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History of Urban Form of India: From Beginning till 1900ʼs Pratyush Shankar https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468096.001.0001 Published: 2023

Online ISBN: 9789391050351

Print ISBN: 9780199468096

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Copyright Page  https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468096.002.0003 Published: December 2023

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Subject: Asian History, Social and Cultural History Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in India by Oxford University Press 22 Workspace, 2nd Floor, 1/22 Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi 110002, India © Oxford University Press India 2023 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2023 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics

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rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form

ISBN–13 (print edition): 978–0–19–946809–6 ISBN–10 (print edition): 0–19–946809–5 ISBN–13 (eBook): 978–9–39–105034–4 ISBN–10 (eBook): 9–39–105034–4 ISBN–13 (OSO): 978–9–39–105035–1 ISBN–10 (OSO): 9–39–105035–2 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199468096.001.0001 Typeset in Minion Pro 10.5/14 by Newgen Knowledge Works Pvt. Ltd. Printed in India by Rakmo Press Pvt. Ltd.

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History of Urban Form of India: From Beginning till 1900ʼs Pratyush Shankar https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468096.001.0001 Published: 2023

Online ISBN: 9789391050351

Print ISBN: 9780199468096

FRONT MATTER

Preface  Published: December 2023

Subject: Asian History, Social and Cultural History Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online

The book was written to address a gap in our understanding of the form of Indian cities. Whereas the question of ‘urban’ is much discussed in schools of architecture, planning, urban design, and geography there is a lack of systematic understanding on historical form of the cities. In the recent years with satellite imagery, total station surveys and more advanced mapping techniques, there is a lot more information available on the subject matter, however we are still far away from deriving some strong conceptual model that can help us understand the patterns in urban form. In the absence of conceptual frameworks on historic urban form, a lot of speculative ideas have been oating around; especially at undergraduate school of architecture. At one level there is this imagination of the glorious historic Indian cities that are perceived to be the perfect example of urban living and on the other extreme is an abject ignorance or denial of anything of signi cance from the past. Both these extreme views do not allow us to take a more informed view of the question of urban form. The romance of the past does not allow us to critically examine our historic cities from multiple perspectives. For example, were the Indian cities successful in creating an idea of the ‘common’ both at the social and spatial level? Did they facilitate the creation of a cosmopolitan culture or simply became the preserves of the community identities? What were the challenges that might have been unique to the Indian sub-continent and how did cities navigate the same? This book attempts to answer some of these gaps in the scholarship as related to form of the historic Indian cities. This book should prove to be useful to both students and professionals in the eld of architecture, urban design, urban planning, history, geography, and urban studies. The lens that is used to view a group of cities can help throw more hints while understanding the historical evolution of cities in di erent parts of the p. viii

country.

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History of Urban Form of India: From Beginning till 1900ʼs Pratyush Shankar https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468096.001.0001 Published: 2023

Online ISBN: 9789391050351

Print ISBN: 9780199468096

FRONT MATTER

Acknowledgements  Published: December 2023

Subject: Asian History, Social and Cultural History Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online

The foundation of this book was laid while teaching various courses on Urban History and Theory at the Faculty of Architecture, CEPT University, Ahmedabad. I will always be grateful to CEPT University for giving me opportunity to teach a variety of courses that dealt with question of Urban History and Indian cities. The discussions with the students and colleagues at CEPT University helped me clarify initial ideas on the topic. CEPT library and sta , especially Tejaswani ben, our chief librarian, has helped me retrieve important references for this research. I wish to also thank the Alexander Von Humboldt Foundation for awarding me the Senior Fellowship in 2015–2017 that allowed me to spend time writing this book at the University of Bonn, Germany. The support of Humboldt Foundation was unconditional and un inching; this was the single most important reason that I could undertake a mammoth task of writing this book. Thanks are due to Prof. Julia Hegewald, my hostess at the University of Bonn. Her constant encouragement and support during and after the fellowship in Germany has been the most crucial factor in ensuring quality research on the subject. I was invited to o er courses and seminars on my research in her Department of Islamic and Asian Art History. This constant academic engagement in the German University system helped me bounce ideas with the research community and helped rm up my framework for research. Thanks are also due to Prof. Annette Rudolft at TU Darmstadt, who has been inviting me to teach courses on Urban Heritage at the Mundus Urbano Program at her University. The teaching and public presentations at TU Darmstadt also helped shape my topics over time. Thanks are also due to the management of Navrachana University, that in the last few years allowed me to have a level of exibility which facilitated the work on this book. Pragya, my wife, has been a pillar of support all this while. Her immense belief and con dence in my p. x

abilities has been most useful in times

of self-doubt or during sluggish lethargy; not to forget the

constructive comments she has been giving me on my writings.

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Snigdha Srivastava provided superb support during eld works, literature surveys, writing, and text editing. She was instrumental in setting up the graphic language of the drawings and she herself made some of the most inspiring drawings for the book. But more importantly she was around when it mattered and supported all the team members working on the drawings of the book. Priyanka Sheth, who has been assisting me in variety of Urban courses, has been most supportive in carrying out literature surveys and drawings during the initial phases of research.

carrying out literature surveys for the book. Dhruv was instrumental in assisting in research and drawings. His curiosity and passion for cities kept all of us going. The CityLabs—Writing Urban History workshops proved to be excellent grounds of conversation around history of cities. Thanks to Vaibhavi, Snigdha, Dhruv, Palak, and Khushi for curating the CityLabs initiative. Amruta, Krishna, Bhargavi, Kruti, Anshuman, and Gazal worked tirelessly and rather cheerfully to create some wonderful drawings for the book and without their support, this book would not have been the same. Khushi, Dhruv, and Vaibhavi worked in great detail on the drawings, literature survey, and text right till the end. A big thanks to these young Turks. I must also thank the editors at Oxford University Press, Nandini Ganguly and Praveena A for their patience and guidance.

