurable an d positiv e part o f social life. 64 The mayor' s assessmen t o f th e benefit s o f moderat e drinkin g did no t impres s prohibitio n advocates , wh o wer e regularl y pre sented wit h evidenc e o f widesprea d defianc e o f th e Eighteent h Amendment i n Buffalo. B y the end of 1921 , local, state, and federa l officers ha d mad e hundred s o f arrests an d ha d seize d hug e quanti ties o f mal t syru p an d hops , thousand s o f crock s an d barrels , an d dozens o f still s "rangin g i n siz e fro m th e Bi g Berth a o f 100-gallo n capacity, dow n t o a te a kettle." 65 Throughou t th e followin g year , prohibition agent s continue d t o uncove r sophisticate d liquor making operation s an d larg e caches of illegal beverages. One facil ity, locate d onl y thre e hundre d fee t fro m th e Louisian a Stree t police station , include d tw o fifty-gallon coppe r still s an d othe r equipment "a s elaborate a s that o f any Kentuck y distillery" ; a t th e site of another large-scal e operation , locate d i n th e heavily Italia n part o f th e cit y o n th e lowe r wes t side , authoritie s confiscate d a ton o f sugar , sevent y barrel s o f mash , twent y gallon s o f whiskey , and tw o huge stills with a total capacity i n excess of three hundre d gallons. 66 Thes e an d othe r discoverie s indicate d th e presenc e o f a criminal elemen t tha t no t onl y intende d t o violat e th e Constitu tion bu t t o mak e extraordinar y profit s i n th e process . In th e opin ion o f th e dr y forces , i f th e communit y faile d t o oppose—or , eve n worse, i f i t encouraged—suc h deviat e behavior , the n Buffal o would hav e forfeited al l clai m t o moral an d civi c integrity . As the y attempte d t o rall y loca l citizen s i n defens e o f prohibi tion, dr y advocate s face d a ver y discouragin g situation . Buffalo' s many resident s o f non-Anglo-Saxo n origi n overwhelmingl y op posed th e nobl e experiment , an d the y ha d demonstrate d thei r electoral clou t durin g th e 192 1 city election. The local Democrati c party wa s formall y committe d t o th e repea l o f Ne w York' s stron g new prohibitio n la w (th e Mullan-Gag e Act ) an d a numbe r o f th e city's most prominen t Republicans—suc h a s United State s Repre sentative Clarenc e MacGregor—wer e ferven t wets. 67 Prohibition ists did , however , hav e a fe w influentia l friend s i n Buffalo . Stat e

36 A

Troubled Community

District Attorne y Gu y B . Moore was full y committe d t o th e cause , warning tha t "th e presen t decaden t publi c sentimen t whic h openly wink s a t th e violatio n o f on e la w [wil l lea d to ] disrespec t for al l law" ; Unite d State s Attorne y Willia m J . Donova n als o ex tended hi s ful l cooperatio n t o th e dr y forces. 68 Ye t suc h suppor t could no t compensat e fo r th e inadequat e leve l o f publi c support , nor fo r th e scan t resource s allotte d t o enforcing prohibition . Eve n during th e Republica n administratio n o f Governor Natha n Miller , only twent y stat e prohibitio n agent s wer e assigne d t o th e Buffal o district, a n are a tha t encompasse d seventee n countie s i n wester n New York ; excludin g custom s officers , th e numbe r o f federa l agents assigne d t o th e loca l vicinit y wa s eve n smaller. 69 Thi s meant tha t i t wa s particularl y crucia l tha t Buffalo' s cit y govern ment, wit h it s one-thousand-man polic e force , b e willin g t o assis t in enforcement efforts . During th e sprin g o f 1922 , federal official s sen t a persona l mes sage t o Mayo r Schwa b tha t the y wer e seriou s abou t enforcin g th e Volstead Act , Unite d State s Attorne y Donova n announcin g tha t the mayo r woul d soo n stan d tria l o n th e two-coun t prohibitio n charge tha t ha d bee n pendin g sinc e 1920 . Thi s new s delighte d Schwab's enemie s bu t distresse d thos e wh o wer e preoccupie d with th e community' s nationa l image , th e Express claimin g tha t "It canno t b e looke d upo n otherwis e tha n a s a humiliatio n t o Buffalo tha t th e mayo r o f th e cit y shoul d b e place d o n tria l i n a court." 70 Schwa b als o had n o desir e fo r suc h proceedings , an d o n May 2 9 he appeare d i n cour t t o enter a ple a o f nolo contender e t o one coun t o f possessin g a quantit y o f illega l beer ; Federa l Judg e John R . Haze l fined th e mayo r five hundre d dollars , the n dis missed th e remainin g count . Th e mayo r pulle d ou t a larg e rol l o f bills, pai d th e fine wit h a flourish, an d o n th e wa y ou t o f th e courthouse informe d th e pres s tha t h e ha d no t wante d t o wast e time "arguin g wit h th e governmen t a s t o m y persona l liabilit y i n the matter" ; h e als o note d tha t unde r th e provision s o f th e cit y charter hi s misdemeano r convictio n di d no t constitut e a n im peachable offense . Nevertheless , the mayo r decide d t o tread mor e lightly from thi s point on ; he became les s outspoken i n his opposition to prohibitio n enforcement , an d o n Jun e 7 , 1922 , he tendere d

A Troubled Community 3

7

his resignatio n a s presiden t an d genera l manage r o f th e Mohaw k Products Company. 71 By thi s time , Protestan t reformer s i n suc h organization s a s the Anti-Saloo n Leagu e an d th e evangelical-dominate d Buffal o Federation o f Churche s ha d launche d a majo r campaig n t o im prove th e city' s mora l conditions , a n effor t tha t woul d continu e for mor e tha n tw o years . Convince d tha t th e loca l vic e situatio n had deteriorate d sinc e Mayo r Schwa b cam e t o power, thes e activ ists employe d privat e investigator s t o gathe r informatio n an d then release d detaile d report s o n th e lawlessnes s an d immoralit y that allegedl y prevaile d i n Buffalo . On e report , prepare d b y a n undercover operativ e workin g fo r th e Anti-Saloo n League , claimed tha t approximatel y five hundre d youn g me n ha d entere d the city' s notoriou s "tenderloin " distric t durin g a one-hour perio d in earl y Ma y 1922 . Releasing thi s an d othe r findings t o th e press , ASL State Superintenden t Willia m Anderso n observed : "W e hav e a mayo r wh o wa s electe d o n a platfor m o f a wide-ope n tow n and h e i s givin g th e peopl e wha t the y want." 72 I n July , a repor t commissioned b y th e Buffal o Federatio n o f Churche s similarl y noted tha t "vic e is carried o n undisturbed b y police officers o n th e street an d tha t proprietor s o f disorderl y house s ar e no t afrai d o f the authorities becaus e the y d o not distur b th e businesses." 73 Fou r months later , a loca l Methodis t ministe r announce d tha t anothe r secret investigatio n ha d uncovere d mor e tha n thirt y speakeasie s operating openl y jus t block s fro m cit y hall , proof, i n hi s opinion , of th e "utte r indifference , incompetence , an d crookednes s o f cer tain official s i n the city." 74 By th e fal l o f 1922 , man y Protestan t clergyme n ha d becom e convinced tha t th e Schwa b administratio n wa s hopelessl y cor rupt. "Definit e an d comprehensiv e step s mus t b e take n t o redee m the mora l integrit y o f th e city, " warne d th e Reveren d Dr . Rober t J. Mac Alpine, pastor o f th e Centra l Presbyteria n Church . "For thi s state o f affair s th e chie f executiv e i s directl y t o blame . H e ha s fallen. A t th e ba r o f publi c opinio n th e Mayo r stand s convicted. " The Reveren d Henr y S . Palmete r o f th e Hudso n Stree t Baptis t Church argue d tha t loca l condition s woul d neve r improv e "wit h public official s laughin g u p thei r sleeves," noting that "I f God i s t o

38 A

Troubled Community

be a s hast y i n punishin g Buffal o a s H e wa s i n destroyin g Sodo m and Gomorrah , i t woul d b e wel l fo r u s t o loo k fo r foreig n domi ciles." "The Mayor an d chie f o f police have clearl y [demonstrated ] their incompetence, " asserte d th e Reveren d Charle s C . Penfold o f the Sentine l Methodis t Church , "an d i n a thoroughl y democrati c community i t ough t t o be possible t o find a wa y o f relieving the m with official s wh o are both willin g an d abl e t o act." Others agreed , and durin g Decembe r th e Buffal o Methodis t Ministers ' Associa tion requeste d Governo r Mille r t o orde r a forma l investigatio n o f Schwab t o se e i f ther e wer e ground s fo r hi s removal. 75 Th e gover nor, wh o lef t offic e les s tha n a mont h later , decline d t o act , bu t i t was clea r tha t th e mayor' s enemie s woul d remai n active . By th e clos e o f 1922 , the recen t cours e o f loca l affair s gav e Buffa lonians muc h t o ponder . A controversial ne w mayo r ha d com e t o power followin g a bitte r electio n tha t ha d divide d th e communit y along religious , ethnic , an d clas s lines ; subsequently, man y o f th e city's Protestant leader s ha d accuse d thi s individual' s administra tion o f promotin g corruptio n an d rampan t disregar d fo r th e law . At th e sam e time , a s throughou t muc h o f th e nation , ther e wa s heightened genera l concer n ove r th e ne w behavio r o f wome n an d young people, labor unrest , an d a perceived surg e i n crime—all o f which seeme d t o indicat e a marke d deterioratio n i n fundamenta l social value s an d standards . Increasingly , ther e wa s a n impuls e for citizen s t o aris e an d tak e actio n agains t thes e dangerou s trends, to unite th e forces o f decency an d reinvigorat e th e commu nity wit h a sens e o f unifie d socia l an d spiritua l purpos e befor e i t was too late. But b y what mean s was this to be accomplished? Th e most recen t cit y electio n ha d demonstrate d tha t "un-American " elements hel d th e uppe r han d i n term s o f votes an d neithe r o f th e major politica l partie s appeare d t o b e a satisfactor y refor m vehi cle. Ther e was , however , a ne w option—a n increasingl y popula r organization tha t might , a t th e least , serv e a s a strikin g mean s o f expressing anger , discontent , an d defiance . Tha t organizatio n wa s the Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan , a grou p tha t hundred s o f Buffa lonians ha d bee n joining sinc e 1921.

Two

The Kluxin g o f Buffal o

Only ver y gradually , an d i n distinc t stages , did th e K u Klu x Kla n establish itsel f i n Buffalo . Throughou t 192 0 and th e earl y month s of 1921 , the dramati c expansio n o f the Invisibl e Empir e remaine d a remot e phenomeno n tha t generate d littl e concer n amon g cit y residents. Th e loca l pres s feature d numerou s report s indicatin g that th e Klan' s appea l wa s no t confine d t o th e South , bu t th e possibility tha t th e hoode d orde r migh t develo p a significan t fol lowing i n Buffal o o r othe r part s o f Ne w Yor k apparentl y receive d minimal consideration . Kla n organizers recognized, however, tha t the Empir e Stat e migh t serv e a s a bountifu l sourc e o f recruits , and the y inaugurate d a membershi p campaig n i n th e sprin g o f 1921, an effor t tha t concentrate d o n New York City and communi ties i n th e lowe r Hudso n Rive r valley . Operatin g ou t o f a suit e i n the Hote l Embass y an d makin g us e o f contact s withi n fraterna l and religiou s organizations, Grand Gobli n Lloy d P. Hooper had b y the lat e summe r establishe d klavern s i n Manhattan , Brooklyn , and th e Bronx . Eventuall y Gotham' s tota l Kla n membershi p would excee d fiftee n thousand , bu t recruitin g prove d sluggis h an d fell fa r belo w initia l expectations ; i n addition , Hoope r an d hi s associates ha d t o conten d wit h th e vehemen t an d activ e opposi tion o f th e administratio n o f Ne w Yor k Mayo r Joh n F . Hylan . A 39

40 The

Kluxing of Buffalo

number o f kleagles therefor e bega n searchin g fo r mor e promisin g recruiting ground s elsewher e i n th e state. 1 Even befor e th e arriva l o f a n officia l representative , a smal l group o f Buffalonians ha d develope d a strong interes t i n the Klan . Intrigued b y what the y had rea d an d hear d abou t th e secret order , these residents—wh o include d "a t leas t thre e prominen t Buffal o men," on e o f who m wa s a medica l doctor—wrot e earl y i n 192 1 to nationa l KK K headquarter s i n Atlant a fo r informatio n an d eventually receive d a n ampl e suppl y o f Kla n applicatio n form s and pamphlets . Th e physicia n late r explaine d tha t hi s interes t derived fro m a familiarit y "wit h th e wor k don e b y th e origina l Klan man y year s ag o i n th e reconstructio n perio d followin g th e Civil War. " Hi s examinatio n o f th e revive d Klan' s literatur e con vinced hi m o f th e organization' s honorabl e intentions , an d h e proceeded t o distribut e KK K booklet s an d membershi p question naires amon g his friends an d lodg e brothers. 2 In th e lat e summe r o f 1921 , just a s th e sensationa l an d widel y syndicated expose s i n th e New York World and th e New York Journal-American wer e directin g th e nation' s attentio n t o th e Klan , Buffalonians receive d th e firs t publi c notic e tha t KK K recruitin g was bein g carrie d o n withi n thei r community . Claimin g tha t i t had uncovere d certai n evidenc e o f a "pla n t o exten d a n invisibl e empire o f terrorism " t o th e city , th e Buffalo Courier revealed tha t the secre t orde r ha d bee n conductin g a n "intensiv e campaig n o f weeks i n Buffal o fo r members " an d tha t "K u Klu x Kla n literatur e is pouring int o Buffalo an d i s being distribute d b y K u Klu x Kla n sympathizers an d advanc e agents. " Accordin g t o th e newspaper , Klan promoter s wer e generall y confinin g thei r recruitin g cam paign t o members o f fraternal organizations , althoug h worker s a t nearby factorie s ha d als o been approached . A s proof o f the Invisi ble Empire' s desir e t o organize a loca l klavern , th e Courier reproduced a lette r from Gran d Gobli n Hoope r invitin g candidate s t o a "meeting of qualified citizen s no w being arranged i n Buffalo." 3 The arriva l o f th e Kla n produce d a vehementl y negativ e reac tion i n certai n quarters . Convince d tha t th e revive d KK K wa s an "organizatio n o f terroris m an d hate, " a "ban d o f cowardl y murderers" tha t intende d t o sprea d Southern-styl e racis m an d vigilantism northward , th e Buffalo American serve d notic e tha t

The Kluxing of Buffalo 4

1

the community' s African-America n populatio n woul d oppos e th e order wit h al l possibl e means . Advisin g th e paper' s reader s t o "take tim e t o teac h you r offsprin g th e manl y ar t o f self-defense, " one American editorialis t asserte d tha t The Negro has naught t o fear o f this gang of cowards. Give me the four colored regiments, with full permission to shoot, not in the air, but direc t a t them , an d i n thirt y day s I will sel l thei r lon g whit e robes to any junk dealer you designate, make a torch of the castle of the high muck-a-mucks and a jack rabbit of the supreme lizard. 4 This militan t attitud e wa s share d b y th e Catholic Union & Times, which urge d Buffalonian s t o unite i n an effort t o "Kill the Knavis h Klan." "Th e K u Klu x Kla n i s a menac e t o th e communit y an d a blight upo n civilization, " argue d th e paper' s editor . "Th e soone r the vile thin g i s suppressed, th e better fo r th e world a t large. " The Union & Times late r expresse d confidence , however , tha t ther e would b e littl e loca l enthusias m fo r th e "veile d bran d o f bigotry " espoused b y a secre t orde r fro m th e "benighte d an d bigote d South." 5 Although the y wer e generall y mor e restrained , th e city' s majo r newspapers als o mad e clea r tha t th e Kla n wa s no t welcome . Th e Buffalo Evening Times an d th e Buffalo Enquirer joine d th e Courier in denouncing th e KK K a s a money-making schem e that exploite d the religiou s an d racia l prejudic e o f gullibl e citizens , calling fo r a federal investigatio n o f th e organization . Th e Buffalo Evening News presente d th e New York World's expos e o f Kla n violenc e an d the Express an d th e Commercial offere d anti-KK K cartoons , one of which—entitled "Th e Answer"—showe d a Klansma n bein g booted ou t o f Buffalo. 6 Th e press' s stanc e wa s almos t uniforml y characterized b y derisio n an d contempt , wit h th e sol e exceptio n of th e archconservativ e Buffalo Truth, whic h apparentl y reserve d judgment. 7 Surprisingly, give n th e press' s overwhelmingl y negativ e depic tion o f th e Kla n an d th e Couriers warnin g tha t KK K organizer s were "lookin g towar d permanen t establishmen t o f a lodg e o f ter ror an d hatre d i n thi s metropolis, " th e arriva l o f th e Invisibl e Empire produced littl e outward sig n of alarm amon g city officials . "If th e member s o f th e K u Klu x Kla n hol d thei r meeting s i n a n orderly fashio n an d striv e fo r prope r aim s i n accordanc e wit h th e

42 The

Kluxing of Buffalo

law," Distric t Attorne y Gu y B . Moor e announced , "the y wil l n o more b e i n dange r o f prosecutio n tha n an y othe r secre t organiza tion." Although h e stresse d tha t h e was very muc h oppose d t o an y type o f loca l "vigilanc e committee, " Mayo r Georg e Buc k als o noted tha t h e had n o power t o "prevent a secret organizatio n fro m propagating itself. " Police Chief James W. Higgins concurred, eve n acknowledging tha t ther e wa s n o municipa l ordinanc e o r regula tion preventin g a polic e office r fro m joinin g th e Klan. 8 No r wa s there a forcefu l respons e forthcomin g fro m civi c organizations , fraternal groups , o r Protestan t religiou s leaders , wit h th e ironi c exception o f th e Reveren d Charle s C . Penfold— a futur e Klans man—who argue d tha t th e "Spiri t o f Chris t doe s no t liv e behin d a mas k an d th e sacre d nam e o f Americ a doe s no t stan d fo r rac e hatred o r religious prejudice." 9 The relativel y passiv e stanc e o f cit y elite s a t firs t seeme d justi fied, a s th e flurry o f excitement ove r KK K activit y i n Buffalo soo n subsided. Th e press' s limite d fun d o f informatio n concernin g th e order wa s quickl y exhauste d an d loca l Klansme n entere d a n ex tended perio d o f absolut e silence ; b y lat e Septembe r th e Courier confessed tha t "ther e seem s t o b e increasin g proo f tha t a substan tial bod y o f citizen s look s wit h n o favo r o n Kluxism." 10 T o man y residents i t n o doub t seeme d tha t Buffalo , a s a particularl y pro gressive an d enlightene d community , ha d prove d resistan t t o th e irrational an d disruptiv e intoleranc e tha t plague d les s fortunat e parts o f the country . That Buffal o wa s no t immun e fro m th e lur e o f th e Invisibl e Em pire wa s suddenl y mad e clea r lat e i n Ma y 1922 . In a statemen t t o local reporters , a visitin g Kla n official , a distric t kleagl e wh o would onl y giv e his nam e a s "Mitchell, " announced tha t hundred s of city residents—including "som e o f the finest America n citizens , men beyon d reproac h an d o f sterlin g character"—ha d bee n in ducted int o the order an d tha t Kla n meeting s ha d bee n hel d ever y two week s i n Buffal o fo r th e pas t eigh t months . Mitchel l con firmed tha t a professiona l Kla n organize r ha d com e t o th e cit y the previou s summe r an d ha d give n a lectur e t o severa l hundre d prospective candidate s o n th e fundamental s o f th e secre t order . "Many o f thes e wer e admitte d t o membershi p subsequentl y an d

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3

others hav e sinc e joined," h e noted . Although th e klaver n ha d no t yet receive d a n officia l charter , i t wa s reportedl y well-organize d and unde r th e comman d o f thirtee n provisiona l officers . Th e dis trict kleagl e stresse d tha t th e grou p remaine d i n a stat e o f perpet ual readiness : "I t i s just a case of pressing a button an d withi n on e hour w e ca n ge t al l th e Klansme n i n a certai n place. " Althoug h the Buffal o Kla n wa s currentl y preoccupie d wit h th e teachin g o f true Americanism , i t anticipate d "th e tim e whe n troubl e ma y occur, whe n [th e Klan ] wil l b e prepare d t o thro w it s strengt h o n the side of the la w an d government. " n This first officia l announcemen t concernin g th e loca l klaver n heralded a n intensifie d recruitin g effor t tha t woul d continu e fo r the nex t severa l months . O n Ma y 2 3 th e hoode d orde r place d a n advertisement i n th e Express featurin g a maske d Klansman , an d a few day s late r a secon d Imperia l official , Ne w Yor k Kin g Kleagl e F. S. Webster, visited Buffal o an d hel d a press conference. Webste r informed journalist s tha t th e loca l Klan' s membershi p no w stoo d at nearl y eigh t hundre d an d tha t "man y person s locall y hav e evinced a desir e t o becom e affiliate d wit h th e organizatio n sinc e the recruiting bega n a week ago. " He emphasized that , contrary t o newspaper accounts , th e Kla n wa s no t a n "anti " organization bu t merely pro-American : Klansmen don' t doub t th e loyalty , integrit y an d braver y o f Catholics, Jews, negroes [sic] and foreig n bor n persons . We realize tha t these classes proved themselve s goo d and brav e American s durin g the recen t wa r an d w e ar e no t agains t them . Catholic s ba r them selves [fro m th e Klan ] b y thei r allegianc e t o th e Pope ; th e Jew s because the y d o not believ e in the birth o f Christ an d negroe s [sic] because of their color. We want only Caucasians, who, so far as their allegiance i s concerned, hav e i t all confined withi n th e boundarie s of th e Unite d States . That doe s no t mea n tha t w e ar e oppose d t o them. We ar e organize d t o maintai n America n principle s an d ar e opposed only to lawlessness and lack of Americanism. The kin g kleagl e furthe r reveale d tha t th e Buffal o Kla n intende d to tak e a n activ e rol e i n loca l affairs : "W e have electe d Mayor s i n other cities— I don' t se e why we can't d o it here." 12 The growin g an d increasingl y over t Kla n presenc e i n Buffal o naturally unsettle d man y residents , the Courier noting th e rise of a

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"plainly fel t agitatio n fo r officia l actio n t o preven t possibl e racia l outbreaks, religiou s commotions , disorderl y assemblage s o r riot s here." Rabb i Loui s J. Kopal d o f Temple Bet h Zio n denounce d th e Klan a s a "dastardl y underhande d grou p o f citizen s wh o ar e knifing th e best interest s of every element o f our religion, Catholic, Jewish an d Protestant , alike, " an d th e Commercial —whose staf f would eventuall y includ e several Klansmen—ra n a front-page ed itorial claimin g tha t th e orde r wa s compose d o f "narro w minde d bigots an d wild-eye d fanatics " wh o ha d "n o place i n th e everyda y life o f th e community. " Thi s hostil e attitud e receive d th e ful l en dorsement o f th e ne w Schwa b administration . Polic e Chie f Joh n F. Burfeind, i n contras t t o his predecessor , flatl y state d hi s inten tion t o mov e agains t th e KKK , avowin g tha t h e woul d "leav e n o stone unturne d t o cal l a hal t o n an y organizatio n holdin g meet ings o r recruitin g member s i n thi s cit y whic h i s o f a characte r calculated t o inflam e racia l o r religiou s hatred . Tha t i s m y plai n duty, an d I shall no t dodg e it. " The chie f admitte d tha t th e polic e department kne w ver y littl e abou t th e Kla n an d urge d citizen s t o relay an y informatio n the y possesse d abou t th e locatio n o f th e group's meetings. 13 Although h e openl y scoffe d a t th e clai m tha t eigh t hundre d Buffalonians ha d entere d th e Invisibl e Empire , Mayo r Schwa b also informed th e press that h e did not "se e why [th e KKK] shoul d be permitte d t o carr y forwar d it s operations here, " threatening t o break u p an y typ e o f gatherin g withi n th e cit y limits . The mayo r challenged Kla n leader s t o mee t wit h hi m personall y an d prov e that thei r grou p wa s trul y i n accor d wit h America n principle s and ideals . Perhap s t o Schwab' s surprise , Kin g Kleagl e Webste r quickly accepte d thi s invitatio n an d spen t a n entir e da y a t cit y hall waitin g fo r a n audience . Th e mayor , however , decline d t o speak wit h th e Kla n representative , wh o soo n departe d Buffal o because of pressing Imperia l business. 14 Throughout th e summe r an d earl y fal l o f 1922 , the loca l Kla n generally remove d itsel f fro m publi c vie w an d concentrate d o n quietly expandin g it s membership. For the mos t part , this kluxin g effort followe d a patter n simila r t o tha t i n othe r America n com munities, bu t th e Buffal o klaver n appear s t o have bee n atypicall y unconcerned wit h developin g a positiv e image . Unlik e othe r

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5

fledgling chapter s tha t sough t t o demonstrate thei r socia l respect ability an d civi c utilit y throug h officia l proclamation s an d th e ostentatious donatio n o f cas h gift s t o fun d drive s an d need y citi zens, th e loca l Kla n apparentl y preferre d t o remai n a mysteriou s group outsid e th e scrutiny o f mainstream communit y life . Beyon d the announcement s o f Kleagle s Mitchel l an d Webster , bot h o f whom wer e outsiders , th e Buffal o klaver n fo r month s provide d n o formal acknowledgmen t o f it s intentions ; indeed , i t woul d no t b e until 192 4 tha t th e chapte r mad e it s first officia l statemen t (an d then onl y a s th e resul t o f a n ongoin g controversy ) an d disclose d its forma l title : Buffal o Kla n No . 5 . Confronte d wit h unfriendl y municipal authorities , a hostil e press , and a loca l populatio n tha t was largel y non-Protestan t an d non-Anglo-Saxon , Klansme n earl y recognized an d accepte d th e likelihoo d tha t thei r organizatio n was fate d t o b e primaril y a mean s o f defiance , a mediu m o f ex pressing th e intens e dissatisfactio n an d frustratio n tha t man y white Protestant s fel t abou t th e conduct o f community affairs . Although acutel y awar e o f their minorit y statu s locally , Buffal o Klansmen coul d tak e considerabl e comfor t b y th e fal l o f 192 2 i n the remarkabl e inroad s thei r organizatio n wa s makin g elsewher e in th e nation . I n recen t month s th e KK K ha d score d impressiv e electoral victorie s i n Orego n an d Texas ; th e Midwes t an d wester n Pennsylvania appeare d wel l o n thei r wa y t o becomin g Kla n strongholds; an d a revived recruitin g campaig n wa s meetin g wit h considerable succes s i n Ne w Yor k City. 15 Suc h gain s undoubtedl y reassured loca l knight s o f th e legitimac y o f thei r orde r an d mad e them fee l tha t the y wer e par t o f a vas t an d growin g movemen t that woul d inevitabl y transfor m th e fabric o f America's socia l an d political life . I t wa s a t thi s tim e o f head y expansio n an d surgin g confidence tha t Buffal o Kla n No. 5 decided t o hold its first outdoo r ceremonial—an even t clearl y designe d t o generate interes t i n th e KKK an d enhanc e th e group' s mysteriou s image . At eight o'clock o n th e evening of October 25, 1922, automobiles arriving from al l directions converged upo n a stubble-littered field off o f Harle m Road , a fe w mile s nort h o f th e Buffal o cit y limits . Here they were met b y a "withered ol d man" who received a secre t password an d directe d driver s u p a shor t windin g lan e t o th e to p of an adjacent slope . The cars, 297 in all, eventually forme d a hug e

46 The

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circle tha t wa s brilliantl y illuminate d b y th e vehicles ' headlights . The occupant s o f th e automobiles , fort y maske d Klansme n i n ful l regalia an d approximatel y eigh t hundre d candidate s i n civilia n attire, steppe d ou t an d gathere d aroun d a larg e pulpi t i n th e center o f th e circle . Suddenl y a forty-foot-hig h cros s burs t int o flame jus t beyon d th e ceremonia l ring , it s ligh t eeril y playin g of f the gaun t tree s tha t surrounde d th e assemblage . A Kla n office r then strod e forwar d an d ascende d th e pulpit . Th e hoode d an d masked figure mad e a n impressiv e sigh t i n hi s whit e robes ; h e wore a ban d o f re d sil k o n on e arm , mysteriou s symbol s adorne d his sleeves , an d a gilde d eagl e o n hi s breas t glistene d i n th e elec tric light . Th e Klansma n addresse d th e recruit s an d explained — primarily fo r th e benefi t o f visitin g reporters—tha t th e Invisibl e Empire di d no t inten d t o promote racia l o r religious bigotry : We are not against th e negroes [sic]. As a matter of fact, we want t o [cooperate with ] th e colore d race , bu t w e d o no t wan t the m t o violate th e sanctit y o f the homes of Americans. As far a s Catholic s go, we make no discrimination betwee n Catholic s an d Protestants . The only thin g is that Catholic s are forced t o admit allegianc e t o a foreign potentate , i n othe r words , the Pop e of Rome . That, i n ou r way of thinking, makes them allegiant to a foreign power . The remainde r o f th e ceremon y wa s dedicate d t o th e initiatio n o f the ne w clas s o f recruits , wh o recite d th e Kla n oat h an d pledge d eternal loyalt y t o th e Invisibl e Empire . Shortl y befor e midnight , the ritua l wa s conclude d an d th e Klansme n drov e of f int o th e damp moonles s night . Som e o f th e participant s returne d directl y to thei r home s i n Niagar a Falls , Batavia, an d othe r communitie s in western Ne w York , but mos t o f the knights crosse d th e cit y lin e into Buffalo. A s the las t automobil e departed , th e gian t fiery cros s tumbled t o the earth. The first open-ai r ceremonial o f the K u Klu x Klan i n Ne w Yor k had ended. 16 News o f th e Kla n initiatio n o n Harle m Roa d shocke d th e man y Buffalonians wh o had remaine d skeptica l abou t th e extent o f loca l recruiting. "Th e majorit y o f the city' s residents ha d n o realizatio n that th e Kla n ha d bee n s o completel y organized, " observe d th e Courier. "Th e secrec y shroudin g ever y movemen t an d meetin g o f the K.K.K . wa s complete. " Th e paper' s edito r seeme d bewildere d that, despit e th e numerou s denunciation s o f the Kla n b y th e loca l

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press an d cit y leaders , th e organizatio n wa s thriving : "A n appea l to th e commo n sens e o f me n ough t t o b e al l tha t i s necessar y t o break u p th e order, but thi s appeal ha s been mad e tim e an d again , in man y part s o f th e country , . . . and ye t thi s Kla n tha t work s a t night stil l grows!" 17 Moreover, as would soo n be evident, the KK K now fel t confiden t enoug h t o hol d publi c meeting s withi n th e city itself . During th e first wee k o f November 1922 , the busines s secretar y of Buffal o Nes t No . 1 , Fraterna l Orde r o f Orioles , wa s contacte d concerning th e possibilit y o f rentin g th e Orioles ' hal l o n Genese e Street fo r a meetin g o f the Nationa l Busines s Men' s Association o f America. Buffal o Nes t No . 1 gave it s consent , an d o n Novembe r 8 a smal l crow d o f 11 9 me n an d 1 7 wome n attende d th e meeting , which ha d actuall y bee n arrange d b y professiona l organizer s fo r the Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan . Th e gatherin g feature d tw o speakers, the Reveren d Dr . Samuel H . Campbell an d th e Reveren d Basil E . Newton , bot h o f who m haile d fro m Texas . Dr. Campbell , a tal l ma n wit h nos e glasse s an d a deep , powerfu l voice , di d most o f th e talking , focusin g o n th e grea t peri l pose d b y blacks , Catholics, and Jews . The Negro, according t o Campbell, "is a men acing figure, threatenin g th e hear t o f Americ a today. " H e pro duced a purporte d cop y o f th e oat h take n b y fourth-degre e mem bers o f th e Knight s o f Columbu s tha t demonstrate d th e inheren t disloyalty o f Roma n Catholics , an d observe d tha t bot h Presiden t Abraham Lincol n an d Presiden t Willia m McKinle y ha d bee n as sassinated b y "follower s o f th e Pope. " Jews wer e assaile d fo r thei r plots t o "seiz e Russi a an d Palestine " and t o "destro y th e moral s of the world " throug h thei r dominatio n o f th e entertainmen t indus try. Th e speake r als o cite d a n allege d conspirac y betwee n Catho lics an d Jew s t o contro l th e Unite d State s throug h manipulatio n of th e press : "[Th e Catholic] , backed b y Jewis h capital , produce s the America n newspape r tha t force s int o th e min d o f the youth i n this countr y wha t h e shal l think , ho w h e shal l think , an d wh y h e should think." 18 Having delineate d th e danger s presente d b y th e enemie s o f white Protestan t America , th e Reveren d Dr . Campbel l calle d o n the assemble d resident s t o answe r th e cal l t o arm s an d "buil d u p an organizatio n i n Buffalo , [so ] tha t yo u ma y shar e i n th e con -

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quest o f al l thes e peril s an d threatenin g influence s tha t shado w our nationa l existence. " "It' s eas y t o ge t int o thi s order/ ' h e ad vised hi s audience . "Yo u rub shoulder s wit h Klansme n ever y day . Let a whispe r g o out tha t yo u wan t t o join thi s sacre d movemen t and you r worrie s wil l cease. " Apparently thos e attendin g th e tal k needed n o furthe r convincing . No t onl y di d Campbel l receiv e a rousing roun d o f applaus e a t th e conclusio n o f hi s speech , bu t every ma n i n th e hall ros e t o pledge hi s allegianc e t o the Invisibl e Empire. N o doub t satisfie d wit h th e respons e t o thei r wor k i n Buffalo, th e Kla n representative s soo n departe d fo r Lockpor t an d Niagara Falls , wher e th e sam e presentatio n wa s delivere d befor e a tota l o f six hundred intereste d citizens. 19 Throughout th e remainder o f the year , wester n Ne w York experienced a furiou s membershi p driv e b y th e Klan . By mid-Novem ber, kleagles had visite d Jamestown, Corning , Bath, Batavia, Sala manca, Elmira , Olean , an d Lackawanna , makin g sale s pitche s before enthusiasti c gathering s o f prospectiv e recruit s i n lodg e rooms, lectur e halls , an d privat e homes . I n th e smal l railroa d town o f Hornell , les s tha n a wee k afte r KK K organize r C . S . Fowler gav e a tal k a t th e loca l Gran d Arm y o f th e Republi c hall , the Kla n announce d it s existenc e b y ignitin g a hug e cros s o n the sid e o f a mountain , a demonstratio n evidentl y intende d t o intimidate th e community's sizabl e immigrant population . By December, Kla n activit y ha d sprea d throughou t th e Finge r Lake s region an d eve n acros s th e borde r int o Canada , wher e kleagle s reportedly sough t recruit s b y making a n anti-Quebe c appeal . Continued kluxin g wa s als o eviden t i n Eri e County , Cheektowag a Chief o f Polic e Emi l Capoll a reportin g tha t o n Decembe r 1 3 "scores" o f "mysteriousl y hooded " me n ha d assemble d fo r som e type o f inductio n ceremon y a t th e intersectio n o f Harle m Roa d and Broadway ; althoug h h e ha d kep t hi s distance , th e chie f strongly suspecte d tha t th e participants ha d bee n member s o f th e Ku Klu x Klan. 20 As a resul t o f th e surg e i n Kla n activit y i n Buffal o an d wester n New Yor k durin g th e secon d hal f o f 1922 , local oppositio n t o th e hooded orde r greatl y intensified . I n Septembe r 1922 , a smal l group o f Buffalonian s forme d th e Knight s o f th e Invisibl e Jungl e of the Tiger' s Eye , a secre t clu b dedicate d exclusivel y t o "destroy -

The Kluxing of Buffalo 4

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ing th e Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan , Inc. , here." The order se t u p headquarters o n Mai n Street , nea r th e downtow n busines s dis trict, and pledge d t o serve a s "another lin k added t o the chain tha t will soo n dra g th e Kla n fro m it s hidden realm." 21 More significant a t thi s tim e was the increasingly forcefu l oppo sition o f th e African-America n community . I n a powerfu l sermo n at Shilo h Baptis t Churc h i n November , th e Reveren d E . J. Nichol s characterized th e KK K a s a "cowardly , underhande d organiza tion," warning tha t "W e do not wan t an y K u Klu x Kla n i n Buffalo , and wil l resis t th e invasio n o f thes e lawles s individual s wh o pre serve a mas k o f wha t the y ter m righteousnes s whil e committin g lawless acts. " Th e edito r o f th e Buffalo American similarl y note d that th e Kla n woul d b e well advise d t o stee r clea r o f loca l blacks : "Our peopl e ar e arouse d an d i t i s know n tha t w e mea n business . We feel tha t w e ar e prepare d t o check th e sprea d o f thi s infamou s organization i n ou r fai r cit y o f Buffalo. Wit h th e Norther n Negro , it wil l b e 'a n ey e fo r a n eye , an d a toot h fo r a tooth ' wit h thi s Klan." Th e Buffal o chapte r o f th e Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e als o denounce d th e KK K an d called on Governor Miller to take action against th e order: "[Thou sands] of our people i n Buffalo wan t t o see the American Constitu tion kep t inviolate . W e wil l resis t wit h ever y ounc e o f ou r powe r the invasio n o f our right s by such a body." 22 A growing numbe r o f othe r wester n Ne w Yorker s joine d blac k leaders i n takin g a n ope n stan d agains t th e Kla n i n th e closin g months of 1922 . Outraged a t th e KKK' s appearance i n his commu nity, Rabb i Solomo n Fineber g o f Templ e Bet h El , Niagar a Falls , denounced th e orde r a s th e "mos t insidiou s menac e t o America n democracy an d governmen t eve r devised. " Count y Superviso r Frank E . Freedma n o f Buffalo' s Sevent h War d calle d o n Sherif f William F . Waldow t o prevent an y futur e Kla n gathering s outsid e the cit y limits , warnin g tha t th e "unpopulate d fields o f Eri e County ma y becom e th e rendezvous o f these anti-Americans," an d Buffalo Deput y Polic e Chie f Joh n S . Marnon announce d tha t "W e cannot tolerat e any of this kind of business i n our city and I inten d to put a sto p t o i t [th e Klan ] immediately. " I n a speec h befor e th e Zonta Clu b a t th e Statle r Hotel , Distric t Attorne y Gu y B . Moor e likewise (if somewhat belatedly ) acknowledge d tha t "Th e time ha s

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come t o crush th e K u Klu x Klan, " pledging "t o do all i n m y powe r to punish an d t o prosecute i t swiftl y an d surely." 23 For th e firs t time , Protestan t religiou s leader s als o bega n t o speak ou t agains t th e hoode d order . Althoug h h e wa s carefu l t o note tha t "ou r judgment o n th e K u Klu x Kla n mus t b e hypotheti cal unti l w e hav e [more ] knowledge, " Dr . Willia m L . Sulliva n o f Buffalo's Firs t Unitaria n Churc h argue d i n Novembe r 192 2 that i f the KKK "excite s bigotry o f race or bigotry o f sect, it is wrong." In a sermo n befor e hi s congregatio n a t Tonawand a Firs t Presbyte rian Churc h a fe w day s later , th e Reveren d Ear l L . Dougla s stressed hi s aversio n t o th e secre t method s o f th e Invisibl e Em pire: " I want t o se e crim e reduced . I wan t t o se e th e illici t sellin g of liquor broken up , but I'l l sa y so without a mas k on m y face, an d I a m perfectl y sur e tha t t o pu t a mas k o n m y fac e woul d b e t o cultivate cowardic e i n m y ow n heart. " A t th e sam e time , Bisho p Charles H . Brent , hea d o f th e Episcopa l Dioces e o f Wester n Ne w York, calle d o n authoritie s t o "uproot " th e Kla n an d earl y th e next yea r th e Reveren d Dr . Robert E . Brown, pasto r o f Richmon d Avenue Methodis t Church , opine d tha t th e KK K wa s potentiall y dangerous an d "base d upo n distrus t an d denia l o f democracy." 24 The tensio n an d uncertaint y resultin g fro m th e loca l kluxin g campaign contribute d t o a pair of unpleasant episode s at th e clos e of 1922 . O n Decembe r 20 , Edwar d Wild , a motorma n fo r th e International Railwa y Company , receive d a note—vi a a bric k hurled throug h th e windo w o f hi s home—warnin g hi m t o "Loo k out. Mor e o n th e way . Sta y home . Thi s i s ou r las t warning. " Th e ominous missiv e bor e th e initial s "K.K.K." 25 Tha t sam e month , seven prominen t Polish-America n businessme n als o receive d let ters signe d "K.K.K. " tha t denounce d thre e Polis h Roma n Catholi c pastors o n Buffalo' s eas t side . Althoug h th e letter s wer e no t o n official Kla n stationery , the y seeme d t o confir m suspicion s tha t the Reveren d Walte r Chrzanowski , pasto r o f th e Firs t Polis h Bap tist Church , ha d affiliate d wit h th e secre t order . Th e situatio n became eve n mor e seriou s whe n rumor s bega n t o sprea d tha t th e Klan intende d t o hold a meetin g i n th e Polis h Unio n Hall , a loca l paper citin g th e "scar e amon g th e peopl e o f th e eas t sid e recentl y [owing to ] th e circulatio n o f letter s an d pamphlet s signe d b y th e

The Kluxing of Buffalo 5

1

Klan." I t wa s soo n learned , however , tha t no t a Kla n meetin g but rathe r a theatrica l production—entitle d "K u Klu x Klan " an d sponsored b y Polis h Protestants—woul d b e hel d a t th e east-sid e site. Loca l authoritie s nonetheles s remaine d o n guard , postin g seventy-five polic e wit h rio t gun s outsid e th e hal l o n th e evenin g of th e pla y an d insistin g tha t th e presentation' s titl e b e change d to "K u Klu x Klub. " O n th e order s o f th e mayor , a polic e captai n attended th e even t t o mak e sur e tha t ther e wer e "n o speeche s o r words referrin g t o the K u Klu x Klan." 26 The Klan' s increasingl y disruptiv e impac t o n communit y af fairs place d pressur e o n th e Schwa b administratio n t o tak e som e form o f forceful action . "The very minut e tha t th e Kla n questio n i s brought t o a definit e issu e i n Buffalo , the n I wil l tak e steps, " avowed th e mayo r lat e i n November . "W e all kno w tha t th e Kla n is unconstitutional , un-America n an d agains t th e bette r interest s of al l goo d citizens. " Soon , tw o polic e detective s wer e assigne d t o full-time dut y "investigatin g th e affair s o f the K u Klu x Klan, " an d on Decembe r 1 1 Schwab—despit e th e lac k o f an y lega l author ity—promised t o discharg e an y municipa l worke r wh o joined th e hooded order : "W e don' t wan t th e Kla n i n Buffalo . . . . I wil l dis miss an y cit y employe e o r official wh o becomes a member . I don' t think an y wil l be foolish enoug h t o join." 27 Beyond suc h actions , however , th e mayo r foun d hi s option s severely limited . Othe r tha n th e meeting s o n Harle m Roa d an d a t the Orioles ' hall , th e Buffal o Klan' s activitie s ha d take n plac e under a shrou d o f absolut e secrecy . N o loca l knigh t ha d bee n positively identified , th e regula r meetin g plac e o f th e orde r re mained unknow n t o the authorities, and th e group had severe d al l contact wit h th e press ; th e klaver n trul y appeare d t o b e par t o f an invisibl e empire . Moreover , despit e th e newspapers ' an d loca l leaders' consisten t depictio n o f Klansme n a s irrationa l bigot s an d hooded terrorists , th e chapte r ha d thu s fa r acte d i n a manifestl y law-abiding manner , violatin g n o stat e o r municipa l ordinanc e and avoidin g an y typ e o f confrontatio n wit h opponents . "Unti l some unlawful actio n i s committed [b y the KKK], " admitted Dep uty Chie f Joh n Marnon , "i t woul d see m tha t th e hand s o f th e police ar e tie d s o fa r a s arrest s ar e concerned. " Sherif f Willia m

52 The

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Waldow concurred , promisin g actio n onl y i n th e cas e o f a specifi c violation. 28 Thus , fo r th e tim e being , th e Buffal o Kla n coul d pro ceed without fea r o f legal harassment . During th e winter month s o f early 1923 , as would regularl y b e th e case durin g extende d period s o f col d weather , Buffal o Kla n No . 5 entere d a perio d o f relativ e quiescenc e an d th e organizatio n temporarily cease d t o be a matter o f pressing concern . The precis e nature o f th e klavern's activitie s a t thi s tim e mus t remai n largel y a matte r o f speculation , bu t th e chapte r wa s evidentl y nurturin g friendly contact s wit h selec t Protestan t clergymen , a n effor t tha t seemed particularl y promisin g becaus e o f mountin g frustratio n over inadequat e enforcemen t o f th e vic e an d prohibitio n laws . Confronted wit h a former bee r brewer as mayor an d th e antiprohi bitionist Al Smith returning t o the governor's office, mora l reform ers foun d themselve s i n a deterioratin g situatio n an d i n dir e nee d of effective allies . Despite thei r initia l aversio n t o the Klan' s prac tice o f maske d secrecy , Buffalo' s evangelica l activist s ha d begu n to assure themselve s of the group's honorable intentions; no doub t a numbe r o f them ha d learne d o r suspected tha t certai n respecte d friends an d colleague s ha d entere d th e fold . Indeed , som e reform ers ha d almos t certainl y begu n t o wonde r whethe r th e Klan , which ha d take n admirabl e stand s o n ke y issue s an d conducte d itself i n a restraine d an d discipline d fashion , migh t no t b e effec tively utilize d i n th e ongoin g campaig n t o improv e communit y conditions. With th e sprin g tha w cam e clea r evidenc e o f th e KKK' s grow ing associatio n wit h Protestan t churchmen . O n Sunda y morning , March 25 , during th e course of his sermon befor e th e congregatio n of Kenmor e Presbyteria n Church , th e Reveren d Fran k H . Smit h suddenly fel l silen t an d directe d hi s attention towar d th e las t ro w of pews. There, to the astonishment o f most of those in attendance , stood thre e maske d Klansme n i n ful l uniform . A s wome n i n th e audience gaspe d an d a fe w nervou s member s edge d towar d th e exit, th e tri o o f knight s marche d sid e b y sid e u p th e church' s center aisle , th e Klansma n i n th e middl e bearin g a smal l re d cross. After reachin g th e alta r an d turnin g t o fac e th e congrega tion, on e o f th e hoode d figures, speakin g i n a "slow , monotonou s

The Klwcing of Buffalo 5

3

voice," read a short messag e expressin g th e KKK's devotio n t o th e Christian fait h an d th e order' s goal s a s a patrioti c organization . The speake r the n place d a lette r an d a smal l purs e o n th e altar , whereupon th e Klansmen , holdin g hands , briskl y walke d ou t o f the building , entere d a close d automobile , an d spe d awa y i n th e direction o f Buffalo. 29 The Kenmor e churc h visitation , whic h ha d take n plac e o n th e verge o f th e cit y line , reactivated th e controvers y surroundin g th e Klan. Despit e th e Reveren d Smith' s protestatio n tha t th e visi t was "totally unexpected, " th e ministe r remained strangel y evasiv e about th e precis e content s o f th e lette r an d purs e lef t b y th e Klan; tha t Smit h ha d immediatel y resume d hi s sermo n afte r th e Klansmen's departure—makin g n o commen t o r observatio n con cerning th e bizarr e intrusion—als o seeme d manifestl y curious . The clergyman' s behavio r displease d man y churc h members , on e of who m warne d tha t Klansme n woul d "leav e minu s thei r hood s and whit e be d sheets " i f a retur n visi t wa s attempted . Soo n th e congregation o f Kenmor e Presbyteria n wa s engage d i n a bitte r internal debat e ove r wha t typ e o f actio n t o tak e i n regar d t o th e episode. A t a meetin g o f th e Youn g People' s Societ y o f Christia n Endeavor (th e church' s yout h auxiliary) , a n anti-Kla n proponen t presented a resolutio n accusin g th e KK K o f fomenting th e "bitte r passions of bigotry an d intolerance " ; the society, however, refuse d to tak e a n officia l stan d agains t th e secre t order . A diversit y o f opinion likewis e characterize d th e church' s ten-membe r boar d o f trustees, whic h engage d i n a rancorou s discussio n befor e in structing th e Reveren d Smit h t o read a formal statemen t express ing disapproval o f the Kla n visit. Although th e ministe r complied , emphasizing tha t thi s wa s th e "fina l word " o n th e matter , consid erable tensio n evidentl y persisted : earl y in June, reportedly owin g to pressure exerte d b y th e trustees , Smit h announce d hi s resigna tion from th e pastorate a t Kenmor e Presbyterian. 30 Additional effort s t o plac e th e Kla n o n a stronge r footin g i n western Ne w Yor k accompanie d th e organization' s growin g involvement wit h th e Protestan t clerg y i n 1923 . O n Marc h 31 , three hundre d Buffalonian s attende d a spirite d pro-Kla n lectur e at Mizpa h Hall , a Masoni c auditoriu m locate d a t th e intersectio n of Ferr y an d Herki n street s o n th e wes t side . The Reveren d Joh n

54 The

Klwcing of Buffalo

H. Moore , a professiona l speake r dispatche d fro m Atlanta , ad dressed th e gatherin g o n th e topic o f "Ideals of the K u Klu x Klan " and urge d nonmember s t o enlis t i n th e Klan' s nobl e cause . Th e meeting wa s punctuate d b y frequen t applaus e an d laughter , an d at it s conclusio n approximatel y tw o hundre d o f thos e i n atten dance signifie d thei r desir e t o enter th e Invisible Empire. 31 At thi s same time , th e Express relaye d wor d tha t th e Buffal o Kla n woul d soon formall y institut e a ne w klaver n i n the suburba n communit y of Tonawanda . Althoug h fo r th e pas t severa l month s the y ha d been meetin g i n privat e homes , Tonawand a Klansme n ha d re cently relocate d t o mor e spaciou s facilitie s an d anticipate d a siz able growt h i n membershi p i n th e nea r future. 32 Niagar a Fall s was als o th e sit e o f renewe d kluxing , a s th e Reveren d Dr . Osca r Haywood—whose pro-Kla n activitie s ha d recentl y le d t o hi s re moval a s associat e evangelis t o f th e Calvar y Baptis t Churc h i n New Yor k City—explaine d th e order' s goal s t o a n enthusiasti c crowd a t th e Church o f Christ i n early April. 33 One mont h later , a particularl y elaborat e an d awe-inspirin g Klan ceremonia l too k plac e o n Gran d Island , i n th e middl e o f th e Niagara River . O n th e evenin g o f Ma y 23 , hundred s o f knight s from Eri e an d Niagar a countie s ferrie d acros s t o th e islan d an d assembled a t a remot e souther n locatio n o n th e edg e o f Tona wanda Bay . Dresse d i n thei r white-hoode d regalia , member s ig nited a "flaming cros s o f huge proportions " on to p o f a hill an d se t off a serie s o f gian t bonfire s alon g th e beach . A large numbe r o f motorists travelin g alon g th e Rive r Roa d o n th e opposit e shor e witnessed th e eeri e spectacle , an d wor d wa s soo n relaye d t o th e Tonawanda police , wh o claime d the y coul d no t tak e actio n be cause of a lack of jurisdiction. Spare d an y intrusion b y the author ities, th e Klansme n conducte d a n hour-lon g inductio n ritua l an d then disperse d int o th e night , thus ending "one of the mos t pictur esque illumination s o n [the ] Niagar a Rive r tha t ha s eve r bee n seen/' A shor t whil e later , a ma n identifyin g himsel f a s th e "Kleagle o f Niagara Falls " called th e Express an d announced : "W e have just pu t throug h a class of 14 8 on Grand Islan d an d the y wil l now receiv e thei r charter." 34 Although th e Kla n coul d certainl y tak e comfor t an d prid e i n its growin g strengt h i n wester n Ne w York , recen t development s

The Klwcing of Buffalo 5

5

elsewhere i n th e stat e presente d a seriou s challeng e t o th e secre t society's ver y existence . Throughou t lat e 192 2 an d earl y 1923 , a s KKK recruitin g surge d i n majo r communitie s suc h a s Buffalo , Rochester, Troy , Schenectady , Albany , an d Syracuse , man y stat e and loca l official s becam e convince d tha t th e tim e ha d com e fo r drastic action . I n Ne w Yor k City , wher e loca l klavern s ha d take n on ne w lif e an d wildl y exaggerate d rumor s place d th e tota l Kla n membership a t nearl y fifty thousand , Mayo r John Hyla n launche d an all-ou t wa r o n th e organization , orderin g polic e t o brea k u p chapter meeting s an d secur e a lis t o f members. 35 A t th e sam e time, stat e lawmaker s bega n t o agitat e fo r anti-KK K legislation , Senator Joh n H . Hastings o f King s suggestin g tha t step s b e take n to "destro y th e viciou s secrec y o f th e outfit/ ' Lat e i n Februar y 1923, Senato r Jame s J . (Jimmy ) Walke r o f Ne w Yor k City , th e Democratic majorit y leade r i n th e upper house , introduced suc h a measure, a bil l tha t woul d requir e oath-boun d association s t o file thei r membershi p list s wit h stat e officials . Walker' s proposa l experienced clea r sailin g i n th e senate , survive d a surprisingl y close vot e i n th e assembly , an d wa s signe d b y Governo r Smit h o n May 22. 36 Though i t doe s no t mentio n th e K u Klu x Kla n b y name , Ne w York's Walke r Law—whic h stil l remain s o n th e books—suggest s which aspect s o f th e Invisibl e Empir e legislator s foun d mos t threatening an d objectionable . Th e law' s mos t significan t featur e is tha t i t restrict s th e freedo m o f association , targetin g th e prac tice of organizational secrecy . With the express exceptions of labo r unions an d officiall y chartere d benevolen t orders , th e statut e re quires tha t Every existin g membershi p corporation , an d ever y existin g unin corporated associatio n havin g a membershi p o f twent y o r mor e persons, whic h corporatio n o r associatio n require s a n oat h a s a prerequisite o r condition of membership . . . file with th e secretar y of state a sworn copy of its constitution, by-laws, rules, regulations, and oat h o f membership, togethe r with a roster o f its membershi p and a list of its officers fo r the current year. Such associations ar e also required t o submit biannua l statement s "showing th e name s an d addresse s o f such additiona l member s a s have bee n received." 37

56 The

Kluxing of Buffalo

Klan opponent s toute d th e Walke r La w a s a grea t victor y fo r civil rights , an d t o a certai n exten t the y wer e correct ; despit e th e restrictions th e measur e place s on th e freedom o f association, it i s manifestly necessar y an d prope r tha t stat e government s b e in volved i n th e monitorin g an d regulatio n o f sizabl e organization s that ma y infring e upo n th e right s o f others. This shoul d not , how ever, obscur e th e politica l motivation s tha t contribute d t o th e law's passage . By 1923 , the Invisibl e Empire' s electora l clou t ha d been well-demonstrate d acros s th e natio n an d Ne w Yor k klavern s appeared poise d fo r politica l action . Th e incumbent s i n Alban y recognized th e uncertaint y an d instabilit y tha t th e Kla n migh t bring t o Empire Stat e politic s and hope d throug h th e Walker La w to reduc e th e KKK' s influence . Thi s i s clearl y indicate d b y th e statute's requiremen t tha t oath-boun d societie s "fil e i n th e offic e of th e secretar y o f stat e ever y resolutio n o r th e minute s o f an y action o f suc h corporatio n o r association , providin g fo r concerte d action o f it s member s o r a par t thereo f t o promot e o r defea t legislation, federal , state , o r municipal , o r t o suppor t o r t o defea t any candidat e fo r politica l office. " I t woul d b e fai r t o say , there fore, tha t a desir e t o maintain th e politica l statu s qu o contribute d in n o smal l measur e t o th e legislature' s takin g actio n agains t the Klan. 38 The enactmen t o f th e Walke r La w constitute d a majo r turnin g point i n th e developmen t o f th e Kla n i n Ne w York . Althoug h th e measure prove d t o b e a n awkwar d an d largel y ineffectiv e mean s of attackin g th e KKK , it s passag e mean t tha t th e Klan , whic h steadfastly refuse d t o divulg e it s membership , wa s no w a n illega l organization. Havin g consistentl y presente d themselve s a s th e true champion s o f la w an d governmen t (i n contrast , fo r example , to officials wh o openly winke d a t violation s o f the prohibition an d vice statutes), Klansmen confronte d a n uncomfortable ne w rol e a s lawbreakers. Fo r man y i n th e order , th e dubiou s benefit s o f con tinued affiliatio n di d no t compensat e fo r suc h status , an d thou sands drifte d away . In th e case of others, however, th e appearanc e of th e Walke r La w crystallize d commitmen t an d engendere d a desire t o strike back a t opponents . "Governor Al Smith, by signin g that bill , barred himsel f fro m th e Presidency o f the United States, " New Yor k Kin g Kleagl e Emmit t D . (E. D.) Smith avowe d befor e a

The Kluxing of Buffalo 5

7

crowd o f eigh t thousan d knight s o n Lon g Island . "Th e Kla n pledges itsel f neve r t o revea l th e name s o f it s members . W e wil l fight t o th e las t breastwor k t o preven t publi c disclosur e o f ou r identities." 39 This belligeren t attitud e als o characterize d th e Buffal o Klan , which signifie d it s defiance b y an unprecedented open-ai r meetin g in th e hear t o f th e cit y thre e day s afte r th e Walke r La w wen t int o effect. Gatherin g o n a larg e vacan t lo t nea r th e intersectio n o f Jefferson an d Mai n streets , several hundre d non-costume d kluxer s conducted a Kla n ritua l o n th e evening o f May 25, 1923, burning a twelve-foot-high cros s constructe d o f woo d wrappe d wit h kero sene-soaked burlap . Th e fiery spectacl e soo n attracte d a larg e crowd tha t spille d ou t int o Mai n Street , an d polic e rushe d t o th e scene, only t o discove r tha t al l member s o f th e hoode d orde r ha d departed; lef t behin d wer e th e fiery cross (which was extinguishe d by th e fire department) , a n America n flag, a fe w KK K pamphlets , and a canva s streame r emblazone d wit h "K u Klu x Klan. " Subse quent questionin g o f onlookers an d nearb y resident s b y th e polic e produced littl e usefu l information ; n o Klansma n ha d bee n posi tively identified , an d witnesse s coul d no t recal l th e automobil e license numbers o f departing knights. 40 That sam e evening , th e Invisibl e Empir e wa s o n th e mov e i n other communities . A t midnight , thre e carload s o f Klansme n en tered th e smal l villag e o f Lancaster , wher e the y proceede d t o distribute Kla n literatur e unde r th e door s o f home s an d busi nesses. A villag e constabl e i n a patro l ca r detecte d th e "silent , hooded figures" an d se t off his siren; suddenly, "from al l direction s there scramble d hoode d [Klansmen ] stumblin g ove r themselve s in thei r franti c effor t t o pile int o th e waitin g motors. " The kluxer s made thei r escap e an d th e nex t mornin g Lancaste r resident s awoke t o find copie s o f Ideals of the Ku Klux Klan o n thei r door steps. Th e secre t orde r als o pai d a nocturna l visi t t o Batavia , where member s "canvasse d th e city , throwin g thei r pamphlet s on fron t porches. " Th e knight s worke d unti l lon g afte r midnight , scaring a numbe r o f Batavians i n the process. 41 Two day s later , a reporte r fo r th e Express receive d a telephon e call fro m a n unidentifie d Kla n officer , invitin g hi m t o a gatherin g of th e loca l Klan ; th e newspaperma n wa s instructe d t o b e a t th e

58 The

Klwcing of Buffalo

corner o f Hig h an d Washingto n street s a t 8:3 0 p.m . an d t o carr y his ha t i n hi s hand . A t th e designate d time , a close d vehicl e car rying tw o maske d Klansme n an d a n unmaske d drive r picke d u p the reporter , wh o wa s immediatel y blindfolded . I n rout e t o th e meeting, th e Klansme n kep t thei r identitie s secret , referrin g t o each othe r b y numbe r ("Nex t lef t turn , No . 23." ), and attempte d to obscure th e directio n the y wer e travelin g b y makin g numerou s detours. Th e Express man , however , manage d covertl y t o pee r beneath hi s blindfol d an d discovere d tha t th e automobil e ha d entered th e villag e o f Williamsville, the n turne d sout h o n Transi t Road. Her e i t ha d joine d a larg e cavalcad e o f vehicles, each bear ing a "whit e streame r o r flag, presumabl y t o mar k the m a s K u Klux conveyance, " which rolled throug h th e small communitie s of Depew an d Lancaste r wit h a nois y tootin g o f horns . Eventuall y the processio n reache d th e sit e o f th e Kla n affair , a n ope n field near th e corne r o f Transi t Roa d an d Willia m Street , an d th e re porter wa s permitte d t o view the subsequent proceedings. 42 By midnight , approximatel y thirty-fiv e hundre d knight s repre senting "lodge s fro m al l part s o f th e wester n en d o f th e state " ha d assembled, som e o f the m carryin g re d flares. Afte r a n openin g prayer "suc h a s migh t hav e bee n delivere d i n almos t an y church, " the Gran d Kleagl e o f Western Ne w Yor k inducte d a larg e clas s of recruits, askin g the m th e question s require d b y th e Klora n (Kla n constitution): "Ar e yo u a native-born , white , Gentil e America n citizen? D o you believ e i n th e tenet s o f th e Christia n religion ? D o you believ e i n clannishnes s an d wil l yo u faithfull y practic e sam e toward Klansmen ? D o you believe in and wil l yo u faithfully striv e for th e eterna l maintenanc e o f white supremacy? " After receivin g the appropriat e response , th e Kla n office r sprinkle d th e head s o f the candidate s wit h wate r fro m a goble t an d proclaime d the m knights o f th e Invisibl e Empire , a t whic h tim e a giganti c cros s burst int o flame. Th e ceremony wa s concluded wit h th e singin g of "America." Man y Klansme n soo n departed , bu t other s remaine d at th e site , fraternizing unti l th e break o f dawn. 43 During th e earl y mornin g hours , th e Express man—hi s sigh t unencumbered—was conducte d bac k to the city and permitte d a n interview wit h th e gran d kleagle . Th e KK K officia l stresse d th e pervasive influenc e o f th e hooded orde r i n Buffalo: "Ou r organiza -

The Kluxing of Buffalo 5

9

tion i s far reaching . We have member s i n ever y sectio n o f the city . At a meetin g [yesterday ] mornin g ther e wer e five member s o f th e Buffalo polic e forc e an d the y hav e bee n Klansme n fo r a long time . The Kla n ha s mor e tha n five office s i n Buffal o an d abou t th e sam e number o f meetin g places. " H e pledge d t o resis t th e Walke r La w and aske d th e reporte r t o notif y th e publi c o f th e loca l klavern' s absolute suppor t o f prohibition: "Yo u ca n sa y throug h you r pape r that th e Governo r ha d bette r no t sig n th e repea l o f th e Mullan Gage [stat e prohibition ] act . W e stan d fo r la w enforcemen t an d enforcing th e Constitution . Regardles s o f our feeling s o n th e eigh teenth amendment , w e will see it enforced whil e i t is in the Constitution." The grand kleagl e an d hi s companion s the n release d thei r newspaper contac t an d drov e away. 44 Not surprisingly , th e Klan' s ope n defianc e o f th e Walke r La w and it s claim s o f influenc e o n th e polic e forc e angere d loca l au thorities. "The K u Klu x Kla n i s not wante d i n Buffalo an d wil l no t be tolerated, " proclaime d Chie f Burfeind . " I wil l sen d ou t th e entire polic e department , i f necessary , t o pu t a sto p t o an y meet ing o r ceremonia l conducte d b y th e K u Klu x Kla n i f the y appea r in disguis e o r robes" ; th e chie f additionall y promise d t o dismis s summarily an y office r wh o joined th e order . Deput y Chie f Marno n likewise indicated tha t th e organization woul d have a "merry tim e in Buffalo": "Thi s department wil l no t tolerat e an y Kla n activitie s here and th e first hoode d ma n w e find wil l be locked up, no matte r who h e is. " Evidently convince d tha t th e polic e neede d additiona l incentive, Mayor Schwa b poste d a fifty-dollar bount y fo r "th e first arrest an d convictio n o f a membe r o f the Klan." 45 The over t hostilit y o f loca l authoritie s enhance d th e Buffal o klavern's appreciatio n o f th e seriou s problem s pose d b y th e Walker Law . Althoug h th e precis e fashio n i n whic h th e statut e might b e applie d remaine d unclear , i t appeare d tha t th e Schwa b administration migh t us e th e la w a s th e basi s fo r a rai d o n th e Klan. Th e arres t o f eve n on e Klansma n coul d conceivabl y lea d t o the exposur e o f the chapter' s entir e membershi p an d othe r untol d damage. Even i n the absence of some sudde n mov e by the authori ties, recruitin g (an d thu s revenue ) woul d surel y slum p a s lon g a s the organizatio n wa s force d t o exist beyon d th e pal e o f the law . I t therefore becam e a matte r o f pressin g urgenc y tha t Klansme n

60 The

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discover som e manne r o f neutralizin g th e lega l threa t t o thei r order. A plan was soon devised. On May 31, 1923 , four "representative s for th e K u Klu x Kla n fo r th e Buffal o district, " accompanie d b y their lawyer , appeare d befor e Ne w Yor k Suprem e Cour t Justic e George E . Pierce and file d fo r stat e incorporatio n o f the Knight s of the K u Klu x Klan . Justic e Pierc e signe d th e provisiona l charte r and th e Klansme n carrie d th e documen t t o th e count y clerk' s office, whic h woul d sen d i t t o Alban y fo r fina l approval . Befor e delivering th e charte r t o th e count y clerk , however , th e KK K representatives erase d th e nam e "Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan " and inserte d th e nam e "men' s fraterna l organization. " I f unde tected, thi s illega l maneuve r woul d hav e enable d th e Invisibl e Empire t o clai m statu s a s a "benevolen t order, " on e o f th e tw o groups exempte d fro m th e membership-disclosur e requirement s of the Walker Law. 46 Unfortunately fo r th e Klan , th e alteratio n wa s almos t immedi ately discovere d an d th e grou p foun d itsel f embroile d i n a majo r scandal. Distric t Attorne y Moor e indicate d tha t th e hoode d orde r might b e charge d wit h falsificatio n o f officia l records , an d Ne w York Attorne y Genera l Car l Sherma n secure d a n injunctio n pre venting th e KK K fro m makin g an y futur e attempt s t o incorporat e as a fraterna l organization . Perhap s mos t crucially , th e inciden t undermined th e absolut e secrec y tha t ha d earlie r surrounde d th e Buffalo Klan , th e pres s revealin g th e name s o f th e chie f culprit s involved i n th e scandal : Ne w Yor k Kin g Kleagl e E . D . Smit h ( a resident o f Binghamton ) an d Buffal o Klansme n Kennet h G . Scot t (the Gran d Kleagl e o f Wester n Ne w York) , George C . Bryant, an d James B . Mincher. 47 As migh t hav e bee n anticipated , Klansme n di d no t passivel y deliver themselve s u p t o their enemies. E. D. Smith admitte d tha t changes ha d bee n mad e i n th e charter , bu t dismisse d the m a s "unimportant," an d Kennet h Scot t emphasize d th e necessit y o f such tactic s give n th e paten t unconstitutionalit y o f th e Walke r Law an d th e Klan' s pressin g mission : "W e canno t b e compelle d lawfully t o reveal th e list s of thos e affiliate d wit h th e [KKK] . The very fac t tha t th e adven t o f thi s organizatio n ha s arouse d t o pro test al l th e un-America n force s i n thi s natio n i s proo f positiv e o f

The Kluxing of Buffalo 6

1

its absolut e necessit y a t thi s time/' 4 8 Ye t ther e ca n b e littl e doub t that th e altered-charte r affair—th e fallou t o f which , althoug h i t never resulte d i n forma l indictments , persiste d throughou t th e summer—hurt th e Klan , solidifyin g th e group' s widesprea d im age a s a rogue organizatio n give n t o deviousness an d deceit . Eve n Imperial official s i n Atlant a fel t move d t o distanc e themselve s from th e scandal , th e Imperial Night-Hawk stressin g tha t "th e na tional organizatio n ha s nothin g t o d o wit h th e Ne w Yor k Klan' s attempt t o incorporat e t o evad e th e Walke r Law/' 4 9 B y mid-1923, the Empir e Stat e KKK , an d th e Buffal o klaver n i n particular , appeared t o hav e forfeite d al l claim s t o publi c respectabilit y an d acceptance.

Three

Fraternity, Mora l Reform , an d Hat e

Despite thei r failur e t o circumven t th e provision s o f th e Walke r Law, th e Klansme n o f wester n Ne w Yor k continue d t o hold larg e gatherings ove r th e nex t severa l months . On July 4 , 1923 , Niagara Falls hosted th e first annua l conventio n (Klorero ) of the New Yor k Klan, an even t tha t attracte d thousand s o f participants, includin g a larg e delegatio n fro m Buffalo . Afte r a da y spen t relaxin g wit h family an d friends , a compan y o f thre e hundre d knight s assem bled o n Riverwa y Driv e a t 6:0 0 p.m. and parade d som e four mile s through th e cit y t o a larg e trac t o f lan d jus t beyon d Porte r Roa d and Gil l Creek . Th e "klavalcade " wa s a colorfu l affair , featurin g six robe d rider s astrid e "fier y piebalds, " a five-Klansman fife an d drum corps , an d score s o f uniforme d (bu t unmasked ) knight s marching i n militar y formation . Th e processio n attracte d thou sands of onlookers who lined the parade's route "four or five deep," often jeering—bu t occasionall y cheering—th e hoode d kluxers. 1 Once the y ha d arrive d a t th e Porte r Roa d site , th e Klansme n donned thei r mask s an d mingle d wit h nearl y fifteen thousan d fellow Kla n member s an d invite d guests . A t te n o'cloc k th e knights joine d hand s an d forme d a hug e circl e aroun d a grass y knoll surmounte d b y a flag-draped alta r an d thre e gian t crosses ; surrounding th e scen e wer e ceremonia l urn s tha t glowe d wit h a 63

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mysterious re d fire. Kla n official s se t th e larg e crosse s ablaz e an d King Kleagl e E . D . Smith proceede d t o induc t a ne w clas s o f five hundred recruits . Upon th e completio n o f the ritual , th e nigh t sk y exploded wit h a fireworks displa y an d Smit h aske d th e assem blage, "What i s th e penalt y fo r revealin g th e secret s o f th e Klan? " "Death!" roare d thos e i n attendance . A visiting reporte r late r ac knowledged th e powerfu l impac t o f th e convention' s concludin g ceremony: "Th e psycholog y o f th e Klan' s existenc e i n thi s stat e became apparen t a t once . There wa s somethin g romantic , almos t savage, i n thi s sor t o f a gathering , ou t i n th e open , th e emotio n stimulated b y th e mysteriou s garb , pyrotechnics , an d blazin g crosses." 2 The succes s o f th e Klorer o contribute d t o a ne w surg e i n Kla n activity. O n th e evenin g o f July 25 , the Buffalo klaver n conducte d yet anothe r "spectacula r ceremonial " outside th e easter n cit y lim its, at th e intersectio n o f Transit Roa d an d Mai n Street . The head lights of hundreds o f automobiles illuminated th e scene as approx imately thre e thousan d knight s an d "neophytes " witnesse d th e official charterin g o f the "Williamsvill e uni t o f th e hoode d order. " Two evenings later , five hundred carload s o f Klansmen assemble d on th e outskirt s o f th e villag e o f Hamburg , arrangin g thei r vehi cles in a larg e semicircl e aroun d a flaming cross . The kluxers too k care tha t th e subsequen t initiatio n ritua l remaine d undisturbed , sentries turnin g awa y a numbe r o f unwante d onlookers . Lat e i n August, "abou t 2,00 0 Klansme n fro m Buffal o an d 80 0 fro m Erie , Pa., al l i n whit e robe s an d hoods, " travele d t o th e Chautauqu a County communit y o f Sherma n "fo r th e purpos e o f establishing a local body" ; th e visitors ignited crosse s and inducte d th e klavern' s fifty charter members. 3 Given th e frequenc y an d siz e of the Invisibl e Empire' s open-ai r meetings i n th e summe r an d fal l o f 1923 , a clas h wit h th e order' s enemies wa s perhap s inevitable . O n Octobe r 18 , on e thousan d knights from Niagar a Count y assemble d a t th e far m o f Henr y H . Pletcher, a few mile s east of Niagara Falls , to perform a nighttim e initiation o f si x hundre d recruit s fro m Lockport , Nort h Tona wanda, Pekin , Ransomville , Youngstown , Wilson , Newfane , Ol cott, an d L a Salle . The hooded affai r soo n attracte d th e attentio n of passin g motorists , wh o wer e kep t from th e scen e b y arme d

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5

guards. One of the sentries , Klansma n Ro y Cramer, pointe d a gu n at severa l partie s o f onlooker s an d the n discharge d th e weapo n beneath th e car o f Edward P . Clifford, a resident o f Lockport, wh o immediately departe d t o notif y Niagar a Count y Sherif f Benjami n F. Gould. 4 Before th e sherif f coul d arrive , approximatel y 15 0 Kla n oppo nents fro m Lockport , som e arme d wit h revolver s an d sawed-of f shotguns, attempted t o disrup t th e initiation . According t o a Courier reporter wh o witnesse d th e encounter , th e attacker s quickl y overpowered th e KKK' s oute r guards , bu t th e sentrie s succeede d in cryin g ou t fo r help . Thei r hoode d brethre n immediatel y launched a wil d counterattack , dischargin g "automati c double barreled weapon s an d Texa s Stee r variet y revolvers " in th e ai r a s the intruder s fled befor e th e "wav e o f white-robe d figures sweep ing dow n o n them/ ' Th e anti-KK K force s rapidl y departe d b y automobile, and th e kluxers, flushed wit h victory , completed thei r initiation. A t th e ceremony' s conclusion , however , Sherif f Goul d arrived an d arreste d tw o Klansme n fo r wearin g mask s i n public . Although i t too k nearl y thre e weeks , count y authoritie s late r charged Ro y Cramer with first degre e assault. 5 Kluxing , it increas ingly appeared , wa s not withou t it s perils . As th e numerou s ceremonial s an d outdoo r meeting s i n wester n New Yor k demonstrated , th e bond s o f mystic fraternalis m consti tuted a majo r par t o f the Klan's appeal; i n this respect, the organi zation fulfille d man y o f th e sam e socia l an d emotiona l need s ca tered t o b y othe r ritualisti c societie s suc h a s th e Od d Fellow s an d the variou s branche s o f Masonry . Th e Invisibl e Empire' s lac k o f social acceptanc e an d it s outla w status , however , mandate d par ticularly stringen t standard s o f solidarity , discipline , an d dedica tion tha t enhance d a sens e o f missio n missin g i n mainstrea m fraternal groups . Although outsiders ridiculed almos t ever y aspec t of the hooded order , Klansme n remaine d confiden t tha t the y wer e pursuing nobl e ends , that eac h knight represente d anothe r soldie r in a crucia l struggl e t o reorde r an d revitaliz e th e communit y and nation . By th e latte r hal f o f 1923 , the mysteriou s lur e o f th e Kla n ha d enabled th e orde r t o achiev e a n impressiv e foothol d alon g th e

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Niagara frontier , wit h a tota l o f approximatel y tw o thousan d knights i n Buffal o an d roughl y th e same numbe r i n outlyin g com munities i n Eri e an d neighborin g counties . Ye t i f th e KK K in tended t o retain an d expan d upo n thi s membership , th e organiza tion woul d nee d t o develo p a cours e o f actio n tha t woul d addres s the specifi c concern s o f th e ran k an d file. A s wa s th e cas e wit h most chapter s acros s th e nation , th e Buffal o klaver n ha d earl y considered a n involvemen t i n politics , an d rumor s occasionall y circulated o f Klannish influenc e i n electoral matters . Although th e order ha d apparentl y lacke d sufficien t strengt h t o pla y a signifi cant rol e i n th e 192 2 general elections , it seeme d tha t th e races fo r three seat s o n th e cit y commissio n i n 192 3 proffered a promisin g opportunity; indeed , i n Jun e a forme r Kla n office r informe d a local reporte r tha t th e klaver n ha d decide d t o field a three-ma n ticket i n th e fall contest . Bu t th e chapte r soo n abandone d thes e plans. 6 The hooded order' s reluctance t o mount a formal politica l effor t in 192 3 ca n b e readil y appreciated . Th e mos t obviou s proble m was tha t a larg e percentag e o f voter s wer e Roma n Catholi c o r o f new ethni c stoc k an d thu s hardl y likel y t o suppor t th e apostle s o f Protestant nativism . Moreover , issue s wit h whic h th e Kla n migh t have rallie d th e whit e Protestan t vot e ha d bee n largel y co-opted . Commissioner Fran k C . Perkins had a firm hol d o n labor's suppor t (stressing hi s oppositio n t o th e Internationa l Railwa y Company) , and incumben t Ros s Graves , despit e a persona l tast e fo r liquor , emphasized hi s endorsemen t o f stric t prohibitio n enforcement . Both men , a s wel l a s th e othe r eventua l victor , Willia m F . Schwartz, ha d establishe d themselve s a s politica l enemie s o f Mayor Schwab , occupie d populis t groun d i n oppositio n t o th e Citizens' Ticket backe d b y element s o f Buffalo's commercial-civi c elite, an d commande d efficien t campaig n organizations ; thei r candidacies simpl y di d no t presen t th e Invisibl e Empir e wit h a n effective enterin g wedg e int o municipa l politics . Nor wer e oppor tunities availabl e i n stat e an d count y races , wher e th e grea t ma jority o f incumbents—onl y on e o f who m wa s KKK-affiliated — scored eas y victories. 7 Relativel y smal l i n numbers , confronte d with a predominantl y hostil e ethnocultura l environment , an d un -

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7

able t o la y exclusiv e clai m t o a majo r issue , Buffal o Klansme n possessed littl e hop e o f assuming a dominan t rol e in politics . This di d no t mean , however , tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e wa s consigned t o tota l politica l impotence . If the order di d no t posses s the abilit y t o displac e it s enemie s a t th e polls , i t stil l migh t tak e steps t o forc e official s t o modif y thei r policies . Indeed , th e Kla n would soo n assum e a majo r rol e i n th e ongoin g campaig n t o improve enforcemen t o f th e vic e an d prohibitio n law s i n Buffal o and Eri e County , a n effor t tha t ha d take n o n increasin g urgenc y during th e first tw o year s o f th e Schwa b administration . I t bear s emphasizing tha t prio r t o thi s tim e th e Kla n ha d no t openl y in volved itsel f i n advancin g th e caus e o f mora l reform , beyon d gen eral statement s i n suppor t o f better la w enforcement . Th e prepon derance o f ope n Kla n activity—th e nighttim e ceremonial s an d cross-burnings—had constitute d a form o f overt defianc e an d civi l disobedience, bu t th e klavern , a s a group , ha d no t undertake n a specific cours e o f civic action. Thus only graduall y di d th e Buffal o Klan embrac e th e caus e of moral reform . By th e sprin g o f 1923 , the loca l crusad e o n behal f o f improve d moral condition s an d bette r la w enforcemen t ha d becom e exceed ingly intens e an d bitter . Lat e i n May , th e Buffal o branc h o f th e Anti-Saloon Leagu e released a new report o n th e collapse of prohibition enforcement , complainin g tha t "W e should no t have t o wai t until a mayo r commit s a felon y o r hi s four-yea r ter m expire s before w e can put i n a man wh o will do his duty/' 8 Othe r evangeli cal group s als o kep t u p th e pressure , eventuall y persuadin g cit y authorities t o hol d specia l hearing s i n Jul y an d Augus t o n vic e and allege d corruptio n i n th e polic e department . Althoug h Mayo r Schwab dismisse d mos t o f th e reformers ' claims , th e hearing s produced mor e tha n twenty-fiv e hundre d page s o f testimon y de tailing prostitution , dru g trafficking , gambling , an d bootleggin g in Buffalo, resultin g in a widespread deman d fo r a major reorgani zation o f the police department. 9 Eventuall y succumbin g t o publi c pressure, Schwa b i n Novembe r ordere d Chie f o f Polic e Joh n Bur feind t o step dow n an d replace d hi m wit h Charle s F. Zimmerman , a highl y respecte d office r acceptabl e t o reformers. 10 This victor y fo r Protestan t activist s wa s offse t b y tw o othe r

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developments i n 1923 . On e wa s A l Smith' s retur n t o th e gover nor's offic e a t th e beginnin g o f th e year . Smith' s mos t recen t campaign ha d largel y focuse d o n hi s oppositio n t o prohibition , and i n Jun e 192 3 h e secure d repea l o f th e Mullan-Gag e Act , thereby greatl y underminin g prohibitio n enforcemen t i n th e Em pire State. 11 A seriou s scanda l i n th e Ne w Yor k Anti-Saloo n League constitute d anothe r majo r setback . I n July , a Ne w Yor k grand jur y indicte d Stat e Superintenden t Willia m Anderso n o n several count s o f larceny , forgery , an d extortion , charge s relate d to hi s fund-raisin g activitie s fo r th e league . Althoug h Anderso n consistently denie d an y wrongdoing , th e indictmen t lef t hi s orga nization i n disarra y an d significantl y reduce d th e ASL' s credibil ity in th e struggle fo r better la w enforcement. Th e situation woul d become eve n wors e earl y i n 1924 , when Anderso n wa s convicte d of forgery an d sentence d t o two years i n th e state penitentiary. 12 Confronted wit h a deterioratin g situatio n an d i n dir e nee d o f effective allies , eleve n loca l Protestan t minister s ha d entere d th e ranks o f th e Invisibl e Empir e b y thi s time . Include d amon g thes e were thre e o f th e cit y administration' s mos t voca l an d prominen t critics: George A. Fowler, district superviso r o f the New York AntiSaloon Leagu e an d a prominent membe r o f the Buffal o Methodis t Ministers' Association ; Charle s C . Penfold , pasto r o f Sentine l Methodist Churc h an d chairma n o f th e Socia l Committe e o f th e Buffalo Counci l o f Churche s (formerl y th e Buffal o Federatio n o f Churches); an d Littleto n E . H. (L. E. H.) Smith , pasto r o f Ontari o United Presbyteria n Churc h an d als o a n activ e membe r o f th e Buffalo Counci l o f Churches. 13 Ambitious , energeti c me n i n thei r mid-thirties, Fowler , Penfold , an d Smit h share d a n ardent , an d apparently sincere , interes t i n promotin g a mor e mora l an d law abiding communit y i n accordanc e wit h th e standard s o f evangeli cal Protestantism ; the y had , however , becom e increasingl y frus trated b y a perceive d worsenin g i n loca l condition s an d b y wha t they viewe d a s the uncooperative attitud e o f Buffalo authorities . Since th e adven t o f the Schwa b administration , Georg e Fowle r had attempte d t o rall y th e Protestan t communit y agains t cit y hall, releasing detaile d report s tha t showe d rampan t disregar d fo r the law . Thes e revelations , however , di d littl e t o chang e th e loca l

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situation, convincin g Fowle r i n th e summe r o f 192 3 t o explor e other mode s of civic activism. As he later explained , When th e [Klan ] starte d I wa s intereste d i n a n organizatio n o f citizens becaus e municipa l contro l o f vic e i n th e cit y wa s a t lo w ebb. At the same time I heard tha t [th e Reverend Oscar ] Haywood was in th e city and tha t h e was a member o f the Ku Klux Klan . A friend o f mine, interested i n the order, invited me to meet and hear Haywood. We met a t th e For d hote l an d talke d fo r abou t a n hou r and a half. These gentleme n indicate d t o m e tha t th e Kla n wa s a patriotic organization. No hint o f bigotry which has been attache d to the Klan was stressed by them and I assumed that it was not the case. They tol d m e th e K u Klu x Kla n had bee n misrepresente d b y the pres s an d tha t th e organizatio n stoo d fo r th e maintenanc e o f law an d orde r an d tha t i t wa s no t oppose d t o Jews , Catholics , negroes [sic], and so on. . . . We went to an office o n the east side of the city. I don't know whether I signed a card or whether somebody else did. But it was done with my consent. 14 Yet membershi p i n th e Invisibl e Empir e coul d no t compensat e for th e scanda l tha t soo n overwhelme d th e Anti-Saloo n League . Although Fowler remained activ e in local affairs, hi s influence an d credibility wer e severel y diminishe d b y th e league' s difficulties ; thus othe r Klansme n assume d a mor e prominen t rol e i n advanc ing the cause of moral reform . Throughout 1923 , the Reveren d Charle s C . Penfold establishe d himself a s on e o f Buffalo' s leadin g Protestan t activists . Callin g for a renewe d campaig n t o addres s th e community' s "deplorabl e conditions," Penfold focuse d o n th e alleged breakdow n o f vice an d prohibition enforcemen t i n th e downtow n area , particularl y th e lower wes t sid e an d th e "tenderloin " distric t i n th e vicinit y o f Eagle Street . Skeptica l abou t whethe r a polic e crackdow n durin g July ha d improve d th e vic e situation , th e ministe r organize d a team o f undercover operative s (includin g tw o federal agents ) wh o roamed th e city at nigh t gatherin g information . Penfold , designat ing himself Investigato r No . 1 , contributed t o th e effor t b y spend ing severa l evening s strollin g pas t suspec t ciga r stores , sof t drin k shops, and residences . After bein g brazenl y solicite d b y a numbe r of prostitutes , h e conclude d tha t wide-ope n condition s generall y prevailed i n th e hear t o f Buffalo . Testifyin g a t th e specia l cit y

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hearings o n th e vic e situation i n August, th e pastor an d hi s associ ates painte d a graphi c pictur e o f a communit y wallowin g i n cor ruption an d slidin g towar d absolut e mora l ruin. 15 Penfold's spirite d activis m helpe d kee p evangelical s convince d of th e nee d fo r a majo r cleanu p o f cit y government , particularl y the polic e department . Th e Buffal o Counci l o f Churche s endorse d his effort s an d formall y calle d o n Mayo r Schwa b t o improv e la w enforcement. Severa l week s later , th e Buffal o Baptis t Union , rep resenting twenty-eigh t loca l churches , similarl y proclaime d it s revulsion "a t condition s whic h hav e existed , apparentl y wit h th e consent o f th e polic e authorities, " an d demande d tha t th e mayo r "call t o account thos e wh o are chiefly responsibl e fo r th e shamefu l conditions revealed." 16 Whe n mountin g pressur e resulte d i n th e resignation o f Chie f Burfein d earl y i n November , Penfol d an d hi s associates continue d t o attack cit y hall, claiming tha t th e mayor' s attitude towar d prohibitio n ha d produce d a genera l disrespec t fo r the law . "Ou r whol e troubl e grow s ou t o f th e fac t tha t th e whol e Schwab administratio n seem s t o hav e decide d t o enforc e onl y such law s a s the y personall y believ e in, " argue d Penfold . "I n th e matter o f prohibition, the y substitut e thei r ow n view s fo r th e la w and th e result i s bound t o be anarchy." Non-Klansmen suc h as th e Reverend Leo n O . William s agreed , warnin g tha t "Wha t w e a s a people ar e facin g i s no t merel y a breakdow n o f th e mean s o f la w enforcement, bu t i t i s a breakdow n o f ou r sens e o f th e impera tiveness o f th e nee d t o maintai n al l th e law s o r t o sin k int o th e mire o f social an d politica l chaos." 17 By th e clos e of 1923 , Protestant reformer s ha d abandone d wha t little hop e the y ma y hav e possesse d o f changing th e attitude s an d policies o f th e Schwa b administration . Accordingly , throughou t the followin g year , the y bega n t o argu e tha t th e mayor' s remova l was a n essentia l prerequisit e fo r an y improvemen t o f loca l condi tions, thereb y elevatin g th e animosit y betwee n cit y hal l an d it s critics t o a n unprecedente d level . I t wa s i n thi s atmospher e o f increasing bitternes s tha t th e Kla n bega n t o appea r a s th e bes t means o f achievin g result s t o certai n Protestan t activists , mos t notably th e Reveren d L . E . H . Smith . A resident o f th e Twenty First War d i n northwes t Buffalo , a marrie d ma n wit h thre e smal l children, an d a leadin g figure withi n th e Buffal o Counci l o f

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1

Churches, th e Reveren d Smit h ha d thre e year s previousl y arrive d from a pastorat e i n Philadelphia , wher e h e ha d earne d a reputa tion a s a stron g advocat e o f prohibitio n an d th e bannin g o f Sun day sports . Smit h enjoye d posin g a s a fearles s ma n o f actio n a t war wit h th e force s o f evi l an d corruption , an d i t wa s he , mor e than an y othe r Klansman , wh o spurre d th e Buffal o klaver n int o action. 18 In th e earl y mornin g hour s o f Marc h 12 , 1924 , hoode d an d robed (bu t unmasked ) member s o f Buffal o Kla n No . 5 visite d a number o f roadhouses, saloons, and hotel s locate d just outsid e th e city line . Th e Klansme n notifie d th e startle d patron s an d owner s of thes e establishment s tha t the y wer e i n violatio n o f th e la w an d that th e klaver n foun d thi s t o b e a n intolerabl e situation ; a t on e location th e knight s warne d tha t "sale s o f liquo r t o youn g girl s must cease. " Fou r day s later , anothe r intrusio n too k plac e a t th e Auto Res t Inn , nea r th e intersectio n o f Mai n Stree t an d Transi t Road. Shortl y afte r midnight , fifty costume d Klansme n suddenl y entered th e inn , sendin g severa l femal e customer s int o hysterics . A Klan spokesma n ordere d som e 15 0 patron s t o cal m dow n an d keep their seats ; he the n accuse d th e Auto Rest In n of breaking th e law "ever y da y and night " and o f receiving special protectio n fro m the authorities . I f th e establishmen t di d no t chang e it s ways , h e admonished, th e Kla n woul d clos e it down. Having delivered thei r message, th e white-robe d vigilante s departed . I n a subsequen t interview, th e proprieto r o f th e inn , Mrs . Minni e "Je w Minnie " Clark DiCarlo , observe d tha t th e knight s ha d "acte d lik e gentle men an d moleste d n o patron i n th e place." 19 The Invisibl e Empire' s ope n involvemen t i n prohibitio n en forcement naturall y angere d loca l authorities . Erie County Sherif f Frank Tyle r announce d tha t "[If ] th e K u Klu x Kla n attempt s t o take th e la w int o it s ow n hands , o r resort s t o an y lynchin g meth ods, ther e wil l b e trouble. " Th e sherif f subsequentl y conferre d with Mayo r Schwa b an d Polic e Chie f Charle s F . Zimmerma n about takin g actio n agains t th e hooded order , Schwa b notin g tha t the Kla n visitations migh t easil y "lea d t o bloodshed." "Someone i s going t o ge t excite d abou t thi s nonsens e an d tak e a sho t a t thes e fellows," h e explained . "The n it' s goin g t o be serious." 20 The klav ern remaine d defiant , however . I n a lette r sen t t o th e mayo r o n

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March 1 7 (apparentl y th e group' s first officia l messag e i n nearl y two years) , th e Kla n proteste d tha t "Klansme n hav e conducte d themselves lik e gentlemen an d hav e don e n o mor e tha n la w abid ing citizens woul d wan t t o do to secure justice i n th e rottenness of your regime. " "Mak e n o mistak e abou t ou r power, " th e missiv e warned: "Ther e might hav e been a time when you could have don e things wit h impunity , bu t no t now. " After th e klaver n sen t copie s of th e lette r t o loca l newspapers , Schwa b openl y scoffe d a t th e KKK's assertions: "I am not going to get into any controversy wit h any damn fool s who call themselve s Klansme n an d ar e looking fo r notoriety. That's all they are looking for—notoriety." Nonetheless , he repeate d hi s longstandin g offe r t o mee t personall y wit h loca l knights. 21 Buffalo Kla n No . 5 fel t tha t th e tim e ha d indee d com e fo r a personal meeting , albei t o n th e Klan' s terms . O n th e evenin g o f March 22 , Mayor Schwa b wa s a n invite d speake r befor e a gather ing o f five hundred west-sid e resident s a t th e Unit y Masoni c Tem ple, i n th e Black Roc k sectio n o f Buffalo. Th e unsuspecting mayo r had jus t begu n a tal k o n roa d constructio n whe n nin e maske d Klansmen i n ful l regali a (som e o f the m reportedl y carryin g spears) marche d int o th e hall . Thei r unidentifie d leade r stoo d before th e mayo r an d reminde d hi m tha t h e ha d aske d t o mee t with Klansmen : "That' s wha t w e ar e doin g now . We'r e callin g your bluff. " Schwab , caugh t of f guard , attempte d t o defen d hi s administration's la w enforcemen t efforts , bu t th e Klansme n re mained unconvinced . "Th e Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Kla n o f thi s city d o not thin k yo u ar e doin g a s muc h a s you could," challenge d the KK K spokesman . "W e hav e alread y sen t i n complaint s an d named place s wher e th e la w i s bein g broken . N o actio n ha s fol lowed. Wha t w e wan t i s t o se e th e notoriou s den s o f vic e i n an d around Buffal o closed. " Afte r a fe w mor e inconclusiv e verba l ex changes, th e knight s departed , leavin g behin d a visibl y shake n mayor. 22 The encounte r i n Blac k Roc k outrage d Schwa b an d mor e tha n any othe r inciden t convince d hi m tha t th e Buffal o klaver n ha d t o be crushed . Th e followin g da y h e calle d fo r a forma l gran d jur y inquiry int o th e episode , pledgin g tha t " I a m goin g throug h wit h the investigatio n i f I hav e t o g o dow n wit h color s flying. Th e

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Klansmen acte d i n a cowardl y way . A cur woul d giv e a n enem y more o f a chance tha n the y did. " Police detectives wer e ordere d t o discover th e identitie s o f th e Klansme n wh o ha d interrupte d th e talk, an d Distric t Attorne y Moor e vowe d t o prosecut e th e knight s on a charg e o f unlawfu l intrusion , whic h carrie d a maximu m penalty o f one year i n prison. 23 Perhaps alarme d b y the possibilit y of lega l action , th e klaver n o n Marc h 2 5 informe d th e pres s b y letter tha t th e west-sid e gatherin g ha d bee n a regula r meetin g o f the loca l KK K chapter , tha t th e thre e hundre d me n an d tw o hundred wome n wh o ha d bee n i n th e audienc e wer e al l Klan affiliated; Klansme n therefor e wer e no t liabl e t o prosecutio n because the y coul d no t possibl y hav e "intruded " o n thei r ow n meeting. Th e lette r additionall y stresse d tha t Mayo r Schwa b wa s overreacting t o an innocen t prank : "Th e Mayor was done no harm . . . . I n futur e year s h e ma y b e abl e t o appreciat e th e whol e affai r as a joke." 24 The Klan' s explanation s onl y hardene d Schwab' s resolv e t o ri d Buffalo o f th e hoode d order . Les s tha n tw o week s later , h e suc ceeded i n securin g th e service s of an informan t withi n th e klaver n who bega n producin g highl y detaile d report s o f KK K activities ; the sp y als o reveale d th e identitie s o f a numbe r o f previousl y unidentified Klansmen , thereb y addin g t o a lis t o f 12 6 know n o r suspected knight s tha t th e Buffal o polic e ha d compile d th e previ ous year . Thi s agent , however , wa s unabl e t o obtain th e klavern' s closely guarded membershi p files—the ke y to shattering th e Invisible Empire' s secrecy . Thus , fo r th e tim e being , th e mayo r ha d t o bide his time. 25 Unaware o f th e threa t t o thei r order , Buffal o Klansme n fo r th e next severa l week s pushe d ahea d wit h thei r mora l refor m pro gram. Letter s affixe d wit h th e officia l Kla n sea l wer e maile d t o city official s an d t o Fran k Perry , manage r o f th e Gaiet y Theater , complaining abou t illega l Sunda y theatrica l performances , an d the Reverend s Penfol d an d Smit h directe d ye t anothe r majo r undercover investigatio n o f vice and liquo r violations. 26 Onc e suf ficient informatio n ha d bee n amassed , Klansma n Smit h secure d warrants fro m th e offic e o f Distric t Attorne y Willia m Donova n and personall y accompanie d officer s o n a serie s o f highl y publi cized raids . O n Marc h 29 , th e crusadin g pasto r an d prohibitio n

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agents descende d o n a "sof t drink " sho p a t 14 5 Hig h Stree t an d uncovered a cach e o f mor e tha n te n thousan d dollar s wort h o f liquor; th e following evening , raids on a variety o f other establish ments resulte d i n th e seizur e o f a n eve n large r amoun t o f illici t booze. Similarl y successfu l raids—prompte d b y officia l com plaints file d b y Smit h an d hi s clos e associat e an d fello w Klans man Davi d D . Mayne, a forme r Eri e Count y sheriff' s deput y an d railroad detective—continue d throug h th e sprin g an d wel l int o the early summer, enhancin g th e impression tha t th e local author ities ha d bee n shamelessl y remis s i n enforcin g prohibition . On e particularly revealin g episod e too k place i n early April , when fou r government agent s accompanie d b y Davi d Mayn e raide d a bowl ing alle y an d discovere d a grou p o f sheriff' s deputie s an d cit y hall employee s consumin g alcoholi c beverages ; als o present wa s a sheepish Sherif f Tyler , wh o hel d a n ope n bottl e o f bee r i n hi s hand. 27 Klansmen cite d th e result s o f th e raid s a s clea r evidenc e tha t conditions i n Buffal o woul d neve r improv e a s lon g a s Mayo r Schwab remaine d i n office . " I publicl y charg e th e Mayo r wit h having winke d a t lawlessness, " announce d L . E . H . Smith . "Sec ond, I charg e tha t h e ha s broke n th e la w himself , and , third , I charge tha t h e advise d other s t o becom e lawless. " Whe n a ne w report o f the Buffalo Counci l o f Churches claimed tha t "condition s of vic e an d lawlessnes s i n Buffal o ar e wors e tha n the y hav e bee n in man y years, " Kla n membe r Charle s Penfol d asserte d tha t th e document confirme d tha t Mayo r Schwa b "alon e i s t o blam e fo r the present deplorabl e stat e o f affairs i n Buffalo." 28 Such sentiment s wer e no t confine d t o the Invisible Empire . The Reverend Rober t J . MacAlpine o f the Central Presbyteria n Churc h avowed tha t "th e disgustin g mora l situatio n i n Buffal o i s du e t o the impeachabl e infidelit y o f the Mayor t o the dutie s fo r whic h h e was elected, " an d th e Reveren d Joh n D . Campbell , pasto r o f th e Covenant Presbyteria n Church , sai d tha t becaus e o f th e Schwa b administration "Buffal o ha s becom e a stenc h i n th e nostril s o f other cities . He r fai r nam e i s besmirched. " Th e ministe r o f th e Glenwood Avenu e Baptis t Church , th e Reveren d Alv a W . Bourne, similarly wante d th e mayo r t o know tha t "th e cultured , law-abid ing, country loving , child lovin g an d Go d lovin g peopl e o f Buffal o

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will n o longe r wad e throug h th e vomi t o f th e underworld. " B y early April , i t wa s th e opinio n o f th e Courier tha t evangelica l leaders had launche d a "concerted campaign " against Schwa b an d his administration. 29 By thi s time , th e embattle d mayo r ha d abandone d an y desir e to placate mora l reformers . " I am convinced/ ' h e announced, "tha t the minister s o f Buffal o ar e no t tryin g t o mak e an y constructiv e campaign o f what the y cal l improvemen t o f conditions o f the city . [Their campaign ] i s base d o n a bitternes s an d hatre d tha t il l becomes thos e wh o profes s t o b e minister s o f God." 30 Owin g t o the secre t report s tha t h e ha d jus t begu n receiving , Schwa b wa s also well awar e tha t th e K u Klu x Kla n wa s intimately involve d i n the curren t surg e o f mora l refor m activity . O n Apri l 12 , he openl y accused th e Reveren d Smit h o f havin g heade d th e delegatio n o f Klansmen wh o interrupte d hi s tal k a t Unit y Masoni c Temple : "Smith wa s th e ma n wh o spok e t o m e behin d th e K u Klu x Kla n mask. I have certai n knowledg e t o that effect , an d I challenge hi m to deny it. " The mayo r wen t o n t o argue tha t "an y grou p o f minis ters whic h endorse s th e activitie s o f a recognize d Klansman , wh o is admittedl y a membe r o f a n intoleran t organization , i s no t de serving o f consideration." 31 Schwab's accusation s mad e littl e impressio n o n hi s critics . "God bles s th e K . o f C . o r th e K.K.K . o r an y othe r organizatio n that wil l cooperat e t o give us a cleaner city, " commented on e non Klan pastor . Indeed , ther e wer e sign s tha t th e Kla n migh t a t las t be achieving a degree of open acceptance amon g loca l Protestants . On Apri l 13 , Woodside Methodis t Churc h invite d Kla n organize r Oscar Haywood t o give a talk on his order's aims ; Haywood prom ised tha t "I f yo u wil l tur n thi s churc h ove r t o th e K u Klu x Klan , we wil l mak e i t th e bigges t churc h i n Buffal o withi n si x months , and th e bigges t i n th e stat e withi n a year." 32 Tha t sam e month , Mrs. Alma Smit h (n o relation t o the Reveren d Smith) , a teacher a t School No . 16 , told he r eighth-grad e clas s tha t "Ou r mayo r ough t to b e th e nex t on e tarre d an d feathere d an d i t woul d b e a goo d thing fo r Buffal o i f th e K.K.K . di d something." 33 Th e Buffal o Council of Churches continue d t o extend ful l suppor t t o the Rever end Smit h (wh o consistently, i f unconvincingly, denie d Kla n affil iation), and eve n Distric t Attorne y Moore , who despised th e KKK ,

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felt obligate d t o cooperat e wit h Smit h an d hi s undercove r opera tives. 34 Thus , b y th e earl y summe r o f 1924 , largel y a s a resul t o f its succes s i n focusin g th e Protestan t community' s attentio n o n the shortcoming s o f Mayo r Fran k Schwab , th e Kla n appeare d t o be easing itself int o a role as a legitimate forc e i n loca l affairs . Although th e Buffal o Klan' s increasin g involvemen t i n mora l re form provide s som e indicatio n o f th e goals , values , an d motiva tions tha t guide d a t leas t par t o f the klavern's membership , man y basic question s abou t th e hoode d orde r obviousl y remain : Wha t did Buffal o knight s sa y an d d o a t thei r secre t meetings ? Wher e did th e Kla n meet ? Wh o wer e th e leader s o f th e Klan ? I n sum , how di d th e Kla n functio n a s a n organization ? I n th e cas e o f th e Buffalo klavern , a remarkabl e collectio n o f documents—detaile d reports o f Kla n activitie s produce d b y tw o informant s operatin g from Apri l t o Augus t 1924—permit s suc h querie s t o b e answere d with unusua l specificity . Th e bul k o f thes e report s wer e prepare d by a n unidentifie d individua l wh o ha d joine d th e hoode d orde r sometime durin g th e first hal f o f 1923 ; the reason s fo r hi s becom ing an informe r fo r Mayo r Schwa b ar e unclear, although h e seem s to hav e bee n ver y displease d wit h th e qualit y o f th e Klan' s loca l leadership. 35 Th e othe r sourc e wa s Edwar d C . Obertean, wh o wa s appointed a s a "special patrolman" by the mayor an d assigne d th e task of infiltrating th e klavern; he entered th e Invisible Empir e o n June 16 , 1924. 36 The reports o f both me n appea r t o be straightfor ward an d balanced , althoug h i t i s evident tha t thei r primar y tas k was t o relay informatio n tha t coul d b e used t o discredit th e KKK . Despite th e Buffal o Klan' s claim s tha t i t wa s no t a racis t o r religiously intoleran t organization , th e informers ' report s revea l that bigotr y pervade d th e klavern . Meeting s o f th e hoode d orde r often feature d speaker s wh o employe d crud e negativ e stereotype s of Jews, African Americans , an d Catholics . At one meetin g lat e i n June 1924 , a visitin g lecture r avowe d tha t "Th e Jew' s Go d i s th e almighty dolla r an d hi s cree d i s commercialis m an d greed" ; h e also noted tha t Klansme n "wante d nothin g t o do" with black s an d hoped t o introduc e a bil l i n th e stat e legislatur e "prohibitin g th e marriage o f a Negr o an d a whit e person." 37 Th e grea t bul k o f th e KKK's spite , however , wa s reserve d fo r Roma n Catholics , wh o

