Holy Russia

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HOLY

f'~ RUSSIA The exhibition has been organized on the initiative of President of the Russian Federation

Dmitry Medvedev

TRETYAKOV GALLERY

•

RUSSIAN MUSEUM

Dear Friends, I welcome you to the opening of the "Holy Russia" exhibition. On display here are outstanding monuments of Russian icon painting and other art masterpieces of the pre-Petrine era from the collections of Russia's leading museums, libraries and archives. Among them are rare fresco fragments and carved church decorations, the monumental Golden Doors from the Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin in Suzdal, ancient works of silver and gold jewelry, and unique chronicles and illustrated ecclesiastical books. This exhibition has already been to the Louvre, where it became one of the most significant happenings in the reciprocal Year of Russia in France and France in Russia's rich program of events. I'm confident that the "Holy Russia" exhibition will become a brilliant milestone in Russia's cultural life and leave museumgoers with unforgettable impressions. I wish success and all the best to the exhibition's organizers and visitors.

Dmitry Medvedev President of the Russian Federation

Dear Brothers and Sisters, I heartily welcome the initiative taken by the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation to organize and stage the "Holy Russia" exhibition this year. This remarkable presentation will take place in our country's two best museums - the Tretyakov Gallery and the Russian Museum. It is most gratifying to see that, at a difficult and contradictory time of mass culture,

the land of Russia is not lacking in people who take an interest in the rich spiritual and cultural legacy from the past. Carrying out such a project is a beneficial and important undertaking, since, if there is no link with the past, there can be no worthy present or future. The Old Russian icon-painting tradition, so vividly presented at this exhibition, bears conclusive witness to the varied paths leading up toward sanctity. It is a tradition that is closely bound up with the active faith of our forefathers, who unified and protected the Russian lands, and who championed and defended Orthodoxy. A living faith and self-sacrificing love of God and their fellow men over the centuries provided an inexhaustible source of inspiration for great icon painters and craftsmen. All their creative work was permeated by a desire to live according to God's truth. The ideal of Holy Russia prompted people to ponder the main issue and to work for the benefit of the soul. I believe that the exhibition will be a notable event in our country's spiritual and cultural life. It will help visitors to become familiar with the history of the national tradition and to see splendid examples of the Russian icon-painting art that is still able to exert a salutary influence on shaping the inner world of people today. May the blessing of God be with you all.

Kirill Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia

The "Holy Russia" exhibition that is opening in the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow and the Russian Museum in St. Petersburg will be an outstanding event in the cultural life of Russia. Its name precisely expresses the way our state has been perceived throughout its 1,000-year history. The supreme achievements in spiritual life and the genuine sanctity of Rus, which has preserved the true, cherished values of Christian culture, have earned it undying renown worldwide. The exhibition "Holy Russia. Russian Art from its Origins to Peter the Great" was a great success at the Louvre in Paris as part of the Year of Russia in France and the Year of France in Russia. It was, in effect, the first attempt of such depth and scope to acquaint people in the Western Christian world with Russian history and medieval Orthodox art. "Holy Russia" will now be shown, almost unchanged, to the Russian public. Even against the backdrop of the largest and most significant of exhibition projects, the intention of this exhibition strikes the imagination by its grandeur, its incredible richness, and the rarity and artistic value of the exhibits displayed here from our country's leading museums and manuscript collections. Well conceived and embracing a very broad chronological framework and all aspects of the spiritual life of medieval Rus, the exhibition's design includes works from various kinds of art - icons, splendid examples of embroidery, examples of arts and crafts, famous illuminated manuscripts, and documents, including genuine birch bark manuscripts. This way of showing some of the outstanding works of Russian art, all brought together in one spot, provides a rare opportunity not only to derive esthetic pleasure from the beauty of Old Russian art and to admire the expressiveness and integrity of its artistic images, but also to form a deeper and clearer appreciation of the diverse content of our great spiritual culture. I am sure that this artistic project will further the noble cause of strengthening in our society the spiritual and moral values that have played a special part in the history of Russia, a love of the past and preservation of the Russian heritage. This is a real investment in the future and is the principal goal of our cultural policy.

Alexander Avdeyev Minister of Culture, Russian Federation

We were particularly happy and proud to present to the visitors of the Louvre Museum in 2010 the exhibition "Holy Russia, Russian Art from its Origins to Peter the Great", which was one of the sparkling highlights of the Year of France and Russia. It was also the first time that the Louvre had devoted an exhibition to Old Russian art ever since the museum was created. That is an indication of the event's importance for the museum and for the French public. Thanks to collaboration, which I have no hesitation in describing as exemplary, between Russian institutions and the Louvre in designing and carrying out the project, a remarkable collection of works of art was mustered in Paris. They came from twenty-four heritage establishments in Russia and had never previously been brought together. They are together once again now, in 2011, in their own country, and the Louvre regards it as an even greater honor that the decision to present the exhibition in Russia was taken at the highest level in the Russian State. Allow me to extend my warmest thanks once again to all those in Russia, in Paris and at the Louvre who made it possible to carry out this exciting and ambitious undertaking, the success of which and the impact it made on the French public have been considerable. I should like to express the wish that this display will, in turn, have the same success with the Russian public in Moscow and St. Petersburg, and that, on this occasion, the Russian public will be able to rediscover, in this exceptional collection, the grandeur and the wealth of the centuries of art that preceded the reign of Peter the Great in Russia.

Henri Loyrette President and Director, Louvre Museum

ORGANIZERS OF THE EXHIBITION

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE EX HIBITION

EXHIBITION CONCEPT

Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation

State Tretyakov Gallery

Natalia Sheredega (GTG)

State Tretyakov Gallery

State Russian Museum

State Russian Museum ROSIZO State Museum and Exhibition Center

State Historical and Cultural Museum-Preserve

Levon Nersesyan (GTG) Galina Sidorenko (GTG) Irina Solovyeva (GRM)

"The Moscow Kremlin" State Historical Museum State Hermitage WORKING GROUP TO PREPARE

Novgorod State United Museum-Reserve ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE EXHIBITION

Andrei Busygin Deputy Minister of Culture of the Russian Federation, chairman of the organizing committee Ramazan Koloev

Pskov State United Historical, Architectural and Art

Nina Divova (GTG)

Museum-Reserve

Marina Dynai (GRM)

Sergiev Posad State Historical and Art Museum-Reserve

Director of the Department of Cultural Heritage

Vladimir-Suzdal Historical, Architectural and Art

and Fine Art, vice chairman of the organizing

Museum-Reserve

committee Elena Gagarina General Director State Historical and Cultural Museum-Preserve "The Moscow Kremlin"

THE EXHIBITION

Levon Nersesyan (GTG) Natalia Sheredega (GTG) Galina Sidorenko (GTG) Irina Solovyeva (GRM)

Kolomenskoye State Museum-Reserve Yaroslavl State Historical, Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve Yaroslavl Art Museum

E X HIBITION COORDINATION

Elena Burenkova (GTG) Irina Klopova (ROSIZO)

Vladimir Gusev

Cyril of Belozersk Historical, Architectural and Art

Olga Klyukanova (GRM)

Director

Museum-Reserve

Anna Makarova (GRM)

State Russian Museum Irina Lebedeva General Director

Vologda State Historical, Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve

Elena Saenkova (GTG) Irina Sosnovtseva (GRM) Natalia Zaramenskaya (GTG)

Rostov Kremlin State Museum-Reserve

State Tretyakov Gallery Evgenia Petrova

State Museum of the History of Religion

Deputy Director for academic research

Scientific and Research Museum of the

State Russian Museum

Russian Academy of Arts

Mikhail Piotrovsky

New Jerusalem State Museum-Reserve

Director

EXHIBITION DESIGN

GTG: Alexander Konov (Museum Media Studio), Anastasia Orlova (EPOS Group CJSC)

Solvychegodsk Historical and Art Museum GRM: Marina Dynai

State Hermitage Shchusev State Museum of Architecture Alexander Sysoenko Deputy General Director ROSIZO State Museum and Exhibition Center

Louvre Museum

Vladimir Tsvetnov

Russian State Ancient Documents Archive

OF THE EXHIBITION PROJECT

of Cultural Heritage and Fine Art

Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Art-Courier Ltd

Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation

Russian State Library

Georgy Vilinbakhov

Scientific Library of Moscow University

Russian National Library PREPARATION AND REALIZATION

Deputy Director of the Department

Deputy Director for academic research State Hermitage Andrei Vorobiev Deputy General Director for exhibition work State Tretyakov Gallery

3 - I ON CA TALOG

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:>etrova, Irina Solovyeva

SPMZ: G. P. Cherkashina, T.V. Kuznetsova,

Photography

T. Yu. Tokareva

GTG: I. 5. Khlyustov, A. V. Sharoukhov

VSMZ: M.A. Bykova, S. P. Gordeev, M. E. Rodina,

GRM: V. F. Dorokhov, V. V. Vinokurov, D. A. Zolotarev

T. P. Timofeeva

V. N. Seregin, V. A. Solomatin, A. M. Sushenok

YaGIAKhMZ: A. V. Zubatenko

GIM: V. M. Boiko, E. Yu. Borisov, A. A. Grachev,

YaKhM: E. A. Voronova KBIAKhMZ: 0 . V. Voronova

anova, Levon Nersesyan, Elena Saenkova,

GMZRK: V. K. Krivonosova

NGOMZ: E. V. Gordyushenkov

GMIR: Z. A. Luchsheva

PGOMZ: I. V. Lebedev, B. N. Kharlamov, 5. V. Obukh,

New Jerusalem Museum: E. I. Rogozhkina Shchusev State Museum of Architecture: A. L. Karpun

zlova, A. M. Lukashov, L. V. Nersesyan, Saenkova, N. N. Sheredega, G. V. Sidorenko, - _ -retyakova, V. N. Ukhanova

S. M. Bukhman, 0. V. Klyukanova, A. A. Makarova, eva, N. V. Pivovarova, I. A. Shalina,

RNB: T. A. Afanasieva, E. V. Krushelnitskaya, P. A. Medvedev, N. V. Nikolaev RGADA: T. A. Lapteva, E. E. Lykova BRAN: V. G. Podkovyrova RGB: I. V. Levochkin

Bobrovnitskaya, I. A. Bogatskaya,

NB MGU : N. A. Kobyak

- - 3orisova, N. V. Bushueva, R. I. Klevtsova,

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GosNIIR: A. V. Silkin

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Louvre Museum: Jannie Durand

raiki na, I. A. Zhuravleva

S.A. Avdusina, N. I. Astashova, ~- M. Denisova, ·na, L. A. Kornyukova, V. V. Murasheva,

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udneva, M. M. Shvedova, E. V. Shulgina,

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Kali nin, E. F. Korolkova, M. Ya. Kryzhanovskaya,

-Epekhina, Z. A. Lvova, 0. N. Maltseva,

E. A. Yakovleva SPMZ: Yu . V. Artamonov, 0 . Yu. Grigorov, Yu. G. Grigorov, V. A. Solomatin VSMZ: E. A. Solodilov Kolomenskoye State Museum-Reserve: V. 5. Terekhov YaGIAKhMZ: N. V. Burmin, E. V. Vinogradova YaKhM: 5. V. Obukh KBIAKhMZ: A. M. Melentyev, A. V. Tarasovsky VGIAKhMZ: A. V. Tarasovsky GMZRK: A. A. Nesterenko GMIR: T. I. Veshnyakova New Jerusalem Museum: L. M. Chernenilova SIKhM: K. V. Efimovsky

Artistic Editor

Shchusev State Museum of Architecture:

Joseph Kiblitsky

V. V. Vinokurov, D. A. Zolotarev

ova, N. V. Suetova,L.P.Tarasenko •

GE: P. S. Demidov, L. G. Kheifets, Yu. A. Molodkovets, K. V. Sinyavsky, S. V. Suetova, V. 5. Terebenin

NIMRAKh: E. A. Savinova

G. Bekeneva, E. V. Burenkova, E. V. Gladysheva,

M. I. Kravtsov, V. A. Mochugovsky, G. G. Sapozhnikov,

I. A. Sedenkov

VGIAKhMZ: E. A. Vinogradova Samoilova, Galina Sidorenko, Smirnova, Irina Solovyeva, Oleg Tarasov

MMK: S. V. Baranov, V. V. Blagov, V. E. Overchenko,

MGOMZ: 0 . A. Polyakova, M. V. Poslykhalina

Design and Layout Kirill Shantgay

e ra sova, Yu . A. Pyatnitsky, M. P. Sotnikova, Computer Text Composition P. V. Zapadalova, A. E. Zaikina

RNB: P.A. Medvedev RGADA: K. V. Safronov BRAN : A. M. Melentyev RGB: P. Yu. Danilin

\Z: S. I. Bara nova, T. N. Fedorova, N. V. Gormina,

S. amalainen, E. V. lgnashina, Yu. B. Komarova, ozhina, V. A. Volkhonsky

Translation from the Russian Peter Bray (ca talog entries, foreword of Dmitry Medvedev); Keith Blasing, Tai Wood (articles);

MZ: I. S. Rodnikova, L. V. Vorontsova

Kenneth Russell (articles, forewords) Proofreaders Galina Maximenko, Elena Naydenko, Irina Tokareva

The State Russian Museum presents: Holy Russia I Almanac, Edn. 302 Palace Editions, St. Petersbu rg, 2011 © State Tretyakov Gallery © State Russia n Museum © Palace Editions

ISBN 978-3-86384-036-5 (International) Printed in Italy

In Place of a Foreword

On display in the "Holy Russia" exhibition and published in its accompanying book are more than five hundred works representing the history, culture and art of Ancient Russia from the 10th through early 18th centuries. Unique works brilliantly executed by a myriad of master artists working in various artistic centers allow us to better understand the wellsprings of Russian culture and trace its paths of development over the centuries. These creations express the spiritual ideals and enduring faith of the Russian people with extraordinary depth and artistic perfection. "Holy Russia"'s showing at the Musee du Louvre in 2010 was accompanied by the monumental edition "Sainte Russie. L'art russe des origines a Pierre le Grand" (Louvre. Paris. 2010), edited by the exhibition's chief curator Jannie Durand. The present publication was written by a collective of authors. The great diversity of works, various traditions and individual methods of research have determined the book's organizational features. The catalogue contains five thematic sections with straight-through numeration, each prefaced by an introductory article. The works' catalog entries contain their name, date, place of creation, medium and dimensions. Unless otherwise noted, icons are assumed to be wooden, painted with egg tempera on levkas and to have kovchegs and inserted dowels. All dimensions, excluding those of numismatic and sphragistic items, are in centimeters. Border scenes of icons are listed in sequential order, from left to right. The spelling of inscriptions bearing patronal and creation date information is simplified: titlos are deciphered, supralinear letters brought inline and graphical elements simplified. Naming inscriptions, monograms and border scene or similar inscriptions are omitted. Where known, information about restoration, provenance and accession to state repositories is provided. Catalog entries are accompanied by bibliographical data.

Contents

A Window into the World of God. The Icon in Holy Russia . · · · · · · · · · · · · · . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

18

Metropolitan llarion of Volokolamsk

Russian Spirituality and the Veneration of Icons . · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . · · · · · · · · · · · . · . . . . .

30

Boris Uspensky

I. BORN IN THE SPIRIT . THE BAPTISM OF RUS AND AFFIRMATION OF THE CHRISTIAN FAITH

The Baptism of Ancient Rus and Features of Russian Artistic Culture in the Pre-Mongol Period . . . . . . . . . 44 Engelina Smirnova

II. UNDER THE VIRGIN MOTHER ' S PROTECTION

"Rejoice, 0 hope of all the ends of the earth." Veneration of Icons of the Theotokos in Russia . · · · . . . . . . . . .

112

Galina Sidorenko

Ill. INTERCESSORS AND MENTORS. RUSSIAN SAINTS AND THEIR VENERATION

Images of Saints in Old Russian Literature and Art · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · ·

168

Elena Saenkova

IV. LIGHT IN THE DESERT : MONASTERIES IN OLD RUSSIA

Monasteries and Monastic Culture in Old Russia · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . . · ..

228

Levon Nersesya n

V. THE EARTHLY KINGDOM AND THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN

The Earthly Kingdom and the Kingdom of Heaven · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . . . . .

278

Tatyana Samoilova

VI. THE SACRED IN THE EVERYDAY

The Icon and the "Russian World". An "Unnumbered Host" of Icons · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · .... ·

362

Oleg Tarasov

Vll. " HEAVEN ON EARTH ." THE RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH

The Beauty of the Church ...... ....... . .. . ... . . ....... .. ... . . · · · · · · · · . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

418

Irina Solovyeva , Olga Klyukanova

Abbreviations ... . .... . ... .... ..... · · . · · · · · · · ....... . ... · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · · . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

496

Metropolitan llarion of Volokolamsk Ch airman of t h e Department of Exte r nal Church Re l ations of the Moscow Patriarchate

AWindow into the World of God The Icon in Holy Russia

Holy Russia was born in a baptismal font in Kiev over a thousand years ago. It has been Kievan Rus, Muscovite Russia, Imperial Russia and Soviet Russia. But it has always, overtly or covertly, preserved the ideal of holiness and righteousness that has formed the basis for that great Orthodox civilization - the Russian World. For the Orthodox believer, holiness has never been an abstract concept. Holiness is not a logical category; it is always the living, real experience of faith. That is why Holy Russia is not only an ideal, but also an earthly reality, expressed in the spiritual achievements of the Russian saints. Holy Russia today is not so much a remembrance of the past as a powerful principle for building the future of the peoples forming the Russian World. The Russian World does not mean "the world of Russia". It is certainly not the world of the Russian Federation. It is a world that exists on the level of faith, the mind, spirituality and culture. The Russian World is founded, above all, on Orthodox spirituality. Our peoples need to return to the Christian values that are rejected by "t~e rulers of the darkness of this world" (Ephesians 6: 12), since the values that were born of our faith are the template that has molded people's world outlook, their perception of the world. What is more, that template has been in existence for over a thousand years. Heterogeneous Slav tribes became a single state when they adopted and put into practice the ideal of ecumenical Orthodoxy - the ideal of holiness. Rejecting this ideal also means rejecting Holy Russia - the Russian World. A people's holiness is revealed by what it holds sacred. Among the sacred objects venerated by the Russian people, icons are particularly prominent. Orthodox churches are embellished by icons. Icons are to be found in every house where Orthodox believers live. There is a pious custom that, when a baby is christened, a "measurement" icon of the saint whose name it bears is painted on a board the same size as its height. Prior to a Christian marriage, parents bless their children, using icons. An icon is placed in the coffin of a deceased Christian when he is buried. The icon forms an organic part of the Church's life of divine worship and of the spiritual life of every Orthodox Christian. The icon is the "window" through which Holy Russia can be seen, recognized and loved. The icon is the part of Orthodox tradition that has moved far beyond the bounds of "canonical Orthodoxy" in the past few decades. Reproductions of icons can be seen today in an Orthodox, Catholic; Protestant and even non-Christian setting alike. The icon is a silent, yet eloquent, preacher of Orthodoxy not only inside the Church, but also in an alien, and sometimes hostile, world. As Leonid Uspensky put it, "the Church fought for the icon during the iconoclastic controversy, while nowadays the icon is fighting for the Church". 1 The icon fights for Orthodoxy, for the truth and for beauty. In the final analysis, it fights for the human soul, since the salvation of the soul is the purpose and meaning of the Church's existence. The icon came to the land of Rus with the adoption of Christianity in its Eastern, Byzantine form. During the period preceding the Mongol invasion, many artists from Byzantium worked in Rus, creating icons, frescoes and mosaics. St. Alipy, the Icon Painter of the Caves, who is mentioned in the Kiev Pechersk Patericon, was a pupil of the Greeks who were decorating the Cathedral of the Assumption at the Kiev Pechersk Lavra. 2 Greek artists and their pupils also worked in Novgorod: at the end of the 12th century, the icon-painting team there was under the direction of Olisey Grechin ("the Greek"). Byzantine influence can be felt in the frescoes at Novgorod's St. Sophia (ll08), the Cathedral of the ativity of Our Lady at St. Anthony's Monastery ( 1125 ), St. George's Church at Staraya Ladoga (last third of the 12th century) and also the Mirozhsky Monastery in Pskov (the 1140s). The earliest Russian icons that have come down to us show a pronounced Byzantine influence. These are, first and foremost, the Novgorod icons known as "The Image of the Savior Not-Made-By-Hands" and "The Golden-Haired Angel", both dating from the 12th century. The faces in both icons are noble, with huge eyes looking away from the beholder. During the Crusades, the cultural ties between Byzantium and Rus weakened, but they intensified in the first half of the 14th century, and artists from Greece were again frequent visitors to the land

L. Uspensky, Bogos/oviye ikony v Pravoslavnoy Tserkvi, Paris, 1989, p. 467. 2

Bi shop Iona (Zyryanov). Pervyy russkiy ikonopisets (K 850-letiyu so dnya konchiny prepodobnogo Alipiya Pecherskogo) II ZhMP, no. 9, 1964, pp. 61 - 66.

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Novgorod "Annunciation" (early 12th century, State Tretyakov Gallery) has much in common with attic tombs, in their smooth features, mood of quiet melancholy and reference to other worlds which the figures of the archangel and Virgin Mary belong to. Ancient tradition, perceived through the prism of Byzantine culture, is also apparent in the work of Theophanes the Greek, along with the art of Andrei Rublev, and (in its own way) of Dionysius. Ideas of how Russian Christian culture developed during its early stages would be incomplete if we didn't take into account the country's contact with Western Europe. Communication of this kind took place in many countries of the Byzantine world, for example, in Serbia, which was on the border of Dalmatia and absorbed many elements and motifs characteristic of the architecture and sculpture of the Adriatic. Russia's trade and political connections of old were directed somewhat differently, mainly towards Scandinavia and Germany, although the southwestern principality maintained relations with other countries which were geographically close to them, such as Bohemia, Hungary and Poland. Western European practices were widely- adopted in artistic areas such as architecture, as well as in many varieties of decorative art. It is possible to distinguish two areas in ancient Russia where Roman traditions were absorbed and adopted. In some cases, it would only appear to be in the choice of material and techniques, while preserving the Orthodox tradition in the structure and iconography of the works. But even in these forms, this led to completely new artistic results. The construction of white-stone churches instead of brick in Galician Rus, particularly around Vladimir and Suzdal, changed the artistic landscape and architecture, emphasizing the delicacy and neatness of its architectural lines. This same technique, which started to be applied to the architecture of Moscow and continued up until the building of the Dormition Cathedral in 1475-1479 became symbolic of a centuries-old tradition in construction which was of paramount significance in the Russian state. A similar process can also be observed in the fate of the so-called "gold laying" technique, which was a special way of rendering a picture in gold on a copper base. This technique was widely used in Germany and Scandinavia, mainly to decorate features of secondary importance, such as portable altars and other metal instruments, and was known as "Braunfirnis" (brown varnish). Having arrived in Russia, probably in Vladimir, in the 1160s, it was used for making church doors (the earliest surviving examples being the southern and western doors of the Cathedral of the Nativity in Suzdal from the early 1230s) and "royal doors" doors of the iconostasis to the sanctuary, or altar, as the entire space is called in Russian churches. This practice also spread in Novgorod ("Vasilevsky Doors", 1336, St. Sophia's Cathedral), Moscow (the Dormition and Annunciation Cathedral in the Moscow Kremlin), as well as in other cities (Dmitry Ivanovich Godunov' s commission for the Trinity Cathedral at Ipatiev Monastery in Kostroma), and was used up to the turn of 16th/17th century. 11 The resplendence of the pure gold on velvety background of brown varnish emphasized the sublime, unreal nature of the sacred images. In other cases, rather than materials and techniques arriving in Russia from Western Europe, came visual motifs. Once absorbed into structure of local art practices, they changed their nature, acquiring new nuances in their stylistic and iconographic symbolism. Very special artistic effects emerged as a result, with the fusion of traditions, as became clear following a recent examination of the sculpture facades on the Vladimir churches of the 12th century. This could be seen from the Church of the Intercession on the Ned to St. Demetrius Cathedral. 12 A similar process also occurred with a teratological ornamental design, which appeared in Russia in the depths of antiquity, penetrated into some manuscripts in the 12th century, and became a dominant design in the second half of the 13th/14th century. "Beastly" motives in book design, along with Gothic carinate forms of decorative/applied arts and architectural decor were perceived very differently in Russia than in the regions in which they originated, and only intensified the very particular local originality of Russian works. Russian links with Western Europe never affected the fundamental subjects covered in works in ancient Russian art, which strongly preserve Orthodox and Byzantine concepts, and are only revealed only the details of iconography and composition. For example, in the icon

The Last Judgment. Fresco fragment from Dormition Cathedral in Vladimi r. 1408 Andre i Rublev

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11

proiskhozhdenii tekhniki "zo/otoy navodki" v domongolskoy Rusi II lskusstvo khristianskogo mira. Col lecti on of articles. Vo l. XI. Moscow, 2009, p. 440452. A. M. Manu kyan, 0

12

L. I. Lifshits, Be/okamennaya rezba Severo-

Vostochnoy Rusi II /storiya russkogo iskusstva. Vol. 2. XII vek. First half of volume (in print) .

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"St. Nicholas of Myra" (1294, NGOMZ) by Aleksa Petrov, the saint's chasuble is western in appearance (with slits up to the shoulders). The figure drawings in "Savior Enthroned" (second half of the 13th century, State Tretyakov Gallery), is reminiscent of some artistic monuments from ancient Rome, which in turn, was subject to a Byzantine influence. The active transformation of Byzantine, early Russian, and also (in part) Western European traditions as the foundation for self-development was a lively and intense creative process. This occurred not only in the pre-Mongol period, but continued well into the following centuries. The national features of this historical evolution have left a unique mark on Russian artistic culture of the late medieval period, evident in the appearance of ancient towns and monasteries which have survived to this day, with their symbolic five-domed cathedrals, churches with tented roofs and tall bell towers, and the sharp "gothic" qualities of the Kremlin towers in Moscow.

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Kurgan stela Female Polovtsian sculpture 12th c. Sandstone. Height 244 cm Accession: 1931, Russian Archeological Society GE, inv. 2028/ 1

Stone sculptures were erected for religious purposes by the nomadic Turkic people from the east known as Polovtsians, Kumans or Kipchaks. The Polovtsians inhabited the southern Russian steppes from the 11th through 13th centuries. In this period they not only carried out innumerable raids against Rus but also engaged in diplomacy and even formed alliances with Russian princes, actively participating in

S. A. Pletneva, Polovetskie kamennye izvayaniya II

Arkheo/ogiya SSSR. Svod arkheologicheskikh istochnikov. Vyp. E 4-2, Moscow, 1974, p. 112, no. 1318.

56

Central Asia, spending time among the Polovtsians. He wrote: "The Kumans build large mounds over their deceased and erect statues dedicated to them which face east, holding cups in their hands in front of their navels ... " (Puteshestviya v vostochnye strany Piano Carpini i Rubruka. Moscow, 1957, p. 102).

The massive statue is of the standing female

their internecine struggles. Russians and Polovts-

type typical of the peak period of Polovtsian

ians fought together against the Tatar-Mongols in the Battle of the Kalka River in 1223, suffering a crushing defeat. After this, some of the

sculpture. She's represented in traditional pose, with hands crossed in front of her stomach and holding a ritual vessel of cylindrical form with a distinctly visible crown. Polovtsian stone

Polovtsians submitted to the authority of the Mongol-Tatars while others migrated to the Transcaucasus, Hungary, Balkans and Asia Mi-

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

golia via the Crimea, the steppes of the Don and

sculptures are characterized by their static poses and depictions of ritual vessels. They were clear-

nor. With the rise of the Golden Horde, the re-

ly intended for ritual sacrifice, for appeasing a

maining Polovtsians were conquered and absorbed by the Mongols. The Polovtsians' stone sculptures were first

deity. For this purpose a small depression was made in the vessel's top surface. Such statues were placed on prominent places or kurgans

mentioned by their contemporaries Nizami Ganjavi, a Persian poet who lived in the 12th

and dedicated to legendary departed ancestors. As embodiments of deified ancestors, these kur-

century and was married to a Polovtsian

gan stelas were used in pagan rituals in later pe-

woman, and Wilhelm von Rubruk, a Flemish

riods as well.

traveler and monk who lived in the 13th century. In his epic poem Iskandarnamah, Nizami Ganjavi writes: "All the Kipchak tribes, when they come there, double up before the unique

On the front side of the sculpture are two openings: one in the left cheek, whose canal exits in the middle part of the back; and the other in the

statue. By foot and on horseback, they come to worship it like a god. The rider coaxes his steed

of the back near the sacrum. These man-made holes might have been created to produce

to it, lets fly an arrow from his quiver in its honor. The shepherd drives his herd there, lays a sheep before it" (Nizami Ganjavi. Iskandarnamah. Baku, 1940, pp. 315-318). Wilhelm von

sound effects from the passage of air through

Rubruk made a journey from Palestine to Mon-

systematic understanding of their locations and

upper part of the left thigh, exiting in the center

the canals during high steppe winds. Such openings are unusual for Polovtsian sculptures; they've been observed only in rare cases, and a

as well as their exact function, has yet to · ·ed at. The statue's face is devoid of indi·ty. On its head is a complex piece of ear with an ornamented brim and a high m. Hanging under the hat in two semicirare parts of either the headgear or headwith two arrow-shaped pendants. The kind of pendants are depicted under the on the cheeks. On the sides are "horns" a diagonal notch - a headdress adornin the form of stamped half-rings sewn - t rollers. There are earrings on the ears ,>

''-'-'-'..LI',;.,

- a grivna necklace around the neck. The fein a long embroidered caftan with orented shoulders, sleeves and flaps; wide r ; and short boots with gaiters. Falling etrically down the back and ending in

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ends at the waist level are parts of clothing ibly the headdress. On the nape of the a bow-shaped clasp. Bel_ow the waist on ck is a symmetrical ornament consisting - ·o volutes joined at the bottom by a linear _ -em. Various objects were hung from the The round mirror hanging at the right - ~ is typical for female sculptures. Hanging the left side are two objects unidentifiable to

severe wear.

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Female burial items. Kiev Accession: 1894, gift of Baron de Baye

6

Oval fibula

Pectoral cross

10th c. Scandinavia

Silver; forged, engraved. 2.7 x 3. 1 cm

Copper alloy; gilding, casting. 11 x 7.3 cm

GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/4, SB 13227

GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/1

A pectoral cross with flared ends. At the cross' center

Four of the protruding burrs are missing.

is a diagonal cross in a rhombus.

An oval, two-plate fibula. The upper plate is openwork and decorated with stylized zoomorphic ornaments

7

in the Borre style.

Miliaresion Byzantium. Constantine VII (928-944) and Romanos II (948-959)

Female burial no. 124 is from Kiev, the capital

Oval fibula

Silver; ch asing. Dia m. 2.3 cm

of the Ancient Russian state. Only a small part

10th c. Scandinavia

GIM, in v. 3602, op. 167BV/ 12, SA 1367

of the pagan necropolis of Kiev has survived; many of the burials were destroyed by later building after the city's conversion to Christianity. Burial was discovered during construc-

Copper alloy; gilding, casting. 11 x 7.3 cm

The coin was used as a pendant. The eyelet for

GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/ 2

hanging has been lost (the hole remains).

tion work at the end of the 19th century; therefore, details of the burial rite remain un -

An oval, two-plate fibula. The upper plate is openwork and decorated with stylized zoomorphic ornaments in the Borre style.

Miliaresion

3, 4

and Romanos II (948-959)

Byzantium. Const~ntine VII (928-944)

known. The makeup of the items, which in -

Volyn-type earrings

.916 silver; chasing. 2.3 x 2.1 cm

clude Scandinavian elements of women's ap-

Silver; casting, drawn wire. 2.5 x 1 cm; 2.5 x 2.8 cm

GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/13, SA 1368

GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/ 6 SB 13226;

The coin was used as a pendant. The eyelet for

inv. 33602, op. 1678V/S, SB 13225

hanging has been lost (the hole remain s) .

parel ( oval fibulae for supporting shoulder straps of clothing ) as well as Slavic ones (Volyn-type earrings ), reflect the complex processes of ethno-cultural interaction on the territory of Eastern Europe. An important

The lower part of the pendant has been lost. Volyn-type earrings consisting of round wire hoops and grape-shaped pendants. Hanging from the hoops are four free-hanging spherical cast "rosette" beads.

item of the collection is the pectoral cross, which indicates that the buried woman was a . Christian. The Byzantine coins with cross imagery also might have symbolized personal religious devotion (most Byzantine coins found

String of beads Glass, rock crystal, cornelian . Diam. 15 cm GIM, inv. 33602, op. 1678V/1 1

A string of 17 beads: nine barrel-shaped of turquoise-

on the territory of Ancient Rus were used as pendants ).

colored glass, one prismatic of turquoise-colored

V. V. Murasheva , GIM

one bi-pyram idal of cornelian, and two 21-faceted

glass, one barrel-shaped of transparent glass, two 14-faceted of cornelian, one 14-faceted of crystal, of crystal.

PRINCIPAL

LITERATURE:

L. A. Golubeva, Kievskyi nekropo/' II Materialy i iss/edo-

vaniya po arkheo/ogii SSSR, Moscow, Leningrad, 1949, p. 107; M. K. Karger, Drevnyi Kiev, Moscow, Leningrad, 1958, vol. 1, p. 209; Les Vikings . .. Les Scandinaves et

/'Europe 800-1200. Le catalogue de /'exposition, Uddevala, 1992, p. 308; Put' iz Varyag v Greki i iz Grek .. . I Kata log vystavki, Moscow, 1996, p. 82.

62

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Manuscript. RadziwiH Chronicle The oldest illuminated copy of the Primary Chronicle (Tale of Bygone Years), chronicling events up to 1205/1206 Late 15th c. 251 leaves. Manuscript (in ink, main text in po/uustav calligraphy in a single hand); vermilion initials, some added later in spaces left blank; 618 colored miniatures (in pen and brush); four miniatures (L. 88-88, Ob. 89) glued above the original images, one (L. 38) glued over a blank space; three or four miniaturists 31.5 x 21 cm (without binding) Accession : 1761 In advance of the facsimile edition of 1985 the manuscript was unbound BRAN, OS 34.5.30

Researchers have various hypotheses regarding its place of creation: Smolensk (Shakhmatov 1913, p. 6; Gantsov 1927, pp. 177-240), Moscow (Podobedova 1964, pp. 87, 97), and Cyril ofBelozersk Monastery (Radziwill Chronicle 1989, vol. 2, p. 10). The text and miniatures are based on an illuminated prototype, probably the Vladimir-Suzdal Chronicle (Shakhmatov 1938, pp. 44-46, 55, 63; Limonov 1967, p. 166; Prokhorov 1994, pp. 269-280). The history of the manuscript's existence is known only via owner's records and can be traced only from the mid-17th c., when it was located on the territory of the PolishLithuanian Kingdom, first in the possession of Waldmeister Stanislaw Zenowicz and later of the Radziwill princes ( Opisanie rukopisnogo otdela, 1959, pp. 293-295). The manuscript might have earlier been located in Belorussia (Shakhmatov 1902, pp. 1-17). The manuscript was willed by Boguslaw RadziwiU to the Konigsberg Library (Shakhmatov 1902, pp. 18-114) and bears that library's bookplate with its year of accession, 1671. Tsar Peter the Great acquainted himself with the manuscript during one of his visits to East Prussia and ordered a copy made (including the miniatures) for his personal library. This is the famous Konigsberg Chronicle, preserved to this day in the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg (BRAN PI B 77) . The text of the Radziwill Chronicle was prepared for publication from this copy soon thereafter. In 1758 the original of the Radziwill Chronicle was brought from Konigsberg for verification of the text, by request of the Imperial Academy of Sciences signed by Empress Elisabeth Petrovna (Moiseeva 1971, p. 200). The manuscript has been located in the Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences to the present date. V. G . Podko vy ro va, BRAN

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

A. A. Shakhmatov, lssledovanie o Radzivilovskoi iii Kenigsbergskoi letopisi II Radzivilov-

skaya iii Kenigsbergskaya letopis'. II. Stat'i o tekste i miniatyurakh rukopisi, St. Petersburg, pub. OLDP.CXVIII, 1902, pp. 1-17, 18-114; V. I. Sizov, MiniatyuryKenigsbergskoi

letopisi (Arkheologicheskyi etyud) II lzvestiya Otdeleniya russkogo yazyka i slovesnosti RAN, St. Peters burg, 1905, vol. 10, book 1, pp. 1-50; M. I. Artamonov, Miniatyury Kenigsbergskogo spiska letopisi II /zvestiya gas. Akademii istorii material'noi kul'tury, Leningrad, 1931 , vol. 10, issue 1, pp. 1-27; 0 . 1. Podobedova, Miniatyuryrusskikh istoricheskikh rukopisei. Kistorii russkogo litsevogo letopisaniya, Moscow, 1964, pp. 49- 101 ;

Radzivilovskaya letopis'. Polnoye sobranie russkikh letopisei. T. 38, 1989; Radzivilovskaya letopis', St. Petersburg-Moscow, 1994, vol. 1 (facsimile edition), vol. 2 (text, research, description of miniatures).

66

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V. I. Anton ova, N. E. Mneva, Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya: Katalog drevnerusskoi zhivopisi XI - nacho/a XVI/ veka. Opyt istoriko-khudozhestvennoi assifikatsii, Moscow, 1963, vol. 1, no. 153; E. 5. Smirnova, V. K. Laurina, E. A. Gordienko, lhivopis' Velikogo Novgoroda XV vek, Moscow, 1982, no. 4, pp. 192-198.