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The team at my studio (Pratyush Shankar and Associates, Baroda) were all involved in making drawings and

Introduction The study of the form of historic cities presents interesting methodological challenges. One of the classic discussions relates to the key causative factors that led to the birth and subsequent formation of the city. Understanding the origins of a city proves to be useful for researchers to understand the foundational ideas that led to its formation. However, it’s not often easy to conclude with confidence if there were single or multiple causative factors that shaped the city in a particular fashion. Gordan Childe’s seminal writing ‘Urban Revolution’ has been a good starting point for many scholars. Childe argues that the agricultural surplus was the most important shift that led to the rise of cities apart from other factors like the presence of authority with an efficient bureaucracy, organized religion, and functional differentiation amongst the population. Large-​scale public irrigation project was a precondition for ensuring surplus and they were only possible by mass mobilization of people that needed to be guided by a certain structure of authority and control. The ability to centralize power has an administrative structure that can control agricultural surplus and the ability to keep record of the same was central to the formation of cities. Others have argued that even though many factors such as political authority, economic activity, and organized state machinery would have impacted the formation of cities, it was perhaps religious authority that would have bound every aspect of these ancient cities. The role of religious institutions and their proximity to the ruling elites seem to be the most common characteristic in ancient cities. However, the Indus civilizations seem to be an exception to this rule as excavations so far have not revealed any religious structure. But if one were to look at the origin and development of temple cities in South India, one can clearly see the singular role that religious authorities played in creation and management of agricultural surplus and subsequently in the formation of cities. Spiro Kostof (1993, 55) proposes a History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0001

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1

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process of synoecism; a coming together of many smaller settlements under single administrative controls as a possible reason for the origin of cities in the ancient period. Here it also makes a distinction between a deliberate process of creating an administrative structure to further certain political objectives and the ones that might organically occur over the years more out of practical concerns of administration. While narrating urban histories scholars often foreground certain biases or concerns to create a critical commentary about a particular period. For example, L. Wirth views a city essentially as a relatively large, dense, and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individuals (1938). Lewis Mumford looks at concentration of power and culture as prerequisite for a city. In his approach he looks closely at the urban social conditions and its possibilities in different eras (1961). This social formation is what makes the city a unique place and allows our civilization to explore larger potentials. A E J Morris uses a more comparative and descriptive technique to look at peculiarities of urban form (no date). The emphasis is on causative reasons that shape the form of the city. Some scholars have viewed the city in contrast with the countryside; as binary opposite. Simmel is interested in highlighting the role of money in urban societies. His overall arguments centre on the questions of vigorous money exchange that takes place in modern cities, in contrast to the countryside (Simmel and Simmel, 2011). He saw medieval cities as essentially fortified markets. Weber, while making a case for the development of cities in western Europe, posits them in binary opposition to Islamic and Asian cities. Weber presents a methodological tool to understand the rise of cities in European countries. These cities had a level of autonomy, with citizens participating in political and social matters, demonstrating solidarity and purpose towards creating common goods while enjoying certain privileges of the city (Weber, 1967). The role of the Merchant guilds and the association of craftsperson in civic matters (professional management of cities) was crucial to understand the rise of these cities within this framework. Spiro Kostof considers cities as places that allow for energized crowding and have specialization, bureaucracy, and monumental architecture (1993, 37). Cities he argues come in cluster with other cities, and are always engaged intimately with the countryside. Kevin Lynch looks at

Introduction  3

The Geographical Context The process of evolution of cities is contingent on many factors. The availability of natural resources in a region is an important factor that determines the formation and development of cities of the past. For example, the possibilities of agricultural surplus, connection with trade routes, availability of mines and minerals for exploitation, natural defence features, access to forest resources, access to water, availability of domestic animals and poultry, etc. were important factors determining the origin of settlements. A cursory look at the historic cities in the Indian subcontinent reveals certain correlations between the geographical context and overall formation of cities. Plains of North, as well as those in Southern India, encouraged large empires to establish their fairly spread-​out territories. These flood plains were the domain of empires wanting to expand in all directions whereas the hills became the ideal grounds for small kingdoms to flourish, nestled in and protected by their immediate rough hilly terrain. The nature of political (larger empires or smaller kingdoms) establishment was perhaps the fundamental factor that would influence the very formation of a city. However, the politics here is a result of the nature of geography and its exploitation. Braudel suggests a compelling model to view evolution of various places wherein the geography of the place is seen as a generator of history. Extending Baraudel’s model to the cities should mean that they become the product of their immediate geographical context. Large empires such as Mughals established their hold in the Yamuna and Gangetic flood plains. Kaveri basin in Southern India became ideal grounds for the establishment of large empires such as the Cholas and Pandyas. The landscape of Aravalli and Himalayan mountain ranges had major constraints, and hence allowed smaller kingdoms to survive for a long duration due to the safety offered by the natural terrain. Geographical factors were also the major concerns when cities were established in new territories. For example, the exploitation of minerals

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the city as a space (buildings and urban spaces), on which people attach ideas, functions, and values creating a singular phenomenon.

4  History of Urban Form of India

Urban Form Determinants Many factors influenced the spatial structure of the cities and sometimes it might be very difficult to single out a prominent one amongst the lot. Constraints of climate, terrain, and landscape played a major role in shaping cities in majority of circumstances right from the Ancient until the Medieval times. Though over centuries humans have mastered the art of overcoming these natural constraints, even today we find these factors influencing the way we organize our spaces (the patterns of slums in large cities in India are often a result of the constraints of the flow of water and terrain). The role of human-​induced factors such as politics, religion, technologies, and economic activities has also influenced cities, but has taken prominence in recent times. The history of cities has also been one of domination and taming of nature, as it always modified the natural conditions to create a safe and conducive environment of urban life. Be it the diversion of river water while creating high plinths (cities of Indus valley), flattening of ground to create open spaces (Himalayan Cities), containment of water to create artificial reservoirs (Udaipur), cities have always created a new modified environment.