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were routinel y referre d t o a s "fish/ ' "crossbacks, " and , whethe r they wer e Iris h o r not , "micks, " "harps/ ' an d "flanne l mouths." 38 The pope was describe d a t on e meeting a s a "big bellied, poisone d toad," an d storie s circulate d tha t th e Catholic s controlle d th e press, had poisone d Presiden t Warre n G . Harding, an d wer e plot ting, i n associatio n wit h th e Jews , t o instal l Governo r Alfre d E . Smith i n th e White House. Some Klansme n believe d tha t Catholi c agents i n th e Unite d State s Treasur y Departmen t ha d succeede d in putting hidde n religiou s symbol s o n a certain typ e of one dolla r bill i n preparatio n fo r th e arriva l o f th e pop e i n America . On e informant observe d Klansme n Raymon d Gos s and Harr y A. Kiefe r tearing bill s in half an d aske d wha t the y wer e doing : Kiefer sai d tha t particula r serie s of one dollar bills have the Pope's picture, a cross, the wor d "Leo " and a rosary. He showed m e what was suppose d t o represen t eac h o f these . He sai d howeve r i t wa s only necessary t o tear off th e corner of the bill which contained th e Pope's picture . . . . Goss informed m e he had tor n u p abou t 10 0 of these bill s i n th e las t tw o weeks . Kiefe r an d Gos s . . . seemed o f the opinio n tha t clansme n [sic] can finall y eliminat e th e bill fro m circulation by tearing every one [they] get hold of and thus making it necessary t o replace the m b y some other issue . Kiefer said , "The bunch tha t designe d th e bil l ar e th e one s Hardin g canned . That' s the reason the Catholics poisoned him." 39 Many knight s viewe d themselve s a s participant s i n a life-or death struggl e t o kee p th e force s o f Roma n Catholicis m a t bay . Klansman Loui s H . Conshafte r sai d tha t "someon e i n th e organi zation [KKK ] shoul d bom b th e nex t presiden t o f th e U.S . i f h e appointed an y Catholic s t o office," an d anothe r member , Alber t C . Acker, expressed a desir e t o "shoo t som e o f these d——m K. of C." At a meetin g i n May , member s wer e formall y advise d tha t th e Klan ha d decree d tha t "n o so n o f Rom e woul d eve r si t i n th e president's chair." 40 Ye t th e klaver n wa s no t totall y inflexibl e i n regard t o religion. The knights regularl y praise d Distric t Attorne y William J . Donovan , who , despit e hi s Catholicism , wa s "th e onl y official i n th e Count y wh o wil l giv e u s a squar e deal." 41 Ther e i s also n o evidenc e tha t th e Kla n concerne d itsel f i n a specifi c wa y with Buffalo' s larg e population s o f Italia n an d Polis h Catholics ; the KKK' s sectaria n animosit y focuse d upo n th e predominantl y

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Irish Knight s o f Columbu s an d Mayo r Schwab , wh o wer e politi cal, as well a s religious, enemies. The klaver n spen t mor e tim e discussin g politic s tha n religion , although th e tw o topic s wer e ofte n intertwined . Accordin g t o th e mayor's informants , mos t member s belonge d t o th e Republica n party bu t fel t tha t loca l part y leader s wer e hopelessl y corrupt . "Before w e can clea n u p th e Republica n part y i n Eri e County," th e Reverend L . E. H. Smith explaine d a t one Kla n meeting , "we mus t clean u p th e Republica n organization. " On e prominen t count y official th e Kla n particularl y dislike d wa s Sherif f Fran k Tyler , who ha d don e littl e t o strengthe n prohibitio n enforcement . Th e news tha t federa l officer s ha d caugh t Tyle r drinkin g bee r (durin g the Klan-sponsore d rai d i n Apri l 1924 ) produce d jubilatio n i n KKK headquarters . "That' s great, " exulte d Gran d Kleagl e Georg e C. Bryant. "Thi s wil l mak e grea t readin g i n th e newspapers. " An other Kla n office r observed , "W e hav e bee n layin g fo r th e Sherif f for som e time." 42 Not surprisingly , th e Klan als o spent considerabl e tim e plottin g against Mayo r Schwa b (dubbe d "Fran k Xzem a Slob " by one klav ern wit) . Throughou t earl y 1924 , th e KK K sough t concret e evi dence linkin g th e mayo r wit h illega l liquo r interest s an d hope d i n the nea r futur e t o file charges . A t a genera l meetin g o f th e secre t order, th e Reveren d Smith , th e group's chief investigator , claime d to be on th e verge of success: Mr. Chairman an d Brothers : You have been callin g fo r actio n an d we hav e decide d t o giv e yo u action . W e hav e discovere d a larg e bootlegging rin g i n Buffal o whic h seem s t o b e guide d b y som e master mind. We have reason to believe that party is the Honorable Mayor. We have the assurance from th e District Attorney [Willia m Donovan] that i f we can connect him [Schwab ] up with it [then he will be ] brough t u p o n a federa l charge . We also happen t o know the Mayo r an d othe r cit y official s frequen t place s wher e booz e i s sold an d w e are goin g to make a n effor t t o raid on e of these whil e he is paying a visit. 43 The mayor , however , perhap s becaus e h e wa s wel l awar e o f th e Klan's intentions , avoide d bein g caugh t i n a compromisin g situa tion, promptin g on e Klansma n t o comment , "Boys , th e onl y wa y

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for u s t o ge t Schwa b ou t o f ther e i s fo r abou t five me n t o g o ou t and ge t hi m an d tak e hi m ou t an d neve r brin g hi m back/ ' Othe r knights nevertheles s fel t tha t th e secre t orde r ha d succeede d i n permanently cripplin g th e mayor' s politica l career . On e membe r believed tha t Schwa b woul d certainl y g o dow n t o defea t a t th e next election , eve n i f "w e ar e no t abl e t o ge t hi m ou t o f ther e before then. " "No , no , h e won' t eve r ru n again, " opine d another . "He knows h e hasn't a chance." 44 Their confidenc e abou t th e eventua l remova l o f th e mayo r not withstanding, Buffal o Klansme n possesse d fe w illusion s abou t their politica l strength . I n contras t t o man y Kla n chapter s else where, th e klaver n consistentl y decline d t o field a slat e o f munici pal candidates , optin g instea d t o determin e whic h non-Kla n can didates wer e "right, " the n castin g th e Klan' s vote s as a bloc . Prio r to th e cit y election s i n th e fal l o f 1923 , a committe e heade d b y Klansman Willia m J . Casper ( a clerk a t th e Nationa l Anilin e Com pany) selecte d th e thre e "bes t qualified " candidate s fo r th e cit y commission; on e of their choices was th e eventual winne r Willia m F. Schwartz, whom th e klavern, ironically , late r denounce d a s on e of th e "bigges t bootlegger s i n Buffalo. " Wit h a mayora l electio n scheduled fo r 1925 , th e Kla n hope d tha t a satisfactor y refor m candidate woul d emerge , but recognized , as one knight noted , tha t "it wil l tak e mor e tha n th e Cla n [sic] vot e t o elec t him." 45 Fo r th e present, an d probabl y fo r th e future , th e KK K ha d littl e choic e other tha n t o accep t a rol e a s a minorit y interes t grou p wit h limited acces s to governmental power . Despite it s lac k o f electora l prospects , th e Kla n aspire d t o be a significant facto r i n communit y affairs . On e informan t observe d that th e secre t order' s leader s carefull y scrutinize d pres s report s of Kla n activities , studyin g "th e newspaper s hungril y t o se e i f anything i s publishe d tha t wil l reac t t o thei r advantage—a t th e same tim e tellin g thei r follower s th e newspaper s ar e Catholi c controlled an d fighting th e cla n [sic]." Th e Kla n distruste d mos t of th e loca l pres s bu t fel t tha t th e Commercial an d th e News wer e relatively balance d i n thei r reporting ; o n on e occasio n Georg e Bryant angril y denounce d th e Express becaus e "ever y time anyon e burns a cross around her e [tha t paper ] alway s says, 'Boys did it. ' "

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The KK K wa s delighte d tha t th e undercove r investigation s o f th e Reverend Smit h an d Davi d Mayn e ha d garnere d s o muc h favor able publicity , an d hope d tha t thi s woul d improv e th e group' s poor publi c image . In orde r tha t Buffalonian s migh t mor e readil y associate th e Invisibl e Empir e wit h th e purit y crusade , th e klav ern issue d a n officia l statemen t praisin g Smit h an d Mayne , offer ing "to assist the m financially an d t o give them al l the informatio n in ou r possessio n relativ e t o th e rotte n condition s i n th e cit y an d county." 46 During th e sprin g an d summe r o f 1924 , KK K headquarter s were regularl y abuz z wit h excitemen t ove r th e Klan-sponsore d raids o f bootleggin g establishments . Smit h an d Mayn e frequentl y rushed int o th e klaver n office s fo r importan t conference s wit h Klan officers , the n dashe d awa y o n urgen t business . On e knigh t admiringly note d tha t Mayn e wa s a "fighter." "H e sure is, " agreed another Klansman , "an d h e wil l kee p o n unti l h e get s tha t ma n Tyler ou t o f office." Mayn e an d Smit h personall y conducte d mos t of th e Klan' s undercove r work , obtainin g sample s o f illega l alco holic beverage s wit h a smal l rubbe r syring e i n orde r t o secur e federal warrants . Suc h wor k wa s perhap s no t totall y unpleasant : late i n Jun e a n informe r spotte d th e ministe r an d hi s assistan t sitting wit h tw o attractiv e youn g wome n i n th e bac k o f a tender loin distric t cafe , evidentl y i n preparatio n fo r havin g th e plac e "pinched." Th e tw o investigator s update d fello w Klansme n o n their activitie s a t genera l meeting s o f th e order , Smit h a t on e point emphasizin g "th e grea t persona l sacrific e h e wa s makin g t o carry o n thi s work." 47 In additio n t o a sens e o f participatio n i n th e campaig n t o im prove la w enforcement , th e klaver n offere d it s member s th e stan dard feature s o f fraterna l life . Genera l meeting s too k plac e ap proximately ever y tw o weeks, usually a t Mizpa h Hal l o n Buffalo' s west side . Klan rituals , th e inductio n o f recruits, an d speeche s b y visiting lecturer s an d klaver n official s dominate d thes e gather ings; occasionally a n outdoo r ceremonia l woul d b e held. "Nothin g of importanc e i s discusse d [a t thes e meetings], " note d a n infor mant, "o n accoun t o f i t bein g considere d to o open. " Indeed , se crecy so permeate d th e Buffal o Kla n tha t mos t rank-and-fil e

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knights knew th e identities of only a small percentage o f the mem bership, a situatio n tha t enhance d securit y an d diminishe d th e possibility o f a n interna l challeng e t o th e klavern' s leadership . Klan headquarter s notifie d knight s o f forthcomin g function s b y mail, bu t ther e wa s growin g fea r tha t th e group' s mailin g lis t might fal l int o th e wron g hands. In order t o prevent this , the Kla n devised a "bloc k system, " th e "ide a bein g t o hav e eac h ma n o n record a t th e offic e b y a number , s o i t woul d no t b e necessar y t o carry thei r name s o n th e recor d card s a t th e office . The n whe n a meeting i s called on e ma n i n eac h war d woul d b e notifie d an d h e would notif y a ma n i n eac h distric t an d s o o n dow n t o eac h individual." The klavern planne d t o have thi s new mod e of mobilization i n plac e b y Novembe r 1924 , i n tim e fo r th e genera l elec tions. 48 Klan headquarter s wer e locate d i n a suit e of offices a t th e Calu met Buildin g i n downtow n Buffalo ; th e sit e ha d bee n rente d b y the Kay-Be e Adsig n Company , whic h serve d a s a KK K front . Nu merous Klansme n passe d i n an d ou t o f headquarters, exchangin g news, gossiping, and makin g sale s contacts, but th e organization' s serious busines s wa s conducte d b y a handful o f klavern officer s i n closed session. During the period 1921-1924 , four me n had heade d the secre t orde r a s Gran d Kleagle : a ma n identifie d onl y a s Batty ; Kenneth Scott , a professiona l Kla n organizer ; Stewar t Queer , a former ministe r wh o wa s employe d a t differen t time s b y th e Wes tinghouse Electri c an d America n Bras s companies ; an d Georg e C . Bryant, a forme r manage r o f th e Penti x Petroleu m Corporatio n who als o hel d th e positio n o f Gran d Tita n o f th e Provinc e o f Western Ne w York . Non e o f thes e individual s ha d prove n t o b e a particularly talente d o r inspirationa l leader ; i n fact , tw o o f the m had nearl y wrecke d th e Klan . Batty , wh o probabl y ha d bee n a n outside organize r dispatche d b y Atlanta , embezzle d th e klavern' s entire treasur y an d ha d departe d b y 1922 . His successor, Kennet h Scott, possesse d " a goo d personalit y an d [was ] wel l like d b y th e men fo r awhile, " bu t h e wa s remove d fro m offic e afte r becomin g too familia r wit h marrie d member s o f th e Klan' s women' s auxil iary. Stewar t Quee r had probabl y bee n th e Klan' s bes t leader , ye t he resigne d whe n th e klaver n decline d t o pay hi m a salar y o f fifty

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dollars pe r week ; h e late r commente d tha t th e Kla n "ha d no t given him th e right dea l an d h e was sick of it." 49 By earl y 1924 , Georg e Bryant , unde r order s fro m th e KK K hierarchy t o straighte n ou t th e situatio n i n Buffalo , ha d assume d control o f the klavern. Bryant infuse d th e grou p with a new enthu siasm, bu t ther e wa s growin g dissatisfactio n wit h hi s leadership . The failur e o f Kla n officer s t o rende r a ful l accountin g o f th e organization's finances angere d man y members . A t a meetin g i n February, Klansma n an d Stat e Assemblyma n Henr y W . Hut t re quested tha t Bryan t prepar e monthl y report s o f klavern expendi tures, an d man y knight s subsequentl y refuse d t o pa y due s unti l they learne d wher e thei r mone y wa s going . Bryant's appointmen t of his father-in-law , Willia m B . Royal, and brother-in-law , Walte r B. Hawke, a s financial secretarie s helpe d fue l suspicions . One dissident Klansman , Mil o F . Jarden , declare d hi s intentio n t o "fin d out whethe r thi s i s a famil y affair , a money-makin g schem e o r what"; anothe r unhapp y membe r speculate d tha t ther e wer e " a couple o f 'blac k legs' " a t th e hea d o f th e loca l Klan. 50 B y th e summer o f 1924 , i t di d no t appea r tha t Bryan t woul d prov e an y more successfu l tha n hi s predecessors . The report s prepare d b y Mayo r Schwab' s informant s depic t a n organization tha t possesse d fe w redeemin g features . O n th e othe r hand, the y d o not revea l a warpe d collectio n o f antisocial fanatic s and terrorists . Th e KKK' s schemin g agains t th e mayo r an d othe r officials ha d it s repugnan t aspect s bu t probabl y wa s quit e simila r to th e plan s tha t wer e bein g formulate d i n th e anti-Kla n camp . The religiou s an d racia l bigotr y embrace d b y th e Invisibl e Em pire, whil e repellen t b y today' s standards , hardl y distinguishe d the Kla n i n th e 1920s ; simila r sentiments , almos t surely , wer e a t that tim e routinel y expresse d i n lodg e halls , private clubs , execu tive boar d rooms , an d aroun d Protestan t famil y dinne r tables . Also, despite it s ange r a t loca l officials , th e Kla n neve r seeme d t o consider an y typ e o f drasti c extralega l actio n (beyon d refusin g t o comply wit h th e provision s o f the Walke r Law) . The hooded orde r followed standar d lega l procedur e i n securin g warrant s agains t illegal establishments , neve r engage d i n violenc e agains t loca l African American s an d immigrants , an d hope d t o establis h itsel f

Fraternity, Moral Reform, and Hate 8

3

as a legitimat e forc e withi n th e existin g powe r structure . To char acterize th e KKK , therefore , a s a hopelessl y aberran t an d lawles s fringe grou p woul d b e manifestl y inaccurate . Indeed , th e mos t frightening aspec t o f the Invisible Empir e wa s it s ability t o attrac t ordinary, law-abidin g citizens .

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While th e report s o f undercover investigator s enhanc e ou r under standing o f th e Buffal o Klan , thes e source s focu s o n th e activitie s of klaver n official s an d onl y vaguel y describ e th e chapter' s ran k and file. Exactl y wh o compose d th e mai n bod y o f th e Klan , thes e masked me n wh o gathere d aroun d fiery crosse s a t night ? Ofte n Klan studie s ar e hampere d b y a deart h o f reliabl e membershi p data, bu t a detaile d evaluatio n o f th e Buffal o klaver n i s mad e possible b y th e existenc e o f a rar e document : a list , culle d fro m the Klan' s officia l files, o f th e chapter' s activ e membershi p a s o f early Jul y 1924 . Wit h th e exceptio n o f mino r clerica l error s an d misspellings, th e roste r appear s t o b e bot h accurat e an d compre hensive, providin g th e name s o f 1,91 0 individuals . O f thes e 1,74 7 resided withi n th e city limits , thirty-three live d in the neighborin g village o f Kenmor e (whic h neve r ha d a klaver n o f it s own) , an d ninety-nine cam e fro m a variet y o f othe r communities ; th e ad dresses o f thirty-on e Klansme n remai n unknown . I n additio n t o names an d addresses , th e documen t provide s th e age s o f 93. 8 percent o f th e membership , th e occupation s o f 96. 4 percent , an d the employers of 94.1 percent. In sum, the roster and its associate d data constitut e on e o f th e mos t comprehensiv e an d detaile d 85

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sources o f informatio n concernin g th e Invisibl e Empir e i n a larg e urban are a ye t discovered. 1 When considerin g th e majo r theme s tha t hav e bee n addresse d in Kla n historiography , th e mos t importan t informatio n i n th e membership lis t i s probably tha t concernin g occupation . Contem porary opponent s o f th e hoode d orde r routinel y argue d tha t th e KKK coul d hol d littl e appea l fo r intelligent , rational, and respect able citizens ; a Buffalo newspape r editor , fo r example , asserte d i n 1923 tha t th e Kla n attracte d "th e chinles s an d thos e o f th e slant ing brow " an d consiste d o f "moron s attire d i n shee t an d pillo w case." 2 Althoug h mos t scholarl y evaluation s hav e no t bee n thi s extreme i n thei r depiction , man y hav e emphasize d th e allege d ignorance, unsophistication , an d socioeconomi c marginalit y o f Klansmen—even i n the absence of supporting data . Because occu pation ofte n serve s a s th e nexu s o f importan t socia l an d psycho logical variables—intelligence , famil y life , education , ethnicity , class standing , an d personality—i t provide s a valuabl e mean s o f assessing th e genera l type s o f me n recruite d b y th e KK K i n Buffalo. Individuals fro m a wid e variet y o f occupations joine d th e loca l klavern: doctors , lawyers , engineers , accountants , ban k tellers , mail carriers , jewelers , machinists , janitors , an d commo n labor ers. Klansmen include d blue-colla r worker s who earned thei r live lihood b y makin g steel , operatin g cranes , navigatin g tugboats , and repairin g railroa d cars , and me n wh o pursue d gentle r trades : photographers, florists, interio r decorators , commercia l artists , secretaries, and a nurse. Beneath th e white robe s an d hood s coul d also b e foun d fireme n an d policemen , architect s an d surveyors , clergymen an d clerks , butchers , bakers , and , a t th e America n Brass Company , candlestic k makers . Altogether , th e Kla n wa s drawn fro m 12 9 major type s of occupations . In orde r t o determine th e occupationa l distributio n o f the loca l klavern, th e 1,70 7 knight s residin g i n Buffal o fo r who m occupa tion i s know n (89. 3 percen t o f th e entir e chapter , 97. 7 o f thos e living insid e th e city ) hav e bee n organize d int o th e si x occupa tional status categories utilized by Robert A . Goldberg i n his stud y of th e KK K i n Colorado. 3 Table 1 presents th e percentag e o f klav ern member s i n eac h category , alon g wit h percentage s fo r Buf -

The Knights of the Queen City 8 7 Table 1 Occupational Distributio n (b y Percent ) o f Buffal o Klansmen , 1921-1924, Compare d wit h th e Occupationa l Distributio n of Buffalo ' s Mal e an d Native-Whit e Mal e Workin g Populations i n 192 0 Occupational Status Group High nonmanua l Middle nonmanua l Low nonmanua l Skilled Semiskilled an d servic e Unskilled

KKK Residing in Buffalo 6.1 18.5 27.7 30.6 16.4 .5

Male Working Population 3.6 10.3 17.6 24.9 28.9 14.5

Native-White Male Working Population 4.7 10.4 22.6 25.3 30.2 6.5

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

falo's 192 0 mal e an d native-whit e mal e workin g populations . A s can b e seen , judged b y thei r occupation s th e city' s knight s wer e a remarkably high-statu s group , wit h significantl y highe r percent ages o f member s i n th e hig h an d middl e nonmanua l categories , and lowe r percentage s i n th e semiskilled/servic e an d unskille d classifications, tha n th e othe r tw o group s o f workin g males . T o a certain extent , this contrast coul d have been anticipated: th e KK K confined it s membershi p t o native-born whit e Protestants— a dis tinctly advantage d grou p socioeconomically—an d th e workin g populations wit h whic h Klansme n ar e compare d include d larg e numbers o f first- an d second-generatio n ethnics . Nonetheless , th e Klan's overal l occupationa l prestigiousnes s remain s impressive , particularly whe n on e consider s tha t thes e wer e th e occupation s listed o n applicatio n form s fro m th e perio d 1921-1924 ; i t ma y well be that som e Klansme n o n the list rose in occupational statu s during thi s period . I n addition , th e lis t present s informatio n onl y on member s wh o ha d no t cease d affiliatio n b y mid-1924 . I t i s likely tha t prio r t o the implementatio n o f the Walke r La w in 192 3 and th e intensifie d activis m o f loca l Kla n opponents , th e klaver n had containe d a n eve n higher percentag e o f high-status members , who resigned becaus e of increased lega l liability .

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It migh t b e argue d tha t t o compar e th e Klan' s occupationa l distribution wit h tha t o f workin g population s containin g a larg e percentage o f member s o f recen t immigran t stoc k produce s a n exaggerated sens e o f th e Klan' s occupationa l prestigiousness . Prestige an d status , after all , are largel y relative . Perhaps a bette r group wit h whic h t o compar e Klansme n woul d b e native-whit e male worker s o f nativ e parentage , a grou p tha t enjoye d generall y higher occupationa l statu s tha n th e native-whit e mal e workin g population a t large . Not onl y doe s th e native-white-of-native-par entage categor y exclud e man y native-whit e Catholi c worker s o f Polish, Italian, Irish , and Germa n origin , but i t was also the grou p from whic h a majorit y o f Klansme n wer e probabl y drawn . I n other words , th e native-white-of-native-parentag e mal e workin g population i s probably a s clos e t o a socioeconomi c (an d t o a lim ited extent, ethnic an d religious ) peer group as federal censu s dat a enable u s t o construc t fo r th e Buffal o Klan . I t shoul d b e recog nized, however , tha t th e native-white-of-native-parentag e popula tion include d man y non-Protestants—mos t o f Iris h an d Germa n ancestry—who wer e no t eligibl e fo r Kla n membership . I n addi tion, a s wil l b e discusse d later , a larg e contingen t o f th e klaver n was compose d o f Protestant s o f Germa n ancestry , wh o ma y wel l have ha d a t leas t on e foreign-bor n parent , particularl y i n suc h a city a s Buffalo , whic h ha d a sizabl e Germa n foreign-bor n popula tion; moreover , a significant percentag e o f non-German Klansme n may hav e ha d a t leas t on e foreign-bor n paren t (thos e o f Englis h and Canadia n descent , for example) . Thus th e Klan' s membershi p and th e native-white-of-native-parentag e mal e workin g popula tion ma y have been mutuall y exclusiv e t o a significan t degree . A compariso n o f th e tw o group s nevertheles s give s a cleare r sense o f th e Invisibl e Empire' s occupationa l statu s locally . A s i s indicated i n tabl e 2 , eve n compare d wit h Buffalo' s native-whit e males o f nativ e parentage—th e mos t occupationall y prestigiou s group detecte d i n th e 192 0 federal census—Klansme n a s a grou p clearly enjoye d highe r occupationa l status . Th e distinctl y privi leged position occupied b y both of these groups is, in turn, demon strated b y compariso n wit h th e occupationa l distributio n o f Buf falo's foreign-bor n whit e mal e workers , wh o constitute d nearl y 35 percen t o f th e tota l mal e wor k force . I n term s o f occupation ,

The Knights of the Queen City 8 9 Table 2 Occupational Distributio n (b y Percent ) o f Buffalo Klansmen , 1921-1924, Compared wit h th e Occupationa l Distributio n o f Buffalo' s Native-White-of-Native-Parentage Mal e an d Foreign Born Mal e Workin g Population s i n 192 0 Occupational KKK Status Group in High nonmanual 6. Middle nonmanual 18. Low nonmanual 27. Skilled 30. Semiskilled and service 16. Unskilled .

Native-White- Foreign-Born Residing of-Native-Parentage White Male Buffalo Male Workers Workers 1 5. 9 1. 9 5 11. 5 9. 9 7 25. 4 8. 9 6 24. 0 24. 1 4 28. 4 26. 3 5 4. 5 28. 6

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Burea u o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, J920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

therefore, th e Buffal o Kla n ca n bes t b e viewe d a s a generall y prestigious grou p withi n a native-whit e mal e populatio n tha t it self enjoyed relativ e prestig e an d advantages . In addition t o indicating th e general economi c and socia l statu s of Buffal o Klansmen , occupationa l dat a revea l th e type s o f em ployment i n whic h knight s wer e eithe r over - or underrepresente d compared wit h th e native-whit e mal e workin g populatio n a t large. Perhap s occupation , whic h bot h profoundl y influence s an d reflects socia l an d persona l behavior , ca n provid e clue s a s t o wh y certain Buffalonian s di d o r di d no t joi n th e Invisibl e Empire . A convenien t wa y t o begi n suc h analysi s i s b y lookin g a t Kla n employment pattern s withi n eac h o f th e occupationa l statu s cate gories utilized above .

High Nonmanual If the Buffalo klaver n member s residin g insid e the city had consti tuted a perfec t cros s sectio n o f th e 192 0 native-white mal e work ing population, the n 1.6 1 percen t o f th e native-whit e me n i n eac h occupation woul d hav e belonged t o the KKK. Some obvious prob -

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lems wit h thi s calculation , o f course , ar e tha t Kla n occupationa l data com e from a later period (1921-24) , some Klansmen ma y no t even hav e live d i n Buffal o i n 192 0 or been employe d a t tha t time , and th e occupationa l profil e o f th e cit y ma y hav e bee n altere d between 192 0 and 192 4 by certai n form s o f economic growt h and / or declin e (th e expansio n o f th e loca l automobil e an d chemica l industries, for example) . Nonetheless, the 1.6 1 percen t benchmar k is probabl y a fairl y reliable , i f inexact , mean s o f evaluatin g pat terns o f Kla n employment—a t leas t fo r th e purpos e o f determin ing th e occupation s i n which Klansme n wer e over- or underrepre sented. In table 3 , the percentage o f Klansmen (amon g th e city's native white males ) i n eigh t o f th e sixtee n hig h nonmanua l occupation s held by KK K member s has been calculated. Two professions, cler Table 3 Representation o f Buffalo Klansme n i n Hig h Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4

Occupation Architect Chemist Chiropractor Clergyman Dentist Editor Engineer Lawyer Optometrist Pharmacist Physician Publisher School Principa l Teacher Veterinarian

Number of Klansmen 1 3 4 11 4 1 41 5 5 13 9 1 2 3 2

Number of Native-White Males, 1920 149 392 NA 283 287 NA 926 689 NA NA 622 NA NA 622 NA

Percent Klansmen .67 .76 NA 3.88 1.39 NA 4.42 .72 NA NA 1.44 NA NA .48 NA

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

The Knights of the Queen City 9 1 gyman an d engineer , wer e significantl y overrepresente d i n th e klavern. Th e specia l appea l th e KK K hel d fo r certai n me n o f th e cloth—its advocac y o f mora l reform , stric t prohibitio n enforce ment, an d militan t Protestantism—ca n b e easil y understood . In deed, i t shoul d b e recognize d tha t man y o f th e native-whit e cler gymen tabulate d b y th e 192 0 censu s wer e non-Protestant , thu s making th e KKK' s recruitin g amon g clergyme n eligibl e fo r mem bership al l th e more impressive . The possibl e explanatio n fo r th e overrepresentatio n o f engi neers i s not a s readil y apparent . Fou r type s o f engineering profes sionals coul d b e foun d i n th e loca l Klan : thirtee n chemica l engi neers, seventee n mechanica l engineers , seven electrica l engineers , and fou r civi l engineers . Thes e me n wer e generall y olde r tha n their fello w knights , wit h a n averag e ag e o f a littl e mor e tha n thirty-seven years ; mos t o f the m worke d fo r larg e industria l an d manufacturing concerns , more tha n a fourth fo r th e Nationa l Ani line and Chemica l Company . O f those listed i n th e 192 4 city direc tory, 86. 6 percen t heade d households ; a majorit y reside d i n mid dle-class neighborhood s i n Buffalo' s norther n wards . Althoug h these men' s specifi c occupationa l activitie s remai n unknown , i t can b e reasonabl y surmise d tha t the y spen t muc h o f thei r wor k day calculating , measuring , planning , an d testing , a s wel l a s su pervising an d coordinatin g th e activitie s o f others. No doubt the y had acquire d habit s base d upo n a sens e o f orderlines s an d preci sion. Perhap s a desir e fo r a bette r ordered , formall y boun d com munity—a desir e sustaine d bot h b y thei r occupationa l experi ences an d th e cultura l value s o f native-white Protestantism—ha d led the m int o th e Invisibl e Empire , an organizatio n committe d t o the reorderin g o f societ y i n accordanc e wit h traditiona l Protes tant standards . Three hig h nonmanua l profession s wer e notabl y underrepre sented i n th e Klan : chemists , lawyers , an d teachers , al l occupa tions i n whic h native-white s predominated . Th e explanatio n fo r the smal l numbe r o f chemist s i s no t known , bu t surel y lawyer s and teacher s ha d steere d clea r o f th e Kla n fo r lega l an d job security reasons . Klan-affiliated attorney s riske d disbarmen t afte r the enactmen t o f th e Walke r Law , an d man y teachers , especiall y

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those i n th e publi c schools , wer e vulnerabl e t o remova l b y anti Klan elements . Lega l vulnerabilit y coul d likewis e explai n th e dearth o f high governmen t official s i n the order .

Middle Nonmanual The manner i n which the 192 0 federal censu s grouped occupation s hinders a n evaluatio n o f this statu s category , but tw o occupation s —accountant/auditor an d manager/superintendent—showe d notable overrepresentatio n (se e tabl e 4) . A s wa s th e cas e wit h engineers, thes e me n earne d thei r livin g b y measuring , calculat ing, coordinating , an d supervising , bu t the y wer e somewha t younger (a n averag e ag e o f 29. 3 year s fo r th e accountant/audito r group, 36. 1 fo r th e manager/superintendents ) an d les s concen trated i n Buffalo' s north-sid e wards . A wide variet y o f busines s concerns employe d Klan-affiliate d manager/superintendents , ranging fro m larg e industria l concern s t o smal l retai l establish ments. Table 4 Representation o f Buffal o Klansme n i n Middl e Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4

Occupation Accountant/Auditor Businessman, smal l Buyer/Department Hea d Draftsman Farmer Government Official , middl e Inspector Manager/Superintendent Nurse Student Surveyor

Number of Klansmen 19 163 16 7 1 2 22 82 1 2 1

Number of Native-White Males, 1920 757 NA NA 516 NA NA NA 2,118 NA NA NA

Percent Klansmen 2.50 NA NA 1.35 NA NA NA 3.87 NA NA NA

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

The Knights of the Queen City 9 3 Small businessmen , fo r who m censu s dat a ar e unavailable , composed th e larges t singl e grou p o f middl e nonmanua l Klans men. One of the KKK' s stronges t sellin g points wa s it s practice o f "klannishness," whic h obligate d Klansme n t o direc t a s muc h o f their trad e a s possible towar d fello w knights . For th e smal l whit e Protestant entrepreneur , ofte n bese t b y economic uncertainty an d perhaps enviou s o f th e perceive d ethni c solidarit y tha t assiste d "un-American" businesses , suc h a n appea l coul d prov e enticing . Census dat a she d littl e ligh t o n wha t typ e o f smal l businessme n were most receptiv e t o the Klan , but i t appears tha t i n at leas t on e occupation—restaurant owner—th e Kla n wa s overrepresente d (3.17 percent ) amon g th e native-whit e mal e wor k force . Nearl y half (48. 5 percent ) o f th e restaurants , cafes , an d lunc h room s i n Buffalo i n 192 0 wer e owne d b y foreign-bor n residents , an d per haps thi s ha d enhance d th e Invisibl e Empire' s appea l amon g res taurant owners ; th e intertwinin g o f nativisti c an d economi c con cerns ma y hav e als o influence d th e Klan' s sizabl e contingen t o f independent grocers . One mean s o f ascertainin g whic h type s o f smal l businessme n may hav e bee n particularl y attracte d t o th e Kla n i s t o examin e listings in the Buffalo klavern' s business directory, the chief devic e by whic h klannishnes s wa s t o b e implemented . A s is reveale d b y undercover reports , th e director y wa s regularl y used , an d n o doubt a small businessma n wh o had joined th e Klan primarily fo r economic reason s woul d insis t o n havin g a listing. 4 Excludin g those type s o f businesse s wit h les s tha n thre e klaver n members , the director y mos t comprehensivel y list s Klan-affiliate d barbers , building contractors, painters, photographers, plumbers, and real tors. With th e exception o f barbers an d buildin g contractors , thes e were profession s i n whic h th e foreig n bor n wer e markedl y under represented; thu s i t ca n b e reasonabl y doubte d tha t "un-Ameri can" economi c competitio n le d th e bul k o f thes e smal l business men int o th e Klan . A more probabl e explanatio n i s simpl y tha t these were very competitive fields (particularl y rea l estate market ing, building contracting , an d painting) , where businessme n wer e especially willing t o use novel mean s o f making sale s contacts .

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Low Nonmanual As is show n i n tabl e 5 , salesmen, foremen , an d privat e detective s were overrepresente d amon g Buffal o Klansmen . Klan-a f filiated salesmen worke d fo r a wide variet y o f business concerns . Of thos e who identifie d thei r employers , 3 6 percen t wer e employe d b y manufacturing an d wholesal e enterprises , an d 3 4 percen t wer e engaged i n retai l trade . The remainder sol d rea l estate , insurance , advertising, an d securities . Owin g t o th e vagarie s o f censu s data , it i s difficul t t o ascertai n i n whic h specifi c sale s fields Klansme n Table 5 Representation o f Buffal o Klansme n i n Lo w Nonmanua l Occupations, 1921-192 4

Occupation Agent Bank Telle r Bookkeeper/Cashier Clerk Decorator Detective, Privat e Dispatcher Foreman Government Official , lo w Mail Carrie r Mortician Newspaper Reporte r Salesman Stenographer/Secretary Tax and Titl e Searche r Telephone Operato r Timekeeper Trainmaster Truant Office r Weighmaster

Number of Klansmen 8 7 18 121 5 6 7 99 1 4 2 2 171 3 2 2 4 8 1 2

Number of Native-White Males, 1920 859 NA 1,300 8,278 NA 220 NA 2,783 NA NA NA NA 5,309 358 NA NA NA NA NA NA

Percent Klansmen .93 NA 1.38 1.46 NA 2.72 NA 3.55 NA NA NA NA 3.22 .83 NA NA NA NA NA NA

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population A: 1068-70 .

The Knights of the Queen City 9 5 were eithe r over - o r underrepresented , bu t a sizabl e KK K pres ence amon g automobil e salesme n an d securitie s broker s appear s particularly notable . Thes e wer e highl y competitiv e occupation s in whic h salesme n typicall y worke d o n commission ; thi s wa s als o true o f th e insuranc e field, i n whic h Klansme n constitute d a n impressive 3.7 9 percent o f Buffalo's native-whit e sale s force. Thus, almost surely , th e lur e o f busines s contact s dre w numerou s sale s representatives int o the fold . More tha n fifty businesse s i n Buffal o ha d a t leas t on e forema n who wa s a Klansman . Two-third s o f KKK-affiliate d foreme n worked fo r manufacturin g concerns , most fo r larg e industrial con cerns suc h a s Nationa l Anilin e (thirtee n Kla n foremen) , Donne r Steel (nine) , an d America n Bras s (nine) ; th e remainde r wer e en gaged i n transportatio n an d service . The foremen' s media n ag e a t the tim e o f enterin g th e Invisibl e Empir e wa s 37. 6 years , almos t exactly th e sam e a s tha t o f Kla n engineer s an d onl y a littl e olde r than th e averag e ag e o f th e klavern' s manager/superintendents . Out of those liste d i n th e 192 4 Buffalo cit y directory , just unde r 8 9 percent wer e classified a s heads of household. Mature and success ful member s o f th e workin g class , thes e Klansme n wer e accus tomed t o supervising , coordinating , an d regularl y makin g im portant decisions . Far from bein g th e hapless victim s of industria l growth, the y were th e skilled overseer s of such expansion . Six private detective s joined th e Buffalo Klan ; thre e worke d fo r detective agencies , tw o fo r railroads , an d on e fo r th e Manufactur ers & Traders Trus t Bank . A n affinit y fo r undercove r activit y ap parently helpe d brin g a t leas t on e o f thes e me n int o th e Invisibl e Empire: Davi d D . Mayne , a railroa d detectiv e a t th e tim e h e joined th e KKK , late r becam e on e o f th e klavern' s mos t zealou s investigators. Although agents, bookkeeper/cashiers, clerks, and stenographer / secretaries compose d nearl y 9 percen t o f th e chapter' s member ship, th e Kla n appear s t o hav e bee n generall y underrepresente d in thes e occupations . Economi c factor s ma y hav e contribute d t o this underrepresentation ; thes e worker s wer e ofte n poorl y paid , and Kla n fee s an d due s wer e stee p fo r th e 1920s . Another facto r may hav e bee n tha t thes e occupation s attracte d a large r percent age of non-Protestant nativ e whites tha n mor e prestigious type s of

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nonmanual work , thu s reducin g th e poo l o f potentia l Kla n re cruits. I n addition , thos e holdin g suc h position s ma y hav e shie d away fro m th e hoode d orde r becaus e the y wer e mor e vulnerabl e to losin g thei r jobs tha n wer e supervisor y personne l suc h a s fore men, managers, and engineers .

Skilled Just ove r 3 0 percent o f Buffalo Klansme n followe d skille d manua l trades. As is shown i n tabl e 6 , th e KK K wa s mos t strongl y repre sented amon g patternmakers , mechanics , electricians , carpenter / woodworkers, boilermakers , locomotiv e firemen, an d compositor / printers. Kla n machinist s compose d th e larges t grou p withi n thi s status categor y (22. 1 percent). These were amon g th e mos t presti gious blue-collar occupations , requirin g a considerabl e amoun t o f intelligence, training , an d aptitude ; the y wer e als o amon g th e most thoroughl y organize d b y craf t unions . O n average , thes e Klansmen wer e i n thei r lat e twentie s t o earl y thirties ; o f thos e listed i n th e 192 4 city directory , a solid majorit y wer e reporte d a s heading a household . It migh t b e speculated tha t th e Buffal o Klan' s larg e percentag e of skille d worker s resulte d fro m economi c and/o r socia l competi tion betwee n riva l ethni c groups . Perhaps, a s has bee n posite d b y Klan schola r Kennet h T . Jackson, th e ris e o f the Invisibl e Empir e represented a defensiv e reactio n t o th e growin g aspiration s o f

Table 6 Representation o f Buffal o Klansme n i n Skille d Occupations , 1921-1924

Occupation Klansmen Artist 5 Baker 4 Barber, nonproprietor 2 Blacksmith 3

Number of Number of Native-White Males, 1920 N A 35 7 43 3 34 7

Percent Klansmen NA 1.12 .46

.86

The Knights of the Queen City 9 7

Occupation Boilermaker Bookbinder Brickmason Butcher Cabinetmaker Carpenter/Woodworker Carpet, Floor, and Til e Laye r Chef Compositor/Printer Dairyman Electrician Engineer, locomotiv e Engineer, marin e Engineer, stationar y Engraver Ferry Boat Captai n Fireman, locomotiv e Furrier Jeweler Leatherworker Machinist Mechanic Miller Millwright Moulder Musician Painter Patternmaker Pipefitter Plasterer Plumber, nonproprieto r Roofer Shipbuilder Steamfitter Steamforger Toolmaker Upholsterer Weaver

Number of Klansmen 9 3 5 10 2 72 5 1 17 3 56 22 3 5 1 1 20 1 3 2 116 39 3 8 4 3 24 13 19 1 4 3 1 11 1 9 7 1

Number of Native-White Males, J 920 426 NA 484 NA 283 3,111 NA NA 841 NA 1,899 1,116 NA 1,431 NA 160 860 NA 186 NA 6,824 1,230 NA 398 NA 357 1,949 314 NA 114 1,578 NA NA NA NA 510 363 NA

Percent Klansmen 2.11 NA 1.03 NA .70 2.31 NA NA 2.02 NA 2.94 1.97 NA .34 NA .62 2.32 NA 1.61 NA 1.69 3.17 NA 2.01 NA .84 1.23 4.14 NA .87 -.25 NA NA NA NA 1.76 1.92 NA

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

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non-native-white workers . I n orde r t o tes t thi s hypothesis , th e change i n th e percentag e o f foreign-bor n an d African-America n workers durin g th e perio d 1910-192 0 ha s bee n calculate d fo r five skilled occupations—patternmaker , carpenter/woodworker , boil ermaker, compositor/printer , an d locomotiv e engineer—i n whic h the KK K wa s overrepresented ; calculation s hav e als o bee n mad e for machinist s (owin g to their larg e contingent withi n th e klavern ) and fo r cabinetmakers , stationar y engineers , an d plumbers , groups wit h amon g th e lowest percentages o f Klansmen. 5 In seve n out o f nin e occupations , th e percentag e o f foreign-bor n worker s declined durin g th e decad e prio r t o 1920 , an d fo r al l o f the m the increas e o r decreas e o f th e percentag e o f blac k worker s wa s negligible. Ther e i s als o littl e evidenc e tha t a larg e percentag e o f foreign-born worker s withi n a n occupatio n promote d Kla n mem bership. Cabinetmakers—i n whos e occupatio n th e foreig n bor n composed a decide d majority—displaye d a relativ e deart h o f en thusiasm fo r th e hoode d order ; locomotiv e fireme n an d composi tor/printers, wh o ha d relativel y lo w an d declinin g percentage s o f foreign born , were mor e likel y t o have joined. This does not mean , however, tha t ethni c conflic t i n th e wor k plac e ha d n o impac t o n Klan recruiting . Th e precis e dynamic s o f inter-ethni c relation s surely varied fro m compan y t o company, and skille d workers ma y have entere d th e KK K i n respons e t o perceive d threat s fro m sec ond-generation ethnic s (fello w nativ e whites) , particularl y thos e who were non-Protestant . Another possibl e facto r i n th e entr y o f skille d worker s int o th e Klan wa s membershi p i n a craf t union . Labor organization s ofte n pursued racis t policie s an d stoo d i n oppositio n t o foreig n immi gration, an d thu s unio n membershi p migh t hav e prime d certai n individuals fo r Kla n membershi p and/o r reinforce d attitude s tha t assisted Kla n recruiting . Unfortunately , craf t unio n membershi p records fo r suc h ke y group s a s electrician s an d machinist s ar e largely missin g fo r Buffal o i n th e 1920 s and n o adequate compari son with th e lis t o f klavern member s i s possible. 6 On e can reason ably suspect , nevertheless , give n th e particula r skille d trade s i n which th e Kla n wa s concentrated , tha t a t leas t som e union mem bers prove d susceptibl e t o KKK overtures .

The Knights of the Queen City 9 9

Semiskilled and Service Other tha n railroa d an d streetca r conductor s an d privat e police men, th e Kla n wa s underrepresented withi n al l th e occupations i n this statu s categor y fo r whic h informatio n i s availabl e (se e tabl e 7). The underrepresentation amon g factory worker s i s particularl y notable becaus e native-whit e Protestant s i n thi s grou p wer e al most certainl y experiencin g potentiall y stressfu l economi c an d social interactio n wit h non-Protestants , th e foreign born , and Afri can Americans ; the y wer e als o amon g th e mos t likel y t o suffe r Table 7 Representation o f Buffalo Klansme n i n Semiskille d an d Servic e Occupations, 1921-192 4

Occupation Attendant Brakeman Conductor, Railroa d Conductor, Streetca r Deliveryman Driver (car , truck , streetcar ) Factory Operativ e Fireman Heavy Machinery Operativ e Janitor Meterman Oiler Policeman, Cit y Policeman, Privat e Repairman Sailor Soldier Switchman Trainman Waiter

Number of Klansmen 4 11 16 9 4 33 130 8 7 3 2 3 10 8 19 1 1 5 5 1

Native-White Males, 1920 NA 717 736 482 701 NA 10,756 740 NA 385 NA 225 1,063 453 NA 233 304 1,472 NA 264

Percent Klansmen NA 1.53 2.17 1.86 .57 NA 1.20 1.08 NA 1.03 NA 1.33 .94 1.76 NA .49 .32 .33 NA .37

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 .

100 The Knights of the Queen City during period s o f labo r unrest . Economi c vulnerability , th e con siderable expens e o f Kla n fee s an d dues , an d a genera l lac k o f interest i n middle-clas s fraternalis m an d politica l activis m ma y have hindere d recruiting . Whateve r th e primar y cause , i t i s clea r that th e Klan di d not thrive in the lower reaches of the proletariat . Considering th e patterns of Klan recruiting i n other status categories, th e order' s overrepresentatio n amon g conductor s an d pri vate policeme n migh t hav e bee n anticipated . Conductor s serve d essentially a s th e foreme n o f mass transportation , spendin g muc h of thei r workda y ordering , coordinating , an d calculating ; the y were also accustomed t o serving as authority figures an d resolvin g disputes. Th e privat e policeme n i n th e Kla n likewis e occupie d positions o f authority . Si x worke d fo r majo r railroads , on e fo r National Aniline , an d on e (Chie f o f Polic e Herber t N . Davis ) fo r the Bethlehe m Stee l Corporation . The y ha d a n averag e ag e o f forty-three, an d accordin g t o th e cit y director y mos t heade d households; the y appea r t o have been well-establishe d residents .

Unskilled Out o f th e approximatel y seve n thousan d native-whit e unskille d workers i n Buffal o i n th e earl y 1920s , th e Kla n roste r list s onl y nine: thre e baggagemen , on e gardener , an d five laborers . What ever th e K u Klu x Kla n ma y hav e bee n elsewhere , i n Buffal o i t absolutely di d no t represen t a mas s movemen t o f th e socioeco nomically marginal . Judged b y th e occupation s o f its membership , th e Buffal o klaver n was drawn fro m a broad cros s section of the native-white commu nity, but on e i n whic h nonmanua l an d skille d worker s wer e over represented an d semiskilled , service , an d unskille d laborer s wer e underrepresented. Th e Kla n prove d particularl y attractiv e t o white- and blue-colla r employee s whos e wor k involve d managin g and supervising , smal l businessme n an d salesme n i n highl y com petitive fields, an d worker s i n th e mor e prestigiou s blue-colla r trades. Thi s recruitmen t patter n n o doub t resulted , a t leas t i n part, fro m th e Klan' s membershi p requirement s (native-bor n

The Knights of the Queen City 10 1 white Protestant s probabl y wer e concentrate d i n certai n form s o f employment, thu s contributin g t o Kla n overrepresentation) , bu t available dat a d o not permi t a close r evaluatio n o f thi s influence . Some Buffalonian s ma y hav e joine d th e Kla n becaus e o f ethni c conflict i n thei r workplac e o r busines s field, ye t evidenc e o f suc h conflict i s sketch y a t best . I n fact , loca l Klansme n appea r fo r the mos t par t t o hav e bee n remarkabl y secure , established , an d accustomed t o leadership role s relative t o the male working popu lation a t large . Additional occupationa l informatio n support s th e conclusio n that th e klaver n wa s draw n fro m a broa d economi c cros s sectio n of loca l native-whit e society . Th e Buffal o Kla n roste r list s 67 0 individuals an d businesse s tha t employe d Klansmen ; 1,57 3 knights worke d fo r thes e employer s (th e remainde r o f th e mem bership wa s eithe r self-employe d o r liste d n o employer) . Nearl y 75 percen t o f th e employer s (502 ) ha d onl y on e Kla n employee , and 9 1 percen t ha d thre e o r less ; Klansme n workin g fo r suc h employers constitute d 38. 7 percen t o f th e member s wh o liste d employers o n applicatio n forms . O n th e othe r hand , nearl y 3 3 percent o f klaver n member s listin g employer s worke d fo r enter prises tha t employe d twent y o r mor e knights . Withou t knowin g the percentag e o f native-bor n whit e male s i n individua l busi nesses (le t alon e th e percentag e o f employee s wh o wer e native white mal e Protestant s residin g insid e th e cit y limits) , i t i s diffi cult t o evaluate Kla n representation withi n specifi c firms. Bu t i t i s evident tha t th e hoode d orde r attracte d member s fro m a larg e number an d variet y o f enterprises , rangin g from th e smalles t re tail establishment s t o th e larges t industria l corporations . Indeed , the occupationa l profil e o f th e Buffal o Kla n wa s s o divers e an d wide-ranging, bot h i n term s o f typ e o f occupatio n an d typ e o f employer, tha t perhap s i t woul d b e advisabl e t o explor e factor s other tha n occupatio n i n a n effor t t o determin e wh y certai n indi viduals entered th e Invisible Empire . One possible facto r differentiatin g Klansme n fro m mos t othe r na tive-white Protestant s wa s th e par t o f th e cit y i n whic h the y re sided. Klaver n member s migh t hav e bee n fairl y typica l citizen s who faced particularl y stressfu l o r unusual circumstance s i n thei r

102 The Knights of the Queen City immediate neighborhoods—a n acut e crim e proble m o r a growin g number o f foreign-bor n residents , fo r example—an d thu s wer e primed fo r recruitment . A t th e least , residentia l informatio n should provid e a better understandin g o f the general environmen t in whic h Klansme n develope d a t leas t par t o f thei r socia l an d political outlook . Figure 4 shows the residential distributio n o f Buffalo Klansme n based o n informatio n o n applicatio n form s fo r th e perio d 192 1 — 1924. The hoode d orde r attracte d member s fro m al l part s o f th e community, but knight s clearly tende d t o concentrate i n the outly ing districts . Nearl y 4 0 percen t o f klaver n member s live d i n jus t four wards : th e Twentieth , Twenty-First , Fourth , an d Fifth , al l located fa r fro m th e hear t o f th e cit y an d nea r th e municipa l boundary. Anothe r 4 0 percen t live d i n nin e othe r ward s tha t ringed th e olde r districts . Only 5 9 percent o f Buffalo's tota l popu lation live d i n thes e thirtee n wards . Thus , compare d wit h thei r fellow cit y residents as a whole, Klansmen were significantly mor e likely to reside i n th e newer, mor e middle-clas s parts o f the city . Calculations fo r Klansme n a s a percentage o f ward population s of adul t (twenty-on e an d older ) native-whit e male s ar e presente d in figure 5 . Thes e percentage s confir m tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e most successfull y recruite d amon g thos e residin g i n outlyin g ar eas, particularl y i n th e extrem e norther n an d souther n wards . I n the inner-city districts , where one might reasonabl y hav e expecte d to find the most anxious native-white Protestants , the Kla n experi enced littl e recruitin g success . A major facto r limitin g Kla n re cruiting i n thes e ward s was , o f course , tha t mos t native-whit e males wer e non-Protestant , an d thu s unqualifie d fo r KK K mem bership. Yet, thi s bein g th e case , one migh t hav e anticipate d tha t such native-whit e Protestant s a s ther e wer e woul d hav e bee n al l the mor e eage r t o join th e Klan—i f i n fac t th e orde r appeare d t o be a promisin g agenc y o f ethnoreligiou s solidarit y an d self-de fense. Possibly , precisely becaus e the y live d i n clos e proximit y t o large populations tha t could be expected to be intensely anti-Klan , the KKK seeme d t o be a particularly unpromisin g organizatio n t o these residents , o r mayb e economi c an d clas s factor s hindere d recruiting. Whateve r th e reason , th e Invisibl e Empir e di d no t prosper i n the heart o f Buffalo .

The Knights of the Queen City 10 3

Figure 4 Number o f Klansme n i n Buffal o Wards , 1921-1924 This i s no t t o sa y tha t ethni c conflic t playe d a n insignifican t role in the development o f the Buffalo klavern . Although the outly ing ward s wher e mos t Klansme n live d generall y containe d lowe r percentages o f foreign-bor n resident s tha n th e inne r city , the y were fa r fro m homogeneousl y native-white . Fo r example , War d

104 The Knights of the Queen City

Figure 5 Percentage o f Klansme n i n Native-White Mal e Population, Ag e 21 an d Older , by War d Twenty-One, whic h ha d th e secon d highes t percentag e o f Klans men amon g nativ e whites , encompasse d larg e enclave s o f Pole s and Hungarians, an d more tha n a fourth o f th e residents i n heav ily kluxed War d Eleve n ha d bee n bor n outside th e Unite d States ; by 1925 , a majorit y o f th e Klansme n liste d a s residin g i n thes e

The Knights of the Queen City 10 5 two wards b y th e state censu s had a t leas t on e foreign-born neigh bor o r thei r forme r residenc e wa s occupie d b y non-natives . Eve n in War d Twenty , whic h ha d th e lowes t percentag e o f non-native s in th e city , mor e tha n 1 5 percent o f th e populatio n wa s o f foreig n birth. 7 Thu s assessin g th e relationshi p betwee n th e ethni c compo sition o f wards an d Kla n residentia l pattern s present s a consider able challenge . In a n attemp t t o detec t whethe r Kla n recruitin g migh t hav e been influence d b y certai n ethnosocia l and/o r economi c factors , scatterplots an d Pearso n correlatio n coefficient s hav e bee n pro duced fo r ward-leve l percentage s o f Klansme n (amon g th e mal e adult native-whit e population ) with populatio n percentage s of for eign-born whites , foreign-bor n Poles , foreign-bor n Germans , for eign-born Irish , foreign-bor n Italians , native-bor n Africa n Ameri cans, an d nativ e white s o f nativ e parentage ; th e percentag e o f Klansmen ha s als o bee n compare d wit h th e rati o o f homeowner s to renters an d th e ratio of dwellings t o families fo r each ward. Th e percentage o f Kla n member s demonstrate d practicall y n o linea r association wit h th e percen t o f foreign-bor n Iris h (—.027) , Ger mans (.064) , and Italian s ( - .165) , and onl y a sligh t on e with Pole s ( - .240 ) an d Africa n American s ( - .268) . The correlatio n wit h th e percentage o f foreign-bor n white s (—.431 ) an d nativ e white s o f native parentag e (.452 ) wa s significantl y stronger , bu t stil l quit e nonlinear. Variable s relate d t o economi c circumstance s demon strated th e mos t linea r relationship, .59 7 for homeowner-to-rente r ratio an d .64 0 for dwelling-to-famil y ratio , with bot h bein g statis tically significan t a t .00 1 (one-taile d test) . Thes e calculation s re flect wha t wa s alread y known : th e bul k o f Klansme n live d i n relatively prosperou s outlyin g ward s characterize d b y large popu lations o f nativ e white s o f nativ e parentage , ye t suc h ward s als o contained numericall y significan t foreign-bor n populations . Th e proximity o f foreign-born resident s surely influenced Kla n recruit ing, bu t th e precis e dynamic s o f suc h influenc e remai n unknown . Moreover, othe r factors—mos t notabl y religio n an d th e ethni c composition o f th e native-whit e populatio n o f foreig n an d mixe d parentage—may hav e playe d importan t role s i n shapin g Kla n recruitment patterns. 8 Unti l a close r analysi s ca n b e made , al l that ca n b e concluded i s that Buffal o Klansmen , considerin g thei r

106 The Knights of the Queen City race, nativity , an d genera l socioeconomi c status , mostl y live d where expected—assumin g tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e exercise d a broad cross-sectiona l appea l withi n th e loca l native-whit e Protes tant community . The breadth , i f no t depth , o f successfu l Kla n recruitin g i s fur ther indicate d b y data concernin g th e ethnicity o f Buffalo knights . Although KK K rhetori c an d literatur e regularl y extolle d th e dis tinctive accomplishments o f Anglo-Saxon institution s an d culture , in practic e th e orde r eagerl y accepte d application s fro m almos t all native-bor n whit e Protestants , whateve r thei r ancestry . Th e thousands o f German-American Protestant s i n Buffalo constitute d a particularl y ric h sourc e o f potentia l recruits , an d evidentl y th e kleagles mad e considerabl e headway : b y 1924 , more tha n 3 4 per cent o f th e klaver n member s residin g insid e th e cit y ha d distinc tively Germa n surnames. 9 Whe n on e consider s tha t man y Ger mans Anglicize d thei r name s afte r arrivin g i n th e Unite d State s and als o tha t som e Klansme n wit h non-Germa n surname s proba bly ha d Germa n o r German-America n mothers , the n i t become s clear tha t a ver y larg e percentag e o f th e klavern—mayb e 4 0 per cent o r more—wa s o f German ancestry . Upon first reflectio n i t ma y see m strang e tha t German-Ameri cans woul d joi n a superpatriotic , nativis t society , particularl y given th e recen t anti-Germa n excesse s of th e war era . Perhaps th e Klan provide d a mean s o f certifyin g a commitmen t t o natio n and communit y (a t leas t th e whit e Protestan t community) ; i t als o proffered a n opportunit y t o tur n th e table s an d denounc e certai n antagonistic group s a s un-American . Eve n mor e importantly , b y the earl y 1920 s th e bul k o f youn g German-American s ha d bee n thoroughly assimilate d int o U.S . society an d thu s share d man y o f the beliefs , values , problems, an d concern s tha t helpe d lea d othe r white native-bor n Protestant s int o th e KKK . A comparison o f th e occupational statu s o f German-surname d Kla n member s wit h that o f non-German-surname d knight s reveal s remarkabl e simi larity betwee n th e tw o groups , althoug h th e occupation s o f Ger man-American Klansme n see m t o hav e bee n slightl y les s presti gious overall—as migh t hav e bee n anticipate d o f a grou p derive d from non-English-speakin g origins. 10 The residentia l pattern s o f German-surname d member s als o

The Knights of the Queen City 10 7 indicate considerabl e assimilation . Mor e tha n 6 1 percent live d i n outlying ward s adjacen t t o th e city line , with th e remainder bein g generally scattere d acros s th e community ; i n War d Twenty , a district wit h on e o f th e highes t percentage s o f nativ e white s o f native parentage , 32. 3 percen t o f Kla n member s wer e German surnamed, almos t th e same percentage a s th e total representatio n of th e German-surname d withi n th e klavern . Kla n recruitin g among German-American s appear s t o have bee n particularl y suc cessful i n th e east-sid e ward s (wher e th e growin g Polis h popula tion ma y hav e enhance d th e order' s appeal) , bu t i t i s stil l clea r that German-surname d Klansme n cam e i n significan t number s from al l part s o f th e city . Jus t a s i t di d amon g Buffalo' s native white Protestant s a s a whole , th e Kla n attracte d a broad , albei t occupationally prestigious , cros s sectio n o f th e qualifie d German American population . The surname s o f th e Klan' s non-Germani c majorit y als o sug gests th e order' s wide-rangin g appeal . Th e bul k o f th e Klansme n in thi s grou p coul d probabl y trac e thei r ancestr y t o th e Britis h Isles, bu t sixty-eigh t ha d th e Scandinavia n "son " a t th e en d o f their nam e (althoug h a numbe r o f thes e ma y hav e bee n British) , fifteen name s wer e clearl y Dutch , eigh t French , five Polish , an d two eac h Spanis h an d Italian . Withou t reliabl e figures fo r th e ethnic origins of Buffalo's native-whit e population , i t is difficult t o assess whic h group s ma y hav e bee n over - o r underrepresente d within th e Invisibl e Empire , bu t i t seem s likel y tha t th e KK K developed a t leas t a toke n followin g amon g mos t majo r loca l populations o f Protestant Europea n stock . Klan recruitin g apparentl y traverse d ethni c division s amon g Protestants wit h greate r eas e tha n i t di d ag e groups . Knight s residing i n th e city ha d a n averag e ag e of 32.7 years a t th e tim e of entering th e hooded order , with nearl y 7 7 percent bein g below th e age o f 40 . A s i s indicate d i n tabl e 8 , Klansme n a s a grou p wer e significantly younge r tha n th e adul t mal e an d native-whit e mal e populations fro m whic h the y wer e drawn . A numbe r o f factor s might hav e contributed t o the order's relativ e youthfulness. A s we have seen , th e Buffal o klaver n attempte d t o serv e a s a medium — albeit a n unusua l one—o f civi c action , an d younge r me n migh t have bee n mor e willin g t o giv e thei r time , energy , an d mone y t o

108 The Knights of the Queen City Table 8 Age Distribution (b y Percent ) o f Buffalo Klansme n a t th e Tim e of Joining th e Klan , 1921-1924 , Compared wit h th e Ag e Distribution o f Buffalo' s Male an d Native-Whit e Mal e Populations, Ag e 1 8 and over , i n 192 0 Age 18-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70 and over

Klansmen 2.3 43.1 31.5 14.9 5.7 2.1 0

Males 4.7 28.5 25.3 18.0 12.8 6.7 3.3

Native-White Males 6.3 33.6 25.2 16.7 10.9 5.3 1.4

Sources: Buffal o Kla n Membershi p List ; U.S . Bureau o f the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States, J 920: Population 2 : 290.

such a n organization . Nearl y two-third s o f the Klansme n liste d i n the 192 4 city director y heade d household s (o f who m 30. 7 percen t were i n thei r twenties , 36. 3 percen t i n thei r thirties , an d 21. 5 percent i n thei r forties) , an d stat e censu s dat a fro m 192 5 indicat e that man y o f them ha d starte d families. 11 Considerin g th e seriou s social problem s face d b y Buffal o i n th e earl y 1920s , young famil y men, bese t b y th e pressure s an d obligation s o f carin g fo r th e welfare o f others , ma y wel l hav e bee n particularl y draw n t o th e KKK a s a mean s o f improvin g loca l conditions ; the y ma y als o have seen th e group as a means of establishing busines s an d socia l contacts tha t coul d advanc e thei r careers . When considerin g othe r generationa l experience s tha t ma y have mad e th e Kla n particularl y attractiv e t o younge r men , th e recent worl d wa r come s readil y t o mind . Th e first scholar s wh o evaluated th e KK K attribute d muc h o f th e order' s succes s t o th e intolerance, passion , violence , an d genera l irrationalit y tha t th e war experience had generated ; on e sociologist eve n suggested tha t the Invisibl e Empir e wa s compose d largel y o f angry, restles s wa r veterans, hard-minded militant s wh o threatene d t o turn th e Kla n into a form o f homegrown fascism . In order to examine this assessment, th e Buffal o Kla n roste r ha s bee n compare d wit h a lis t o f

The Knights of the Queen City 10 9 17,797 Worl d Wa r I veteran s wh o reside d insid e th e cit y a t th e time they entered th e military. One obvious, and major, limitatio n of thes e source s i s tha t the y d o no t indicat e th e numbe r o f Klan affiliated veteran s wh o move d t o Buffal o afte r th e war ; neverthe less, a compariso n o f th e tw o list s yield s muc h valuabl e informa tion. According t o thes e sources , 11 8 Buffalo Klansme n (6.7 5 per cent o f the klavern member s residin g insid e th e city) served i n th e Great War . O f these , seventy-fiv e wer e i n th e Army , thirty-si x i n the Navy , six i n th e Marine Corps , and on e i n the Coas t Guard ; b y the en d o f th e war , thirtee n ha d bee n commissione d a s officers , thirty-five wer e noncommissioned officers , an d sevent y held lowe r enlisted ranks . A number o f Klansme n ha d experience d comba t duty, a t leas t fou r bein g wounde d i n action ; on e futur e knight , Erwin C . Mclndoo, received a citatio n fo r valor . Th e klaver n als o included on e o f th e community' s best-know n wa r heroes , Majo r Edwin G . Ziegler , wh o ha d bee n officiall y praise d fo r hi s "excep tionally meritoriou s servic e characterize d b y untirin g zea l an d intelligent gras p o f hi s dutie s i n th e battl e o f th e Hindenbur g Line." 12 Did th e KK K attrac t a disproportionat e shar e o f th e city' s wa r veterans? I n Buffalo , i n 1920 , ther e wer e 143,70 9 male s betwee n the age s o f twent y an d thirty-four . I f on e assumes , theoretically , that al l 17,79 7 Buffalo wa r veteran s wer e member s o f thi s group , then 12. 3 percen t o f thi s generationa l cohor t woul d hav e see n wartime militar y service . By 1923 , the yea r durin g whic h mos t o f the me n o n th e Kla n roste r probabl y filled ou t thei r applicatio n cards, th e member s o f thi s cohor t woul d hav e bee n betwee n th e ages o f twenty-thre e an d thirty-seven , includin g al l 11 8 o f th e Klan-affiliated veteran s wh o ha d reside d i n Buffal o durin g th e war. Sinc e ther e wa s a tota l o f 983 Klansme n i n thi s ag e range , a simple calculatio n reveal s tha t th e KK K member s fo r who m vet eran statu s i s known constitute d 1 2 percent o f thi s cohor t withi n the klavern , a figure comparabl e t o th e percentag e fo r th e cit y a s a whole . However, ther e ma y hav e been—an d probabl y were— a number o f veterans i n th e Kla n wh o had no t reside d i n th e cit y a t the time of the war, in which cas e the percentage would have bee n higher; unfortunately , availabl e dat a d o not permi t a n estimatio n

110 The Knights of the Queen City of the size of this group. It nonetheles s seem s virtually certai n tha t World Wa r I veteran s compose d onl y a smal l minorit y o f th e Buffalo Klan. 13 Probably mor e tha n war-vetera n status , membershi p i n othe r men's fraterna l societie s helped brin g Buffalonians int o the Invisi ble Empire . Fro m th e tim e o f th e KKK' s arriva l i n th e lat e sum mer o f 1921 , rumors persiste d o f Klan recruitin g i n such organiza tions, particularl y th e variou s branche s o f Masonry. 14 No t onl y were these societie s largel y composed o f native-born whit e Protes tants, but thei r commo n practic e of secrecy afforde d Kla n recruit ers a degre e o f security . Moreover , becaus e thes e group s ofte n employed bizarr e ritual s an d unusua l costumes , thei r member s were generall y mor e likel y tha n nonfraternalist s t o b e amenabl e to the strang e practices o f the Klan . Buffalo i n th e earl y 1920 s offere d kleagle s a n abundanc e o f men's societie s i n whic h t o solici t recruits : twenty-fou r lodge s o f the Fre e an d Accepte d Masons , seve n chapter s o f th e Roya l Arc h Masons, four lodge s of the Ancient Accepted Scottis h Rit e Masons , two commanderies o f the Knight s Templar, a temple of the Mysti c Shrine, thirty-seve n chapter s o f th e Od d Fellows , eigh t lodge s o f the Knight s o f Pythias , fiv e court s o f th e Forester s o f America , eleven tribe s o f th e Improve d Orde r o f Re d Men , eigh t camp s o f the Woodme n o f th e World , an d variou s unit s o f th e Maccabees , Elks, Moose , Orioles , an d Eagles . Mos t o f th e officia l record s fo r these groups are not availabl e for examination , but on e importan t document, a director y listin g al l o f Buffalo' s Masoni c lodg e offi cers i n 1922 , sheds ligh t o n th e loca l Klan' s connectio n wit h lead ing Masons . O f th e 64 2 officer s liste d i n th e directory , fort y (5. 9 percent) were member s o f the Kla n by 1924 . The Invisible Empir e was particularl y wel l represente d i n th e leadershi p o f tw o Ma sonic bodies: Zuleika Grott o No. 10 , Mystic Order of Veiled Proph ets o f th e Enchante d Realm , an d Northeas t Lodge , Fre e an d Ac cepted Masons. 15 By 1923 , th e futur e Gran d Kleagl e o f Wester n Ne w York , George C . Bryant , ha d becom e "monarch " (chapte r president ) o f Zuleika Grott o No. 10, a sixteen-hundred-member socia l organiza tion associate d wit h th e Blue Lodg e Masons. A colorful grou p tha t wore fezze s an d gree n an d blu e uniforms , th e "veile d prophets "

The Knights of the Queen City 11 1 participated i n a larg e marchin g band , dru m corps , an d militar y drill tea m tha t performe d o n specia l occasions . Throughou t 192 3 and 1924 , Bryant use d his position a s leader o f the grotto to solici t members fo r th e Klan , a t on e poin t allowin g a KK K lecture r t o address a regula r meetin g o f th e chapter . Thes e effort s evidentl y produced a mixe d reaction , a Klansma n late r notin g tha t Bryan t had "nearl y wrecke d th e Eri e Count y Masons. " Nevertheless, Bry ant retaine d hi s Masoni c offic e an d continue d hi s recruitin g among lodg e brothers. 16 The Northeas t Lodge , a relativel y smal l grou p o f Mason s lo cated i n War d Twenty , had bee n establishe d i n 192 1 and wa s stil l engaged i n developin g a substantia l membershi p a t th e tim e o f the KKK' s arrival . Perhap s becaus e the y fel t les s constraine d b y the official anti-Kla n stanc e o f Masonry tha n di d th e leadershi p o f older, better-established Buffal o lodges , at leas t five of the group' s fourteen officer s ha d joined th e Kla n b y 1924. 17 In Buffalo , ther e clearl y wa s a significan t lin k betwee n th e Masons an d th e Klan; thi s was shown by th e KKK' s regula r us e of Masonic facilitie s suc h a s Mizpa h Hal l an d th e Unit y Masoni c Temple. Bu t thi s connectio n shoul d no t b e overemphasized . Th e great majorit y o f Mason s steere d clea r o f th e Invisibl e Empire , and th e KK K onl y significantl y infiltrate d th e leadershi p o f th e two lodges mentioned above . The Klan did , however, have a t leas t one membe r servin g a s a n office r i n twenty-fiv e o f th e forty-tw o Masonic bodie s liste d i n th e 192 2 directory . Whethe r al l o f thes e men solicite d recruit s fo r th e hoode d orde r i s unknown , bu t i t does see m tha t th e KK K wa s ver y wel l situate d t o develo p a healthy followin g amon g Masons . In addition , a t leas t on e knigh t headed a majo r civi c organization tha t als o may hav e contribute d members t o the klavern. Besides holding th e rank o f Chief Rabba n in th e Masonicall y affiliate d Ismali a Temple , Klansma n Alber t H . Zink was president o f the Kiwanis Club in 1924. 18 Thus the Buffal o klavern certainl y possesse d influentia l contact s within som e of th e groups tha t dominate d th e city's mainstream organizationa l life . One final facto r tha t ma y hav e influence d Kla n membershi p remains t o be discussed : religiou s affiliation. Di d the KK K attrac t a balance d cros s section o f the local Protestant community , or wa s its membershi p concentrate d i n certai n denominations? 19 Ade -

112 The Knights of the Queen City quately addressin g thi s questio n requires , a t th e least , a determi nation o f th e religiou s affiliatio n o f a sizabl e rando m sampl e o f the Buffal o Klan . Unfortunately , suc h a sample canno t b e derive d from loca l records , primaril y becaus e th e membershi p list s o f many Buffal o churche s fro m th e 1920 s ar e missin g o r otherwis e unavailable. 20 Confronte d wit h thi s difficulty , thi s stud y ha s at tempted t o construct a sampl e o f Klansmen's religiou s affiliation s through a telephon e surve y o f 5,40 0 Buffalonian s wh o shar e th e same las t name s a s th e me n o n th e klaver n roster . Th e surve y succeeded i n locatin g 20 6 descendants an d othe r relative s o f loca l KKK member s wh o wer e willin g t o provid e informatio n abou t the denominational affiliatio n o f 219 local knights (12. 5 percent o f the Klansme n residin g insid e th e city) . It shoul d b e stresse d tha t the result s o f th e surve y d o no t constitut e a statisticall y reliabl e random sampl e an d ar e therefor e onl y suggestive ; nevertheless , this i s the best tha t coul d b e done under th e circumstances. 21 One hundre d an d seventy-eigh t o f th e Klansme n i n th e sampl e produced b y th e telephon e surve y wer e identifie d a s church mem bers; fifty-six wer e described a s being "just Protestant " or as bein g unaffiliated wit h a particula r denomination . Tabl e 9 presents th e results o f the surve y compare d wit h th e denominationa l profil e o f Buffalo's whit e Protestan t churc h member s i n 1926 . A s ca n b e seen, th e Kla n apparentl y attracte d member s fro m a numbe r o f major churche s acros s th e Protestan t religiou s spectrum . Perhap s the mos t intriguin g finding i s th e hig h percentag e o f Lutherans , but thi s ma y b e th e resul t o f th e survey' s methodology : relative s of Klansme n wit h Germa n surname s wer e generall y easie r t o lo cate i n telephon e directorie s tha n relative s wit h mor e commo n English surnames. Another problem hindering the survey was tha t very fe w o f th e relative s o f Luthera n Klansme n coul d recal l whether thei r kinsmen had belonge d t o evangelical o r nonevangel ical denominations. 22 Nevertheless , th e surve y informatio n doe s suggest tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e enjoye d wide-rangin g an d rela tively balance d suppor t amon g resident s wh o belonge d t o th e major Protestan t denominations . The Buffal o Klan' s overal l religiou s orientatio n i s als o sug gested b y th e group' s activities . Meeting s o f th e hoode d orde r featured prayer s an d speeche s b y evangelica l ministers , and , a s

The Kn igh ts of the Queen City 11 3 Table 9 Survey Result s Concernin g th e Denominationa l Affiliatio n o f Buffalo Klansme n Compare d wit h th e Denominationa l Distribution o f Buffalo' s White Protestan t Churc h Members , Ages 1 3 and over , i n 192 6 Number in Sample of Church Members Denomination 13 Baptist 3 Congregational 22 Evangelical 23 Episcopalian 65 Lutheran 28 Methodist Presbyterian 23 1 Quaker Other 0

Percent Among White Protestant Percent of Church Members in 1926 Sample 7.4 13 1.5 1.6 14.7 12.3 14.3 12.9 20.4 36.5 15.7 11.9 12.9 13.9 .1 .5 15.8* 0

* Reformed Churc h an d numerou s smalle r denominations . Sources: Telephon e surve y o f Buffalo resident s conducte d February-Ma y 1992 ; U.S. Bureau o f the Census, Census of Religious Bodies, 1926 1 : 381-82.

has bee n related , b y 192 4 the Kla n ha d assume d a prominent rol e in th e evangelica l crusad e t o improv e enforcemen t o f th e liquo r and vic e laws . In addition , te n o f th e eleve n clergyme n wh o affili ated wit h th e Invisibl e Empir e wer e evangelicals . I t woul d b e a mistake, however , t o vie w th e loca l KK K a s a n organizatio n tha t was uniforml y infuse d wit h evangelica l zeal ; undercove r report s depict a grou p tha t wa s mor e preoccupie d wit h secula r politica l maneuvering tha n wit h advancin g th e caus e o f mora l reform — although thes e concerns ofte n overlapped. 23 One religiou s matte r tha t th e Klan , a s a n organization , appar ently ignored wa s the doctrinal disput e tha t rage d between Protes tant modernist s an d fundamentalist s durin g th e 1920s . I n n o source—newspaper articles , th e sermon s o f Klan-affiliate d pas tors, th e secre t report s prepare d b y Mayo r Schwab' s spies , or ora l interviews—is ther e an y evidenc e tha t th e klaver n eve r too k a stand o n Protestan t doctrina l issues . Ther e ma y wel l hav e bee n numerous representative s fro m th e fundamentalis t and/o r mod ernist camp s withi n th e klavern ; i f so , they neve r le t thei r convic -

114 The Knights of the Queen City tions undermin e th e group' s commitmen t t o Protestant solidarity . Indeed, man y knight s probabl y agree d wit h Klansma n Mar k H . Hubbell, edito r o f th e Buffalo Truth, wh o warne d tha t th e "un seemly squabblin g betwee n opposin g theorist s withi n th e [Protes tant] churc h mean s a los s i n religiou s value s tha t canno t b e com pensated fo r b y anythin g tha t eithe r sid e has t o offer." 24 The foregoin g examinatio n o f Klansmen' s plac e o f residence , eth nicity, ag e distribution , vetera n status , fraternal connections , an d religious affiliation—althoug h fa r fro m exhaustive—significantl y advances ou r understandin g o f th e Buffal o klavern . Compare d with fello w native-bor n whit e adul t males , loca l knight s wer e relatively youn g an d mor e likel y t o reside i n outlyin g wards . Th e hooded orde r attracte d citizen s o f bot h Britis h an d non-Anglo Saxon ancestr y an d appear s t o have develope d a balanced follow ing amon g th e city' s Protestan t churc h members ; wa r veteran s and fraternalist s ma y hav e bee n particularl y draw n t o th e Invisi ble Empire , bu t availabl e dat a d o no t indicat e th e exten t o f thei r presence withi n th e klavern . Overall , considere d i n associatio n with wha t i s known abou t Klansmen' s socioeconomi c status , thi s additional informatio n lend s strengt h t o th e conclusio n tha t th e KKK exerte d a broa d appea l amon g Buffalo' s whit e middle-clas s Protestants an d attracte d hundred s o f otherwise ordinar y an d re spectable citizen s fro m th e socia l mainstream . Bu t thi s wa s no t recognized a t th e time , particularly b y the Invisible Empire' s ene mies; the y remaine d convince d tha t th e K u Klu x Kla n wa s a fanatical an d violen t organizatio n tha t neede d t o b e crushe d b y any mean s necessary . Eventuall y thes e enemie s woul d strik e a t the Klan , and the y woul d d o so mercilessly .

Five

The Destructio n o f th e Buffal o Kla n

In th e summe r o f 1924 , th e enemie s o f th e Invisibl e Empir e launched a n all-ou t wa r o n th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Buffalo , a n as sault fro m whic h th e secre t orde r neve r recovered . Althoug h t o many resident s thi s appeare d t o be a rathe r sudde n development , the anti-Klan campaig n i s best seen as the culmination o f a gradu ally intensifyin g effor t tha t ha d originate d month s earlier , durin g the previous summer. In June 1923 , as the Kla n conducte d numer ous ceremonial s throughou t wester n Ne w Yor k i n defianc e o f th e Walker Law , anti-KK K element s bega n t o organiz e i n earnest . Meeting i n th e offic e o f a "prominen t busines s man " i n Ellicot t Square, a grou p o f professiona l an d busines s peopl e lai d th e groundwork fo r th e forma l incorporatio n o f th e Unite d Son s o f America. Pledgin g t o comba t an y "grou p o f individual s wh o hav e plans for th e breaking dow n of this government, or the destructio n of la w an d order, " th e organizatio n serve d notic e tha t influentia l citizens believe d tha t th e tim e ha d com e t o dea l wit h th e Klan. 1 Other residents , includin g Mayo r Schwab , endorse d th e effort s o f the regionall y base d Libert y League , whic h sponsore d a serie s o f lectures dedicate d t o exposin g th e Kla n a s a money-makin g scheme. A thir d organize d group , base d i n th e Crosb y Building , gathered informatio n fro m a forme r Klansma n fro m Ne w Yor k 115

116 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan City. Although littl e i s known abou t th e specifi c activitie s o f thes e organizations, i t ca n b e assume d tha t lik e simila r group s else where (such a s the American Unit y Leagu e in Chicago) they hope d to undermine th e Kla n b y exposin g it s membership . Give n subse quent events , i t appear s quit e likel y tha t thes e group s too k a n active, albeit covert , role in the assaul t o n th e local Klan. 2 The situatio n remaine d relativel y quiescen t unti l th e sprin g of 1924 , whe n th e Buffal o klaver n inaugurate d it s mora l refor m campaign an d confronte d Schwa b a t th e meetin g i n Blac k Rock . From the n on , tension s steadil y increased , a s i t becam e eviden t that Klansme n intende d openl y t o exert thei r influenc e i n commu nity affairs . Muc h o f the animosit y o f the anti-Kla n force s focuse d on L . E. H. Smith, wh o had emerge d a s th e chapter' s mos t visibl e and outspoke n activist . Afte r spendin g thre e week s visitin g loca l roadhouses, hotels , restaurants, an d sof t drin k places , the crusad ing pastor informe d a gathering o f reformers a t th e Ontari o Stree t Presbyterian Churc h lat e i n Marc h tha t h e wa s convince d tha t "there i s no t anothe r plac e i n th e countr y a s corrup t a s Buffalo, " going so far a s to allege tha t th e mayo r "i s crooked an d th e soone r the peopl e o f th e cit y realiz e i t th e better. " H e als o praise d th e numerous unidentifie d Klansme n h e sai d wer e attendin g th e meeting: " I believ e tha t yo u hav e don e mor e t o crystalliz e publi c opinion tha n an y forc e i n a generation . I hope tha t yo u wil l kee p on in your attempt t o bring about a universal deman d fo r differen t civic conditions/' 3 Smith's provocativ e assertion s an d hi s increasingl y ope n rela tionship wit h th e K u Klu x Kla n produce d a vehementl y negativ e response in certain quarters . Mayor Schwa b threatened t o sue hi m for slander , an d soo n th e controversia l ministe r bega n receivin g threatening notes . "Coun t you r day s unti l th e 13th, " warne d on e missive. "Beware! " " A bullet i s to o goo d fo r you, " anothe r stated . "Your leg s ough t t o b e tie d behin d a youn g col t an d dragge d through th e street s o f Buffalo . Yo u ar e a n undesirabl e citize n and no t worth y t o liv e here. " Th e Reveren d Charle s Penfol d als o received threats , one particularly viciou s letter saying , "Stop you r attacks o n ou r mayo r o r yo u ar e goin g t o ge t it . . . . I wil l blin d your child o n his way home from school , and will attack when yo u least expec t it . I know tha t w e can ge t your wife." 4

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 11 7 Apparently th e opponent s o f mora l refor m decide d t o delive r a more forcefu l message . Shortl y afte r midnigh t o n th e mornin g o f April 18 , a larg e fuse d bom b explode d o n th e porc h o f th e Rever end Smith' s residenc e at 3 4 Gallatin Street . The force of the explosion rippe d throug h th e house , th e fron t o f th e residenc e bein g "crushed i n lik e a n eggshell. " Although th e pasto r an d hi s famil y were away visitin g friends fo r th e evening, the bomb had probabl y not bee n intende d a s a warning : th e Smith s ha d lef t thei r hous e lights on, and th e siz e of th e devic e suggeste d a murderou s intent . The police never discovered wh o bore responsibility for th e attack , but i t wa s eviden t tha t th e controvers y surroundin g th e Kla n ha d escalated t o a dangerous ne w level. 5 Continued activit y b y Klansme n kep t tension s hig h fo r th e nex t several weeks . The KK K release d a lette r promisin g t o "us e ever y means a t ou r comman d t o apprehend th e one s responsibl e fo r th e recent outrag e [bombing]/ ' an d earl y i n Ma y a grou p o f knight s ignited a larg e cros s a t th e foo t o f Ashto n Place , i n th e heavil y Irish par t o f Sout h Buffalo. 6 Th e Klan-sponsore d raid s o n suspec t establishments continue d unabated , an d L . E. H. Smit h wrot e t o Governor Smit h askin g i f he woul d remov e th e mayo r fro m offic e if "w e introduc e int o you r offic e definit e proo f tha t Fran k X . Schwab ha s committe d misdemeanor s whil e i n publi c office. " Late i n May , th e increasin g boldnes s o f th e Invisibl e Empir e wa s well demonstrate d whe n score s o f member s i n civilia n attir e drove throug h Hamburg , Lackawanna , an d "nearl y th e entir e sec tion o f Sout h Buffalo " lat e a t nigh t an d pu t u p pro-Kla n poster s reading "Go d Giv e U s Men , Knight s o f th e Invisibl e Empire. " Thousands o f placard s wer e place d o n telephon e an d telegrap h poles befor e th e polic e succeede d i n arrestin g twelv e Klansme n for illegall y posting bills. 7 The increasingl y militan t attitud e o f th e cit y administratio n also promoted tension . Followin g hi s humiliatin g encounte r wit h the Kla n a t th e Unit y Masoni c Templ e lat e i n March , Mayo r Schwab refuse d t o countenanc e an y sor t o f ope n suppor t fo r th e secret order . After schoolteache r Alm a Smit h commente d befor e her eighth-grad e clas s tha t th e KK K shoul d ta r an d feathe r th e mayor, Schwa b immediatel y launche d a persona l investigation , taking statement s fro m mor e tha n a doze n students ; o n Apri l 10 ,

118 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan without citin g a specifi c regulation , h e remove d Smit h fro m he r position. Th e dismisse d teache r denie d havin g "eve r uttere d on e word tha t migh t b e construe d a s K u Klu x Kla n propaganda/ ' bu t she di d admi t tha t "i f everyon e wer e move d b y Kla n principles , affairs o f th e publi c wea l woul d b e bette r off." 8 A few day s later , on th e evenin g o f Apri l 14 , th e polic e departmen t wen t o n ful l alert upo n receivin g wor d tha t white-robe d Klansme n wer e pa rading nea r th e vicinit y o f Mai n an d Chippew a streets , i n down town Buffalo . Officer s immediatel y notifie d th e mayo r an d rushe d to th e scene , bu t the y soo n learne d tha t th e processio n wa s com posed o f tw o hundred Universit y o f Buffalo student s conductin g a fraternity initiation . Althoug h th e youth s ha d previousl y secure d a parad e permit , seve n o f the m wer e take n int o custod y fo r ques tioning. One participant cla d i n a cheese-cloth gow n adorned wit h black fel t KKK' s wa s force d b y th e polic e t o remov e hi s offendin g costume. 9 Although th e skirmishing betwee n th e pro- and anti-Klan force s had it s near-farcica l aspects , mos t thinkin g Buffalonian s realize d the considerable potentia l fo r majo r trouble . One particularly dis turbing tren d wa s th e discernibl e hardenin g o f religious divisions . The loca l Kla n episod e ha d alway s bee n characterize d b y stron g undertones o f Protestant-Catholi c hostility , bu t bot h camp s ha d taken car e to avoid open warfare. By 1924 , however, certai n devel opments ha d increase d th e likelihoo d o f unrestraine d conflict . Governor A l Smith' s stron g bi d fo r th e Democrati c presidentia l nomination imparte d ne w salienc y t o th e concern s o f man y Prot estants, while th e growin g oppositio n t o hi s candidac y fuele d Ro man Catholi c resentment . Locally , th e sens e o f a final reckonin g on religiou s issue s wa s enhance d b y th e spectacl e o f a Roma n Catholic mayor , th e newl y reelecte d Suprem e Commande r o f th e Knights o f St . John , openl y feudin g wit h Protestan t activists , th e Buffalo Counci l o f Churches , an d a secre t societ y dedicate d t o Protestant solidarity— a quarre l tha t ha d alread y resulte d i n th e bombing o f a man' s home . Ninetee n twenty-fou r seeme d t o b e a year whe n importan t decision s woul d hav e t o b e made , whe n judgments woul d b e rendered , whe n ol d score s an d grievance s would b e settled . For mor e tha n tw o year s Mayo r Schwa b ha d trie d t o avoi d

The Destruction of the B uffalo Klan 11 9 turning th e mora l refor m an d Kla n issue s int o a religiou s fight, but h e becam e muc h les s restraine d afte r th e confrontatio n i n Black Rock . I n Apri l 192 4 he dismisse d th e leadershi p o f th e Buf falo Counci l o f Churche s a s "wholesal e scandal-mongers, " an d a few week s late r h e ordere d polic e t o investigat e th e council' s chairman, th e Reveren d Do n B . Tullis, whom h e suspected, incor rectly, o f bein g a Klansman . "Mr . Schwa b seem s t o b e insisten t upon stirrin g u p som e religiou s prejudic e i n thi s vic e campaign/ ' Klansman L . E . H . Smit h observed . "W e hav e trie d t o kee p tha t out." 10 A s the situatio n worsened , th e mayo r openl y exploite d hi s religious ties . Late i n May , at th e annua l conventio n o f th e Catho lic Pres s Association , Schwa b accuse d th e Invisibl e Empir e o f "conducting guerrill a warfar e agains t th e Catholi c church " an d urged th e journalist s i n attendanc e t o "figh t thi s battl e fo r th e church. Don' t pas s i t up. " Also present wa s th e Bisho p o f Buffalo , the Righ t Reveren d Willia m Turner , wh o argue d tha t Catholic s must "shoulde r th e burden " o f opposin g "undesirabl e Protestan t citizens," a n assessmen t tha t th e mayo r publicl y endorsed . A few weeks later , i n a speec h befor e th e nationa l conventio n o f th e Knights o f St . John , Schwa b agai n calle d o n Catholic s t o "battl e against al l bigotr y an d lie s tha t ar e wellin g u p i n th e countr y through suc h agencie s a s the K u Klu x Klan." 11 Ignoring th e gatherin g stor m clouds , th e Buffal o Kla n presse d ahead wit h it s activities . O n Ma y 30 , th e klaver n conducte d a large outdoo r ceremon y o n privat e lan d nea r Clarenc e Center , a n event attende d b y hundred s o f knights ; whe n a stat e troope r i n pursuit o f a traffi c violato r arrive d o n th e scene , KK K picket s turned hi m away. 12 Muc h o f th e followin g mont h wa s spen t pre paring for th e New York Klan's second annua l Klorero , which wa s to b e hel d i n Bingha m ton. I n earl y July , severa l hundre d knight s from Buffal o an d surroundin g communitie s travele d b y trai n an d automobile t o the four-day gathering . Despite a couple of unpleasant incidents— a Kla n sentr y wa s pelted wit h brick s an d a loa d of buckshot wa s fired int o th e KK K encampment—th e approxi mately fou r thousan d knight s i n attendance appeare d t o have ha d a goo d time. The most notable event was a parade of two thousan d robed an d hoode d kluxer s through th e heart o f Binghamton o n th e Fourth o f July . Kin g Kleagl e E . D . Smit h heade d th e klavalcad e

120 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan astride a whit e horse , followe d b y floats , a band , an d marcher s from bot h th e Kla n an d th e Kameli a (th e order' s femal e auxil iary). On e o f th e mor e boisterou s contingent s i n th e processio n represented Buffal o Kla n No . 5 . Le d b y a costume d individua l masquerading a s Fran k Schwab , th e two-hundred-ma n uni t car ried sign s identifying themselve s a s "Mayor Schwab' s Pets. " When told abou t th e klavern' s demonstration , Mayo r Schwa b com mented, "Go d forgiv e them ; the y don' t kno w wha t the y ar e doing." 13 The mayor' s desir e fo r forgivenes s di d no t exten d t o himself . For month s h e ha d bee n plannin g t o tak e decisiv e actio n agains t the hooded order , an d th e Binghamton Klorer o presented a n idea l opportunity t o strike . Hi s spie s ha d informe d hi m o f th e locatio n of the Klan' s membershi p file s an d mailin g lists , and h e knew tha t most o f th e chapter' s officer s woul d b e ou t o f tow n fo r a t leas t a couple o f days . Wh o serve d a s hi s agen t o r agent s remain s un known; possibl y i t wa s th e police , his operatives withi n th e Klan , or member s o f on e o f Buffalo' s anti-Kla n organizations . I t i s cer tain, however , tha t lat e o n th e evenin g o f Jul y 3 a burgla r o r burglars brok e int o Kla n headquarter s (ostensibl y th e office s o f the Kay-Be e Adsig n Company ) o n th e thir d floo r o f th e Calume t Building. Earl y th e nex t morning , a janito r discovere d tha t th e suite ha d bee n completel y ransacked , paper s scattere d about , equipment smashed , an d al l th e office' s fil e cabinet s jimmie d open; a subsequen t investigatio n reveale d tha t a numbe r o f im portant document s wer e missing . Denyin g tha t the y ha d pre viously know n th e locatio n o f KK K headquarters , th e Buffal o police speculate d tha t th e burglar y wa s th e wor k o f a dissiden t faction withi n th e Klan. 14 Quite naturally , th e break-i n greatl y distresse d Buffal o Kla n No. 5. Klavern leader s ha d promise d t o take all necessary step s t o prevent exposur e o f th e ran k an d file , an d no w unknow n partie s had gaine d acces s to the chapter's mos t sensitiv e records. In orde r both t o squelc h pani c amon g Klansme n an d t o plant doub t i n th e minds o f thei r enemies , klaver n officer s issue d a pres s releas e playing dow n th e importanc e o f th e illega l intrusion , claimin g that onl y tw o Bibles, an America n flag , $25 0 in cash , and " a mail ing lis t o f eligible prospect s an d a few enquirie s fro m thos e desir -

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 12 1 ing information" ha d bee n taken . "The files of the actua l member ship o f approximatel y 18,50 0 name s togethe r wit h financial records," the letter bluffed, "ar e not kept a t th e office." 15 The Kla n als o trie d t o kee p u p members ' spirit s b y continuin g to hold larg e initiatio n ceremonies . Onl y thre e day s afte r th e bur glary, th e hoode d orde r conducte d it s first outdoo r meetin g i n Tonawanda, burnin g a larg e cros s erecte d o n a cana l barge ; at tending Klansme n informe d th e newspaper s tha t the y planne d a public parad e i n th e nea r future . O n th e evenin g o f Jul y 15 , more than fou r hundre d knight s i n full regali a gathere d o n private lan d near Swormsvill e an d initiate d a ne w clas s o f recruits , a ritua l that laste d unti l wel l afte r midnight . Th e stat e Kla n publicatio n Vigilance sai d tha t th e gatherin g wa s "th e answe r o f th e Kla n t o the enemie s o f th e orde r i n Buffal o tha t attempte d t o secur e th e membership lis t b y robbing th e Buffalo headquarter s recently." 16 As i t becam e eviden t tha t th e thef t o f klaver n record s ha d no t dissuaded Klansme n fro m furthe r activity , Mayo r Schwa b de cided t o appl y additiona l pressure . O n Jul y 25 , he informe d loca l reporters tha t h e had receive d a lette r fro m a n anonymou s Klans man offerin g t o sel l th e Buffal o Kla n membershi p lis t fo r tw o hundred dollars . Th e lette r claime d tha t "ther e ar e man y goo d citizens i n thi s organization," bu t vehementl y denounce d th e "un American, unprincipled , law-defying , money-grabbing , face-cov ered minister s wh o call themselve s th e inne r circle of the K u Klu x Klan o f Buffalo." I n both ton e an d structure , the messag e reveale d a stron g similarit y t o th e secre t report s tha t Schwa b ha d bee n receiving fro m on e of his informant s sinc e April—which suggest s that th e write r an d th e mayo r wer e fa r fro m unacquainted . In deed, Schwa b almos t surel y wa s tryin g t o us e thi s "anonymous " offer a s a mean s o f orchestratin g th e appearanc e o f th e KK K roster whil e disassociatin g himsel f fro m th e break-i n a t Kla n headquarters. Thi s approach , however , presente d a seriou s lega l obstacle, th e mayo r bein g liabl e t o charge s o f receivin g stole n property i f he bought th e list. 17 Schwab quickl y resolved thi s difficulty. O n August 1 , the mayo r announced tha t h e ha d receive d anothe r "anonymou s tip " tha t important material s concernin g th e Kla n coul d b e foun d i n th e basement o f th e Calume t Building . Polic e officer s dispatche d t o

122 The Destruction of the B uffalo Klan the scen e soo n locate d a larg e suga r ba g tha t containe d KK K literature, uniforms, an d nearl y tw o thousand inde x cards bearin g the names o f city residents ; the y the n too k th e items t o downtow n headquarters t o be "counted an d checked. " When pressed t o elaborate o n thi s sensationa l discovery , th e mayo r remaine d evasive : "I will no t tal k abou t i t becaus e I d o no t wis h t o giv e anyon e th e opportunity t o say that I am prejudiced/' 18 The Buffal o klaver n waste d littl e tim e i n respondin g t o th e mysterious reappearanc e o f th e stole n items . Attorne y Juliu s Grass, actin g a s lega l representativ e fo r th e chapte r (o f whic h he wa s a n activ e member) , demande d th e immediat e retur n o f everything tha t ha d bee n take n fro m th e basement an d threatene d to su e fo r libe l i f th e newspaper s publishe d th e allege d member ship list . Whe n officer s returne d th e material s o n Augus t 3 , Grass protested tha t the y had retaine d transcript s o f all th e informatio n on the inde x cards. Admitting tha t thi s was true, the police argue d that i t wa s standar d procedur e t o have a n "itemize d an d descrip tive record" of stolen propert y o n file. 19 Exposing th e klavern' s membershi p stil l pose d problems . Al though th e authoritie s ha d n o doub t tha t the y possesse d a n accu rate lis t o f Klansmen , the y ha d n o wa y o f provin g thi s i f i t cam e to a lega l showdown ; th e roste r ha d bee n inscribe d o n plai n inde x cards (no t officia l membershi p applicatio n forms ) an d carrie d n o signatures. Th e loca l newspaper s woul d no t publis h th e roste r without mor e substantia l verification , an d th e cit y riske d lega l action fo r libe l i f it openly claime d tha t th e citizen s name d o n th e list belonge d t o th e Invisibl e Empire . Thu s a degre e o f officia l disingenuousness wa s require d whe n th e polic e department , o n the orders o f Mayor Schwab , placed a copy o f the roster on publi c display th e afternoo n o f Augus t 4 . "W e d o no t know, " explaine d Assistant Corporatio n Counse l Andrew P . Ronan, "whether th e lis t is a lis t o f Klansme n o r not . W e ar e takin g n o chance s i n makin g the lis t public. " He argued tha t th e names simpl y constitute d par t of a n officia l recor d o f stole n propert y tha t wa s availabl e t o al l concerned residents , addin g tha t "Anybod y ma y cop y th e lis t i f he desires." 20 Public interes t i n th e "recor d o f stole n property " steadil y gre w over th e followin g days . On Augus t 6 , seventy-five resident s cam e

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 12 3 to polic e headquarter s t o vie w th e document , takin g turn s care fully readin g throug h th e name s a s armed guard s stoo d nearby . " I always suspecte d tha t bird, " commente d on e visitor . "Se e tha t fellow there—wel l h e live s nex t doo r t o me , ca n yo u bea t it, " another exclaimed . Tw o day s later , th e numbe r o f visitor s ha d increased t o three hundred ; viewin g was now don e by groups, an d an additiona l cop y o f th e lis t wa s pu t o n display . Polic e soo n had t o exten d visitin g hour s an d mak e a thir d cop y available , a spokesman acknowledgin g tha t th e departmen t wa s no t prepare d for suc h a n influx . O n Augus t 13 , when th e rank s o f th e curiou s swelled t o mor e tha n thre e thousand , officer s transferre d th e cop ies of the roste r t o a mor e spaciou s locatio n i n th e Franklin Stree t station. A s thos e i n th e crow d rea d throug h th e lists , ther e wer e numerous "outburst s o f anger, display s o f bitterness an d exclama tions o f astonishment" ; man y resident s jotte d dow n name s fro m the document, particularl y thos e of tradespeople an d neighbors. 21 Most Klansme n responde d t o thei r exposur e wit h silence . Th e Courier contacte d a numbe r o f th e me n liste d o n th e roster , al l o f whom eithe r denied affiliatio n o r refused t o comment. When aske d if h e wa s a member , Stat e Assemblyma n Henr y Hut t replied , "Absolutely not . I never wa s connecte d wit h th e organization , no r am I now. " Afte r bein g informe d tha t th e authoritie s possesse d evidence tha t h e ha d attende d a Kla n meetin g i n January , how ever, he admitted tha t " I may have, but I don't thin k so. " Although he initiall y denie d an y connectio n wit h th e KKK , th e Reveren d Charles Penfol d als o eventuall y indicate d hi s involvement : " I be lieve I hav e addresse d som e Kla n meetings—bu t s o ha s Mayo r Schwab; s o tha t doe s no t mea n anything . I have addresse d meet ings tha t looke d ver y muc h lik e Kla n meeting s t o me—mayb e that i s th e reaso n fo r m y nam e appearin g amon g a numbe r o f prospects." 22 The los s o f it s secrec y thre w th e klaver n int o disarra y an d fueled disconten t amon g th e ran k an d file . On e angr y Klansma n argued tha t th e chapter' s officer s shoul d b e formall y censured , claiming tha t th e thef t o f th e membershi p file s represente d " a pure case of neglect." The exact degre e of anxiety, embarrassment , and ange r tha t exposur e produce d ca n onl y b e speculate d on , bu t in a t leas t on e instanc e i t resulte d i n a tragi c incident . For severa l

124 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan months prior t o the break-in a t Kla n headquarters, Henry H . Lyon had bee n on e o f th e klavern' s mos t activ e members . A highl y respected electrica l enginee r an d a longtim e employe e o f th e Buf falo Genera l Electri c Company , Lyo n suffere d fro m a progressiv e neurotic conditio n an d foun d publi c humiliatio n t o be mor e tha n he coul d endure . Shortl y afte r midnigh t o n Augus t 7 , 1924 , les s than thre e day s afte r th e KK K roste r wen t o n display , h e too k a revolver an d fatall y sho t hi s wif e an d tw o youn g sons , age s eigh t and ten , while the y slept. Lyon then fire d th e weapon int o his ow n right cheek ; h e die d a fe w hour s later . A newspaper repor t o f hi s death provide d a descriptio n o f hi s wor k habit s tha t i s particu larly intriguin g i n light of what w e know abou t th e Klan' s concen tration i n certain occupations : It wa s said tha t Lyo n was a conscientious, painstaking ma n i n his work an d al l employees unde r hi m respecte d him . Lyon was chief engineer o f th e draftin g departmen t o f the [Buffalo ] Genera l Electric Co. , which positio n involve d a vas t amoun t o f mathematica l work. Th e me n unde r Lyo n wer e require d t o figure everythin g strictly accordin g t o scale, a fact whic h reveals th e exactness Lyon desired and demanded. Perhaps a n obsessio n wit h order , regularity , an d precisio n ha d helped lea d Lyo n int o th e Invisibl e Empire ; perhaps , a s well , i t ultimately le d him int o madness. 23 The enemie s o f th e Kla n di d no t le t th e Lyo n traged y dete r them fro m thei r assaul t o n th e Invisibl e Empire . "Th e murdere r and th e suicid e joined a n organizatio n whos e sol e reason fo r exis tence i s to persecute th e Catholi c Church , t o revile he r priesthoo d and sisterhood, " argue d th e Catholic Union & Times. "Conscienc e makes coward s o f u s all. " Soo n other s fel t th e wrat h o f th e com munity, Polic e Lieutenan t Austi n J . Roche observing on August 1 1 that "busines s me n whos e names wer e foun d o n the lis t hav e bee n boycotted b y man y o f thei r customer s sinc e th e lis t a t polic e headquarters wa s throw n ope n t o th e public . On e west-sid e mil k dealer sai d h e los t 10 6 customers th e first da y th e lis t wa s mad e public." Rumor s als o circulate d tha t insuranc e salesme n an d stockbrokers ha d "los t considerabl e business " an d tha t a numbe r of Klansmen ha d bee n dismisse d fro m thei r jobs. Shortly afte r th e list was put o n display, the Seneca Flower Shop, owned by klaver n

The Destruction of the B uffalo Klan 12 5 member Anso n C. Beeman, wa s painted wit h yello w KKK's , and a downtown sho e stor e wa s covere d wit h strip s o f wallpaper advis ing "Catholics , Jews , an d Negroes " t o tak e thei r busines s else where. O n th e evenin g o f Augus t 13 , seven south-sid e home s an d businesses, al l belongin g t o Klansmen , wer e marke d wit h larg e KKK's painte d i n whit e lea d paint ; Kla n opponent s als o poste d a sign wit h th e name s o f south Buffal o knight s a t th e intersectio n o f Seneca Stree t an d Norma n Place , a displa y tha t attracte d hun dreds o f curiou s Fift h War d residents . Th e followin g night , van dals covere d a t leas t hal f a doze n residence s jus t acros s th e cit y line i n Cheektowag a wit h blac k an d whit e KKK' s o f variou s 74

sizes. The surg e o f anti-Kla n activit y worrie d loca l authorities . "I f these demonstration s continue, " warned Polic e Chief Charles Zim merman, "w e wil l b e force d t o withhol d th e lis t fro m furthe r exhibitions. Displayin g o f th e list s i s no t intende d t o incit e an y such activities. " Eve n Mayo r Schwab , whos e action s ha d encour aged suc h demonstration s i n th e first place , voiced stron g reserva tions: "While som e ma y thin k tha t retaliatio n i s justified, I appea l to the m a s civic-spirite d citizen s an d a s tru e Christian s no t t o despoil th e fai r nam e o f th e cit y o f Buffal o b y an y suc h occur rences which woul d resembl e i n any way th e tactic s of the organi zation a t whic h the y ar e aimed." 25 This di d no t mea n tha t th e mayo r ha d finished wit h Klansmen . Correctly anticipatin g tha t mos t knight s would den y membership , Schwab ha d hel d additiona l record s i n reserve . O n Augus t 19 , he announced tha t a disgruntle d Kla n office r ha d maile d hi m a ne w membership list , on e tha t include d no t onl y th e name s o f nearl y two thousan d Buffal o Klansme n bu t als o thos e o f a lik e numbe r residing i n ove r sevent y towns , villages , an d hamlet s i n wester n New York . Schwa b indicate d that , unlik e th e earlie r list , thi s roster consiste d o f a comprehensiv e se t o f officia l applicatio n cards bearin g th e signature s o f members ; th e form s additionall y provided detaile d informatio n concernin g plac e o f residence , oc cupation, age , religious belief , an d ran k withi n th e Klan . In orde r to convinc e other s tha t h e ha d fairl y an d legall y acquire d th e KKK records , th e mayo r release d a cop y o f a lette r tha t ha d accompanied th e roster :

126 The Destruction of

the Buffalo Klan

Frank X. Schwa b Mayor of the City of Buffal o Because yo u hav e prove n t o b e suc h a goo d spor t an d becaus e these confirmed liar s of the Kla n hav e repeatedly denie d thei r mem bership an d defie d yo u t o prove thei r identit y wit h th e hooded anti Americans an d ar e no w cryin g fo r hel p an d puttin g th e responsibil ity upo n th e shoulder s o f others , I a m sendin g yo u b y expres s th e remainder o f th e propert y take n bu t no t stole n fro m th e K u Klu x Klan headquarter s Jul y 3 , 1924 , by thos e wh o ha d a righ t t o ente r for thei r ow n protectio n an d whos e card s hav e bee n remove d fro m this file but wh o will be read y t o reveal th e rottenness o f the Buffal o Klan whe n th e proper tim e comes . Remember, Klansme n ar e swor n t o lie when aske d i f they belon g to the K u Klu x Klan . A Klansman Wa s I One o f Mayo r S c h w a b ' s spie s withi n th e klaver n h a d a t time s signed hi s r e p o r t s " A K l a n s m a n I Am " a n d " A K l a n s m a n I Was, " a n d h e h a d regularl y criticize d th e c o r r u p t i o n t h a t h e believe d p e r v a d e d th e c h a p t e r ' s leadership . Hi s r e p o r t s h a d als o stresse d the unfai r w a y i n w h i c h th e Kla n h a d t r e a t e d th e mayor , a s w a s likewise indicate d i n th e letter . Althoug h ther e i s n o absolut e proof, on e ca n strongl y suspec t t h a t th e m e m b e r s h i p file s h a d been acquire d b y thi s operative , a perso n w i t h w h o m th e m a y o r h a d bee n i n clos e contac t fo r months. 2 6 Almost i m m e d i a t e l y , a "corp s o f s t e n o g r a p h e r s " w e n t t o wor k copying th e Kla n records , a n d Mayo r S c h w a b gav e ever y indica tion t h a t h e p l a n n e d t o p u t th e ne w lis t o n publi c display . H e als o hoped t o us e th e m e m b e r s h i p card s t o confron t a n d h u m i l i a t e those Buffalonian s w h o h a d d a r e d t o joi n th e Invisibl e E m p i r e , a n n o u n c i n g t h a t instea d o f r e t u r n i n g th e m a t e r i a l s i n bul k t o a Klan representative , " I a m goin g t o insis t o n th e [men ] whos e n a m e s a n d signature s a r e i n th e ne w lis t personall y comin g t o police h e a d q u a r t e r s i f the y wis h t o recove r thei r m e m b e r s h i p cards." Th e m a y o r a d d e d a religiou s twis t t o thi s a p p r o a c h b y writing a n ope n lette r t o th e city' s Protestan t clergymen , askin g t h e m t o "infor m th e p u b l i c from thei r p u l p i t s nex t S u n d a y t h a t we wil l insis t u p o n th e K l a n s m e n retrievin g thei r cards. " On e week later , th e polic e b e g a n sendin g ou t p o s t c a r d notice s t o al l t h e residents o n th e list , r e q u e s t i n g t h e m t o pic k u p thei r property. 2 7

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 12 7 Some cit y official s fel t tha t th e mayo r wa s bein g excessivel y vindictive i n dealin g wit h Klansme n an d tha t hi s action s woul d only bree d trouble . Th e mos t voca l amon g thes e wa s Polic e Chie f Zimmerman, wh o had bee n ver y disturbed b y the recent outbrea k of anti-Klan activity . A Protestant, a n admire d figure amon g loca l reformers, an d th e uncl e o f Klansma n Andre w Zimmerman , th e chief possesse d a considerabl e degre e o f understandin g a s t o ho w otherwise respectabl e citizen s migh t hav e bee n le d int o th e Invisi ble Empire. "If it is up t o me," he informed th e press on August 21, "I will unde r n o circumstances allo w anybod y t o see th e Kla n list . The ope n inspectio n o f th e [firs t list ] le d t o man y disorder s an d unnecessary strife. " Zimmerman warne d tha t "Peopl e are ready t o commit murde r ove r the accusations mad e tha t the y ar e member s of the Klan. A man calle d u p only yesterday an d sai d he would kil l anyone wh o chalke d th e letter s K.K.K . o n hi s hom e a s someon e attempted t o do. " Onl y i f h e wer e presente d wit h a n orde r fro m the stat e suprem e court , advise d th e chief , woul d h e ope n th e records t o publi c scrutiny . Polic e Lieutenan t Austi n Roch e als o voiced reservation s abou t revealin g th e roster , commentin g tha t "I believ e tha t i t i s unfai r t o allo w person s indiscriminatel y t o view th e lists , especially whe n thei r reaso n fo r wantin g t o see th e list i s a malicious one." 28 Desiring t o avoi d a controvers y withi n hi s administration , Mayor Schwa b trie d t o compromise . Rathe r tha n givin g th e pub lic fre e acces s t o th e Kla n materials , h e suggeste d tha t onl y th e newspapers b e allowe d t o examin e th e records ; then , "The y [th e newspapers] ca n tak e i t or leave it. I am no t givin g out th e list an d neither i s th e chief . I f th e newspaper s wis h t o mak e publi c a public record , i t i s u p t o them. " I n orde r t o avoi d furthe r delay , Schwab o n Augus t 2 5 issue d a direc t orde r t o Zimmerman : "Yo u will immediatel y permi t member s o f th e pres s t o vie w th e sai d list i n th e hands o f the property clerk. " Having no choice, the chie f allowed reporter s t o loo k a t th e roster—angril y avowin g tha t h e had "washe d hi s hand s o f everything"—bu t h e refuse d t o allo w the journalists t o copy down an y information fro m th e documents . "I have received severa l request s from official s o f industrial plant s and othe r organization s t o d o al l i n m y powe r t o kee p th e lis t a secret," h e explained . "The y informe d m e tha t severa l o f thei r

128 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan employees hav e cause d disturbance s i n th e store s an d plant s an d they fea r furthe r disorder s i f the new lis t i s made public/' 2 9 The chief' s argument s agains t ful l an d ope n disclosur e di d no t convince th e Klan' s mos t zealou s opponents . O n Augus t 28 , Charles S . Desmond , a n ambitiou s youn g Catholi c attorne y an d Democratic candidat e fo r th e stat e assembl y sea t hel d b y Klans man Henr y Hutt , indicated tha t h e would tak e legal action agains t Zimmerman. "A s a publi c officia l i n charg e o f publi c records, " argued Desmond , "[Zimmerman ] mus t sho w an y documen t i n hi s possession vita l t o th e publi c interes t i n reasonabl e tim e whe n asked t o d o s o b y a citizen. " Th e anti-Kla n attorne y pursue d thi s legal effor t an d secure d a specia l hearin g befor e Ne w Yor k Su preme Cour t Justic e Charle s A . Pooley earl y i n Septembe r 1924 . Desmond's mai n lin e o f argumen t wa s tha t th e Buffal o cit y char ter guarantee d resident s acces s t o publi c records . I n a n opposin g affidavit, Chie f Zimmerma n asserte d tha t th e Kla n document s were no t publi c record s an d tha t unrestricte d acces s t o the m might lea d t o civi l disorder . O n Septembe r 15 , Judge Pooley re jected Zimmerman' s argumen t an d rule d tha t th e Kla n lis t an d associated material s fel l withi n th e charte r provisio n allowin g citizens acces s t o publi c records ; h e declare d tha t no t onl y coul d the document s b e pu t o n displa y bu t tha t the y coul d b e copied b y anyone who desired t o do so. 30 By the time it was delivered, Pooley's ruling had become largel y moot. Early i n September , rumor s surface d tha t copie s of the ne w Klan membershi p lis t wer e secretl y circulatin g throughou t th e city. This received confirmatio n o n Septembe r 10 , when a numbe r of vendor s bega n openl y sellin g a publishe d versio n o f th e roste r in downtow n Buffalo ; soo n mor e tha n five thousan d copie s o f th e pamphlet, whic h liste d klaver n member s b y trad e an d profession , were availabl e i n loca l newsstands . Entitle d Expose of Traitors in the Interests of Jews, Catholics, Negroes and All Respecters of the American Principle of Civil and Religious Freedom an d sellin g fo r fifty cents, th e pamphle t becam e a n instan t bestseller . Thi s unau thorized appearanc e o f informatio n culle d fro m record s i n polic e custody di d no t pleas e Chie f Zimmerman , wh o ordered th e arres t of Gabriel J . Vestola , on e o f thos e vendin g th e publication . I t wa s soon learned , however , tha t Vestol a possesse d a vali d peddler' s

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 12 9 license an d tha t ther e wer e n o lega l ground s fo r holdin g him . When aske d wha t furthe r actio n th e cit y wa s contemplating , Mayor Schwa b disavowe d an y persona l interes t i n learnin g ho w the lis t ha d falle n int o unauthorize d hands : "I f Chie f Zimmerma n wishes t o arres t an y person s fo r th e publicatio n o f th e list , that' s his affair , no t mine. " Th e Klan' s attorney , Juliu s Grass , trie d t o take th e publicatio n o f th e lis t i n stride , commenting : "No w I know wher e t o bu y m y butter , egg s an d milk . [Th e lis t is ] a goo d business director y fo r th e Klan." 31 It remain s uncertai n whic h perso n o r person s acquire d th e lis t and publishe d it . Give n th e ton e o f som e o f th e writin g i n th e pamphlet, on e suspect s tha t on e o r mor e o f th e city' s predomi nantly Catholi c anti-Kla n organization s bor e majo r responsibil ity. 32 Yet , thi s wa s a t leas t t o som e exten t a n ecumenica l effort : the unname d publisher s wer e represente d b y Jewis h attorne y Samuel M . Fleischman, wh o provided th e press with a n illuminat ing assessment o f the sense of personal outrag e tha t had convince d him t o participate i n th e assaul t o n th e Klan : I have no malice against an y person name d i n the pamphlet. I am, of course, opposed strenuousl y t o th e organizatio n [KKK ] for thi s reason. When i t attempt s t o sa y tha t m y boy , dearer t o m e man y times than my own life, because he was born unto me a Jew is to be barred fro m holdin g publi c offic e i n thi s country , an d shoul d b e voted agains t i n the event he did run fo r office , b y the members of any association, purely because he is a Jew, [then it] is vicious and un-American, and every bit o f energy tha t I possess will be used in wiping out such an organization. 33 The appearanc e an d distributio n o f th e publishe d Kla n lis t coincided wit h a ne w spat e o f anti-Kla n activity . A t leas t fou r additional busines s establishment s wer e adorne d wit h KKK's , in cluding th e automobil e servic e statio n o f Edga r H . Herning . " I believe i n wha t th e Kla n stand s for, " a defian t Hernin g state d following th e incident . " I was brough t u p Protestan t an d I have a right t o believe in th e principles o f religion whic h wer e taugh t me . I don' t se e wh y anyon e shoul d objec t t o tha t a s lon g a s I don' t harm anyone. " H e promise d tha t th e letter s painte d o n th e win dow o f hi s servic e statio n woul d remai n ther e unti l th e responsi ble partie s remove d them . Fento n H . Dimmick , th e principa l o f

130 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan Buffalo Publi c Schoo l No . 1 , exhibite d considerabl y les s resolv e after anti-Kla n student s sen t hi m a not e sayin g "Ol d Ma n Dim mick, If you don't ge t out, we will get you." Dimmick immediatel y requested polic e protection , protestin g tha t h e ha d attende d onl y one klaver n meetin g an d di d no t conside r himsel f t o b e currentl y affiliated wit h th e secret order. 34 By thi s time , on e o f th e mos t unfortunat e an d violen t episode s associated wit h th e exposur e o f the Kla n ha d kep t th e communit y on edg e fo r mor e tha n a week . Immediatel y followin g th e thef t of it s record s o n Jul y 3 , Buffal o Kla n No . 5 notifie d Imperia l headquarters i n Atlant a an d requeste d assistance . Shortl y after ward, a n officia l Kla n investigator , Thoma s H . Austin , receive d instructions t o trave l t o Buffalo ; perhap s anticipatin g trouble , h e stopped of f i n Binghamto n o n Jul y 7 an d acquire d a licens e t o carry a revolver . Onc e i n Buffalo , Austi n checke d int o th e Graystone Hote l unde r a n assume d nam e an d i n associatio n wit h local klavern officer s trie d t o determine wh o had bee n involve d i n the break-in. 35 Gradually suspicion s focuse d upo n Edwar d C . Obertean, a for mer policema n wh o had joine d th e Kla n i n June. A member o f th e vice squa d fro m 191 9 t o 1920 , Obertea n ha d bee n dismisse d i n a well-publicized episod e tha t man y believe d wa s politicall y moti vated. Most Klansme n probabl y assume d tha t h e harbored resent ment agains t th e polic e departmen t an d othe r cit y officials ; the y also assume d tha t h e wa s Protestan t becaus e h e ha d designate d his religiou s affiliatio n a s Baptis t o n hi s membershi p application . In actuality , Obertea n wa s a Roma n Catholi c operatin g a s a spe cial office r unde r th e directio n o f Polic e Lieutenan t Roch e an d Mayor Schwab. 36 By late August 1924 , Klansmen ha d begu n t o piece together th e truth an d confronte d Obertea n a t a meetin g o f th e order . A number o f outrage d knight s brandishe d weapon s a t him , claime d h e was a traitor , an d mad e a variet y o f dir e threats . Althoug h re leased, th e specia l office r stil l feare d fo r hi s life , confidin g t o a friend, "I f the y tr y t o get me , you can bet you r lif e tha t I will mar k a coupl e of them." 37 This wa s th e tens e situatio n o n th e evenin g o f August 31 , when a ca r bearing Kla n investigato r Thoma s Austin , Kleagl e Georg e C.

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 13 1 Bryant, an d Klansma n Car l W . Sturm arrive d a t Obertean' s hom e at 15 9 Kensingto n Avenu e i n nort h Buffalo . Th e thre e me n soo n saw Obertea n pas s b y in an automobil e drive n b y Floyd A. Victor, a non-Klansman , an d the y gav e chase . Eventually , Victo r pulle d over i n fron t o f a residenc e a t 12 8 Durha m Street , an d Georg e Bryant, th e drive r o f the pursuing vehicle , stepped ou t an d sai d t o Obertean, "Jus t a minute , Ed , I wan t t o tal k wit h you. " Obertea n simultaneously alighted , declaring , "W e migh t a s wel l settl e thi s right here and now. " Suddenly, according to witnesses, two flashe s of ligh t flare d fro m Obertean' s coa t pocket , wher e h e ha d con cealed a revolver . A bullet struc k th e unarmed Bryan t i n th e groi n and h e collapsed i n the street; th e other slu g grazed th e leg of Carl Sturm, wh o ha d exite d th e ca r an d no w ra n away , wounded , int o the night . Thomas Austi n the n steppe d ou t and , standin g onl y fiv e feet awa y from Obertean , sho t th e special officer onc e in th e chest ; as Obertea n spu n around , th e Kla n investigato r sho t hi m thre e more time s i n th e back . Obertea n fel l t o th e ground , manage d t o lift hi s weapo n a fina l time , an d fire d tw o steel-jackete d bullet s directly int o Austin' s heart , killin g hi m instantly . Les s tha n a n hour later , Obertea n die d i n a loca l hospital , neve r managin g t o make a final statement. 38 In th e wak e o f th e north-sid e shoot-out , religiou s tension s i n Buffalo soared . "M y brothe r Edward, " announce d th e slai n offi cer's sister , "wa s a marty r t o hi s religio n an d church. " Th e subse quent distributio n o f the Expose of Traitors an d Charles Desmond' s successful lega l actio n agains t Chie f Zimmerma n soo n adde d fue l to th e fire, producin g a ver y unpleasan t stat e o f affair s tha t per sisted fo r severa l months . Earl y i n September , Mayo r Schwab , observing tha t "Buffal o ha s change d fro m a cit y note d fo r it s religious toleranc e t o a cit y i n whic h bigotr y an d rac e distinctio n [have] bee n force d t o th e attentio n o f th e grea t mas s o f citizens, " called o n th e leader s o f th e community' s majo r churche s t o for m a toleranc e committe e aroun d th e them e o f "On e Go d an d On e Country." I n th e followin g days , however , h e wa s decisivel y re buffed b y prominen t Protestan t clergymen . Th e Roma n Catholi c Bishop o f Buffalo , Willia m Turner , als o refuse d t o cooperate , de spite his personal friendshi p wit h th e mayor . "Catholics of Buffal o have bee n th e chie f sufferer s fro m religiou s intolerance, " h e ex -

132 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan plained i n a n ope n letter . "W e did no t star t th e conflagratio n an d it i s no t u p t o u s t o ge t scorche d an d smudge d i n th e attemp t t o put ou t th e flames." Th e bishop wen t o n t o assert tha t "Th e blam e and th e shame ar e t o be placed elsewhere . The churches tha t hav e contributed t o th e membershi p o f th e Klan , th e churche s tha t have harbore d an d encourage d th e hoode d knight s can , i f the y have th e inclinatio n an d th e authorit y t o d o so , bring th e matte r to a speedy head/' 3 9 In this atmosphere o f growing hatred an d distrust , many Catho lics desire d nothin g les s tha n th e tota l destructio n an d humilia tion o f th e Klan . Accordingly , o n Septembe r 4 , Henry W . Killeen , an attorne y an d clos e associat e o f Charle s Desmond , initiate d proceedings i n cit y cour t t o determin e whethe r ther e wer e grounds fo r prosecutin g loca l Klansme n unde r th e provision s o f the Walker Law . Over the course of the next several weeks, Killeen subpoenaed forty-on e Buffalonian s whos e name s appeare d o n th e KKK roster , pressin g the m i n cour t t o revea l ho w an d wh y the y had joine d th e Invisibl e Empire . Mos t Klansme n continued , eve n under oath , t o deny affiliation ; other s testifie d tha t the y ha d filled out applicatio n form s an d attende d "patriotic " meetings , bu t in sisted tha t the y di d no t conside r themselve s t o b e member s o f the hoode d order . A few individuals—mos t notabl y th e Reveren d George A. Fowler, th e Reveren d L . E. H. Smith, and Kla n attorne y Julius Grass—readily admitte d tha t the y had joined. State Assemblyman Henr y Hut t als o decide d tha t i t wa s tim e t o com e clean : "I am a member o f the Kla n an d I am prou d o f it. I hope the day i s near whe n th e stat e o f Ne w Yor k shal l receiv e a charte r fro m national headquarter s fo r a regular Klan." 40 Such comment s notwithstanding , th e Killee n investigatio n se riously damage d Buffal o Kla n No . 5. Members no w realize d tha t at an y momen t the y migh t b e haule d int o cour t an d subjecte d t o further publi c humiliation ; the y als o clearl y riske d prosecutio n under th e Walke r Law . A powerful messag e ha d bee n delivered : Abandon an y typ e o f disruptiv e activit y o r suffe r seriou s conse quences. Ultimately , mos t knight s decide d t o accep t th e inevita ble. From Septembe r 192 4 on, the order greatl y reduce d it s activities withi n th e cit y limits ; ther e wer e n o mor e cross-burnings , anonymous message s wer e n o longe r promulgated , an d th e cam -

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 13 3 paign fo r improve d mora l condition s graduall y fade d away . Th e klavern continue d t o hold secre t lodg e meetings , but increasingl y these wer e exclusivel y socia l occasions . B y lat e 1924 , th e Buffal o Klan ha d bee n largel y neutralized , permanentl y remove d a s a serious factor i n th e community's politica l life . Had th e Klan' s opponent s desire d t o d o so , the y coul d hav e pressed ahea d wit h th e prosecutio n o f ever y loca l knigh t unde r the Walke r Law . Afte r Judg e Poole y rule d tha t th e document s taken fro m Kla n headquarter s wer e publi c records , th e anti-Kla n forces ha d ampl e evidenc e t o us e agains t thei r enemies , particu larly th e signe d membershi p cards . Suc h a n effort , however , promised t o b e complicated , time-consuming , an d expensive . Strangely enough , i t wa s Klansma n Juliu s Gras s wh o suggeste d an alternativ e approac h durin g th e Killee n inquiry : I admit tha t th e Ku Klux Klan did not comply with the Walker act in no t havin g file d a lis t o f member s an d officers . I admi t tha t George C. Bryant [wh o was recovering from hi s gunshot wound] is the kleagle o f th e Kla n i n Buffalo . No w tha t i s all tha t m y frien d Killeen i s afte r i n thi s proceeding . Le t hi m issu e a warran t fo r Bryant's arres t an d brin g hi m int o court . We—whe n I say , we , I mean tha t I represent th e Invisible Empir e of the Ku Klux Klan— are ready to test the constitutionality of the Walker act. 41 As Gras s an d othe r Kla n leader s wer e n o doub t aware , suc h a course would no t only simplify matters , but, by focusing th e atten tion o f th e authoritie s exclusivel y o n Bryant , woul d eas e pressur e on th e KKK' s ran k an d file , increasin g th e likelihoo d tha t the y would continu e affiliation . The hooded order' s opponent s agree d tha t a tes t cas e woul d b e the best wa y t o proceed. Lat e in September , Distric t Attorney Gu y Moore issue d a warran t fo r Bryant' s arrest , chargin g hi m wit h violating th e Walke r Law . O n Octobe r 1 , Bryant surrendere d t o authorities, bu t hi s lega l counse l secure d th e kleagle' s releas e pending a ruling by Supreme Cour t Justice Pooley on the constitu tionality o f th e anti-Kla n measure . Fiv e day s later , Poole y hear d arguments fo r an d agains t th e Walke r Law . Bryant' s chie f attor ney, Louis C. Fuller, a prominent crimina l lawye r from Rochester , argued tha t th e ac t constitute d a "vicious, pernicious for m o f clas s legislation" because i t exclusively targete d th e Invisible Empire :

134 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan Everybody know s tha t th e Walke r ac t wa s aime d solel y a t th e K u Klux Klan. This statute is a dishonor to the state of New York. I am frank t o stat e tha t th e la w i s anarchisti c i n spiri t an d fa r wors e than anythin g ever suspected of the Klan. Evidently i t was enacted because a fe w politicians , member s o f th e Republica n an d Demo cratic parties , by concerte d actio n though t th e Kla n coul d distur b the balance of power now controlled by the two major parties in the state legislature. In rebuttal , Distric t Attorne y Moor e an d Henr y Killee n presente d a bitte r an d emotiona l denunciatio n o f th e KKK , stressin g tha t the state clearl y had th e right t o regulate organization s tha t pose d a threa t t o the public good. 42 One mont h later , Judg e Poole y delivere d ye t anothe r blo w t o Buffalo Kla n No . 5 b y upholdin g th e constitutionalit y o f th e Walker Law . "I t i s a matte r o f commo n knowledg e tha t thi s orga nization function s largel y a t night , it s member s disguise d b y hoods an d gown s an d doin g thing s calculate d t o strike terro r int o the mind s o f th e people, " he observed . "I t i s claimed tha t the y ar e organized agains t certai n o f th e citizen s b y reaso n o f rac e an d religion." Therefore , becaus e th e Invisibl e Empir e clearl y struc k at "fundamenta l principle s o f ou r government, " th e stat e shoul d have th e powe r "t o eradicat e i t an d . . . i s no t require d t o awai t violations befor e enactin g legislation. " Th e decisio n angere d th e Klan's lega l representatives , wh o continue d t o clai m tha t th e Walker La w wa s "unreasonable , arbitrary , an d discriminatory. " On Novembe r 10 , jus t a s Georg e Bryan t wa s preparin g t o b e arraigned i n cit y court , the y appeale d Pooley' s rulin g t o th e Ne w York appellate division . Bryant the n poste d bai l pendin g th e deci sion o f the five-justice tribunal , which woul d no t hea r th e cas e fo r several months. Meanwhile city officials indicate d tha t the y woul d not us e th e ac t agains t othe r knight s unti l th e appea l ha d bee n settled. 43 This di d no t mea n tha t Klansme n woul d b e abl e t o evad e th e enforcement o f othe r laws . Alread y lega l actio n ha d bee n take n against Alber t C . Acker, sale s representativ e fo r th e Nationa l Lif e Insurance Compan y an d activ e klaver n member ; h e wa s also , a s Mayor Schwa b ha d learne d fro m hi s undercove r sources , a part time deale r in rubber condoms , which coul d be distributed legall y

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 13 5 only b y physicians . O n Augus t 9 , th e polic e arreste d Acke r o n a charge o f possessin g an d sellin g "illega l merchandise/ ' Unabl e t o make bail , th e Klansma n wa s take n t o count y jail ; on e mont h later h e ple d guilt y i n cit y cour t an d receive d a fifty-dollar fine. 44 At th e sam e time , city authoritie s charge d Stewar t Queer , forme r kleagle o f Buffal o Kla n No . 5 an d on e o f th e chie f organizer s o f the encounte r wit h Mayo r Schwa b a t Blac k Rock , wit h failin g t o provide adequat e financial suppor t t o his estranged wife and thre e children. O n Septembe r 17 , a cit y cour t judg e ordere d hi m t o pa y an increase d amoun t o f support. 45 A few week s later, Klansman E . Laverne Buell , th e displa y manage r a t th e Walte r E . Bedell Com pany, wa s convicte d o f assaultin g a seventeen-year-ol d girl ; th e young woma n ha d willingl y spen t th e nigh t wit h hi m i n a loca l hotel, but he r ag e had lef t Buel l legall y liable. 46 Easily th e mos t sensationa l charge s directe d a t a Klansma n a t this tim e wer e thos e levele d agains t th e Reveren d Charle s C . Penfold. O n th e evenin g o f Septembe r 19 , 1924 , thre e constable s i n the tow n o f Cheektowaga discovere d th e pastor's ca r parke d i n a n unlighted are a a t th e sid e o f Eas t Deleva n Avenue , just acros s th e Buffalo cit y line . Insid e th e vehicl e wer e Penfol d an d a woman , who ha d jointl y assume d a n "imprope r position. " Onc e awar e o f the officers ' presence , th e clergyma n quickl y exite d th e ca r an d began explainin g tha t th e woma n wa s hi s wif e an d tha t sh e wa s merely adjustin g he r clothe s afte r bein g stuc k wit h a pin . Thi s explanation di d no t convinc e th e constables , wh o immediatel y brought Penfol d an d hi s partne r befor e Justic e o f th e Peac e Je rome F . Roza n o n charge s o f "outragin g publi c decency. " Th e justice questione d bot h o f th e defendant s an d becam e suspiciou s when "Mrs . Penfold " ha d difficult y rememberin g he r ful l nam e and th e ag e o f he r onl y son . "You'r e bot h lyin g t o me, " he stated , rendering a verdic t o f guilty ; Roza n the n ordere d th e pai r t o return fo r sentencin g th e following week. 47 News o f Penfold' s nocturna l activitie s create d a grea t sti r i n Buffalo, th e pres s promptl y dubbin g hi m th e "parkin g parson. " The Klansma n insiste d tha t h e ha d bee n se t up , tha t th e whol e episode wa s " a preposterou s li e frame d b y m y enemie s wh o hav e long threatene d t o rid th e city of me." Protestant leader s promptl y leapt t o hi s defense . Th e Reveren d Rober t E . Brow n o f th e Rich -

136 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan mond Avenu e Methodis t Church , a non-Klansman , sai d tha t th e incident constitute d " a cowardly an d dastardl y attemp t t o intimi date thos e wh o ar e fighting fo r la w an d decenc y i n Buffalo/ ' an d the Buffal o Counci l o f Churche s extende d a n unqualifie d vot e o f confidence. Th e pastor' s congregatio n a t th e Sentine l Methodis t Church remaine d particularl y loyal , on e membe r assertin g tha t their leade r wa s " a marty r t o th e caus e o f righteousness . W e wil l back hi m t o th e las t ma n an d th e las t dolla r unti l complet e vindi cation ha s bee n secured. " Whe n Penfol d conducte d Sunda y ser vices o n Septembe r 21 , those attendin g greete d hi m wit h "man y warm handclasp s an d heartenin g word s of welcome." 48 The minister' s defender s soo n learne d tha t thei r suppor t wa s undeserved. Fo r tw o days , Cheektowag a detective s ha d followe d the allege d Mrs . Penfold , discoverin g tha t sh e actuall y wa s Mrs . Freda Lohr , a membe r o f th e Sentine l Methodis t choir . They con fronted her , and sh e subsequently visite d Judg e Roza n an d admit ted havin g lie d i n court ; a s Mrs . Lohr signed a n officia l statemen t retracting he r earlie r testimony , he r husban d stoo d nearb y softl y saying, "Tel l th e truth , dear . Tha t i s th e onl y thin g t o do. " I n short order , Edwar d P . Volz, th e deput y chie f o f th e Eri e Count y probation department , interrogate d Charle s Penfold , wh o con fessed tha t h e ha d als o mad e fals e statement s unde r oath . O n September 26 , the ministe r presente d himsel f a t th e Cheektowag a fire departmen t fo r sentencin g o n hi s earlie r conviction . A s a n unruly crow d o f anti-Kla n partisans , unabl e t o gai n admittance , jeered an d hoote d outsid e th e building , Judg e Roza n sentence d Penfold t o thirty day s i n th e Alden penitentiary , t o begin immedi ately. The pastor wa s take n t o the facility, bu t just a s guards wer e preparing t o shav e hi s head , h e secure d releas e o n bon d pendin g appeal. Waitin g t o tak e hi m hom e wa s a smal l grou p o f friends , including fello w Klansma n an d mora l crusade r L . E. H. Smith. 49 Penfold's hoode d brethre n di d what the y could t o show displea sure wit h hi s sentence . O n th e evenin g o f Septembe r 27 , rovin g bands o f knights ignite d crosse s i n variou s part s o f Cheektowaga , hoping t o intimidat e th e authorities . Unfortunatel y fo r th e Klan , however, tow n constable s succeede d i n arrestin g si x o f thos e re sponsible fo r th e fiery displays . Cheektowaga Chie f o f Police Emi l Cappola, wh o ha d previousl y seeme d reluctan t t o tak e decisiv e

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 13 7 action agains t th e KKK , no w lef t n o doub t abou t hi s intentions : "There wil l b e n o mor e burnin g o f crosse s i n thi s village . I hav e given m y me n order s t o shoot t o kill i f the hooded orde r show s it s head her e again/ ' Klansme n wisel y too k th e chie f a t hi s wor d an d refrained fro m furthe r demonstrations. 50 The Reveren d Penfold' s problem s wer e fa r fro m over . Distric t Attorney Moor e indicate d tha t h e woul d fil e perjur y charge s against th e clergyman , an d Methodis t Bisho p Adn a W . Leonard , putting integrit y befor e sectaria n solidarity , remove d Penfol d from hi s pastorate. By mid-October, accordin g t o a loca l reporter , the "parkin g parson " seeme d t o b e a broke n man . A s he face d hi s interviewer, h e appeare d "unstrung . . . . The bol t o f scanda l tha t has singe d hi m seeme d t o hav e lef t hi m dazed , helpless/ ' O n No vember 28 , Penfold receive d mor e unwelcome new s when th e Eri e County grand jur y indicte d hi m fo r perjury . H e entered 192 5 completely discredite d i n th e community' s eyes , hi s caree r i n sham bles, his reputation shattered. 51 Exposed, hounde d b y enemies , tainte d b y scandal , Buffal o Kla n No. 5 struggle d t o maintai n organizationa l viabilit y i n th e latte r half o f 1924 . After th e burglar y a t th e Calume t Building , th e klav ern shifte d operation s t o a n offic e o n th e eight h floor o f th e Bran som Building, near th e intersecto n o f Main and Eas t Eagle. Within days, however, Lieutenan t Roch e ha d ferrete d ou t thi s ne w head quarters an d th e Kla n decide d t o mov e on . B y earl y October , klavern officer s wer e reduce d t o holding executiv e conference s i n a quarr y a t th e Buffalo Cemen t Company. 52 The activitie s tha t th e grou p arrange d i n thi s perio d wer e pri marily socia l an d fraterna l i n nature . Lat e i n August , Buffal o knights joined hundred s o f other western Ne w York Klansme n fo r an outdoo r ceremon y nort h o f th e tow n o f Clarence , just of f Sal t Road. On e week later , fou r hundre d klaver n member s an d friend s traveled t o Batavi a t o participat e i n a Labo r Da y picni c an d pa rade sponsore d b y th e Genese e Count y Klan ; mor e tha n twenty five thousan d peopl e attende d th e affair , whic h conclude d wit h the traditiona l nighttim e initiatio n an d cross-burning. 53 Fo r th e remainder o f th e year , th e klaver n hel d regula r meeting s a t a variety o f indoo r sites ; a n officia l Kla n messag e intercepte d i n

138 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan October sai d tha t mor e tha n a doze n gathering s wer e schedule d for th e nex t thre e months . O n Christma s Eve , a grou p o f knight s in "ful l regalia " mad e a rar e publi c appearanc e a t th e Protestan t Home fo r Unprotecte d Children , o n Niagar a Street ; th e kluxer s distributed woole n sweaters , caps , an d mitten s t o ove r 15 0 aban doned an d orphane d youngsters. 54 With Georg e Bryant' s challeng e t o th e Walke r La w makin g it s way throug h th e courts , an d wit h enemie s read y t o pounc e a t a moment's notice , Buffal o Kla n No . 5 avoide d an y for m o f over t civic activis m a t thi s time . Thi s passiv e stanc e displease d suc h moral crusader s a s th e Reveren d L . E . H . Smith , wh o wante d t o continue th e refor m campaign . The n suddenly , o n Novembe r 9 , Smith fel l gravel y il l afte r dinin g i n a downtow n restaurant . Hi s physician late r informe d th e press tha t h e suspecte d tha t th e min ister ha d ingeste d "blac k drop, " a n arsenic-lace d compoun d fa vored b y underworl d assassins . Although Smit h eventuall y recov ered an d resume d som e o f hi s activities , h e cease d t o b e a n influential forc e o n th e loca l scene . Some month s later , afte r pro tracted quarrelin g wit h Georg e Bryan t an d othe r officers , th e cru sading pasto r tendere d hi s forma l resignatio n fro m th e Klan , thu s depriving th e klavern o f one of its few dynami c guidin g lights. 55 As Buffalo Kla n No . 5 entere d a perio d o f extende d declin e i n the fal l o f 1924 , Mayor Schwa b remaine d vigilant , fearfu l tha t th e organization migh t mak e som e typ e o f rash move . After receivin g a numbe r o f threatenin g letters , th e mayo r bega n carryin g a re volver an d rarel y wa s see n withou t a bodyguard. 56 H e also contin ued t o receiv e report s fro m a n undercove r investigator , wh o warned tha t a t on e Kla n meetin g "someon e suggeste d sideswipin g the Mayor' s ca r an d tarrin g an d featherin g him. " Lat e i n Novem ber, Schwa b announce d tha t Kla n agent s ha d i n fac t trie d t o waylay hi s ca r durin g a tri p t o th e villag e o f Perrysburg , bu t tha t he ha d bee n abl e t o thwar t th e assault . I n a n ope n letter , Kleagl e George Bryan t strongl y refute d th e mayor' s accusations , arguin g that th e klavern "ha s stood for everything tha t i s clean, decent an d commendable i n civi c affairs. " "Nothing, " h e emphasized , "i s more vita l t o th e welfar e o f th e K u Klu x Kla n i n thi s stat e tha n the personal safet y o f Francis Xavier Schwab." 57 After visitin g th e Niagar a Stree t children' s home , th e Kla n re -

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 13 9 pea ted th e pattern o f earlier year s an d wen t int o winter seclusion . The Buffalo Truth, owne d an d edite d b y Klansma n Mar k H . Hub bell, presente d a stead y strea m o f pro-KK K article s concernin g activities o f the secret orde r elsewher e i n th e stat e an d nation , bu t it carrie d n o new s abou t th e loca l klavern. 58 Then , suddenly , th e Klan too k o n ne w lif e i n th e spring . O n th e evenin g o f Marc h 31 , 1925, th e chapte r hel d a larg e socia l gatherin g fo r bot h me n an d women a t a n undisclose d sit e insid e th e city , a n even t tha t fea tured musi c b y a Kla n ban d fro m Batavia . Fiv e week s later , Buf falo knight s an d thei r Eri e Count y brethre n conducte d a n initia tion a t "Austi n Field " (name d i n hono r o f th e slai n Kla n investigator), a fifty-acre plo t o f farmland betwee n Lancaste r an d Elma tha t th e orde r ha d recentl y purchased . "Candidate s first were assemble d i n a gull y behin d a larg e barn, " note d a n invite d newspaper reporter . "Electri c torches , re d flares an d a col d moo n lighted u p th e vicinity . Tw o youn g wome n collecte d $1 0 bill s and check s fro m th e candidates , whil e th e Imperia l nigh t haw k credited ne w Klansme n wit h thei r donations . A bomb explode d i n the 'charme d circle ' a s th e signa l fo r th e candidates ' advance. " A subsequent oath-takin g an d cross-burnin g complete d th e ritual. 59 This ne w Kla n activit y worrie d Mayo r Schwab , wh o implore d Governor Smit h t o enforc e th e Walke r La w strictl y throughou t the state. 60 I n additio n t o concern s ove r hi s persona l safety , Schwab n o doub t feare d tha t a successfu l recruitin g driv e migh t encourage th e Buffal o klaver n t o pla y a n activ e rol e i n th e forth coming cit y elections. Although th e Invisible Empir e di d no t com mand a sizabl e blo c o f votes , it migh t d o somethin g t o exacerbat e simmering religiou s an d ethni c resentment s an d thereb y compli cate th e mayor' s reelectio n plans . As thing s turne d out , however , Buffalo Kla n No . 5 decide d t o tak e n o action ; indeed , b y th e summer o f 192 5 it was fast dwindlin g int o utter insignificance . Although th e loca l Kla n woul d soo n fad e ou t o f existence, man y of th e attitude s an d assumption s tha t ha d motivate d it s member s and supporter s remaine d quit e viable . Protestant-Catholi c ten sions ha d b y n o mean s full y subsided , ensurin g tha t man y voter s would oppos e Schwab' s reelectio n o n religiou s grounds ; othe r residents, includin g som e Catholics , ha d bee n appalle d b y hi s perceived indifferenc e t o vigorou s enforcemen t o f th e vic e an d

140 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan liquor law s an d b y th e continua l controvers y tha t ha d character ized his first fou r year s in office. Increasingly, man y of these Buffa lonians focuse d thei r hope s o n th e mayora l candidac y o f Cit y Commissioner Ros s Graves , a stron g prohibitio n advocat e wh o had establishe d himsel f a s one of the mayor's chie f rivals. 61 The campaign bega n quit e peacefully, wit h Mayo r Schwa b an d Graves emergin g a s th e to p tw o vote-getter s i n th e nonpartisa n primary hel d i n mid-October . Th e Klan , sufferin g fro m seriou s internal problems , apparentl y coul d no t muste r th e wherewitha l to help oppose the candidacy o f its most bitte r enemy. The klaver n ordered a fe w button s tha t simpl y sai d "Bea t Schwab/ ' bu t evi dently thi s wa s th e exten t o f it s efforts. 62 Afte r th e primary , how ever, Ros s Grave s launche d a hard-hittin g campaig n tha t woul d have don e an y Klansma n proud . H e openl y exploite d th e rac e issue, claiming tha t "Schwabis m pose s a s th e onl y genuin e uplif t movement i n the city while i t license s all-night joints where whit e girls of tende r ag e ar e lure d t o hectic dance s wit h blac k men. " H e asserted tha t la x la w enforcemen t ha d attracte d "underworl d rif f raff t o Buffalo , thu s brandin g th e cit y wit h th e notoriou s reputa tion o f affordin g saf e have n fo r crooks , panderers , an d gunmen. " He als o trie d t o capitaliz e o n religiou s tensions , accusin g th e Schwab campaig n o f sendin g "it s emissarie s fro m hous e t o hous e whispering slande r an d appealin g t o religious prejudice i n a mali cious effor t t o arra y brothe r agains t brother , neighbo r agains t neighbor." I n sum , th e Grave s campaig n centere d o n man y o f th e same communit y concern s tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e ha d trie d t o exploit fo r th e past fou r years. 63 The mayor' s supporters , a s migh t hav e bee n expected , re sponded vigorousl y t o the commissioner's assertions . "Back of th e mud an d slim e o f th e Grave s campaign, " on e politica l a d stated , "are th e snarling , sneakin g horde s wh o craw l alon g doorstep s i n the dea d an d dar k o f night. " Generally , however , Schwa b parti sans avoide d doin g anythin g tha t migh t reope n th e wounds o f th e previous year . Th e mayo r himsel f mad e n o mentio n o f his rol e i n the assaul t o n th e Klan ; i n fact , h e neve r mentione d th e KK K a t all. Give n th e position s take n b y hi s opponent , Schwa b realize d that Buffalo's larg e Catholic and ethnic vote was his for the taking , so it was best t o avoid unnecessar y controversy . This proved t o b e

The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan 14 1 an astute approach. On November 3 , he trounced Grave s by a tall y of 77,69 7 t o 55,413 . Th e results , proclaime d th e Courier, "stam p Frank X . Schwa b a s th e mos t popula r mayo r Buffal o [has ] eve r had." 64 The mayor' s landslid e victor y wa s onl y th e las t i n a serie s o f setbacks i n 192 5 that contribute d t o th e precipitou s declin e o f th e Ku Klux Kla n in western Ne w York. In May, the appellate divisio n of the Ne w Yor k Suprem e Cour t uphel d th e Walke r La w b y a vot e of fou r t o one , a concurrin g justic e comparin g th e Kla n t o "th e Carbonari, th e Nihilists , th e Fenians , th e Tugenbund , an d th e Molly Maguires." The KKK appeale d th e decisio n t o the New York Court o f Appeals, th e highes t tribuna l i n th e state , bu t wit h littl e hope o f ultimat e vindication. 65 A fe w week s later , a n interna l dispute threatene d t o wreck th e Niagar a Count y Kla n afte r Impe rial official s remove d thre e loca l officers wh o were allegedl y usin g the organizatio n t o advanc e thei r politica l careers ; eventuall y th e incident resulte d i n mas s defections. 66 A t th e sam e time , Buffal o Klan No . 5 lost a number o f its most stalwar t members , includin g the Reverend s Georg e A . Fowler , wh o move d t o Oklahoma , an d L. E. H. Smith. The Reverend Smit h apparentl y ha d learne d som e important lesson s throug h hi s involvement wit h th e Invisible Em pire, a s he observe d durin g a final speec h t o fellow knights : " I a m loyal to the Klan . I fought it s battle. I suffered fo r it . But I tell you , in this country there' s no place for a monarchial government . Thi s kleagle and tita n busines s neve r did appea l t o me but th e idealis m is here. " H e wen t o n t o urg e tha t Klansme n "clea n u p thei r ow n robes" an d remembe r tha t "i n thi s country , whic h wa s raise d u p to be a n asylu m fo r th e oppresse d an d down-trodde n o f th e earth , there is no place for religious hatred o r bigotry." 67 By Septembe r 1925 , th e fe w remainin g loca l Klansme n ha d become similarl y discouraged , an d a numbe r o f the m threatene d to secede and affiliat e wit h th e new Independen t Kla n o f America . Trouble wa s als o brewin g i n th e vicinit y o f Batavia, wher e Gene see Count y knight s accuse d Georg e Bryan t o f havin g pockete d thousands o f dollar s i n robe-deposi t fees . Bryan t trie d t o defen d himself a t a specia l meetin g arrange d b y Kin g Kleagl e E . D . Smith, bu t th e Buffal o Klansma n wa s shoute d dow n an d barel y avoided "bodil y injury. " Soo n afte r returnin g home , Bryan t de -

142 The Destruction of the Buffalo Klan cided tha t he had ha d enough, that th e Klan was no longer a "good business proposition. " O n Novembe r 1 , he relinquishe d hi s join t titles o f Gran d Kleagl e o f Wester n Ne w Yor k an d Grea t Tita n o f New Yor k Provinc e No . 8 an d move d t o Florida , hopin g t o tak e advantage o f the ongoing rea l estat e boom i n that state. 68 Shortly afterward , Atlant a official s appointe d th e Reveren d D. G . Baco n a s th e ne w kleagl e o f Buffal o Kla n No . 5 . Nearl y seventy year s old , a n outside r unacquainte d wit h th e community , Bacon quickl y learne d tha t ther e wa s littl e loca l interes t i n keep ing th e klaver n going . Early i n Decembe r 1925 , he lef t o n a tri p t o Ohio an d neve r cam e back . Meanwhile , th e Buffal o Kla n quietl y died. 69

Conclusion

On January 12 , 1926, the New Yor k Court o f Appeals unanimousl y upheld th e constitutionalit y o f the Walker Law , and shortl y after ward Georg e Bryant' s lega l representative s appeale d hi s cas e t o the Unite d State s Suprem e Court . Briefs wer e submitte d o n Octo ber 10 , 1927 , and thirtee n month s late r th e nation' s highes t tribu nal rendere d it s decision . In a majorit y opinio n writte n b y Associate Justic e Willi s Va n Devanter , th e cour t rule d tha t becaus e i t could b e reasonabl y conclude d tha t th e K u Klu x Kla n stimulate d "hurtful religiou s an d rac e prejudices, " aspire d t o political power , and engage d i n violent vigilantism , stat e government s coul d regu late th e organizatio n "withi n limit s whic h ar e consisten t wit h th e rights o f other s an d th e publi c welfare" ; th e Walke r Law , i n th e view o f th e court , me t al l pertinen t lega l test s an d wa s therefor e constitutional. 1 Th e decisio n mean t tha t Bryant , wh o ha d re turned t o th e Buffal o are a i n 192 7 an d no w operate d a mea t market i n Kenmore , woul d a t las t hav e t o fac e th e long-pendin g charge o f havin g violate d Ne w York' s anti-Kla n law . Lat e i n De cember 1928 , th e forme r Gran d Kleagl e o f Buffal o Kla n No . 5 appeared i n cit y court , entere d a plea o f guilty, and wa s fined on e hundred dollars ; afte r payin g th e fine, h e returne d t o hi s butche r 143

144 Conclusion block an d resume d a lif e o f welcome anonymity. 2 Thu s conclude d Buffalo's experienc e wit h th e knights of the Invisibl e Empire . A numbe r o f importan t question s abou t th e loca l KK K episod e remain t o b e answered : Wha t impac t di d th e passag e o f th e Walker La w i n th e sprin g o f 192 3 have upo n Kla n recruitin g an d the overal l socioeconomi c makeu p o f th e Buffal o klavern ? Wh o stole th e Klan' s records ? Wha t group s participate d i n th e wa r o n the KKK ? Wha t rol e di d Buffal o wome n pla y withi n th e Invisibl e Empire's organizational life? 3 One hopes that historian s will som e day discove r sources that she d ligh t on thes e and othe r unresolve d queries. Nonetheless, this study ha s uncovered a sufficient amoun t of detaile d informatio n concernin g Buffal o Kla n No . 5 t o permi t the formulation o f several genera l conclusions . Numerous factor s contribute d t o th e ris e o f th e K u Klu x Kla n in Buffalo . Perhap s mos t importantly , lat e i n 1921 , a t th e ver y time tha t th e KK K wa s first organizin g i n th e city , a bitte r may oral electio n divide d th e communit y alon g ethnic , religious , an d class lines, imparting unusua l salienc y t o longstanding socia l divi sions; th e controversia l styl e an d policie s o f th e subsequen t ad ministration o f Mayo r Fran k Schwa b helpe d kee p ethnoreligiou s tensions full y activated , a s di d politica l development s a t th e stat e level, particularly th e efforts o f Governor Alfred E . Smith t o emasculate prohibitio n enforcement . A t thi s sam e time , growin g con cern ove r th e changin g behavio r o f wome n an d youn g people , violent labo r unrest , an d a perceive d surg e i n crim e seeme d t o indicate a widesprea d abandonmen t o f traditiona l value s an d a breakdown o f respec t fo r establishe d authority . Confronte d wit h these unsettlin g trends , certai n citizen s wer e receptiv e t o th e ap peals o f a growin g nationa l organizatio n tha t seeme d t o offe r a means o f checkin g socia l dissolution , o r a t leas t a mean s o f force fully expressin g ange r an d frustration ove r decay . For th e first tw o an d a hal f year s o f it s existence , Buffal o Kla n No. 5 remained a shadowy grou p on the fringes o f community life . The KK K hel d secre t meeting s an d conducte d severa l outdoo r ceremonials i n defianc e o f loca l authorities , bu t th e orde r mad e little effor t to cultivat e a positiv e publi c imag e an d apparentl y failed t o develop a specifi c socia l agenda . Gradually, however , th e

Conclusion 14 5 Klan entere d int o close association wit h evangelica l activists , wh o for month s ha d bee n assailin g th e Schwa b administratio n fo r inadequate enforcemen t o f the vic e and prohibitio n laws . In 1924 , the klavern fo r th e firs t tim e directl y involve d itsel f i n the ongoin g moral refor m campaign , issuin g warnings t o the owners of suspec t establishments, conductin g undercove r investigations , filin g offi cial complaint s wit h stat e an d federa l authorities , an d causin g Mayor Schwa b a degre e o f politica l embarrassment . Ye t thi s proved th e klavern' s undoing . Schwa b an d othe r anti-Kla n parti sans struc k bac k hard , an d withi n a fe w month s th e orde r la y i n ruins, its secrecy shattere d an d it s member s expose d t o both lega l and extralega l harassment . A few stalwar t Klansme n trie d t o hol d firm, bu t thi s wa s t o n o avail ; beref t o f an y meaningfu l degre e of civi c utility , th e loca l branc h o f th e Invisibl e Empir e soo n withered away . Klan leader s confronte d a ver y challengin g situatio n i n Buffal o as the y attempte d t o develo p thei r organization . Th e communit y included larg e an d politicall y empowere d ethni c population s tha t were intensel y anti-Klan , th e majo r newspaper s consistentl y por trayed th e KK K i n a negativ e light , th e Invisibl e Empire' s ene mies commanded th e resource s o f city government , an d afte r Ma y 1923 th e Kla n existe d beyon d th e pal e o f th e law . Yet , despit e these an d othe r problems , th e hoode d orde r succeede d i n at tracting a sizable following amon g th e eligible white male popula tion. Considerin g th e risk s pose d b y Kla n membership , th e hig h cost o f dues and fees , and th e limite d privilege s of knighthood, th e appeal o f the Kla n i n Buffalo seem s nothing les s than remarkable . Although th e KK K wa s fa r fro m a n admirabl e organization , i t clearly inspire d a n impressiv e amoun t o f commitment, discipline , and solidarity . No historical tas k i s mor e difficul t tha n assessin g huma n moti vation, an undertaking tha t i s made infinitel y mor e complex whe n dealing wit h hundred s o f individuals . N o on e wil l eve r kno w fo r certain ho w th e Invisibl e Empire' s ritual s an d program—a n adaptable blen d o f romantic historica l imagery , mysti c fraternal ism, crusadin g reformism , an d militan t ethnocentrism—im pacted upo n th e grea t majorit y o f th e Buffalonian s wh o affiliate d with th e secre t order . Ultimately , th e loca l klavern , lik e almos t

146 Conclusion any sizabl e group , has t o be evaluated primaril y o n the basis of it s actions an d th e overall characteristic s o f its membership . Without doubt , on e majo r sourc e o f th e Klan' s appea l wa s th e racism an d religiou s bigotr y tha t prevaile d withi n th e klavern ; indeed, prejudic e wa s interwove n wit h almos t al l aspect s o f th e hooded order' s organizationa l life , includin g it s effort s o n behal f of civi c improvement . Suc h intolerance , however , neve r resulte d in th e Buffal o Kla n usin g physica l violenc e agains t it s enemies . Although man y knight s surel y enjoye d th e fea r an d uncertaint y that thei r orde r provoke d amon g opponents , the y generall y kep t their base r instinct s i n check, using th e Invisible Empir e no t a s a n agency o f terro r but , rather , a s a mediu m o f peaceful civi c action . For th e mos t part , th e klavern' s activis m focuse d o n mainstrea m concerns, particularly th e perceptio n tha t loca l official s wer e pro moting socia l dissolutio n throug h la x enforcemen t o f th e vic e an d prohibition laws—a n issu e that ha d bee n previousl y raise d b y th e Anti-Saloon League , prominent Protestan t clergymen , an d Mayo r George Buc k durin g th e 192 1 cit y election . Lik e mos t o f thei r fellow whit e Protestants , Klansme n desire d a mor e orderl y an d law-abiding community , on e in which traditiona l value s and stan dards woul d continu e t o prevail . Thi s bein g th e case , i t i s bot h ironic an d indicativ e o f th e leve l o f loca l frustratio n tha t the y resorted t o a n organizatio n tha t openl y violate d th e law , pro moted socia l discord , an d require d it s member s t o li e unde r oat h in courts of law . An examination o f the klavern' s membershi p indicate s a stron g connection wit h th e socia l mainstream . Klansme n compose d a broad an d relativel y balance d cros s sectio n o f th e whit e middle class Protestan t community ; the y reside d i n al l part s o f th e cit y and wer e employe d i n a wid e variet y o f occupations . Fo r th e most part , th e hooded knight s appea r t o have been ordinary , well established citizens , no t a collectio n o f disaffecte d fanatic s o n the margin s o f communit y life . Buffal o Klansme n did , however , possess certai n distinctiv e characteristics . O n average , the y wer e younger tha n thei r fello w native-bor n adul t whit e males , enjoye d more prestigiou s occupations , an d wer e mor e likel y t o liv e i n outlying neighborhoods , awa y fro m th e larges t concentration s o f African American s an d foreign-bor n immigrants ; althoug h dat a

Conclusion 14 7 are incomplete , evangelicals , World Wa r I veterans, and member s of fraternal societie s ma y hav e bee n particularl y dispose d t o affil iate wit h th e Klan . Perhap s th e mos t significan t featur e o f th e secret order' s loca l membershi p wa s th e overrepresentatio n o f those whos e wor k involve d managing , supervising , an d coordinat ing. Me n i n suc h occupations—possibl y becaus e o f thei r wor k experiences and/o r psychologica l disposition—ma y hav e ha d a particularly stron g desir e fo r a well-ordered an d thoroughl y regu lated communit y an d thu s wer e unusually receptiv e t o th e appea l of th e Klan , a n organizatio n dedicate d t o th e revitalizatio n o f American societ y i n accordanc e wit h traditiona l Protestan t val ues. Evidenc e o f an y typ e o f authoritaria n impuls e a t th e hear t o f the klavern, however, is sketchy a t best . A strong commitment t o a well-ordered communit y wa s hardl y unusua l i n America n societ y during th e earl y twentiet h century , an d ther e i s no indication tha t managerial Klansme n wer e mor e activ e o r influentia l withi n th e klavern tha n knight s i n othe r occupations . Basically , th e grou p seems t o have attracte d ordinar y citizen s wh o were intensely , an d understandably, frustrate d b y th e cours e o f loca l societ y i n th e early 1920s . In it s genera l features , Buffal o Kla n No . 5 closel y resemble d other klavern s acros s th e nation . I n nearl y ever y communit y where i t ha s bee n extensivel y studied , th e Kla n appear s t o hav e constituted a for m o f grass-root s activis m tha t addresse d loca l concerns suc h a s la w enforcement , mora l reform , an d corruptio n in government ; almos t everywhere—althoug h ther e wer e som e notable exceptions i n the South—th e hoode d orde r refrained fro m roughshod tactics , trie d t o wor k withi n th e existin g lega l an d political systems , an d succeede d i n attractin g a broa d cros s sec tion o f the whit e Protestan t middl e class . In fact , klavern s see m t o have attracted membership s tha t wer e quite similar socioeconom ically, a s i s indicate d b y a n examinatio n o f th e occupational status distribution s presente d i n th e fe w cas e studie s tha t hav e been abl e t o make us e of detailed membershi p data. 4 Thes e distri butions indicat e som e loca l variation , bu t white-colla r an d skille d blue-collar workers—th e hear t o f th e greate r America n middl e class—composed th e larg e majorit y o f Klansmen , whil e worker s in les s prestigiou s occupation s forme d a distinc t minority . Th e

148 Conclusion most curren t researc h strongl y indicates , therefore , tha t th e Kla n of th e 1920 s was , i n it s essenc e an d i n th e broades t sens e o f th e term, a middle-class socia l movement . A recognition o f similaritie s amon g klavern s shoul d no t b e al lowed t o obscur e importan t differences . Althoug h Buffal o Kla n No. 5 represented, lik e mos t othe r KK K chapters , a for m o f mid dle-class grass-roots activism, the group was inevitabl y influence d and shape d b y th e loca l socia l an d politica l environment . Unlik e their hoode d brethre n i n place s lik e Indiana , Oregon , an d Colo rado, Buffalo knight s were confronted b y large Catholic and ethni c populations tha t wer e intensel y anti-Klan . Thi s no t onl y mad e Klan membership particularl y risk y but als o meant tha t ther e wa s virtually n o chanc e o f forgin g th e KK K int o a powerfu l politica l machine, a s occurre d elsewhere . Becaus e o f thes e problems—a s well a s th e passag e o f th e Walke r La w i n 1923—th e KK K re mained a relativel y smal l an d noninfluentia l (albei t troublesome ) group o n th e loca l scene . Thu s th e Buffal o Kla n experienc e sug gests tha t racial , ethnic, and religiou s diversity , although i t surel y resulted i n socia l tensions , ma y als o have undermine d th e appea l of th e Kla n i n certai n communities . I n Buffalo , th e Kla n wa s simply to o controversial , to o disruptive , t o serv e a s a n effectiv e means o f civi c action . Recognizin g this , mos t whit e native-bor n Protestants—although the y ma y hav e agree d wit h muc h o f wha t the KK K stoo d for—steere d clea r of the Invisibl e Empire . In term s o f it s socia l an d politica l agenda , th e K u Klu x Kla n accomplished littl e i n Buffalo . Th e hoode d order' s activitie s o n behalf o f law enforcement scarcel y improved th e local crime situa tion, an d th e grou p neve r devise d a n effectiv e mean s o f checkin g the erosio n o f traditiona l socia l standards . Althoug h fo r a shor t period i n 192 4 i t appeare d tha t th e KK K migh t succee d i n mobi lizing th e Protestan t communit y agains t th e policie s o f th e Schwab administration , th e organizatio n an d it s controversia l methods soo n becam e th e focu s o f debate , a situatio n whic h al lowed anti-Kla n partisan s t o pose as the true champion s of American tradition s an d values . In th e end, th e Invisible Empir e prove d to b e a n exceedingl y counterproductiv e approac h t o civi c affairs , one that discredite d th e caus e o f mora l reform , resulte d i n th e public humiliatio n o f th e order' s entir e loca l membership , an d

Conclusion 14 9 helped insur e th e landslid e reelectio n o f Mayo r Schwa b i n 1925 . Much researc h o n th e K u Klu x Kla n o f th e 1920 s remains t o b e conducted, particularl y i n smal l town s an d rura l areas . No doubt , future Kla n historian s wil l discove r significan t loca l an d regiona l variation amon g klaverns , bu t the y wil l probabl y find a n eve n greater amoun t o f similarity. This study, in associatio n wit h othe r recent scholarshi p o n th e hoode d order , strongl y suggest s tha t Klansmen acros s th e natio n wer e ordinar y citizen s motivate d b y traditional civi c concerns . Thi s i s no t t o say , however , tha t th e KKK's methods were in any way appropriate o r justified. I n fact — although staunc h defender s o f th e Firs t Amendmen t ma y dis agree—one suspect s tha t th e anti-Kla n force s absolutel y di d th e "right thing " whe n the y crushe d th e klavern . I n a religiousl y an d ethnically divers e society , there shoul d be no place for mass move ments tha t heedlessl y inflam e prejudic e an d def y th e basi c stan dards o f civic discourse .

Notes

Notes to Introduction 1. Buffalo Truth, Sept . 4, 1924 , 1. 2. Charle s O . Jackson, "Willia m J . Simmons : A Career i n K u Kluxism, " Georgia Historical Quarterly 5 0 (Dec. 1966): 351-58. 3. Willia m G . Shepherd , "K u Klu x Koin/ ' Colliers 8 2 (Jul y 21 , 1928) : 38-39; Rober t L . Duffus , "Salesme n o f Hate : Th e K u Klu x Klan, " World's Work 4 6 (Ma y 1923) : 33-36; Charle s C . Alexander, "Kleagle s and Cash : Th e K u Klu x Kla n A s a Busines s Organization , 1915 1930," Business History Review 3 9 (Autumn 1965) : 351-53. 4. Th e extensiv e variet y o f sale s pitche s utilize d b y kleagle s ar e de scribed throughou t th e essays in Shawn Lay , ed., The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinois Press , 1992) . 5. Norma n D . Brown , Hood, Bonnet, and Little Brown Jug: Texas State Politics, 1921-1928 (Colleg e Station : Texas A & M Press, 1984) , 51. 6. Shaw n Lay , War, Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan: A Study of Intolerance in a Border City (E l Paso : Texa s Wester n Press , 1985) , 159 ; "Th e Reign of the Tar Bucket," Literary Digest 1 2 (Aug. 27, 1921): 12; Albert De Silver , "Th e K u Klu x Klan—'Th e Sou l o f Chivalry, ' " Nation 6 3 (Sept. 14 , 1921): 285-86. 7. Mos t of th e popula r press' s majo r anti-Kla n article s an d report s hav e been cataloged i n Lenwood G . Davis and Janet L . Sims-Wood, The Ku Klux Klan: A Bibliography (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1984) . 151

152 Notes to Introduction Both th e World's an d Journal-Americans expose s wer e carrie d b y Buffalo newspaper s i n Septembe r 1921 , th e forme r i n th e Buffalo Evening News an d th e latter i n th e Buffalo Evening Times. 8. U.S. , Congress, House , Committe e o n Rules , Hearings on the Ku Klwc Klan, 67t h Cong. , 1s t sess . (Washington , D.C. : Governmen t Printin g Office, 1921) , 1-184 ; Wy n Crai g Wade , The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klwc Klan in America (Ne w York : Simon an d Schuster , 1987) , 164-65. 9. Kennet h T . Jackson , The Ku Klwc Klan in the City, 1915-1930 (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1967) , 93-126, 161-214 . 10. Wade , The Fiery Cross, 119-39 . 11. Papers Read at the Meeting of Grand Dragons, Knights of the Ku Klwc Klan, at Their First Annual Meeting Held at Asheville, North Carolina, July 1923, Together with Other Articles of Interest to Klansmen (Atlanta : Knights o f the K u Klu x Klan , 1923) , 7. 12. Se e th e historiographica l essa y a t th e conclusio n o f thi s boo k fo r a discussion o f thes e cas e studies . Fo r a n insightfu l compariso n o f th e Klan wit h othe r mas s movements , see Robert A . Goldberg, Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century America (Belmont , Calif.: Wadsworth Publishin g Co. , 1991). 13. Davi d M . Chalmers, Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan, 3 d ed . (Durham : Duk e Universit y Press , 1981) , 88-89, 126-29 , 162-71,202-15. 14. Lay , Invisible Empire in the West, 221 ; Leonar d J . Moore , Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klwc Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928 (Chape l Hill : University of North Carolin a Press) , 184-85 . 15. Fo r th e mos t influentia l wor k makin g thi s assessment , se e John Mof fatt Mecklin , The Ku Klwc Klan: A Study of the American Mind (Ne w York: Harcourt, Brace , and Co. , 1924). 16. Jackson , Klan in the City; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism; Charle s C . Alexander, The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest (Lexington : Universit y of Kentucky Press , 1965) . 17. Christophe r N . Cocoltchos, "The Invisible Governmen t an d th e Viabl e Community: Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Orang e County , California, durin g the 1920s " (Ph.D. dissertation, Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1979); Rober t A . Goldberg , Hooded Empire: The Ku Klwc Klan in Colorado (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1981) ; Larr y R . Ger lach, Blazing Crosses in Zion: The Ku Klux Klan in Utah (Logan : Uta h State Universit y Press , 1982) ; Lay , War, Revolution, and the Ku Klwc Klan an d Invisible Empire in the West, Willia m D . Jenkins, Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley (Kent, Ohio : Ken t State Universit y Press , 1990) ; Moore , Citizen Klansmen) Nanc y Mac Lean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1994) . 18. Chalmers , Hooded Americanism, 236-37 , 243-78.

Notes to Chapter 1 15 3

Notes to Chapter 1 1. Buffalo City Directory, 1921 (Buffalo : R . L . Pol k an d Co. , 1921) , civi c section, 6-7 , 36 , 77, 93, 110 ; The Civic Cooperative Movement, 19031923 (Buffalo: Mar k H . Hubbell, 1923) , 20. 2. U.S. , Burea u o f th e Census , Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium (Washington , D.C. : Governmen t Printing Office , 1922) , 15 , 60 ; Joh n F . Barr y an d Rober t W . Elmes , eds., Buffalo's Text Book, 2 d ed. (Buffalo: Rober t W . Elmes, 1927) , 2 526; Civic Cooperative Movement, 11 . 3. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Manufactures 8 : 19 ; 9 : 975,1025-26. 4. Barr y an d Elmes , Buffalo's Text Book, 85 , 92-93, 218 ; Civic Cooperative Movement, 5-6 ; U.S. , Burea u o f th e Census , Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Distribution (Washington , D.C. : Governmen t Printing Office , 1932) , 1: part 3 , 304-14; 2 : 1070 . 5. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 ; Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Population 4 : 1127-30 . 6. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 . 7. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium, 60-61 ; Ne w York , Unpublishe d Stat e Censu s Report s fo r 1925 , Buffalo, Ward s Four , Five , Seventeen , Eighteen , Nineteen , Twenty , Twenty-Two, Twenty-Three , Twenty-Four , an d Twenty-Five ; Franci s R. Kowsky , Buffalo Architecture: A Guide (Cambridge , Mass. : MI T Press, 1991) , 99-105,188-93,248-53. 8. Ne w York , Unpublishe d Stat e Censu s Report s fo r 1925 , Buffalo , Wards Two , Three , Six , Seven , Eight , Nine , Ten , Twenty-One , Twenty-Six, an d Twenty-Seven ; Buffalo City Directory, 1921, civi c section, 73 ; Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium, 60-61 . 9. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium, 60-61 ; Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Population 3 : part 2, 298-99. 10. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium, 60-61 ; Andre w P . Yox, "Decline of the German-America n Com munity i n Buffalo, Ne w York, 1855-1925 " (Ph.D. dissertation, Univer sity of Chicago, 1983) , 312. 11. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: New York State Compendium, 60-61 ; Mar k Goldman , High Hopes: The Rise and Decline of Buffalo, New York (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k Press , 1983), 208. 12. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 4 : 1068-70 ; Fifteenth Census of the United States, 1930: Population 4 : 1127-30 . For the activities of the NAACP in Buffalo, se e issues of the Buffalo Ameri-

154 Notes to Chapter 1 can. Marcu s Garvey' s Universa l Negr o Improvement Associatio n wa s also activ e locally , Garve y himsel f visitin g th e cit y o n numerou s occasions. Se e Express, Marc h 1 , 1922 , 8 ; Apri l 15 , 1922 , 5 ; Ma y 26 , 1922, 4; May 29, 1922 , 12 ; and Courier, Jan. 30 , 1923 , 5. 13. U.S. , Bureau o f th e Census , Census of Religious Bodies: 1926 (Wash ington, D.C. : Government Printin g Office , 1929) , 1: 381-82. 14. Joh n T . Horton, Edwar d T . Williams, an d Harr y S . Douglas , History of Northwestern New York: Erie, Niagara, Wyoming, Genesee, and Orleans Counties (Ne w York : Lewi s Historica l Publishin g Co. , 1947) , 1 : 359; Roma n Catholi c Dioces e o f Buffalo , Annua l Paris h Reports , 1920-1925; Express, Marc h 15 , 1922, 5; March 20 , 1922 , 4; March 22 , 1922, 4; Courier, Feb. 28, 1923 , 12. 15. Courier, Dec . 10 , 1922, 105 ; Dec. 9, 1923 , 101; Express, Dec . 9, 1924 , 7. 16. Courier, Nov . 3 , 1920 , 1 ; Nov . 5 , 1924 , 1 ; Courier-Express, Nov . 7 , 1928,1. 17. Courier, Nov . 6 , 1918 , 1 ; Nov . 8 , 1922 , 1 ; Nov . 5 , 1924 , 1 ; CourierExpress, Nov . 3, 1926, 1. 18. Margare t Schwab , "Th e Administratio n o f Mayo r Fran k X . Schwab : 1922-1929" (B.A . thesis , D'Youvill e College , 1968) , 1-5 ; author' s in terview wit h Franci s X . Schwab IV , April 3 , 1992 ; author's intervie w with Mar y Schwa b Murphy , April 10 , 1992; Courier, Nov . 2, 1925 , 5. 19. Fran k X. Schwab I V interview . 20. Catholic Union & Times, Nov . 16 , 1922,4 . 21. Schwab , "Administratio n o f Mayo r Schwab, " 5-6 ; Courier, Oct . 3 , 1921, 12 ; Express, Ma y 11 , 1922, 5. 22. Courier, Oct . 4 , 1921 , 5 ; Oct . 12 , 1921 , 2; Oct . 13 , 1921 , 9; Oct . 14 , 1921, 5 ; Buffalo Evening Times (hereinafte r cite d a s Times), Oct . 12 , 1921,4. 23. Courier, Oct . 19 , 1921 , 1 ; Oct . 20 , 1921 , 6; Oct . 30 , 1921 , 65; Times, Oct. 19 , 1921 , 1, 4; Buffalo Evening News (hereinafte r cite d a s News), Oct. 19 , 1921 , 1, 2; "Tabular Statemen t o f th e Primar y Electio n Hel d October 18 , 1921, " in Cit y o f Buffalo, Proceedings of the Council, 1921 (Buffalo: Jame s D . Warren's Son s Co., 1922), 2100. 24. Schwab , "Administratio n o f Mayo r Schwab, " 1-6 ; Courier, Oct . 16 , 1921, 6; Nov. 2, 1925,5 . 25. Courier, Oct . 26, 1921 , 2 (first quote) ; Oct. 28, 1921 , 12; Oct. 29, 1921, 10 (third quote) ; Oct . 30, 1921 , 65; Oct. 31, 1921, 12; Nov. 1 , 1921 , 12 (second quote) ; Nov . 3 , 1921 , 12 ; Nov . 4, 1921 , 14 ; Nov . 5 , 1921 , 14; Nov. 6 , 1921 , 53 , 57 ; Nov . 7 , 1921 , 11 ; Nov . 8 , 1921 , 14 ; Buffalo Enquirer (hereinafte r cite d a s Enquirer), Nov . 2 , 1921 , 12 ; Nov . 3 , 1921,12; Times, Nov . 2, 1921, 1, 6; Schwab, "Administration o f Mayo r Schwab," 7 - 8. 26. Courier, Oct . 25 , 1921 , 1 2 (secon d quote) ; Oct . 28 , 1921 , 1 4 (firs t quote); News, Nov . 2, 1921 , 1; Times, Nov . 2, 1921 , 1, 6. 27. Courier, Oct. 25, 1921, 12.

Notes to Chapter 1 15 5 28. Courier, Oct . 27, 1921 , 14. 29. Express, Nov . 7 , 1921 , 4 . Schwa b wa s als o openl y oppose d b y th e Reverend Dr . Rober t J . MacAlpin e o f th e Centra l Presbyteria n Church, th e Reveren d Charle s C . Penfol d o f Sentine l Methodis t Church, th e Reveren d R . T . Dohert y o f Woodsid e Methodis t Church , and th e Reveren d Dr . Rosco e L . Foulke o f Trinit y Methodis t Church . See News, Nov. 7, 1921,26 . 30. "Officia l Canva s fo r Eri e County , 1921, " i n Eri e County , Proceedings of the Board of Supervisors of Erie County, New York (Buffalo : Eri e County Boar d o f Supervisors , 1921) , 1054-55 ; Courier, Nov . 9 , 1921 , 1; Enquirer, Nov . 9 , 1921 , 1 . Dat a concernin g tw o importan t vari ables, th e ward-leve l percentage s o f Catholic s an d Protestant s are , unfortunately, no t available . Th e federa l religiou s censuse s fo r 191 6 and 192 6 onl y presen t citywid e data , an d th e border s o f Buffalo' s Catholic parishe s di d no t coincid e wit h war d boundaries . However , because th e bul k o f th e city' s Protestant s probabl y wer e native-bor n and o f nativ e parentage , an d becaus e mos t o f th e foreig n bor n wer e probably Catholic , th e influenc e o f nativity o n th e electio n ma y hav e in larg e par t bee n reflectiv e o f Protestant-Catholi c ethnocentrism . Yet, i t shoul d b e recognize d tha t man y Iris h an d Germa n Catholic s were native-bor n an d o f nativ e parentage , an d tha t th e foreign-bor n population include d sizabl e number s o f non-Catholics , especiall y Jews. Therefore , unles s mor e precis e dat a ca n b e accumulated , th e impact o f religion o n loca l politic s canno t b e fully assessed . 31. Express, Nov . 9, 1921 , 1. 32. Schwab , "Administratio n o f Mayo r Schwab, " 8 ; Courier, Jul y 18 , 1922, 14 . 33. Courier, Feb . 2, 1922 , 1 , 2; Sept . 25, 1922 , 6; Feb . 22, 1923 , 5; Express, March 1 , 1922 , 1 ; March 2 , 1922 , 1; March 3 , 1922 , 1; March 14 , 1922, 4; March 24 , 1922, 5; Times, Marc h 2 , 1922 , 3, 19. 34. Buffalo , Proceedings of the Council, 1922, 490-93 ; Express, Jan . 1 , 1922, sec. 6 , 5 ; Jan. 19 , 1922 , 5; March 9, 1922 , 1 , 6; Times, Marc h 9 , 1922,3. 35. Courier, Jul y 1 , 1922 , 4 (third , fourth , fifth , an d sixt h quotes) ; Sept . 22, 1923 , 1 4 (first quote) ; Express, Marc h 2 , 1922 , 4; Marc h 28 , 1922 , 1,4 (secon d quote) ; April 24, 1922 , 6. 36. Express, Ma y 18 , 1922, 1 (quote); Courier, Sept . 22 , 1923 , 14 ; Oct. 27, 1923, 3; Feb. 21, 1924,5. 37. Express, Marc h 4 , 1922 , 7; Marc h 5 , 1922 , sec. 5, 1 ; April 27 , 1922 , 5; April 28, 1922 , 5 (quotes); April 30 , 1922, sec. 5, 1; Buffalo Commercial (hereinafter cite d a s Commercial), Apri l 27 , 1922 , 10 ; April 28 , 1922 , 9. After comin g t o office i n 1920 , Graves waged a one-man wa r o n th e local schoo l board , insistin g tha t th e cit y commissio n reserve d th e right t o dictat e th e manne r i n whic h schoo l fund s woul d b e spent . Because th e school board refuse d t o acknowledge suc h a right, a lega l

156 Notes to Chapter 1 deadlock developed , resultin g i n a prolonge d constructio n hal t tha t greatly angere d th e public . Althoug h Mayo r Schwa b agree d wit h Graves tha t th e commission' s desire s shoul d prevail , th e commis sioner, wh o wa s a Protestant , wa s b y fa r th e leadin g figure i n th e struggle wit h th e schoo l board ; thi s mean t tha t th e mayor , a Roma n Catholic, was largel y insulate d fro m charge s tha t h e had "designs " on the schoo l system , even whe n h e suggested tha t h e b e give n a perma nent sea t o n th e board . A s i t turne d out , whe n th e K u Klu x Kla n became a n influenc e o n th e loca l scene , th e Buffal o klaver n focuse d almost exclusivel y o n th e Schwa b administration' s shortcoming s i n regard t o la w enforcement , neve r raisin g th e issu e o f publi c educa tion—a topi c frequentl y exploite d b y th e KK K elsewhere . A n excel lent summary o f the controversy over the Buffalo school s is presente d in th e Courier, Oct. 13 , 1922, 4. 38. Courier, Sept. 7, 1923 , 16; Sept. 17 , 1923, 3; Sept. 28, 1923, 16; Nov. 3, 1923, 1 6 (Schwa b quotes) ; Nov . 7 , 1923 , 1 ; News, Nov . 3 , 1923 , 3 ; Nov. 7 , 1923 , 1 , 7; "Tabula r Statemen t o f th e Primar y Electio n Hel d October 16 , 1923, " i n Buffalo , Proceedings of the Council, 1923, 2343 ; Walter S . Dunn, ed. , History of Erie County, 1870-1970 (Buffalo : Buf falo an d Eri e County Historica l Society , 1972) , 259. 39. Express, Apri l 20 , 1922 , 8 (secon d quote) ; Apri l 29 , 1922 , 8 (firs t quote); Commercial, Oct . 26, 1922 , 12 (third quote) . 40. Courier, Oct. 25, 1922, 12. 41. Express, Marc h 24 , 1922 , 8. 42. Courier, June 26 , 1922 , 5. 43. Courier, May 22, 1922, 14. 44. Courier, Jan. 28, 1924, 5. 45. Courier, June 26 , 1922 , 5. 46. Express, Jan . 27, 1922, 8. 47. Express, Jan . 16 , 1922, 7. 48. Courier, June 26 , 1922 , 5. 49. Dunn , History of Erie County, 242-43 ; Goldman, High Hopes, 201-9 . 50. Courier, Jun e 30 , 1922 , 1 ; Jul y 2 , 1922 , 71 ; Jul y 3 , 1922 , 5 ; Jul y 4 , 1922, 1 ; July 5 , 1922 , 1; July 12 , 1922, 1; July 15 , 1922, 1; Times, Jun e 30,1922, 1 ; July 3 , 1922, 1 ; July 12 . 1922, 1, 5; July 14 , 1922, 1,3; Jul y 15, 1922 , 3; Buffalo Labor Journal, Jul y 6 , 1922 , 1; July 13 , 1922, 1. 51. Courier, July 14,1922,1 . 52. Express, Jul y 16 , 1922, sec. 5, 3 (Schwab quote) ; July 19 , 1922, 1, 6. 53. Express, Jul y 22 , 1922 , 1 (first quote) ; Jul y 23 , 1922 , sec. 5, 1 (second quote), 4; Dunn, History of Erie County, 241-42 . 54. Express, Jan . 2, 1922 , 8. 55. Express, Jan . 23 , 1922 , 2; Courier, Dec . 31, 1922 , 51; "Annual Repor t of th e Departmen t o f Publi c Safety , Polic e o f th e Cit y o f Buffalo , fo r the Yea r Endin g Decembe r 31 , 1924, " i n Buffalo , Proceedings of the Council, 1924, 1286-1314 .

Notes to Chapter 2 15 7 56. Express, Jan . 7 , 1922 , 8. 57. Express, Ma y 20, 1922 , 8. 58. Express, Jan . 14 , 1922, 10 ; Jan. 21, 1922, 8 (quote). 59. Express, Jan . 27 , 1922 , 8. 60. Express, Jan . 8 , 1922 , sec. 7, 4; April 11 , 1922, 4. 61. Courier, Oct. 14 , 1922, 16. 62. Courier, Nov. 24, 1923 , 12. 63. Express, Jan . 4 , 1922 , 1 ; Jan . 19 , 1922 , 1 ; Buffalo , Proceedings of the Council, 1922, 77 ; Commercial, Jan . 19 , 1922, 10. 64. Courier, Aug . 14 , 1923 , 1 ; Schwab , "Administratio n o f Mayo r Schwab," 2 (quote); Mary Schwa b Murph y interview . 65. Express, Jan . 1 , 1922, sec. 6, 1,3 . 66. Courier, Feb . 24, 1922 , 15 ; Sept. 26, 1922 , 16 ; Express, Jan . 6 , 1922 , 4; March 30 , 1922 , 6; Apri l 14 , 1922 , 1 ; April 16 , 1922 , sec. 5, 1 ; June 3 , 1922, 5; June 6 , 1922,1 . 67. Times, Oct . 27, 1922 , 12; Courier, Nov. 9, 1921 , 5; June 18 , 1923, 14. 68. Express, Jan . 7 , 1922 , 8. Donovan woul d als o late r cooperat e wit h th e Buffalo Klan , a s i s relate d i n chapte r 3 . Although a n Irish-America n Catholic, h e wa s on e o f th e foremos t loca l proponent s o f stric t prohi bition enforcement , earnin g a reputatio n fo r integrit y tha t helpe d him secur e th e Republica n nominatio n fo r lieutenan t governo r i n 1922. Despite hi s defea t i n th e genera l election , Donova n wen t o n t o have a remarkabl e caree r i n federa l service , headin g th e Offic e o f Strategic Service s durin g Worl d Wa r II . 69. Courier, Oct. 4, 1921 , 5; Sept. 22, 1922 , 16 ; Express, Marc h 14 , 1922, 4. 70. Express, Apri l 6 , 1922 , 4; May 11 , 1922, 1 0 (quote). 71. Courier, June 7 , 1922 , 5; Express, Ma y 30 , 1922, 7. 72. Express, Ma y 8 , 1922 , 1, 1 2 (Anderson quote) ; News, Ma y 8, 1922 , 1. 73. Courier, July 6 , 1922 , 1 8 (quote); News, Jul y 6 , 1922 , 9. 74. Courier, Nov. 27, 1922 , 6. 75. Enquirer, Oct . 30 , 1922 , 12 ; Courier, Oct . 2 , 1922 , 1 4 (quotes); Oct . 9 , 1922, 14 ; Oct . 16 , 1922 , 12 ; Dec . 13 , 1922 , 5 ; News, Oct . 2 , 1922 , 1 ; Oct. 9, 1922,26 .

Notes to Chapter 2 1. Jackson , Klan in the City, 177 ; Jay Rubin , The Ku Klux Klan in Binghamton, New York, 1923-1928 (Binghamton , N.Y. : Broom e Count y Historical Society , 1973) , 10; Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 254 . 2. Courier, Sept . 15 , 1921, 1, 3 (quotes); Enquirer, Sept . 15 , 1921, 12. 3. Courier, Sept . 15 , 1921, 1 (first an d thir d quotes) , 3; Sept. 16 , 1921, 5; Sept. 18 , 1921, 53 (second an d fourt h quotes) . 4. Buffalo American (hereinafte r cite d a s American), Sept . 15 , 1921 , 4 (first an d secon d quotes) ; Sept . 29, 1921 , 4 (third an d fourt h quotes) .

158 Notes to Chapter 2 5. Catholic Union & Times, Sept . 15 , 1921 , 4 (firs t an d secon d quotes) ; June 1 , 1922 , 4 (third quote) ; June 8 , 1922 , 4 (fourth quote) . 6. Times, Sept . 18 , 1921 , 21, 49; Sept . 23 , 1921 , 18 ; Enquirer, Sept . 17 , 1921, 4 ; Commercial, Sept . 17 , 1921 , 1 ; Sept . 20 , 1921 , 1 ; Express, Sept. 19 , 1921, 6; Sept . 27, 1921 , 8; News, Sept . 16 , 1921, 1, 2. 7. Unfortunately , copie s o f th e Buffalo Truth ar e missin g fo r certai n ke y periods, includin g Septembe r 1921 . As i s relate d i n chapte r 5 , th e paper eventuall y evolve d int o a spokespiec e fo r th e Buffal o Klan . I n an editoria l o n Octobe r 6 , 1921 , the American denounce d th e Truth's stand o n th e KKK , whic h apparentl y wa s on e o f neutrality . Se e American, Oct . 6, 1921 , 8. 8. Courier, Sept . 16 , 1921 , 5. 9. Express, Sept . 26, 1921 , 5; Courier, Sept. 26, 1921 , 10 (quote). 10. Courier, Sept . 26 , 1921 , 10. 11. Express, Ma y 23 , 1922 , 1 , 6 (quotes); News, Ma y 23 , 1922, 38. Mitchell held th e positio n o f Distric t Kleagl e fo r th e Easter n Domain , whic h encompassed Ne w York , Massachusetts , Connecticut , Ne w Hamp shire, Vermont, an d Maine . 12. Express, Ma y 23 , 1922 , 7 ; Ma y 30 , 1922 , 1 (first an d secon d quotes) ; Courier, Ma y 31 , 1922 , 1 4 (thir d quote) . Webste r sai d tha t th e Kla n hoped t o recrui t fiv e thousan d member s i n Buffalo . Se e Times, Ma y 31,1922,3. 13. Courier, Ma y 30 , 1922 , 1 8 (first an d fift h quotes) ; Commercial, Jun e 1 , 1922, 1 (second quote) ; June 2 , 1922,10 (third an d fourt h quotes) . Few of Buffalo's Jewis h leader s openl y attacke d th e Kla n i n th e fashio n o f Rabbi Kopald . Th e city' s majo r Jewis h publication , th e Buffalo Jewish Review, completel y ignore d th e local klavern, preferring t o featur e more genera l article s o n anti-Semitis m i n other part s o f the country . 14. Courier, June 1 , 1922, 1 6 (quote); June 2, 1922 , 5. 15. Chalmers , Hooded Americanism, 43-44 , 85-89 , 175 , 236 , 254-55 ; Jackson, Klan in the City, 93-103, 170-77 . 16. Courier, Oct . 26 , 1922 , 1,1 1 (quotes) ; Times, Oct . 26 , 1922 , 10 ; Enquirer, Oct . 26, 1922 , 14 ; News, Oct . 26, 1922 , 17 . The Kla n gatherin g was hel d i n a meado w of f Harle m Roa d betwee n Mai n an d Genese e streets. Sinc e i t too k plac e nort h o f th e cit y limits , th e ceremon y would hav e bee n hel d i n the townshi p of Amherst . 17. Courier, Oct . 27, 1922 , 6. 18. Courier, Nov. 9, 1922 , 1,2 . 19. Commercial, Nov . 9, 1922 , 7 (second quote) ; Courier, Nov . 9, 1922 , 1, 2 (first quote) ; Nov . 10 , 1922 , 16 ; Nov . 12 , 1922 , 88 ; News, Nov . 9 , 1922,3. 20. Courier, Nov . 12 , 1922 , 88; Nov . 16 , 1922 , 3; Dec . 8, 1922 , 3; Dec. 14 , 1922, 1 8 (quotes) ; Express, Nov . 18 , 1922 , 7 ; Nov . 27 , 1922 , 1 . Th e American identifie d on e kleagl e wh o operate d i n Canad a a s J . P . Martin, wh o als o occasionall y visite d Buffalo . Recruitin g wa s n o

Notes to Chapter 2 15 9 doubt conducte d amon g native-bor n American s residin g i n Canada , but whit e Protestan t Canadian s wh o ha d becom e naturalize d U.S . citizens wer e eligibl e fo r membershi p i n th e Rider s o f th e Re d Robe , the KKK' s auxiliar y fo r th e foreig n born . Marti n concentrate d hi s efforts o n Toronto , which becam e th e primar y cente r of Klan activit y in easter n Canada . Se e American, Dec . 14 , 1922 , 1 , an d Chalmers , Hooded Americanism, 88 , 279-80. 21. Courier, Sept . 17 , 1922, 79. 22. Courier, Nov . 13 , 1922 , 4 (firs t an d secon d quotes) ; Nov . 19 , 1922 , 8 3 (fourth quote) ; American, Nov . 16 , 1922 , 1 , 4 (thir d quote) ; Times, Nov. 13 , 1922,3. 23. Courier, Nov . 17 , 1922 , 8 (firs t quote) ; Nov . 29 , 1922 , 4 (secon d an d fourth quotes) ; Dec . 10 , 1922, 91 (third quote) ; Express, Nov . 28, 1922, 7; Dec. 10, 1922, 1 ; Enquirer, Nov . 29, 1922 , 1, 14. 24. Courier, Dec . 1 , 1922 , 1 (fourt h quote) ; Dec . 9 , 1922 , 1 6 (firs t an d second quotes) ; Dec . 11 , 1922, 5 (third quote) ; Jan . 29 , 1923 , 12 (fift h quote); News, Dec . 9, 1922 , 4; Dec. 11 , 1922, 19. 25. Express, Dec . 21, 1922, 11; Courier, Dec . 21, 1922, 18 (quote). Wild ha d been employe d b y the IRC for eleve n years and had bee n out on strik e since July . Ninetee n Klansme n worke d fo r th e IRC , but i t i s unlikel y that thi s was a n authorize d threat . 26. Courier, Dec . 1 , 1922 , 1 ; Dec. 5, 1922 , 8; Dec . 11 , 1922, 5 (first quote) ; Dec. 12 , 1922 , 3; Dec. 13 , 1922, 6, 16 ; Dec. 18 , 1922, 5 (second quote) ; Express, Dec . 9, 1922 , 5; Dec. 10 , 1922 , 1 ; Dec. 11 , 1922, 9; News, Dec . 11, 1922 , 30; Enquirer, Dec . 11 , 1922, 8. 27. Courier, Nov . 27 , 1922 , 6 (first quote) ; Dec . 1 , 1922 , 1 (second quote) ; Dec. 12 , 1922, 3 (third quote) ; Express, Nov . 28, 1922, 7; News, Dec . 1 , 1922, 2, 8; Dec. 11 , 1922, 30; Times, Nov . 27, 1922 , 1. 28. Courier, Dec . 1 , 1922, 1 (quote); News, Dec . 1, 1922, 2. 29. Express, Marc h 26 , 1923 , 1 , 4 ; Courier, Marc h 26 , 1923 , 1 (quote) ; Commercial, Marc h 26 , 1923 , 10. 30. Courier, March 26 , 1923 , 1 (firs t quote) ; March 28 , 1923, 4 (second an d third quotes) ; Express, Marc h 31 , 1923 , 3 ; Jun e 3 , 1923 , sec . 6 , 1 ; News, Marc h 26 , 1923 , 30 ; Enquirer, Apri l 2 , 1922 , 2 . Th e name s o f three o f th e church' s trustees—Dr . Rober t S . Hambleton , Floru s G . Turner, an d Samue l A . Torrence—appear o n th e Kla n membershi p list utilized i n thi s study . 31. Courier, Apri l 1 , 1923 , 83. A recruiting meetin g wa s als o hel d i n th e local Salvatio n Arm y hall. See Enquirer, Apri l 2 , 1922 , 7. 32. Express, Marc h 27 , 1923, 10. 33. Courier, Apri l 7 , 1923 , 4 ; Jackson , Klan in the City, 176-78 ; Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 10 . See Express, Apri l 7, 1923 , 1, and Times, Apri l 7, 1923 , 4, for report s o f a cross-burning i n Niagar a Fall s at thi s time . 34. Express, Ma y 24 , 1923 , 1 (firs t an d thir d quotes) ; Ma y 26 , 1923 , 1 ; Courier, Ma y 24 , 1923 , 1 (second quote) ; News, Ma y 24, 1923 , 4.

160 Notes to Chapter 3 35. Courier, Jan . 15 , 1923 , 4; Jan . 22 , 1923 , 1 ; Jackson , Klan in the City, 176-78; Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 10 . 36. New York Times, Feb . 23 , 1923 , 4; Ma y 5 , 1923 , 2; Ma y 24 , 1923 , 3; Courier, Jan . 17 , 1923 , 1 (quote); Feb . 26 , 1923 , 4; Apri l 25 , 1923 , 4; May 24 , 1923 , 2; Jackson , Klan in the City, 177 ; Rubin, Klan in Binghamton, 19-20 . 37. Ne w York, Laws of the State of New York Passed at the 146th Session of the Legislature (Albany : J . B . Lyo n Co. , 1923) , c . 664 , 1110-11 . Th e Walker La w wa s on e o f only tw o comprehensiv e stat e measure s tha t targeted th e secon d Klan ; th e othe r wa s passe d b y th e Louisian a legislature i n 1924 . Fo r th e Walke r Law' s significanc e i n America n legal history , se e Davi d Fellman , The Constitutional Right of Association (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1963) , 70-72. 38. Laws of the State of New York (1923), c. 664, 1111. 39. Express, Ma y 28, 1923, 1 (quote); Courier, May 28 , 1923, 2. 40. Express, Ma y 26 , 1923 , 1 ; Courier, Ma y 26 , 1923 , 4; Commercial, Ma y 26,1923, 1 . 41. Courier, Ma y 26 , 1923 , 4 (quotes) ; Express, Ma y 26 , 1923 , 1 ; Times, May 26, 1923,3. 42. Express, Ma y 27 , 1923 , sec . 6 , 1 (secon d quote) ; Ma y 28 , 1923 , 5 (first quote) . 43. Express, Ma y 27, 1923, sec. 6, 1 (first quote) ; May 28, 1923, 1, 3 (second and thir d quotes) . Se e News, Ma y 28 , 1923 , 3 , for anothe r repor t o f this gathering . 44. Express, Ma y 28, 1923 , 3. 45. Express, Ma y 29 , 1923 , 5 (firs t an d fourt h quotes) ; Courier, Jun e 4 , 1923, 4 (secon d an d thir d quotes) ; Times, Jun e 1 , 1923 , 17 ; Enquirer, May 28, 1923 , 14. 46. Express, Jun e 1 , 1923 , 4 ; Courier, Jul y 20 , 1923 , 1 ; Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 20 . 47. Express, Jun e 1 , 1923 , 4; June 2 , 1923 , 1 ; June 3 , 1923 , sec. 6, 1 ; Jul y 24, 1923 , 4; July 25 , 1923, 1; July 27 , 1923, 5; Courier, June 2 , 1923 , 1; July 22 , 1923 , 60; Jul y 23 , 1923 , 14 ; Aug. 15 , 1923 , 1 ; Sept . 21 , 1923, 3; Enquirer, Jun e 1 , 1923 , 14 ; Jun e 2 , 1923 , 8 ; Commercial, Jun e 1 , 1923, 2 ; Jul y 26 , 1923 , 1 , 2 ; Times, Jul y 27 , 1923 , 1 ; Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 20 . 48. Courier, July 29 , 1923 , 89 (first quote) ; Express, Jun e 3 , 1923 , sec. 6, 1 (second quote) . 49. Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 20 .

Notes to Chapter 3 1. Courier, Jun e 22 , 1923 , 10 ; Jul y 4 , 1923 , 22 ; Jul y 5 , 1923 , 1 , 1 0 (quotes); Express, Jul y 3 , 1923, 4.

Notes to Chapter 3 16 1 2. Express, Jul y 5 , 1923 , 4 (first an d secon d quotes) ; Courier, July 5, 1923, 1, 10 (third quote) ; News, Jul y 5 , 1923 , 3. 3. Courier, Jul y 26 , 1923 , 1 (first , second , an d thir d quotes) ; Jul y 28 , 1923, 1 ; Aug. 27 , 1923 , 1 4 (fourt h an d fifth quotes) ; Express, Jul y 27 , 1923, 5; Times, Jul y 28 , 1923 , 9. 4. Courier, Oct. 9, 1923 , 1; Oct. 21, 1923, 81. 5. Courier, Oct . 19 , 1923 , 1 (quotes); Oct . 20 , 1923 , 14 ; Nov. 10 , 1923 , 5; Express, Oct . 20, 1922 , 5; Enquirer, Oct . 19 , 1923, 1. 6. Courier, June 3 , 1923 , 83. As is related late r i n thi s chapter , th e Kla n decided t o thro w it s suppor t t o Willia m F . Schwartz , a decisio n i t ultimately regretted . 7. A s fa r a s ca n b e determined , Stat e Assemblyma n Henr y W . Hut t was th e onl y majo r stat e o r count y officeholde r t o belon g t o th e Buffalo Klan . 8. Courier, May 31 , 1923, 5. 9. Express, Aug . 10 , 1923 , 4; Courier, Aug. 10 , 1923 , 11; Aug. 18 , 1923 , 1, 3; Sept . 2, 1923 , 81; News, Aug . 10 , 1923, 3; Aug. 18 , 1923, 3. 10. Courier, Nov . 18 , 1923 , 89 ; Nov . 22 , 1923 , 1 ; Commercial, Nov . 23 , 1923,1. 11. Express, Jun e 2 , 1923 , 1 ; Laws of the State of New York (1923) , c. 871, 1690. Smit h carrie d Buffal o b y 60,38 0 t o 43,95 6 ove r Natha n Mille r in Novembe r 1922 . Statistical analysi s o f th e Smit h vot e indicate s a very stron g an d positiv e correlatio n (.946 ) wit h th e 192 1 vot e fo r Mayor Schwab , th e correlatio n bein g statisticall y significan t a t .001 , one-tailed test . Thu s th e politica l followin g o f th e tw o men , a t leas t at thi s time , seems t o have been quit e similar . 12. Courier, Jan. 31 , 1923, 1 ; March 14 , 1923 , 2; Jan. 21 , 1924, 1 ; Jan. 25, 1924, 1 ; Jan . 30 , 1924 , 1 ; Jan . 31 , 1924 , 4 ; Feb . 9 , 1924 , 1 ; Express, July 21 , 1923, 1; July 26 , 1923 , 1; News, Jul y 20 , 1923 , 1. 13. Buffal o Kla n membershi p list , locate d i n th e archive s o f th e Buffal o and Eri e County Historical Society . 14. Courier, Sept. 17 , 1924, 5. 15. Courier, July 26 , 1923 , 3; Aug. 10 , 1923 , 11; Express, Aug . 10 , 1923 , 4; News, Aug. 10 , 1923,3. 16. Courier, July 26 , 1923 , 1; Nov. 5, 1923 , 8 (quotes). 17. Courier, Nov . 19 , 1923 , 3 (quotes) ; Express, Nov . 19 , 1923 , 1 , 4; Enquirer, Nov. 19 , 1923,8 . 18. Courier, April 20, 1924 , 88. 19. Courier, Marc h 13 , 1924 , 5 (firs t quote) ; Marc h 18 , 1924 , 1 6 (secon d and thir d quotes) ; Express, Marc h 18 , 1924, 9; Commercial, Marc h 13 , 1924, 12 ; March 17 , 1924, 1 , 10. 20. Courier, Marc h 13 , 1924 , 5 (firs t quote) ; Marc h 19 , 1924 , 3 (secon d and thir d quotes) ; Express, Marc h 18 , 1924 , 9 ; Marc h 19 , 1924 , 5 ; Commercial, Marc h 18 , 1924, 1 . Rumors ha d bee n circulatin g o f pend ing Klan raids. See Courier, Marc h 8 , 1924 , 10 , and Marc h 13 , 1924, 4.

162 Notes to Chapter 3 21. Courier, Marc h 18 , 1924 , 1 6 (thir d quote) ; Marc h 20 , 1924 , 1 4 (firs t and secon d quotes) ; News, Marc h 18 , 1924, 36. 22. Courier, Marc h 23 , 1924 , 8 5 (quotes) ; Express, Marc h 23 , sec . 1,1 ; Commercial, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1. 23. Courier, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1 (quote) ; Marc h 25 , 1924 , 14 ; Express, March 24 , 1924 , 4; Marc h 25 , 1924 , 14 ; Enquirer, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1 ; News, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1 ; Times, Marc h 25 , 1924 , 1. 24. Courier, March 26 , 1924 , 3 (quote); Express, Marc h 26 , 1924 , 4. 25. Th e undercover reports , hereinafter cite d as Kla n reports , are locate d in th e archive s o f the Buffalo an d Eri e County Historica l Society . 26. Courier, Marc h 18 , 1924 , 16 ; Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1 ; Express, Marc h 18 , 1924, 9; Times, Marc h 18 , 1924, 13. 27. Courier, Marc h 30 , 1924 , 89 ; Marc h 31 , 1924 , 14 ; Apri l 2 , 1924 , 16 ; April 6 , 1924 , 89; April 11 , 1924, 4; July 2 , 1924 , 10 ; July 4 , 1924 , 18; Express, Marc h 30 , 1924 , sec. 6, 1 ; March 31 , 1924, 12 ; April 1 , 1924 , 5; Apri l 6 , 1924 , sec. 8 , 1 ; April 9 , 1924 , 9; Jul y 2 , 1924 , 16 ; Commercial, Marc h 31 , 1924 , 12 ; Apri l 7 , 1924 , 9 ; Times, Apri l 8 , 1924 , 1 . Some o f thes e raid s too k plac e i n nearb y Niagar a Falls , bu t al l wer e organized b y Smit h an d Mayn e i n associatio n wit h th e KKK . 28. Courier, Marc h 31 , 1924 , 1 4 (firs t quote) ; Apri l 1 , 1924 , 1 6 (thir d quote); Apri l 3 , 1924 , 4 (second quote) ; Express, Apri l 1 , 1924, 5; April 3, 1924 , 5; Commercial, Apri l 2 , 1924 , 1, 10; News, Apri l 1 , 1924, 1. 29. Courier, Apri l 7 , 1924 , 1 1 (quotes) ; Express, Apri l 7 , 1924 , 4 ; News, April 7 , 1924 , 3; Commercial, Apri l 7 , 1924 , 9. 30. Courier, April 8 , 1924 , 1 0 (quote); Express, Apri l 8 , 1924 , 4. 31. Courier, Apri l 13 , 1924, 91 (quotes) ; Apri l 15 , 1924 , 18 ; Express, Apri l 13, 1924 , sec. 6, 1 ; April 15 , 1924, 18 ; News, Apri l 14 , 1924, 6. 32. Courier, Apri l 7 , 1924 , 1 1 (firs t quote) ; Apri l 14 , 1924 , 1 6 (secon d quote); Express, Marc h 31 , 1924, 4; April 14 , 1924 , 1 ; News, Apri l 14 , 1924,6. 33. Courier, Apri l 10 , 1924 , 1 8 (quote); Express, Apri l 10 , 1924 , 5 ; Times, April 10 , 1924, 1. 34. Courier, April 14 , 1924, 16 ; May 27 , 1924, 4; Express, Apri l 14 , 1924, 5. Probably a t Smith' s request , th e Kla n release d a lette r claimin g tha t the ministe r wa s no t a KK K member . A s i s relate d i n chapte r 5 , Smith late r confesse d tha t h e indee d belonge d t o th e hoode d order . For th e tex t o f the letter , se e Times, Apri l 14 , 1924, 1,3 . 35. Kla n reports , July 14 , 1924. 36. Obertea n reports , May 19 , 1924; June 16 , 1924; Courier, Sept. 1 , 1924, 9; Sept . 2 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Sept . 1 , 1924 , 4; Sept . 2 , 1924 , 1 . Obertean's report s ar e locate d i n th e archive s o f th e Buffal o an d Eri e County Historica l Society . 37. Kla n reports , Jun e 26 , 192 4 (firs t quote) ; Obertea n reports , Jun e 25 , 1924 (second an d thir d quotes) .

Motes to Chapter 3 16 3 38. See , fo r example , Kla n reports , Apri l 5 , 1924 ; Apri l 27 , 1924 ; Ma y 3 , 1924; Ma y 24 , 1924 ; Ma y 31 , 1924 ; Jun e 4 , 1924 ; Jun e 7 , 1924 ; Aug . 10, 1924 ; Aug. 18 , 1924. Even th e distinctl y German-America n Mayo r Schwab wa s o n on e occasio n referre d t o a s a "dirt y lo w dow n mick. " See Klan reports , June 28 , 1924 . 39. Obertea n reports , Jun e 25 , 192 4 (firs t quote) ; Kla n reports , Ma y 3 , 1924; Ma y 11 , 1924 ; Ma y 24 , 1924 ; Jun e 26 , 1924 ; Jun e 28 , 192 4 (second quote) . 40. Kla n reports , May 11 , 1924 (first quote) ; May 14 , 1924 (second quote) ; May 24, 192 4 (third quote) . 41. Kla n reports , April 5 , 1924 . 42. Kla n reports , Apri l 5 , 192 4 (secon d an d thir d quotes) ; Apri l 7 , 1924 ; April 10 , 1924 (first quote) ; May 11 , 1924. 43. Kla n reports , April 6 , 192 4 (second quote) ; Ma y 11 , 1924 (first quote) . The Kla n als o suspecte d tha t th e mayo r wa s connecte d wit h illega l gambling. Se e Klan reports , April 7 , 1924 . 44. Kla n reports , Ma y 11 , 1924 (secon d an d thir d quotes) ; Ma y 24 , 192 4 (first quote) ; May 31 , 1924. 45. Kla n reports , April 7 , 192 4 (first , second , an d thir d quotes) ; Ma y 11 , 1924 (fourth quote) . 46. Kla n reports , Apri l 10 , 1924 ; Apri l 27 , 1924 ; Ma y 3 , 1924 ; Ma y 11 , 1924 (firs t an d secon d quotes) ; Jul y 27 , 1924 ; Courier, Apri l 2 , 1924 , 16 (third quote) . 47. Kla n reports , Apri l 5 , 192 4 (firs t an d secon d quotes) ; Apri l 6 , 1924 ; April 7 , 1924 ; Apri l 10 , 192 4 (Smit h quote) ; Apri l 13 , 1924 ; April 27 , 1924; May 11 , 1924; May 14 , 1924 ; May 24 , 1924 ; July 27 , 1924. 48. Kla n reports , Apri l 10 , 192 4 (firs t quote) ; Apri l 13 , 1924 (secon d an d third quotes) ; May 17 , 1924; July 29 , 1924 . 49. Kla n reports , April 5 , 192 4 (secon d quote) ; Apri l 6 , 192 4 (first quote) . Because th e Ne w Yor k stat e Kla n wa s neve r formall y chartere d a s a "realm" o f th e Invisibl e Empir e (i n part, becaus e o f th e lega l compli cations presente d b y the Walker Law), all loca l Klan s in th e state ha d only provisiona l statu s an d wer e ru n b y appointe d officers , usuall y a kleagle (Kla n recruiter) . Whe n a klaver n receive d it s forma l charter , as usually occurre d i n other states , it wa s allowe d t o elect it s officers , the highes t rankin g o f whom wa s th e Exalte d Cyclop s (chapter presi dent). The four provisiona l leader s of Buffalo Kla n No . 5 held th e titl e of Grand Kleagl e of Western Ne w York because the y not only directe d recruiting an d othe r activitie s insid e th e city but throughou t Eri e an d neighboring counties . Fo r a usefu l char t tha t lay s ou t th e KKK' s complicated chai n o f command, se e Wade, The Fiery Cross, 158 . 50. Kla n reports , Apri l 5 , 1924 ; Apri l 6 , 1924 ; Jul y 14 , 1924 ; Aug . 18 , 1924 (quotes).

164 Notes to Chapter 4 Notes to Chapter 4 1. Th e membership lis t i s located i n th e archives o f the Buffalo an d Eri e County Historica l Society ; th e publi c wa s first give n acces s t o thi s document i n 1990 . 2. Courier, July 2 , 1923,8 . 3. Rober t A . Goldberg , Hooded Empire: The Ku Klwc Klan in Colorado (Urbana: Universit y of Illinois Press, 1981), 183-86 . 4. Th e directory i s located i n the archives of the Buffalo an d Eri e Count y Historical Society . 5. Thes e calculation s ar e base d o n informatio n fro m Thirteenth Census of the United States, 1910: Population 4 : 542, and Fourteenth Census of the United States: Population 4 : 1068-70 . 6. B y th e 1890s , mos t o f Buffalo' s majo r trad e union s ha d federate d within th e Unite d Trade s an d Labo r Counci l (UTLC) . Possessin g a largely Anglo , Irish , an d Germa n membership , th e UTL C too k a strong stan d agains t unrestricte d immigratio n an d immigran t labor , protesting, amon g othe r things , th e us e o f nonunio n Polis h an d Ital ian worker s o n cit y constructio n projects . Se e Goldman , High Hopes, 154-55. Union membershi p record s i n th e 1920 s were maintaine d b y local chapters , th e grea t majorit y o f which ar e n o longe r i n existenc e or hav e no t kep t thei r olde r files. Fo r example, th e oldes t machinists ' local stil l operatin g (No . 33 0 o f th e Internationa l Associatio n o f Ma chinists an d Aerospac e Workers ) ha s regularl y discarde d it s record s as member s hav e die d o r otherwis e cease d affiliation ; th e loca l ha s no records a s fa r bac k a s 1924 . However, on e olde r electricians ' loca l (No. 41, International Brotherhoo d o f Electrical Workers ) doe s retai n records fro m th e 1920s ; according t o these documents , out o f fifty-six Klan-affiliated electrician s i n th e city , onl y tw o eve r belonge d t o th e local, an d on e o f thes e joine d i n 1929 , long afte r th e Buffal o klaver n had expired . 7. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 2: 708-9 ; New York , Unpublishe d Stat e Censu s Report s fo r 1925 , Buffal o Wards Eleve n an d Twenty-One . Onl y 55. 8 percen t o f th e Klansme n listing addresse s i n Ward s Eleve n an d Twenty-On e wer e detecte d b y the stat e censu s i n 1925 . Many Klansme n ha d probabl y move d sinc e filling ou t thei r KK K applicatio n forms , an d th e stat e censu s wa s conducted i n a less-than-thoroug h fashion , missin g entir e street s a t times. Fo r a concis e compilatio n o f state censu s data , se e Ne w York , Secretary o f State , Population Figures for the Cities, Incorporated Villages, Towns, and Counties of New York State According to the Census of June 1,1925 (Albany : J. B. Lyon Co., 1926). 8. On e study , Andre w P . Yox's, "Decline o f th e German-America n Com munity i n Buffalo, Ne w York, 1855-1925 " (Ph.D. dissertation, Univer -

Notes to Chapter 4 16 5 sity o f Chicago) , 312 , presents ward-leve l populatio n percentage s fo r several majo r ethni c (foreign - an d native-bor n together ) group s i n 1915. How accuratel y Yox' s figures sugges t th e ethnic compositio n o f wards circ a th e earl y 1920 s i s difficul t t o ascertain , bu t on e suspect s that the y provid e a fairly reliabl e approximation . Statistica l analysi s utilizing thi s dat a reveal s onl y a sligh t correlatio n betwee n th e per centage o f Klansme n an d th e percentag e o f German s (.167) , Italian s (-.164), an d Pole s (-.237) . Th e correlatio n wit h th e percentag e o f Irish i s stronge r (.380) , bu t thi s i s probabl y mor e reflectiv e o f th e movement o f middle-clas s Iris h t o outlyin g area s tha n o f an y typ e o f ongoing residentia l conflict . Overall , Yox's dat a lend s strengt h t o th e conclusion tha t proximit y t o ethnic populations probably onl y playe d a mino r rol e in determinin g Kla n membership . 9. Th e name s o n th e Kla n membershi p lis t wer e evaluate d b y m y re search assistan t a t th e Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Buffalo , Ala n C. Nothnagle, a talente d graduat e studen t wh o i s a nativ e German speaker. 10. Th e occupationa l distributio n o f German-surname d Klansme n is : high nonmanua l (3. 7 percent) , middl e nonmanua l (19.4) , lo w non manual (26.6) , skille d (31.3) , semiskille d an d servic e (18.0) , an d un skilled (.6) . The non-German-surnamed distributio n is : high nonman ual (7.3) , middl e nonmanua l (18.0) , lo w nonmanua l (28.2) , skille d (30.3), semiskilled an d servic e (15.5) , and unskille d (.4) . 11. Nin e hundre d an d seventy-eigh t Klansme n residin g insid e th e cit y have bee n locate d i n th e unpublishe d 192 5 stat e censu s report s (5 6 percent o f city resident s o n th e Kla n membershi p list) . Of these, 30. 1 percent wer e singl e wit h n o children (althoug h som e ha d othe r type s of dependents), . 4 percent wer e singl e with childre n (possibl y widow ers), 16. 0 percent were marrie d wit h n o children currently residin g a t home, and 53. 4 percent wer e marrie d wit h childre n a t home . 12. Danie l J. Sweeney, ed., History of Buffalo and Erie County in the World War, 1914-1919 (Buffalo : Committe e o f On e Hundred , 1919) , 509 679; Klan membershi p list . 13. Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920: Population 2: 290; Kla n membership list . Th e onl y othe r detaile d evaluatio n o f Kla n recruit ing amon g veteran s i s i n Goldberg , Hooded Empire, 40-41 , whic h reports tha t a larg e majorit y o f th e Denve r klaver n neve r serve d i n the military . 14. Courier, Sept . 16 , 1921 , 5; June 25 , 1922 , 77; May 1 , 1923 , 5; Aug. 24, 1924, 77; Express, Jun e 3 , 1923, sec. 6, 1. 15. Buffalo City Directory, 1922, 71-79 ; Masonic Directory for Buffalo, N.Y. and Erie County (1st and 2nd Masonic Districts) and Grand Bodies of the State of New York, 1922 (Buffalo : Masoni c Lif e Association , 1922) , 6-43; Kla n membership list . For an excellent recent stud y of fraterna l societies i n th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twentiet h centuries , se e

166 Notes to Chapter 4 Mary Ann Clawson , Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton ; Princeto n Universit y Press , 1989) . Clawson dis covered tha t mos t fraterna l groups , like th e Klan , attracte d balance d proportions o f white- and blue-colla r members . Among other sources , she utilize s a comprehensiv e membershi p lis t o f th e Knight s o f Pyth ias in Buffalo i n 1891 ; the list indicates tha t 6. 3 percent o f the Knight s were uppe r white-collar , 4 4 percen t lowe r white-collar , 28. 3 percen t skilled, 16. 6 percent semiskilled , an d 4. 9 percent unskilled . As can b e seen, thi s i s a n occupationa l distributio n no t dissimila r fro m tha t o f Buffalo Kla n No . 5 thirt y year s later . Se e 9 8 an d 10 5 o f Clawson' s study. Althoug h i t focuse s o n a n eve n earlie r period , man y valuabl e insights concernin g men' s secre t societie s ca n als o b e foun d i n Mar k C. Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (Ne w Ha ven: Yale Universit y Press , 1989) . 16. Express, Jun e 3 , 1923 , sec . 6 , 1 ; Courier, Jun e 12 , 1923 , 7 ; Sept . 1 , 1924, 9 ; Marc h 22 , 1925 , 10 ; Kla n reports , Apri l 6 , 192 4 (Klansma n quote). Bryan t als o wa s a membe r o f th e investigatio n committe e o f Occidental Lodg e No. 766. See Masonic Directory, 1922, 45. 17. Masonic Directory, 1922,2%. 18. Masonic Directory, 44 ; Courier, Oct . 9, 1924 , 5. 19. Interestingly , a t leas t tw o Klansme n wer e non-Protestants : Benjami n Kershberg an d Willia m Michael s wer e bot h Jewish . Kershber g indi cated thi s o n hi s KK K applicatio n for m bu t wa s nonetheles s admit ted t o membership . Michael s wa s a non-practicin g Je w marrie d t o a Protestant; i t i s unclear whethe r h e informe d th e Kla n o f his ethnore ligious background . Courier, Sept . 9 , 1924 , 3; author's intervie w wit h James Michaels , June 29 , 1992 . 20. Fo r example , durin g th e 1920 s ther e wer e thirty-tw o Luthera n churches i n Buffalo , bu t th e record s o f onl y seve n o f thes e bodie s are availabl e fo r inspection , an d man y o f thes e ar e o f ver y limite d usefulness. I f bot h th e Protestan t an d Kla n population s ha d bee n evenly distribute d throughou t th e city , one migh t deriv e a sampl e o f church member s fro m suc h record s a s ar e available , adjus t th e sam ple t o confor m t o Buffalo' s overal l Protestan t denominationa l distri bution, an d the n determin e th e percentag e o f Klansme n i n th e vari ous denomination s represente d i n th e sample. This approach, i n fact , has been employe d b y Leonard Moor e in his examination o f the KK K in Indianapolis , a n overwhelmingl y Protestan t communit y wher e members o f denomination s wer e broadl y distribute d (se e Citizen Klansmen, 194) . In Buffalo , however , religiou s group s tende d t o con centrate i n variou s part s o f th e city , makin g i t muc h harde r t o pro duce a usefu l sampl e fro m th e limite d membershi p record s tha t ar e available—especially considerin g th e relativel y smal l numbe r o f Klansmen tha t on e i s tryin g t o locate . Accordingly , thi s stud y ha s opted fo r anothe r samplin g method .

Notes to Chapter 5 16 7 21. Th e surve y wa s conducte d b y th e eightee n member s o f m y Histor y 491 seminar , "Th e Unite d State s durin g th e 1920 s an d 1930s, " at th e State Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Buffalo . Durin g th e cours e o f th e spring 199 2 semester , eac h membe r o f th e surve y tea m contacte d three hundred loca l residents wit h th e same surname s a s local Klans men. When a likel y responden t wa s located, his or her relationship t o a Kla n membe r wa s confirme d usin g th e informatio n concernin g age, occupation , an d residenc e o n th e KK K membershi p list . Th e denominational dat a presente d i n thi s study ar e base d exclusivel y o n those case s wher e a responden t was , a t th e least , fairl y certai n o f a Klansman's religiou s affiliation . 22. Ou t o f th e sixty-fiv e Lutheran s i n th e sample , si x wer e positivel y identified a s evangelica l Lutherans , bu t man y respondent s indicate d that the y wer e uncertai n abou t whic h typ e o f Luthera n churc h thei r Klan-affiliated relativ e ha d belonge d to . 23. Th e Klan-affiliate d minister s were : O . F. Albert, Presbyterian ; Alfre d C. Bussingham , Baptist ; Georg e A . Fowler , Methodist ; H . S . Kis singer, Unite d Brethre n i n Christ; Charle s E . Odell, Methodist; Harr y S. Palmeter , Baptist ; Charle s C . Penfold , Methodist ; Littleto n E . H . Smith, Presbyterian ; Edga r C . Tullar, Methodist ; Nichola s Vancassa boom, Methodist ; an d Josep h G . Wind, Spiritualist . Th e Klan' s busi ness director y als o list s J . G . Secord , a n Episcopalia n minister , bu t his nam e doe s not appea r o n th e klavern roster . 24. Truth, Jan . 3,1924,1 .

Notes to Chapter 5 1. Courier, Jun e 4 , 1923 , 4 (firs t quote) ; Dec . 9, 1923 , 96 (secon d quote) . Founders o f thi s grou p include d Ne w Yor k Suprem e Cour t Justic e Thomas H . Dowd ; attorne y Charle s J . Kennedy ; Dr . Francis M . Rich , a physician ; realto r Charle s Jacobson ; businessma n Howar d S . Ed monds; investmen t broke r Jaco b S . Morris ; an d attorne y Henr y Stern. 2. Times, Jun e 21 , 1923 , 21; Courier, Jun e 21 , 1923 , 4; Jul y 10 , 1923 , 5. For th e activitie s o f th e America n Unit y League , see Jackson, Klan in the City, 103-17 . 3. Courier, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 1 , 3 (quotes); Times, Marc h 24 , 1924 , 13. 4. Courier, Marc h 30 , 1924 , 89; April 3 , 1924 , 4 (firs t an d thir d quotes) ; April 21 , 1924 , 8 (second quote) ; Express, Apri l 18 , 1924 , 1 ; Commercial, April 18 , 1924,1 . 5. Courier, Apri l 18 , 1924, 1 (quote); April 20 , 1924 , 87; Express, Apri l 9 , 1924, 1 , 4 ; Apri l 18 , 1924 , 1 , 6 ; Commercial, Apri l 18 , 1924 , 1 . Th e possibility exists , o f course , tha t Smit h an d th e Kla n stage d thi s incident a s a mean s o f mobilizin g suppor t fo r th e ongoin g mora l

168 Notes to Chapter 5 reform campaign . Indeed, only one month befor e th e bombing, Gran d Kleagle Georg e Bryan t ha d writte n t o Kin g Kleagl e E . D . Smith , "Keep your ear to the ground an d liste n t o Buffalo. We have a surpris e to sprin g whic h wil l b e broadcas t al l ove r th e Unite d States. " On e suspects, however, tha t wha t Bryan t wa s referring t o were th e Klan' s plans t o catch Mayo r Schwa b drinkin g i n violatio n o f th e law . Moreover, i f L . E . H . Smit h wante d t o stag e a n incident , h e surel y coul d have chose n t o d o somethin g les s inconvenient—bu t equall y dra matic— than dynamitin g hi s ow n house . I n addition , i n Marc h 192 5 United State s Custom s Inspecto r Orvill e Preuster , brothe r o f Niagar a County Kleagl e Luca s Preuste r an d a clos e associat e o f th e Reveren d Smith, wa s kille d i n a simila r bombing , indicatin g tha t th e threa t o f such attack s wa s ver y real . Se e Courier, Sept . 21 , 1924 , 8 5 (Bryan t quote), and Marc h 2 , 1925 , 1. 6. Courier, Apri l 20 , 1924 , 8 7 (quote) ; Ma y 9 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Ma y 9 , 1924, 9 . Th e Express reporte d tha t "Th e displa y ma y hav e bee n th e prank o f boys, " producing a n angr y reactio n fro m th e publicity-con scious George Bryant. Se e Klan reports , May 11 , 1924. 7. Express, Ma y 21 , 1924, 4 (firs t quote) ; Ma y 30 , 1924 , 9; Courier, Ma y 21, 1924 , 16 ; Ma y 30 , 1924 , 5 ; Ma y 31 , 1924 , 1 4 (secon d quote) ; Enquirer, Ma y 21 , 1924 , 10 . Fou r o f thos e wh o wer e arreste d late r received ten-dolla r fines , whil e th e other s receive d suspende d sen tences. Se e Courier, Jun e 3 , 1924 , 18 ; Express, Jun e 3 , 1924 , 9 ; an d Enquirer, Jun e 3 , 1924, 3. 8. Courier, Apri l 10 , 1924 , 14 , 18 ; Apri l 11 , 1924 , 5 (quotes) ; Express, April 10 , 1924, 5; April 12 , 1924, 5; Commercial, Apri l 22, 1924 , 1. 9. Courier, Apri l 15 , 1924, 18 ; Express, Apri l 15 , 1924 , 4; News, Apri l 15 , 1924, 38. 10. Courier, Apri l 13 , 1924 , 10 5 (firs t quote) ; Apri l 14 , 1924 , 1 6 (secon d quote); Jun e 3 , 1924 , 2; June 9 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Apri l 13 , 1924, sec. 6, 1 ; Jun e 3 , 1924 , 4 ; News, Apri l 14 , 1924 , 6 . Schwa b als o ha d th e police investigat e th e backgroun d o f Klansma n Davi d Mayne , dis covering tha t Mayn e had deserte d hi s wif e i n Watertown , Ne w York , in 1920 . See Courier, May 17 , 1924, 2, and Ma y 18 , 1924, 87. 11. Courier, Ma y 24 , 1924 , 1 6 (first an d secon d quotes) ; Jul y 18 , 1924, 1 6 (fifth quote) ; Express, Ma y 24 , 1924 , 1 6 (thir d an d fourt h quotes) ; Times, Ma y 23 , 1924, 21. 12. Courier, June 1 , 1924, 83; Klan reports , May 31 , 1924. 13. Courier, Jul y 5 , 1924 , 1 (first quote) ; Jul y 7 , 1924 , 5 (secon d quote) ; Express, Jul y 5 , 1924 , 5; Times, Jul y 5 , 1924 , 4; Rubin , Klan in Binghamton, 24-26 . 14. Courier, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 3; Express, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 16 ; Times, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 13; Commercial, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 1,8 . Mayo r Schwa b an d th e polic e ha d been awar e o f th e locatio n o f Kla n headquarter s sinc e earl y Apri l 1925. See Kla n reports , April 5 , 1924 . Michael Desmond , whos e fam -

Notes to Chapter 5 16 9 ily wa s involve d i n fighting th e Klan , say s tha t i t wa s rumore d tha t William J . Conners , th e Roma n Catholi c owne r o f th e Buffalo Daily Courier, hire d a burgla r t o stea l th e Klan' s files. Author' s intervie w with Michae l Desmond , July 22 , 1992. 15. Courier, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 3 (quotes); Express, Jul y 8 , 1924 , 16 ; Times, Jul y 8, 1924 , 13; July 9 , 1924 , 1. 16. Express, Jul y 7 , 1924 , 4 ; Courier, Jul y 16 , 1924 , 6 ; Vigilance, Jul y 26 , 1924,6. 17. Courier, July 26 , 1924 , 1 4 (quotes); July 27 , 1924 , 69; Express, Jul y 26 , 1924, 4; July 27 , 1924, sec. 6, 2; News, Jul y 25, 1924, 1. 18. Courier, Aug . 2 , 1924 , 1 4 (quotes) ; Express, Aug . 2 , 1924 , 14 ; News, Aug. 1, 1924,24 . 19. Courier, Aug . 4, 1924 , 1 6 (quote); News, Aug . 4, 1924 , 1 ; Times, Aug . 4, 1924,1. 20. Courier, Aug . 5 , 1924 , 1 4 (quotes) ; News, Aug . 5 , 1924 , 3 . Schwa b conferred closel y wit h hi s lega l advisor s befor e puttin g th e lis t o n display. Andrew Rona n ha d advise d against makin g th e roster public , but th e mayo r decide d t o proceed. Se e Courier, Aug. 3, 1924, 77; Aug. 4, 1924 , 16 ; and Express, Aug . 4, 1924 , 12. 21. Courier, Aug . 7 , 1924 , 3 (firs t an d secon d quotes) ; Aug . 9 , 1924 , 14 ; Aug. 13 , 1924 , 14 ; Aug . 14 , 1924 , 1 6 (thir d quote) ; Express, Aug . 6 , 1924, 14 ; Aug, 9, 1924 , 12 ; Aug. 14 , 1924 , 14 ; Times, Aug . 7, 1924 , 8 ; Aug. 14 , 1924 , 1 . Th e polic e allowe d viewin g twic e a week , o n Wednesdays an d Fridays . 22. Courier, Aug . 6 , 1924 , 5 ; Aug . 8 , 1924 , 8 ; Aug . 10 , 1924 , 7 8 (Penfol d quote); Express, Aug . 8 , 1924 , 14 . Hut t ha d bee n aske d abou t hi s affiliation jus t prio r t o th e list s goin g o n display , afte r bein g name d as a Klansma n i n th e lette r offerin g t o sel l th e Kla n lis t t o Mayo r Schwab; se e Courier, July 26 , 1924, 1 4 (Hutt quotes) . 23. Kla n reports , Aug. 18 , 1924 (first quote) ; Courier, Aug. 7, 1924 , 1 ; Aug. 8, 1924 , 3 (secon d quote) ; Express, Aug . 7 , 1924 , 1 ; Aug . 8 , 1924 , 5 ; Times, Aug. 8, 1924 , 1. 24. Catholic Union & Times, Aug . 14 , 1924 , 8 (firs t quote) ; Courier, Aug . 10, 1924 , 77 ; Aug . 11 , 1924 , 4 ; Aug . 12 , 1924 , 3 (secon d an d thir d quotes); Aug . 15 , 1924 , 18 ; News, Aug . 13 , 1924, 32; Aug. 15 , 1924 , 3; Times, Aug , 13 , 1924, 1 . 25. Courier, Aug . 15 , 1924 , 1 8 (secon d quote) ; Aug . 16 , 1924 , 1 4 (firs t quote); Express, Aug , 15 , 1924, 14 ; News, Aug . 15, 1924, 3. 26. Courier, Aug . 20 , 1924 , 1 4 (quote) ; Express, Aug . 20 , 1924 , 14 ; News, Aug. 19 , 1924 , 1 ; Klan reports , July 14 , July 29 , 1924 . This lette r wa s almost certainl y writte n b y th e sam e perso n wh o ha d writte n th e letter sen t t o th e mayo r i n lat e July . I t i s a transcrip t o f th e secon d membership lis t tha t inform s thi s study . 27. Courier, Aug . 20, 1924 , 14 ; Aug. 21, 1924 , 1 6 (first, second , an d thir d quotes); Aug . 29, 1924 , 16 ; Express, Aug . 21, 1924, 12 ; Aug. 29, 1924 ,

170 Notes to Chapter 5 9; News, Aug . 20, 1924 , 30. Owing t o th e lega l proceeding s describe d later i n thi s chapter , cit y authoritie s ultimatel y decide d no t t o retur n the cards . 28. Courier, Aug . 21 , 1924 , 1 6 (thir d quote) ; Aug . 22 , 1924 , 1 4 (firs t an d second quotes) ; Times, Aug . 26, 1924 , 1, 3. 29. Courier, Aug . 24 , 1924 , 7 7 (firs t quote) ; Aug . 26 , 1924 , 1 6 (second , third, an d fourt h quotes) ; Express, Aug . 24 , 1924 , sec . 6 , 1 ; Aug . 26 , 1924, 1 , 5; Times, Aug . 26, 1924 , 1,3 . 30. Courier, Aug . 29, 1924 , 1 6 (quote); Aug. 30, 1924 , 14 ; Sept . 9 , 1924 , 3; Sept. 11 , 1924, 4; Sept . 16 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Aug . 29, 1924 , 9; Sept . 16, 1924 , 4 ; Times, Aug . 29 , 1924 , 13 ; Ne w Yor k Suprem e Court , Application o f Charles S . Desmond fo r an Order of Mandamus agains t Frank X. Schwab, as Mayor o f the City of Buffalo, N.Y . (granted Sept . 17, 1924) ; author' s intervie w wit h Cath y Desmon d Hughes , Marc h 28, 1992 ; author' s intervie w wit h Michae l Desmond , Jul y 22 , 1992 ; author's intervie w wit h Thoma s Burke , Jul y 20 , 1992 ; audiotap e o f W. H . Glover' s intervie w wit h Charle s S . Desmond , Ma y 22 , 1972 , located i n th e archive s o f th e Buffal o an d Eri e Count y Historica l So ciety. 31. Courier, Sept . 11 , 1924 , 4 (firs t quote) ; Sept . 13 , 1924 , 3 ; Sept . 14 , 1924, 83 (second quote) ; Express, Sept . 11 , 1924, 4; Commercial, Sept . 11, 1924 , 10 . Copies o f th e pamphle t ca n b e foun d i n th e archive s o f the Buffal o an d Eri e Count y Historica l Societ y an d i n th e K u Klu x Klan file of the archive s o f the Roma n Catholi c Dioces e of Buffalo . 32. Th e Express reporte d a rumo r tha t th e Kla n lis t ha d bee n publishe d by "thre e Italians, " an d a loca l historia n ha s claime d tha t a certai n Frank A . DeFusto publishe d th e roster ; I hav e no t b e abl e t o confir m either o f these claims . See Express, Sept . 11 , 1924, 4, and Geraldin e J . Walter, "Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Buffal o durin g th e 1920s " (Histor y seminar paper , Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k a t Buffalo , 1980) , 15 . A copy o f Walter' s pape r i s located i n th e archive s o f th e Stat e Univer sity of New Yor k a t Buffalo . 33. Courier, Sept . 11 , 1924, 4; Sept . 13 , 1924, 3 (quote); Express, Sept . 11, 1924, 4; Sept . 12 , 1924 , 14 ; Commercial, Sept . 11 , 1924 , 10 ; author' s interview wit h Richar d Fleischman , April 9, 1992 . 34. Courier, Sept . 6 , 1924 , 1 4 (second quote) ; Sept . 9, 1924 , 3 (first quote) ; News, Sept . 16 , 1924, 18. 35. Courier, Sept . 3, 1924, 1 ; Sept. 4, 1924 , 1, 16; Express, Sept . 2, 1924 , 9; Sept. 3, 1924, 1 ; Enquirer, Sept . 3 , 1924, 1, 12. 36. Courier, Sept . 1 , 1924 , 9 ; Sept . 4 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Sept . 1 , 1924 , 4; News, Sept . 2 , 1924 , 1 ; Obertea n reports , Ma y 19-Jun e 25 , 1924 . Obertean wa s t o be paid ou t o f a special polic e fund ; thu s h e was no t on th e officia l cit y payroll . Hi s report s regularl y complai n abou t no t being pai d o n time . Mayo r Schwa b late r expresse d surpris e tha t Obertean worke d fo r th e police . I n actuality , th e mayo r personall y

Notes to Chapter 5 17 1 appointed th e specia l officer. Se e Courier, Sept . 2 , 1924 , 16 ; Express, Sept. 2 , 1924 , 1 ; an d Obertea n reports , Ma y 19 , 1924 . Obertean ma y well hav e been involve d i n th e break-i n a t th e Calume t Building , but , as thi s chapte r shows , other s wer e almos t surel y involved , particu larly Mayo r Schwab' s other , an d unidentified , undercove r informant . 37. Courier, Sept . 2, 1924 , 1 (quote); Express, Sept . 2 , 1924 , 9. 38. Courier, Sept . 1 , 1924 , 1 (firs t quote) , 9 ; Sept . 2 , 1924 , 1 (secon d quote), 8 ; Enquirer, Sept . 3 , 1924 , 1 , 12 . In th e wak e o f thi s incident , District Attorne y Moor e considere d filing murde r charge s agains t Bryant, o n th e ground s tha t Bryant , Austin , an d othe r Klansme n had entere d int o a conspirac y t o kil l Obertean . Afte r a thoroug h investigation, however , Moor e decide d tha t h e lacke d adequat e evi dence wit h whic h t o see k a n indictment . Se e Courier, Sept . 5 , 1924 , 16; Express, Sept . 6, 1924 , 5; and Commercial, Sept . 6, 1924 , 1. 39. Courier, Sept . 2 , 1924 , 1 (firs t quote) , 8 ; Sept . 3 . 1924 , 5 (secon d quote); Sept . 4 , 1924 , 1 (third an d fourt h quotes) ; Sept . 12 , 1924 , 8 ; Express, Sept . 3 , 1924 , 4 ; Sept . 6 , 1924 , 4 ; Sept . 12 , 1924 , 6 ; Truth, Sept. 13 , 1924 , 2 ; News, Sept . 6 , 1924 , 18 . Rabbi Loui s J . Kopal d o f Temple Bet h Zio n expresse d a willingness t o serve on th e committee , but suggeste d tha t othe r approache s migh t b e more constructive . Se e Express, Sept . 14 , sec. 6, 4. 40. Courier, Sept . 9, 1924 , 3, 8; Sept. 10 , 1924, 3; Sept. 17 , 1924, 5; Oct. 2, 1924, 3; Oct. 3, 1924 , 3; Oct. 8 , 1924 , 8 (Hutt quote) ; Express, Sept . 9 , 1924, 1 , 4; Sept . 14 , 1924 , sec . 6 , 1 ; Oct . 2 , 1924 , 4 ; Oct . 8 , 1924 , 4 ; Commercial, Sept . 9 , 1924 , 1 ; News, Sept . 9 , 1924 , 3 ; Sept . 10 , 1924 , 34; Oct . 7 , 1924 , 1 ; Enquirer, Sept . 6 , 1924 , 1 , 12 ; Oct . 7 , 1924 , 1 , 14 ; City Court o f Buffalo, Subpoena s Concernin g Complain t o f Charles S . Desmond agains t Invisibl e Government , Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Klan, Sept . 4, 1924-Oct . 3 , 1924. The subpoenas ar e i n the possessio n of Josep h Desmond , grandso n o f Charles Desmond . Th e othe r Klans men wh o were calle d t o testify wer e Albert H . Zink, prominent insur ance ma n an d presiden t o f th e Buffal o Kiwanis ; schoo l principa l Fenton H . Dimmick ; Majo r E . G . Ziegler , salesma n fo r th e Gerbe r Nott Company ; Joh n C . Sturm , brothe r o f Car l Stur m (wh o wa s wounded i n th e Obertea n shoot-out ) an d assistan t genera l manage r of the Buffalo Commercial; Alber t V . Harvey, electrician; Elme r Dietz , machine operator ; Benjami n Kershberg , restauran t owner ; Andre w Zimmerman, woodworke r an d nephe w o f Polic e Chie f Zimmerman ; Wilfred A . Carver, forema n a t th e Pierc e Arro w Company ; Rober t S . Hoole, assistan t principa l a t th e Senec a Vocationa l School ; Mar k H . Hubbell, owne r an d edito r o f th e Buffalo Truth; Mervi n C . Conner , manager a t Meng , Shaffe r & Held; Willia m S . Thompson, restauran t manager; Edwar d J . Brumel , barber ; Willia m R . Reed , restauran t owner; Ear l J . Isaac, ta x an d titl e searcher ; Fre d C . Brechel, superin tendent o f the La w Exchange ; Pasca l P . Pratt, stockbroker ; Hartle y F .

172 Notes to Chapter 5 Rogers, stockbroker ; Willia m F . Bethman, toolmaker ; Irvin g Bundt , clerk; Fre d S . Withey , attorney ; Norma n Duffield , insuranc e sales man; Cary l H . Newell , insuranc e salesman ; M . A . Jackson , candy maker; Willia m F . Brace, manager o f Brace-McGuire Company ; Her bert C . Schoeplin, automobil e dealer ; Howar d Cox , insurance agent ; Norman Haas , optician ; Augustu s W . Hengerer , physician ; Davi d Mayne, detective ; Frederic k W . Rawe, deput y count y clerk ; Pomero y Williams, meta l grinder ; Fre d Hamilton , insuranc e agent ; an d th e Reverend Charle s C . Penfold . Tw o othe r allege d Klansmen , Elli s H . Champlin an d Harr y M . Winkelman, neithe r o f whom appear s o n th e Klan list , were als o subpoenaed . 41. Courier, Sept . 10 , 1924, 3 (quote); Express, Sept . 10 , 1924, 4. 42. Courier, Sept . 27 , 1924 , 16 ; Sept. 28 , 1924 , 90; Oct . 2, 1924 , 3; Oct. 7 , 1924, 5 (quotes) ; Express, Oct . 2 , 1924 , 4 ; Oct . 7 , 1924 , 4 ; Enquirer, Oct. 6, 1924,12 . 43. Courier, Nov . 8 , 1924 , 4 (quotes); Nov . 11 , 1924, 18 ; Nov. 15 , 1924, 4; Express, Nov . 8, 1924 , 4; Nov. 11 , 1924, 16. 44. Courier, Aug . 10 , 1924 , 77 ; Aug . 12 , 1924 , 3 ; Sept . 10 , 1924 , 3 ; Sept . 14, 1924 , 83 ; Express, Aug . 10 , 1924 , sec . 6 , 1 ; Commercial, Sept . 9 , 1924, 1 . Acker i s regularl y mentione d i n th e undercove r report s pre pared b y Edwar d Obertea n an d Mayo r Schwab' s othe r informant . Acker evidentl y viewe d th e Kla n a s a mean s o f makin g money , affixing hi s stationer y wit h sticker s tha t rea d "Al l Kinds o f Insuranc e Arranged/' i n imitatio n o f th e Kla n acrony m AKI A ( A Klansma n I Am); he also worked a s a part-time kleagle , being th e mai n organize r in th e nearb y villag e o f Akron . Georg e Bryan t dislike d Acke r an d refused t o hel p hi m whe n h e wa s arrested , commenting : "Th e Dirt y Son o f a B——askin g m e t o g o hi s bond . I' m no t goin g t o ge t m y name mixe d u p wit h anythin g lik e that. " Bryan t als o sai d tha t whe n Acker wa s released , h e intende d t o "thro w [Acker ] ou t o f th e Cla n [sic]" Se e Kla n reports , May 3, 1924 , and Aug . 10 , 1924. 45. Courier, Sept . 16 , 1924 , 2 ; Sept . 18 , 1924 , 3 ; Express, Sept . 16 , 1924 , 16. 46. Newspape r clippin g date d Novembe r 22 , 1924 , locate d i n K u Klu x Klan file, Buffalo an d Eri e County Historica l Society . 47. Courier, Sept . 20 , 1924 , 1 , 3 (quotes) ; Express, Sept . 20 , 1924 , 4; Enquirer, Sept . 20, 1924 , 12. 48. Courier, Sept. 20, 1924, 1 (first quote) ; Sept. 21,1924, 85 (third quote) , 91 (secon d quote) ; Sept . 22 , 1924 , 4 (fourth quote) ; Express, Sept . 21, 1924, sec. 6, 1 ; Sept. 22, 1924 , 12; Enquirer, Sept . 22, 1924, 12. 49. Courier, Sept . 23 , 1924, 1 (quote); Sept . 27, 1924 , 1 ; Express, Sept . 24, 1924, 4; Sept. 27, 1924 , 1,4 ; News, Sept . 23, 1924,1; Sept . 26, 1924, 1. The minister' s attemp t a t deceptio n ma y no t hav e bee n a s foolis h a s it seems : Mrs . Loh r reportedl y bor e a remarkabl e resemblanc e t o Mrs. Penfold .

Notes to Chapter 5 17 3 50. Courier, Sept . 28, 1924, 85 (quote); Express, Sept . 28, 1924 , sec. 6, 1 , 3; Oct. 4 , 1924 , 14 ; News, Sept . 27 , 1924 , 1 , 3. Those arreste d include d Thomas J . Wolfe , chauffeur ; Willia m F . Ross, chemical worker ; Mer rit C . Mills, shoemaker; Harol d Pfeiffer , furnitur e shipper ; Raymon d Goss, steel worker; an d Car l Ross , occupation unknown . 51. Courier, Oct . 13 , 1924 , 3 (quote) ; Oct . 15 , 1924 , 5; Nov . 19 , 1924 , 18 ; Nov. 20, 1924 , 5; Nov. 27, 1924 , 30; Nov. 29, 1924 , 3; Express, Nov . 19, 1924, 16 ; Nov . 27 , 1924 , 30 ; Nov . 29 , 1924 , 16 ; Commercial, Nov . 19 , 1924, 1; Nov. 28, 1924, 1. On April 4, 1925, Erie County Judge Thoma s H. Noona n overturne d Penfold' s convictio n fo r "outragin g publi c de cency" o n th e ground s o f lac k o f evidence . "I n thi s case, " Noona n observed, "th e fact s allege d t o hav e bee n committe d wer e trivia l i n character, and , i f th e defendan t ha d bee n drivin g throug h a crow d i n the daytime , non e o f th e acts , excep t th e ar m aroun d th e woman , could hav e bee n see n b y th e public , an d n o on e coul d hav e bee n offended." Distric t Attorne y Moor e indicate d tha t h e woul d continu e to pursue Penfold' s perjur y charge , but I have found n o evidence tha t he did . Whatever th e ultimat e dispositio n o f thi s case , the pastor wa s finished a s a reputabl e influenc e i n loca l affairs . Se e Courier, April 5 , 1925, 87, 88 (quote), and Ma y 28 , 1925 , 3. 52. Courier, Aug . 10 , 1924 , 77 ; Oct . 4 , 1924 , 16 ; Kla n reports , Aug . 10 , 1924. 53. Courier, Aug . 26, 1924 , 16 ; Sept . 2 , 1924 , 3; Express, Sept . 2 , 1924 , 1 ; Commercial, Sept . 2, 1924 , 12. 54. Courier, Oct. 7, 1924 , 5; Truth, Dec . 25, 1924, 2. 55. Courier, Oct. 13 , 1924, 4; Nov. 10 , 1924, 16 ; Sept. 16 , 1925, 7. 56. Courier, Aug. 28, 1924 , 16 ; Sept. 14 , 1924 , 83; Nov. 23, 1924, 83; Mary Schwab Murph y interview . 57. Courier, Nov . 23, 1924, 83 (first quote) ; Nov . 24, 1924 , 1 6 (second an d third quotes) ; Express, Nov . 23 , 1924 , sec . 8 , 1 , 3 ; Times, Nov . 24 , 1924,13. 58. A longtim e voic e o n behal f o f prohibition , stric t la w enforcement , immigration restriction , an d othe r conservativ e measures , th e Truth had alway s stoo d o n commo n groun d wit h th e Klan . Eventuall y (probably i n eithe r lat e 192 3 or earl y 1924 ) publishe r Mar k Hubbel l joined th e hooded order . It wa s only afte r th e exposur e o f the Buffal o klavern, however , tha t h e le t hi s pape r becom e th e KKK' s loca l pub licity outlet , relayin g Kla n propagand a an d new s item s fro m acros s the country . Hubbel l probabl y hope d t o replac e th e numerou s sub scriptions tha t ha d bee n los t because o f his exposure with ne w order s from th e Kla n faithful . Towar d th e en d o f 1925 , as the KK K withere d away, the Truth stoppe d presentin g new s about th e Klan ; i n 1926 , the paper cease d publicatio n altogether . I n late r years , Hubbel l refuse d to discuss his involvement wit h th e Klan , even with famil y members . Author's intervie w wit h Nelso n Hubbell , July 20 , 1992 .

174 Notes to Conclusion 59. Truth, Apri l 11 , 1925 , 6 ; Ma y 9 , 1925 , 6 ; Courier, Ma y 7 , 1925 , 1 6 (quotes); Express, Ma y 7 , 1925 , 4; TVews, May 7 , 1925 , 44. 60. Courier, May 14 , 1925, 3. 61. News, Sept . 2 , 1925 , 1; Courier, Sept. 3, 1925, 18. See chapter 1 for th e mayor's difficultie s wit h Graves . 62. Express, Oct . 14 , 1925, 1,4 ; Courier, Sept. 17 , 1925, 7; Oct. 14 , 1925, 1; News, Oct . 14 , 1925, 1. 63. Courier, Oct . 21 , 1925 , 5 (quotes); Oct . 24 , 1925 , 10 ; Express, Oct . 21, 1925, 4; Times, Oct . 21, 1925, 3. 64. Courier, Nov . 1 , 1925 , 77 (firs t quote) ; Nov . 4, 1925 , 1 (second quote) ; Express, Nov . 4, 1925 , 1; Times, Nov . 4, 1925 , 1,3 . 65. Courier, Ma y 23 , 1925 , 8 (quote) ; Express, Ma y 23 , 1925 , 1 , 9 ; 7Vwtfz , May 28, 1925 , 1,2, 10 , 11. 66. Courier, Aug. 6, 1925 , 5; Sept. 13 , 1925, 80; Sept. 17 , 1925, 18; Express, Sept. 13 , 1925, sec. 8, 1 ; Times, Sept . 13 , 1925, 37. 67. Courier, Sept . 16 , 1925 , 7 (quotes); Oct . 25, 1925 , 90; Express, Oct . 25, 1925, sec. 8, 1,3 . 68. Courier, Sept . 16 , 1925 , 7 ; Sept . 17 , 1925 , 18 ; Jan . 7 , 1926 , 1 , 7 (quotes); Times, Jan . 7, 1926 , 1. 69. Courier, Jan . 7 , 1926 , 1 ; Jan . 14 , 1926 , 1 , 2 ; 77raes , Jan . 7 , 1926 , 1 . This informatio n wa s provide d b y Kla n attorne y Juliu s Gras s earl y in 1926 .

Notes to Conclusion 1. "Th e People of the Stat e of New York ex rel. George Bryant, Appellant , v. Charles F . Zimmerman " i n Ne w York , Reports of Cases Decided in the Court of Appeals of the State of New York, July 15, 1925, to January 12,* 1926 (Albany : J . B . Lyo n Co. , 1926) , 405-13 ; "Ne w Yor k ex rel Bryant v . Zimmerma n e t al. " in U.S. , Cases Adjudged in the Supreme Court at October Term, 1928 27 8 (Washington , D.C. : Governmen t Printing Office , 1929) : 63-7 7 (quotes) . Unite d State s Suprem e Cour t Justice Jame s C . McReynolds dissente d fro m th e majorit y decisio n i n Bryant v . Zimmerman , claimin g tha t th e cas e involve d "n o substan tial federa l question. " Se e U.S. , Cases Adjudged in the Supreme Court at October Term, 1928 278 : 77-84. 2. Courier-Express, Nov . 20, 1928 , 1,4; Nov . 30, 1928 , 5; Dec. 18, 1928, 9; Walter, "Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Buffalo," 18 . 3. Throughou t th e cours e o f researchin g thi s study , I hav e sought , largely i n vain , information concernin g Klanswome n i n Buffalo. A s is indicated i n th e text , ther e wer e loca l branche s o f bot h th e Kameli a and th e Wome n o f th e K u Klu x Klan , bu t almos t nothin g i s know n about thes e groups ' activitie s an d memberships . Thi s i s no t a n un usual situation ; i n n o part o f th e country hav e detaile d record s o f th e

Notes to Conclusion 17 5 women's Kla n com e t o light. In her study, Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1991), Kathleen M . Blee was only abl e t o identify 12 5 Klanswomen i n Indiana, a stat e wher e th e membershi p o f th e women' s movemen t numbered i n th e ten s of thousands . 4. Se e Goldberg, Hooded Empire, 46 ; Moore, Citizen Klansmen, 63 ; Christopher N . Cocoltchos , "Th e Invisibl e Governmen t an d th e Viabl e Community: Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Orang e County , California, durin g the 1920s " (Ph.D . dissertation : Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1979), 396; William D . Jenkins, Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley (Kent , Ohio : Ken t Stat e Universit y Press , 1990), 84 ; Davi d A . Horowitz, "Order , Solidarity , an d Vigilance : Th e Ku Klu x Kla n i n L a Grande , Oregon, " i n Lay , The Invisible Empire in the West, 195 ; Nanc y MacLean , Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1994) , 54.

Historiographical Essa y

In 1990 , Leonar d J . Moor e presente d a revie w articl e entitle d "Historical Interpretation s o f th e 1920 s Klan : Th e Traditiona l View and th e Populis t Revision " that remain s th e mos t importan t survey o f Kla n scholarshi p t o date. 1 Th e purpos e o f th e followin g essay i s t o reemphasize , supplement , an d challeng e som e o f th e major theme s i n Moore's work . Considering th e grea t flowerin g o f the socia l science s i n the 1920s , it i s no t surprisin g tha t sociologist s wer e th e firs t scholar s t o evaluate th e secon d Klan . In an articl e firs t publishe d i n 1923 , the prominent sociologis t Fran k Tannenbau m assesse d th e KK K i n the South , concludin g tha t i t wa s essentiall y a "rura l an d small town institution " sustaine d b y fea r o f th e socia l advancemen t o f African Americans . Confronte d wit h th e "ne w negr o [sic]" o f th e immediate post—Worl d Wa r I perio d an d a n en d t o "stati c rela tions betwee n th e races, " Klansmen , accordin g t o Tannenbaum , were engagin g i n a "deep-roote d socia l habit— a habi t o f read y violence i n defens e o f a threatene d socia l status. " He als o empha sized th e advers e psychologica l impac t o f th e recen t wa r effort , claiming tha t a residual "passio n for abuse, calumny, and physica l brutality" no w foun d expressio n i n th e KK K an d "al l simila r 177

178 Historiograph ical Essay movements o f hate i n th e world. " Lacking "full , interesting , varie d lives," trappe d i n a stat e o f "emotiona l infanthood, " th e denizen s of the nonurba n Sout h ha d prove d eas y prey fo r Kla n recruiters. 2 Another well-know n sociologist , Guy B. Johnson, also evaluate d the Kla n i n a 192 3 Journal of Social Forces articl e base d o n hi s University o f Chicag o master' s thesis . Lik e Tannenbaum , h e be lieved tha t postwa r socia l unres t ha d produce d "unusua l psychi c reactions" amon g Klansmen , wh o ha d organize d i n orde r t o de fend "doctrines , customs, and tradition s whic h the y consider t o be essential fo r th e securit y an d well-bein g o f th e nation. " Unspen t passions fro m th e war , a surg e i n racism, fea r o f foreign immigra tion, an d economi c anxiet y ha d al l contribute d t o th e Klan' s rise . In it s essence , Johnso n concluded , th e Invisibl e Empir e repre sented a widesprea d failur e t o adjus t t o ne w condition s "o n a rational basis." 3 Sociologis t Fran k Bohn' s 192 5 article , "Th e K u Klux Kla n Interpreted, " likewis e stresse d th e theme s o f postwa r disillusionment an d statu s anxiety . Exploitin g th e apprehension s generated b y a declinin g Anglo-Saxo n birthrat e an d th e los s o f "old-time cocksureness, " th e Kla n ha d prove d particularl y attrac tive t o "th e hard-minded , militant , younge r element, " man y o f whom wer e wa r veterans . Althoug h mos t o f it s membershi p wa s nonviolent, Boh n warne d tha t th e hoode d orde r threatene d t o evolve int o a n "America n Facisti " tha t woul d rejec t democrati c institutions an d values. 4 A mor e extensiv e evaluatio n o f th e KKK , Joh n Moffat t Mecklin's The Ku Klux Klan: A Study of the American Mind, ap peared i n 1924 . A respecte d sociologis t a t Dartmout h College , Mecklin utilize d governmen t records , Kla n literature , newspape r reports, an d "severa l hundred " questionnaire s i n a n attemp t t o discover th e source s o f the secre t order' s appea l an d th e natur e of its membership. Although he agreed with other scholar s tha t Kla n growth ha d bee n stimulate d b y "disturbe d post-wa r conditions, " Mecklin argue d tha t th e Kla n primaril y dre w strengt h fro m th e longstanding America n socia l tradition s o f anti-Catholicis m an d nativism. Thes e tradition s wer e particularl y stron g amon g citi zens o f "ol d America n stoc k livin g i n th e villages an d smal l town s of thos e section s o f th e countr y wher e thi s stoc k ha s bee n leas t disturbed b y immigration , o n th e on e hand , an d th e disruptiv e

Historiographical Essay 17 9 effect o f industrialis m o n th e other"—place s suc h a s Orego n an d large part s o f the Sout h an d Midwest . Characterized b y a "beauti ful bu t unreasonin g loyalt y t o orthodox Protestantism " and a "provincial fea r o f al l thing s foreign/ ' th e resident s o f thes e region s had joine d th e KK K becaus e o f thei r "prosai c an d unpoeti c envi ronment" an d als o becaus e kleagle s ha d successfull y exploite d their "stubborn , uncritica l menta l stereotypes " of Catholics, Jews , and foreigners . A "refuge fo r mediocr e men , i f no t fo r weaklings, " the Kla n served , i n Mecklin' s opinion , a s a "defens e mechanis m against evil s which ar e often mor e imaginar y tha n real." 5 Well-crafted, reflective , an d moderat e i n tone , Mecklin' s wor k affirmed, consolidated , an d expande d upo n a numbe r o f th e ke y points raise d b y hi s fello w sociologists , helpin g forg e a n endurin g school o f scholarl y opinio n concernin g th e secon d Klan . A t th e core o f thi s "Meckli n thesis " wa s th e allege d socia l threa t pose d by "th e uninforme d an d unthinkin g averag e man, " wh o easil y succumbed t o irrationa l movement s suc h a s th e Kla n durin g stressful times . In retrospect , o f course, it ca n readil y b e see n tha t this insensitiv e appraisa l itsel f constitute d a n "uncritica l menta l stereotype," one frequently employe d b y th e intellectua l an d liter ary elit e o f th e 1920s. 6 Ye t thi s onl y mean t tha t Mecklin' s thesi s was al l th e mor e quickl y accepte d b y thos e sharin g hi s biase s an d preconceptions. Largel y overlooke d wa s th e crucia l proble m o f evidence. Wha t typ e o f dat a ha d Meckli n an d th e othe r sociolo gists utilized t o construct thei r portrai t o f the KK K a s a nonurba n group compose d o f th e ignorant , mediocre , an d sociall y anxious ? Tannenbaum's articl e appear s entirel y speculative , an d Johnson' s assessment focuse d o n the rhetoric and idea s presented i n nationa l Klan literature ; neithe r evaluatio n i s documented . Fran k Boh n derived hi s appraisa l o f thi s nationwid e movemen t fro m a shor t visit t o Mario n County , Ohio , where h e talke d t o a fe w Klansmen . Mecklin claime d t o hav e use d response s fro m hundred s o f repre sentative citizens , bu t hi s stud y lack s note s an d mos t o f th e re sponses evidentl y cam e fro m anti-Kla n sources . Overall , judge d by curren t academi c standards , thi s bod y o f work seem s patentl y subjective an d beref t o f scholarly rigor . Despite thes e seriou s shortcomings , th e Meckli n thesi s re mained largel y unchallenged fo r th e nex t fou r decades . One majo r

180 Historiographical Essay reason fo r thi s wa s tha t a scarcit y o f officia l Kla n record s an d other source s resulte d i n ver y fe w detaile d studie s o f th e KKK , but probabl y eve n mor e importan t wa s th e genera l impressio n among scholar s tha t Meckli n an d hi s contemporarie s ha d accu rately an d comprehensivel y assesse d th e Invisibl e Empire . I n hi s lengthy historica l survey , The Great Crusade and After, 1914-1928 (1930), Presto n Willia m Slosso n dre w heavil y upo n Meckli n i n exploring th e appea l o f th e Klan , emphasizin g ho w deviou s Kla n leaders ha d employe d traditiona l anti-Catholicis m t o attrac t "thousands o f hones t villagers." 7 Journalist-historia n Frederic k Lewis Allen' s extremel y popula r Only Yesterday: An Informal History of the Nineteen-Twenties (1931 ) likewise stressed how th e KK K cynically playe d upo n th e "newl y inflame d fear s o f th e credulou s small-towner" and exploite d th e "infantile lov e of hocus-pocus an d mummery [that ] survive s i n th e adul t whos e lo t i s cas t i n dra b places." "Here," Allen smugl y observed , "wa s a chance t o dress u p the village bigot an d le t him b e a knight o f the Invisible Empire." 8 Ten year s later , anothe r journalist-historian , Wilbu r J . Cash , pre sented a simila r evaluatio n i n The Mind of the South (1941) . Although h e acknowledge d tha t som e Souther n busines s an d politi cal leader s ha d joine d th e Klan , Cas h asserte d tha t th e secre t order primaril y thrive d upo n th e commo n man' s "fear s an d hates," bringin g the m "int o focu s wit h th e traditio n o f th e past , and abov e al l wit h th e ancien t Souther n patter n o f high romanti c histrionics, violence , an d mas s coercio n o f th e scapegoa t an d th e heretic." 9 Intellectual development s i n th e 1940 s and 1950 s helped insur e the continue d acceptanc e o f th e Meckli n thesis . Durin g a perio d when societ y ha d experience d th e threat s presente d b y Nazism , Stalinism, an d McCarthyism , i t i s no t surprisin g tha t scholar s should begi n t o equat e militan t popula r movement s suc h a s th e Klan wit h socia l pathology . Particularl y influentia l wer e th e works o f psychoanalysts , socia l philosophers , an d sociologist s such a s Erich Fromm , Eri c Hoffer , Willia m Kornhauser , Theodor e W. Adorno, an d Seymou r M . Lipset, al l o f who m emphasize d th e role o f alienation , inadequacy , socia l disintegration , an d irratio nality i n sustainin g form s o f mas s activism. 10 Thi s dar k vie w o f social movement s complemente d an d informe d th e wor k of a ne w

Historiographical Essay 18 1 generation o f America n historian s wh o stresse d th e theme s o f national "consensus " an d th e abidin g "libera l tradition " o f th e United States . Fro m thi s perspective , th e Kla n o f th e 1920 s seemed patentl y aberran t an d reactionary , a temporar y upsurg e by declining element s tha t denie d America' s libera l essence . Because i t conforme d wel l wit h th e basi c tenet s o f consensu s history, as well a s th e increasingl y popula r concep t o f status anxi ety, th e Meckli n thesi s wa s readil y incorporate d int o a numbe r o f major historica l work s i n th e 1950s . I n The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (1955) , Richar d Hofstadter , citin g Mecklin , claimed tha t th e secon d KK K wa s centere d i n smal l town s an d appealed primaril y t o "relativel y unprosperou s an d uncultivate d native whit e Protestants. " No t legitimat e problem s bu t abstrac t "evils" preoccupie d Klansmen , particularl y th e "growin g sens e that th e cod e b y whic h rura l an d small-tow n Anglo-Saxo n America ha d live d wa s bein g ignore d an d eve n flouted i n th e wicked cities." 11 Joh n Higham' s Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860—J925 (1955 ) als o depicte d th e Kla n a s a rural an d small-tow n movement , a "fina l effor t t o preserv e th e values o f th e communit y agains t chang e an d agains t externa l in fluences." Lik e th e sociologist s o f th e 1920s , Higham emphasize d wartime superpatriotism , economi c anxieties , and a longstandin g tradition o f rura l nativis m a s factor s promotin g Kla n growth. 12 William E . Leuchtenburg' s The Perils of Prosperity, 1914—1932 (1958) similarl y embrace d th e Meckli n thesi s an d th e theor y o f status anxiety , citin g th e Klan' s particula r appea l amon g th e "poorer an d les s educated " resident s o f small-tow n Americ a wh o resented th e rise of the city. To a greater extent tha n mos t authors , Leuchtenburg emphasize d th e violent , eve n inherentl y sadistic , nature o f the Invisible Empire : "Whereve r th e Kla n entered , i n it s wake cam e floggings, kidnappings , brandin g wit h acid , mutila tion, church burnings , and eve n murders." 1 3 During th e 1960s , a decad e of civil right s activis m an d renewe d Klan terrorism , historian s continue d t o clai m tha t th e secon d KKK ha d bee n essentiall y lawles s an d violent . Arnol d S . Rice , i n The Ku Klivc Klan in American Politics (1962) , portraye d th e hooded orde r a s a dangerou s grou p tha t attracte d th e "dregs " of society an d th e "lover s o f horseplay, " an d Georg e Brow n Tindall ,

182 Historiographical Essay in The Emergence of the New South, 1913-1945 (1967) , character ized th e grou p a s a manifestatio n o f a "savag e ideal " sustained b y racism an d socia l reaction . On e o f th e mos t importan t work s i n Klan historiography , Davi d M . Chalmers' s Hooded Americanism: The First Century of the Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1965 (1965) , als o stressed th e them e o f Kla n violence , presentin g numerou s ac counts o f floggings, brandings , an d othe r outrages . Assumin g a disparaging an d mockin g ton e throughou t th e volume , Chalmer s characterized th e orde r a s bein g "emotiona l rathe r tha n rational , defensive rathe r tha n constructive, " a terrorist grou p compose d of the poorly educate d an d sociall y insecure. 14 This powerful stereotyp e o f the 1920 s Klan an d it s membershi p continued t o influenc e scholarshi p i n th e 1970s . Seymour M . Lipset's an d Ear l Raab' s The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 (1970 ) identified statu s anxiet y amon g lower-class American s a s th e mai n forc e sustainin g th e order , while Elli s W . Hawley , i n The Great War and the Search for a Modern Order (1979), concluded tha t th e nationa l Kla n experienc e was a n episod e o f "temporar y emotionalism " withi n a n America n tradition o f "middle-clas s rightism. " I n th e 1980 s thi s standar d assessment coul d als o b e foun d i n majo r work s b y Geoffre y Per rett, Wy n Crai g Wade , an d Davi d H . Bennett. 15 Presently , al though i t i s har d t o kno w fo r certain , mos t scholar s probabl y consider th e Klan s o f al l era s t o hav e bee n irrational , pron e t o violence, and largel y compose d o f marginal elements . Only ver y graduall y ha s i t bee n recognize d tha t th e secon d Invisible Empir e resist s easy stereotyping. The major facto r inhib iting such recognitio n prio r t o the 1960 s was a deart h o f objectiv e analysis, bu t tw o studie s manage d t o avoi d th e genera l rus h t o judgment. I n The Ku Klux Klan in Pennsylvania: A Study in Nativism (1936) , Emerso n H . Louck s utilize d extensiv e contact s wit h former Klansme n t o derive a sense of why peopl e had bee n draw n to th e secre t order . Althoug h characterize d b y thei r fai r shar e o f prejudice an d intolerance , the Klansme n i n Loucks' s work appea r as ordinar y citizen s reactin g t o legitimat e problems ; the y ar e clearly no t extremist s o r neurotics . In addition, a s Louck s details , Klansmen i n Pennsylvani a wer e fa r mor e ofte n th e victim s o f lawlessness tha n th e perpetrator s o f violenc e agains t others. 16

Historiographical Essay 18 3 Nearly twent y year s later , Norma n F . Weave r arrive d a t simila r conclusions i n a doctora l dissertatio n tha t examine d th e Invisibl e Empire i n Wisconsin , Indiana , Ohio , an d Michigan . Weave r claimed tha t th e Klan , despite its "ultra-conservative" orientation , fit wel l withi n a mainstrea m Protestan t traditio n o f voluntar y associationalism; a s ha d Loucks , he foun d th e grou p t o b e essen tially nonviolent . H e wa s als o convinced tha t ther e wa s "n o 'Kla n movement' a t all , jus t man y loca l Klans, " whic h ha d typicall y inaugurated community-leve l crusade s "agains t vice , agains t bootleggers, agains t Catholic s i n th e field o f education , [and ] against crooke d politician s i n th e political arena. " The best cours e for futur e Kla n scholarship , Weaver suggested , woul d b e a "serie s of communit y studies " examinin g th e Invisibl e Empire' s socia l foundations a t th e local level. 17 In th e 1960s , a tim e o f risin g genera l interes t i n th e Klan , historians bega n t o undertak e detaile d examination s o f th e KK K in a numbe r o f state s an d communities . On e o f th e first studie s was Charle s C . Alexander' s Crusade for Conformity: The Ku Klux Klan in Texas, 1920-1930 (1962) , whic h credite d th e KKK' s growth i n th e Lon e Sta r Stat e no t t o th e deviou s manipulatio n o f rural bigotr y bu t t o "th e whit e Protestan t citizen' s reactio n against th e postwa r crim e wav e an d th e suppose d mora l break down spreadin g ove r th e state. " Althoug h h e wa s influence d b y Theodore Adorno' s psychosocia l concep t o f "mora l authoritarian ism," Alexande r acknowledge d tha t Klansme n wer e reactin g t o very rea l problem s o f crim e an d socia l disorder . H e additionall y noted, i n contras t t o th e Meckli n thesis , tha t th e Texa s Kla n "achieved it s greates t strengt h an d it s mos t notabl e successe s i n the boomin g cities" ; h e likewis e rejecte d Fran k Tannenbaum' s assessment tha t th e Kla n i n th e Sout h wa s a respons e t o the "ne w negro [sic]" demonstratin g tha t th e secret order's vigilantism ha d primarily bee n directe d agains t fello w whites . Whil e conductin g subsequent research , Alexande r discovere d tha t thi s appraisa l could b e extende d t o th e Klan s i n Louisiana , Oklahoma , an d Ar kansas; thi s resulte d i n a secon d majo r publication , The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest (1965). 18 Despite its insensitive approac h an d overemphasi s o n Kla n violence, Davi d Chalmers' s Hooded Americanism als o helpe d under -

184 Historiograph ical Essay mine th e Meckli n thesi s a t thi s time . Broa d i n scop e an d richl y detailed, th e volume revealed th e Invisible Empire' s strong appea l in a grea t variet y o f communitie s i n almos t al l region s o f th e country—certainly no t just America's declining villages and smal l towns. In 1967 , Kenneth T . Jackson's The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915—1930 went eve n further i n challenging Mecklin , emphasizin g the predominan t rol e o f urba n resident s i n th e Kla n movement , both a s leader s an d a s approximatel y hal f o f th e tota l member ship. Jackson wa s also the first schola r t o develop a socioeconomi c portrait o f th e averag e Klansma n base d o n officia l klaver n roster s and othe r data , presentin g occupational-statu s distribution s fo r KKK member s i n five urban communities . Based o n thi s informa tion—which wa s actuall y ver y limited—h e conclude d tha t th e "greatest sourc e o f Kla n suppor t cam e fro m ran k an d file non union, blue-colla r employee s o f larg e businesse s an d factories" ; the Kla n i n th e city , therefore , wa s generall y a "lower-middle class movement. " Largel y nonviolen t an d rational , thes e urba n Klansmen wer e nonetheles s deepl y upse t ove r tw o distinct migra tion patterns : th e influ x o f immigrants fro m souther n an d easter n Europe, an d th e movemen t o f Africa n American s t o th e cities , particularly thos e i n th e North . Th e typica l Klansman , accordin g to Jackson, wa s frightened a t the prospect of a Negro or a Pole coming into his block and causin g him t o sell his house at a low price. Unable t o escape and hesitant t o act alone, the threatened citizen welcomed the security an d respectabilit y o f a larg e group . Seekin g t o stabiliz e hi s world an d maintai n a neighborhoo d statu s quo , he turne d t o th e promise o f th e Klan . No t a reaction agains t th e ris e o f th e cit y t o dominance i n America n life , th e Invisibl e Empir e wa s rathe r a reaction agains t th e aspiration s o f certai n element s withi n th e city.19 Jackson's volume constituted a major landmar k i n Klan histori ography. It confirmed Alexander' s earlier conclusion tha t th e Kla n had bee n t o a larg e degre e a n urba n phenomenon , an d i t len t support t o th e emergin g vie w o f Klansme n a s rationa l citizen s responding t o rea l problems . Although th e wor k wa s no t withou t significant flaws—particularly it s continue d relianc e o n th e ide a of statu s anxiety—i t brok e awa y fro m man y o f th e limitin g pre -

Historiograph ical Essay 18 5 cepts o f th e Meckli n thesi s an d consensu s history . Perhap s mos t importantly, Jackso n had , throug h hi s city-by-cit y treatmen t o f the Klan , indicate d th e importanc e o f th e loca l cas e stud y i n assessing th e hooded order . For th e nex t fe w year s ther e wa s a lul l i n Kla n studies , bu t i n the mid - an d late-1970s , as th e historical professio n becam e mor e receptive t o social histor y i n genera l an d th e case-stud y approac h in particular , scholar s bega n t o produc e intensiv e loca l studie s that furthe r challenge d traditiona l thinkin g abou t th e Klan . I n 1974, Robert A . Goldberg publishe d a n examination o f the hoode d order i n Madison , Wisconsin , i n which h e characterized th e grou p as a nonviolen t an d essentiall y rationa l respons e t o loca l issues , particularly a perceive d deterioratio n i n la w enforcement. 20 Strongly influence d b y th e theor y o f "resourc e mobilization " tha t was gainin g popularit y amon g a ne w generatio n o f political soci ologists, Goldber g i n a 197 7 doctora l dissertatio n wen t o n t o ex amine th e Kla n stronghol d o f Colorado , focusin g o n th e cit y o f Denver an d fou r othe r communities . Although ther e wer e notabl e exceptions, Goldber g discovere d tha t th e vas t majorit y o f Colo rado knight s wer e ordinary , law-abidin g citizen s motivate d b y a sincere desir e t o improv e loca l society . Expandin g upo n Kennet h Jackson's efforts , h e presented comprehensiv e occupational-statu s statistics tha t prove d tha t Klansme n wer e draw n fro m a balance d cross sectio n o f th e whit e Protestan t community . H e furthe r ob served tha t th e nature o f Klan activis m varie d fro m communit y t o community, arguin g tha t th e Invisibl e Empir e coul d no t b e trul y understood outsid e o f its numerous loca l contexts. 21 By th e tim e tha t Goldberg' s dissertatio n wa s publishe d a s Hooded Empire: The Ku Klwc Klan in Colorado (1981) , the wor k o f other historian s ha d strongl y endorse d hi s genera l conclusions . A 1978 articl e o n th e klaver n i n Youngstown , Ohio , b y Willia m D . Jenkins, emphasize d th e rol e o f mora l issue s an d a longstandin g tradition o f pietisti c Protestan t activis m i n mobilizin g loca l Klansmen. Lik e Goldberg , he found th e knights i n eastern Ohi o t o be largel y nonviolen t an d draw n fro m th e socioeconomi c main stream. Jenkins late r decide d tha t thi s overall evaluatio n coul d b e applied t o th e entir e Mahonin g Valle y regio n (whic h ma y hav e had a s man y a s seventee n thousan d Klansmen) , an d h e ha s pre -

186 Historiographical Essay sented hi s findings i n Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley (1990). 22 In 1980 , a statistica l stud y o f Kla n elec toral behavio r i n Memphis , Tennessee , b y Kennet h D . Wald, als o demonstrated th e group's appea l acros s th e social spectrum. 23 At thi s sam e time , Christopher N . Cocoltchos complete d on e of the most importan t studie s i n Kla n historiography: "Th e Invisibl e Government an d th e Viabl e Community : Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Orange County , California , durin g th e 1920s " (1979). In th e mid 1970s, Cocoltchos's doctora l supervisor , Stanle y Coben, had begu n exploring th e connection s betwee n th e KK K movemen t an d th e defense o f social Victorianis m an d ha d com e acros s a comprehen sive Orang e Count y Kla n roste r whil e doin g researc h a t th e Li brary o f Congress. Utilizing th e Klan lis t in association wit h a rich assortment o f governmen t documents , newspape r reports , ora l interview sources , and churc h rolls , Cocoltchos create d extremel y detailed socia l profiles o f the Klan , non-Klan, and anti-Kla n popu lations o f Orang e Count y communitie s suc h a s Anahei m an d Ful lerton. The study produce d som e intriguing findings: Klansmen wer e younger , a bi t wealthier , an d ha d slightl y mor e prestigious jobs tha n di d non-Klansmen ; however , the y coul d no t match the anti-Klan elite's wealth and prestige. Political party preferences, geographica l origins , marita l status , an d lengt h o f prio r residence i n th e count y di d no t differentiat e Klansme n fro m non Klan white Protestants. Compared t o white Protestants , Klansme n were not significantly mor e likely to belong to evangelical or funda mentalist denominations . As ha d Goldberg , Cocoltcho s conclude d tha t "th e wa y i n whic h the hooded orde r grew , th e activitie s i n whic h i t engaged , an d th e reasons fo r it s demis e wer e al l locall y generated. " Compose d o f decent, respectabl e citizens , th e Orang e Count y Kla n ha d repre sented a for m o f grass-root s activis m tha t oppose d a "booster oriented vie w o f loca l affairs , fostere d b y th e anti-Kla n elite , tha t stressed economi c growt h t o th e exclusio n o f mora l aspect s o f community development." 24 Three majo r studie s complete d betwee n 198 2 an d 198 5 helpe d consolidate th e emergin g portrai t o f th e averag e Klansma n a s a mainstream activist . Larr y R . Gerlach's examinatio n o f the secre t order i n Uta h detecte d som e KKK-sponsore d violenc e agains t im -

Historiographical Essay 18 7 migrants, bu t th e organizatio n b y an d larg e attracte d law-abid ing, middle-class residents . The primary caus e fo r the Klan' s rise , he argued , wa s th e longstandin g resentmen t amon g Protestan t non-Mormons of the economic and political primacy of the Church of Jesu s Chris t o f Latter-da y Saints , especiall y i n th e vicinit y o f Salt Lak e City . The KK K hel d colorfu l demonstration s an d indi rectly involve d itsel f i n a fe w municipa l elections , bu t th e over t hostility o f th e Mormo n establishmen t prevente d th e Invisibl e Empire fro m eve r becomin g a majo r influenc e i n Utah. 25 Shaw n Lay's War, Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan: A Study of Intolerance in a Border City (1985) also looked at the Klan in a socially distinc tive locale , th e wes t Texa s communit y o f E l Paso . Whil e earlie r case studie s ha d mostl y focuse d o n citie s an d town s wit h smal l minority an d Roma n Catholi c populations , thi s work examine d a municipality tha t wa s approximatel y 6 0 percen t Hispani c an d Catholic durin g th e earl y 1920s ; moreover , th e city' s locatio n o n the Mexican border had produced a particularly acut e situation i n regard t o crim e an d socia l immorality . If , i n fact , th e Kla n wa s composed largel y o f unrestraine d racists , bigots , an d mora l au thoritarians, the n El Pas o would hav e bee n on e o f th e mos t likel y places fo r th e order t o engage i n roughshod tactics . But suc h wa s not th e case . Th e E l Pas o klaver n largel y ignore d th e Hispani c majority, neve r employe d violence , an d spen t mos t o f it s tim e challenging th e policies o f fellow Anglo s who dominate d cit y gov ernment, focusin g o n suc h issue s a s better public education , hon est elections , an d roa d construction . Overall , th e Kla n i n thi s unusual borde r cit y ha d constitute d a "mediu m o f progressiv e civic action " and wa s quit e simila r t o earlie r refor m effort s i n El Paso's history. 26 Although the case studies of Goldberg, Cocoltchos, Gerlach, and Lay ha d arrive d a t ver y simila r conclusion s concernin g wester n klaverns, i t remaine d unclear—th e article s o f Jenkin s an d Wal d notwithstanding—how applicabl e their findings were for the Klan in other regions . In 1985 , Leonard J . Moore complete d a doctora l dissertation o n th e premier e Kla n stat e o f Indiana , a n examina tion tha t ha s bee n publishe d a s Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928 (1991) . Assisted b y a n unusua l abun dance o f KK K membershi p records , Moor e employe d sophisti -

188 Historiographical Essay cated quantitativ e technique s t o asses s th e hoode d order' s ran k and file . A s ha d th e othe r revisionists , h e determine d tha t th e Klan ha d draw n recruit s fro m th e socioeconomic mainstrea m an d composed a relativel y balance d cros s sectio n o f th e whit e Protes tant population , includin g man y nonevangelicals ; i n addition , th e work foun d almos t n o connection betwee n th e KK K an d religiou s fundamentalism, thereb y supplementin g th e findings o f Co coltchos an d refutin g th e unsubstantiate d claim s o f a numbe r o f earlier historians . Th e Klan' s racis t an d bigote d rhetori c aside , Moore conclude d tha t ethni c an d religiou s tension s wer e no t th e main sourc e o f th e Invisibl e Empire' s incredibl e succes s i n th e Hoosier State . Fa r mor e importan t wa s widesprea d disen chantment wit h th e policie s o f Indiana's establishe d leaders , wh o appeared i n man y citizens ' eye s t o b e arrogant , incompetent , an d corrupt; anothe r majo r facto r wa s th e impac t o f industrializatio n and economi c growth , whic h ha d undermine d muc h o f th e tradi tional cohesiveness of community life . Therefore, th e Indiana Kla n was essentiall y a "populist " movemen t tha t reflecte d th e growin g dissatisfaction tha t hundred s o f thousand s o f whit e Protestant s felt abou t th e conduc t o f publi c affair s an d th e cours e o f moder n society. 27 By th e lat e 1980s , the numbe r o f loca l Kla n studie s ha d clearl y reached critica l mass , resultin g i n a ne w schoo l o f Kla n scholar ship. Base d o n extensiv e wor k i n loca l source s an d informe d b y the technique s o f th e ne w socia l history , thi s schoo l viewe d th e great majorit y o f Klansmen i n th e 1920 s not a s unreasonable me n on th e fringe s o f America n lif e bu t a s mainstrea m communit y activists. Becaus e muc h o f th e revisionis t scholarshi p ha d de tected a struggl e betwee n th e hooded orde r an d establishe d elites , Leonard J . Moor e suggeste d i n 199 0 tha t thi s ne w interpretatio n be calle d "th e populis t revision." 28 No t al l Kla n revisionist s ar e happy wit h thi s label ; i t i s fa r easie r t o equat e Moore' s hug e Indiana Kla n wit h populis m than , say , th e embattle d klavern s i n Salt Lak e Cit y o r E l Paso , where th e grea t bul k o f "commo n peo ple" were vehementl y anti-Klan . Probabl y a bette r labe l woul d b e the "civi c activis t school, " whic h doe s no t connot e widesprea d public acceptanc e o f the Invisible Empire . The pas t fe w year s hav e bee n a tim e o f consolidatio n fo r th e

Historiographical Essay 18 9 civic activis t school . Th e monograph s presentin g thi s ne w thesi s have received overwhelmingl y favorabl e review s in scholarly jour nals, an d a majo r antholog y distillin g th e ke y theme s o f recen t scholarship wa s publishe d i n 1992. 29 Gradually , i t appears , thi s revisionism ha s achieve d a degre e o f professiona l acceptance ; a recent revie w essa y i n th e American Historical Review, fo r exam ple, note d tha t historian s o f th e 1920 s Kla n hav e bee n th e "mos t assiduous exemplars " of an ongoin g an d sorel y needed reexamina tion o f right-win g socia l movement s i n twentieth-centur y America. 30 Meanwhile , ne w work s hav e utilize d fres h approache s to understandin g th e Klan . Amon g th e mos t heralde d o f thes e i s Nancy MacLean' s Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klwc Klan (1994) , whic h ha s innovativel y applie d feminist an d Marxis t theor y t o prob e th e specia l appea l tha t th e KKK hel d fo r middle-clas s Americans. 31 Hopefull y scholar s i n future year s wil l follo w MacLean' s exampl e an d continu e t o de velop ne w mean s o f evaluatin g th e Invisibl e Empire , fo r muc h more wor k remain s t o b e done . It i s ver y doubtful , however , tha t the Meckli n thesi s wil l eve r b e credibl y resurrected . Althoug h Klan revisionist s ma y disagre e o n certai n points , the y al l concu r that th e KK K wa s a grou p tha t possesse d stron g an d direc t link s to mainstrea m America n society ; indeed , ther e coul d b e n o mor e striking evidenc e o f th e racis m an d bigotr y tha t pervade d th e United State s i n th e 1920 s tha n th e K u Klu x Klan' s widesprea d popularity amon g averag e citizens .

Notes 1. Leonar d J. Moore, "Historical Interpretation s o f the 1920 s Klan: The Traditional View and the Populist Revision," Journal of Social History 24 (Winte r 1990) : 341-57. A slightly differen t versio n o f thi s essa y later appeare d i n Shaw n Lay , ed., The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 17-38. 2. Fran k Tannenbaum , "Th e K u Klu x Klan : It s Socia l Origi n i n th e South," Century Magazine 10 5 (April 1923) : 873-82. This article reappeared in Tannenbaum's Darker Phases of the South (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1924).

190 Historiographical Essay 3. Gu y B . Johnson, " A Sociologica l Interpretatio n o f th e Ne w K u Klu x Movement," Journal of Social Forces 1 (May 1923) : 440-45. 4. Fran k Bohn , "Th e K u Klu x Kla n Interpreted, " American Journal of Sociology 3 0 (Jan. 1925) : 385-407. 5. Joh n Moffat t Mecklin , The Ku Klux Klan: A Study of the American Mind (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace , an d Co. , 1924) , 18-19 , 28 , 42, 45, 99-101,109,116,132. 6. Mecklin , The Ku Klux Klan, 103 . During hi s discussio n o f th e "deadl y monotony o f small-tow n life " an d th e "pett y impotenc e o f th e small town mind, " Meckli n eve n refer s reader s t o th e wor k o f Sinclai r Lewis. See 104-7 . 7. Presto n Willia m Slosson , The Great Crusade and After, 1924-1928 (New York: Macmillan, 1930) , 308-9. 8. Frederic k Lewi s Allen , Only Yesterday: An Informal History of the Nineteen-Twenties (Ne w York: Harper & Brothers, 1931) , 65-69. 9. Wilbu r J . Cash , The Mind of the South (Ne w York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1941), 335-37. 10. Th e influenc e o f thes e writer s i s discusse d i n Rober t A . Goldberg , Grassroots Resistance: Social Movements in Twentieth-Century America (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishin g Co. , 1991) , 4 - 7. 11. Richar d Hofstadter , The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1955) , 291-92. 12. Joh n Higham , Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (Ne w Brunswick , N X : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1955) , 288,295-97. 13. Willia m E . Leuchtenburg , The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-1932 (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press, 1958) , 209, 211. 14. Arnol d S . Rice , The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics (Washington , D.C.: Public Affairs Press , 1962) , 17; George Brown Tindall , The Emergence of the New South, 1913-1945 (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e University Press , 1967) , 190—96 ; Davi d M . Chalmers , Hooded Americanism: The First Century of the Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1965 (Garde n City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1965) , 109, 114-15. 15. Seymou r M . Lipse t an d Ear l Rabb , The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 (Ne w York : Harpe r & Row , 1970), 110-49 ; Elli s W . Hawley , The Great War and the Search for a Modern Order: A History of the American People and Their Institutions, 1917-1933 (Ne w York : St . Martin' s Press , 1979) , 128-29 ; Geoffre y Perrett, America in the Twenties: A History (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster, 1982) , 72-78 ; Wy n Crai g Wade , The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster , 1987) , 140 247; Davi d H . Bennett, The Party of Fear: From Nativist Movements to the New Right in American History (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1988) , 199—237 . For a n discussio n o f thes e work s i n the context o f Klan historiography , se e Moore, "Historical Interpreta -

Historiographical Essay 19 1 tions o f th e 1920 s Klan, " i n Lay , Invisible Empire in the West, 17-38 . 16. Emerso n H . Loucks , The Ku Klwc Klan in Pennsylvania: A Study in Nativism (Harrisburg , Penn. : Telegraph Press , 1936) . 17. Norma n F . Weaver, "Th e Knight s o f th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Wisconsin , Indiana, Ohio , an d Michigan " (Ph.D . dissertation, Universit y o f Wis consin, 1954) , 295-306. 18. Charle s C . Alexander , Crusade for Conformity: The Ku Klux Klan in Texas, 1920-1930 (Houston : Texa s Gul f Coas t Historica l Association , 1962), 7, 9, and The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest (Lexington : Univer sity of Kentucky Press , 1965) . 19. Kennet h T . Jackson , The Ku Klwc Klan in the City, 1915-1930 (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1967) , 62 , 108 , 119-20 , 240-41 , 243 , 245. 20. Rober t A . Goldberg , "Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Madison , 1922-1927, " Wisconsin Magazine of History 5 8 (Autumn 1974) : 31-44. 21. Th e dissertatio n wa s publishe d a s Hooded Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Colorado (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1981) . For a discus sion o f resourc e mobilizatio n theory , se e J . Crai g Jenkins , "Resourc e Mobilization Theor y an d th e Stud y o f Socia l Movements, " Annual Review of Sociology 9 (1983): 527-53. 22. Willia m D . Jenkins, "Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Youngstown , Ohio : Mora l Reform i n th e Twenties, " Historian 4 1 (Nov . 1978) : 76-93 , an d Steel Valley Klan: The Ku Klux Klan in Ohio's Mahoning Valley (Kent, Ohio : Kent Stat e Universit y Press , 1990) . 23. Kennet h D . Wald , "Th e Visibl e Empire : Th e K u Klu x Kla n A s a n Electoral Movement, " Journal of Interdisciplinary History 1 1 (Autumn 1980): 217-34. 24. Christophe r N . Cocoltchos, "The Invisible Government an d th e Viabl e Community: Th e K u Klu x Kla n i n Orang e County , California , durin g the 1920s " (Ph.D. dissertation , Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1979), ix-xiv, 612 , 616, 623, 628. 25. Larr y R . Gerlach , Blazing Crosses in Zion: The Ku Klwc Klan in Utah (Logan: Uta h Stat e Universit y Press , 1982) . 26. Shaw n Lay , War, Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan: A Study of Intolerance in a Border City (El Paso: Texas Western Press , 1985) , 158. 27. Leonar d J . Moore , Citizen Klansmen: The Ku Klux Klan in Indiana, 1921-1928 (Chape l Hill : University o f North Carolin a Press , 1991) . 28. Moore , "Historica l Interpretation s o f th e 1920 s Klan, " Journal of Social History 2 4 (Winter 1990) : 341-57. 29. Lay , Invisible Empire in the West. 30. Michae l Kazin , "Th e Grass-Root s Right : Ne w Historie s o f U.S . Conservatism i n th e Twentiet h Century, " American Historical Review 9 7 (Feb. 1992) : 140 . 31. Nanc y MacLean , Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (Ne w York: Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1994) .

Index

Acker, Albert C , 77 , 134-35 , 17 2 n. 44 African Americans : i n Buffalo, 13-14 , 16-17,25,40-41,49,82, 105 , 146, 153-54 n . 12 ; Buffalo Klan' s vie w of , 43,46,47,76 American Bras s Company, 86 , 95 American Unit y League , 11 6 Amherst, N.Y. , 11 Anderson, Willia m H. , 23, 25, 37, 68 Anti-Saloon League , 20, 23, 25, 37, 67, 68, 69,14 6 Association o f Street Railwa y Employ ees, 31 Austin, Thomas H. , 130 , 131 , 137, 139 Auto Rest Inn , 71 Bacon, D . G., 14 2 Batavia, N.Y. , 46, 48, 57, 137 , 139 , 141 Bath, N.Y., 48 Batty (Kla n officer) , 8 1 Beeman, Anson C , 12 5 Bethlehem Stee l Corporation , 31 , 100 Binghamton, N.Y. , 60, 119 , 120 , 13 0 Birth of a Nation, The, 5 Bourne, Alva W., 74-7 5 Bransom Building , 13 7 Brent, Charles H., 50

Brown, Rober t E. , 50, 135-3 6 Bryant, Georg e C, 60 , 78, 79, 81, 82, 110, 111,130-31,133-34,138,141 42, 143-44 , 167-6 8 n . 5, 168 n. 6, 171 n.38, 17 2 n. 44 Buck, George S. , 20, 21-22, 22-23, 32, 42,146 Buell, Laverne, 13 5 Buffalo, N.Y. : African American s in , 13, 14, 16-17 , 25, 40-41,49, 82, 105, 146, 153-54 n . 12 ; Catholic Church in , 17, 25, 50, 118-19, 131-32 ; crime in, 3 2 34; economy of, 12-13 ; ethni c group s in, 16-17 , 105 , 164-65 n . 8; foreig n born in , 14-16 , 105 ; Germans in , 14 , 16, 17 , 18, 19, 22, 25, 88, 105; Hungarians in , 22, 104 ; Irish in , 14 , 16, 17, 18, 22, 24, 78, 88, 105, 177; Italian s in, 16 , 17, 18, 22, 25, 35, 77, 88, 105; Jews in , 17 , 25, 44, 129 , 15 8 n. 13 ; labor union s in , 16 4 n. 6; mayoral elec tion of 192 1 in, 20-25, 155 n. 30; mayoral electio n o f 192 5 in, 139-41 ; neighborhoods in , 14 , 16; Poles in , 15-16, 17 , 18, 24, 32, 50-51, 77, 88, 104; political affiliatio n in , 17-18 ; population of , 11 ; prohibition in , 20,

193

194 Index Buffalo, N.Y . (Continued) 21, 22-23, 26, 34-36; religiou s groups in , 17 ; Republican part y in , 18; streetcar strik e o f 192 2 in, 31-32 ; vice in, 67, 69-70; women in , 14 , 2 930; wor k forc e in , 13-14 ; young peo ple in, 30-3 1 Buffalo American, 17 , 40-41, 4 9 Buffalo Baptis t Union , 7 0 Buffalo Brewin g Company , 1 9 Buffalo Chambe r o f Commerce, 32 Buffalo Commercial, 28 , 41, 44, 79 Buffalo Counci l o f Churches, 68, 69, 70-71,74,75, 118 , 119, 136. See also Buffalo Federatio n o f Churche s Buffalo Daily Courier, 8-9 , 21 , 29, 40, 41, 42, 43-44, 46-47, 65, 75, 123, 141 Buffalo Enquirer, 4 1 Buffalo Evening News, 41 , 79, 15 2 n. 7 Buffalo Evening Times, 34 , 41, 152 n. 7 Buffalo Federatio n o f Churches, 37. See also Buffalo Counci l o f Churche s Buffalo Genera l Electri c Company, 12 4 Buffalo Kla n No . 5: age distribution o f membership of , 107-8 ; anti-Catholi cism of, 43 , 46, 47, 76-78; anti-Semit ism of , 43 , 47, 76, 77; burglary o f headquarters of , 120-21 ; business di rectory of , 8 , 93, 164 n. 4; businessmen in , 93; ceremonials an d gather ings of, 45-46 , 54, 57-58,63-64 , 119-20, 121 , 137-38, 139,144,15 8 n . 16; city officials' reactio n to , 40-41 , 44; clergyme n in , 68, 90-91; confron tation wit h Mayo r Schwa b of , 72-73 ; decline of, 141-42 ; employers of membership of , 101 ; engineers in, 91; ethnic surname s o f membership of , 107; exposure o f membership of , 121-30; foremen in , 95; founding an d early recruitin g of , 40 ; fraternal lif e of, 65 , 80-81; genera l characteristic s of membership of , 65-66 , 82-83, 114 , 147-49; German-Americans in , 106 7, 16 5 n. 10 ; high nonmanua l work ers in, 89-92; Kenmor e churc h visita tion of , 52-53 ; an d Killee n investiga tion, 132 , 171-72 n. 40; leadership of , 81—82, 163 n. 49; low nonmanua l

workers in , 94-96; Masons in, 110 11; membership lis t of, 8 , 85-86, 122-23,125-29,164 n . 1 ; middle non manual worker s in , 92-93; an d moral reformers , 52 , 68-71; occupa tional distributio n o f membership of , 86-89, 100-101 , 165-6 6 n . 15 ; political activities of, 43 , 66-67, 78-79, 140, 16 1 n. 6 ; press reaction t o found ing of, 40-41 ; prohibitio n enforce ment effort s of , 59 , 71-72, 73-74, 78, 80, 113 , 116, 117, 144-45, 146, 161 n. 20, 16 2 n. 27; racism of , 43 , 46, 47, 58, 76; recruiting effort s of , 40 , 4 243,44-45,47-48, 53-54, 117 ; religious affiliatio n o f membership of , 111-14, 16 6 nn. 19 , 20, 16 7 nn. 21, 22, 23; residential distributio n o f membership of , 101-6 , 164-6 5 n . 8; salesmen in , 94-95; semiskilled an d service workers in , 99-100; skille d workers in , 96-98; undercover re ports on,8,73,76,121,126, 16 2 n. 25; union member s in , 98, 164 n. 6; unskilled worker s in , 100 ; an d Walker Law , 59-61, 132-34 ; war vet erans in , 108-10 , 16 5 n. 13 . See also Knights o f the K u Klu x Kla n Buffalo Methodis t Ministers ' Associa tion, 38, 68 Buffalo Morning Express, 9 , 28, 32, 41, 43, 54, 57, 58, 59, 79 Buffalo Nes t No . 1 , Fraternal Orde r of Orioles, 47 Buffalo Truth, 41 , 114, 139, 158 n. 7, 173 n. 5 8 Burd, George B., 34 Burfeind, Joh n F. , 34, 44, 59, 67, 70 Calumet Building , 81 , 120, 121 , 137 Campbell, John D. , 74 Campbell, Samue l H. , 47-4 8 Canada, 13 ; Klan recruitin g in , 48, 158-59 n. 20 Canadians, 1 6 Capolla, Emil, 48, 136-3 7 Carpenter, Niles , 16 Casper, William J. , 79 Catholic Church : i n Buffalo, 17 , 25, 50,

Index 19 5 118-19, 131-32 , 139-40 ; Klan's vie w of, 43 , 46, 47, 76-7 8 Catholic Pres s Association, 11 9 Catholic Union & Times, 20 , 41, 124 Central Presbyteria n Church , 30 , 37, 74, 15 5 n. 2 9 Cheektowaga, N.Y. , 11 , 48, 135, 136-3 7 Chrzanowski, Walter , 5 0 Clarence, N.Y., 137 Clarence Center , N.Y., 11 9 Clarke, Edward Young , 2, 3 Clifford, Edwar d P. , 65 Conshafter, Loui s H., 77 Coolidge, Calvin, 1 8 Corning, N.Y., 48 Covenant Presbyteria n Church , 7 4 Cramer, Roy , 65 Davis, Herbert N. , 10 0 Democratic party , i n Buffalo , 21 , 35 Depew, N.Y., 58 Desmond, Charle s S. , 128 , 131, 132 DiCarlo, Minnie Clark , 7 1 Dimmick, Fenton H., 129-3 0 Donner Stee l Company , 9 5 Donovan, William J. , 36 , 73, 77, 78, 157 n. 68 Douglas, Earl L. , 50 EIma,N.Y., 13 9 Elmira,N.Y.,48 El Paso , Tex., Klan in , 3 Episcopal Dioces e of Western Ne w York, 50 Erie, Penn., 64 Erie County, N.Y. , 31, 33, 48, 66, 67, 78 Evans, Hiram W. , 5 Expose of Traitors in the Interest of Jews, Catholics, Negroes and All Respecters of the American Principle of Civil and Religious Freedom, 128 , 131, 170 n. 31 Fineberg, Soloman, 4 9 First Polis h Baptis t Church , 5 0 First Presbyteria n Church , 2 2 First Unitaria n Church , 5 0 Fleischman, Samue l M. , 12 9 Fowler, C. S., 48 Fowler, George A., 68-69, 132 , 141

Freedman, Fran k E. , 49 Fuller, Loui s C, 13 3 Genesee County, N.Y.: Klan in , 137 , 141 German-Americans. See German s Germania Brewin g Company , 1 9 Germans: i n Buffalo, 14 , 16 , 17, 18, 19, 22, 25, 88, 105 ; in Klan , 88, 106-7, 165 n. 1 0 Glenwood Avenu e Baptist Church , 7 4 Goldberg, Rober t A. , 86 Goss, Raymond, 7 7 Gould, Benjamin F. , 65 Grand Island , 5 4 Grass, Julius, 122 , 129, 132, 133, 174 n. 69 Graves, Ross, 27-28, 66, 140 , 141, 15556 n. 37 Graystone Hotel , 13 0 Green, Ernest L. , 33 Griffith, Davi d Wark , 5 Hamburg, 64 , 11 7 Harding, Warre n G „ 18 , 25, 77 Hastings, John H. , 55 Hawke, Walter B. , 82 Haywood, Oscar , 54 , 69, 75 Hazel, John R. , 3 6 Hearst, Willia m Randolph , 4 Herning, Edgar H. , 12 9 Higgins, James W. , 42 Hooper, Lloy d P. , 39, 40 Hoover, Herbert C , 1 8 Hornell, N.Y., 48 Houston, Tex., Klan in , 3 Hubbell, Mark H. , 114 , 139 , 173 n. 58 Hudson Stree t Baptis t Church , 3 7 Hungarians, i n Buffalo , 22 , 10 4 Hutt, Henr y W. , 82, 123 , 128, 132, 161 n . 7, 16 9 n. 22 Hylan, John F. , 39, 55 Ideals of the Ku Klux Klan, 5 7 Imperial Night-Hawk, 6 1 Independent, 4 Independent Kla n o f America, 14 1 International Railwa y Company , 31, 32,50,66, 15 9 n. 25

196 Index Irish, i n Buffalo, 14 , 16, 17, 18, 22, 24, 78,88, 105,11 7 Irish-Americans. See Irish Ismalia Temple , 11 1 Italian-Americans. See Italian s Italians, i n Buffalo, 16 , 17 , 18, 22, 25, 35,77,88,105 Jackson, Kennet h T. , 96 Jamestown, NY , 48 Jarden, Mil o F., 82 Jews: i n Buffalo , 17 , 25, 44, 129 , 158 n. 13; Klan' s vie w of , 43 , 47, 76, 77 Kamelia, 12 0 Kay-Bee Adsign Company , 81 , 120 Kenmore, N.Y., 52-53, 8 5 Kenmore Presbyteria n Church , 52-5 3 Kiefer, Harr y A. , 77 Killeen, Henry W. , 132 , 133 , 134 Kiwanis Club , 11 1 Kleagles, 3 , 4 - 5, 42-43,48, 58-59, 60, 81-82, 16 3 n. 49 Knights o f Columbus, 19 , 47, 75, 77, 78 Knights o f St . John, 19 , 20, 118 , 119 Knights o f the Invisible Jungle o f th e Tiger's Eye, 48-49 Knights o f the K u Klu x Klan : appea l of, 3 , 5-6; congressiona l hearing s on , 4; declin e of , 6 ; founding an d expan sion of, 2-6 ; i n New York, 7, 39-40, 45, 55, 56-57; in th e Northeast, 7 ; political succes s of, 6 , 45; scholarly ap praisals of, 6-7 , 147-48 , 149 ; violence of, 3-4 . See also Buffalo Kla n No. 5 Kopald, Loui s J., 44, 15 8 n. 13 , 171 n. 39 Kreinheder, Arthu r W., 28 Ku Klu x Klan . See Knights o f the K u Klux Kla n Lackawanna, N.Y. , 11,48 , 11 7 Lackawanna Iro n and Stee l Company , 31 Lancaster, N.Y. , 11 , 57, 58, 139 La Salle , N.Y., 64 Leonard, Adn a W. , 13 7 Liberty League , 11 5

Literary Digest, 4 Lockport, N.Y.,48,64,6 5 Lohr, Freda, 136 , 172 n. 49 Lutherans, in Buffalo Klan , 11 2 Lyon, Henry H. , 12 4 MacAlpine, Robert J. , 30 , 37, 74, 15 5 n. 29 MacGregor, Clarence, 35 Manufacturers & Traders Trust Bank , 95 Marnon, Joh n S. , 49, 51, 59 Masons, in Buffalo Klan , 110-1 1 Mayne, David D. , 74, 80, 95, 162 n. 27, 168 n. 1 0 Mclndoo, Erwi n C , 10 9 Meahl, John H. , 27 Miller, Nathan L. , 18 , 36, 38, 49, 16 1 n. 11 Mills, OgdenL., 1 8 Mincher, James B. , 60 Mitchell (kleagle) , 42-43,45, 15 8 n. 11 Mizpah Hall , 53 , 80, 111 Mohawk Product s Company , 19 , 37 Moore, Guy B., 33, 36,41-42,49-50, 73, 75-76, 133 , 134, 137, 171 n. 38, 173 n. 51 Moore, John H. , 53-5 4 Mullan-Gage Act , 35, 59, 68 Nation, 4 National Anilin e and Chemica l Com pany, 79, 91, 95, 100 National Associatio n fo r th e Advance ment o f Colored People , 49, 153-5 4 n . 12 National Busines s Men' s Association o f America, 4 7 Newfane, N.Y. , 64 Newton, Basil E. , 47, 48 New York Journal-American, 40 , 15 2 n. 7 New York World, 4, 40, 41, 152 n. 7 Niagara County , N.Y.: Klan in , 64-65, 141 Niagara Falls , N.Y., 46, 48, 54, 15 9 n. 33; Klorer o in, 63-6 4 Nichols, E. J., 49 Northeast Lodge , Free and Accepte d Masons, 110 , 111

Index 19 7 North Presbyteria n Church , 23 North Tonawanda, N.Y. , 64 Obertean, Edward C, 76 , 130 , 131, 162 n. 36, 170-7 1 n . 36 Olcott, N.Y., 64 Olean, N.Y., 48 Ontario United Presbyterian Church , 68,116 Outlook, 4 Palmeter, Henry S., 37-3 8 Pekin, N.Y., 64 Penfold, Charles C, 38,42 , 68, 69-70, 73, 74, 116 , 123 , 135-37 , 15 5 n. 29, 172 n. 49, 17 3 n. 51 Perkins, Frank C, 26-27, 28, 66 Perry, Frank, 73 Perrysburg,N.Y., 13 8 Pierce, George E., 60 Pletcher, Henry H., 64 Poles, in Buffalo, 15-16 , 17 , 18, 24, 32, 50-51,77,88,104,105 Polish-Americans. See Poles Pooley, Charles A., 128 , 133 , 134 Prohibition, in Buffalo, 20 , 21, 22-23, 26,34-36 Protestant Hom e for Unprotected Children, 13 8 Queer, Stewart, 81-82, 13 5 Ransomville, N.Y., 6 4 Republican party : in Buffalo, 18 , 21; and Klan, 78 Richmond Avenue Methodist Church , 50,135-36 Roche, Austin J., 124 , 127, 130 , 137 Rockefeller, John D., 25 Ronan, Andrew P., 122 , 16 9 n. 20 Roosevelt, Theodore , Jr., 18 Royal, William B., 82 Rozan, Jerome F., 135 , 13 6 Salamanca, N.Y., 48 Schwab, Francis Xavier, 19 , 31, 38, 44, 51, 59, 66, 67, 70, 71-72, 74,78, 79, 115, 116, 117-18 , 119-20 , 129 , 130, 131,134,135,144,145,148, 149 ,

156 n. 37, 16 1 n. 11 , 163 nn. 38, 43; alleged Kla n attack on, 138 ; confrontation with Kla n of, 72-73 ; and exposure of Buffalo Klan , 121-22 , 125-28 , 168 n. 14 , 16 9 n. 20; federal indict ment of, 20-21 , 36-37 ; and mayoral campaign of 1921 , 20-25, 15 5 n. 30; and mayoral campaign of 1925 , 139 41; and moral reformers, 37-38,67 , 70, 74-76; policies as mayor of, 2 5 28, 32, 33, 34-35; and undercover reports on Buffalo Klan , 73, 75, 76, 121, 126,170-71 n.3 6 Schwartz, Willia m F. , 28, 66, 79, 16 1 n. 6 Scott, Kenneth G., 60-61, 81 Sentinel Methodis t Church , 38, 68, 136 , 155 n. 29 Sherman, Carl, 60 Sherman, N.Y., 64 Shiloh Baptist Church , 49 Simmons, William J., 2, 4, 5 Smith, Alfred E., 18 , 55, 56, 68, 77, 117 , 118, 139 , 144,16 1 n . 11 Smith, Alma, 75, 117-1 8 Smith, Emmitt D. , 56-57, 60, 64, 119, 141, 167-6 8 n . 5 Smith, Frank H., 52, 53 Smith, Littleton E. H., 68, 70-71, 7 3 74, 75, 76, 78, 80, 116 , 117 , 118 , 119, 132, 136 , 138 , 141 , 162 nn. 27, 34, 167-68 n . 5 Southern Publicit y Association, 2 Stewart, Charles H., 23, 30-31 Sturm, Carl W., 131 Sullivan, William L. , 50 Sunday, Billy, 29 Swormsville, N.Y. , 12 1 Tannenbaum, Frank , 33 Temple Beth El (Niagara Falls), 49 Temple Beth Zion, 44 Tonawanda, N.Y. , 11 ; Klan in, 54, 121 Tonawanda Firs t Presbyterian Church , 50 Tullis, Don B., 11 9 Turner, William, 119 , 131-3 2 Tyler, Elizabeth, 2, 3 Tyler, Frank, 71, 74, 78, 80

198 Index United Son s of America, 11 5 Unity Masonic Temple , 72, 75, 111 , 117 University o f Buffalo, 21,11 8 Van Devanter, Willis, 14 3 Vestola, Gabriel J., 128-2 9 Victor, Floyd A., 131 Vigilance, 12 1 Volz, Edward P., 13 6 Waldow, William F., 49, 51-5 2 Walker, James J., 55 Walker Law, 55-57, 59 , 63, 82, 87, 91, 115, 132 , 133-34,138,139, 141 , 14344, 148 , 16 0 n. 37, 17 4 n. 1 ; Buffalo Klan's attempt t o evade, 59-6 1 Webster, F. S., 43, 44,45, 15 8 n. 1 2 West Seneca , N.Y., 11 Wheeler, Wayne B., 25 Wild, Edward, 50, 15 9 n. 25

Williams, Leon O., 31, 70 Williamsville, N.Y., 58, 64 Wilson, N.Y., 64 Women: in Buffalo, 14 , 29-30; in the Klan, 81, 120, 139, 174-75 n . 3 Woodside Methodis t Church , 75, 15 5 n. 29 Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor, 53 Youngstown, N.Y., 64 Ziegler, Edwin G., 10 9 Zimmerman, Andrew, 12 7 Zimmerman, Charles F., 67, 71, 125, 127-28,129,131 Zink, Albert H., I l l Zonta Club, 49 Zuleiko Grotto No. 10 , Mystic Order of Veiled Prophets, 110-1 1

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