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Silver coin. Type I Early 11th c. Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich, Kiev Silver; chasing. Diam. 27 mm, weight 3.15 g; diam. 26 mm, weight 3.22 g Accession: 1876, Kiev Hoard GE, inv. ON-R-1-14; ON-R-1-17

Obverse: frontal, seated depiction of Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavovich with a cross on a long staff in his right hand and his princely emblem, a trident, over his left shoulder. Surrounding inscription reads: BnA):lv1Mv1Pb ACE ErO CPE6PO (Vladimir and th is is his silver). Reverse: chest-high, frontal depiction of Jesus Christ. Titlos to the left and right of the halo reads: IC XC (ICYCb XPv1CTOCb -

Jesus Christ)

The coin has a solid and dotted border. PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. I. Tolstoy, 0 drevneishikh russkikh monetakh X-XJ vv.

ZRAO II Zapiski Russkogo arkheo/ogicheskogo obshchestva. Novaya seriya. T. 6. Vyp. 3, 4, St. Petersburg, 1893, pp. 351, 10, table XII, 19, 20, pp. 351, 8, table XII, 15, 16; M. P. Sotnikova, I. G. Spassky, Tysyacheletie drevneishikh monet

Rossii. Svodny katalog russkikh monet X-XJ vekov, p. 133, no. 28-1, p. 135, no. 32-1. M. P. Sotnikova , GE

Zlatnik

Silver coin. Type II

988. Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavovich, Kiev

Early 11th c. Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich,

Gold; stamped. Diam. 23 mm, weight 4.4 g

Kiev

Diam. 23 mm, weight 4.37 g

Silver; chasing. Diam. 28 mm, weight 3.08 g

Accession: 1804, Pinsk Hoard

Accession: 1852, Nezhinsk Hoard

GE, inv. ON-R-Az -

GE, inv. ON-R-1-18

12; ON-R-Az -

13

Obverse: frontal, seated depiction of Prince Vladimir

Obverse: frontal, seated depiction of Prince Vladimir

Svyatoslavovich with a cross on a long staff in his

Svyatoslavovich with a cross on a long staff in his right

right hand and his princely emblem, a trident, over

hand. Surrounding inscription reads: BnA,[lv1Mv1Pb

his left shoulder. Surrounding inscription reads: BnA-

HA CTOnti (Vladimir on the throne). Reverse: depic-

,[\v1Mv1Pb HA CTOnti (Vladimir on the throne). Rever-

tion of the prince's emblem, a trident. Surrounding

se: chest-high, frontal depiction of Jesus Christ. Sur-

inscription reads: ACE ErO CPE6PO (and this is his

rounding inscription reads: ICYCb XPv1CTOCb (Jesus

silver). The coin has a double dotted rim.

Christ). The coin has a dotted rim . PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. I. Tolstoy, Drevneishie russkie monety Velikogo knyazhest-

I. I. Tolstoy, Drevneishie russkie monety Velikogo knya-

va Kievskaga. Numizmaticheskyi opyt, St. Petersburg, 1882,

zhestva Kievskogo. Numizmatichesky opyt, p. 15, no. 11 , table 1/2, 1; M. P. Sotnikova, I. G. Spassky, Tysyache/etie

pp. 1-2, no. 1, table. 5, 1; p. 3, no. 3, table. 5, 4; M. P. Sot-

70

drevneishikh monet Rossii. Svodny katalog russkikh monet

nikova, I. G. Spassky, Tysyache/etie drevneishikh monet Rossii. Svodny katalog russkikh monet X-XJ vekov, Leningrad, 1983, p. 115, no. 1-1 ; 1, 2.

X-XI vekov, p. 145, no. 66-1.

V. A. Kalinin, GE

M. P. Sotnikova , GE

Silver coin. Type Ill Early 11 th c. Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich, ev Silver; chasing. Diam. 28 mm, weight 2.7 g ccession: 1852, Nezhinsk Hoard Ci:. inv. ON-R-1-60

verse: seated depiction of Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavovich with a cross on a long staff in his right hand . Surrounding inscription reads: BnA,Qlt1Mlt1Pb HA

12

cronli (Vladimir on the th rone). Reverse: depiction the prince's emblem, a trident. Surrounding ri ption reads: A CE Ero CPE6PO (and this is his silver). The coin has a double dotted rim.

"

I NCI PAL LITE R ATURE :

L Tol stoy, Drevneishie russkie monety Velikogo knya-

estva Kievskogo. Numizmatichesky opyt, St. Petersburg, 882, p. 32, no. 46, table 1/ 2, 15; M. P. Sotnikova,

G. Spassky, Tysyacheletie drevneishikh monet Rossii.

Srodny katalog russkikh monet X-X/ vekov, Leningrad, ·9 3, p.164,no.124-1 . 13 _ P. Sotnikova , GE

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73

20121

Zmeevik (little snake) amulet ("Chernigov grivna") 11th c. Kiev Gold; wax-maid casting, chasing 7.8x7.4xlcm Discovered in 1821 in the village of Belousova near Chernigov Accession: 1930, GE GRM, inv. BK 2746

A gold medallion with a depiction of the Archangel Michael in a

loros with labarum on the obverse side and a snake-shaped composition on the reverse side. At the top is a top piece with a loop for attachment. Around the medallion's contours is an inscription with the text of the Sanctus prayer in Greek: AI'IOC AfIOC AfIOC. .. (Holy, holy, holy, Lord, God of Hosts: Heaven and earth are full of thy glory). On the reverse side, an incantation in Greek to the black "hystera" (Greek for 'womb')is inscribed along the outer contour, with an inscription in Old Russian inside it reading:

2u noMoJu pa6y cBoeMy Bacw1wo. AMUHb (Lord, succor your servant Vasily. Amen). This unique monument of the jeweler's art of pre-Mongol Rus has no known exact iconographic or artistic parallels. The amulet's place of discovery near Chernigov and the name on the inscription, Vasily, allowed researchers to connect it with Prince of Chernigov (and later of Kiev) Vladimir Monomakh, baptized Vasily. This type of zmeevik ("little snake") magic amulet was adopted by ancient Rus from Byzantium, as is witnessed by the inscription, traditional for Greek amulets. The masterful design, harmonious proportions between the scale of the image and the inscription field, the skillful use of relief in the figures and the decorative style all testify to the uncommon talent of the jeweler who created the form. Among scholars serious disputes arose regarding the juxtaposition of Biblical figures and "snake knots" (correctly identified with the figure of the Gorgon Medusa) on the Chernigov and other amulets. However, the Gorgon image had a protective function, just like the Archangel Michael, so this juxtaposition was in no way contradictory. 5 . M. Bukhman , GRM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. I. Pleshanova, L. D. Likhacheva, Drevnerusskoye dekorativno-prikladnoye

iskusstvo v sobranii Gosudarstvennogo Russkogo muzeya, Leningrad , 1985, cat. 1, illus. 1-2 (bibliography).

74

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22

Icon. Sts. Princes Boris and Gleb Late 14th -

early 15th c. Pskov

Wood, pavo/oka, tempera. 166 x 116 cm Accession: 1939, Pskov Museum Provenance: church in the village of Bolshoye Zagorye near Pskov Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1933- 1937 by I. I. Suslov and G. V. Tsygan GTG, in v. 2955!

The first canonized Russian saints, Princes Boris and Gleb (baptized Roman and David) were the younger brothers of Vladimir, Great Prince of Kiev, who converted Russia to Christianity in 988. Soon after their father's death in 1015, they were cruelly murdered by their half-brother Svyatopolk. Reverence of the innocent murdered brothers began almost immediately after -their tragic deaths, and they were canonized by the Church around 1072. Their veneration reflected the idea of Russian unity and condemnation of internecine strife. Boris and Gleb would come to be honored as defenders of Rus from foreign subjugation and as patron saints of princes and warriors. In keeping with the iconographic tradition established in the 11th and 12th centuries, Sts. Princes Boris and Gleb are presented full-height , in strictly frontal pose. Their silhouettes stand out distinctly against the gold background. In their hands are crosses symbolizing martyrdom and massive swords in scabbards -

in equal measure symbols of princely power,

warrior/defender attributes and instruments of martyrdom. A special iconographic feature of the image is the red, oval, ornamented pedestal on which the princes stand (in ancient icons these are usually found on icons depicting Christ, the Virgin or archangels). Judging from its size, the icon was created for a church. V. N. Ukhanova , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. 5. Rodnikova, Pskovskoya ikona XIII-XV/ vekov, Leningrad, 1990, p. 294, table 12; Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo X nacho/a XV veka. Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog sobraniya, Moscow, 1995, vol. I, no. 32,

pp. 99-100; L. I. Lifshits, Ocherki istorii zhivopisi drevnego Pskova. Seredina XIII - nachalo XV veka, Moscow, 2004,

pp. 382-388.

76

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Manuscript. Ostromir Gospel 1056-1057. Deacon Gregory, scribe. Kiev or Novgorod 294 pp. Parchment, ink, vermilion, paint, gold . Ustav script in two columns. 355 x 290 cm Accession: 1806 Was housed in St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod. The manuscript's history is documented only from the 13th c. onwards. By 1701 the book was in the Church of the Resurrection ofthe Moscow Kremlin. In 1720 it was brought to Petersburg. In 1805 it was rediscovered by Ya. A. Druzhinin, Catherine the Great's personal secretary, among the deceased empress' personal belongings. Emperor Alexander I donated the Ostromir Gospel to the Public Library. Restored by E. Kh. Trei in 1955; kept unbound RNB, in v. F.p.l.S

The oldest surviving East Slavic manuscript book to be dated by its scribe. This monument from the young Russian Christian state's golden age is a symbol of thousand-year Russian spiritual culture. The book was commissioned by Novgorod posadnik Ostromir, a very powerful figure whose authority extended over all of northwestern Rus, for St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod, which was under construction at the time. That the book enjoyed high, national status from the very beginning is evidenced by the scribe's note, which mentions many members of the prince's family. The note is not only historically significant but symbolic as well: work on the text was begun on the feast day of St. Hilarion -

namesake of Metropolitan Hi-

larion, the first Russian to occupy the metropolitan's seat of Kievan Rus and finished on the traditional Byzantine day of consecration of churches devoted to Sophia, Wisdom of God, which is also the eve of the feast day of Sts. Cyril and Methodius, Enlighteners of the Slavs. State symbolism can also be seen in the unique iconographic details of the Ostromir Gospel's illuminations. The miniature depicting the Apostle John contains not only the evangelist's symbol, the eagle, but also a lion stalking above the illustration's lavishly ornamented frame. The lion image is associated with the text of the Easter reading, where the resurrected Christ is compared to a lion. The lion is also a traditional symbol of imperial power in Byzantine art. The Ostromir Gospel's menologion commemorates not only saints of the Eastern church, but Western ones as well, testifying to the broad dynastic ties of the prince's family. Deacon Gregory's omitting to mention the manuscript's place of creation is not accidental, for the book was imparted with an all-Russian, as opposed to local, significance. So the Ostromir Gospel's place of creation remains a matter of debate to this day. Kiev or Novgorod are two possibilities, but the book's masterful execution lends weight to arguments in favor of Constantinople as well. The book has three miniatures depicting evangelists: John with his pupil Prochorus (sheet l, obverse), Luke (sheet 87, obverse) and Mark (sheet 126). The manuscript's lavish, Byzantine-style decorations include 19 enamel-type miniatures, 242 large initials, 27 medium-sized initials and 240 small initials. Many of the initials contain zoomorphic and anthropomorphic elements: "faces" and animal-like or birdlike "masks". E. V. Krushelnitskaya , RNB

PRINCIPAL LITERA T UR E:

N. M. Karamzin, lstoriya gosudarstva Rossiiskogo,

St. Petersburg, 1818, vo l. 2, pp. 66-67.

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30131

Manuscript. Yuriev Gospel

1119-1128. Kiev, Novgorod (?) 231 leaves. Parchment, ink, vermilion; bin di ng of boards, velvet, and silver with engraving . 33.2 x 28 x 8.8 cm Accession: 1920, Synodal collection Text on sheet 231, obverse: A3 rpewbHblill CDeoAOP Hancax esaHren111e ce pyKoJO rpewHoJO CBRTOMY My4eH111Ky reoprnes111 s MaHacTblpb HosyropOAY np111 Kyp111R4e 111ryMeHe 111 Casse illKOHOMe. Yrp111 Hbl..lb ncanb Provenance: Synodal Patriarcha l Library (Kremlin, Moscow) Restored at the GIM in 1997 by T. A. Zabelina and T. A. Avdus ina GIM, inv. 803, OR Sin. 1003

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Icon. Synaxis of Archangels Michael and Gabriel Latter half of 13th c. Veliky Ustyug (?) Wood (four boards, two external dowels, two end dowels), pavo/oka, tempera . 165 x 118 x 3.3 cm Accession: 1970, GTsKhRM Provenance: local tier, iconostasis of the cathedral at Archangel Michael Monastery, Veliky Ustyug; from 1931 to 1958, Veliky Ustyug Museum Image uncovered at th e GTsKhRM by A. N. Baranov in 1959-1968 (preliminary uncovering by I. I. Tyulin in1931) GRM, inv. DRZh -3103

The icon of the patron saint of Archangel Michael Monastery's cathedral in Veliky Ustyug was probably painted in 1272 (or 1276), not long after after the monastery's founding by St. Cyprian; this supposition supported by the icon's stylistic features . The Synaxis of Archangels iconography took shape in the Palaiologos era, becoming widespread in Byzantium, the Balkans and Rusin the lt!th through 17th centuries. Underlying such images, along with the idea of Christ's glorification as the Eternal Word, was the theme of the Heavenly Host's service to the Heavenly King. This is evidenced by the iconography of Christ in the guise of a Youth ("Emmanuel"), and the poses, gestures and attributes of the supreme archangels. The latter are clad in ceremonial loros and hold labara in their hands symbolizing victory. Also significant is the placement of the medallion in the icon's exact center, on the folded strips of the archangels'

loros, which fu rther intensifies the image's liturgical power. The icon's unique style, eschewing polish and aristocratic refinement; its unusual color scheme dominated by blues (whose intensity has been lost) and cinnabar reds; and, finally, its imposing dimensions, allow us to infer its execution in Veliky Ustyug by an artist connected with the Rostov artistic tradition. It's worth noting that the iconography of this work would later become widespread in the lands of the Russian North, indicating the high authority the Veliky Ustyug monastery enjoyed throughout the whole northern region. N. V. Pi vov aro v a, GRM

PRINCIPAL LITER A TURE :

G. I. Vzdornov, lkona "Sobor arkhangelov Mikhaila i Gavriila" iz Velikogo Ustyuga II Soobshcheniya VTsNILKR. 1971. Vyp. 27, pp. 141-162, illus. 1- 6; E. S. Smirnova , lkony Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi. Rostov, Vladimir, Kostroma, Murom, Ryazan ', Moskva, Vologodsky krai, Dvina. Seredina XIII cat. 5.

98

seredina X/Vveka, Moscow, 2004, pp. 206- 211 ,

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370 leaves. Paper, ink, vermilion; bind ing of cardboard and leather. 33.2 x 22 x 5.5 cm. Poluustav script Accession: 1887, A. D. Chertkov collection GIM, inv. 80 497, OR Chert. 115(B)

The manuscript comes from Epiphany Monastery in Kostroma and consists of two books. The second book begins with news of "the invasion of the Russian land by the infidel Tsar Batu" and ends with a chapter entitled "On the anchorite Ivan, crown prince Korvatsky". Sheets 83-91 contain an account of Metropolitan Pimen's 1389 journey to Constantinople and the text "On the anointing of Manuil to the tsardom". The manuscript is written on early l 7th-century Dutch-made paper and has no illustrations, excluding the small vermilion initials at chapter beginnings. E. V. Shulgina , GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

A. N. Nasonov, lstoriya russkogo /etopisaniya XI -

nacho/a XVI/Iv,

Moscow, 1969, pp. 420-427; M. N. Tikhomirov, Kratkie zametki o letopisnykh proizvedeniyakh v rukopisnykh sobraniyakh Moskvy, Moscow, 1962, pp. 8, 115; 0 . V. Tvorogov, Drevnerusskie khronografy, Leningrad, 1975, p. 230; M. M. Chernilovskaya, E. V. Shulgina, Opisanie rukopisei sobraniya Chertkova, Moscow, 1986, pp. 26-28.

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Scale model of the Church of the Intercession on the Neri. 1158-1165 Made in 1940 by S. M. Kantor and his team at the Models and Mockups Studio, USSR Academy of Architecture, Moscow. Scale 1:SO Wood (lime), metal (lead, copper), celluloid; woodcarving, turning, painting 60.5 x 59.2 x 48.3 cm A. V. Shchusev State Historical and Research Museum of Architecture, inv. Rll-68 KP of 945

A. L. Karpun, A. V. Shchusev Museum

128

Fragment of a female mask Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin, Bogolyubovo

Lion's-head mask. Dormition Cathedral

11 58-1165 . Vlad im ir

1158-1160. Vladimir

White stone (limestone); hew ing, ca rvin g. 28 x 22 x 30 cm

White stone (limestone); hewing, carving. 44.5 x 44 x 40 cm

Discovered in 193 7 during excavations at the west ern facade of the Cathedral

Belonged to the facade decor of Dormition Cathedral

of the Nativity of t he Virgin on the t erritory of Bogolyubovo Monastery during

in Vladimir. After rest oration work in 1888-1891 , was stored

research of th e 12th-century prince's resi dence by an archeological expedi-

inside the cathedral

tion of the All-U nion Academy of Fin e Arts and the Vladimir Oblast Museum

VSMZ, inv. V-32285/124, KB-15 1

YSMZ, inv. V-1055, KB-3

The capital belonged to the facade decorations of the Cathedral of

In its iconography the relief is close to the lion's-head masks of

the Nativity of the Virgin, which formed a single whole together with the prince's residence of Andrei Bogolyubsky. The piece conists of the upper part of a female (girl's) relief mask carved in a white stone slab, cut away around nearly its whole contour. Similar female faces in different variations were used to decorate other 12th-

Dormition Cathedral moved after the fire of 1185 to the facades of the galleries erected around the cathedral in 1185 by Prince Vsevolod "the Big Nest". T . P. Timofeeva, V5 MZ

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and 13th-century white stone architectural monuments: the Church

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of the Intercession on the erl in Bogolyubovo, Dormition Cathedral in Vladimir (the faca des and consoles of the column-ct_rcade friezes), and the Cathedral of the ativity of the Virgin in Suzdal.

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P RINC I PAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LI T ERA T UR E :

N. N. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi XII-XV vekov. T. I, Moscow, 1961,

P. A. Rappaport, Russkaya arkhitektura X- X/1/ vv. Kata/og pamyatnikov,

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a:

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pp. 216-2 18; G. K. Wagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi. XII v. Vladimir, Bogolyubovo, Moscow, 1969, pp. 77-82; P.A. Rappaport, Russkaya arkhitektura X-X/1/ vv. Katalog pamyatnikov II Arkheologiya SSSR. Svod arkheo/ogicheskikh istochnikov, Leningrad, 1982, pp. 56-58.

pp. 51-5 2.

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Block from a portal archivolt. Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin, Nativity Monastery 1192-1196. Vladimir

White stone (limestone); hewing, carving. 75 x 35 x 20 cm Accession: 1930, Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin In 1862, during the cathedral 's rebuilding supervised by architect N. A. Artleben, was used in the stonework of the new cathedral VSMZ, inv. V- 1062, KB-243

59

The cathedral's construction in Vladimir by Grand Prince Vsevolod "the Big Nest" took place from 1192 to 1196. Analogous ornaments from portal archivolts of other 12th- and 13th-century monuments ofVladimir-Suzdal white stone architecture are unknown. T. P. Timofeeva , VSMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

N. N. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi XII- XV vekov. T. I, Moscow, 1961, pp. 386-387; N. A. Artleben, D. A. Koritsky, Poyasnitel'naya zapiska k proektu vozobnovleniya v drevnem vide tserkvi Rozhdestva Presvyatoi Bogoroditsy pri vladimirskom arkhiereiskom dome II N. N. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi XII-XVvekov. T.11. Pril. 6, Moscow, 1962, pp. 475-480.

60

Portal capital. Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin, Nativity Monastery 1192-1 196. Vladimir

White stone (limestone); hewing, carving. 25.5 x 32 x 40 cm Accession: 1930, Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin In 1862, during the cathedral's rebuilding supervised by architect N. A. Artleben, was used in the stonework of the new cathedral VSMZ, inv. V-1052, KB-157

According to surviving photographs, capped an inner or middle half-column of one of the portals of the rebuilt cathedral. Analogous ornamentation on capitals of other 12th- and 13th-century monuments of Vladimir-Suzdal white stone architecture is unknown. T. P. Timofeeva, VSMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

N. N. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi XII-XV vekov, pp. 386-387; N. A. Artleben, K. N. Tikhonravov, Drevnosti Suzda/'sko-V/adimirskoi ob/asti, sokhranivshiesya v pamyatnikakh zodchestva, Vladimir, 1880, pp. 57-58; 61

130

G. K. Wagner, Skul'ptura Drevnei Rusi. XII v. Vladimir, Bogolyubovo, Moscow, 1969, pp. 226- 227.

Capital. Dormition Cathedral 11 58-1160. Vladimir

Fragments of columns from an arcade frieze. Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin

White stone (limestone); hewing, carving 65.5 x 51.5 x 51 cm

1222- 1255. Suzdal

Accession: 1892, Church of the Dormition of the Virgin

Limestone; carving. Height 22 cm, diam. 14.2 cm;

Capped a facade half-column on the Church of the

height 40 cm, diam. 14 cm

Dormitio n of the Virgin, the cathedra l church of the

Accession: 1950s, VSMZ

Principa lity of Vladimir. After restoration work in

The greater part of the columns is missing

1888-1891, was stored inside the cathedral

GRM, inv. DRKam 125; DRKam 166

VSMZ, inv. V-3228S/10S, KB-154

The patterns carved into the columns are typical for arcade friezes of 13th-century white stone churches in - . P. Timofeeva , VSMZ

ortheastern Rus.

S. M. Buk hm a n , GRM

62 0

RI NC IPAL LITERATURE :

. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi. T. /, Mos-

P RINCIPAL LITE RATURE :

T. P. Timofeeva, Kvoprosu ob ornamente frizovykh kolonok

row, 1961 , pp. 177, 179, 182; G. K Wagner, Skul'ptura Orevnei

vladimiro-suzda/'skikh belokamennykh pamyatnikov XII-

?.u5i. XII v. Vladimir, Bogolyubovo, Moscow, 1969, pp. 116-

XIII vekov II Sovetskaya arkheologiya. 1988, no. 1, pp. 198-

118; T. P. Timofeeva, Bely kamen' drevnikh vladimiro-suzdal'-

-kh khramov v sobraniyakh otechestvennykh muzeev II

207; T. P. Timofeeva, Bely kamen' drevnikh vladimiro-suzda/'-

skikh khramov v sobraniyakh otechestvennykh muzeev

ossiiskaya arkheologiya, Moscow, 1993, no. 2, pp. 171 - 177.

Base of a column. Dormition Cathedral 11 80s. Vladimir ite limestone; carving. 15 x 19.5 cm ccession: 1892, Dormition Cathedral , inv. 25283 op. 23646/8

Stone slab with carved gryphon 1158-1165. Vlad imir White stone (limestone); hewing, carving 59.5 x 48 x 14 cm

63

Accession: 1930s. Discovered in 1858 by architect N. A. Artleben during excavations at the southwestern corner of the Church of the Intercession on the Neri VSMZ, inv. V-S121n, KB-99

This white stone fragment was the base of a column on the arcade frieze of Dormition Cathedral's gallery. An acanthus motif is used in the base's ornamentation. The work was executed by Russian artisans of Prince Vsevolod the Big Nest".

The paired slabs with carved gryphons and panthers belonged to the sculptural decor of the white stone Church of the Intercession, built from 1158 to 1165 at the confluence of the Rivers erl and Klyazma, one and a half kilome-

z

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ters from the prince's residence in Bogolyubovo.

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N. N. Voronin, Zodchestvo Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi, pp. 294-

!ig. 129

295; G. K. Wagner, Sku/'ptura Orevnei Rusi. XII v. Vladimir,

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Bogolyubovo, Moscow, 1969, pp. 154, 156, 159; T. P. Timo-

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feeva, Vladimir-suzda/'sky lapidary i ego znachenie v izuche-

nii belokamennogo zodchestva XII-XIII vekov II Sovetskaya arkheologiya, Moscow, 1990, no. 1, pp. 57-65.

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Icon. Intercession (Protection) of the Virgin Last quarter of 15th c. Suzdal (?) Wood, tempera. 144 x 106 x 9 cm Accession: 1923-1930 Provenance: Convent of the Intercession, Suzdal Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1962 by A. N. Ovchinnikov VSMZ, inv. V-6300/ SS 1-1108

Was the titular icon of Holy Intercession (Protection) Cathedral at Intercession Convent in Suzdal, where it was located on the local tier of its iconostasis. Its silver oklad with haloes has not survived. The iconography of the Protection (or Intercession) of the Holy Virgin is based on the legend of Her appearance at Blachernae Church in Constantinople in the 10th century. The Virgin Mother appeared surrounded by saints, offered up a prayer and then removed her maphorion and spread it out above the worshiping congregation. Witnessing the miracle were the Fool for Christ Andrew and his pupil Epiphanius. The Feast of the Protection was established in Rus in the 12th century under Andrei Bogolyubsky, Grand Prince of Vladimir, and gained wide acceptance. The oldest depiction of the event is on the "Golden Doors" of the Cathedral of the Nativity in Suzdal. An example of the so-called Suzdal iconographic variant. The well-developed spatial composition with its complex architectural background, ethereal, freely placed figures and bright color scheme with accented red tones testifies to the icon's execution in a first-class icon-painting studio. M.A. Bykova , VSMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATU RE:

A. N. Ovchinnikov, lkona «Pokrov» -

klassichesky obrazets suzda/'skoi zhivopisi II

Sokrovishcha Suzdalya, Moscow, 1970, pp. 155- 175; G. V. Popov, Zhivopis ' i miniatyura Moskvy serediny XV -

nachala XVI veka, Moscow, 1975, p. 40;

E. 5. Smirnova, Moskovskaya ikona XIV-XVI/ vekov, Moscow, 1988, no. 146. pp. 35, 291-292; lkony Vladimira i Suzdalya, Moscow, 2008, cat. 13, pp. 110115 (description by L. V. Nersesyan).

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Icon. Great Panagia (Mirozhskaya Oranta) 1583 (?). Pskov Wood, tempera. 144 x 112 x 3 cm Accession: 1926 (?), Church of St. Stephen, Mirozhsky Monastery, Pskov Provenance: Holy Transfiguration Cathedral, Mirozhsky Monastery, Pskov Restored at the GE in 1956 by F. A. Kalinkin and at the GTsKhRM in 1957 and 1961 by I. M. Gromov, E. Kristi, A. Lisitsyna, S. V. Yamshchikov and V. Bazhanov PGOMZ, inv. H 27

Dating to the latter half of the 16th century, the Mirozhsky Oranta is a copy of an icon created in the 12th century soon after the consecration of Transfiguration Cathedral at Mirozhsky Monastery (1 156). The Pskov chronicles mention a miraculous sign produced in 1192 "by the icon of the Mother of God" at that monastery. Apparently, the reference is to the 16th-century work's ancient prototype. It's known that once, during a devastating epidemic in Pskov, tears began flowing from the eyes of the Virgin Mother on the Mirozhskaya Oranta. City residents who witnessed that miracle took the icon to Trinity Cathedral, where it produced many healings. These wonders can't be attributed with complete assurance to this particular Mirozhsky Oranta icon, however. A legend exists that in 1570 the wonderworking Mirozhsky icon was taken by Tsar Ivan IV "the Terrible" to Moscow and an exact copy was specially created and given to the monks of Mirozhsky Monastery and people of Pskov in exchange. This copy could be the icon in the Pskov Museum collection. The Oranta is the most ancient type of icon of the Virgin. Arising on its foundation in 9th-century Byzantium was the icon of the Great Panagia (Greek for 'All-Holy'), where Mary is depicted standing with outspread arms; on Her breast, in a medallion or in the folds of Her maphorion, is the Christ Child the Savior Emmanuel, whom She brings into the world as the future Messiah. The only icon analogous to the Mirozhskaya Oranta is the 13th-century Great Panagia ofYaroslavl (GTG). Attending the Virgin and Savior Emmanuel are Prince Dovmont and Princess Maria. Prince of Pskov Dovmont (Daumantas ), baptized Timothy, was a Lithuanian by birth who ruled Pskov from 1266 to 1299; he was a renowned warrior and especially revered by the people of Pskov. He was locally canonized soon after his death and in the 16th century became an all-Russian saint. Princess Maria was the daughter of Prince Dmitry Alexandrovich and granddaughter of St. Alexander Nevsky, Grand Prince of Vladimir. The portrayal of an icon's donor on the icon itself was a rare occurrence in Ancient Rus. I. S. Rodnikova ,

PGOMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. S. Rodnikova, Pskovskaya ikona XIII-XVI vv., Leningrad, 1990, cat. 10, p. 293, ill us. 10.

134

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Icon. Tolga Mother of God Late 13th c. Yaroslavl or Rostov

The Tolga Mother of God icon is of the Glykophilo~sa, or "caressing" type,

Wood, pavo/oka; tempera. 140 x 92 cm

which arose in Byzantine art no later than the late 10th century, becoming widespread in the l lth-12th centuries (in Rus this type was known as Umilenie).

Accession: 1930, GTsKhRM Was in the Church of the Elevation of the Cross at Taiga Monastery, near Yaroslavl, then in the Yaroslavl Museum Restored at t he GTsKhRM in 1925 by G. 0. Chirikov, P. I. Yukin and I. I. Suslov GTG, inv. 12875

Researchers consider the symbolic elements of this icon type to be inspired by certain Holy Week liturgical hymns, which allows us to regard them as a symbol of the Passion of the Savior and His redeeming sacrifice. In 11 th- through 13th-century Byzantine icon painting, small sculpture and miniatures we often find enthroned, in addition to waist-length, images of the "caressing" Virgin Mother, some of which are quite similar to this icon. Also connected with liturgical symbolism, evidently, are the figures of worshiping angels with hidden hands and the shape of the Virgin Mother's throne. The Christ Child's unusual pose and the work's iconography as a whole could indicate the presence of metaphorical meanings in its imagery. Also connected with liturgical symbolism, evidently, are the figures of worshiping angels and the shape of the Virgin Mother's throne. The Christ Child's unusual pose and the work's iconography as a whole could indicate the presence of metaphorical meanings in its imagery. One widespread motif, for example, is visible in the figures of the worshiping angels with hidden hands, underscoring the icon's liturgical symbolism, where the Christ Child is compared to the Holy Gifts and the Virgin Mother to the heavenly altar on which they're placed. Also connected with the liturgy, evidently, is the unusual shape of the Virgin Mother's throne, whose back resembles the apse of a church and base is reminiscent of an altar rail with curtain. The throne's high back decorated with arched openings and niches might be associated with city or fortress walls, reminding us of the Virgin's role as Inviolable Fortress (Akathistos, ikos 12), defender and protectress of the human race. The work's iconographic programme and visual language correspond precisely to the language of the Theotokia, with their abundance of refined similes and metaphors. This is evidenced, in part, by the Christ Child's unusual pose standing on the Virgin's knees and seeming to stride upwards - a possible allusion to Jamb's Ladder, which in liturgical texts often functions as a prefiguration of the Virgin Mother for its role in connecting heaven and earth. The Tolga icon's painting manner is similar to other icons created in Rostov, Suzdal and Yaroslavl in the 13th and early 14th centuries. Its distinct contours, the generally dark tone of its faces, with their soft highlights and touches of rouge, its general color scheme and certain of its decorative motifs all confirm

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

171, illus. on pp. 156-157; V. N. Laza rev, Zhivopis' Vladimiro-

the work's central Russian origin. As to the Tolga Mother of God's iconographic similarity to Italian and Georgian images of the enthroned Virgin, this might be explained, as A. I. Anisimov has noted, by their descent from a common

Suzda/'skoi Rusi II /storiya russkogo iskusstva. T. 1, Moscow,

Byzantine prototype.

A. I. Anisimov, Domongol'sky period drevnerusskoi zhivopisi II

Voprosy restavratsii. Vyp. 2, Moscow, 1928, pp. 161 - 164,

1953, p. 492, ill us. on p. 497; E. S. Smirnova, lkony Severo-

Vostochnoi Rusi: Rostov, Vladimir, Kostroma, Murom, Ryazan', Moskva, Vologodsky krai, Dvina. Seredina X/1/ seredina XIV veka, Moscow, 2004, pp. 35-37, 42, 46-47, 191-198 (cat. no. 3); Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya

galereya. Kata log sobraniya. T. 1: Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo X - nacho/a XV veka, Moscow, 1995, cat. no. 39, p. 108.

136

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Icon. Maximovskaya Mother of God 1299-1305. Vladim ir-Suzda l Rus Wood (whole board, two end dowels), tempera

163.3 x 66.3 x 4.7 cm Accession: 1926 Provenance: Dormition Cathedral, Vladi mir Restored in Vlad imir in 1918 by a restorat ion team headed by G. 0. Chi rikov, under t he supervision of A. I. Anisimov, V. T. Geergievsky and I. E. Grabar. Additiona l resto ration at t he GTsKhRM in 1961-1967 byV. P. Ma lyshev and A. N. Baranova VSMZ, inv. V-2816 I- 1201

Painted on commission of Metropolitan of Kiev Maxim us. Of Greek origin, Maximus was made Metropolitan of Russia in 1289 and in 1299 moved the metropolitan's seat to Vladimir from Kiev, which had been ravaged by the Tatars. He died in 1305 and was buried in Dormition Cathedral in Vladimir. From the 17th century he was revered as a local saint; the icon with its precious oklad was located over his tomb. Depicted is the appearance of the Vrrgin Mother described in the Tale of Maxim us M etropolitan. Maxim us, after falling asleep in his cell, was entrusted by the Virgin with Her maphorion (holy veil), and She uttered the words: "Take this maphorion and tend the flock of my city". Upon waking, Maximus discovered the veil in his hands. It was placed in a golden ark, which was located in Dormition Cathedral until the invasion of the Tatar khan Talychoi in 1410. The Maximovskaya icon of the Virgin's complex symbolic programme was probably developed by the metropolitan himself. It continues the tradition of Byzantine votive images containing portraits of their commissioners, which emphasize the attention of Christ and the Virgin Mother to the patron-supplicant. The image of Maximus being entrusted with the Virgin Mother's maphorion on a monumental-sized icon conveys not only the idea of divine approval of the transfer of the metropolitan's seat to Vladimir but also the glorification of the dignity of bishop; here a parallel can be seen in numerous St. Nicholas icons where Christ and the Mother of God entrust the saint with Gospel and maphorion. The Maximovskaya Mother of God is the oldest surviving Russian icon with an image of its commissioner painted in his lifetime; it's also the earliest known image of Metropolitan Maximus. Painted by one of Northeastern Rus' best icon painters, the icon is among the oldest Russian works that embody the features of the 13th-century monumental style in Byzantine art. M.A. Bykova, VSMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

lkony Vladimira i Suzdalya, Moscow, 2008, cat. 2 (descriptions of A. S. Preobrazhen-

sky and M. A. Bykova); E. S. Smirnova, lkony Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi. Rostov, Vladimir, Kostroma, Murom, Ryazan ', Moskva, Vologodsky krai, Dvina. Seredina XIII - seredina XIV veka, Moscow, 2004, pp. 10, 12, 63, 65, 67, 76, 78, 92, 93, 94,13 1,242,339,

cat. 9, pp. 230-237, table 17.

138

Icon. Vladimir Mother of God early 15th c. Moscow

l ate 14th -

Wood (whole board, one inserted dowel), silver, d oth, metal, tempera; chasing, gilding, enameling 34.3 x 27 x 3.5 cm Access ion: 1920, collection ofTrinity-Sergius Lavra Thought to be a 16th-century donation to the monastery

by Moscow boyar Mikhail Vasilievich Obraztsov The image was uncovered at the GTsKhRM by N. A. Baranov and again at the SPMZ in 2009 by 0. B. Kutsel SPMZ, inv. 4959-ikho

The work is among the very earliest copies of the ancient wonderworking Vladimir Mother of God icon, opies of which comprised a great number of icons donated to the monastery of Venerable Sergius of Radonezh. The icon's precious original decorations have been completely preserved. On the top and sides of the oklad's frame are the embossed figures of a Deesis: Christ, the Vrrgin, John the Baptist, Archangels Michael and Gabriel and Apostles Peter and Paul. The figures are waist length except for the archangels, which are depicted full-height. The figures of the Deesis are separated from the remaining ones by wide arcs. Embossed on the side margins are frontal, full- height figures of John Chrysostom, Basil of Caesarea, Gregory the Theologian and John the Merciful. The bottom margin contains the waist-length figures of St. George, King Solomon with a vertically unfurled croll in hand, St. icholas, King David with a horiwntally unfurled scroll in his hands, and Demetrius of Thessalonica. The images on the margins are separated by large seals with a braid pattern. Around the outer edge of the margins is an uninterrupted band of ornamentation in the form of stylized wavy stalks that widen out into bell-like forms from which trefoils emerge.

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no. 12/217; T.V. Nikolaeva, Drevnerusskaya zhivopis' Zagarskogo

0

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muzeya, Moscow, 1977, pp. 77-78, no. 103; V. I. Baldin, T. N. Ma-

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nushina, Troitse-Sergieva lavra. Arkhitekturny ansambl' i khuda-

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zhestvennye kollektsii drevnerusskogo iskusstva XIV-XVI/ w., Moscow, 1996, pp. 262-263, illus. 202; 0 . 1. Zaritskaya, T. N. Manushina,

S. V. Nikolaeva, Sergiev Posad._Muzei-zapovednik, Moscow, 1997, pp. 53, 62, ill us. 44; G. V. Popov, A. V. Ryndina, Zhivopis' i prikladnoye iskusstvo Tveri XIV-XVI veka, Moscow, 1979, cat. 9,

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Icon. The Meeting of the Vladimir Mother of God Mid- to late 17th c. Moscow Wood, pa voloka, tempera. 128 x 99 cm Accession: 1935 Provenance: Church of St. Metropolitan Alexis on th e Glinishchy, Moscow Restored at the GTG in 1993- 1994 by M. G. Stepanov GTG, inv. 23095

The tradition of icons' participation in military operations arose in Byzantium under Emperor Heraclius I (575-641 ); success and victory in battle were credited to the sacred images present among the army. In 12th-century Rus, the Vladimir Mother of God icon achieved fame as a miraculous bestower of military victory while in the possession of Prince of Suzdal Andrei Bogolyubsky, who defeated the Volga Bulgars in 1164. The icon depicts the exaltation of the wonderworking icon of the Vladimir Mother of God. In solemn attendance are Metropolitan of Moscow Cyprian and Prince Vasily Drnitrievich. Behind them, coming out to meet the icon are residents of the city bearing the city's holy objects: the Vrrgin Hodegetria from Ascension Convent in of the Moscow Kremlin, the shoulder-length Savior icon from Dorrnition Cathedral and the Korsun cross brought according to church tradition from Chersonesus by Prince Vladimir in the 10th century. After its arrival from Vladimir,.the icon was placed in Kremlin Dorrnition Cathedral. The historic meeting was memorialized by a church built on the spot where it took place, which in 1397 became Sretensky Monastery (from Slav. sretenie, "meeting" -

translator's note), by will of Vasily

Drnitrievich. In addition, the events of 16 August led to the establishment of a church feast in honor of the Vladimir Mother of God, officially called "Meeting of the icon in 1395 and deliverance of the City of Moscow from Tamerlane's invasion". Prince Vasily Drnitrievich is depicted next to Metropolitan Cyprian, a historical inaccuracy whose explanation we find on the inscription on the icon's upper margin: "Meeting of the wonderworking icon of the Vladimir Mother of God by the Muscovite authorities". The inscription's emphasis on the "authorities"' participation in the historic event testifies to an already formalized attitude towards it, possibly brought on by the tradition, beginning in the early 17th century, of celebrating the icon's feast day with a large procession of the cross from the Kremlin to Sretensky Monastery. The ritual of the cross procession headed by Tsar and Patriarch, along with the bringing out of revered icons and reliquiae, in effect reenacted the original meeting of 1395. G . V. Sidore n ko , GTG

PRINCIPAL L ITERATURE :

V. I. Antonova, N. E. M neva, Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog

drevnerusskoi zhivopisi XI - nacho/a XVI/I veka: Opyt istoriko-khudozhestvennoi k/assifikatsii, Moscow, 1963, vo l. 2, no. 757, ill us. 98; Chudotvomy obraz. lkony Bogomateri v Tret'yakovskoi galeree I Avt.-sost. A. M. Lidov i G. V. Sidorenko, Moscow, 2001, no. 18, pp. 40-4 1.

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Icon. Pimenovskaya Virgin Hodegetria On the reverse: The Annunciation 1380s. Constantinople. 18th c. Moscow Wood (two boards, two end dowels), pavoloka, tempera. 67 x 48 cm Accession : 1930 Was located in the sanctuary of Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin; was moved to Annunciation Cathedral no earlier than the latter half of the 16th century, then to the Chrism Chamber of the Kremlin Restored in 1918 by the Commission for the Preservation and Restoration of Ancient Painting Monuments of IZO Narkompros RSFSR GTG, inv. 28638

The Pimenovskaya Mother of God icon is a variant of the standing Hodegetria Perivlepta. This is evidenced by the features of the pose of the Christ Child, who seems to literally stand up in the arms of the Virgin Mother. His figure's position is complex, with the right hand raised to the shoulder in a blessing gesture (not outspread, as in the majority of waist-length Hodegetria icons) and feet crossed. The elegance of the silhouettes and complexity of the painting manner, with its elusive color and light reflexes, along with the soft, emotive images constructed of barely perceptible half-tones, reveal a kinship with the late 14th-century art of Constantinople. According to a tradition recorded in the 1404-1407 entry of the Stepennaya kniga ("Book of Generations"), a chronicle written in the latter half of the 16th century, "this wondrous icon of the Mother of God . .. was brought from Tsargrad [Constantinople] by Metropolitan Pimen". Pimen was known to have visited Constantinople three times - in 1380 to 1381, 1385 and 1389. During his last trip he died in Chalcedon, not far from the Byzantine capital. So the metropolitan must have brought the icon later named in his honor back from one of his trips. The Stepennaya kniga also tells of a myrrh-streaming miracle from the icon, after which it was glorified as wonderworking and placed in the sanctuary of Kremlin Annunciation Cathedral. The depiction of the Annunciation on the icon's reverse side, dating from the 18th century, was therefore likely intended to emphasize the connection between the venerated icon and that cathedral. E. V. Gladysheva , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

N. B. Salko, 0

vizantiiskikh ikonakh iz kollektsii Tret'yakovskoi galerei. Bogomater'

Odigitriya Pimenovskaya i ee spiski II Voprosy russkogo i sovetskogo iskusstva: Materialy nauchnykh konferentsy 1972-1973 gg. I Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya, Moscow, 1974, issue 3, pp. 7-20; Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Kata log sobraniya. T. 1: Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo X - nacho/a XV veka, Moscow, 1995, cat. no. 70 (author of description: L. I. Lifshits); Byzantium. Faith and Power (1261 - 1557), New York, 2004, pp . 163-164 (author of description: E. V. Gladysheva); 0 . 5. Popova, Problemy vizantiiskogo iskusstva. Mozaiki, freski, ikony, Moscow, 2006, pp. 569- 571.

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Icon. Virgin Hodegetria Last quarter of 15th

c. Dionysius (?), Moscow

Ok/ad: late 13t h - early 14th c. Constantinople Wood, tempera; ok/ad - silver, chasi ng, gilding. 40 x 32 cm Accession: 1930

The work's iconography originates from an icon · in Odigon Monastery (Monastery of the Panaghia Hodegetria), one of Constantinople's most ancient sacred objects. The Hodegetria was venerated in Rus from pre-Mongol times. According to tradition, the first copy was brought from Byzantium by the wife

Sophia Palaiologina

of Prince of Chernigov Vsevolod Yaroslavich, Anna, who was the daughter of Emperor Constantine Monomachus. Later the icon passed on to their son, Prince of Smolensk Vladimir Monomakh, and was placed in Smolensk's Cathe-

Restored in 191 9 at th e Zagorsk History

dral of the Dormition, where it came to be known as the "Smolensk Hodege-

and Art Museum branch of the GTsKhRM

tria". After spending some time in Moscow, it returned to Smolensk in 1456. A special cult of veneration of the Smolensk Hodegetria arose in Moscow in

Provenance: Trinity Cathedral, Trinity-Sergi us Monastery; presumably a gih of Grand Princess

GTG, inv. 22722, 0 5- 11 8

the 15th century and copies of the sacred icon were created then; among these, the icons from the brush of Dionysius and his circle stand out for their perfection. In 1482 Dionysius renewed the Greek Hodegetria, damaged by a fire at Ascension Monastery in the Moscow Kremlin. While the icon is comparable to Greek icons of the 14th-15th centuries, it also possesses features of the Smolensk icons of the Virgin venerated in Russia. In it we see both the stylistic traits of 15th-century Moscow icons and the unmistakable intonations of the imagery and style of Dionysius, the most famed icon painter of the last quarter of the 15th century. A Byzantine-style oklad was created to replace the lost original. In the center of the oklad's upper margin is an Hetoimasia flanked by the half-figures of Apostles Peter and Paul. There are also

half-figures on the side margins - the evangelists John, Luke, Matthew and Mark - with the healers Cosmas and Damian below them. On the lower margin is St. Panteleimon flanked by two figures in prayerful posture: the icon's commissioners Constantine Acropolites and his wife Maria Komnene Tornikina. The icon was donated to Trinity- Sergius Monastery, which enjoyed the special patronage of grand princes. Its donor could have been Grand Princess Sophia Palaiologina. The icon encased in its ancient Greek oklad, belonging to the Pelopennesian aristocrat Maria Komnene, might have ended up in the hands of Sophia, daughter of the last Palaiologos of Morea, and come to Moscow as part of her dowry in 1472. Sophia is known to have visited Trinity-Sergius monastery to pray fo r the conception of an heir. In 1479 Sophia gave birth to a son, the future Grand Prince Vasily III, declared heir to the Muscovite throne only in 1502. The family icon and its oklad could have pointed to the continuity of power from the Byzantine Emperors to the Princes of Muscovy, substantiating Sophia Palaiologina's son's divine right to the throne. PR I NC I PAL LITERATURE :

Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog sobraniya. T. 1: Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo X - nacho/a XV veka,

Moscow, 1995, cat. no. 166 (author of description: G. V. Sidorenko), illus. on p. 219 (biography); E. K. Guseva, Moskovskie i Smolenskie ikony Bogomateri Odigitrii i slozhenie obshcherusskoi ikonografii "Odigitrii Smolenskoi" v XV - nacha/e XVI vv. I I Materialy i issledovaniya. Vyp. XI: Russkaya khudozhestvennaya kul'tura XV-XVI vv. I Gosudarstvenny istoriko-kul'turny muzei-zapovednik "Moskovsky Krem/"',

Moscow, 1998, pp. 105- 109.

144

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V,

HOL Y RU SS I A

•

UNDER THE VI RGIN MOTHER 'S PROTECTION

73

Shroud. Bringing out the Hodegetria icon on Palm Sunday Late 15th c. Moscow. Workshop of Elena Stefanovna Voloshanka (?) Taffeta, ca nvas (handmade), gold/silver woven threads, colored silk threads; embroidery. 95 x 98 cm (at the longest ends) Access ion: 1905-1911, collection of P. I. Shchukin Was in the collection of M. M. Zaitsevsky, then of P. I. Shchukin Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1925 GIM, inv. 15495shch RB-5

The absence of naming inscriptions and an insert/record rendered attribution of the work difficult. At the beginning of the 20th century a hypothesis was advanced of the shroud's creation on commission from Sophia Palaiologina, niece of the last Byzantine Emperor and wife of Grand Prince Ivan II (1440-1505). Analyzing the work and basing herself on various sources, M. V. Shchepkina came to the conclusion that the shroud depicted events of 1498 and was therefore created in the workshops of Elena Voloshanka. Elena Stefanovna, nicknamed in Rus "Voloshanka" (from Old Rus. Volokhi, "Moldavia" - translator's note), was the daughter of the Moldavian Gospodar and daughter-in-law of Grand Prince Ivan III, being the wife of his son by Princess Maria of Tver, Ivan the Young. She was the mother of Tsar~vich Dmitry lvanovich (1483-1509). In the 1490s, in connection with the death of Ivan's direct heir Ivan the Young, a struggle arose between Sophia Palaiologina and Elena Stefanovna over whose son would inherit the throne. On 8 April 1498, just before Palm Sunday, Elena's son was crowned Grand Prince in Dormition Cathedral. But in 1499 Dmitry and his mother were distanced from the throne; Sophia Palaiologina and her son Vasily had prevailed. In March 1499 Vasily was declared Prince of Novgorod and Pskov and in 1502 heir to the throne of Muscovy. Elena and her son were taken prisoner, remaining in confinement until their deaths (Elena died in 1505, Dmitry in 1509). According to M. V. Shchepkina's hypothesis, the figure at the composition's far left (with a round badge on her shoulder) is Sophia Palaiologina; the two figures next to her in caps are her unmarried daughters, between which the figure of Elena Voloshanka (dressed in yellow) can be seen. In the left part of the center row are Grand Prince Ivan III (the gray-haired elder in a crown with halo), his grandson Dmitry (also with crown and halo) and son Vasily (in a crown but without a halo). In the right part, opposite them, are Metropolitan Simon and other bishops. N . V . Sueto v a , GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

M. V, Shchepkina, lzobrazhenie russkikh istoricheskikh fits v shit'e XV veka I Pod

red. M. N. Tikhomirova II Trudy G/M (Pamyotniki kul'tury). Vyp. XII, Moscow, 1954; Srednevekovoye litsevoye shit'e. Vizantiya, Ba/kany, Rus'. Kata log vystavki. XVI/I Mezhdunarodny kongress vizantinistov, Moscow, 8- 15 August 1991 , pp. 60- 61 ,

cat no. 17, ill us. 42-43.

146

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•

UNDER THE VIRGIN MOTHER'S PROTECTION

74

Icon. All Creation Rejoices in Thee Ca. 1530 Wood (two opposing dowels), pavo/oka, tempera 141.5 x 107 x 6 cm Accession : 1929, Ferapontov Monastery Provenance: iconostasis, Nativity of the Virgin Cathedral, Ferapontov Monastery Restored at the GRM in 1964 by I. P. Yaroslavtsev KBIAKhMZ, inV. DZh-847; KP-2084

The composition appeared in icons at the end of the 15th century and became widespread in the 16th century. It's based upon the solemn hymn to the Virgin Mother "All Creation Rejoices in Thee, Full of Grace". Enthroned in the center of the icon is the Virgin Mother with Child. The background of the mandorla surrounding the throne contains the text: H3 HE.H )KE EOf B0ITJIOTHC5I H MJIA)].EHEI..l;'b EblCT, IIPE)KE BEK Cbl11 EOf HAIII, JIQ)KECHA EO TB051 TIPECTOJI CTBOPH H TBOE )KE qPEBO TIPOCTPAHHEE HEEEC'b C'b)];EJIA, )];EBJ1qE, 0 TEEE PA,Il;YE OEP A,IJ;BAHH BCIDIKA TBAPb, CJIABA TEEE (He who is our God before the ages became a child. He bath made thy womb a throne and rendered it wider than the heavens. In thee, 0 Full of Grace, doth all creation rejoice. Glory be to thee). These words from the Sunday Octoechos, tone eight, are chanted at Matins and in place of the Axion Estin in the Liturgy of Basil the Great. The Virgin Mother and Christ are praised by an angelic choir, the hymn's author St. John of Damascus and the whole human race -

patriarchs, prophets, apostles, holy hierarchs, martyrs and

monastic saints. 0. V. Voronova , KBIAKhMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

E. V. Duvakina, Prob/emy ikonografii "O Tebe raduetsya " v svyazi s rospis'yu sobora Feraponto va monastyrya II Ferapontovsky sbornik. Vyp. 1, Moscow, 1985, pp. 187- 199; L. V. Nersesyan, K voprosu o proiskhozhdenii i simvolicheskoi interpretatsii ikonografii "O Tebe raduetsya" II Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo. Vizantiya i Drevnyaya Rus'. K 100-/etiyu Andreya Nikolaevicha Grabarya (1896-1990), St. Pete rsb urg, 1990, pp. 380-398; L. L. Petrova, N. V. Petrova, E. G. Shchurina, lkony Kirillo-Belozerskogo monastyrya, Moscow, 2003, p. 224, ill us. 76.

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Icon. The Burning Bush Mid- to late 16th c. Ok/ad: 1630-1640s. Krem lin Armory, Moscow

Wood (three-part board with kovcheg, two opposing dowels), pavo/oka, tempera, silver; gilding, chasing. 137 x 102.5 x 4 cm

Accession: 1924 Provenance: local tier, iconostasis, Church of St. Cyril of Belozersk From 1668, local tier, iconostasis, Dormition Cathedral, Cyril of Belozersk monastery Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1975 by G. Z. Bykova KBIAKhMZ, inv. DZh-312; KP-1958; DM-231

In the center, against the background of an eight-pointed figure consisting of two rhombuses, one red and one green, is a waist-length depiction of the Virgin with the Christ Child in arms. Depicted in the Virgin Mother's lap are a ladder, gate, mountain, bush engulfed in flames, and root with a newly sprouted branch. The upper and lower corners of the green rhombus contain seraphims. In the corners of the red rhombus are the symbols of the Four Evangelists: an angel (Matthew), lion (Mark), eagle (John)* and calf (Luke). Surrounding the central figure in ten round medallions of various colors are angels embodying both the natural elements of fire , wind, storm, lightning, thunder, clouds and the rainbow and the human virtues of wisdom, piety, reason, enlightenment, abstinence and the fear of God. This iconography took shape in Byzantium in the 11 th to 13th centuries and is connected with the church hymn in which the Mother of God is compared to the Burning Bush - engulfed in flame but unconsumed by it. 0. V. Voronova , KBIAKhMZ

The symbols of the Evangelists correspond to the ir interpretations given by St. lre.naeus of Lyons (editor's note).

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

0 . V. Lelekova, lkonostas Uspenskogo sobora Kirillo-Belozerskogo monastyrya 1497 goda: lssledovanie i restavratsiya, Moscow, 1988, note 2 on p. 25, pp. 309-

344, ill us. 58-65; D. 5. Golovkova, "Bogomater' Neopalimaya Kupina": ikonografiya i sivo/ika II Jskusstvo khristianskogo mira. Vyp. VII, Moscow, 2003, pp. 206, 21 7;

L. L. Petrova, N. V. Petrova, E. G. Shchurina, lkony Kirillo-Belozerskogo monastyrya,

Moscow, 2003, pp. 32-33 .

150

~

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•

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76

Icon. Praise to the Mother of God with Akathistos in 24 scenes Mid-16th c. Moscow Wood (two lime boards with kovcheg, two dowels), tempera. 146 x 112.7 x 3.5 cm Accession: 1934, GTsKhRM Provenance: local tier, iconostasis, Dormition Cathedral, Cyril of Belozersk Monastery Uncovered at the GRM in 1961-1963 by I. P. Ya roslavtsev

The Praise to the Mother of God composition presented in the icon's central scene took shape under the influence of several liturgical hymns, above all the Canon to the Prophets by Germanos of Constantinople (8th c.). The central scene is surrounded by 24 border scenes whose iconography is drawn from the

GRM, inv. DRZh-1834

verses of the Akathistos of the Mother of God - a triumphant hymn in honor of the Virgin sung at divine service on the Saturday of the fifth week of Lent. In the center of the central scene are the Virgin Mother and Christ Emmanuel; to their sides are the prophets with the scrolls of their prophecies and attributes symbolically presaging the Virgin's coming. These are the prophet Habakkuk with the "forest-carpeted mountain", Ezekiel with the closed gate, Jeremiah with the stone tablets of the Testament, Jacob with his ladder, Aaron with the sprouted rod, Gideon and his fleece, Moses with the Burning Bush, Daniel with the mountain, David with the Ark of the Covenant and Isaiah with the tongs from the altar. Depicted at bottom center is the prophet Balaam pointing to a star. Significant to the semantics of the Praise to the_ Mother of God icon are both the pose of the Virgin Mother Herself, seated on a throne with an open hand in front of Her breast (similar to the pose in Annunciation scenes ), and the motif of the stalk with greenery in the form of a figure-eight framing Christ and the Virgin. These features , along with the texts on the unfurled scrolls of the prophets, underline the main theme of the Divine Incarnation foretold by the prophets and fulfilled through the Virgin Mary. The twenty-four songs - alternating kontakions and ikoses - making up the Akathistos (Greek for 'non-seated chant' ) to the Virgin are illustrated with traditional New Testament scenes, beginning with the Annunciation and ending with the Flight to Egypt (the first twelve scenes), as well as with special compositions all sharing the basic theme of praise for Christ and the Virgin Mother. The icon is among those works whose deep symbolism and artistic perfection exist in harmonious unity. It's marked by clarity and perfection of composition, meticulous use of color and elegance of construction and proportion. The schemata of certain of its scenes are inspired by compositions on the theme of the Akathistos in the Cathedral of the Nativity at Ferapontov Monastery painted in 1502-1503 by Dionysius and his sons, which permits us to link the published work to the Moscow school. PRINCIPAL LIT ERATURE:

G. D. Petrova, "Po khvala Bogomateri" s Akafistom iz KirilloBelozerskogo monastyrya II Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo. Khudozhestvennye pamyatniki russkogo Severa, Moscow, 1989,

pp. 143-156; "Prechistomu obrazu Tvoemu poklonyaemsyo ... ". Obraz Bogomateri v proizvedeniyakh iz sobraniya Russkogo muzeya, St. Petersburg, 1995, p. 59, cat. 32,

pp. 120- 121 , cat.67.

152

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Icon. Kazan Mother of God 1606. Prokopy Chirin. Kremlin Armory, Moscow Wood, tempera. 31 x 24 cm Accession: 1930, GIM Was in the collection of S. P. Ryabushinsky, then in the GIM On the reverse, cursive inscription: nera 711 S (1606] ,[leKa6pil B,[le[Hb] 15 Han~carn rn~ CBilTbllll o6pa3 npecBHTblil 6oropo,[1~4bl no o6eUjaH~IO H~K~Tbl rp~rop~4a CrporaHosa, a 3HaMH npoKonbil 4~p~Ha GTG, inv. 14228

In its iconography, the Kazan Mother of God icon is an abbreviated

form of the Hodegetria. This work can be considered with some certainty to be the wonderworking icon's earliest surviving copy, made before the image's exaltation in Moscow in 1612. The miraculous discovery of the Kazan Mother of God icon took place in 1579 after a great fire in Kazan. The Virgin appeared three times in a dream to a nine year-old girl, Matrona, indicating the place in the burnt-out ruins of a building where the icon was buried. She enjoined the girl to proclaim the sacred hidden treasure to the religious and lay authorities. Matrona and her mother began digging, discovered the icon and brought it triumphantly to the Church of Nicholas of Tula, whose head priest at the time was Fr. Hermogenes (later Bishop of Kazan and then Patriarch of All Russia). The priest recounted this miraculous event to Tsar Theodore Ivanovich, who ordered a convent built on the place of the icon's discovery. Matrona and her mother were the first to take their monastic vows there. During the liberation of Moscow from the Poles in 1612, a copy of the wonderworking icon was present in the camp of Prince Dmitry Pozharsky and Kuzma Minin. Thus the Kazan Mother of God icon came to be venerated as a protector of the city, and a church in its honor was erected on Red Square. The published icon is one of the earliest artworks executed in the technique of gold ground painting. Kneaded gold on the clothing and haloes creates a festive and elegant appearance. N. G. Bekeneva, GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

V. I. Antonova, N. E. Mneva, Gosudorstvennayo Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog

drevnerusskoi zhivopisi XI - nachala XVI/I veka: Opyt istoriko-khudozhestvennoi klassifika tsii, Moscow, 1963, vol. 2, no. 808; lkonopis ' iz sobraniya Tret'yakovskoi galerei, Moscow, 2006, pp. 336-337 .

154

Icon. Virgin of the Enclosed Garden 1670s. Erofeyev Nikita Ivan's son Pavlovets Kremlin Armory, Moscow

Wood, pavoloka, tempera. 32.5 x 28.5 cm ccession: 1940, collection of S. A. Shcherbatov Inscription on the bottom along the luzg vermilion:

.. . ro n111canb rni w6pa3 111K0Hon111ce4b Hli1Kli1Ta 111BaHOB on, epwSbeB nasnose4b GTG, inv. 28699

This unique icon isn't among the ranks of miraculously discovered or wonderworking images of the Virgin whose universal veneration led to the appearance of numerous copies and variations. This icon has no feast day established by the Church. or does it have any analogies in Western art, where the theme of Hortus conclusus (the Enclosed Garden ) became widespread in the late Gothic period. The name comes from the Song of Songs: "A garden inclosed is my sister, my spouse; a spring shut up, a fountain sealed" (4: 12).

A possible source for the work's iconography is a didactic text by the painter's contemporary Simeon of Polotsk, "A Word on the Feast Day of the Appearance of the Tikhvin Hodegetria Icon of the _fo st Holy Mother of God" (Spiritual Evening, 1683). The Enlosed Garden traditionally represents the image of the Virgin ~1other. In the Eastern Christian tradition, its interpretation took place within the allegorical paradigm of the Lord's marriage to the Church, with the Mother of God representing the Church, chosen by and beloved of the Lord. In keeping with this tradition, ikita Pavlovets depicts the Virgin a·s the Queen of Heaven with Royal Child in arms in the enclosed space of a garden fragrant with grasses and flowers. The crown held up by angels over the Virgin's head expresses the idea of the wedding ceremony uniting the Church, as Mother of God, with Christ. Iconographically, the image is related to the full-height Hodegetria type. Its closest analogy is an icon in the local tier of the Church of the Deposition of the Robe in the Moscow Kremlin, part of a group of icons ordered for its iconostasis by Patriarch Philaret in 1626. . V.

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Vertograd zaklyuchenny": problema interpretatsii II Trudy otdela drevnerusskoi literatury (Pushkinsky dom), St. Peters burg, 2004, vol. 56, pp. 635-656; L. V. Kovtyre-

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Icon. Virgin of the Unfading Flower 1691. Tikhon Filatyev. Moscow Wood, pavoloka, tempera. 47 x 41 .5 cm Accession: 1933 Provenance: Church of the Nativity of the Virgin in Golutvinsky Alley, Moscow Restored at the GTG in 1981-1983 by A. I. Sobarshova GTG, inv. 28637

The literary basis for this work's iconography comes from the texts of Byzantine Akathistos hymns to the Virgin Mother: the Annunciation of George of Pisidia (7th c.), the Dormition of Patriarch of Constantinople Isid9re Buchiras (died 1349) and the canons ofJoseph the Hymnographer (9th c.). The appearance of this iconography in Russia was evidently connected with the use of the Akathistos theme in the decorations of the Moscow Kremlin's main churches -

Dormition and Annunciation Cathedrals - as well as the Church of the Deposition of the Robe. The icon is one of the earliest of its type. A waist-length depiction of the Virgin Mother in a royal crown with a sprouting staff in Her hand, supporting the Christ Child, who stands on the throne in royal raiment with an orb and scepter in His hands. The Virgin and Child are presented as Queen of Heaven and the Heavenly King. The icon's composition is filled with Old Testament symbols prefiguring the Mother of God in the appellations of the Akathistos hymns of Byzantine hymnographers. The icon's date of creation and name of its painter were determined from a record made on the Christ Pantocrator icon on the local tier of the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin in Golutvin, the original location of the Virgin of the Unfading Flower. From the inscription it follows that " all the sacred icons in [the] church" were painted in 1691 by Tikhon Filatyev, an "awarded icon painter of the Kremlin Armory". The exact dates of the artist's life haven't been determined. Signed icons with his name dated 1675 and 1731 are known to exist. G. V . Sido r enko , GTG

P RINCIPA L LI TE R AT U R E :

Sofiya Premudrost' Bozhiya. Vys tavka russkoi ikonopisi X/1/- XIX vekov iz sobrany muzeev Rossii I Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya, Moskva. Kata log, Moscow, 2000, cat. no. 136.

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Icon. Virgin of the Unexpected Joy with 120 wonderworking icons of the Mother of God First half of 19th c. Moscow Wood, pavoloka, tempera. 121 x 94 cm Accession: 1941 Provenance: Church of the Forty Martyrs on Novospasskaya Square, Moscow Restored at the GTG in 1994 by I. V. Averina GTG, inv. 28821

Depicted in the center of the composition is a man kneeling in prayer before the icon of the Virgin and Child known as Unexpected Joy. Next to him is a lengthy inscription recounting the miracles produced by the icon. Surrounding the central image are 120 little scenes containing wonderworking icons of the Virgin. The iconographic type depicting venerated Russian icons of the Virgin Mother comes from the large engravings which appeared at the beginning of the 18th century containing multiple images arranged either in random order or according to the church calendar. These large engravings would be cut up into their individual frames and used to illustrate books of stories about wonderworking icons of the Virgin. These engravings, in turn, were inspired by the printed pages depicting famous icons which became widespread ·in the latter half of the 17th century in Poland and the Ukraine, from where they penetrated into Muscovy. The idea of compiling collections of wonderworking icons was possibly connected with the appearance in the late 17th and early 18th centuries of those who denied their miraculous powers. The subject of the Unexpected Joy icon is taken from a literary composition by St. Demetrius of Rostov (Tuptalo), "The Sprinkled Fleece" (Chernigov, 1683 ). A certain sinner, before setting out to commit evil, prays as is his habit before an icon of the Virgin Mother. Suddenly, he sees blood flowing from wounds on the Christ Child's body. The Virgin tells him that people's sins are the cause of these wounds; nonetheless, she beseeches Christ to forgive the repentant sinner. When and where the first icon on this subject appeared hasn 't been determined. The oldest known one was installed in 1832 in the Church of the Burning Bush on Devichye Pole in Moscow; its special veneration began in 1838. The iconographic type was considered to be older, though. The scenes on the published icon are arranged in random order, though they're based on a prototype created from the church calendar for the month of September. I. A. Kochetkov , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

I. A. Kochetkov, Svod chudotvornykh ikon Bogomateri na ikonakh i gravyurakh XV/11-XIX vekov II Chudotvornaya ikona v Vizantii i Drevnei Rusi I Red. -sost.

A. M. Lidov, Moscow, 1996, pp. 404-420; Chudotvorny obraz. lkony Bogomateri v Tret'yakovskoi galeree: Katalog I Avt.-sost. A. M. Lidov, G. V. Sidorenko, Moscow, 1999, cat. no. 38.

158

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information that existed in the middle of the 16th century with regard to saints, including apocryphal works. The growing body of hagiographical material was generously reflected in icon painting, as it enabled the further development of the hagiographical icon containing a number of events. The veneration of new miracle workers is seen clearly in the icon of Arch priest Alexander Svirsky painted for the Cathedral of the Dorrnition at the Moscow Kremlin, which contains 129 separate images (housed at the Moscow Kremlin State Museum). 32 In the 16th century, a particular relevance was given to the veneration of saints who had been canonized early on in Russian history; this was especially true of Great Prince Vladimir, who became the heavenly protector of the royal family. In the 16th and 17th centuries, enormous icons were created for many Russian monasteries, including hagiographical cycle icons. So-called "distribution icons" were also created at these monasteries or by their order, and were given to well-known pilgrims and guests. Among the largest customers for the production of distribution icons were the Solovetsky Monastery and the Trinity Monastery of St. Sergius. While venerating its own saints, the Russian Church also paid close attention to the appearance of new ascetics in other Slavic countries and in what had been the Byzantine Empire, now under Turkish control. After the fall of Constantinople, the canonization of saints became the prerogative of local churches, and menologies were formed in their own way in each church. However, many Greek and Slavic martyrs in the faith were among the venerated saints in Old Russia. The best known of these were George the ew and John the ew of Belgrade. John of Belgrade died (c. 1330) after refusing to accept Islam; first he was stoned, and then beheaded. 33 Tsar Mikhail Romanov's youngest son, who died in infancy, was named after St. John. The Tretyakov Gallery collection holds a unique hagiographic icon of the martyr that was painted for a John of Belgrade shrine at the Moscow Church of the Grebnev Mother of God, which was destroyed after the Revolution. George the Martyr also refused to convert to

Venerable St. Sergius of Radonezh, with his vita. Icon. Latter half of 17c. Private collection, Moscow Venerable Mary of Egypt, with her vita Late 17c. Private collection

32

Zhuravleva, I. A., "Obraz Aleksandra Svirskogo s zhitiem i chudesami iz Uspenskogo sobora Moskovskogo Kremlia· , Gosudar,tven-

nyi muzei Moskovskogo Kremlia. Materialy i iss/edovaniia [Vyp. 11 ]: Russkaia khudozhestvennaia kul'tura XV-XVI vv., Moscow, 1998, pp. 118-144. 33

Turilov, A. A., Saenkova, E. M.: loann Novyi Sotchavskii. lkonografiya•, Pravos/avnaia entsiklopediia, 24. Moscow, 2010. pp. 459-463.

178

Islam, for which he was burned by the Turks around 1497. 34 He became well known in Russia through monks from Mount Athos, whose reports the priest Ilia gathered into the "Tale of George the ew." He was added to the list of saints at the Council of 1549. It should also be noted that the Greek Church also pays deep respect to Russian saints who have become known in the modern era, with the most famous being Archpriest Seraphim of Sarov. At all stages in the history of Christianity, hagiography has provided a strong link binding together all Orthodox cultures. The 17th century in Russia saw developments in the veneration oflocal saints, which were accompanied by the creation of an iconography surrounding them. In Murom churches in the 16th and 17th centuries several icons were painted of Sts. Peter and Fevronia, including detailed depictions of events from their lives. 35 In Yaroslavl, the holy Princes Vasily and Konstantin were venerated, and a hagiographical icon of them was painted in the 1640s for the Church of the Dormition (now at the Yaroslavl Museum of Art). 36 Pilgrimages were made to Pereslavl-Zalesskyto see the relics of St. ikita Stylite, which were lying forgotten at the Nikitsky Monastery. In iconography St. ikita was depicted on a pillar, though in actuality his ascetic feat was performed in a deep and narrow pit. Along with the canonical texts, icon painters employed the apocryphal literature that contained an abundance of amazing events, struggles with omnipotent monsters, numerous resurrections of martyrs after their deaths, and so on. The combination of hagiographical literature and apocryphal sources is seen in a particularly striking way in the icons of St. Hypatius of Gangra, Sts. Quiricus and Julietta, and some icons of St. George the Martyr. This phenomenon is characteristic for hagiographical icons not only in works associated with the folk tradition, but also in those of great masters in the service of the royal court. When speaking of the veneration of saints, it is worth noting one other important feature that appeared in Russian popular culture. In common parlance, many saints acquired their own special descriptors that reflected important yearly events. Some of these names were given "official" status and were used in church calendars or icon-painting "handbooks." For example, St. Simeon Stylite, who was celebrated on 1 September, then the beginning of the new year, was given the name "Year-bringer". Works of hagiographical literature remained beloved by readers throughout many centuries of Russian culture. Their relevance extended beyond the church, as they became one of the main themes found in folklore. Russian literature contains numerous spiritual verses that were devoted to favorite saints and sang of their great feats . The veneration bf saints in Russian culture was transformed into a continuous creative process that combined the literary and artistic traditions into a single whole. The uniqueness of Old Russian art owes much to the wealth of Russian hagiography.

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Icon. Archangel Michael's Miracle with Florus and Laurus Second quarter of 16th c. Novgorod Wood, pavo/oka, tempera. 47 x 37 cm Accession: 1929, collection of I. S. Ostrou khov Provenance unknown Restoration was carried out before accession to the museum GTG, inv. 12064

Depicted in the icon's upper part is the Archangel Michael with outspread wings behind him. His two extended anus hold two steeds by the reins, which he holds out to Florus and Laurus, standing to his right and left in prayerful poses. Below, against a background of mountains, are three galloping horsemen: Speusippus and Meleusippus are depicted in the center riding together and embracing, with Eleusippus to the left. Below this, in the center, is a body of water with a herd of horses drinking from it. Both the story behind the subject, known by the later name "Archangel Michael's Miracle with Florus and Laurus", and the source of its iconography remain unclear, and no analogous images in Byzantine art are known to have survived. The icon is one of the earliest examples of this composition, which was widespread in ovgorod's northern provinces in the 16th and 17th centuries. According to the text of their vitae, identical twin brothers Florus ·and Laurus lived in Illyria (the Balkans) in the 2nd century. Builders by profession, they were ordered by the pagan ruler Licinius to finish the construction of a pagan temple. Instead, they erected a church dedicated to the Holy Trinity, committed many wonders with an angel's help and converted the local population to the Christian faith. Enraged, Licinius ordered their followers burned in an oven and Florus, and Laurus were thrown into a well and covered with earth. Some time later, the martyrs' incorrupt relics were miraculously discovered and translated to Constantinople. Speusippus, Meleusippus and Eleusippus were triplets, also identical, who lived in Cappadocia in the third century. They were slaves and horse-breeders by profession. Reared in the Christian faith by their grandmother eonilla, they smashed pagan idols and were martyred in a fiery oven. The scholarly literature traditionally attributes the icon to the

ovgorod

school, dating it to the late lSth-early 16th century. According to LA. Shalina's convincing hypothesis, the work's stylistic features point to its creation in the 1530 or 1540s by an artist from Archbishop of ovgorod Macarius' workshop. E. V. Gladysheva , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

V. I. Antonova, N. E. Mneva, Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog drevnerusskoi zhivopisi XI - nacho/a XVI// veka. Opyt istoriko-khudozhestvennoi

klassifikatsii, Moscow, 1963, vol. 1, cat. no. 124; I. A. Shalina, Makar'evskaya shkola zhivopisi v Novgorode II Stranitsy istorii otechestvennogo iskusstva XV/-XXI veka. Vyp. XI, St. Petersburg, 2005, pp. 13-14.

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Icon. Sts. Blaise of Sebaste and Spiridon of Trimythous Latter half of 15th c. Novgorod Wood (three boards, two single-end dowels), tempera . 117.5 x 85.5 cm Accession: 1947 Provenance: Church of St. Blaise, Novgorod Accession: Novgorod Museum, 1937. Was taken to Germany during World War II. Returned in 1946 Restored at. the NGOMZ in 1938 by L. M. Glashchinskaya and at the GTsKhRM in 1947 by F. A. Modorov GIM, inv. 99727 / 2 I-VIII 5756

Hieromartyr Blaise, Bishop of Sebaste, died under the Emperor Diocletian around the year 316. Holy Hierarch Spiridon of Trimythous, Bishop of Cyprus, died while praying in 348. The saints were venerated both in the Eastern Christian tradition and in Rus by farmers, which is reflected in their vitae. Blaise was a shepherd. St. Spiridon, also a shepherd, continued to tend his flock and work the land even after becoming a bishop. Believers turned to Hieromartyr Blaise both as a healer and a defender of domestic cattle and wild animals; elements of his cult resembled those of the pre-Christian Slavic cattle god Veles. Similar interpenetration of the Christian and pagan traditions can also be observed with regard to Spiridon ofTrimythous, whose feast day occurs on the winter solstice. He was seen as a tamer of the elements who could stop the waters or bring about rain during a drought. The iconography of the icon at St. Blaise's Church is unique, with Blaise and Spiridon enthroned among mountains and blessing animals. It probably arose in Novgorod; however, it never became widespread there. It might have been influenced by images of archbishops seated on thrones illustrating the sanctity of priesthood and liturgical practice. L. P. T ara senko , GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

E. S. Smirnova, V. K. Laurina, E. A. Gord ienko, Zhivopis' Velikogo Novgoroda. XV vek, Moscow, 1982, pp. 111 , 273-274, illus. on p. 479; I. L. Kyzla sova, Russkaya ikona

XIV-XVI vekov, Leningrad, 1988, ill us. 4-7.

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Icon. Fiery Ascent of the Prophet Elijah Early 16th c. Pskov Wood, tempera. 127 .8 x 102.8 cm Accession: 1947 through GTsKhRM Provenance: Church of St. Elijah ("Elijah the Dry"), St. Elijah Convent across the Vel ikaya River, Pskov Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1947 before accession to the GIM GIM, inv. I-VIII 5755

The "Fiery Ascent of the Prophet Elijah's" iconographic subject is based on the text of the 4th Book of Kings (2: 1- 14), which tells of Elijah's parting words to his pupil Elisha and the prophet's live ascent into the sky in a fiery chariot. The composition took shape in the early Christian period and exists in two iconographic variants: "in profile", with a diagonal movement of the chariot; and "frontal", with symmetrical groups of horses, as in compositions of Alexander the Great's ascension or antique depictions of the god Helios. Ancient Russian works portraying this subject made the motion of the fiery whirlwind into the primary compositional axis, which gave rise to many different artistic solutions. A unique feature of this work, the column of fire that engulfs the Prophet Elijah's figure alone, emphasizes the moment of humanity's reception of the gift of grace: according to John Chrysostom's exegesis, the wo nderworking cloak received by Elisha prefigures the Eucharist. The theme ofTheophany is also present in the composition and corresponds to the idea of the Last Judgement, the salvation of the righteous and the coming resurrection in the flesh. All the typical attributes of the Pskov school are present here: strictness, emotional passion, intensity of imagery and an atmosphere of mystical introspection. These characteristics come from the mid- to late 14th-century Byzantine tradition. The "fiery whirlwind's" upward motion into the s1.-y is offset by the Hand of God's blessing and indicatory gesture, whose energy flows downwards, covering the stone bed mountains, the circular waves and human faces, transforming nature and the material world. The strict and decorous composition, mysterious monochromatism of color, triumphant glitter of gold and glow of bold cinnabar red all heighten the event's sacral atmosphere. This icon represents an archaic tendency for its time: it lacks the dry graphical quality and fragmentation of form more typical for the late lSth- to early 16th-century style. L. A . Kornyuko v a, GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. L. Kyzlasova, Russkaya ikona XIV-XVI vekov. Gosudarstvenny istori-

chesky muzei, Moscow-Leningrad, 1988, no. 67-69; I. S. Rodnikova, Pskovskaya ikona XIII-XVI vv., Leningrad, 1990, cat. 40.

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Rel ief figu re from a reliquary cover St. Anthony the Roman Late 16th -

early 17th c. Novgorod

Wood; carving, gilding. 159 x 43 x 10 cm

Rel ief figure from a reliquary cover St. John, Archbishop of Novgorod 1559. Novgorod Wood;-carving, gilding, tempera painting

Accession: 1898, MAKh

(17th-century). 192 x 56 x 12 cm

Provenance: Cathedral of St. Sophia, Novgorod

Accession: 1898, MAKh

GRM, inv. DRD-494

The feet are missing Provenance: Cathedral of St. Sophia, Novgorod GRM, inv. DRD-4%

Standing out among monuments of Ancient Russian sculpture are

St. John, Ilya in the world, occupied the

the images of saints that were placed on tomb covers. The venera-

from 1165 to 1186. ln 1170 a miracle from the Virgin of the Sign

tion of sacred relics found expression in the creation of groups of precious artworks around saints' tombs, which included reliquaries with carved images, icons, lamps and embroidered shrouds. The

velopment was spurred by the all-Russian canonization of saints,

icon took place through his prayers and ovgorod achieved a momentous victory over Suzdal in battle. St. John 's local veneration began in 1439 and he was canonized as an all-Russian saint in 1547. A teremets, or memorial chapel, of Archbishops John and Gregory was located in the John the Baptist side-chapel of St. Sophia's Cathedral in ovgorod. In 1559, St.' John's new carved tomb-reli-

writing of their vitae and creation of icons. A saint's figure on a

quary was created with his image in relief. The relief figure was

tomb/reliquary was usually carved out of several blocks of wood; scenes from his vita were depicted on the tomb's sides. Sculpted images of saints were seen as three-dimensional "icons" in their own right. And the individual characteristics of such images, just as with icons, were based on established iconographic prototypes.

probably removed from the reliquary cover by Synodal decree in 1722 and replaced by the saint's painted depiction.

late 15th and 16th centuries saw the formation of an established type of wooden or silver tomb cover with relief decorations. Its de-

ovgorod archbishopric

Present are features typical fo r Archbishop John's iconography: a high, furrowed brow, large eyes and broad, thick beard. The carved wooden figure was coated with glue, followed by a thin layer of

As before, the key elements of a saint's iconography were considered

preparatory primer with red lead and then gold leaf. The use of

to be age, clothing, hairstyle and beard. It was they that made the

gilding to imitate the precious gold of oklads was widespread in

resulting image individual and "true-to-life". The figure of Anthony the Roman is traditional in its iconographic conception. In carving the face, the artist remained true to the icon-painting tradition: delineating lines are laconic and restrained. The founder of St. Anthony Monastery of the Nativity was espe-

16th- and l 7th-century woodcarving. While staying within the strict canonical framework, the carver succeeded in creating an expressive and powerful image in sculptural form, one that ranks among the outstanding works of ovgorod art. 0 . V . Klyukanova , GRM

cially venerated in Novgorod. Records show that his gilded reliquary was created in 1573 and located in the Cathedral of the Nativity of the Virgin until the 17th century. It bore a donor's inscrip tion around the edges with the date of its creation and the artist's name: "Evtropy Stepanov". 0 . V. Kl yukanova, GRM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

I. I. Plesha nova, Reznye figury startsev v sobranii Gosudarstvennogo Russkogo muzeya // Pamyatniki kul'tury. Novye otkrytiya. 1974, Moscow, 1975, pp. 275-281.

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Icon. Miracle of St. George and the Dragon Latter half of 16th c. Silhouette haut-relief. Wood, tempera, gold 64.5 x 57.3

x 9.2 cm

Accession: 1918, Museum of Icon Painting and Church Antiquities, Vologda Provenance unknown During restoration at the GTsKh RM in 1961-1962 missing parts of the horse's legs and the horseman's right arm were refabricated. VGIAKhMZ, inv. VOKM 5226

PR I NC I PAL LITERAT U RE :

N. N. Pomerantsev, Russkaya derevyannaya sku/'ptura, Moscow, 1965, illus. on p. 12; G. I. Vzdornov, Vologda,

Leningrad, 1972, p. 91 , illus. 74, 75; Russkaya derevyannaya sku/'ptura, Moscow, 1994, p. 227, illus. 165.

The haut-relief "Miracle of St. George and the Dragon" is an example of what's known as iconcase sculpture. The icon case would have likely contained a carved figure of the defeated dragon in addition to the horseman. The spiritual concentration, softness and smoothness of the interpretation likens this image to central Russian works of the 15th and 16th centuries. Its creator was also undoubtedly influenced by the northern Russian wooden sculpture tradition, marked by a certain archaism and naivet of execution. The rearing horse's taut silhouette and the horseman's drawn-back posture and flying fiery-red cape convey the dynamism of battle. At the same time, the warrior's face remains calm and impassive. The shoulders' frontal pose and the nearly full -profile position of head and feet lend the image a monumental resonance, introducing an element of stasis and figurality. In its generalized-symbolic character, iconography and artistic language the work resembles an icon. Also icon-like are its polychromatic decoration, ochre layer, dvizhki, painted clothing folds and ornamental touches. E. A . Vinogradova , VGIAKhMZ

216

Icon. St. Basil the Blessed, Fool for Christ Late 16th -

early 17th

c. Moscow

Wood, pavoloka, tempera. 31.5 x 27 cm Accession: 1929, collection of I. S. Ostroukhov Restored before access ion to the museum GTG, inv. 12078

The spiritual practice of foolishness for Christ came to Rus from Byzantium and in time would become a special, purely Russian phenomenon. Basil the Blessed (1469-1552) - a fool for Christ especially venerated in Moscow - exposed the injustices and sins of various social classes. His actions and behavior seem unfathomable to the ordinary person, possessing an inmost, concealed meaning visible only to the spiritual eye. The saint endured the trials and privations of foolishness for Christ for 72 years and was buried at Trinity Church, which along with the Church of the Protection "on the Moat" came to be known as the Church of Basil the Blessed. The icon of Basil the Blessed is of a widespread type, where the saint is represented praying with outspread arms. St. Basil is often depicted with a landscape in the background and usually without loincloth or kerchief. Complete nakedness is the established iconographic feature that sets him apart from other holy fools, a nakedness likening him to "primordial Adam". The Old Testament Trinity composition in the heavenly segment is likely connected with the consecration of the altar of the church where the saint was buried. St. Basil is shown "in the desert" , in which Basil's Pond can be seen - the place chosen by him for solitary prayer and spiritual discipline. The icon's style reflects the main features of late 16th- to early l 7th-century Muscovite icon painting, which developed independently of the stylistic directions of the Kremlin Armory. The influence of the tsar's iconographers can be seen, however, in iso-

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V. I. Antonova, N. E. Mneva, Go_sudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog drevnerusskoi zhivopisi. Opyt istoriko-khudozhestvennoi klassifikatsii, Moscow, 1963, vol. 2, cat. 690.

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Icon. Great Martyr Theodore Stratelates and the Martyr Irene 1592. Moscow Damask; gold, silver and silk threads; couched, split stitch and embroidery. 109.5 x 71.7 cm Accession: 1922, Emperor Nicholas I Chesma Military Hospice, through the GMF In the 17th century the field iconostasis was kept in the Icon Chamber of the Moscow Kremlin; later in the Winter Palace, Petersburg; from 1812 in the Church of the Nativity of Christ, Chesma Pa lace Restored at the GRM in 1938 by A. N. Suvorov: the image was cut out along its contours, reinforced and transferred to a new backing of violet-dyed cloth GRM, inv. DRT-315

Was part of an iconostasis commissioned by Tsar Theodore Ivanovich and Tsarina Irina Feodorovna in 1592. The embroidered iconostasis served as a military field church for Tsars Alexis Mikhailovich and Peter I. In the 19th century its donor's inscription was still preserved. Originally the iconostasis consisted of four tiers. The "local icon of Great Martyr Theodore Stratelates and Holy Martyr Irene" - the patron saints of Tsar Theodore Ivanovich and Tsarina Irina Feodorovna - was located on the lowest (local) tier. The iconostasis' top three tiers (Deesis, festival and prophets) were made of one piece of cloth. The iconostasis, known as Taffeta Trinity Church was renewed several times, the makeup of its icons and their arrangement altered. Peter I brought the embroidered field iconostasis to his new capital. And it was just this ancient Trinity Church, a symbol of military glory and holy shrine still in active use, that formed the basis for the interior of the Petersburg church founded to honor the Russian

aval victory at Chesma.

0. V . Klyukanova , GRM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

L. D. Likhacheva, Drevnerusskoye dekorativno-prikladnoye iskusstvo v sobranii

Gosudarstvennogo Russkogo muzeya, Leningrad, 1985, p. 31 , cat. 105, 106, pp. 209 (b ibliography).

218

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1081109

Reliquary for the relics of St. Prince Alexander Nevsky Late 16th -

early 17th c. Moscow

Silver; chasing, engraving, granulation, gilding. 14.5 x 5.5 x 4.5 cm Was kept in the Tsar's treasury; from 1681 in the sanctuary of Annunciation Cathedra l, Moscow Kremlin MMK, inv. MR-8340/1 -2

The reliquary belongs to the closed casket-shaped type produced in Moscow in the 16th and 17th centuries for the incorrupt relics of Russian saints. Some of these reliquaries are mentioned in the chronicles, and there are surviving fragments of others ( e.g. the reliquaries of Metropolitan Jonah (1585) in Kremlin Dormition Cathedral, St. Tsarevich Dmitry of Uglich (1 630) in Kremlin Archangel Cathedral, St. Cyril of Belozersk ( 1643) from the Kremlin Armory, and St. Alexander of Svir (1645 ) in the Russian Museum). In keeping with the inscription on the cover, St. Alexander evsky is represented in traditional iconography: frontally, in monastic garb with a koukoulion and with a halo. The saint's right hand is raised in blessing, while his left holds an unfurled scroll with inscription. The small gilded silver reliquary, a priceless monument of the jeweler's art, is part of a large group of similar silver reliquaries for the relic fragments of Russian and other Orthodox saints created by order of Tsar Boris Godunov around the turn of the 17th century. They've been kept at Annunciation Cathedral for more than 400 years. Prince of Novgorod Alexander Nevsky ( 1220 or 1221- 1263) was the son of Grand Prince Yaroslav Vsevolodovich and grandson of Andrei Bogolyubsky. For his victory over the Swedes on the banks of the

eva River in 1240 he received the sobriquet " evsky". Two

years later he won a victory over the Livonian Knights on Lake Chud. As Grand Prince of Vladimir, Alexander traveled to the Horde several times. Returning from one such journey, he fell ill and died in the city of Gorodets on the Volga. His relics were kept at

ativity of the Virgin Monastery in Vladimir. In 1547 the prince was canonized as an all-Russian saint. By order of Emperor Peter I,

the sainted prince's relics were translated to Alexander Nevsky Monastery in Petersburg. I. A . Zhuravleva , MMK

PRINCIPAL L I TERATURE :

Russkoye serebro XIV -

nacho/a XX v. iz fondov Gosudarstvennykh muzeev

Moskovskogo Kremlya I Avtory-sost. S. Ya. Kovarskaya, /. D. Kostina, E. V. Shakurova,

Moscow, 1974, pp. 49,218.

220

Reliquary 1640s. Moscow Silver; chasing, engraving, granu lation, gilding. 17 x 7 x 5 cm Provenance: Annunciation Cathedral, Moscow Kremlin MMK, in v. MR-8341 / 1-2

The gilded silver reliquary is rectangular in shape and has a sliding cover with engraved low-relief half-figures of St. Prince George Vsevolodovich and St. Gurias of Kazan. The reliquary is among the

Setting off to spread Christianity in the recently conquered kingdom, he brought along with him clergymen, essential church items, icons and books. He headed the Kazan Diocese for eight years. He

closed reliquaries made in Moscow and ovgorod in the 16th and 17th centuries that imitated the shapes of Russian saints' tombs.

was buried in Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Kazan, and in 1630 his relics were translated to Kazan Cathedral. There are no

George Vsevolodovich (1187-1238) was Grand Prince of Vladimir

dating inscriptions on the reliquary. However, the date of Prince George Vsevolodovich's canonization, 1645, permits us to assume that the item was made either then or shortly thereafter.

for more than twenty years. In 1237 he refused obeisance to Batu Khan and made the decision to go to war with him. On 4 March 1238 an unequal battle took place in which the prince's forces were

I. A. Bobrovnitskaya , MMK

crushed and the prince himself killed. According to legend, his body was found on the battlefield by Bishop of Rostov Cyril and interred at Rostov Cathedral. Two years later the prince's remains were solemnly translated to Vladimir's cathedral church. In 1645, after the acquisition of his relics, George Vsevolodovich was canonized. St. Gurias (ea. 1500-1563), Gregory in the world, was born into a noble family of modest means, the Rugotins. He took his vows at Joseph of Volokolamsk Monastery, where he later became hegumen. After the conquest of Kazan in 1552 and the establishment there of an archbishopric, Gur_ias was made Archbishop of Kazan.

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saw the poor clothing of this simple youth and did not agree to accept him." 6 These passages most likely refer to small "family" cloisters (of princes, for example), which were supplied entirely by their founders and had no need to accept monks from outside. 7 In the end Anthony, probably guided by the blessing of the abbot at Athos, chose to live in the wilderness and settled in a cave dug out for solitary prayers by the future Metropolitan Hilarion on the steep bank of the Dnieper while he was still a priest at the Great Prince's estate at Berestovo. This sort of monastic feat was strikingly new and unusual at that time, but as such it only drew more attention: other hermits gradually attached themselves to Anthony, including Father Nikon, the son of the well-known Kiev Boyar Varlaam; Ephraim, who was close to Prince lziaslav; and Theodosius, who would later found the monastic commune there. We see evidence of the growing authority of the monastery in the fact that Iziaslav, after being crowned Great Prince in 1054, considered it necessary to go, along with his retinue, to visit Anthony for blessings and prayers. 8 The special attention paid by the Princes is among several things that clearly show how, even in its first years of existence, the ascetic feats performed a the monastery were attached to the idea of social service - it is no surprise that as early as the 1050s, after completing the first construction phase of the cloister (the underground church and cells), Anthony moved to a new cave on a neighboring hill, leaving Varlaam as precept (the latter lived in the same place until 1057, when Iziaslav founded the Dmitry Monastery in Kiev and made Varlaam the abbot there; Theodosius then took Varlaam's place). The Prince granted the Cave Monastery the land and hillside on the bank of the Dnieper, where the first wooden buildings had been erected by 1062. Within a short time, the number of monks grew to over 100, necessitating development of a monastic charter. This would be based on the charter of the Monastery of Stoudios 9 in Constantinople, which a century earlier had been used as the foundation of monastic communal life at Mount Athos. 10 This statute regulated both religious services and the internal rules of conduct and daily life of the monastery (down to the most mundane details) and may have been used as an example for several other Russian monasteries founded in the 11 th and 12th centuries. Nevertheless, even in the Cave Monastery itself, adherence to the statute was far from rigorous after the death of Theodosius, 11 to say nothing of the fact that by the end of the 14th century the model of "separate living" had clearly been victorious over "communal living." A particularly important event in the early history of the Kievan Cave Monastery was the building of the stone Church of the Dormition, which took place from 1073 to 1089. The laying of the foundation took place at a time when it could still be blessed by Anthony and when Theodosius was the abbot, and the construction continued under Stephen and ikon (1078 -1088 ). The church was dedicated while John was abbot in 1089. This grandiose cathedral, comparable in size to St. Sophia's in Kiev (and even larger in certain dimensions), was decorated on the inside with mosaics and other valuable items. 12 The history of its construction, already related expansively in the Chronicles, acquired a number of miraculous details by the time the Kievan Cave Patericon was compiled. Among these is the story of the arrival of masters from Constantinople, sent to Kiev by the Mother of God icon in the Church of St. Mary of Blachernae. The icon was said to have given these craftsmen gold, holy relics, and a local icon for the new Church. 13 Although no other sources confirm the participation of outside architects in the construction, there was in fact a particularly venerated local icon of the Mother of God in the Church of the Dormition, and it was very likely a copy from one of the shrines in the Church of St. Mary of Blachernae. The Dormition icon was in turn copied for the Svenskaya Kievan Cave Mother of God icon, where the central image of the Madonna and Child on the throne is supplemented with the images of the founders of the monastery, the venerable Anthony and Theodosius of the Caves (Illustration 1). 14 The stories of the arrival of craftsmen from Constantinople themselves seem to have reflected a real and persistent connection that existed between the Cave Monastery and the Blachernae Mother of God cult. 15 Additional evidence for this is seen in the construction of a church in Klov, near Kiev, on the model of the Blachernae Cathedral by Abbot Stephen, who had been exiled from the Cave Monastery. According to the Kievan Cave Patericon, The Kiev Church of the

230

6

"Zhitie Feodosiia Pecherskogo", Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi. XI - nachalo XII veka, Moscow, 1978, p. 316 [pp. 304-391].

M. I. B"lkhova "Monastyri na Rusi XI - serediny XIV veka", Monashestvo i monastyri v Rossii. XI-XX veka, Moscow, 2002, pp. 28-29 [pp. 25-56]. 8

PolnOl!'sobranie russkikh /etopisei. T. 1, column 157; E. E. Golubinskii, lstoriia russkoi tserkvi. T. 1, Moscow, 1881 , pp. 470-472 9

Polnoe sobranie russkikh /etopisei. T. 1, columns 158-160; E. E.Golubinskii, Op. cit., pp. 477-480. 10

Porfirii (Uspenskii), episkop. lstoriia Afona. Ch. Ill, Kiev, 1878, p. 153; Leonid, arkhiepiskop, Op. cit., p. 6. 11

M. I. B"lkhova, Op. cit., pp. 35- 36. 12

For more detail, see: lstoriia russkogo iskusstva. T. 1, /skusstvo Kievskoi Rusi. IX pervaia chetvert' XII veka, Moscow, 2007, pp. 368-376. 13

"Kievo-Pecherskii Paterik", Pamiatniki literatury drevnei Rusi, Moscow, 1980, pp. 418, 420[pp. 412-623]. 14

V. G. Putsko "Pecherskii ktitorskii portrer, Zograf. Beograd, 1982, No. 13, pp. 42-48. 15

See, for example: D. S. Likhachev, "Gradozashchitnaia semantika Uspenskikh khramov na Rusi", Uspenskii sobor Mosckovskogo Kremlia. Materialy i iss/edovaniia, Moscow, 1985, pp. 17-23; 0 . E. Etingof "K rannei istorii ikony 'Vladimirskaia Bogomater' i traditsii vlakhernskogo bogorodichnogo kul'ta na Rusi v XI-XII w .", Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Vizantiia i Drevniaia Rus'. K 100-letiiu Andreia Niko/aevicha Grabara (1896-1990), St. Petersburg, 1999, pp. 298-300 [pp. 290-305].

Svenskaya Kiev an Cave Mother of God Icon. Ca. 1288 (?). GTG

Dormition was then used as the model when constructing the Churches of the Dormition in Rostov and Suzdal. 16 The Kiev Cave Monastery was not just a spiritual center, but also a cultural and intellectual hub - it was here that the tradition of monasteries serving this function, common throughout the Christian world, first fully appeared in Old Russia. This was the workplace of Nestor, who laid the foundations of Russian chronicle literature and created the first examples of the Russian hagiography. The monastery played a special role in spreading and consolidating Christianity in many areas of the Russian country - it is telling that Simon, the Bishop of Vladimir, in his Epistles to the Kiev Cave monk Polikarp compares the feats of holy men sent from there to the service performed by the Apostles: "From the Cave Monastery of the most pure Mother of God many holy men have been sent, as from Christ Himself, the Lord our God, the apostles were sent to the whole of the earth, and, like unto holy lights, brought to all of Russia the light of holy baptism in Christ. 17 It is worth noting that Simon is speaking about proselytes, and his words of praise do not mention any of the Kiev Cave monks that would later become the founders of other monasteries - through the 13th century, monasteries were begun primarily on the initiative of princes, and only occasionally bishops. There are exceptions, for the most part in Novgorod, where we know of monasteries from the pre-Mongol period that were founded by the local nobility. 18 Among them was the venerable Varlaam Khutynsky, who around 1192 began build-

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Savior's Transfiguration Solovetsk Monastery

Monastery. Another, more generalized way of depicting St. Sergius came about in the middle of the 15th century in conjunction with his canonization in 1448. 37 Similar conclusions with regard to the partial representation of actual facial features have been drawn with regard to a small icon of St. Cyril from the St. Cyril Monastery, which local tradition ascribed to Dionysus Glushitsky. This icon, which by the middle of the 19th century was positioned in the row of local saints at the Church of the Dormition, could not have been painted during Cyril's lifetime (this possibility is eliminated by the fact that he is depicted with a halo). This icon was most likely painted shortly after the saint's death, at a time when contemporaries able to describe or even set down the features of his appearance would still have been alive. 38 However, it is also the case with St. Cyril that by the end of the 15th century a general, idealized image takes the place of his individual features. In the late 15th and early 16th centuries, hagiographical icons of Russian saints became widespread, although depiction of separate events from their lives may have been popular earlier than this. This refers mainly to images of the appearance of Mary to St. Sergius, the earliest of which have been preserved in the imprints of carved crosses created in the mid 15th century by the Trinity Monastery icon painter Ambrosius (Amvrosy) . 39 The Mother of God appeared to the saint accompanied by the Apostles Peter and John, which scholars believe

37

N. A. Maiasova "Obraz prepodobnogo Sergiia Radonezhskogo v drevnerusskom shit'e", Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Sergii Radonezhskii i khudozhestvennaia ku(tura Moskvy XIV-XV w. St. Petersburg, 1998, pp. 43-44 [pp. 40---53]. 38

G. I. Vzdornov "Neizvestnaia stat'ia A. I. Anisimova 'lkonizatsiia Kirilla Belozerskogo'", Pamiatniki kul'tury. Novye otkrytiia. 1987, Moscow, 1988, p. 196 [pp. 184-201 ]. 39

P. A. Florenskii, Olsufev, lu. A. Ambrosii, troitskii rezchik XV veka. Sergiev Posad, 1927, ill. 26, 28.

236

makes it possible to seek out, both in the story itself and in the corresponding images, certain symbolic undertones that supplement their primary, obvious meaning. There is no question that this story hearkens back to the legend of the Roman Mother of God icon, specifically the episode that tells of the founding of a church of the Mother of God in Lydda by Peter and John: the Virgin herself promised the apostles that she would visit this church, addressing them with almost the same words that she used to address St. Sergius: "Go forth with joy. I will be there with you" (in the Life of Sergius: "I will not leave your cloister"). In addition, the presence of John at this event carries its own meaning when we recall that the venerable Sergi us dedicates the cloister founded by him to the Mother of God in the same way that She Herself was given by the Savior into the care of the "disciple whom He loved" (John 19:27), after which, it is said, she·lived in his house for the rest of her life. 40 It is most likely this image of "the vision of Sergius" that later served as the model for the "symmetrical" iconography of the Appearance of Mary to St. Cyril at Simonov Monastery. Beginning in the late 15th century, while continuing to be the caretakers of spiritual traditions, monasteries also began to take a more active and direct part in the artistic process, commissioning frescoes, icons, and works of decorative art. An early and quite typical example of this is seen in the grand scale of the work commissioned by St. Joseph Volotsky in decorating the churches at the monastery he founded. This work was carried out both by guest artists (including the famous Moscow master Dionysus), and by inhabitants at the monastery. Over a relatively short period of time - from 1484 to 1506 - several stone churches were built there, which were then immediately decorated with frescoes and filled with icons, including some very old ones whose value the proprietor was fully aware of. 41 Such work was underway during this period not only at newly founded monasteries, but also at those that had been in operation for some time (including in the far North), where wooden churches and bell towers were being replaced with stone churches, with the leading artists from Moscow, Novgorod, and other cultural centers being invited to provide decoration. In 1481 a new cathedral was built at the Kamenny Monastery; in 1490 the Nativity Cathedral was built at Ferapontov Monastery; in 1496 or 1497, the Church of the Dormition at the St. Cyril Monastery, and so on. The increased attention to embellishment of monasteries at the end of the 15th century and continuing into the 16th century was caused in part by a gradual change in the dominant

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L. I. Lifshits "lkonografiia lavleniia Bogomateri prepodobnomy Sergiiu Radonezhskomu i motivy teofanii v iskusstve kontsa XIV nachala XV v.", Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Khudozhestvennaia kuftura Moskvy epokhi Sergiia Radonezhskoga, St. Petersburg, 1998, pp. 79-94.

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Manuscript. The ladder of Divine Ascent of John Climacus and the Discourses. Treatises of Symeon the New Theologian First quarter of 15th c. (1 41 Os ?). Moscow(?) 342 leaves. Paper, ink, vermi lion, paint, gold; binding (boards in leather, gold embossing on spine and edges) 204 x 133 cm. Poluustav script Accession: 1962, collection of V. A. Desnitsky RGB, f. 439, k. 21 , d. 1

The writings of John Climacus, Hegumen of Mt. Sinai Monastery, contain probably all of his notes on spiritual life. The manuscript contains thirty three parts corresponding to degrees of spiritual progress, which John defines as the attainment of eternal life, the salvation of the soul. The Ladder became widespread in Rusin the 14th century but was known earlier. The manuscript is decorated with two painted miniatures (leaves 1 recto and 2) and three headpieces (leaves 3, 12 recto and 224). The headpieces are composed of intersecting circles, a design widespread in late 14th- and early lSth-century Bulgarian and Serbian manuscripts. Shaped like a letter pi, each headpiece contains the first line of a chapter. The miniature on the second leaf depicts John of the Ladder's Vision, with monks ascending a ladder connecting the lower "earthly" part of the composition to the upper "heavenly" one. The Savior is depicted in the upper right corner, while the abyss of Hell opens up below. I. V . Levochkin, RGB

PR INC IPAL LITERATUR E :

G. I. Vzdornov, /skusstvo knigi v Drevnei Rusi. Rukopisnaya kniga Severo-Vostochnoi Rusi XII - nacho/a XV vekov, Moscow, 1980,

pp. 89-90; 0. V. Popova, Vizantiiskie i drevnerusskie miniatyury, Moscow, 2003, pp. 248,249,283, illus. 215, 216.

244

Manuscript. Vita of St. Sergi us of Radonezh Late 17th c. 445 leaves. Paper, ink, gold. 31 x 21 cm Accession: 1728 Belonged to Tsarevna Natalia Alexeyevna BRAN, Peter I collection, inv. P I A 38

The saint's vita is illustrated with 469 miniatures, but the manuscript is unfinished: beginning on leaf 317 recto the miniatures and initials are incomplete. Leaves 2 and 18 contain engraved frame-headpieces by Vasily Andreev depicting the Solovki wonderworkers. Created at Trinity-Sergius Lavra, the manuscript is a copy of the famous late 16th-century life of Sergius of Radonezh (RGB). The images were created by the monastery's icon painters rather than book illurninators. What's more, the copy was made "by eye" rather than by tracing. Created for the Tsar's family, the work was possibly commissioned by Archimandrite Vincent (167 4- 1694) of Trinity-Sergi us

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Icon. St. Sergius of Radonezh, with his vita in nineteen border scenes Mid-16th c. (renewed in 19th c.). Moscow Wood (three board s, two opposing dowels), tempera. 157.8 x 114.8 cm Accession: 1934 Was in a Pomorskoye Soglasie Old Believer prayer house on Tokmakov All ey, Pokrovka, Moscow Restored at the GTG in 1971 by V. 0. Kirikov GTG, inv. 20879

DESCRIPTION OF THE BORDER SCENES:

1. Birth of Bartholomew, the future Sergius; 2. The you th Bartholomew's vision; 3. Bartholomew brings a starets to his parents' house; 4. Bartholomew ton sured with the name Sergius; 5. Sergius drives out demons from the cell; 6. Venerable Sergi us is made hegumen; 7. The miracle of the spring; 8. Praying for a deceased infant; 9. The infant's father thanks St. Serg ius for his son's resurrection; 10. Episode with a certain landowner; 11 . Arrival of Patriarch of Constantinople Philotheos' envoys with a paramandyas, schema and cross; 12. Appearance of the Mother of God to St. Sergius; 13. Vision of divine fire during the Liturgy; 14. Healing of a blind Greek bishop; 15. St. Sergi us' burial; 16. Uncovering of St. Sergi us' relics; 17. St. Serg ius appears in a dream to a sick nobleman, Zachary Borozdin; 18. Sts. Sergi us and Nikon appear in a dream to sick Semyon Antonov; 19. St. Sergius appears in a dream to Archimandrite Joasa ph during the siege of the monastery in the Time ofTroubles (inscription

19th century; original was possibly Healing of a blind man at Sergius' tomb).

The icon may have been created for Trinity Monastery's town church in Moscow; its iconography copies the 15th-century titular icon of Trinity Cathedral at Trinity-Sergius Monastery, a work of the Dionysius circle. St. Sergius (Bartholomew in the world) was born not far from Rostov the Great. His parents came from distinguished boyar families but met with financial ruin and moved to the town of Radonezh near Moscow. After his parents' deaths, St. Sergius entered Khotkovo Monastery of the Holy Protection. Soon thereafter, he founded Trinity Monastery, becoming its hegumen in 1354. Sergius was a proponent of uniting Russia's appanage principalities around Moscow. Thanks to him, Russian princes joined forces under Prince Dmitry Donskoy and were victorious over the Tatars in the Battle of Kulikovo in 1380. In 1452 Sergius was canonized. The border scenes' subjects follow Pachornius the Serb's vita of the saint, which places much emphasis on his lifetime and posthumous miracles. A noteworthy detail in the border scenes is the depiction of the Vladimir Mother of God icon in its shoulder-length variant (scenes 8 and 18). In the majority of illustrated St. Sergius cycles this icon is represented as the saint's cell icon. E. K. Guseva , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

E. K. Guseva, Ob ikone prepodobnogo Sergiya Radonezhskogo

v zhitii kruga Dionisiya iz Troitskogo sobora II /skusstvo Drevnei Rusi. Problemy ikonografii, Moscow, 1994.

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Intercession (Protection) of the Virgin. St. Sergi us of Radonezh, with his vita in twenty border scenes 1671. Solvychegodsk. Workshop of Anna lvanovna Stroganova Gold, rubies, emeralds, spinel, corundum, garnet, pearls, satin, foil, canvas; silk, silver and gold threads; embroidery, strung pearls, finift. 183 x 67 cm Accession: 1920, sacristy, Trinity-Sergius Lavra Donated to the monastery on 11 July 1671 by Dmitry Andreyevich Stroganov's widow Anna lvanovna and children Grigory and Pelageya Restored at.the GTsKhRM in 1958 by M. P. Ryabova and T. A. Danilova and at the SPMZ in 2009 by N. A. Shelonnikova SPMZ, inv. 400-ikho

DESCRIPT I ON OF THE BORDER SCENES:

1. Birth of St. Sergius; 2. Holy Trinity; 3. Baptism of St. Sergius; 4. St. Sergius' 2

3

vision of the starets; 5. St. Sergius and his parents receive a blessing; 6. St. Sergius' tonsure; 7. Casting out of demons; 8. St. Sergius becomes hegumen; 9. A wellspring appears through St. Sergius' prayers; 10. A youth is

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resurrected through St. Sergius' prayers; 11. St. Sergi us delivers t he living boy to his father; 12. St. Sergius persuades a certain landowner; 13. St. Sergius receives the patriarch's blessing; 14. St. Sergius is visited by the Mot her of

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God; 15. St. Sergius brings back a bishop's sight; 16. St. Sergius takes

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communion; 17. St. Sergius' burial; 18. Uncovering of St. Sergius' re lics; 19. St. Sergius appears to Archimandrite Joasaph; 20. St. Sergius, Nikon 8

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and Semyon Antonov appear to Zachary Borozdin.

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Venerable Sergius of Radonezh is depicted in the central scene

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against a background of spun silver and filigree embroidery. Along the border are rows of rectangular scenes depicting the Holy Trinity and episodes from St. Sergi us of Radonezh's vita. The scenes are divided by wide bands bearing each scene's title.

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20 G. P. Cherkashina , SPMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

V. T. Georgievsky, Drevnerusskoye shit'e Troitse-Sergievoi lavry II Svetil'nik, 1914. pp. 23-24, no. 11-12, illus.11; N. A. Mayasova,

Ova proizvedeniya khudozhestvennogo shit'ya XVI/ veka II Soobshcheniya Zagorskogo gosudarstvennogo istoriko-khudozhestvennogo muzeya-zapovednika. Vyp. 2, Zagorsk, 1958, p. 47, illus. before p. 39; G. P. Cherkashina, Obraz prepodobnogo Sergiya v ikonopisi, shit'e i melkoi plastike II Prepodobny Sergy Radonezhsky- veliky podvizhnik zemli Russkoi, Moscow, 2004, pp. 103, 108-109, illus. 86, 87.

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1181119

Scale models. Trinity-Sergius Monastery Trinity Cathedral 1980. V. I. Baldin, Yu. N. Verigo Plaster, watercolor, metal. 70 x 67 x 59 cm Accession: 1980, from the artists Scale: 1:50 SPMZ, inv. SOS n-vsp ikho

Church ofthe Holy Spirit 1951. 0 . P. Baranovskaya Plaster, metal. 62 x 37 x 29.5 cm Accession: 1954, from the artist Scale: 1:50 SPMZ, inv. 401 n-vsp arkh

T . Yu. Tokareva , SPMZ

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Icon. Trinity-Sergius Monastery 19th century. Russia Wood, tempera, lacquer. 44.5 x 36.5 cm Accession: 1920, Trinity-Sergius Lavra Restored at the SPMZ in 1999 by 0 . B. Kutsel SPMZ, inv. 4408-ikho

A 19th-century copy of a l 7th-century icon. The view of Trinity-Sergi us Monastery is oriented top downwards from east to west. The monastery's three-tiered fortress wall with twelve towers fo rms a frame enclosing the main composition containing the monastery's churches: Donnition, Holy Spirit, St. Micah, Trinity and St.

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kon. A road is shown leading from the Trinity Cathedral's front entry, with another green strip connecting it to St. ikon's Church. ear Dormition Cathedral is the refectory and Church of Michael Maleinos. In the lower left comer is the steepled Church of Zosimas and Sabbatius of Solovki with bell tower. In front of Trinity Cathedral and the Church of Zosirnas and Sabbatius is a group of venerable saints and holy hierarchs standing with hands raised in prayer. To the right of St. ikon's Church is a group of kneeling and praying worshipers. Along the top and right side of the central square are rows of wooden and stone cells with high porches. Various outbuildings can be seen on the left. T . Yu . T okareva , SPMZ

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Arkhitekturny ansambl' i khudozhestvennye kollektsii drevnerusskogo iskusstva XIV-XVI/ w., Moscow, 1996, pp. 101, 139- 141 ; V. V. Kavelm akher, Nikonovskaya

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tserkov' Traitse-Sergieva monastyrya: avtor i data postroiki II Kul'tura srednevekovoi Moskvy. XVI/ vek, Moscow, 1999, pp. 40-95; B.M. Kloss, V. A. Tkachenko, Troitsky sobor v istorii Troitse-Sergievoi /avry II Troitsky sobor Troitse-Sergievoi lavry, Moscow, 2003, pp. 35-36.


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Icon. St. Demetrius of Priluki, with his vita in sixteen border scenes Dionysius. Late 15th - early 16th c. (ea. 1503 ?). Moscow

Venerable Demetrius of Priluki is revered as the heavenly patron

Wood (l ime), pavoloka, tempera. 139.5 x 111 x 3.1 cm

ofVologda; his all-Russian canonization took place after 1450. The

Accession: 1924 Provenance: Savior Cathedral, Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery VGIAKhMZ, inv. 1593

saint's waist-length depiction in the central scene was probably based on his early tomb icon, which according to tradition was painted by St. Dionysius of Glushetsk and brought to Moscow in 1487 on Ivan III's orders to aid the Russian army in its campaign against Kazan. To commemorate the icon's triumphal return to

DE SC RIPT I ON OF THE BORDE R S C E N E S:

1. Tonsure at Goritsky Monastery of the Dormition in Pereslavl-

Vologda in 1503 a local holiday was established (1 5 June). The literary source fo r the saint's vita cycle is the extended, Menaion

6. Peasants expel St. Demetrius and his pupil Pachomius from

version of his life. The scenes begin with Demetrius' tonsure, which is typical for icons of many monastic, or venerable, saints and emphasizes the tonsure's importance as a "second birth".Along with subjects connected with the monastery's founding and De-

the River Lezha near Vologda; 7. St. Demetrius and Pachomius

metrius' activities as its hegumen (scenes 6, 7 and 10), there are a

meet with Vologda peasants llya Rakov and Isidore Vypryag,

number of scenes underlining his connection with important spiritual and political events of his day (scenes 4, 5 and 8). The strict

Zalessky; 2. Elevation to priest; 3. Founding of St. Nicholas Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky; 4. Meeting with St. Sergi us of Radonezh; 5. Meeting with Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy;

who donate their land for the building of Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery; 8. Prophecy of Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy's

of St. Demetrius; 12. Burial of St. Demetrius; 13. Miracle of the

proportion between the border and central scenes, the balanced, subtle color combinations and the solemn, unhurried rhythm of the icon's slightly elongated figures make it especially harmonious; it's

Vyatka attackers (an angel defeats invaders from Vyatka

one of the most expressive icons or a Russian saint produced by

attempting to desecrate St. Demetrius' reliquary shroud);

Dionysius' workshop. Like other works of the great icon painter,

14. Healing of Simon from possession by demons; 15. Miracle

the icon of St. Demetrius is marked by great spiritual illumination and subtlety that express both the refinement and austerity of its subj ect, a monastery founder and spiritual mentor.

death in 1389; 9. Blessing a monastic brother to trade with pagan tribes; 10. Blessing Pachomius as hegumen; 11 . Death

of the cathedral building (St. Demetrius appears carrying a log for the building of the church); 16. Healing of John from muteness at St. Demetrius' tomb.

E. A. V i nogradova , VGIAKhMZ

PR I NCIPAL L I TERATURE :

E. 5. Smirnova, Moskovskaya ikona XIV-XVI/ vekov, Leni ngrad, 1988, cat. 148; A. A. Rybakov, Valogodskaya

ikona. Tsentry khudozhestvennoi ku/'tury zemli Vologodskoi X/11-XVl/lvekov, Moscow, 1995, pp. 283-289, cat. 120- 121 ; lkony Vologdy XIV-XVI vekov, Moscow, 2007, pp. 252-263, cat . 32 (L. V. Nersesyan).

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Icon. St. Cyril of Belozersk, with his vita in twenty-one border scenes Early 16th c. Dionysius and his workshop. Moscow Wood (two pine boards, two opposing embedded dowels}, kovcheg, pavoloka. 150.5 x 116.7 cm Accession: 1933, after showing at an exhibition of Ancient Russian painting in Germany, Austria, England and the US Provenance: loca l tier, Dormition Cathedral, Cyril of Belozersk Monastery Uncovered at the GTsKhRM in 1928-1929 by E. A. Dombrovskaya

The oldest surviving, and apparently the first, icon

GRM, inv. DRZh-2741

The illustrations of the saint's life begin not with a

of St. Cyril with his vita is based on the extended version of the saint's life written by Pachomius the Serb, which the icon painter followed quite closely. However, we see in the choice of subjects an original, deeply thought-out programme vying in significance with the hagiographer's work. The main theme of the icon's scene cycle is the glorification of St. Cyril' s monastic service and deeds of holiness. traditional scene of birth but with his tonsure at Si-

DESCRIPTION OF THE BORDER SCENES:

1. St. Cyril's tonsure at Simonov Monastery; 2. St. Cyril visits with St. Sergius of Radonezh; 3. St. Cyril elevated to the priesthood; 4. St. Cyril steps down as archimandrite of Simonov Monastery; 5--6. Appearance of the Virgin Mother to St. Cyril; St. Cyril hears a voice and sees a light showing the location of the future monastery at Beloozero; departure of St. Cyril and Ferapont from Simonov Monastery; St. Cyril erects a cross on the shore of Siversk Lake; St. Cyril builds a cell with the help of Auxentius and Matthew; 7. Miracle of Andrew, who'd intended to set fire to St. Cyril's cell; arrival of church functionaries; 8. St. Cyril saves the monastery from a fire; 9. Prince Belevsky's emissaries visit St. Cyril; 10. St. Cyril appears to Prince and Princess Belevsky in a dream, foretelling their heir's birth; 11. St. Cyril multiplies the liturgical wine; 12. St. Cyril multiplies the monastery bread during a famine; 13. Rescue of fishermen drowning in the lake; 14. Miracle of the monk Dalmatius, resurrected to receive the Eucharist by St. Cyril's prayers; 15. Appearance of the Virgin Mother and St. Cyril to the boyar Roman Alexandrovich in a dream; 16. The Princess of Kargolom and a woman who saw St. Cyril holding a book are cured of blindness; 17. St. Cyril prophesies to Christopher his own death and the coming plague in the monastery; 18. St. Cyril takes leave of the monastery brethren, blessing Innocent to succeed him; 19. St. Cyril's burial; 20. Appearance of St. Cyril and the priest Florus to Auxentius' servant; 21. Miraculous healings at St. Cyril's tomb; St. Cyril appears to an elder before Prince Michael Andreyevich ofVereya's visit to the monastery.

monov Monastery and meeting with Sergius of Radonezh; these events are seen as the true beginning of the monk's life path. The saint's pre-monastic period - his birth and life in the home of Timofey Velyarninov - is consciously omitted from the narrative; only scenes connected with Cyril's labors to create a new monastery, his wonderworking power of prayer and his gift of prophecy are depicted. The

Vrrgin Mother is present in numerous border scenes, lending invaluable aid to the monastery under her protection. The icon was a permanent part of Dormition Church's local tier.

earby, a door in the cathedral's

southern wall led to the saint's tomb. The monumental icon with its large border scenes was undoubtedly conceived as part of a unified memorial group together with the tomb and its shrouddraped reliquary. An oklad of silver with precious stones was created for the icon in the 16th century; it had several hanging shrouds. I. D. Solovyeva, GRM

PR INCIPAL LIT ERATURE :

Oionisy v Russkom muzee. K500-letiyu rospisi Rozhdestvenskogo sobora Ferapontova monastyrya, St. Petersburg, 2002, pp. 84-88, cat. 10.

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Shroud. Appearance of the Virgin Mother to St. Cyril at Simonov Monastery 1620--1635. Moscow Si lk, gold and silver threads; fa cial and orna mental embroidery. 96.5 x 89 cm Accession: 1924 Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1972-1984 by 0. G. Volyntseva-Shurina and E. V. Semechkina KBIAKhMZ, inv: TsT-42; KP-629

The shroud was donated to Cyril of Belozersk monastery by members of the Suleshov boyar family. Prince Yuri Yanshevich Suleshov's close relations with the first tsar of the Romanov Dynasty, Michael Feodorovich, are explained by his kinship with the tsar's mother, the nun-tsarina Marfa lvanovna Shestova. Boyarinya Marfa Mikhailovna Suleshova was her grand-niece. The shroud was donated to the monastery on behalf of Tsarevna Praskovya Solovaya, the second wife of Tsarevich Ivan lvanovich, son of Tsar Ivan IV (the Terrible). It was created in the workshop of Ascension Convent of the Moscow Kremlin by seamstresses ofTsarina Marfa lvanovna. The work is notable for the high quality of its embroidery, the freedom and originality of its composition and its wealth of precious materials. The image is based on the text of the vita of Venerable Cyril of Belozersk by Pachomius the Serb (Logothete), who visited Cyril of Belozersk Monastery in 1462. 0. V. Voronova , KBIAKhMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

A. V. Sil kin, Dvustoronnyaya khorugv' iz Kirillo-Belozerskogo monastyrya II

Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo: iss/edovanie i restavratsiya. Sbornik nauchnykh trudov, Moscow, 1985, pp. 80-95; L. V. Nikanorova, Russkoye iskusstvo XV-XIX vekov.

Kazennaya pa/a ta Kiril/o-Belozerskogo monastyrya. Putevodite/', Moscow, 2003,

pp. 55-66.

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Icon. Virgin Mother with Sts. Sabbatius and Zosimas of Solovki in attendance, with the vita of Sabbatius and Zosimas in twenty-nine border scenes 1545. Novgorod. Solovki Monastery

Depicted in the icon's central scene is the Virgin

Wood, tempera. 160 x 120 cm

Mother turned toward the Savior; in prayerful

Accession: 1923

attendance are Sts. Zosimas and Sabbatius and kneeling monks. In the background is Solovki Island washed by the sea and the church and bell-tower of the monastery located on it. In-

Provenance: 5olovki Monastery Inscription on the fra me around the icon's central scene: ... nt,Ta x V>

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Icon. Vision of St. John of the Ladder Late 16th - early 17th c. Moscow Wood, tempera. 181 x 142 x 4 cm Accession: 1930s Provenance: main collection, Novodevichy Convent Museum GIM, inv. 103803113039

The composition of the icon is divided into two parts. Above, against the background of Mt. Sinai Monastery, Venerable John of the Ladder (John Climacus) shows the monks the ladder ascending to heaven. In the background we see Raithu Monastery and its abbot, John, persuading John Climacus to write his book The Ladder of Divine Ascent. The book was first published in Moscow in 1627 and contained an engraving whose composition was similar to the upper part of this icon. Depicted in the lower part, in twenty scenes, are episodes from Chapter 5 of The Ladder of Divine Ascent, devoted to those atoning for their sins in monasteries. The Novodevichy Convent donation book record for 1674-1 675 indicates that the icon was a prayer donation for the soul of boyar Evtropy Morozov. Maria Poplevina-Morozova (monastic name Martha) was one of ovodevichy Convent's first nuns. The Poplevin line was a branch of the Moscow Morozov boyar family. ' M. M. Shvedova , Novodevichy Convent Museum

PRINCIPAL LITER AT URE :

N. F. Trutneva, M. M . Shvedova, Novodevichy monastyr', Moscow, 1988.

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Icon. Miracle of St. Alexander of Svir 16th c. Wood (three boards, two full-length dowels). pavoloka, tempera. 108 x 88 cm Accession: 1934, GTsKhRM Provenance: Church of the Ascension, Belozersk Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1954 by I. A. Baranov and at the GTG in 1993 by D. N. Sukhoverkov GTG, inv. 22048

Venerable Alexander of Svir (1 448-1533 ), Amos in the world, was an outstanding 16th-century Russian spiritual figure and the founder of Alexander of Svir Monastery of the Holy Trinity. He was the only Russian saint to be accorded a vision of the Holy Trinity, as is described in his vita. The icon's literary source was The Life of Ven erable Alexander of Svir compiled in 1545 by Hegumen Radian on orders of St. Macari us, as well as later tales of miracles at the saint's tomb. In 1547 Alexander of Svir was canonized as a universal Orthodox saint. Illustrated is one chapter from Venerable Alexander of Svir's extensive and detail-filled vita - the saint's vision of the Virgin Mother. ot long before his death, Alexander began construction of a new Church of the Intercession (Protection) at the monastery. Once, after reading the Akathistos of the Virgin, the saint warned his cell attendant of a coming "wondrous and fearsome visitation". St. Alexander left his cell and saw a bright light over the monastery: over the sanctuary of the still-unfinished church and surrounded by an angelic host was the Virgin on a throne with the Christ Child in her arms. This scene is depicted in the composition's upper part. Three episodes preceding the vision are arranged vertically along the icon's left margin: St. Alexander reads the Akathistos together with his pupil and cell attendant Athanasius; he warns Athanasius of the coming miraculous vision; and the saint leads his frightened pupil out to witness it. To the right are scenes of Isaiah's visit with St. Alexander and their conversation. Alexander and the monks are depicted twice below the church foundation in the center of the icon, carrying bricks and mortar for the church's construction. The special emphasis on the theme of "monastery building and decoration" arose from concrete historic circumstances. From the time of its founding, Alexander of Svir Monastery of the Holy Trinity was known to enjoy the direct patronage of Metropolitan Macari us and the Princes of Moscow, who made many donations and gifts to the monastery in the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. The published icon might have been one such gift. N. N. Sheredega , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

/cones russes. Les saints. Catalogue, Paris, 2001 , cat. 18, pp. 76, 77.

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Icon. St. Barlaam of Khutyn, with his vita in thirty-six border scenes Latter half of 16th c. Yaroslavl Wood (five boards, two (later) full-length dowels), tempera. 143.5 x 120.5 cm Accession: 1970 Provenance: Church of Elijah the Prophet (?), Yaroslavl Restored at Rosrestavratsiya Co. in 1995 by G. S. Batkhel YaKhM, inv 1-215

DE SCR IP TION O F THE BORD E R SC E N E S :

1. Birth of St. Barlaam; 2. Baptism of St. Barlaam; 3. St. Barlaam learns letters; 4. St. Barlaam gives away his father's estate; 5. St. Barlaam's tonsure; 6. Elevation to deacon; 7. Elevation to priest; 8. Appearance of a divine cloud; 9. St. Barlaam builds his cell; 10-11. The temptation of St. Barlaam; 12. St. Bariaam erects Transfiguration Church; 13. Founding of the monastery; 14-16. Foretell ing the birth of the prince's son; 17-19. Miracle of the fishermen; 20-22. Resurrection of a dead youth; 23-25 . St. Barlaam names his successor as hegumen; 26. Death of St. Barlaam; 27. Transfer of St. Barlaam's rel ics to the church; 28. Uncovering of St. Barlaam's relics; 29-30. Hea lings from St. Barlaam's relics; 31 . Miraculous rescue of a drowning man; 32-34. Healing of Prince Constantine at St. Barlaam's tomb; 35-36. Miracle of the drought and ra in.

Venerable Barlaam (Aleksa Mikhalevich in the wo rld) was born in Novgorod in the 12th century. He founded Holy Transfiguration Monastery on the River Khutyn near ovgorod in 1193. The makeup of the scenes follows the oldest version of the saint's vita, which lacks St. Barlaam's "Muscovite" miracles. Many of the subjects are illustrated by more than one scene. The upper row of scenes is dedicated to Barlaam's youth . Two scenes contain rare details. In the school scene, the first letters of the alphabet are visible on the scroll in the boy's hands. In the scene where Barlaam gives away his estate before leaving for the monastery, the depicted crowd of paupers is especially interesting: among those who' ve come to receive alms is a cripple without legs who moves about with the help of wooden props. The artist clearly reflected the everyday realities of his time. In the scene of Barlaam's temptation by demons, the saint is shown digging in the earth. Later scenes narrate the founding of Holy Transfiguration Monastery, miracles of prophecy, raisings from the dead, the saint's death and healings at the saint's tomb. The vita cycle ends with two scenes, one where Barlaam prays for rain during a drought and another for sun during rainy weather. These scenes from the saint's vita are very rarely illustrated. Their inclusion might have been the desire of the icon's commissioner, who was possibly connected with agriculture in some way. E. A . Voronova , YaKhM

P RINCIPAL LITERATURE :

lkony Yoroslavlya XIII-XVI vekov II Drevnerusskaya zhivopis' v muzeyakh Rossii, Moscow, 2002, cat. 44; lkony Yaroslavlya XIII- serediny XVI/ veka. T. I, Moscow, 2009, cat. 76; A. V. Fedorchuk, lkona "Prepodobny Varlaam

Khutynsky v zhitii" iz sobraniya Ya roslavskogo khudozhestvennogo muzeya: prob/ema proiskhozhdeniya II X nauchnye chteniya pamyati I. P. Bo/ottsevoi. Sbornik statei, Ya roslavl, 2006, pp. 83- 86.

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Judgement" in the loggia of the Cathedral of the Archangel, where the princes were buried. This dialogue between the external images of the opposite-facing cathedrals allows the composition "Chto Ti prinesem" to acquire the significance of a timeless image of the glorification of the Heavenly King and His Kingdom, an image of the coming of Christ, so concluding earthly history. Coming under the influence of "The Final Judgment" compositions illustrating the Korsun legend on the baptism of Russia look out from the northern and southern walls of the Archangel Cathedral. 6 Touched by Divine Wisdom, Russian princes considered themselves to be its soldiers, with their primary duty being the defense of the nascent Orthodox faith, and help it to take root on the borders of the Russian Great Steppe. As a model for their heroic deeds on earth, they chose the great warrior and martyr St. Demetrius of Thessaloniki, whose name became the generic name of the Rurik Dynasty. Russian princes primarily saw St. Demetrius as a courageous warrior, who was repeatedly able to repel barbarian invasions from his city of Thessaloniki. This was especially pertinent given the necessity of defending their own cities &om constant raids coming from the steppe. As well as this, they knew all too well that the young warrior was martyred as an innocent, and his spilt blood had become a sign of the invincibility of the Christian faith . 7 The image of the warrior who was simultaneously a victim struck them so deeply in fact, that for a long time it was to serve as an archetype to which the princes built up their life's exploits. As martyrs, Vladimir's sons, the young Boris and Gleb had already been glorified by the church, and were the first to enter into the pantheon of Russian sanctity. Both were fearless warriors, but both were also victims in the struggle for power brought by the dynasty. In "Skazanii o Bo rise i Glebe" (The Tale of Boris and Gleb ), created in the second half of the 11 th century- start of the 12th century 8 the parallels drawn by the author between the martyrdom of the innocently killed brothers and the suffering of St. Demetrius are clearly visible. The brothers imitate him in his preparedness to die together with the trouble-stricken country. The tradition of venerating St. Demetrius displayed itself most clearly in the deeds of Prince Vselovod the Big Nest, who took the name Dimitry when he was baptized. It was this prince who set before himself the task of endowing the capital city of the Vladimir principality with the qualities of a new Thessaloniki, and to turn it into a Russian center of worshiping the holy warrior. At the end of the 12th century, next to the metropolitan Dormition Cathedral, he built a princely cathedral in the name of St. Demetrius, filling it with relics brought from Thessaloniki. From that moment on, an icon of the holy warrior painted on a board taken from his coffin and the martyr's blood-soaked shirt was stored here. 9 The construction of the church in honor of Saint Demetrius next to the Dormition Cathedral (which was founded by Vsevolod' s brother, Andrey Bogolyubsky), was by all appearances a logical development of a common plan. Theologians interpreted the Assumption of the Virgin Mary as an event revealing one type of manifestation of Divine Wisdom in the world, and the holy warrior Demetrius was named a warrior of Wisdom by the Byzantines. 10 Several centuries later, when Moscow became the capital, the Grand Prince Dmitry Donskoy, who had been christened in honor of the warrior of Thessaloniki, brought the icon of his patron saint to the Moscow Dormition Cathedral, and placed in direct proximity to the side altar devoted to him. 11 Moscow therefore preserved the coexistence of the metropolitan cathedral in the name of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary and the church in honor of the Martyr of Thessaloniki, which was vitally important for princely culture. However, even in 1333, when Ivan Kalita founded the princely cathedral in Moscow,he dedicated it to the Archangel Michael. 12 This "gesture" vividly testified to the coming of a new era, where the main "mirror" acting to transfer the light of Wisdom for the rulers of Russia was the Archangel Michael, guard of the heavenly throne and commander of the army of God. In the ancient Dormition Cathedral, the icon "The Appearance of the Archangel Michael to Joshua" was created (end of 12th century) . 13 The archangel is represented in this icon as a military figure, someone closer and more comprehensible to princely culture of the time. Prostrating himself at the feet of the archangel is the tiny figure of Joshua, leader of the Israelite tribes and God's chosen people. Michael "provides cover", defending him with his wings. 14 The Muscovite princes' choice of their archangel protector testifies to the gradual development of the ruling elite's mentality; from the saint, known for the protection of his native city, they

6

T. E. Samoilova, Put v Svyatuyu zemlyu. Korsunskaya legenda v rospisi lodzhii Arkhangelskogo sobora i eyo dialog s naruzhnymi freskami 8/agoveshchenskogo sobora// Novye lerusalimy. lerotopiya i ikonografiya sakralnykh prostranstv. Moscow, 2009, pp. 633-661.

See E. 5. Smirnova, Khramovaya ikona Dmitrievskogo sobora. Svyatost solunskoy baziliki vo vladimirskom khrame// Dmitrievsky sobor vo V/adimire. K800-letiyu sozdaniya. Moscow, 1997, pp. 220-253.

Skazanie o Borise i Giebel/ Literatura Drevney Rusi: Khrestomatiya. Ed. L. A. Dmitriev. Moscow, 1990. p. 53; T. E. Samoilova, Skazanie o Borise i Glebe i kult svyatykh russkikh knyazey/1 Makarievskie chteniya. Vekhi russkoy istorii v pamyatnikakh kultury. Vol. V. Mozhaysk, 1998, pp. 365-378. 9

E. 5. Smirnova. Op. cit., pp. 220-253. 10

St. Demetrius is referred to as a Warrior of Wisdom in an epigram by John Geometres (10th century). See E. 5. Smirnova, Op. cit.,

p. 222. 11

lkoni Uspenskogo sbora Moskovskogo Kremlya. XI- nacha/o XV veka. Cata log. Moscow, 2007. Appendix. Cat. No. 3 (descriptions T. 5. Borisova), pp. 205-209. 12

Co mpl ete Collection of Russian Chronicles. Moscow, 1962. Vol. 1, p. 230. 13

lkoni Uspenskogo sobora Moskovskogo Kremlya. XI- nachalo XV veka. Cata log. Moscow, 2007. Cat. No. 3 (descri ptions A. I. Yakovleva), pp. 79-85. 14

Ibid., pp. 82-83. 15

T. E. Samoilova, Knyazheskie portrety v rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora Moscovskogo Kremlya. Moscow, 2004, pp. 70-72. 16

E. 5. Sizov, Datirovka rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora Moskovskogo Kremlya i istoricheskaya osnova nekotorykh eyo syuzhetov// Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo. XVI/ vek. Moscow, 1964.

280

would then turn their eyes to the image of the Archangel Michael, commander of the army of God, defending the Heavenly throne from Satan and now the protector of God's chosen people. Around the year 1399, when Dmitry Donskoy's military exploits were still fresh in the memory (as the victor in the Battle of Kulikovo against Mamai' s heathen hordes), a new church image was created for the Cathedral of the Archangel. Here, the archangel Michael is also presented as a warrior. With sword in hand and wearing a billowing scarlet cloak and shining armor, he stands out against a shimmering golden background, coming to the aid of Christians at their first appeal by prayer. However, for the first time in Russian art, the familiar image of the archangel warrior in the middle section was surrounded with other miniature scenes depicting miracles performed by Michael and his heavenly army, guiding the path of God's chosen people to the Holy Land. These scenes are united into different fields of meaning, and are filled with numerous associations and similes. It is not only an icon, but also a historical source. It testifies that after Dmitry Donskoy's victory over the infidels, the notion that the Russian people had assumed the mantle of being "God's chosen people" had became firmly established from that moment on. This idea was to be developed throughout the 15th century to become fully apparent and thriving in the 16th century during the reign of the first Russian tsar Ivan the Terrible. 15 During this monarch's reign, the new Cathedral of the Archangel, which had already been designed by the architect Alvise Lamberti de Montagnano, founded in 1505 by Ivan III and completed under Vasily III, was painted with frescoes ( 1564-1565). 16 These were more detailed and colorful, recounting the archangels' assistance to God's chosen people. Some angels in the compositions appear wearing traditional angelic tunics, while others are in full military attire. 17 However, the images in the two main compositions, which serve as a prologue to the archangel cycle, located in the eastern lunettes of the northern and southern walls, reveal new sides to the image of the heavenly commander. The composition "Cathedral of Angelic Power" is visible in the lunette on the southern wall, in the center of which are the figures of the Archangels Michael and Gabriel, holding a medallion with an image of Christ Emmanuel. 18 Both archangels are dressed in solemn, "lorus" attire, which was the name given to the elaborately decorated strips of cloth which in Byzantium were restricted to privileged high-ranking courtiers who were close to the imperial throne. The attention given to this ancient iconography, widely known in Byzantium, may appear as though to some extent it reflected the new spiritual orientation of what was now a tsarist power, and the eagerness to bestow at least a weak glow of Byzantine glory onto the Moscow court. A much more complex image is displayed in another lunette. This composition depicts the "Overthrow of Satan", as is referred to in literature. The subject itself has been adopted from the "Palei" (a Russian historical compendium of the Old Testament), which tells of the revolt against God by the fallen angel Satan, and how the archangel Michael, uniting the angelic forces, rose to defend the Throne. 19 In fact, the piece contains the very same meaning as the "Cathedral of Angelic Power", but presents it in a narrative rather than symbolic form. Compositions on this theme are known from Byzantine art, dating from the 11 th century. 20 They first appeared in Russian art during the era of Ivan III, but became particularly popular during the reign of Ivan the Terrible. 21 Without going into too much detail, it is notable that the main feature of the image of the Archangel Michael in this piece are his unusual clothes, which combine elements of a ceremonial court costume and monastic dress; the archangel is wearing a red dalmatic, with a koukoulion and mantle over it. The image of Michael therefore acquired a monastic element, which had become very important in this new era, valuing the eminence of the monastic life 22 and expressing the desire to see the authorities follow in this path. However, the first Russian tsar applied this idea in his own way, and in establishing his "capital of

St. Demetrius of Thessaloniki Icon . Moscow. Board - 12th c.; painting - Kirill Ulanov. 1701 MMK

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D. 5. Likhachev, lssledovaniya po drevnerusskoy literature. Leningrad, 1986,

pp. 361- 377.

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and that of the whole Rurik dynasty, including that of the reigning Grand Prince Ivan III. Later, when his grandson Ivan the Terrible came to the throne (as the first Russian Tsar, and crowned according to Byzantine rite), he would use the established iconography of his forefather as an argument during a dispute with western European monarchs over the legitimacy of his title of "tsar": "His Majesty is called a tsar because just as his forefather, Grand Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich, was baptized, so the Russian land was baptized along with him, and the Greek king and patriarch crowned him ruler of the Russian kingdom, and he wrote as a tsar, and as he passed away, so 'tsar' was written on the icons bearing his image". 34 The stately coronation oflvan IV as tsar in 1547 had a profound impact on Russian culture. The newly crowned sovereign did not consider himself to be just another independent ruler, but as the bearer of the eternal notion of royalty and heir to the ancient kings of Israel. In one of his epistles, based on the genealogy of the "pre-legitimate" kings going from Abraham, he explained the origin of the institution of tsarist power thus:" And so God promised to Abraham, 'I will make nations of thee, and kings shall come out of thee"'. 35 This coneept was developed in particular detail in the painting of the princely Cathedral of the Archangel, created in 1564-1565. 36 In the drum of the church's central cupola, twelve patriarchs are depicted, based on the twelve tribes oflsrael, and the significance of the image ofJudas is emphasized, an ancestor of the biblical "forefathers." He is depicted in regal dress, with a crown and holding a scepter, bestowing on him an archetypal image of royal power. 37 The theme of royal and biblical genealogy is also reflected in the iconography. In the oracular rows of iconostases from Ivan's reign, an icon of the Virgin and Child occupies the central part, with figures of the first biblical kings David and Solomon to the left and right. During the reign of Ivan the Terrible, high iconostasis was supplemented by a new patriarchal tier. The patriarchal tier of iconostases of the time usually included the tsar in "private" prayer, and were either arranged in the tsarist chapels or monasteries, but on the tsar's contributions. 38 The earliest example of a patriarchal tier can be found in the iconostasis at the Cathedral of the Annunciation in the Kremlin. This consists of twelve small icons, which depict the patriarchs from Adam to Joshua. The half-figure of each of them appears on the arched doorway, located under the canopy of the tented roof, crowned by a small cupola. Researchers suggest that the immediate prototype of these tented structures, symbolizing the tabernacle, was the seat of the saints in heaven. A tented structure, which could serve as a royal chapel, was set up in 1551 in the Dormition Cathedral. 39 It was a construction in which the charismatic and holy tsar could attend the liturgy. 43 Despite all this, Ivan the Terrible, for all his attempts to follow the customs and rituals of the Byzantine court, did not agree to the creation of his own image with a halo, unlike the emperors. He applied a particular formula for himself: towns which were obedient to tsarist authority did not display portraits of their sovereign, as was the custom in Byzantium, but rather images of the tsar's heavenly protector and namesake. During the reign of Ivan.the Terrible, who was named after John the Baptist, icons of the saint became hugely widespread, with a specific number among them being bust "portrait" images of the prophet that embodied one or more characteristics of its royal commissioner. Such icons still survive in Ryazan, Pskov, Yaroslavl, and naturally, in Moscow too. The Moscow icon emphasizes the majestic royalty and aristocracy of the prophet to the greatest extent, despite the fact that he was an ascetic. 40 From the legal point of view during the Middle Ages regarding the inheritance of power, the transfer of power from father to son was very important, both in the Byzantine Empire, and for western monarchs. Predecessor and successor, tsar and heir were perceived as parts of one innate whole. The dying king and his successor to the throne were likened to a phoenix, burning itself before rising from the ashes. 41 The passing of the crown from father to son and from generation to generation ensured the immortality of the family line and dynasty, and was the expression of a major medieval ideological postulate: Rex qui nunquam moritur (a king who never dies). 42 A portrait gallery of royal ancestors was established in the 1560s for those buried in the Cathedral of the Archangel, presenting them with holy crowns, and in this way demonstrating the rootedness of royalty which was inherited by Ivan the Terrible. 43 The Moscow princes with halos on the frescoes on the family tombs now represented a sacred royal dynasty,

34

Sbornik russkogo istoricheskogo obshchestva. Vol. 59. St. Petersburg, 1887, pp. 436-437. 35

Poslaniya Ivana Groznogo. Moscow, Leningrad, 1951, p. 199. 36

E. S. Sizov, Datirovka rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora Moskovskogo Kremlya i istoricheskaya osnova nekotorykh eyo syuzhetov II Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo; T. E. Samoilova, Knyazheskie portrety v rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora Moscovskogo Kremlya. lkonograficheskaya programma XVI veka. Moscow, 2004, pp. 49, 56. 37

T. E. Samoilova, Knyazheskie portrety v rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora Moscovskogo Kremlya. lkonogroficheskaya programma XVI veka. Moscow, 2004, p. 53. 38

V. M. Sorokaty, Novgorodskie ikonostasy XVI v. Sostav i ikonograficheskie osobennosti II Russkoe iskusstvo pozdnego srednevekovya: Obrazismysl. Moscow, 1993, p. 81. 39

I. A. Zhuravleva, Praotechesky ryad i zavershenie simvolicheskoy struktury russkogo vysokogo ikonostasa// lkonostas. Proiskhozhdenie Razvitie - Simvolika. Moscow, 2000, pp. 494-495 . 40

T. E. Samoilova, Knyazheskie portrety v rospisi Arkhangelskogosobora. Moscow, 2004, p. 220. 41

E. H. Kantorowicz, The King 's two bodies,

p. 392. 42

Ibid., pp. 316-336. 43

T. E. Samoilova, Terna izbrannogo naroda v rospisi Arkhangelskogo sobora/1 Bibliya v kulture i iskusstve. ''Vipperovskie chteniya-1995". Vol. XXVIII. Moscow, 1996. 44

I. L. Kyzlasova, 0 drevnem portrete Vasiliya Ill // Arkhangelsky sobor Moskovskogo Kremlya. Moscow, 2002, pp. 304-333. A. G. Gormatyuk. Tsarsky lik. Nadgrobnaya ikona Velikogo knyazya Vasiliya Ill. Moscow, 2003.

284

indeed, of"Rex qui nunquam moritur". In addition, on Ivan the Terrible's commission, a tombstone icon of his father Vasily III was created, in which Vasily Ivanovich is depicted clearly displaying the characteristic features of the family line, interplaying with those of his holy namesake, St. Basil the Great. 44 For Ivan the Terrible, the image of his father, Vasily III on the tomb icon with a halo and sacred crown took on a particular significance. It was a symbolic passing of the crown's blessing from father to son, proving the legitimacy oflvan's ascension to the throne. 45 After the death of Ivan IV, his son Feodor came to the throne. His reign was short lived. However, after his death, the royal crown went not to Dimitry, the youngest son of Ivan the terrible and the last of the Ruriks, but to Boris Godunov, who had entered Ivan IV's circle of trustees, and virtually ruled the country under Tsar Feodor Ivanovich. The young prince was exiled to Uglich, where he died in mysterious circumstances in 1598. The citizens ofUglich were convinced from the very beginning that the prince had been murdered on orders from the power-grabbing Tsar Boris, in order to eliminate the pretender to the throne.After several years at the height of the Time of Troubles, the government of the new Tsar Vasily IV acknowledged that he was a victim of Godunov's lust for power, and organized the church canonization for the last of the Ruriks. The prince's relics were ceremoniously moved to Moscow and displayed for worship in the princely Cathedral of the Archangel, where all Dirnitry's ancestors were buried, starting from Ivan Kalita. The "return" of the prince from Uglich to the tsar's kingdom was seen by contemporaries as the return of the true king to his homeland, as his accession to the throne, and the restoration of the tsarist dynasty. 46 By the time Dimitry was canonized, his iconic portrait had been created. This image has survived to this day, and is now at its historic location near the prince's shrine in the Cathedral _of the Archangel. 47 The youth is depicted at prayer before the Divine Hand. The prince's pose and princely costume bear similarities with the tomb portraits of the princes in the cathedral paintings, making it a logical continuation in the Rurik portrait gallery. At the same time, the prince's appeal to Christ through prayer imbued the icon with significance, 48 "crowning" the portrait gallery; now numbering among the holy figures, the tsarevich and last of the Ruriks, appeals to God for the whole dynasty, summoning His blessing. In this sense, it is deeply symbolic that the Kremlin icon of the canonized Tsarevich Dimitry, who never ascended to the throne, is presented not only with a halo, but also with a royal crown. This image therefore harmoniously combines the idea of the Rurik royal crown, so desired by the dynasty, and the crown of the sanctity of an innocent victim of a struggle for power. Let us now return to the time of the great princedom of Vladimir. The founder of the principality, Andrey Bogolyubsky, dreaming about the establishment of the Russian metropolis, put three unique liturgical vessels in the Dormition Cathedral in Vladimir, which he founded. These were called "Jerusalems" and represented models of the Holy Sepulcher, made "from pure gold and jewels of great value". 49 These vessels not only carried a liturgical significance, but also in terms of the church/state. By tradition, the creation of precious church utensils was, along with building !_he churches themselves, part of the prince's stately mission. 50 On the one hand, the "Jerusalems" were symbolic of the continuity between the church where they were placed and the Mother Church, while on the other hand, this prince's symbolic "gesture" was a sign of the ruler's solemn "oath" to be the protector and defender of the Holy Sepulcher, with its "resting place" being in the church he founded . This tradition was not forgotten by the descendants of Andrey Bogolyubsky. When, in the second half of the 15th century, Ivan III was already the Grand Prince of

St. Tsarevich Dimitry. Icon Moscow. lstoma Savin (?) Ca. 1606. MMK

45

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Conquering of Korsun. Fresco in the Cathedral of the Archangel of the Moscow Kremlin. 1560s

all Rus, he turned his attention to the construction of the new metropolitan Dormition Cathedral in Moscow, and also placed two magnificent silver "Jerusalems" in the church. In the context of medieval culture, this act was nothing other than a reproduction of the acts of Constantine the Great, founder of the church of the Holy Sepulcher, and expressed the sovereign's regard for the church. 51 Ivan III's so-called Large "Jerusalem" represents a silver church-rotunda with figures of the twelve apostles on the main tier. The Small "Jerusalem" has the form of a cubic single-domed church with a zakomara surface. 52 Both were created as general Russian shrines, symbols of an independent Russian church, under the safe protection of the grand prince's power. The later historical development of this tradition is also of interest. The sovereign Boris Godunov, who had no blood ties to the Rurik dynasty, acceded to the throne in 1598. The first thing which he attended to after his coronation was to attempt to develop a program of building the grandiose church of the Holy Sepulcher in the Kremlin. An astute and able politician, Boris Godunov well understood and felt the "conjuncture" of symbolic gestures. We know that the new tsar was crowned in a rite including the sacrament of initiation, so coveted by Ivan the Terrible. This important factor, as well as the establishing the Patriarchal throne in Moscow, also gave Godunov a basis by which to raise the symbol of the protective role of tsarist power to new heights. An expression of this had to be not only a ktetor donation, but the monumental building of the Holy Sepulcher. However, contemporaries were not inclined to view his project

286

51

Ibid., p. 53. The Moscow Krem lin Museums, inv. No. MR-1019. 52

Moscow Krem lin Museums, inv. Nos. MR-1019 MR-1036. See A. I. Ryndina, Bolshoi ierusalim

Uspenskogo sobora Mosko vskogo Kremlya II Khudozhestvennoe nasledie. Khranenie, issledovanie, restavratsiya. Vol. 14. Moscow, 1992, pp. 133-147. M. S. Grinkrug, M. V. Natsky, /ssledovanie i restavratsiya Bolshogo moskovskogo Siona// Khudozhestvennoe nasledie. Storage, research, restoration. Vol. 14. Moscow, 192, pp. 128-157.

as the manifestation of the zeal for state authority, and saw it instead as a desire to glorify himself. They would not have forgiven "the usurper", having complied in this case with the "abasement" of the ancient cathedral, and the relics of Saint Peter the Metropolitan. 53 By the will of providence, Boris Godunov's project was destined to fail, just as the Godunov family line was not destined to become firmly established on Moscow's throne. The new Romanov dynasty, which came to power in 1613 had an indirect tie to the Ruriks through Ivan the Terrible's first wife, Anastasia Romanova. They took into account the «miscalculations» of their predecessor and, desiring to fully take up the mantle of successors to a centuries-old tradition, focused their attention on the ancient Dormition Cathedral. In 1624, a magnificent cast tabernacle was placed over the Jerusalem relic in the church (a measure of the Holy Sepulcher). That same year, Tsar Mikhail Romanov received a scared object which was highly precious to Christians as a gift from Shah Abbas I of Persia - part of Christ's robe. It was placed under the canopy of the tabernacle/reliquary. 54 Soon after this event (around 1627) an icon was painted 55 in which the tsar and patriarch are depicted placing the shrine in its destined place. Symmetrically arranged figures appear in the space of the tabernacle, wearing tsarist crowns and patriarchal miters, solemnly bending over the Robe of Christ uniting them in the center, and so signifying coordinated action from both tsarist and patriarchal power. We know from history that under the future Aleksey Mikhailovich Romanov, as well as his son, Peter the Great, mutual relations between state power and the church were very strained, and at times went through dramatic events. However, the icon and canopy over the Holy Sepulcher in the Dormition Cathedral not only immortalized the memory of the great sacred object's arrival in Moscow, but throughout the 17th century served as a symbol of the symphony of state power and the Church, united by a common goal: protecting the Faith.

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Shroud. Appearance of the Virgin to St. Sergi us of Radonezh with selected saints and feasts 1524. Moscow. Workshops of the Grand Prince Gold, rubies, pearls, velvet, damask, silk, gold and silver threads; embroidery, strung pearls. 108 x 114 cm Accession: 1920, sacristy, Trinity-Sergius Lavra Donated to Trinity-Serg ius Monastery in SeptemberOctober 1524 by Grand Prince of Moscow Vasily Ill lvanovich and his wife Solomonia Saburova, "in beseechment of childbirth". The shroud's original background was lost; it was replaced by red velvet between 1641 and 1701 SPMZ, inv. 409-ikho

DESCRIPTION OF THE BORDER SCENES:

1. The Annunciation; 2. St. John Chrysostom;

Embroidered on the borders are scenes of selected saints

3. Beseeching the Mother of God (Metropolitan

and feasts. The top border's thematic and compositional

of Moscow Peter turned to the Virgin in prayer);

center is an image of the Holy Trinity, while the bottom border is devoted to the Maccabean martyrs. Strings of large pearls on the central scene form an eight-pointed Golgotha Cross, with Mount Golgotha represented by

4. The Holy Trinity; 5. John the Baptist in the desert; 6. Archangel Gabriel; 7. Nativity of Christ; 8. Epiphany; 9. Ascension; 10. Paternity; 11. Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles; 12. Nativity of the Virgin; Anna); 14. Metropolitans of Moscow Peter and Alexis;

stars of pearls arranged in three semicircles on a filigreeembroidered background. Above the cross are an embroi-

15. The Seven Maccabean Martyrs, their mother

dered sun, moon and two flying angels. The Appearance

13. Conception of the Virgin (embrace of Joachim and

Solomonia and teacher St. Eleazar; 16. Sts. Basil of Parium and Leontius of Rostov; 17. Conception of John the Baptist (em brace of Zachary and Elizabeth); 18. Birth of John the Baptist.

of the Virgin to St. Sergius of Radonezh composition is divided in two by the cross, with the Virgin Mother and the Apostles John and Peter on the left and a kneeling St. Sergius and Venerable Nikon on the right. Flanking the cross on the lower part of the central scene is a donor's inscription: TIOMI1JIYI1 rI1 EJirOB'BPHArO BEJIMKAro KH35I BACI1JIIA MBAHOBWIA r,IJ;P5I BCEA PY-

cm I Ero EJirOB'BPHYIO BEJII1KYIO KHrHIO COJIOMOHIIO I1 rP A.IJ:hl 11X IIO)],Al1 )KE 11M'b rI1 TIJIO.IJ: ~PEBA C)],'BJIAHA TIEJIEHA cm B JI'BTO 3Jir B'b I < 19> JI'BTO r)],PhCTBA Ero (Lord have mercy on pious Grand Prince Vasily Ivanovich, ruler of All Russia and his pious Grand Princess Solomonia and their cities and grant them, Lord, issue. This shroud made in the year 7033, in the 19th year of his rule). G. P . Cherkashina , SPMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

T. N. Alexandrova-Dolnik, Shit'e // Troitse-Sergieva lavra, Sergiev Posad, 1919, p. 96; N. A. Mayasova, Khudozhestvennoye shit'e II Troitse-Sergieva

lavra. Khudozhestvennye pamyatniki, Moscow, 1968. pp. 125-126, ill us. 1SO, 151; T. N. Manushina, Shit'e Drevnei Rusi v sobranii Zagorskogo muzeya, Moscow, 1983, pp. 64-65, no. 1O; V. I. Bald in, T. N. Manushina,

Troitse-Sergieva lavra. Arkhitekturny ansambl' i khudozhestvennye kollektsii drevnerusskogo iskusstva, Moscow, 1996, p. 351; G. P. Cherkashina, Obraz prepodobnogo Sergiya v ikonopisi, shit'e i me/koi plastike II Prepodobny Sergy Radonezhsky - veliky podvizhnik zemli Russkoi, Moscow, 2004, pp. 107- 109, illus. 90.

298

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IV

HOLY RUSSIA

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THE EARTHLY KINGDOM AND THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN

1451146

Manuscript. Gospel 1507. Moscow. Scribe Nikon, gold painter Mikha il Medovartsev, painter Theodosius (son of Dionysius) 381 leaves. Paper, ink, vermilion, pai nt, gold . 272 x 202 mm Poluustav script. Four miniatures on glued-in leaves (10 recto, 108 recto, 171 recto, 271 recto) Accession: 1852, col lection of M. P. Pogodin RNB, inv. Pogod. 133

In the elegance of its calligraphy and decorations this gospel one of the best of the lavish, pointedly-aristocratic manuscripts created in Moscow in the first third of the 16th century. The book was commissioned by Ivan Tretyakov (of the Khovrin boyar family) , a highplaced official in the grand princely court who served as pechatnik (master of seals ), and later treasurer, under Vasily III. During the coronation of Ivan IV ("the Terrible") in 1547 he was entrusted with delivering the tsar's regalia to Dormition Cathedral. The manuscript was created in the workshops of Mikhail Medovartsev, head of the grand prince's and metropolitan's scriptorium. Medovartsev worked from a cell in St. Nicholas Greek Monastery near the Moscow Kremlin which he occupied from the late -lSth through the first third of the 16th century. His workshop produced Moscow's best manuscript books. All of them show the strong influence of icon painter Dionysius and his school on the development of the Moscow book miniature. The miniatures depicting the Four Evangelists were painted by Dionysius' son Theodosius, who studied directly with his father, working under his supervision for many years. The codex's four miniatures are marked by laconism of composition, a light and bright color scheme, the use of gold and richly saturated colors and a jewelry-like attention to detail. The marvelous headpieces and initials are thought to be the work of a different artist. The gospel book is a unique work representing a symbiosis of new and traditional motifs in the early 16th-century Russian manuscript. P.A. Medvedev , E. V. Krushelnitskaya, RNB

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

lastavki i miniatyury Chetveroevangeliya 1507 g. lz rukopisi, khranyashcheisya v Imp. Pub/ichnoi biblioteke (Drevlekhranilishche Pogodina N9 133) I Vosproizvedeny khudozhnikom M.I. Osipovym. Spredisloviem A.F. Bychkova (lzdanie OLDP. MXXV/11); A. N. Svirin, lskusstvo knigi Drevnei Rusi XI-XV/1 vv., Moscow, 1964, pp. 113-1 16, 246, 247; G. V. Popov, Moskovskaya knizhnaya illyustratsiya vremeni Dionisiya II

Dionisy «zhivopisets preslovushchy». K 500-letiyu rospisi Dionisiya v sobore Rozhdestva Bogoroditsy Ferapontova monastyrya, Moscow, 2002, pp. 24, 246-248, no. 66 (color) (Evangelist Matthew).

300

Manuscript. Gospel 1531. Moscow. Scribe Isaac Birev 370 leaves. Paper, ink, vermilion, paint, gold 31.6 x 20 cm. Poluustav script Provenance: Trinity-Sergius Monastery(?) RGB, inv. F. 304/ 111, N" 15

The gospel is one of the most masterful Russian books of the first half of the 16th century. Talented artists took part in the manuscript's creation, decorating it with initials, headpieces and miniatures. The ornamental motifs of the ten headpieces and initials are very diverse, with floral and geometric designs dominating. The book has nine miniatures, including four depicting Evangelists Matthew, Mark, Luke and John with his pupil Prochorus. Four others depict the evangelists' symbols: angel, eagle, calf and lion. The remaining one represents a rare subject for a book miniature: one of Jesus Christ's sermons. All the miniatures are painted in rich, pure tempera colors and illuminated with gold. The illustrators succeeded in portraying the Four Evangelists with exquisite mastery. Their poses are calm and majestic, their faces are serious and concentrated and the architectural background is strict and well-constructed. The evangelists' symbols, placed on broad margins next to the start of each corresponding gospel, are somewhat less perfect in execution. Sewn between each evangelist's miniature and the text of his gospel is an ultra-thin curtain with a frame decorated with paint and gold. I. V . Levochkin , RGB ~

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PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

T. B. Ukhova, Katalog miniatyur, ornamenta i gravyur sobrany Troitse-Sergievoi lavry i Moskovskoi dukhovnoi akademii II Zapiski otde/a rukopisei. Gosudorstvennaya biblioteka SSSR im. V. I. Lenina. Vyp. 22, Moscow, 1960, pp. 152-154; A. N. Svirin, lskusstvo knigi Drevnei Rusi, pp. 116-117.

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Manuscript. Borovsk Gospel 1530-1533.Novgorod 516 leaves. Paper, ink, tempera, gold, vermilion. Setting wood, velvet, silver, semi-precious stones, pearls; filigree, casting, colored enamel. 39.5 x 29 x 13 cm Accession : 1925 The following chronicle appears on leaves 1-3 (in part): < . .. > m,KaHo 6blCTb o,e cs11rne esaHre1111e B se111.1KOM HoserpaAe noseneHlileM npeocBRU-leHHOro apx1.1en1.1cKona sen1.1Karo HosarpaAa 1.1 ncKosa snaAblKa MaKap1.1a < ... > cosepweHa B 7041 . ~ BAaHa 6blCTb < ... >BO 06U-11i1C1 MOHaCTblpb naHyrlila 410AOTBop4a nplil < . .. > ~BaHa BaC1i1nbeB1i14a < ... > B nepsoe nern 4apasa ero GIM, inv. 64090, OR Muz., 3878, 1086-ZV

Both the gospel itself and its lavish setting were created in Novgorod by decree of Archbishop Macarius (later Metropolitan of All Russia), as its extensive record indicates; the record also tells of the gospel's donation to Paphnutius of Borovsk Monastery in 1533. Another scribe's record on leaf 505 contains the date of the book's completion, 1530. The manuscript is adorned with minia tures depicting the Four Evangelists and magnificent headpieces and initials in the "neo-Byzantine" style, skillfully executed in a bright color scheme. The headpieces resemble the best cloisonne works. The filigree setting of gilded silver decorated with semi-precious stones, pearls, colored enamel and cast and embossed figures testifies to the high mastery of Novgorod's jewelers. On the silver attachments for the clasps is an embossed inscription on an enamel background reading: "ApXHeIIMCKOII M0Kap11e" (Archbishop Macarius). E. V. Shulgina, GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

M. M. Postnikova-Loseva, Prikladnoye iskusstvo XVI-XVI vv. II lstoriya

russkogo iskusstva. T. IV, Moscow, 1959, p. 516; M. M. Postnikova-Loseva, Russkoye yuvelirnoye iskusstvo, ego tsentry i mastera, Moscow, 1974, p. 116; G. N. Bocharov, N. P. Gorina, Ob odnoi gruppe novgorodskikh izdely kontsa XV i XVI veka II Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo, Moscow, 1977, pp. 291-319.

302

Manuscript. Gospel 1560s. Moscow. Setting -

1568. Moscow. Kremlin workshops

494 leaves. Paper, tempera, silver, wood, velvet; chasing, filigree, granulation, casting, gilding. 33.5 x 21 cm Accession: 1925 Inscription along th e top of the front setting: B nETO 7076 (1568) Kl..\A 3AEnAHA 6blCTb CE EB(AH }r (E}nlt1E I (B XPA}Mb nPE4 (1t1 C}TblE Ei(OrDPOAlt1 }l..\bl 4ECTHAro

ER 6n(A}rDBELl.(EHlt1R Provenance: Annunciation Cathedral, Moscow Kremlin MMK, inv. KN-33

The top setting contains a Deesis composition consisting of cast figures of Jesus Christ, the Virgin Mother and John the Baptist. Above the Deesis is a Virgin of the Sign icon in a round medallion flanked by cast figures of archangels with implements of the Crucifixion. Below the Deesis is a round medallion with engraved waist-length figures of Sts. Constantine and Helena and half-figures of two monastic saints. On the setting's corners are seated depictions of the Four Evangelists, while five plates at the top contain the Holy Trinity flanked by two seraphim and two archangels. Depicted on the ten side plates are the Apostle Andrew, Simeon the Righteous, St. Sergius of Radonezh and seven unidentified saints. On the five bottom plates are Prince Vladimir, Princes Boris and Gleb, Venerable Nicetas of Pereyaslavl and St. Anastasia the Roman. The 1568 setting is a copy of the gospel setting donated in 1392 to Trinity-Sergius Monastery by boyar Feodor Koshka. These settings are both notable for the large number of saints depicted on them; however, their makeup differs somewhat. There's reason to believe that the saints in the 16th-century work were chosen by Tsar Ivan the Terrible, and their choice was programmatic in character. For example, St. Anastasia the Roman was the heavenly patroness of Tsarina Anastasia, Ivan's first wife, who died in August 1560. The tsarina's father, Roman Yurievich, came from the old Zakharyin-Koshkin family, whose forefather was boyar Feodor Koshka. This fact might have caused Tsar Ivan, in his search for a prototype for his donation, to settle on Feodor Koshka's gospel. St. Nicetas of Pereyaslavl was especially venerated by Tsar and Tsarina, for

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Manuscript. Illuminated Chronology

Latter half of 16th c. Moscow 1217 leaves. Paper, ink, vermilion, paint, leather. 44.2 x 31.5 cm Accession: 1827, Z. P. Zosima Part of the Illuminated Chronicle of Ivan IV, the Illuminated Chronology is documented in the catalogues of the Moscow Printing House library (1727 and ea. 1775). This vol ume is mentioned in the Moscow Printing House library's 1786 inventory of works destined for transfer to the Synodal Library. In the early 19th century the volume belonged to the Greek nobleman Zoe Pavlovich Zosima, a major merchant and philanthropist RNB, inv. OSRK. F. IV.151

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eral artists of each specialization working in succession on each miniature. This

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Book. Gospel Ca. 1555. Moscow. Anonymous Print Shop 396 leaves. Paper, printed text, wood, velvet 28 x 18 cm (41 cm unfolded) Accession: 1861, library of merchant I. P. Karataev RNB, I. 3. 6v, inv. 155a

The book known in the specialized literature as the "MediumWidth Type Gospel" (Sredneshriftnoye Evangelie), was printed on Russia's first printing press, the so-called "Anonymous Print Shop" in Moscow, which issued it without an imprint. Some researchers date it to the first half, and others to the latter half, of the 1550s. The type is Cyrillic and the language is Church Slavonic. It was printed in two colors in one impression. The edition is ornamented with headpieces, initials, frames on the margins and ligatured script. The beginning of each book of the Gospel has woodblock headpieces and initials; headings are printed in vermilion ligature script. At present thirty-three copies of the edition are known to exist in the libraries of Russia, Belarus and the Ukraine. T . A. Afanasyeva, N. V. Nikolaev, RNB

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LITERATURE:

N. E. Makaren ko, lskusstvo Drevnei Rusi. USoli Vychegodskoi, Petrograd, 1918, pp. 98-100, fi gs. 89-9 1; A. V. Sil kin, Litsevoye shit'e Stroganovskikh

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Marriage of Marina Mniszech in Cracow

One of a series of paintings made in Poland dedicated to the history of Marina

Provenance: Vishnevets Castle ofthe Polish Mniszech family,

Mniszech and Dmitry, known in Russian history as False Dmitry I. The painting depicts the in absentia marriage of Jerzy Mniszech's daughter Marina (ea. 1588 - ea. 1614) to False Dmitry I, who 's represented by his envoy Afanasy Vlasyev. The event took place in Cracow on 19 November 1605. The symmetrical, multi-figure composition depicts a large number of formally and elegantly dressed

sold in 1852. Its new owner I. Tolly gave the painting

guests gathered in three rows around the altar. Presiding over them is the figure of

to Emperor Alexander Ill as a gift

Cardinal Maciejowski, who blesses the newlyweds. The composition's upper row is

GIM, in v. 8402/ 11-3469

occupied by the Catholic clergy, the middle row by the Polish aristocracy (Jerzy Mniszech is first from the left, dressed in dark clothing) and the lower row by members of the Polish nobility, among whom several Russian envoys in long caftans with high

First ha If of 17th c. (?) Unknown Polish artist Oil on canvas. 155 x 230 cm Accession: 1885, gift of Emperor Alexander Ill

standing collars can be seen. Marina Mniszech's actual marriage to the False Dmitry was combined with their dual coronation and took place in Moscow on 8 May 1606. PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

On 17 May 1606 False Dmitry I was killed in a plot. Marina Mniszech later died in

V. Lukomsky, G. Lukomsky, Vishnevetsky zamok II Starye gody.

prison. According to Polish scholars the painting could have been created by Tommaso Dolabella or Krzysztof Boguszewski, both of whom were active in Poland in the first half of the 17th century.

1912. Mart, p. 23; E. I. Drakokhrust, lkonograficheskie istochniki, osveshchayushchie pol'skuyu interventsiyu nacho/a XVI/ veka II Trudy G/M. Vyp. XIV, Moscow, 1941 , pp. 39- 54; M. G~barovicz, Poczqtki malarstwa historycznego w Po/see, Wroc/aw, 1981 .

326

L . Yu. Rudne v a , GI M

11'.

Lithograph. Procession of Michael Feodorovich from the Tsar's Chambers to Dormition Cathedral

The edition, consisting of two volumes, was printed in Moscow in 1856 by the Commission for the Printing of Tsars' Edicts and Treaties of the Ministry of Internal Affairs ' Moscow Main Archive, with a dedication to Emperor Alexander II. It was

Leaf from the book Drawings from the Book About the Election

of Tsar Michael Feodorovich to the Tsardom (leaf 22, illus. 10) 1856. Moscow. Lithograph by V. Kudinov

based on the illuminated manuscript book entitled Book About the Election of Great Sovereign, Tsar and Grand Prince Michael Feodorovich, Autocrat of All Great Russia, to

Colored by A. A. Potapov in 1898

the All-Supreme Throne of the Great Russian Tsardom created by artists of the Krem-

Paper, shell gold and silver, India ink, pencil; lithography,

lin Armory in 1672-1673 under the supervision ofboyar and Foreign Chancellor A. S. Matveev.

watercolor. 64 x 76 cm Accession: Kremlin Armory Library MMK, inv. KN-250

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Icon. St. Alexis of Rome 1629. Moscow. Overpainting -

18th-19th c.

Original painting preserved in fragments Wood, tempera, cloth, gold, sapphires, emeralds, pearl, glass; chasing, granulation, niello. 48.3 x 14.5 cm Provenance: Archangel Cathedral, Moscow Kremlin MMK, inv. Zh-S49/ 1-2

The work combines two compositions: an Old Testament Trinity in a round medallion on the top and Alexis of Rome below. The saint is depicted with hands crossed on his chest in prayer, palms opened outwards. The icon's original oklad is embossed with a twining floral ornamentation. The icon was painted soon after Tsarevich Alexis Mikhailovich's birth in 1629 and depicts the saint in whose honor he was christened. Such icons were called "measured" or "birth" icons, as they were made to match the newborn heir's height. They were placed in private chapels in the palace dedicated to the newborn members of the tsar's family and accompanied them throughout their lives. They followed their "owners" after their deaths to the tsars' mausoleum in Archangel Cathedral, taking up residence in iconostases over their tombs. The first measured icons were created in the latter half of the 16th century for the sons of Ivan IV ("the Terrible") and became an established tradition under the first Romanovs. Only the tsar's most celebrated icon painters were entrusted with their creation. The icon is marked by its main figure's gesture of prayerful attendance, underlining the idea of the saint's intercession for his earthly namesake. Alexis Mikhailovich's reign was accompanied by a campaign of St. Alexis of Rome's veneration and the creation of many icons depicting the tsar's patron saint. 0 . A. Tsitsinova , MMK

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

N. D. lzvekov,

Moskovsky pridvorny Arkhangel'sky sober, Sergiev-Posad, 1916,

pp. 105-106; M.M. Postnikova-Loseva, Zolotye i serebryanye izdeliya masterov

Oruzheinoi palaty XVI-XV/I vekov II Gosudarstvennaya Oruzheinaya Palata Moskovskogo Kremlya, Moscow, 1954, p. 194; T. B. Vlasova, lstoriya formirovaniya ikonostasov Arkhangel'skogo sobora II Arkhange/'sky sobor Moskovskogo Kremlya, Moscow, 2002, p. 249; 0. A. Tsitsinova, 0 nekotorykh ikonakh iz nadgrobnykh ikonostasov Arkhange/'skogo sobora Moskovskogo Kremlya II Svyatyni Moskovskogo Kremlya v russkoi istorii i kul'ture, Moscow, 2006, pp. 137-149.

336

Icon. St. Michael Maleinos 1630s -

mid-1640s. Moscow. Overpa int ing -

18th-19th

c.

Wood, t empera, sil ver, gol d, emeralds, to urmaline; granulation, chasing, gilding, enamel. 153 x 53 cm Provenance: Archangel Cathed ral, Moscow Kremlin The saint's face and righ t hand have been partially uncovered; the rest of t he origina l ima ge is under t he overpainted layer MMK, inv. Zh -534/ 1-2

This icon of the Tsar Michael Feodorovich's patron saint continued the tradition, established in the latter half of the 16th century under Tsar Ivan the Terrible, of including tsars' patron saint icons on Annunciation Cathedral's iconostasis. In this way, the new tsar strove to emphasize his kinship to the fading Rurikid Dynasty. It's unknown whether 16th-century tsars' patronal icons were painted immediately after their coronations, but this one of Michael Maleinos was created well after Michal Romanov's election to the tsarist throne. The delay might be connected with foreign policy, as not all foreign powers recognized Michael Romanov as Russia's lawful tsar, and his legitimacy was disputed up until the mid1630s. It's likely, then, that the Annunciation Cathedral icon was created only after the matter had been settled. In keeping with another ancient tradition, the icon was transferred after Michael Feodorovich's death to Archangel Cathedral and placed over the tsar's tomb by the southeastern pillar. The special veneration of Michael Maleinos, lOth-century hegumen of Kyminas Monastery in Bithynia, began under Tsar Michael Feodorovich. In 1627 Patriarch of Constantinople Lukaris sent a fragment of the saint's relics to the Muscovite ruler as a gift. Michael Maleinos' brief vita and extensive biography were included in the Prolog (calendar with saints' lives ) of 1643. Small icons of the tsar's patron saint were also created at that time for the chapels of tsarist palaces and as gifts to churches and monasteries. z 0 . A . Tsitsinova , MMK

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Document. Collective petition of the monks of Solovki Monastery rejecting reformed books

Icon. Holy Martyr Avvakum Late 17th -

ea rly 18t h c.

Wood, tempera. 14.6 x 12.5 cm

Dispute on Faith Unknown artist. 18th c. Oil on canvas. 68 x 83.2 cm

8 June 1658

Accession: 1923, St. Nicholas Old-Rite Monastery,

Provenance unknown

3 leaves. Pa per, ink. 45 x 16 cm; 30 x 16 cm; 27 x 16 cm

Moscow

GMIR, inv. A-1641-IV

Accession: 1920, Synodal collection

Provenance: co llection of A. I. Khludov

Restored at the GIM in 1993

Rest ored in 1960s by Vinogradov (?)

GIM, inv. 80370, OR Sin. scroll N2 1171

GIM, inv. 547271-Vlll 4419

Patriarch Nikon's ecclesiastical reforms, which

sian Orthodox Church in the mid- l 7th centu-

Archpriest Avvakum is depicted praying, full height, with his right hand held in a two-finger blessing and his left holding both a gospel and an unfurled scroll. The scroll's text comes

ry. The new, corrected church books met with growing resistance among the clergy. In this

from Avvakum's writing "Epistle to all Brethren on the Face of the Earth". Depicted in a gold-

included the alteration of service books and church rituals, led to a schism within the Rus-

The painting illustrates the differences in liturgical practice between Old and New Believers. The composition is divided into two equal

authentic chelobitnaya (petition), Solovki

en cloud on the left are Jesus Christ, the Vir-

parts: illustrated on the left are elements of the old, pre-Nikonian rite, while Nikon's altered ones are ~hown on the right. The ecclesiastical reforms carried out from

Monastery's monks and its hegumen, Archi-

gin Mother and two angels. The Savior's right

1653 to 1660 by Patriarch Nikon changed the

mandrite Elijah, confirm their receipt of the new printed service books sent to them by Metropolitan Macari us of Novgorod and Ve-

hand is also held in a two-finger blessing, while His left holds an upward-unfurled scroll with text from Avvakum's fifth chelobitnaya

likye Luki. The Solovki priests and deacons refused to perform the liturgy using the new books, declaring their intent to "serve as of

(petition) to Tsar Alexis Mikhailovich, which reads: "Pa6e/ MOH tt/e 6ofirn a3/ ecMb" (Don't

sign of the cross to use three fingers instead of two, altered the spelling of Jesus' name from Isus to Iisus, recognized the four-pointed "Latin " cross along with the eight-pointed one, ordained celebrating the liturgy with five

fear, my servant, for I am). The icon's subj ect

prosphora instead of seven and changed the

old, in keeping with the tradition of the won-

was taken from Avvakum's vision of the Sav-

shapes of bishops ' mitres and staffs. These

derworkers Venerable Zosimas and Metropol- · itan Philip". On the scroll's back side are the monks' handwritten signatures.

ior, Mother of God and angels described by him in this chelobitnay a written in 1669. Here the traditional iconographic composi-

changes were all rejected by Old Believers, who considered themselves heirs to the "ancient Russian" church established by Prince

tion representing a saint interceding before the

Vladimir, Baptizer of Rus. The painting was created in the Old Believer community.

E . V. Shulgina , GIM

Savior and Heavenly Host is enriched by the artist with the events of a vision and a written

Z. A. Luchsheva, GMIR

dialogue between the saint and God. L . A. Kornyukova , GIM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

Materialy dlya istarii raska/a I Pod red. N. Subbotina. T. 3, 1874, p. 3-1; Neizvestnaya Rassiya. K300-/etiyu

V. I. Malyshev, lstoriya "ikonnogo" izobrazheniya

M. V. Basova,

Vygovskoi staroobryadcheskoi pustyni, Moscow: GIM,

protopopa Avvakuma II lnstitut russkoi literatury. Otdel drevnerusskoi literatury. Trudy. XX/1, Moscow-Leningrad,

vennogo muzeya istorii religii, Moscow, 2006, p. 21O; Z. A. Luch sheva, Staroobryadcheskaya kollektsiya Gosu-

1994, p. 9.

1966, pp. 382-401.

darstvennogo Muzeya istorii religii, St. Petersb urg, 2008, pp. 10, 51.

348

Russkoye iskusstvo. lz sobraniya Gosudarst-

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kamnei v Voskresensky Novo-lerusalimsky monastyr' v XVI/ veke. lz fonda dragotsennykh metallov muzeya "Novy lerusalim " II Nikonovskie chteniya v muzee "Novy /erusalim ", Moscow, issue II, 2005, pp. 190-198.

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Parsuna icon. Tsar Feodor Alexeyevich 1686. Moscow. Kremlin Armory. Ivan Saltanov, Erofei Elin, Luka Smolyaninov Wood, tempera, oil. 244 x 119 cm Accession: 1891 Provenance: Archangel Cathedral, Moscow Kreml in GIM, inv. 29175, I-Vlll-3760

In 1685 Tsarevna Sophia, co-ruler with Tsars Peter and Ivan, commissioned leading court icon painter and portrait artist Ivan (Bogdan) Saltanov to paint a tomb portrait of Tsar Feodor Alexeyevich (1661-1682, reigned from 1676) . Like the paired tomb portrait of Tsars Michael Feodorovich and Alexis Mikhailovich located over their tombs at the southwest column of Archangel Cathedral, the portrait of Feodor Alexeyevich, its equal both in size and iconography, was to be placed on the neighboring northwest column. Thus Tsarevna Sophia continued the traditional "portrait gallery" established in the cathedral's mausoleum of tsars and grand princes. Tsar Feodor Alexeyevich is shown dressed in splendid regal attire. His longskirted caftan is of gold-woven velvet and fastened with large, hanging buttons. Over it he wears the barmy (shoulder-piece) decorated with a cross pattern in precious stones and pearls. On his chest is a crucifix on a gold chain and a Savior Not-Made-By-Hands icon. In his hands is a cross-topped orb and a scepter crowned with a two-headed eagle. On his head he wears a furtrimmed Kazan cap shaped like a stepped crown. The tsar's figure stands out against the blue sky and rocky landscape background. In shields around the icon's perimeter are figurate cartouches with texts describing the departed tsar's deeds, reign and date of death. Above the tsar's head is a Savior NotMade-By-Hands on a mandylion. The parsuna is icon-like in the figure's Byzantine, exaggeratedly large eyes and full, childish lips; the timid, sliding motion of the hands holding the regalia; the light-bathed silhouette's artistic expressiveness; the narrow format; and the gold haloes. The model is elevated and idealized by the medieval art form's symbolic quality, resulting in an image of a youth both beautiful and saintly in his innocence. Facial features in the parsuna, however, are individualized: the elongated, aquiline nose with its slightly lowered bridge, the wide-set eyes under high-placed brows, the face's narrow oval and slightly sunken cheeks, the "heavy" chin and the shortclipped, bushy hair. Despite the symbolic approach to light, shadow and perspective visible in the deep shadows and thick blue of the sky at the horizon line, an impression is created of spatial depth and the figure 's free movement within it; the abundance of air also liberates the image emotionally. Though Feodor Alexeyevich was already fifteen years old at the time of his coronation and twenty-one when he died, the face on the parsuna is that of a child. This feature lends the official portrait an atmosphere of intimate, lyrical emotion, arousing associations with the innocent, murdered Tsarevich Dmitry, the patron saint of the tsar's family whose relics also reposed in Archangel Cathedral. For the first time, a tomb parsuna icon was commissioned not from an icon painter but from artists of a secular orientation.

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

A. I. Uspensky, Tsarskie ikonopistsy i zhivopistsy Oruzheinoi

palaty. Slovar'. T. II, Moscow, 1910, pp. 138, 242, 258, 364; E. S. Ovchinnikova, Portret v russkom iskusstve XVI/ v., Moscow, 1964, pp. 35-85, tab les XVII-XVIII, XX; N. I. Komashko, Zhivopisets Bogdan Saltanov v kontekste khudo-

zhestvennoi zhizni Moskvy XVI/ veka II Drevnyaya Rus'. Voprosy medievistiki, Moscow, 2003, pp. 50- 51.

352

L. A. Kornyukova , GIM

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T HE EARTH LY KINGDOM AND THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN

1961197

Coin. Double Chervonets

Chalice

1701. Moscow. Tsar Peter I

1704. Moscow. Unknown artist

Gold, stamping. Diam . 24.5 mm; weight 6.95 g

with monogram ZV

Accession: before 1917

Silver; enamel, gilding, castin g, engraving,

GE, inv. ON-R-Az 176

painting. 33.8 x 13.8 cm Accession: 1935, Anti-Religious Art Museum GIM, inv. 77177 OK 9856

On the obverse side is a chest-length, right-

This cup is set in an openwork housing with

profile depiction of Tsar Peter Alexeyevich in armor with a crown of laurels. The cloak on

floral ornamentation and six enamel medallions containing painted images of the Savior, the Virgin Mother, John the Baptist, Archangels

his shoulders is fastened with a ribbon. The round inscription reads: IJ,Ph IIETP'b AJIEKCIEBI-FI'b (Tsar Peter Alexeyevich ). The rim is dotted. Depicted on the reverse is a two-

Michael and Gabriel and a Crucifixion with attending figures. The stem has three tiers, the upper one with three cast hoops with cherubim

headed eagle with one large and two small

whose wings are covered in green and pink

crowns and an orb and scepter in its claws. On the eagle's breast is a shield with the seal of Moscow, St. George the Victorious. The round inscription reads: CAMO,Il;EP)KEIJ,h BCEA

enamel. The stem's middle tier has six sides, each having a cast applied branch with fruits and flowers . There are three applied cherubim on the stem's lower part. The base is connect-

POCCII1 (Autocrat of All Russia). At the bot-

ed to the stem with six enamel hoops and decorated with six enamel medallions depicting

tom is a date in Slavic letters: %AIJIA < 1700>. The rim is dotted. The edge is smooth. E. V. Lepyokhina , GE

the Kiss of Judas, the Agony in the Garden, Christ Before Pilate, the Flagellation of Christ, the Crucifixion with attending figures and the Ascension. The wealth of enamelwork and enamel-painted images allow us to conclude that the chalice's artist was a foreigner working on commission from the tsar's court. Engraved along the edge of the base's bottom

imperatora Petra I. T. II, St. Peters burg, 1913, table V, 1,

is the inscription: 1704 r. MECJlll,A ABfY CT A B ,Il;EHh 2 EJIAfOBEPHAJl BEJII1KA5l fOCY,Il;APhIHJl IJ,APEBHA 11 BEJII1KA5I

p. 20, no. 162.

KHJl)KHA EKA TEPI1HA AJIEKCEEBHA

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

Grand Duke Georgy Mikha ilovich, Monety tsarstvovaniya

354

BbIMEHIJIA Cl1l1 CB5.ITbIE COCY,Ubl BO OEHTEJib I1PECB5.1Tbl5I EOfOPOJJ:HU:bI O,Ul1fl1TPI15.I CMOJIEHCKI15.I B HOBO,UEBJ1qJ1];[ MOHACTbIPb. BECY B Hl1X IIIECTb YHTOB. U:EHA CTO OCM,UEC5IT PYE (In the year 1704, month of August, day 2, Right-Believing Great Sovereign, Tsarevna and Grand Princess Ekaterina Alexeyevna donated these holy vessels to the house of the Most-Holy Smolensk Mother of God Hodegetria in Novodevichy Conv~nt. They weigh six pounds. Price 180 rubles). The vessel was donated by Tsarevna Ekaterina Alexeyevna (1658-1718) to Novodevichy Convent's Smolensk Cathedral on 2 August 1704. The donation's purpose isn 't indicated in the inscription, but considering that the donator's elder sister, Sophia Alexeyevna (165 7- 1704 ), died on 3 July 1704, there's reason to believe the chalice was donated "in memory of the soul" of the departed. Since Tsarevna Sophia was deeply out of favor, the absence of her name on the donor's inscription is understandable, as is the inconspicuous location of the latter.

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document that abolished the Russian patriarchy and established what would later become the Holy Synod - translator's note) consists of three parts: a Manifesto establishing the Ecclesiastical College, the Oath for its members and its Regulation or Charter, which is in turn divided into three parts. Part two of the

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The "Red Corner" -

Holy Russia -

The House of the Theotokos

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The space inside a traditional Russian wooden house is sanctified by icons placed in the farthest corners. But we shall also find inside it the main, the so-called "strong" place. That is the "red corner" - the peasant's "household church", the "Upper Jerusalem". Instructions about how to arrange it are already being given in the "Domostroy" (the l 6th-century "Household Book" or "Domestic Order"): "Inside his house, in all the rooms, every Christian must hang holy

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images in order of precedence, after arraying them beautifully, and place candlesticks, in which candles are to be lit in front of the holy images during a service and extinguished after the service, and enclose them with a curtain for the sake of cleanliness and to protect them from dust, for the sake of strict order and for their preservation". 28 The "red corner" generally contained a bozhnitsa or kiot (both meaning "icon case"), in which icons could be placed. In Russian, the word kiot or kivot had a twofold meaning. It could denote a box or frame in which an icon was placed. But it also meant the Biblical Ark of the Covenant, i.e. "a case for the covenant" or "a seating chest" (Exodus, 25:10). In his dictionary, Dal defines kiot (kivot, kivotets, kiotka ) as "a cabinet for holy icons", adding that "the Jews kept the Tables of the Covenant in a cedar and gold kivot, but now they keep the Pentateuch in it in synagogues .. , they call the kivot Oronga-kodesh". 29 In the Middle Ages, the kivot structure was a vital part of church decor, the concept of which included not only ciboria, but also the decorated royal gate, curtains and devotional images with veils. Kivot might also be used to designate a canopy over the altar, the framework of the· iconostasis and a separate casing for an icon. In popular belief, arranging a "red corner" in a house was regarded as an equally responsible and pious matter: the bozhnitsa had a ritual and magical function, while its frame was the "window" in which every day saw the occurrence of communion with the forces of the other world, or hierophany (LEpocpavLa), to use Mircea Eliade's term, i.e. the manifestation of the "sacred" in the profane. 30 People always tried to decorate the "red corner" not only with an ornamental frame, but also with a bright curtain and fresh flowers or willow branches brought from the church on Palm Sunday. 31 Next to the icons, they would put lubki. Framing the bozhnitsa, these folk pictures did, as it were, link "the place of the divine presence" with the space of the peasant mir. Particularly popular were pictures drawn from parables, as well as the images of heroes of ascetic piety, appearances of miracle-working icons, holy places and monasteries. Portraits of the tsars could also be found here: the popular icon and the lubok were always brought closer together by the popular mind's love of myths. "Following people's religious requirements," Dmitry Rovinsky noted, "the picture provided them with cheap depictions of the saints they venerated". 32 The iconography and artistic features of lubki were transferred to icons. 33 If we imagine an icon and a lubok in the gloom of a peasant house, we realize that they could be seen thanks to three or four bright colors and lines that "burst into life" in the dim lamplight. The peasant's "household church" also contained quite a pantheon of heavenly forces. They are Christ, the Theotokos and the saints who are connected with the peculiarities of folk piety and rural life. "Specialization" and the veneration of saints as the patrons of certain trades constitute a common theme in both Catholic and Orthodox religious feeling as medieval times gave way to the modern age. It is no secret that popular faith is "dual faith ", i.e. a whole vast world of images that has a sort of double aspect - the prayerful devotion of the official cult and the ritual forms and myths ~allowed by folk tradition. 34 That is why the specialization of "rural" saints clearly belongs to the universal patterns of folk consciousness. 35 In the "red corner", the icon of the Mother of God always occupied a special place - next to the icon of Jesus Christ. The Russian liturgical calendar of the modern age reflected the connection between the Theotokos and the idea of the sanctity of the world around us in an interesting way: the beginning of the church year was marked by the celebration of the Nativity of the Mother of God and ended with the Assumption. Approximately from the 17th century onwards, this cycle came to be hallowed by a celebration of Sophia icons. Sometimes the Nativity was linked to the icon of St. Sophia of Kiev, and the Assumption to St. Sophia of Novgorod. The special liturgical significance of the icon of the Theotokos was also manifested in the Russian iconostasis: the image of the Savior was placed to the right of the royal door, and that of the Theotokos to the left. It has been noted that, in a Russian iconostasis and during divine worship, almost half of the prayers are addressed to the Mother of God. In the calendar of the Russian Orthodox Church, there are some 260 icons of the Theotokos that are celebrated, while in the so-called St. Sergius Menaion there are up to 700! 36 The huge number of icons of the Theotokos, both in the 16th century and in the 19th, was always matched by an equally large number of service texts and texts for home reading. Canons, akathistoi, troparia and services for feast days were complemented by apocryphal legends, col-

28

PLDR. Seredina XVI veka, 1985, p. 77. 29

V. Dai', To/kovyy slovar' zhivogo velikorusskogo yazyka, Vol. 2, St. Petersburg, 1905, p. 266. 30

M. Eliade, Svyashchennoye i mirskoye, Moscow, 1994, p. 17. 31

Ethnographic stu dies show that these properties of the bozhnitsa are also encountered today. See: T. A. Bershtam, Prikhodskaya zhizn' russkoy derevni: Ocherki po tserkovnoy etnografii, St. Pet ersburg, 2005; K. V. Tsikhanskaya, lkonopochitaniye v russkoy traditsionnoy ku/'ture, Moscow, 2004, pp. 139-140. 32

D. A. Rovinskiy, Russkiye narodnyye kartinki, St. Petersburg, 1900, p. 1. 33

I. A. Golyshev, Al'bom russkikh sinodikov 1651, 1679, 1686 godov, Mstera, 1886, p. 4. 34

"D ual fa ith" pres upposes t he mechanica l fusion of paga nism and Christianity and refers to the archaic layers of consciousness, i.e. to the depths at which the historical features of devoutness are not discernible. In this respect, the concept of "popular Christianity" (in wh ich paganism was trans formed) is closer, in our view, to the concept of "piety" against which the Church does not figh t as much as it fights against "dual fa it h". Here we come up against "unorthodox forms of popular re ligion ". In modern hi st oriog raphy, "po pular Christianity" is a part of the hist ory of "popu lar culture" that is interpret ed quite broad ly. Scholars identify the value systems, att it udes of mind and mod els of conduct emb raced by an absol ute majorit y in a society. See, in particular: A. Ya. Gur evich, Srednevekovyy mir: ku/'tura gospodstvuyushchego bo/'shinstva, Moscow, 1990; R. C. Finu cane, Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England, New York, 1977; Religion and Society in Early Modern Europe, 1500- 1800. Ed. by K. von Greyers, London, 1984; J. Bossy, Christianity in the West, 1400-1 700, Oxford, 1985 , etc. 35

On the syncretism of pagan and Christian ideas in "popular Catholicism " see, in parti cula r: N. Z. Davis, Some Tasks and Themes in the Study of Popular Religion II The Pursuit of

Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion. Ed. by C. Trinkuas, H. A. Oberman, Leiden, 1974. Thi s syncretism is not tightly bou nd to any spec ific pe riod in the hist ory of Chri stia nity: "Where t he re is a pl ace for it," S. 5. Ave rintsev noted, "t hat is, on th e sidelines of rel ig ious life, it does, in theory, remain as before, from late antiq uity to the very end of the Middle Ages, moreover to the last fai nt echoes of the end of the Middle Ages in everyday life .., right up to t he world of Leskov's vagra nts" (S. S. Averintsev, Ot beregov Bosfora do beregov Yevfrata, Moscow, 1987, p. 26). 36

L. A. Uspe nsky, Bogosloviye ikony pravoslavnoy tserkvi, Paris-Moscow, 1989, p. 32.

370

ored by folksy inventions, about icons of the Theotokos and all kinds of visions. The apocrypha "Descent of the Virgin into Hell" and "Dream of the Mother of God", popular with the people, were to be found in the Chetyi-Minei (Monthly Readings), Prologs and Triodia. The Theotokos theme was actively developed in the Lives of the saints and in chronicles and, later on, in popular booklets for the people. If, according to the Lives, the Mother of God appeared to Russian saints, these appearances could be reflected in devotional images, which gained immense popularity. The icons of "The appearance of the Mother of God to St. Sergi us of Radonezh" and "The appearance of the Mother of God to St. Serafun ofSarov" are the best-known examples. Frequently, though, the opposite happened: the actual appearance of the Theotokos was described from the icon. According to the text of the Life, the Theotokos really did appear to St. Martiry Zelenitsky looking "as She is painted in the cell icon". This also recalls Florensky's observation that "it was usually from icons that saints would come down whenever they appeared to supplicants". 37 In Russian religious experience, scholars note the harmony between the cults of Sophia and the Theotokos. 38 This observation explains a great deal. Being correlated with the theme of Divine Wisdom, popular veneration of the Theotokos not only grew stronger, but was contaminated by the pagan cult of the Mother of the Damp Earth. Hence the observation that a Russian invariably needed to include the icon of the Theotokos in the rhythm of the working life and daily concerns. Details from folk "Mariology" about endowing the icons of the Theotokos with various functions are, in fact, too numerous to be counted. Here are just a few examples. At the feast of the Annunciation, the icon of "The Annunciation of the Mother of God" took part in the ritual sanctification of the seed grain. 39 They would pray before the icon of the Burning Bush in order to guard against fire. In front of the image of Our Lady of Kazan, they prayed for "the recovery of sight for blinded eyes", before the Feodorovskaya icon, they prayed for protection against difficulties in childbirth; they prayed to Our Lady of Tikhvin "for protection of the health of infants". They prayed before the Hodegetria icon when setting off on a long journey.

Selected Saints Barlaam of Khutyn, John the Benefactor, Paraskeva Pyatnitsa, Anastasia and the Virgin of the Sign. Icon. Novgorod . Latter half of 15th c. GRM The Miracle of the Archangel Michael with Florus and Laurus, Blaise and Spyridon. Icon. Russian North. First half of 16th c. GRM V,

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Florensky. Uvodarazdelov mysli. T. 7. Stat'i po iskusstvu, Paris, 1985, p. 228.

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philosophical and theological polemics against these concepts. See: V. S. Solovyev,

Sofiya. Nachalo vselenskogo ucheniya II Logos, 7992, Issue 2, pp. 171-197; S. N. Bulgakov, Kupina neopalimaya, Paris, 1926, and Svet nevecherniy, Moscow, 1994, pp. 185-235; N. A. Berdyayev, 0 russkoy literature, Yekaterinburg , 1991 , pp. 174-178, 192-193; I. F. Meyendorf, Terna "Premudrosti" v

vostochnoyevropeyskoy kul'ture i yeye naslediye II Literatura i iskusstvo v sisteme ku/'tury, Moscow, 1988; N. 0 . Losskiy, /storiya russkoy filosofii, Moscow, 1991 , pp. 261-268; N. Zernov, Russkoye religioznoye vozrozhdeniye XX veka, Paris, 1991, pp. 290-291. See also: Sofiya Premudrost' Bozhiya. Vystavki russkoy ikonopisi X/1/-XIX vekov iz sobraniy muzeyev Rossii (v Gas. Tret'yakovskoy gallereye), Moscow, 2000. 39

Budni i prazdniki staroy Rossii. Starobytovoy kalendar', Leningrad , 1990, A. A. Nevskiy, pp.30- 31 .

371

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In view of this, one may suppose that Holy Russia resembled an icon of the Theotokos through the popular consciousnes~: "Holy Russia is the Home of the Mother of God" is a well-known folk saying. In the icons of Christ, people saw a stern Judge and King of Heaven, while, in the icons of the Theotokos, they saw the chief intercessor of a sinful world before God. 40 Miracles wrought by the icons of the Theotokos are always closer and warmer. In the popular mind, they were given pride of place, as it were, among the other "redeeming", "supportive" and "healing" miracles expected of the icons of saints. This is despite the plethora of these icons - a fact that is an equally characteristic feature of Russian popular Orthodoxy. This view is supported by a huge number of sources, including folklore texts, icon-painting originals and the icons themselves. The icon of St. Nicholas, the one most revered by the people, could replace the icon of John the Baptist in the "red corner" as part of the deesis row, next to the icons of Christ and the Theotokos. 41 The authority of St. Nicholas was also reflected in the iconography of items of personal devoutness. In small crosses, miniature icons and folding icons between the 12th and 17th centuries, St. Nicholas can be seen in the center of the composition or opposite the Theotokos. The saint was venerated as the patron of merchants and travelers, and his cult was connected with many superstitious farming beliefs and rituals. Compared with such "universality" ("We pray to Nicholas for all our needs, and to Elijah for rain," as one proverb put it), the functions of other saints were clearly more modest. People prayed mainly to St. Menas the

c. GRM

40

G. P. Fedotov Stikhi dukhovnyye. Russkaya narodnaya vera po dukhovnym stikham, Moscow, 1991, p. 129. 41

According to popular belief, veneration of St. Nicholas came close to veneration of the Theotokos and even veneratio n of Christ Himself. There was also a notion that the Holy Trin ity consisted of the Savi or, the Theotokos and St. Nicholas: "In folklore texts," - B. A. Uspensky notes, "St. Nicholas may be confused with God, and the name of Nichola s is combined with the name of the Lord (or the Trinity) and the Theotokos too, apparently merging with them to form a single whole, which is, to some extent, in keeping with their amalgamation in the deesis icon depiction" (B . A. Uspensky, Fi/o-

/ogicheskiye razyskaniya v oblasti slavyanskikh drevnostey. Relikty yazychestva v vostochnoslavyanskom ku/'te Nikolaya Mirlikiyskogo, Moscow, 1982, pp. 6-7; see also: pp . 14-16, 23-24).

372

Martyr for the curing of "eye disease", and they would also pray to St. Longin us the Centurion for the same affliction. They turned to John the Baptist for relief from headache, to St. Antipas for help with toothache, and to St. Martha for the passing of a fever. Romanus the MiracleWorker helped against barrenness, and Barbara the Great Martyr, Charlampius and Onuphrius against sudden death. Saints Guriy, Samon and Aviv were regarded as patrons of the family. To judge from such facts, saints could do "anything", and it is hard not to see the survivals of a pagan outlook here. 42 But let us bear in mind that myth is a dialectically necessary category of consciousness, and that a magic-based attitude toward the world is not just a survival of paganism, but a primordial feature of a rural population's general outlook and daily practice. The popular consciousness perceived the events of the "holy story" through the cycle of Orthodox feasts, which related, in turn, to the cycle of peasant work. 43 That is why one and the same images appear very differently in the official doctrine and in widely held beliefs: Christian themes and dogmata are mythologized in grassroots Orthodoxy. This is manifest in the icons themselves. Specialists in folk cults note that the order in which the Old Russian pagan gods are listed (starting with Perun and ending with Mokosh) sometimes reveals a parallel in a series of depictions of saints in lSth-century Novgorod icons, where the Prophet Elijah (the equivalent of Perun) comes first and Paraskeva Pyatnitsa (the equivalent of Mokosh) comes last. 44 One of such icons is "Virgin of the Sign with Selected Saints (the Prophet Elijah, Nicholas, Blaise, Florus, Laurus and Paraskeva Pyatnitsa)" (Novgorod, 15th century, Tretyakov Gallery), which presents the main pantheon of popular saints. Attributes of the ancient Slav pagan gods can be detected in their cult (especially in northern Rus - Novgorod and Pskov). For example, the set of attributes of the Prophet Elijah reveals a continuation of the properties of the god of the prince's retinue, Perun, and, for that matter, of the earlier Indo-European Storm God. 45 The Prophet Elijah often embodies the Thunderer. St. Blaise, who occupies a middle position, is identified with the ancient Slav Volos or Veles, who was known as the god of cattle. Accordingly, Blaise was venerated as the patron saint of cattle. He was depicted together with domesticated animals, and icons often placed him in a farmyard. The next pair of saints after him, Florus and Laurus, go back to ancient pairs, the so-called twin gods who were connected with horses (e.g. the Greek Dioscuri). That is why Florus and Laurus were shown with horses and were venerated as the patron saints of horse breeding. Finally, in the veneration of Paraskeva Pyatnitsa one can discern the functions of the main female deity of the East Slav pantheon, Mokosh, to whom Russian women (idolatresses) still prayed secretly in the 14th century. The cult of Paraskeva (the "women's saint") displayed such signs ofMokosh as spinning (yarn) and the watery elements (wooden sculptures of Paraskeva were often placed on wells). This pantheon did, of course, include Georgy the Victorious. For the official church, he features as a "martyr" - a Roman officer executed at the turn of the 4th century for his allegiance to Christianity. But, for the unofficial folk cult, he is important as the Dragon-Slayer. The legend of St. George ("The Miracle of George and the Worm") was reflected in many folklore texts. 46 While sanctioning his literary basis, official theology refrained from commenting on him. Yet George the Dragon-Slayer is one of the most poetic and loved folk images. Like Elijah, he largely corresponds to Perun (as the Thunderer and the Dragon-Slayer). Perun was revered as the leader of the prince's retinue, while Georgy the Victorious was the patron saint of the Russian army. Depictions of icons within icons, which were constantly encountered in Rus, also responded to representations of the strength and power of Christ, the Theotokos and the saints. 47 Clearly, we shall not find anywhere else so unusual a spread, in the l 6th- l 9th centuries, of icons, miniatures and religious pictures for the people in which icons were depicted and which decorated the "red comer" of the Russian house. Nowhere else were hagiographic images and small devotional icons with a large number of celestial beings so widespread and popular. Finally, nowhere else was veneration given to such an extent to icons in which the saints were shown in prayer before an icon of the Theotokos, or to small icons for pilgrims in which a saint could be seen with a monastery that he had founded and nearly always with the depiction of a miracle-working icon, to which one of the churches or side-chapels in that monastery was dedicated. These are all

42

OR RGB. F. 17. Yed. khr. 717. lko nopisnyy podlinnik, Leningrad, 207-202 ob. 43

It is known that, in th e Middle Ages, man y sa int s in th e chu rch ca lenda r had not been formally canonized: at first, t hey were "s ponta neo usly" venerated by the peopl e, and t heir names we re onl y added t o the Menolog ion su bseq uently.

"'z 44

Vyach. Vs. Iva nov, Motivy vostoch no-slavyanskogo yazychestvo i ikh transformotsiya v russkikh ikonakh II Narodnaya iko na i fo/'klor v Rossii XV/1-XIX vv, Moscow, 1976,

p. 274. 4S

Vyach. Vs. Ivan ov, V. N. Toporov, lssledovaniya v oblasti slavyanskikh drevnostey, Moscow, 1974, pp. 45, 191,200.

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Greek crosses (korsunchiki)

Miniature icon. Deesis

11th-13th c.

Early 14th c. Novgorod

Stone, carving. 4.4 x 5.4 x 0.6 cm; 4.2 x 5.7 x 0.7 cm

Stone (slate); carving. 6.5 x 5.8 x 1 cm

Two-sided icon pendant Great Martyr Demetrius of Thessalonica St. Nicholas and the Seven Holy Youths

Porphyrite, carving. 3.4 x 4.5 x 0.3 cm

Access ion: 1914, collection of F. M. Plyushkin

11 th-12th c.

Accessio n: before 1941

GRM, inv. ORKam-3

Silver, pyrophyll ite, copper; engravi ng, forgi ng

6.2 x 5.5 cm

NGOMZ, inv. ORK 103 NGM KP 2237-2; ORK 105 NGM KP 2237-4; ORK 110 NGM KP 2237-10

Accession: before 1933 Was in the collection of A. S. Uvarov

ters of Ancient Rus. They received their name from their place of origin, the city of Korsun ( Chersonesus). They were worn above cloth-

Stonecarving was an independent art fo rm in Ancient Rus. In the cult of the stone icon a great significance was attached to the veneration of the material itself, which retained the power of reliquiae of the Holy Sepulchre and

ing as jewelry and often had a headpiece, pre-

other holy places from where it came. Minia-

multi-figure composition with a waist-length

cious settings on the ends of the cross and decorations of pearls and precious stones.

ture stone icons set in precious settings and oklady were worn by Christians as part of their attire or used as attachments (priklady) for wonderworking icons. The image of Christ is masterful in its m eticulous, high-detail relief. The influence of By-

image of St. Nicholas and the Seven Sleeping Youths of Ephesus.

Stone crosses of this type, so-called korsunchiki, are encountered in many population cen-

N. V. Gormina , NGOMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

S. V. Troyanovsky, /storiya izucheniya novgorodskogo kremlya. Novgorodsky istorichesky sbomik NQ 5(7 5), 1995,

p, 94; G. V. Sidorenko, Kol/ektsiya krestov-«korsunchikov» V. E. Geze-Ostroukhova v sobranii Gosudarstvennoi Tret'yakovskoi galerei. Stavrografichesky sbomik. Kn. vtoraya,

Moscow, 2003, p. 205.

GIM, inv. 74467 OK 91 l l

On one side, St. Demetrius of Thessalonica is depicted seated on a throne wearing a full length cloak. On the other side is an engraved

The work, whose style and epigraphical features date it to the pre-Mongol period, testifies to the pervasiveness in Ancient Rus of the warrior cult and the related veneration of St. Ni-

zantine models is visible in the iconography.

cholas and the Seven Holy Youths, often inter-

Unique features of the carved Deesis icon are

preted as a symbol of the healing and life-giving

the cloth (inditia ), covering the altar of the Savior and the arched barrier at its pedestal.

power of sleep for warriors wounded on the battlefield.

The figures of the Virgin Mother and John the Baptist are pushed towards the icon's margins by Christ's wide throne and executed with less

T. I. Sizova , GIM

detail. Flanking the arched opening above are

Pectoral crosses

flying angels. The background contains mono10th, 14th c. Amber, stone. 4 x 3.5 cm; 4.2 x 2.5 cm; 5.3 x 4 cm; 4.2 x 3.3 cm Accession: 1948, 1966, 1977, 1986 Discovered in 1951 and 1956 during archeological excavations at Nerevsk, in 1947 at Yaroslav's Court and in 1983 on the banks of the Volkhov River, Novgorod NGOMZ, inv. A S-78, KP 25293/ 78; NGM KP 17608/ 16; NGM KP 7290/ 230; A 94/ 368, KP 34232 / 368

The crosses are four sided with lateral holes for

grams with titlos. On the back side of the icon, a frame and the contours of an unidentified saint's figure are visible. Though an object of individual devotion, the miniature stone icon possesses the grandeur and solemnity of a church icon, and the relief work displays the expressiveness of imagery for which early 14th-century Novgorod art is known. 0. V. Klyukanova , GRM

hanging. The amber crosses have slightly flanged ends, while the stone ones are straight. Pectoral crosses made of various materials can be found in Novgorod's lOth- through 15th-century cultural layers. Though the materials were imported (amber and slate), the objects were mostly locally produced. G . N. Kozhina, NGOMZ

380

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

T. V. Nikolayeva, Drevnerusskaya me/kaya p/astika iz kamnya

T. V. Nikolayeva, Drevnerusskaya me/kaya p/astika iz kamnya

X/-XV vv., Moscow, 1983, no. 109, p. 74 tables 21 , 2, p. 120.

X/-XIV vv., cat. 70.

203

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>-PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

Otto von Falke, Erich Meyer, Romanische Leuchter und Gefiisse giessgefiisse der Gotik, Berlin, 1935, pp. 42-43, N. 284, Abb. 251; Gosudarstvenny Ermitazh: Zapadnoevropeiskoye prikladnoye iskusstvo XII-XVI/I vv. I Pod. red. N. Yu. Biryukovoi, Leningrad, 1974, cat. 7.

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Birch bark letter No. 549

Birch bark letter No. 605

"Meta-seal" with depiction of a sword Virnik's tag

Second quarter of 12th c. Novgorod

Turn of 11th c. Novgorod

Birch bark. 21 x 6.5 cm

Wood; carving. 8 x 5.2 cm

Inscription: nOKJlAHflHlt1E ll.\E nonA Kb rPbl.jlt1HOY.

Discovered in 1982 at the Trinity excavations

Accession: 2003

HAnlt1Wlt1 Mlt1 WECTlt1KPlt1nEHAfl AHr nA 2

Inscription: nOKJlANfl Nlt1 E WT EKbfl Hv1Kv100PA I I OATbHHOMb !IA PE3Anb KPECTb CE~ MACTEPb CTE Restored at the GTsKhRM in 1972 by V. K. Filimonov NGOMZ, inv. DRD 114

A four-pointed memorial devotional cross decorated on its obverse side with fifteen individual icons of feasts and passion scenes in bas-relief on thin cypress wood tablets. The scenes include a Trinity with selected saints on the margins, a Deesis, the Nativity of Christ with selected saints on the margins, the Kiss of Judas, Grieving at the Cross, Deposition from the Cross, Raising the Cross, Entombment, Resurrection, Descent into Hell, Ascension, Entry into Jerusalem, Transfiguration with selected saints, Descent of the Holy Spirit, Presentation in the Temple and Dormition of the Virgin. The scenes' iconography shares many features with the passion images on late l Sth-century two-sided calendar icons, as well as the 1509 passion tier in St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod. Stylistically, the carved images are complex multi-figure compositions in low relief with finely elaborated details and unusually expressive contours; they're close in style to other small ovgorod sculptural works from the first half of the 16th century. Yu. B. Komarova, NGOMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

A. N. Trifonova, Reznoye derevo XIV-XVI/ vekov. 725 let

Novgorodskomu muzeyu, Novgorod, 1990, pp. 8-9, cat. 9, illus. on pp. 20, 22-23; R. A. Popov, N. S. Trukhtanova,

Novgorodsky poklonny krest iz tserkvi Spasa Preobrazheniya na 1/'ine ulitse II Skul'ptura. Prikladnoye iskusstvo: Restavratsiya. /ssledovaniya, Moscow, 1993, pp. 141-148; Russkaya derevyannaya skul'ptura I Sost. N. N. Pomerantsev i S. /. Maslenitsyn, Moscow, 1994, pp. 68, 72, 78, illus. 36-38.

392

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21612171218

Pectoral reliquary cross (encolpion) 14th -

first t hird of 15th

c.

Icon. Nativity of the Virgin

Relic case Deesis and selected saints

First half of 15th c. Tver (?)

Silver; gilding, niello, casting, engraving. 11 x 7 cm

Wood (one embedded back dowel),

First third of 15th c. Moscow

Accession: 1929, Church of the Nativity of the Virgin,

tempera . 32 x 24 x 2.2 cm

Silver, wax; casting, engraving, gilding

Paphnutius of Borovsk Monastery

Accession: 1914, Intercession Convent, Suzdal

20.2 x 12.4 x 1.8 cm

Restored at the SPMZ in 1909 by P. N. Kotelnikov

Restored at the GRM in 1915 by N. I. Bryag in

Accession: 1920, sacristy, Trinity-Sergius Lavra

and V. A. Ponsov

GRM, inv. DRZh-2131

SPMZ, inv. 5863-ikho

The cross belongs to an ancient type of encolpion which came to Rus from Byzantium. Richly decorated encolpion crosses came to be known as relic-cases, since they were intended for the keeping of holy relics of saints and

The icon uses the short version of the Nativity iconography, which includes St. Anna reclining on her bed, servant girls in bowing attendance, gift-bearing women come to congratulate the new mother and a separate scene with two ser-

A reliquary in the form of a flat, rectangular box made of two sheets of smooth silver, with a headpiece with five loops. Attached to the obverse side with rivets is a plate of smaller size with fifteen cast full-height figures of saints

other reliquiae. The cross' reverse side is of es-

vant girls preparing to wash the newborn Maria.

(possibly created at different times) arranged in

pecial interest, with its images of Sts. Nicholas,

The iconography is based mainly on the apo-

three rows. On the top row is a five-figure De-

John the Baptist, Demetrius of Thessalonica,

cryphal Gospel of James (Chapter 5), which tells of the miraculous birth to elderly parents, Righteous Joachim and Anna, of the infant Maria, the future mother of Christ the Savior. The subject was common in Byzantine art be-

esis; in the middle row are St. Andrew of Crete tom and St. Spyridon; and on the bottom are St. Eudocimus, Theodore the Studite (?) and Sts. Daniel, Anastasia and Theodosia. There

GIM, inv. 67510 OK 6044

George, Sergius of Radonezh and John of the Ladder against a niello background. These are the saints whose relics or related reliquiae were to be placed in the cross. The high level of art-

(?), Apostles Peter and Paul, St. John Chrysos-

istic execution of the saints' waist-length images

ginning in the llth century. The composition's

are engraved inscriptions above the saints'

testifies to a virtuosic mastery of the technique

other elements developed later, entering Rus-

images. Sts. Andrew, Anastasia and Theodosia

of niello, noted for its beauty and durability. . Niello came to Rus from Byzantium in the 9th to 10th centuries and found widespread and varied application there.

sian icon and fresco painting at the end of the 13th century. The work is a prayer icon, of the type brought to a church to pray for the birth of a child or commemorate the birth of a

were the patron saints of Prince Andrei Vladimirovich Staritsky, his wife and his daughter. G. P. Cherkashina, SPMZ

daughter.

T. I . Sizova, GIM

T. B. Vilinbakhova, GRM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

M. M. Postnikova -Loseva, N. G. Platonova, 8. L. Ulyanova,

G. V. Popov, A. V. Ryndina, Zhivopis' i prikladnoye iskusstvo

T.V. Nikolayeva, Proizvedeniya melkoi plastiki XIII-XVI/ vekov

Russkoye chernevoye iskusstvo, Moscow, 1972.

TveriXIV-XVveka,Moscow, 1979, pp.111, 141,279-281,

v sobranii Zagorskogo muzeya. Katalog, Zagorsk, 1960,

cat. 8, illus. on pp. 386, 387.

pp. 261-263, no. 118; T.V. Nikolayeva, Proizvedeniya russkogo prikladnogo iskusstva s nadpisyami XV -

pervoi

poloviny XVI v., Moscow, 1971, pp. 52, 122, no. 31, table 22;

V. G. Putsko, Kovcheg-moshchevik Radonezhskikh knyazei i plosticheskoye iskusstvo Vizantii epokhi Pa/eo/ogov // Ma-

terialy IV mezhdunarodnoi konferentsii «Troitse-Sergieva lavra v istorii, kul'ture i dukhovnoi zhizni Rossii», Moscow,

2007, pp. 267-281 .

394

395

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Manuscript. Christian Topography, by Cosmas lndicopleustes

Manuscript. The Revelation of John, with commentary by St. Andrew of C--aesarea

Manuscript. Synodicon

Late 17th c. 307 leaves. Paper, ink, vermilion, watercolor; binding (boards, leather, metal). 35 x 20 x 5.3 cm Accession: 1887, Rumyantsev Public Museum, Moscow, as part of the A. D. Chertkov collection

1708 360 leaves. Metal, paper, ink, watercolor, gold; binding (boards, leather). 35 x 22 x 7.2 cm Accession: 1917, collection of A. I. Khludov

Mid-17th c. 216 leaves. Paper, ink, watercolor, tempera; binding (boards, leather). 32 x 20 x 6 cm Accession: 1926

GIM, inv. 86795, OR Khlud. 358

GIM, inv. 58212, OR Muz. No. 3822

The Book of Revelations with commentary by

The word Synodicon can refer to three different

GIM, inv. 8049, OR Chert. 160

Christian Topography is a writing by Cosmas Indicopleustes, a Byzantine merchant and tra-

Andrew of Caesarea was quite well known in

types of book: the "Universal" Synodicon, read

veler who lived in the 6th century. Translated

the early period of Slavic letters. Later, in the

during Lent as part of the Feast of Orthodoxy;

into Russian at the beginning of the 13th cen-

17th and 18th centuries, the work with its escha-

the Memorial Synoclicon, in which the names

tury, it consists of twelve books, describing the

tological theme acquired great popularity

of the dead are written for prayer and remem-

history of the universe. Many copies of Chris-

among Old Believers. The published work is a

brance; and the Collected Synoclicon, which

tian Topography have survived to our day, a

copy of a 1625 edition printed in Kiev, as re-

includes prayers for the dead, tales of journeys

testament to the work's popularity. Many of

vealed in the scribe's record on leaf 1 recto. It's

of the soul, tales of a narrative and moral-di-

them are illustrated, the earliest being the il-

adorned with numerous miniatures, head-

dactic character and parables about the seasons

lustrated edition of 1494 from the A. S. Uva-

pieces and initials. The headpiece-frames are

with allegories of spring, summer, autumn and

rov collection. The published manuscript has

of "architectural " design , with complex, Ba-

winter. The last type of Synodicon was espe-

thirty-eight colored miniatures in watercol-

roque floral ornamentation; these were an obli-

cially popular in the 17th century. Specialists

ors, blackletter style headpieces and engraved

gatory element of the so-called Pomor manu-

consider it a "book for simple folk", intended

lacework "veils". An inscription on leaves 6

scripts created in Old Believer communities.

for home reading. This Synoclicon is decorated

through 22 reveals that the manuscript be-

Another invariable decorative feature of these

with 113 miniatures executed in light shades of

longed to Adrian, the last Patriarch of Russia.

books were enormous colored initials, sometimes of full-page height, with complex and

watercolor, seven colored headpieces and large initials. Especially interesting are the parables

whimsical ornamentation.

of the seasons with their allegorical illustra-

E. V. Shulgina , GIM

E. V. Shulgina , GIM

tions: the artist depicts them as enthroned kings with symbols for each season. E. V. Shu lgi na , G IM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

E. K. Red in, Khristianskaya Topografiya Koz'my lndikoplova po

A. N. Popov, Opisanie rukopisei i katalog staropechatnykh

5/ovar' knizhnikov i knizhnosti Drevnei Rusi. Vtoraya polo-

grecheskim i russkim spiskam. Ch. I, Moscow, 1916, p. VIII;

knig biblioteki A. I. Khludova, Moscow, 1872, pp. 653-654.

vino XIV-XVI v. Ch. 2, Leningrad, 1989, pp. 339-344.

PRINC IP AL LITERATURE:

Opisanie rukopisei sobraniya A. D. Chertkova I Sost. M. M. Chernilovskaya, E. V. Shul'gina, Novosibirsk, 1986,

414

pp. 34-35.

242

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Irina Solovyeva, Olga Klyukanova

The Beauty of the Church

In the middle ages, art was not divided into "high" and "minor" forms, into "art" proper and "the applied arts". "High" and "minor" genres fulfilled a supporting role in relation to the liturgy, which was "collected" into the single symbolic space of the church - the heart of all the arts. The various art forms complemented the liturgical space and reflected the essence of the church as an image of the ideal world, which a Russian chronicler found a precise designation for, defining it as "the beauty of the church". It was not only the homily of a Greek philosopher, but also the beauty of church ritual which served as the main argument in favor of Russia adopting Christianity: "And then we went to Greece, and the Greeks led us to the edifices where they worship their God, and we knew not whether we were on heaven on earth. For on earth there is no such splendor or such beauty, and we are at a loss how to describe it. We only know that God dwells there among men ... " 1 Whatever the historical reality behind this story in the chronicles, above all it was an ideological fact. "Beauty" does not just refer to the beauty of the artwork, but to the criterion of the truth. The adoption of the Byzantine idea of reflecting the essence of faith in the beauty of church ritual and church utensils became the basis of Russian piety. The adornment of the church with "every kind of beauty" was the main concern for both secular and spiritual authorities in ancient Russia. Information on the making of precious sacred vessels and settings for the Gospels, icons and crosses were included in the chronicles along with other important state and political events. We can therefore see in the "word" of Metropolitan Ilarion (the works from which the history of ancient Russian literature began), the Kievan Prince Yaroslav the Wise was glorified as having " ... built a House of God, great and holy, [a church] in honor of His Wisdom, for the holiness and consecration of thy city; having adorned it with every beauty, with gold and silver and precious stones and priceless vessels." 2 These precious vessels, drapery, and the icons themselves became chroniclers of piety, preserving to this day the historical names of the donors. Adorned with precious utensils and icons, the church was seen as "full of divine grace" and vested "in splendor". "Nothing so fills one's life with joy, as the splendor of being in the church [with its radiant beauty] .. .'' 3 The icons dominated a single space in the ancient Russian church, and were an integral part of the divine service." Each painted image on the icon was a figurative expression of the liturgy, being endowed with a particular spiritual meaning. The symbolic and poetic convention of the images and epithets of daily, weekly and annual service cycles come to light in the masterly and ubiquitous iconography and its many centuries of tradition. In creating them, theologians and icon painters were guided by the sacred texts in their entirety; by the Gospel narrative and hagiographic writings, verbal images of liturgical rites and hymnographic canticles, prophetic aphorisms and interpretations by the great Church Fathers. The iconostasis was the main decorative element in the ancient Russian church. Depicting the image of the Church and representing every stage of the Divine Economy, the iconostasis symbolized the connection between the heavenly and earthly worlds, representing humanity's path to spiritual salvation. In the 11 th- l 3th centuries, the altar, or sanctuary, was separated from the main space of the church by a low barrier of stone or wood, upon which one or two rows of icons were placed. The iconostasis in its classic form took shape by the beginning of the 15th century. Representing a deeply thought-out ensemble and a harmonious figurative-symbolic system, it included the Sovereign, Deesis, Liturgical Feasts and Prophet icon tiers. Later, in the 16th century, a Patriarch tier was added. The emergence of high iconostasis came from a change in Russian church practice in the second half of the 14th century from the Studite Typikon to the Jerusalem Typikon, in accordance with which the first part of the Divine Liturgy- the Prothesis - started to be performed secretly from the laity. The iconostasis, like a solid wall, separated the altar from the rest of the church space, revealing the meaning of the liturgy and allowing the faithful to participate in the service with its clear perception.

419

Povest' vremennykh let// Biblioteka literatury Drevney Rusi. St. Petersburg, 1997. T. I, p. 155.

Slovo o zakone i blagodati mitropolita Kievskogo 1/ariona// Biblioteka literatury DrevneyRusi. St. Petersburg, 1997. T. I, p. 51.

Joseph Volotsky. Pos/anie ikonopistsu. Moscow, 1994. Slovo vtoroe. P. 97.

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and line assumed the main role, while the focus in works of "applied" art was directed more towards the language of form as a means of artistic expression. Decoration and ornament were of considerable importance. The very concept, "to adorn" was synonymous with the word "to surprise" for the Russian chronicler and scribe. As a rule, "church utensils" are taken to mean to liturgical vessels, panagias, chalices of holy water, the Gospels, crosses, ripidas, lamps, icon frameworks, and also priests' robes, embroidered shrouds and veils. Vessels intended for celebrating the sacrament of the Eucharist retain a special significance among all the church utensils. Vessels of the Eucharist were kept in the sacrificial table, and during the sacrament were purveyed to the communion table, from where they were ceremoniously brought out for the lay communion. The name of the Eucharistic bowl depended on its shape and was either a chalice (a vessel in the form of cup) or a krater (a two-handled bowl). The form of the liturgical vessels, as well as the iconography of the exterior images on them, was directly linked to the history of the development of the rite of the Prothesis. By tradition, an image of the Deesis and a Calvary cross appeared on the bowl ( usually engraved), while a liturgical inscription appeared on the crown. The chronicles were placed at the bottom or on the slants of the trays, and remained neutral in relation to the general adornment of the vessel, emphasizing the great significance of the inscriptions of the liturgical content. In ancient Russian church practice a bowl in the shape of a chalice on a high foot was used. Preserving the necessity of all the parts in the whole, the form of the bowl varied only in its detail over the centuries. Kraters were not widespread in ancient Russia, and the Novgorod vessels from the end of the 11 th to the first third of the 12th century are a unique phenomenon for Russian culture of the time. As we can gather from records in historical documents , chalices emerged complete with the paten and asterisk. The Greek word for paten, "diskos" was kept in ancient Russia, preserving at its core its defined form: a disc-shaped dish. The most ancient of the Russian patens are deep-set dishes with reliefs. Changes in the rite of the Prothesis (an increase in the amount of prosphora) in the 15th to 16th centuries led to the appearance of flat pa tens, and "burnished" dishes (two or three). The images on them are usually carved, executed using techniques of engraving. Perhaps with the changes in rite connected to the appearance of the liturgical utensils, a replica intended for the removal of the Lamb from the prosphora (in the early Russian sources, the spear is not mentioned) and asterisk, was delivered on the paten so that small parts of the Eucharistic bread did not mix in it. The exterior images on the paten traditionally consisted of the Crucifixion, while the Calvary Cross and the Virgin of the Sign appeared on the dishes. The following compositions also appeared in the iconographic plan of the embroidered liturgical shrouds, which were used to cover the sacred vessels during the sacrament: "Behold the Lamb", "Virgin of the Sign" and "The Entombment". The sacrificial and paschal symbolism of the rite of the Eucharist was directly developed in these images. Inscriptions of prayer also corresponded to the liturgical setting, appearing on the edge of the dish, the arcs of the asterisks and on embroidered coverings. The artistic language of the vessels of divine service remained purely liturgical for centuries. Keeping strictly within the limits of the canon, master silversmiths found ways to show the beauty and splendor of the material, as well as the elegance of form and design. The artistic design of the Eucharistic vessels

424

Kazan Mother of God. Icon Solovski Monastery. 19th c. Oklad: latt er half of 17th c.

GRM < Receptacle for Holy Water Al exan der of Svir Monastery. 1647

GRM

and their decoration or adornment (as well as the decoration of all the church utensils) corresponded to the features of aricient Russian art's development in general, and of ornamentation in particular. The employment of a special vessel is connected to the rite of water consecration, called a "water consecration bowl". The form of the bowl is close to that of the chalice. A typological definition for these vessels would be "target" medallions inside the bowl, on which compositions of the Epiphany or the Cavalry cross would appear. Supplementary inscriptions along the "crown", or rim of the bowl fulfilled an independent decorative function in the making of these precious items. From the beginning of the 12th century "The Rite of the Panagia" or "The Offering of the Bread of the Virgin Mary" became familiar in Russia. This ceremony occurred both in monastic and cathedral churches during divine service, as well as outside the liturgy (for monastic, pontifical or royal meals). In the Greek and Russian tradition, the Vrrgin Mary was called the "Panagia", or "All-Holy", which was then applied to the vessels meant for the prosphora of the Virgin. The vessel with the bread of the Virgin Mary was conveyed to a special chamber (the refectory) and placed in the middle of the table, which also explains the origins of the name "stolovaya" or "table" panagia which appeared in Russian written sources. The ancient Russian Panagia was usually a hinged vessel, consisting of two discs. Images of the Old Testament Trinity and the Virgin of the Sign appeared on the internal leaves of the Panagia, which together with liturgical inscriptions were illustrations of the rite of the divine service. In the 15th-16th centuries so-called "good" Panagia became widespread in Russia, which, unlike table versions, were smaller and had decorative "loops". They were usually cut from wood and bone, and were set in precious frameworks . Along with the liturgical utensils, the cross was among the most important of the holy objects in the church. Indeed, the liturgical and artistic interpretation of the "altar" cross was directly linked

425

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with the idea of the altar itself. In the sources, the altar cross was called "that which blesses", as it was connected with the rite of blessing the laity at the end of the liturgy, and "The Elevated One", as during the festival of the Exultation, the archbishop, holding a cross on his head, solemnly raised it up while standing on the ambo (the pulpit) to the four corners of the earth. In line with Byzantine custom, the Russian altar cross kept its eight-pointed form, with a carved or pictorial relief of the Crucifixion. Alongside the obligatory depiction of the Crucifixion on the cross were depictions of saints and feasts. These features of iconography were connected to the consecration of the church or the desire of its commissioner. Like the Eucharistic vessels, the altar crosses had a supplementary characteristic, preserving historical inscriptions and signatures. In the early period of the 11 th- l 4th centuries, altar crosses were used as a reliquary to hold the particles of the True Cross, and in the l Sth- l 7th centuries, they also contained particles of relics. "Ever-burning" candles and lamps were placed in front of particularly venerated images and holy relics in the church. The image of the "ever-burning" light was connected to the idea of the eternal prayer, and salvation. The church lamps attained the significance of sources of the unreal, metaphysical world, and the very substances in the burning (wax and oil) was regarded as the best offering that could be made to God, as something "pure" and "undefiled". The movement of light and the shifting of the lamps complemented the dramaturgy of the divine service. We know of several different types of lamps which were used in ancient Russia, including candelabra (with two, three or seven candles), icon lamps and church chandeliers, holding multiple candles. These lamps serves as "pious" decorations in the ancient Russian church, and, along with other church utensils, were part of the creation of the church's beauty. In Russian, the concepts of"light" ("svet") and "holy'' ("svyat") are philologically identical, so the golden background of the icon along with their precious settings were also named "light" in ancient Russia. In the written sources of ancient Russia, detailed descriptions can be found of the settings for altar Gospels, altar crosses and icons. Typically, such settings were votive offerings to monastic and cathedral churches. Imbued with precious materials, and decorated with valuable stones, pearls, and enamel, they were revered as a visible apparition of holiness, and a reflection of the spiritual in its fine aesthetics. In ancient Russian tradition, two basic types of altar Gospel adornment existed: a solid framework and a multi-constituent binding, which included various types of cover pieces. From the 16th century, wood became the main material used by Russian carvers and engravers. The carved wooden icons, crosses and entire carved iconostases were largely determined by the artistic originality of the ancient Russian church. Ancient Russian sculpture was, in its own way, a phenomenon unique to the culture of the middle ages. Up until the 18th century, carving was developed within the boundaries of the "icon painting-relief' style, which was fully in line with the icon's canonical interpretation of the image. The traditionally carved image was also considered to be an icon, and was so called in ecclesiastical inventories (or "icon on carvings"). Among the monuments of ancient Russian plastic art, the sculpted images of saints on the lids of tombs particularly stand out. The veneration of holy relics in Russian church practice was reflected in the making of entire precious sets around the tomb of the saint, which included a shrine with a carved or embossed image, icons, and numerous embroidered shrouds and lamps. The working of miracles was attributed not only to holy relics, but also to the carved, embroidered, and pictorial icons of these saints, which took part in the integrated symbolic space of the "miracle". Fabrics played an important part in the valuable adornment of the ancient Russian temple. Shrouds were hung under the icons, which frequently contained the same images. The fabrics also adorned the altar barriers, altar tables and the altar ciborium, and covered tombs with embroidered figures of saints. During the Easter service, particular significance was attached to the shroud of Christ, and the set of Eucharistic utensils always included coverings and veils, which were placed on the patens and chalices and were presented before the eyes of the faithful during the transfer of the holy sacrament from the sacrificial table to the church altar. Decorative and ornamental embroidery also adorned the priestly vestments (surplices, amices, epigonations, nabedrenniks and epimanikia). The embroidered images on the cloth foundation, appealing to color and plane, were the closest to the icon in comparison to other art forms. The fabric had its own significance and was revered as the "substance" which it depicted, sanctified with tradition: "Thou shalt make the tabernacle [with]

426

ten curtains [of] fine twined linen, and blue, and purple, and scarlet ... " (Exodus 25, 26). Multicolored silk was used to fulfill the role of this palette. Unlike paint, and albeit minimal, threads had volume, and embroidered images were not planar. The "relief' of the embroidery was deliberately emphasized, with special "decking" or "cards" of gold and silver threads. Such embroidery, which was especially popular in the 17th century was called "forged". The embroidered works, executed with the application of gold and silver threads, indicated the general trend in medieval art of creating "the beauty of the church." Different artistic disciplines which varied according to their purpose, technique and level of execution all coexisted in the Russian church. Complementing the liturgy, the liturgical space and the canon, this art was integrated in its main ideas. Whether icons, Eucharistic vessels, panagia, crosses, lamps, embroidered shrouds, coverings, precious frameworks or the memorial works around the relics of saints, all of these complex works by Russian masters made up the conciliar image of the ideal icon, while the historical inscriptions and signatures accompanying the church utensils added a personal motif to this ideal image.

Paten. Pskov. Latter half of 16th c. Asterisk. Pskov. Latter half of 16th c. Chalice. Moscow. 1678

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Arch from a church interior

"Kiev Cup"

Chalice

Latter half of 12th c. Chernigov

12th c. Sicily

Master Konstantin

Silver, gi lding, engravin g

Silver; sapphires, alma nd ines, amethysts, pearls,

Bronze, casting. 72 x 57 cm

Diam. 19.3 cm; heig ht 9.1 cm

glass, jasper with agate (diaspro fiorito); chasing,

Accession : gift of the Moscow Archeological Society

Accession: 1924, TsUTR

engraving, filigree, gi lding, polishing. 23.2 x 12.8 cm;

Discovered in 1844 at the Vshchizh town site,

Discovered in 1876 in a hoard at the estate

cup - diam. 11.5 cm, height 5-4.5 cm

Orlov Guberniya

of Yu . Chai kovsky on Reitarskaya and Bolshaya Zhitomi rskaya Streets, Kiev; after 1883 belonged

Accession: 1922, Ann unciation Cathedral, Moscow Kremlin. From 1634 can be traced

GIM,

inv. 6562, op. 1419V/ 2

1329. Novgorod. Cup -

before 1329. Byzantium(?)

to A. V. Zven igorodsky; in 1895 purchased for

in the inventory records

the Museum of the TsUTR

Inscri ption below the filigree band:

GE, inv. F 3018

BntiTO

swm M< EOb l.jA MAPTN

C03AAHbl 6blWA CYAbl Cl/ XP< Plr1CT>On l061r1Bb1Mb APXEn(C) OnO/Mb HOBroPOCKblM MOICtiE MMK,

inv. DK-17

One of two identical arches discovered in the

G. F. Korzukhina has proposed that the cup was

A precious, rare chalice consisting of a jasper

ruins of a Vshchizh church, the object is composed of five metal plates and two vertical sup-

originally made for Busilla, daughter of King Roger I of Sicily, who was married to King Coloman I of Hungary. After Busilla's death Coloman remarried in 1112, to Vladimir

cup with a high, three-tiered crown, smooth stem and elegantly decorated pommel and base.

and 13th century Russian hoards. The supports

Monomakh's daughter Euphemia. A year later Euphemia returned to Kiev and might have do-

half-figures of a Deesis and the Prophet Moses. Below is a donor's inscription.

have solid animal-head ornamentation differ-

nated the cup to Savior Monastery at Berestovo,

The chalice's form is Byzantine (a deep cup

the place where she was subsequently buried.

and small base of lesser diameter), while its de-

This could explain the Russian inscription on the back side of the cup, KbHA)l(A [crossed out] CITACOBA (Prince's - Savior's), and the image of the Rurikid trident, as the monastery was considered the prince's. However, the work's

cor is inspired by European cups, which were well known to the jewelers of ovgorod. The chalice was created by highly professional jewelers who subtly combined its engraved orna-

ports. The arch's latticework fields are adorned with half-palmettes and figures of birds. The decoration is similar to bracelets found in 12th

ing from that of the plates. There are several hypotheses as to the arches' function: they could have been the framework of an altar canopy or some other detail of the sanctuary. Or they might have been part of a candelabra like those in certain European Romanesque churches. N. I. Ast as hova, GIM

stylistic resemblance to the Cup of Sigismund from the Abbey of Saint-Maurice d' Agaune in Switzerland and several other works with similar engraved arabesque rosette ornamentation would date it instead to the mid- to late 12th century. M. Ya. Kryzhanovskaya , GE

On the high crown is a liturgical inscription and six ornamental medallions with engraved

mentation and filigree work and matched the precious stones' colors with those of the jasper cup. The technique of making vessels from colored stone was unknown in medieval Rus, where antique, Byzantine and Fatimid stone vessels were highly valued and used mainly as Eucharist chalices for special occasions. The creation of such cups in medieval Rus was a significant public act and they would have been commissioned only by grand princes or those of similar standing such as ovgorod's archbishops, whose power and might vied with that of princes in other Russian lands. I.

PRINC IP AL LITERA T URE:

P RINCIPAL LIT E RATURE :

A. Ster li gova , MMK

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

G. N. Bocharov, Khudozhestvenny metal/ Drevnei Rusi X -

G. F. Korzu khina, Serebryanaya chasha iz Kieva s nadpis'yu

I. Ya. Kachalova, N. A. Mayasova, L. A. Shchennikova,

nacho/a XIII v., Moscow, 1984, pp. 105- 106.

XII veka II Sovetskaya arkheo/ogiya, 7957 , vol. XV, pp. 64-

8/agoveshchensky sobor Moskovskogo Kremlya, Moscow,

81; Ch. Oman, Two Sicu/o-N Norman Silver Caps II

1990, p. 85, illus. 231 ; Dekorativno-prikladnoye iskusstvo

Th e Burlington Magazine, 1959, No. 678, pp. 350-353;

Velikogo Novgoroda: Khudozhestvenny metal/ XI-XV veka,

V. P. Darkevich, Proizvedeniya zapadnogo khudozhestven-

Moscow, 1996, pp. 126-127, cat. 5 (bibliography).

nogo remesla v Vostochnoi Evrope II SAi, Moscow, 1966,

no. 12, p. 11.

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Ripidion

Staurotheke

Reliquary icon. St. Hypatius

14th c. Novgorod Copper, engraving. 25.8 x 24.2 cm Accession: 1926, St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod Until the 17th c. was in Anto niev Monastery

Case and setting on the lower margin - 12th c.; cover - 14th c. Novgorod Setting on back - 16th c. Western Europe Wood, silver, pearl, tourmaline. 11.8 x 8.5 cm Accession: 1926, St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod

13th c. Novgorod Wood, copper, silver; cloisonne, basma, gilding. 8.2 x 6.6 cm Accession: 1926, St. Sophia's Cathedral

NGOMZ, inv. DRM 1990 KP 7485

NGOMZ, inv. ORM 565 KP 7484

NGOMZ, inv. DRM 22 KP 635

Ripidia, or fans, came in pairs and replaced

A staurotheke is a special case made to hold a

The reliquary's sliding copper cover bears a

the feather fans _used in ancient times to keep

fragment of the True Cross. The reliquiae were

full-height enamel image of St. Hypatius. The

insects away from the Holy Gifts. The Novgo-

brought from Byzantium by pilgrims. The

figure is shortened and asymmetrical, with

rod ripidion is the oldest known one in exis-

Novgorod staurotheke is traditional in form,

enlarged hands and feet. The reliquary's lid is

tence. Quatrefoil in shape, it was cut out of a

consisting of a small wooden plate in a silver

adorned with five applications. Flanking the

thick sheet of copper and gilded. The points of

setting with a sliding cover and a hinged head-

image is an enamel columnar inscription bear-

the rectangular projections are tipped by little

piece. The object's parts all date from different

ing the saint's name. Dark blue, white, reddish

round "droplets". On both front and back are

periods. The cover has an engraved composi-

and ochreous enamels are used. The depicted

five engraved circular medallions with waist-

tion of the Crucifixion with attending figures.

saint is probably Hypatius, Bishop of Gangra,

length figures of a Deesis. In the central medal-

The cross is seven-pointed, with a six-sided

whose cult was widespread in

lion is a Christ Pantocrator with a cross-halo

top crossbar. Christ's body is markedly bent

a Church of St. Hypatius was erected on the

and closed gospel. In the medallions on the

and blood streams from His wounds in the di-

Merchant Side in the 12th century. The object

left and right are the Virgin Mother and John

rection of the Virgin Mother, who stands near-

is a rare example of the use of the complex

the Baptist, while those above and below con-

by, looking at Hirn. St. John stands with bowed

technique of cloisonne on copper, in imita-

tain archangels holding orbs.

head and his cheek in his right hand. At the

tion of Byzantine models.

N. V. Gormina, NGOMZ

foot of the cross is an Adam's head in profile. The walls of Jerusalem are represented as a double horizontal line with two triangularroofed tower chambers. On the sides are traditional engraved inscriptions. N. V . Gormina , NGOMZ

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

Dekorativno-prikladnoye iskusstvo Velikogo Novgoroda: Khudozhestvenny metal/ XI-XV veka, Moscow, 1996,

pp. 161-162, cat. 18; N. V. Gorm ina, Khristianskie drevnosti. Khudozhestvenny metal/ XI-XIX vv. v sobranii Novgorodskogo muzeya, Moscow, 2005, pp. 30-31 .

432

N . V . Gormina, NGOMZ

ovgorod, where

248

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Klobuk of Metropolitan of Rostov Jonah (Sysoevich) 1665. Solvychegodsk. Workshop of Anna lvanovna Stroganova

Taffeta, canvas; silk, silver and gold threads. Lining - damask, cotton wool. 63 x 20 cm; width of epanokamelavkion 12.5 cm Accession: 1923 GMZRK, inv. T-3 224

On the klobuk's forehead area is an embroidered Deesis with an enthroned Christ Pantocrator attended by the Virgin Mother, Archangel Michael, John the Baptist and Archangel Gabriel. At the temple area is an Annunciation. The epanokamelavkion is decorated with paired depictions of saints in rectangles in two rows: on one side, from the top down, are Metropolitans of Moscow Peter and Alexis and Bishops of Rostov Isaiah and Leonti us, while on the other side are Metropolitans of Moscow Jonah and Philip and Bishops of Rostov Ignatius and Jacob. Depicted on the back side is the Dormition of the Virgin with Basil the Great, Gregory the Theologian and John Chrysostom in the center below, To their left are Tsarevich Dmitry and Peter, Prince of the Tatar Horde, while to their right are St Pelageya and Abramius of Rostov. Three cherubim are located in the corners. The klobuk was donated to Dormition Cathedral in Rostov by Dmitry Andreyevich and Gregory Dmitrievich Stroganov. A . V. Silkin , GosNIIR

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

E. V. Georgievskaya-Druzhinina, Stroganovskoye shit'e v XVI/ v. II

Russkoye iskusstvo XVI/ v., Leningrad, 1929, p. 113; A. V. Sil kin, Litsevoye shit'e stroganovskikh masterskikh, Moscow, 2009, pp. 81-85, cat. 93.

460

Sakkos

Sakkos

1665. Solvychegodsk. Stroganov workshops

Ca. 1665. Solvychegodsk. Workshop of Anna lvanovna Stroganova

Satin, damask; si lk, silver and gold threads; silver, metal;

Canvas, tempera. 132 x 124 cm

weaving, embroidery. 125 x 127 cm

Accession: 1919

Inscription along the hem, ending on the back side: m,TA 3POr r Cl/II/I CAKb CTPOEHVIE VIM EH VITblX nlOAEVI

Provenance: Annunciation Cathedral, Solvychegodsk SIKhM, inv. 940-pr

AIIIM!-1TPl/lfl AA CblHA Ero I fPVlfOPVlfl CTPOfAHOBblX A nPVI nACTBo nPEWCLl.lEHHAro VIWHbl MVITPOnOnVITA POCTOBKAro VI flPOcnABCKArO. Inscription on both sleeves: AMVITPEfl AHAPEEBV14A I fPVlfOPbfl AM VITPVI EBVl4A I CTPOfOHOBbl Provenance: Yaroslavl bishop's residence YaGIAKhMZ, inv. YaMZ-S432. DM-739. 55-134

On the shoulders of the front side is an Annunciation composition, with the Archangel Gabriel and the Virgin Mother on both sides of the collar. Portrayed on the chest is the Resurrection and Descent into Hell; below it are paired compositions of the Entry into Jerusalem and Transfiguration, and the Last Supper and Kiss of Judas. On the garment's bottom corners are images of Evangelists John and Matthew along with their symbols, the lion and angel. Along the sides (symmetrically, from the top down), in frames, are the saints Basil the Great and John the Evangelist, John Chrysostom and St. Nicholas of Myra, Wonderworkers Gurias and Barsonuphius of Kazan, and Athanasius the Great and Cyril Of Alexandria. Portrayed on the sakkos' back side are Venerable Sergius of Radonezh and St. Christopher, on the shoulders, with the Crucifixion, Judgement of Pilate, Flagellation of Christ, Deposition from the Cross and Entombment below. On the bottom corners are Evangelists Luke and Mark and their symbols, the calf and eagle. In frames on the sides, pairwise, are Metropolitans Peter and Alexis, Metropolitans Jonah and Philip, Tsarevich Dmitry and Pelageya, and Zosimas and Sabbatius of Solovki. Embroidered in the spaces between the scenes from the life of Christ and the images of saints are seraphim, cherubim and floral vasones. The collar has an ornamental band. On the sleeves are scenes from the Eucharist. The sakkos belonged to Metropolitan of Rostov and Yaroslavl Jonah III (Sysoevich) (1652-1690). Jonah's long governance marked a period of economic and artistic prosperity in the RostovYaroslavl lands. The sakkos, a rare vestment in the 17th century,

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2831284

Royal Doors

Plate from Royal Doors The Evangelist Mark

l 330s- l 350s. Novgorod

Wood, red copper; fire gilding. 136 x 93 cm

14th c. Novgorod

Accession: 1913, collection of N. P. Likhachev

Copper, gold, lacquer. 31 x 26.5 cm

Provenance: St. Sophia's Cathedral, Novgorod

Accession: 1920s, Faberge collection

Was in the collection of N. P. Likhachev, St. Petersburg

GE, inv. ERP· 1058

Two of the lower ornamental plates are lost GRM, inv. DRM-3383

The "Likhachev Doors" are a rare monument of ancient Russian

The image is executed using fire gilding on brass, a widespread tech-

culture. They're decorated using fire gilding, a technique using an amalgam of gold and mercury that was common in Western Eu-

nique in the major centers of Ancient Rus in the 11 th to 16th centuries. It was used in the production of large plates for church doors

rope, Byzantium and Rus beginning in the pre-Mongol period. The doors ' shape follows the Byzantine tradition of altar gates with semicircular tops, while their composition is Romano-Byzantine,

and Royal Doors as well as small objects like folding panagias.

combining plates with figural scenes and a convex, richly adorned frame. The depicted subjects express the doors' symbolic function as the "Gates of Heaven" opening the way to salvation. The images of gryphons and leopards are also symbolic, with the gryphon symbolizing Christ and the leopard being a favorite heraldic motif in pre-Mongol Rus. The sculpted quality of the doors' depicted figures, with their complex and at times dynamic and tense poses, is typical of Palaiologos-era Byzantine art. Those same qualities can be seen in the Evangelists' miniatures of the 14th-century Novgorod Gospel (GIM, inv. Khlud. 30), which clearly served as a prototype for the Likhachev Doors. The doors' Byzantine inspiration is also evident in their inscriptions, which combine Russian and Greek words. In their architectural backgrounds, the flowing drapery of the clothing and their compositional makeup, the scenes on the doors resemble the ones on the so -called Royal Doors of Basil. The latter were created in 1335-1 336 - likely in the same archbishop's workshop - on commission by Archbishop of Novgorod Basil Kalika for St. Sophia's Cathedral in Novgorod. Written sources also confirm the Likhachev Doors' connection to St. Sophia's Cathedral. 5. M. Bukhman, GRM

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

Dekorativno-prikladnoye iskusstvo Velikogo Novgoroda: Khudozhestvenny metal/ Xf-XV veka, Moscow, 1996, pp. 321-326, cat. 77 (bibliography). P. 328, cat. 79 (bibliography) .

462

5 . V . Toms i nsky , GE

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Royal Doors First quarter of 15th c. Balkans(?) Wood, tempera. 158 x 51.5 cm (left); 158 x 52.5 cm (right) Accession: 1929, I. S. Ostroukhov Museum of Icons and Paintings Was in the collection of I. S. Ostroukhov, Moscow Restored before accession to the GTG and again at the GTG in 1989- 1990 by A. P. Burma kin GTG, inv. 12024a, 12024b

The images on the Royal Doors are based on Byzantine iconography. The Annunciation scene accents the themes of Mary's glorification, the entry through the Gates of Heaven via Her offices and the paths of divine ascent, interpreting them in an unusual way for a 14th- or 15th-century icon. Mary is represented standing, instead of seated, before the throne on a red oval platform. Meekly accepting the joyful news, She inclines Her head and stretches out Her right palm outwards toward the approaching archangel. In Her left hand is red yarn rolled up like a scroll. The high throne with two cushions, lavishly decorated with gold assist, reminds us of the symbolism of the Virgin as Seat of Divine Wisdom. The yarn in Mary's hand comes from the apocryphal Proto-Gospel of James. An especially rare detail, the staircase leading into the chamber, alludes to Mary's metaphorical significance as the Gate of Heaven. There are four scenes depicting the Four Evangelists, who are represented as teachers of the Christian faith showing the way to the attainment of truth and salvation. The iconography of their figures is based on the tradition of illuminated gospels where the evangelists are depicted in various poses and states. E. V. Gladysheva , GTG

PRINCIPAL LITERATURE:

E. 5. Smirnova, Moskovskaya ikona XIV - nacho/a

XV vekov, Leningrad, 1988, pp. 30, 282, illus. 111, 112; Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya galereya. Katalog sobraniya. T. I. Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo X - nacho/a XVveka, Moscow, 1995, pp. 184, 186, no. 90, illus. 185.

464

Icon. St. John the Baptist Ca. 1408. Moscow. Daniil and Andrei Rublev (?) Wood, pavo/oka, tempera. 313 x 105 cm Accession: 1934 Provenance: iconostasis, Dormition Cathedral, Vladimir. In 1768 a new iconostasis was built for the cathedral and the old icons were sold to a village church in Vasilievskoye, Vladimir Guberniya, where they became part of its iconostasis The levkas on the background and margins was replaced in the 18th c., and part of the original image was cut off. In 1923 the icon underwent restoration at the GTsKhRM. Partially uncovered at the GTsKhRM in 1933 by V. 0. Kirikov and completely at the GTG in 1934-1935 by I. I. Suslov GTG, inv. 22960

In 1408, "Masters Danilo the icon painter and Andrei Rublev" began creating the frescoes of Dormition Cathedral in Vladimir, according the Troitsky Chronicle's entry for that year. Simultaneously, they created the icons for the church's high iconostasis. The icon is from the earliest full-height Deesis tier, where John the Baptist is depicted in anchorite's garb with scroll in hand. Another unique feature is the oratory gesture of his right hand - illustrating the text of the sermon on the scroll - in place of the usual prayerful one. Since none of these features are typical for Deesis compositions, the work's iconographic source was likely "John the Baptist, Angel of the Desert". I. A . Kochetkov , GTG

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u PRINCIPAL LITERATURE :

I. Grabar, 0 drevnerusskom iskusstve. Sb. statei, Moscow,

1966, pp. 174-176; V. N. Laza rev, Andrei Rublev i ego

shko/a II lstoriya russkogo iskusstva. T. 3, Moscow, 1955,

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3081309

Ceramic panel Bird with fruits 1689. Moscow Majolica {red clay, colored glaze). 54.7 x 48.2 x 17 cm Accession: 1932, from the demolished Church of Cosmas and Dam ian Provenance: bell-tower, Church of Cosmas and Damian in Sadovniki (1689), Moscow MGOMZ, inv. KP-S842, KP-S819, KP-7973, KP-4737

Plant and animal motifs, especially birds, were widespread in l 7th-century decorative arts, including woodcarving and carving on white stone. The medium of varicolored tiles brought out these motifs' picturesque quality to the utmost, while fulfilling the demands of Russian architectural decor and traditional church symbolism. At the same time, the choice of visual motifs reveals the growing influence of Western European sources on l 7th-century tastes. Large majolica panels composed of several tiles were commonly used to adorn Moscow building facades in the last quarter of the 17th century. When magnified to architectural proportions, the expressive designs on the tiles' free fields look good at a distance. The works' artistic signature points to their creation in the tsar's tile-making workshops. S. I. Baranova, MGOMZ

PR I NCIPAL LITERATURE :

S. I. Bara nova, Moskva izraztsovaya, Moscow, 2006,

pp. 125-126; S. I. Bara nova, lkonografiya izraztsovogo

dekora pamyatnikov arkhitektury Moskvy XVI/ v. II lskusstvo khristianskogo miro. Vyp. 10, Moscow, 2007, pp. 490-504.

494

Ceramic panel Two-headed eagle 1690s. Moscow Majolica (red clay, colored glaze) 55.5 x 49.4 x 13.3 cm

Discovered in the 1970s during archeological and restoration work at Resurrection Church in Plennitsy, St. Andrew's Monastery, Moscow MGOMZ, inv. KP-15602/ 1

Large compositions on several tiles with the seal of the Russian state appeared in Moscow tile work at the end of the 17th century, adorning Moscow's first new public buildings and architectural landmarks: Sukharev Tower (1690s) and the Main Apothecary ( 1699170 l ), They accompanied the dawn of the age of Peter the Great with its social and political transformations, playing a significant role in the affirmation of state symbolism. The tiles' heraldry is from the latter half of the 17th century. Heraldic im ages like these emphasized a building's governmental status, and the artistic properties of large multi-colored relief tiles effectively and vividly embodied the idea of state power. St. Andrew's Monastery was founded by edict of Tsar Alexis Mikhailovich, Peter the Great's father, and was maintained at state expense. In the 1690s young Peter was attracted to the monastery by its brethren's scholarly and educational activities, and programs for government reforms were drafted for him there.

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Ah brevia tions organizations BRAN - Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Bib/ioteka rossiiskoi akademii nauk) GE - State Hermitage (Gosudarstvenny Ermitazh) GIM - State Historical Museum (Gosudarstvenny istorichesky muze,) Glavarkhiv - Chief Directorate of Archives (Glavnoye arkhivnoye upravlenie)

SIKhM - Solvychegodsk Historical and Art Museum (So/'vychegodsky istoriko-khudozhestvenny muzel) SPbDA - St. Petersburg Spiritual Academy (Sankt-Peterburgskaya dukhovnaya akademiya) SPMZ - Sergiev Posad Museum-Reserve (Sergievo-Posadsky muzei-zapovednik)

GMF - State Museum Fund (Gosudarstvenny muzeiny fond)

TsllMK - Central Institute of the History of Material Culture

GMIR - State Museum of the History of Religion (Gosudarstvenny muzei istorii religii)

TsUTR- Central Academy ofTechnical Drawing (Stieglitz Academy)

GMZ "Kolomenskoye" - Kolomenskoye State Museum-Reserve (Gosudarstvenny muzei-zapovednik "Kolomenskoye") GMZRK - Rostov Kremlin State Museum-Reserve (Gosudarstvenny muzei-zapovednik "Rostovsky Krem/"1 Gokhran - State Repository for Valuables at the Ministry of Finance of the USSR (Gosudarstvennoye khranilishche tsennostei pri Ministerstve finansov SSSR) GosNIIR - State Scientific Research Institute of Restoration (Gosudarstvenny nauchno-issledovatel'sky institut restavratsil)

(Tsentral'ny institut istorii materia/'noi kul'tury) (Tsentral'noye uchilishche tekhnicheskogo risovaniya) VAKh - All-Russian Academy of Arts (Vserossiiskaya akedemiya khudozhestv) VGIAKhMZ - Vologda State Historical, Architectural and Art MuseumReserve (Vologodsky gosudarstvenny istoriko-arkhitekturny i khudozhestvenny muzei-zapovednik) VSMZ- Vladimir-Suzdal Museum-Reserve (Vladimiro-Suzda/'sky muzei-zapovednik) YaGIAKhMZ - Yaroslavl State Historical, Architectural and Art Museum-

GPB - State Public Library (Gosudarstvennaya Publichnaya biblioteka)

Reserve (Yaroslavsky gosudarstvenny istoriko-arkhitekturny

GRM - State Russian Museum (Gosudarstvenny Russky muze1)

i khudozhestvenny muzei-zapovednik)

GTG-State Tretyakov Gallery (Gosudarstvennaya Tret'yakovskaya

YaKhM - Yaroslavl Art Museum (Yaroslavsky khudozhestvenny muze,)

galereya) GTsKhRM - State Central Art Restoration Workshops (Gosudarstvennye

periodicals

Tsentral'nye restavratsionnye masterskie) IZO Narkompros - Fine Arts Department of the RSFSR People's Commissariat of Education (Otdel izobrazitel'nykh iskusstv Narodnogo komissariata prosveshcheniya RSFSR) KBIAKhMZ - Cyril of Belozersk Historical, Architectural and Art MuseumReserve (Kiri/lo-Be/ozersky istoriko-arkhitekturny i khudozhestvenny muzei-zapovednik) MGOMZ - Moscow State United Museum-Reserve (Moskovsky gosudarstvenny ob"edinenny muzei-zapovednik) MMK- State Historical and Cultural Museum-Preserve "The Moscow Kremlin " (Gosudarstvenny istoriko-kul'turny muzei-zapovednik "Moskovsky Kreml'")

DRI - Old-Russian Art (Drevnerusskoye iskusstvo) KSIIMK - Brief Data from the Institute of the History of Material Culture (Kratkiye soobshcheniya lnstituta istorii material'noi kul'tury) OLDP - Society of Lovers of Ancient Writing (Obshchestvo /yubitelei drevnei pis'mennostl) PKNO -

Monuments of Culture. New Discoveries (Pamyatniki kul'tury.

Novye otkrytiya) PLDR - Monuments of Culture of Old Rus (Pamyatniki kul'tury Drevnei Rusi) PSRL - The Complete Works of the Russian Chronicles (Polnoye sobraniye russkikh letopise1)

Mos NRPM - Moscow Scientific, Restoration and Production Workshops

RIB - Russian Historical Library (Russkaya istoricheskaya biblioteka)

(Moskovskie nauchno-restavratsionnye proizvodstvennye masterskie) MVKhPU - Moscow Higher Art-Industrial Academy (Moskovskoye

SAi - Reports of the Institute of Archeology (Soobshcheniya instituta arkheologil)

vysshee khudozhestvenno-promyshlennoye uchilishche) NB MGU - Scientific Library of Moscow University (Nauchnaya biblioteka Moskovskogo universiteta) New Jerusalem Museum - New Jerusalem State Museum-Reserve (Gosudarstvenny muzei-zapovednik "Novy lerusalim'') NGOMZ -

Novgorod State United Museum-Reserve (Novgorodsky

gosudarstvenny ob"edinenny muzei-zapovednik) NIMRAKh - Scientific and Research Museum of the Russian Academy of Arts (Nauchno-iss/edovatelsky muzei Rossiiskoi akademii khudozhestv) Novodevichy Convent Museum - Branch of GIM, Novodevichy Convent Museum (Filial G/M, Muzei "Novodevichy monastyr''') PGOMZ (PGIAKhMZ) - Pskov State United Historical, Architectural and Art Museum-Reserve (Pskovsky gosudarstvenny ob"edinenny istoriko-arkhitekturny i khudozhestvenny muzei-zapovednik)

TGE - Proceedings of the State Hermitage (Trudy Gosudarstvennogo Ermitazha) TODRL - Proceedings of the Department of Old-Russian Literature, Institute of Russian Literature (the Push kin House) (Trudy otdela drevnerusskoi literatury instituta russkoi literatury) VID - Auxiliary Historical Discipline (Vspomogatel'naya istoricheskaya distsiplina) VTsNILKR -

All-Russian Central Scientific and Research Laboratory

for Concervation and Restoration (Vsesoyuznaya tsentral'naya nauchno-issledovate/'skaya /aboratoriya konservatsii i restavratsii), Moscow W - Byzantine Chronicles (Vizantiisky vremennik) ZRAO -

Notes of the Russian Archeological Society (Zapiski Russkogo

arkheologicheskogo obshchestva)

RAN - Russian Academy of Sciences (Rossiiskaya akademiya nauk) RGADA -

Russian State Ancient Documents Archive (Rossiisky

additional

Gosudarstvenny arkhiv drevnikh aktov) RGB - Russian State Library (Rossiiskaya gosudarstvennaya biblioteka)

cm - centimeter

RNB - Russian National Library (Rossiiskaya natsional'naya biblioteka)

diam.- diameter