Markets Trade and commerce seem to have also played a major role in formation of the city structure in cases where the whole of the city begins to

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and its related trade seems to be the primary motive in the establishment of cities such as Jodhpur and Jaisalmer in Rajasthan. Indian sub-​continent presents many different climatic and geographical zones and a study of cities in each of these areas can prove to be very instructive in understanding how this context influences the occurrences and nature of these cities. We do understand through common knowledge that cities feel different in different parts of the country, we still have not managed to correlate it to the specific context of its geography. Hopefully by a systematic enquiry into cities of different time periods in a variety of geographical settings might enable us to derive some understanding of the same.

Introduction  5

Control Administration and control seem to be the reason for establishment of many cities including those that were capitals. Often the idea of control and power gets manifested in the structure of cities in the form of geometrically clarified street network, symbolic positioning of the palace, and elaborate processional pathways. The location of the administrative precincts and their obvious symbolism created a unique public sense in many colonial cities in India. The position of palace on elevated grounds and a prominent street leading to its gate created a unique urban space in some medieval cities of Deccan and Rajasthan. These streets were used for the royal processions during important occasions and helped reinforce the position of the state in the society.

Divine Diagram Cities have at times been visualized and executed as a divine diagram; an arrangement positioned to be in sync with the larger cosmic forces that are beyond the control of mortals. Cities in such cases aspire to achieve a perfect harmonious relationship with forces that they did not understand; a kind of sacred diagram that is believed to ensure well-​being of its citizens. Cities such as Jaipur and Srirangam are good examples of cities based on a cosmic diagram. However, the clarified diagram on which the temple cities were based can also be seen as an important symbolic

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behave like a market. We find that in cities of Gujarat such as Patan and Ahmedabad, which were part of major transnational trade and developed as major centres of trade. These cities had market spaces that were not necessarily designed but were strategically located, an active merchant class that often took interest in civic matters and gave a level of stability to the social fabric of the city. The port cities of British colonial cities were founded on ideas of maritime trade and connections with the hinterland. These formations were based on pragmatic concerns of movement and warehousing of goods and location of trade-​related functions such as banks, insurance and custom offices, etc.

6  History of Urban Form of India

Defence Defence and safety seem to be the single most important factor when medieval cities were established around a citadel or the palace in elevated terrains. Examples of cities in Rajasthan such as Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Udaipur fit very well in that description, apart from the ones in Deccan plateaus such as Bidar, Bijapur, Golkonda, and Gulbarga. These cities are marked with the citadel located at a relative safety of higher elevations and the city in between it and the outside space. The city boundary also was reinforced by walls and moats that further created a defensive settlement.

Landscape Contingencies Physical constraints and features such as surface flow of water and slope of land can explain the organic pattern in most parts of medieval cities in India. Often practical concerns of formation of street networks while taking care of water disposal or building in areas that are less vulnerable to landslide and flooding was the most common way in which cities were built. Most often than not there is no grand plan and one can understand city structures that have grown over long periods of time, through such practical considerations. Often prior landownerships of agricultural land contribute in creating street networks when these fields become part of the city. Public paths more often than not, move between two adjacent fields. When incorporated in city structure, the same pedestrian path gets enlarged further to make way for roads. Large agricultural plot boundaries provided an armature for some road networks of many medieval cities in India, where most part of the city formation was not governed by much regulations till the time municipal authorities were established towards the second half of the 19th century.

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instrument to ensure authoritative control of the larger region. In South India, these city temples controlled irrigation and hence the surplus of vast regions beyond.

Introduction  7

The constraints of climate influence the manner in which streets and housing clusters are organized in cities. Houses are oriented to take in maximum south sun in many cities in Himalayas leading to linear street formations. In cities with the hot and dry climate, streets are narrow leading to maximum shaded areas. The houses have very few openings on the outside and take in light and air through small courtyards inside. This leads to shared wall typology resulting in densely packed and compact urban form. In coastal cities with warm and humid climate, the houses are loosely organized, with enough open spaces to allow the cool sea breeze to pass through the city.

Planned and Organic Cities Like most part of the world that has a long historical tradition, Indian subcontinent is replete with cities that have been planned by the ruling state. Sometimes the designs are extremely specific, such as the temple cities in southern India. These were cities of powerful state wherein they exercised total control over the design and execution of city spaces. Streets meeting at right angle, particular axis of movement, creating focus points while deploying an orthogonal and clarified geometry seems to be the hallmark of such cities. In other cases, such as Shahjahanabad (a Mughal city) or Hyderabad (a princely city), the position of the palace, the mosque, and few main streets and gardens is laid out to a plan and the remaining part of the city grows around this armature, to gradually get filled with a more loosely defined control. Here the feudal King or a religious institution often exercised some power and hence were in a position to partially determine the form of the city and would have managed to ensure some level of control over the management of the city. In such partially planned cities, often an axis is created connecting key urban institutions (palace, gateways, and mosque, etc.) or a precinct is marked for gardens and markets, and the remaining city is left to develop on its own. In cities of Deccan such as Bidar and Bijapur we find the main road forming an axis by connecting the palace with the mosque and the main external gate. In some case another

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Climate

8  History of Urban Form of India

State of Literature: History of Urban Form in India The history of Indian cities seems to be a scattered project with many fragmented writings that have emerged over a period of time. Most are general urban histories of individual cities and there is little material on questions of form and space. Howard Spodek’s article surveying the state of literature on Indian Urban History is a good start point to understand the state of literature before the 1980s (1980). On questions of Harappa and Mohenjo-​Daro, Kenoyer presents a good summary of the urban planning features in cities of the Indus valley in Mohenjo-​Daro and Harappa (2011). The writings as outcomes of various archaeological projects in the valley provide valuable information on the nature of spatial constructs at the urban level. The information is not enough to conclude on the complete nature of their cities but good enough to understand general aspects

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road ran perpendicular to this main axis. Like in Shahjahanabad certain key landmarks like a mosque or a haveli are fixed and other urban structures slowly developed around them. But majority of the cities in India are not planned at all and are a result of slow accretion and organic growth. These cities grew out of practical concerns of urban living. The market space got located over a period of time to the location that is most convenient for visiting traders, often starting as a humble open ground where traders could bring their animals and goods. These grounds slowly got converted into more organized markets. The elites of the city tend to occupy higher grounds on account of locational advantage of safety from floodwater and symbolism. The citadel and palace were located primarily from point of view of defence and houses of the nobles would be in close proximity. Private gardens for the royals would surround their residential areas. Housing for the common people would mostly be an adjustment with the forces of nature such as climatic concerns (Jaisalmer or Leh) or surface water flow during monsoon (Kathmandu and Patan). Caste system had a huge impact in determining the location and formation of neighbourhood clusters that were inward looking (in case of Jodhpur and Udaipur) and the possibility to shut off from the city by controlling the gates (Pols of Ahmedabad).

Introduction  9 Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/book/55258/chapter/428630897 by University of Wisconsin-Madison Libraries user on 15 April 2024

of its infrastructure, sanitation systems, and typical layouts. Dales article on the decline of Indus valley civilization answers a lot of questions regarding the demise of cities in that period (no date). Prabhakar Begde (1978) and D N Shukla’s (1996) publication on Ancient Indian Town planning gives a survey of canonical texts and the imagination of the ideal village, town, and a city. Whereas both of these texts are good to understand textual reference, very little empirical data is presented to show any correlation between the ideal diagrams for cities and actual city formations. Champakalakshmi’s work on urban history of South India is notable for its analysis of the process of urbanization and role of temple towns in the same (1999). Her different publications can be used as a useful indicator to understand the spatial characteristics of the urbanization in South India from the 13th-​to 18th-​century Tamil Nadu and parts of Karnataka. Burton Stein while writing about the history of South India makes a special reference to the role of temple-​towns and how the temple was the centre of social, political, and economic organization (1960). Concentrating on similar regions of South India Susan J Lewandowsky explores the much-​discussed ‘Theater State Model’. She argues that the Hindu commercial elites used the traditional model of kinship to legitimize their urban authority, wherein the south Indian political community is essentially a community of worship (Lewandowski, 1985). James Heitzman discusses the theoretical models to understand pre-​ modern South Indian states while using the Chola period as an example to articulate the same (1987). This study is useful from the perspective of comparison of different models that have been articulated (the central bureaucratic, the feudal, and the sedimentary) by other writers in the past. C P Venkatarama Ayyar’s book ‘Town Planning in Ancient Deccan’ written in the early part of the 20th century gives a good textual account of four towns in South India along with procedures and practice for design of garden, houses, and streets spaces in ancient India (2004). The references are more textual in nature and are good for understanding ideas and descriptions on cities in Tamil and Sanskrit literature. Mary Stusser’s epic book ‘Nepal Mandala’ gives a descriptive account of the form of the Kathmandu valley town and interprets the origins of these towns to the Lakhani period (1998). It is comprehensive in its description of all levels of spaces, from the overall city formation to Durbar Square to

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palace buildings and houses. The study by the author titled ‘Himalayan Cities’ is an understanding of the settlement and public place structure of the Himalayan Cities as a product of the unique landscape setting of the region (Shankar, 2014). Apart from such regional studies, most of the Urban history in India deals with individual city histories and only a few attempts the question of the city form. John Fritz and Michel’s study of Vijayawada is an important historical account of the urban settlements (1987). The studies were also followed by a multi-​disciplinary seminar that had contributions about the Vijayanagar discoveries from various interdisciplinary perspectives. The edited volume by Howard Spodek on Urban form of south Asian cities is perhaps the most direct attempt at deciphering the model of urban form in this part of the world (Spodek et al., 1993). The editorial by Howard Spodek raises important theoretical questions on South Asian Urban Form and its meanings, and is useful for researchers. Individual studies on cities make for most of the body of work on Urban history with focus on space. Stephen Blake’s Shahjahanabad is a rich account of the production and ideas of the Mughal capital city in the middle of the 17th century and is an excellent record of the urban preferences and practice of space making during the Mughal period (1991). The role of the Mughal elites and their allied bureaucratic structures is well articulated in the book and does offer a very refreshing perspective on the state of urban society and cities during this period. Lucknow: The making of a colonial city by Veena Talwar Olderberg makes for an interesting study on the spaces and urban governance practice of colonial India and its rich account of the life of the people during the period helps in visualizing the relationship between state, subject, and city spaces (2016). Irfan Habib’s work on economic history during the Mughal period, especially the ones where he empirically tabulates the flow of money and its relationship with the mansabdars and nobles, proves to be very useful in understanding the Mughal society at large (1980). Similarly, the study of Surat city by Douglas Haynes helps us better understand the economic position of British colonial port cities during the 18th century (1992). Anthony King had proposed a compelling model to view colonial British spaces in India; using the binary of the ruler and the ruled, he articulates different kinds of spatial arrangements in colonial India (1976). Prashant Kidambi’s work on Mumbai presents a different view towards

Introduction  11

Format of the Book To tell the story of urban form of cities in India is a daunting task and obviously fraught with dangers. To begin with, the scale of the sub-​ continent makes the task of making categories and deriving some common logic rather taxing and cumbersome. One observes a variety of geographical settings and different kinds of political dramas that have played out in these regions. The book is nothing but a humble attempt in deriving key categories that can be used to look at a group of cities together. For example, the chapter ‘Temple Towns of South India’ looks at the common characteristics of the dynamic interaction of temples and

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colonial urban development. He proposes a framework that looks at possibilities of non-​binary and interconnected spaces of the ruler and the ruled while looking at ideas of appropriation and reuse of colonial spaces during Indian freedom movement activities in Mumbai (2016). Swati Chattopadhyay while examining Calcutta, right from colonial era till recent times, comes up with a much more complex reading of what is perceived to be a colonial city. While highlighting Calcutta as a sight of modernity during the colonial era and showcasing the overlapping and intertwined interests of the colonizers and the indigenous population she also questions the popular categorization of the black and the white city (2000). Hosagrahar’s ‘Indigenous modernities’ questions the monolith identities of ‘modern’ and ‘traditional’ while celebrating their simultaneity and engagement (2012). The modern here is the superior claim of the Western colonizer’s power over their colonies and what they considered ‘traditional’ which was portrayed as being inferior and backwards. Kenneth Gillion’s book on Ahmedabad explores the development of the mercantile city in Western India from its medieval form to its industrial (1968). It brings out the role of various actors that brought about immense changes in the city while highlighting the role played by city elite in creating a unique urban development model in the country. Rana P B Singhs work on Benares creates the case for sacred Hindu cities of the country. It explores the relationship between the belief systems, cosmic diagrams, and the actual pilgrim networks in the city of Benares (1993).

12  History of Urban Form of India

Fig. 1.1  Map of Indian subcontinent including cities that are studied in this book; Source: Author

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the state together with the landscape of agriculture and irrigation as the basis of forming a category to look at urban form of the region or for example how the ideas of defence and trade became the basis of organizing the fortified towns in the deserts of Rajasthan. The book is organized into chapters that are divided using a certain political-​geographical period, the basis of which is the common urban form characteristics such as Deccan Cities, Mughal Cities, Cities of

Introduction  13

Bibliography Begde, P. V (1978) Ancient and mediaeval town-​planning in India. New Delhi: Sagar Publications. Blake, S. P. (1991) Shahjahanabad: the sovereign city in Mughal India, 1639–​1739. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge South Asian studies; 49). Champakalakshmi, R. (1999) Trade, ideology and urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chattopadhyay, Swati. (2000) ‘Blurring Boundaries: The Limits of "White Town" in Colonial Calcutta’. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 59(2): 154–​179. Dales, George F. (1966) ‘THE DECLINE OF THE HARAPPANS’. Scientific American, 214(5): 92–​101. Fritz, J. M. and Michell, G. (1987) ‘Interpreting the plan of a medieval Hindu capital, Vijayanagar’, World Archaeology. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 19(1), pp. 105–​129. Gillion, Kenneth L. (1969) Ahmedabad: a study in Indian urban history. Canberra: Australian National University Press. Habib, I. (1980) ‘The technology and economy of Mughal India’, The Indian Economic & Social History Review. SAGE Publications, 17(1), pp. 1–​34. doi: 10.1177/​ 001946468001700101. Haynes, D. E. (1992) Rhetoric and ritual in colonial India: the shaping of a public culture in Surat City, 1852–​1928. Delhi; New York: Oxford University Press. Heitzman, J. (1987) ‘State formation in South India, 850–​1280’, The Indian Economic & Social History Review. SAGE Publications India, 24(1), pp. 35–​61. doi: 10.1177/​ 001946468702400102. Hosagrahar, J. (2012) Indigenous modernities: negotiating architecture and urbanism. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. Kenoyer, J. M. (2011) Ancient cities of the Indus valley civilization. Karachi; Islamabad: Oxford University Press; American Institute of Pakistan Studies. Kidambi, Prashant. (2016) The Making of an Indian Metropolis: Colonial Governance and Public Culture in Bombay, 1890–​1920. N.p.: Taylor & Francis. King, Anthony D. (1976) Colonial urban development. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kostof, Spiro, and Richard Tobias. (2012) The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. New York: Bulfinch Press.

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Aravalli’s and Deserts, Trade Cities of Western India, etc. These chapters are further organized in a loose categorization of sections that are pointing towards the larger idea to look at cities such as ‘Medieval Cities: Response to Immediate Landscapes’ or ‘Cities of Organized States’. It is impossible to be comprehensive and exhaustive but we have tried to cover a range of cities and some of the finest examples that represent the country (see Fig 1.1).

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Lewandowski, S. (1985) ‘Merchants and kingship’, Journal of Urban History. Sage Publications, 11(2), pp. 151–​179. Morris, A. E. J. (2014) History of Urban Form. Routledge: London. Mumford, Lewis. 1961. The city in history: its origins, its transformations, and its prospects. Its origins, its transformations, and its prospects. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Oldenburg, Veena Talwar. (1984) The making of colonial Lucknow, 1856–​ 1877. India: Princeton University Press. Shankar, P. (2014) Himalayan cities: settlement patterns, public places and architecture. New Delhi: Niyogi Books. Shukla, D. N. (1996) Hindu canons of iconography and painting: with an anthology of Pratimā-​lakṣaṇa and Citra-​lakṣaṇa as well as an outline history of Indian painting, archaeological and literary. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Simmel, Georg. (2011) The philosophy of money. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Singh, R. L. and Singh, R. P. B. (1993) Banāras (Vārāṇasī): cosmic order, sacred city, Hindu traditions: festschrift to Prof. R.L. Singh. Varanasi: Tara Book Agency on the behalf of Varanasi-​Studies Foundation. Slusser, Mary S. (1998) Nepal mandala: a cultural study of the Kathmandu Valley. 1, 1. Kathmandu: Mandalas Book Point. Spodek, H. (1980) Studying the history of urbanization in India. Spodek, Howard, and Doris Srinivasan. (1993) Urban form and meaning in South Asia: the shaping of cities from prehistoric to precolonial times. Washington: National Gallery of Art. Stein, B. (1960) ‘The economic function of a Medieval South Indian Temple’, The Journal of Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press, Association for Asian Studies, 19(2), pp. 163–​176. doi: 10.2307/​2943547. Venkatarama Ayyar, C. P. (2004) Town planning in early South India. New Delhi: Mittal Publication. Weber, M. (1967) The City. University of Chicago Press. Available at: http://​www.ama​ zon.com/​dp/​B00​07EP​7CU. Wirth, L. (1938) ‘Urbanism as a way of life’, American Journal of Sociology. University of Chicago Press, 44(1), pp. 1–​24.

Birth and Death of Ancient Cities Introduction The Indian subcontinent has been a site of urbanization from around 3000 BC, when during this period the great civilization flourished in the flood plains of Indus valley that presently lies in Pakistan. However, the sites of the civilization were spread far across and away from the Indus valley. Unfortunately, we do not have a complete understanding of the urban form during this period due to limited physical evidences and more importantly due to a lack of understanding of the Indus valley society. The Indus script still has not been deciphered and that makes it impossible to understand the urban society during the period. We do know for sure that cities were far more sophisticated in terms of its planning and design than Egyptian and Mesopotamian ones that were in existence around the same time. We also do understand that Indus valley became the foundation for Indian culture in subsequent centuries, however, Indus valley culture died and was forgotten till the time it was discovered in 1912. The sophisticated culture that lasted more than two thousand years was totally forgotten and it took a good thousand years for subsequent civilizations to discover again the art of building cities in the northern and southern Indian flood plains. This second wave of urbanization that took place in the 2nd or 3rd century is also a mystery from the perspective of its morphology, as most of it was destroyed with the currents of time. We only can imagine these cities through textual accounts and conjectural correlations. So, the study of ancient cities in India is fraught with dangers due to large gap in information.

History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0002

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18  History of Urban Form of India

Indus civilization was one of the three places in the world that showed signs of the first cities to emerge in the floodplains of river Indus. Mesopotamia and Egypt were the other two ancient cultures that gave rise to cities. The evidences of urbanization in the case of Indus valley civilization are not enough to make a complete picture of the cities then, but only good enough to postulate in parts of what the city would have been like. The destruction of the cities through constant flooding coupled with constant disturbance and looting of the historic sites have made the task for archaeologists rather challenging. Moreover, the Indus script still remains to be deciphered completely, and we do not really understand the nature of the society, their religious practices, or their political system. Indus valley civilization laid the foundation for later Indian culture. This is clear from a variety of evidences, such as the idea of cult of Shiva worship, the reference to yogic postures during the Indus civilization, etc. It is very clear that cities sprang up here and flourished from 3000 BC onwards in a site that was much larger than either Egypt or Mesopotamia. The cities themselves (Mohenjo-​Daro and Harappa are believed to have a population of around 35–​40,000 people in 2000 BC) were fairly large in size for the time. Both the cities show evidence of organized layout and massive public structures in the form of external protective walls, baths, gateways, and ramparts that could have only been possible through a powerful state and its allied bureaucracy. Whereas the excavation did not point toward large scale violence nor are there any depiction of scenes of war, it is widely believed by experts that some of coercive military authority would have been at the centre of the urban societies to ensure the level of organization and control. The archaeologists believe that the urban society in Mohenjo-​Daro and Harappa were engaged in trade and commerce with different parts of the world. Going by the idea of ancient cities as proposed by Childe, the Indus cities seems to match the archetypical first cities of the flood plains; presence of an organized bureaucratic state that was able to carry out enough large public works to channelize water for agriculture in order to create a substantial surplus (2011), presence of clear boundaries in form of thick brick walls, and some evidences of monumental architecture. However, there is no evidence of a royal precinct that is raised further higher from the remaining city, the kind one finds in the cities such as Ur in Mesopotamia.

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Cities of Indus Valley Civilization

Birth and Death of Ancient Cities  19

The urban form of Mohenjo-​Daro and Harappa can be conjectured from the various different evidences that have been presented by a series of excavations. The first major excavation in Harappa was carried out by M S Vats in 1921–​25. These excavations gave a good understanding of the nature of urban form (See Fig 2.1). The overall formation of the city is one that is highly organized as a loose grid or an ‘irregular net plan’. The city has clearly defined boundaries in form of thick brick wall. Vats also postulate

Fig. 2.1  Conjectural Profile of Harappa; Source: Author 1. Archaeological site 2. Outer ramparts 3. Harappa town 4. Ravi river bed

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Urban Form Characteristics

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presence of wooden superstructure along with use of reed and thatch in many houses (1974). The primary material for construction was fired brick that was of a standard size. The external wall would have been punctuated by gateway to control entry and exit into the city, much like many medieval cities that came up later. The gateway would have been around 3-​meter wide but we can only imagine what it’s superstructure would have been like as none of these structures stand today. The streets did not strictly meet at the right angle and were lined with bricks and had excellent drainage features to channelize waste and rainwater. In fact, well-​designed drainage seems to be the universal feature in all parts of the city, especially in areas that are perceived to be of public usage such as the areas near the well and bathing platform. The brick-​ lined drain would take the water away from this area in to the main street drain that was often punctuated by sumps. The presence of waste disposal bins at regular interval also suggests that solid waste disposal system would have been pretty well established then. Two kinds of housing units existed in Harappa; the smallest one was accessed from the internal road and often had a series of room that were not interconnected but rather accessed from one single space (either a court or a living room). The entry was indirect and hence the interior space was not revealed from the outside. The second kind of house was a bit more elaborate as it had smaller rooms that were attached to the main house almost suggesting a kind of house cum workshop typology with co-​habitation of workers around the owner (Kenoyer, 2011). Public structures such as the ‘Great Bath’ in Mohenjo-​Daro and the ‘Granary’ in Harappa have attracted considerable attention. We do know that these are public structures from their formation, but it is impossible to assign any use (assembly hall could be the other possibility) to it or understand entire typologies from only foundations. However, the scale of the structure suggests a fairly organized and strongly administered society. The other interesting find suggests that the city was the place of substantial craft production. Structures that have been identified as workshops can be found all across the city (Miller, 2008). In fact, most of them seem to be attached to houses (most probably of the owner) but do not show any particular pattern in terms of their size and distribution in the city. One guess would be that the elites who were controlling

Birth and Death of Ancient Cities  21

The Lost Cities The later period of Indus valley has been characterized by experts as one, where urban life and its culture actually decrepitated. This is evident from the slow degradation of the craft tradition in cities like Harappa toward the later period. The death of Indus valley civilization also meant the death of cities in the Indian sub-​continent. The dominant group that roamed the northern and central Indian countryside were the Aryans, a nomadic pastoral tribe that was used to the idea of mobility and countryside. It took centuries for them to reinvent the cities in the Gangetic plains. This part of Indian history is comparable to the fall of Rome and consequently the demise of Urban living in Europe for centuries to come.

The Missing Links From the time of decline of the Indus valley civilization till the appearance of temple towns roughly around the 8th century, we do not have concrete evidence on the nature of urban form. It’s a substantial period in Indian history wherein the information on the extent, nature, and formation of cities of the period is patchy and does not help us confidently concluding the actual form of the city. Whereas we do have major archaeological excavations of this period such as Kosambi, Taxila, Sanchi,

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the production could have their units in the places that suited them and it might not have been governed by the civic authorities like other infrastructures. R E M Wheeler’s report of the excavation carried out in 1946 throws more clues on the nature of urbanism in Harappa. His drawings of the city seem to suggest a pretty elaborate fortification in form of walls, square towers, and gateways. The gateways, he postulates, were more for the purpose of the spectacle of ceremonial entry rather than for the purpose of defence. It has also been suggested by some that Indus valley cities could have also been built on top of massive platforms that made it possible to protect itself from constant floods of the river (Wheeler, 1960).

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Khajuraho; however, the information is not exhaustive enough to guess the complete nature of cities. A variety of reasons have been given for this gap in information. The most plausible reason could be that the major construction material in the cities between the 5th century BC and the 4th century would have been wood and hence nothing much of that era has survived. There are very strong evidences that suggest that there was indeed a flourishing city that was made of wood. The iconography in Sanchi and at many other places shows scenes in what seems like urban streets with houses made of wood. Rock-​cut architecture during the Buddhist periods mimics the bygone era of wooden construction; as evident in the ceiling of the Chaitya halls at Karla and Ellora. The wooden railings around the stupa of Sanchi are carved and constructed in a fashion that is an imitation of a wooden fence. Most architectural historians believe that the dominant construction material was wood for many centuries starting from the 5th century BC till about the 4th century. This seems to be much in line with the argument that the Aryans were essentially pastoral and comfortable in the countryside for ages and could pick up the crafts associated with woodwork more naturally than any other material. However, the chances are that the foundations of such cities would have to be in more permanent materials such as brick and stone. Kosambi is a good example of such urban piece that shows massive foundations, walls, and ramparts made of bricks. Textual accounts suggest that it was only by the 3rd century BC that the cities began to flourish again in the northern river plains. However, the rebirth of cities in India occurred in a short period of time; as societies became more complex, stratified and states became more stable and organized. The expansion of the agrarian economy together with certain technologies provided the incentive for urbanization in the Ganga valley and further expansion along these lines provided the material base for the Mauryan empire (Thapar, 2012, 184). Vedic literature offers evidence of the existence of a number of towns in the Gangetic Valley. Towns like Asandivant/​the royal city of Janamejaya Pariksita, Kampila, Ayodhya, and Kausambi are prominently mentioned. Pajnini and the Jatakas present a picture of the central Gangetic

Birth and Death of Ancient Cities  23

Summary The earliest cities that evolved in the region around the Indus valley seem remarkable from the point of view of spatial organization. They were fortified and were most probably on high plinths. Absence of monumental precincts in the centre of the cities, marking the royalty or religious institutions in Indus cities is quite intriguing. This is a substantial departure from the Mesopotamian and Egyptian cities of the same era. We do know that cities sprang up in the river flood plains in North and South India some two thousand years back, but lack of evidence does not allow us to form a complete picture of the same.

Bibliography Childe, V. Gordon. ‘The Urban Revolution’. The Town Planning Review 21, no. 1 (1950): 3–​17. http://​www.jstor.org/​sta​ble/​40102​108. Kenoyer, J. M. (2011) Ancient cities of the Indus valley civilization. Karachi; Islamabad: Oxford University Press; American Institute of Pakistan Studies. Miller, H. M.-​L. (2008) ‘Associations and Ideologies in the Locations of Urban Craft Production at Harappa, Pakistan (Indus Civilization)’, Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, 17(1), pp. 37–​51.

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Valley dominated by numerous towns and cities that were fortified (Sharma, 1969). Vedic literature makes references to pura (ramparts or strongholds), dehi (defensive perimeter of hardened earth and moat), gates, towers, etc. The literary evidence, thus, shows clearly that in the period of the Brah-​manas, the Jatakas, Panini, and Kautilya (c. 1000 to 3rd century BC) urban life was fully developed in the Gangetic Valley and cities with elaborate arrangements for defence had come into existence (Sharma, 1969). Whereas we are still unclear about understanding the actual morphology of these cities but they seem to have been well established in many parts of the sub-​continent, especially in the river plains of Northern and Southern India. These cities would have provided a template for the more durable cities of the future.

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Sharma, G. R. (1969) Excavations at Kausambi 1949–​50. Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Thapar, R. (2012) Ancient Indian social history: some interpretations. Vats, M. S. (1974) Excavations at Harappā: being an account of archaeology. Excavations at Harappā carried out between the years 1920–​21 and 1933–​34; in 2 vol. with plans and plates. 1. 1. Delhi: Bhartiya Publication House. Wheeler, R. E. M. (1960) The Indus civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Temple Towns of South India Background The temple towns in the state of Tamil Nadu (Southern India) flourished under various rulers such as the Cholas, Pandyas, Cheras, and the Pallavas. Of these, the Cholas were the most powerful and ruled over the largest territories between the 9th and 13th centuries. They initiated construction of many temples and additions to the same were made subsequently by the other rulers, including the Vijayanagara kings in the 15th century. Religion occupied an important position in the society and most of these temples were patronized by the rulers to legitimize their power. References to the rulers of South India and the elaborate temples can be found in the Sangam literature (3rd century BC till 4th century AD) and other Tamil epics such as Silapadikaram. Whereas there is textual reference to settlements during this period, not much is available in terms of any urban form descriptions. The temple towns of Tamil Nadu that we are now familiar with might have mushroomed around the 9th century and would have become more elaborate by the 13th to 14th century. The term temple town refers to a settlement which has a prominent temple as the main urban feature. In many cases, the temple occupies the central position in the settlement and at other times, it might not be in the geometrical centre. The temple towns are important religious centres with ceremonial spaces for festivals and rituals all around the main shrine. They also have other urban functions such as housing, markets, and water bodies. The south Indian temple towns are amongst the most intriguing example of historic urban planning and design in the Indian Sub-​ continent, demonstrating formal attitude towards spatial planning while deploying perfect geometry to achieve urban form. The classical Hindu canonical text (Shila Shastras) formed an important guide to planning History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0003

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of these towns. There are many temple towns in the region that make for an interesting study of ancient urban planning, such as Chidambaram, Tirupati, Srirangam, Madurai, Thiruvarur, etc. to name a few. The position of the temple as a central feature with housing around is a common theme in all these settlements. Before elaborating on the specificities of the temple towns, it will be worthwhile to first locate this phenomenon in the larger constructs of early cities where the relationship between centres of power and agricultural practices (irrigation and control of surplus) was fundamental prerequisites for the formation of cities. The first city has been defined as a symbol of a ‘revolution’ that initiated a new stage in the economic evolution of society (Childe, 2011). Before the first cities, agriculture and the feeling of kinship led to the organization of civilizations. The advancement in agricultural methods, such as irrigation and new tools, with a surplus of agriculture food, allowed cities to exist. During this development, technological innovations provided people with time to pursue activities other than agriculture such as art and crafts, exploring new lands, construction, trading, and keeping records. New social classes of full-​time specialists such as craftsmen, transport workers, merchants, officials, and priests come into being (Childe, 2011). Cities exhibit a characteristic of heterogeneity with the specific differentiation of work. The relationship between advanced agriculture practices and formation of early cities has been well explored in these descriptions. The early city by many has not only been seen as an outcome of these changes in the countryside but also as one that allowed innovations from the city (in form of technology) to flow to the rural areas to further productivity. Surges in agricultural productivity follow the growth of cities. Great innovations were added in cities and only after they had been developed and proven out, were they accepted into the agricultural world (Jacobs, 1969). A city can be supposed to be a significant reason for the civilizations to progress, giving birth to new settlements as well. It would be interesting to observe these points while understanding the urbanization patterns of South Indian temple towns, especially from the point of view of the role cities (temple towns) played in supporting agriculture activities. Some of the prominent temple towns during various dynasties between the 7 and 14th centuries in Southern India are listed below.

Temple Towns of South India  27

According to various historical texts such as Silappadikaram and Manimelakai (post-​Sangam period), a variety of urban centres existed in Southern India between the 7th and 12th centuries. They were classified according to their primary economic and political function. These texts refer to at least three distinct kinds of urban centres; royal centres, port centres, and temple centres. The port settlements were mercantile centres (Nagapattinam, neidhal tracts as per Champakalakshmi) and had a harbour which enabled maritime trade. Examples are Nagapattinam and Puhar during the Cholas, Mammalapuram during the Pallavas, and Korkai during the Pandyas. The royal centres were more likely to be administrative points and seats of power with perhaps a palace occupying major position in the city. Here again we do not have any concrete examples of the same but references through texts. The third category of temple cities still exists and has continued to flourish for centuries. It is quite possible that the real centres of power were actually the temples and royal functions were collapsed with the religious one in order to create a state hegemony. We have enough evidences of temple cities all across present-​day Tamil Nadu but hardly any concrete examples for the royal urban centres of the period between 7th and 12th centuries. The temple cities were religious centres with temple occupying a prominent position in the city with other urban infrastructure forming all around it.

Temple Towns: Controlling Irrigation and Surplus The temple towns of this period not only had religious significance but were active participants in the political and economic functions of the state. Most of the present-​day Tamil Nadu was divided into Kottams; a pastoral cum agricultural region named after a settlement in the 7th to 9th century. Kottam was a unit of governance and Brahmadya (Brahmin settlement) in the centre of this Kottam was used to transform the subsistence base of the region into one of surplus. This idea of using a Brahmin settlement (with a temple) for creating a surplus economy was central to the birth of cities in South India. This was legitimized through the Brahminical ideology of the Brahma—​Kshatriya coalition expressed

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Urban Centres

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through Vedic and puranic religion. Champakalakshmi uses a Neo-​ Weberian approach to describe this process of urbanization in South India as it provides an alternative concept of the process of centrality and concentration (1987). This process was initiated by a ruling family and supported by landed Brahmin elites of the region. More intensive irrigation and agriculture production within the Kottam region was the direct outcome of this arrangement and led to rapid population increase in the Brahmadaya settlement. ‘With each one of the brahmadeya and temple settlements, an irrigation system was invariably established either in the form of tanks, canals or wells in the Pallava-​Pandya regions (see Fig 3.1). