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JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN W I J K D E D I C A T A edenda curat C. H. V A N S C H O O N E V E L D Indiana University
Series Practica,
181
HOKAN STUDIES Papers from the
FIRST CONFERENCE ON HOKAN LANGUAGES held in San Diego, California April 23-25,1970
edited by MARGARET
LANGDON
University of California, San Diego and SHIRLEY
SILVER
Sonoma State College
1976 MOUTON T H E HAGUE · PARIS
© Copyright 1976 Mouton & Co. B.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in arty form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.
I S B N 90 279 3124 0
Printed in Hungary.
PREFACE
Most of the papers in this volume were presented in preliminary form at the First Conference on Hokan Languages held April 23-25, 1970 on the San Diego campus of the University of California. The aim of the Conference, which had a historical-comparative theme, was to provide opportunity for detailed discussion of research in progress and to circulate much needed information that might otherwise not be available for several years. The twenty-six papers presented at the meeting, and the materials and papers circulated informally, went a long way toward fulfilling the purpose of the conference, which brought together for the first time all scholars seriously engaged in the study of the languages of the Hokan family, one of the three subgroups of the HokanCoahuiltecan subdivision in Sapir's 1929 classification of the languages of Central and North America. The idea of the conference originated in the spring of 1968 when Shirley Silver spent a few weeks as a lecturer in a seminar on Issues in Contemporary Linguistics sponsored by the University of California, San Diego Linguistics Department in which Margaret Langdon is a faculty member. This opportunity to get together and discuss various Hokan problems afforded so productive an exchange of information and ideas that the notion of a meeting of all Hokanists was an inevitable consequence. Margaret Langdon asked those who might be interested whether they thought the time was right for such a meeting. The response was favorable and enthusiastic. As a consequence, we created a Planning Committee with Margaret Langdon as chairman and Shirley Silver and William Bright as the other members and invitations to take part in a conference were extended. The commitment to participation was virtually unanimous. The location of most Hokan languages in California, the long-standing tradition of research at the University of California on American Indian Languages, Margaret Langdon's comparative focus on Yuman, the only California Hokan family of languages for which there are still numerous speakers, and her specialization in the Diegueño dialects of the Yuman family spoken in the environs of San Diego and northern 5
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PREFACE
Baja California, determined our choice of the San Diego campus as the appropriate conference site. The first gathering of Hokanists ended appropriately with a public expression of affection and respect for Mary Haas, who took part in the proceedings. Over half of the conference participants have been or are her students; moreover, through the years, with her abiding interest in Hokan and other Amerindian language families, and in her role as Director of the Survey of California and Other American Indian Languages, she has excited and encouraged interest in North America as a linguistic area. William Shipley, a former student of hers and a fellow Americanist, graciously acted as spokesman for the participants and the occasion was made all the more poignant because a number of Haas' colleagues and students came to San Diego from all over the West specifically to join us in our tribute to her. After the close of the conference, the Diegueño Indians feted the participants and observers with a barbecue-fiesta where traditional dancing, singing, and peon games were performed. This most hospitable act provided a fitting end to a highly successful scholarly gathering. Financial support from the National Science Foundation to defray travel expenses for the participants and other conference costs is gratefully acknowledged. Additional thanks are due to the Linguistics Department of the University of California, San Diego, for wholehearted cooperation in the planning of the conference and use of their facilities, and to the members of the Linguistics Club of UCSD who enthusiastically helped with transportation, entertaining, and other organizational matters. Cheerful and meticulous attention to editorial matters (particularly to the compilation of the Bibliograpy) by Pamela Munro made preparation of this volume a pleasure rather than a chore. Finally, we wish to pay tribute to all those speakers of Hokan languages, past and present, without whose collaboration there could be no Hokan Studies, by dedicating this work to them. Margaret Langdon and Shirley Silver San Diego, December 1970
TABLE OF CONTENTS
MARGARET LANGDON a n d SHIRLEY SILVER
Preface
5
POMO ROBERT L . OSWALT
Comparative Verb Morphology of Pomo
13
SALLY M C L E N D O N
The Proto-Pomo Pronominal System
29
JULIUS MOSHINSKY
Historical Pomo Phonology
55
EERO VIHMAN
On Pitch Accent in Northern Pomo
77
YUM AN Α . V . SHATERIAN
Yavapai [+ sonorant] Segments
87
MARTHA B . KENDALL a n d WILLIAM L . COLEMAN
Directions in the Study of Upland Yuman
95
JAMES E . REDDEN
Walapai Syntax: A Preliminary Statement
103
LEANNE HINTON a n d MARGARET LANGDON
Object-Subject Pronominal Prefixes in La Huerta Diegueño
113
8
CONTENTS
MARGARET LANGDON
The Proto-Yuman Vowel System
129
M. Mixco Historical Implications of Some Kiliwa Phonological Rules
149
RUDOLPH C . TROIKE
The Linguistic Classification of Chochimi
159
WERNER WINTER
Switch-Reference in Yuman Languages
165
OTHER H O K A N L A N G U A G E S
JAMES M . CRAWFORD
A Comparison of Chimariko and Yuman
177
SHIRLEY SILVER
Comparative Hokan and the Northern Hokan Languages
193
WILLIAM H . JACOBSEN, J R .
Observations on the Yana Stop Series in Relationship to Problems of Comparative Hokan Phonology 203 BRUCE E . NEVIN
Transformational Analysis of some 'Grammatical Morphemes' in Yana . . . 237 M . S . BEELER
Barbareño Chumash Grammar: A Farrago
251
RICHARD B . APPLEGATE
Reduplication in Chumash
271
EDWARD a n d M A R Y MOSER
Seri Noun Pluralization Classes
285
PAUL R . TURNER
Pluralization of Nouns in Seri and Chontal
297
JUDITH G . CRAWFORD
Seri and Yuman
305
VIOLA GRACE WATERHOUSE
Another Look at Chontal and Hokan
325
CONTENTS
9
WIDER PERSPECTIVES MARY R . HAAS
The Northern California Linguistic Area
347
WILLIAM BRIGHT
The First Hokan Conference : Conclusions
361
Contributors to the Conference on Hokan Languages
365
Comprehensive Bibliography
367
POMO
COMPARATIVE VERB MORPHOLOGY OF POMO
ROBERT L. OSWALT
The Pomo family consists of seven languages spoken in northern California in an area extending from about 60 miles north of San Francisco northward for approximately 90 miles and from the Pacific coast eastward to Clear Lake 50 miles inland. Only the Northeastern Pomo lived outside this compact area; they occupied territory on the eastward drainage of the Inner Coast Range, adjacent to the Central Valley of California, and were probably surrounded by non-Pomo groups. Abbreviations used herein for the seven languages are Ps Southern, Pk Kashaya, Pc Central, Pn Northern, Pne Northeastern, Pe Eastern, and Pse Southeastern. Pc contains two dialects; when the citations diifer in the two, they are labeled Pcy for the Yokaya, or inland dialect, and Pcb for the Boya, or coastal dialect. Other abbreviations are PP Proto-Pomo; WP Western Branch of Pomo; WSP Western Branch, Southern Group; PWP Proto-WP; and PWSP Proto-WSP - the latter two symbols designate intermediate level reconstructions not necessarily valid for PP.1 The purpose of this paper is twofold : to explore morphological evidence for subgrouping within the Pomo family, and to make reconstructed affixes (or at least sets of cognate affixes) easily accessible to those who wish to compare Pomo with Hokan and other Indian languages. The interrelationships of the Pomo languages that seem most likely from the evidence now known are presented in the accompanying tree diagram THE POMO FAMILY, and that diagram will be used as a frame of reference for discussion of the morphological evidence testing its validity. The subdivisions of WP and WSP were postulated on counts of shared cognates (Oswalt, 1964b). The sloped 1
When not specifically acknowledged in this paper the material is from the following primary sources: Ps, Pk, Pc, and Pn from my own fieldwork; Pne fromfieldnotescollected by Abraham Halpern in 1939-1940; Pe from McLendon (1966); Pse from Moshinsky (1970). The following supplementary sources were consulted and, when cited, will be specifically acknowledged by name: Pn and Pe, Abraham Halpern's field notes; On Pe, Jaime de Angulo and L. S. Freeland, The "Clear Lake" Dialect of the Pomo Language in north-central California, a manuscript in the Boas Collection, Library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. McLendon's fieldwork on Pe, Moshinsky's on Pse, and mine on Pk were done with the support of the Survey of California Indian Languages, Department of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley. My fieldwork on Ps, Pc, and Pn was supported by the National Science Foundation, Grants GS-711 and GS-1463.
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ROBERT L. OSWALT
line in the diagram is meant to suggest that Pne is more closely related to WP than are Pe and Pse, and Pe is more closely related to WP and Pne than is Pse. This arrangement of the languages outside of WP is one of several proposed by Halpern (1964) and I believe it has considerable merit. However, lexical counts do not particularly support it; in fact, Pne is lexically the most divergent of the Pomo languages, probably a result of its isolation from the main body of Pomo speakers. Pne has a number of striking phonological similarities to Ps and Pk, absent in Pn and Pc; but these are best taken as archaic retentions and not common innovations.
1. THE SOUND SYSTEM
The postulated Proto-Pomo phonemic system follows. Three full series of stops plain, aspirated, and glottalized - in six positions of articulation : labial *p *ph *p\ dental *t *th *t\ alveolar *t *f *t\ palatal *c *cA *c\ velar *k *kh *k\ uvular *q *qh *q\ Voiced stops and nasals in two positions : labial *b *m, alveolar *d *n. Plain and glottalized fi-type affricates *z *z\ Spirants *s *s. Lateral */. Semivowels *w *y. Laryngeals *h *P. Five vowels : higher and lower front unrounded *i *e, higher and lower back rounded *u *o, low central unrounded *a. Vowel length *·. A few additional symbols are useful in the morphophonemic presentation of the suffixes ; their alternations will be described in Section 3. The above inventory of symbols is identical to that I have used in the phonemic writing of Pc and close to those for Ps, Pk, Pn, and Pne (the latter transliterated from THE POMO FAMILY Proto Pomo
Southern Group
ft
Pk Pc
Pn
COMPARATIVE VERB MORPHOLOGY OF POMO
15
Halpern's notes). Pse is as employed by Moshinsky and Pe by McLendon. Pe differs chiefly in the values given to c, c \ c\ c, ch, ë' ; but since these do not enter into any of the Pe citations there should be no confusion. In Pe, M, N, L, W, and Y are voiceless continuants corresponding to clusters of h and voiced sonorants in Ps and Pk. Pe and Pne contain r corresponding to intervocalic */ or *d. Of the four WP languages, Pk and Pc have a phonemic distinction between a velar and uvular series of stops. Ps does not have this difference; the contrast in Pn is not known. Earlier I argued that the contrast came from an innovative split in Pk (Oswalt, 1964a). Now that the distinction has been discovered in Pc, with Pk and Pc usually concurring in the choice of velar or uvular in particular forms, the probability of the contrast being an inherited one is increased and both series are reconstructed. Pe distinguishes velar and postvelar series, but the origin is different. The velars of Pe k tí1 k' correspond to the palatals of WP c ch c' ; the correspondences are reconstructed as palatals. The postvelars of Pe q qh g' correspond to both the velars and uvulars of Pk and Pc. Thus there has been a shift in the relative positions of articulation of the posterior stops of Pe and WP. In Pse, there is split treatment, with the protopalatals becoming palatals in some cases and velars in others, and the conditioning factors are not known (compare 17 and 18 with 22, and 46 Reflexive with 47 Reciprocal). In Pne, there has been a shift of *s to s (merging with the reflex of *s), and of *c to t (merging with the reflex of *i). The other palatals *ch and *c' remain unchanged in Pne. A number of the languages have a modification of an aspirated stop to a spirant. Pne and Pse contain/corresponding to ph in the other languages, but this difference is more phonetic than phonemic, for there is no contrast between the fricative and the aspirated stop in the native vocabulary (recent loans from Spanish have introduced /distinct from ph in some of the languages). Pe χ and Pse χ might likewise be considered phonetic variants of tí1 and qh in the other languages, but Pe χ and Pse χ derive from *h as well and thus represent a falling together of two phonemes. Pn kh and Pc qh vary in some environments between fricative and aspirated stop, but the variation is nonphonemic. In Pn, and initially in Pc, *cH becomes s merging with the reflex of *s. In Pse, *ch becomes s, but *s becomes x, and the two are kept in contrast. Not all sound changes will be itemized. Those that apply only to the prefixes or to the suffixes are discussed in the pertinent sections or are taken up as needed in the descriptions of the individual affixes.
2. PREFIXES
There is only one class of verbal prefixes reconstructable for PP, that of the type called 'instrumental'. The designation for Pomo is acceptable if it is borne in mind that the prefixes denote the involvement of a certain type of object or action and not just an instrument. Thus Pk da- means (among other things) 'palm of the hand involved'
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ROBERT L. OSWALT
POMO
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.
VERB
PREFIXES
Meanings of the Pk Forms
PP
Ps
Pk
Pc
Pn
Pne
Pe
Mouth, snout, beak, sound, speak, hear. Soft opposed forces, both arms, lips, encircle, sew. Palm of hand, push, waves, fog; many projecting objects. Gravity, fall; genetics, race; many long objects. Finger, work, action.
*ba-
ba-
ba-
bar
bar
ba-
ba·-
*bi-
bi-
*da-
da-
bi-
p'-
bi-
bi-
bi·-
*di-
di-
dar dadi- s.
da-
day di-
*du-
du-
du- >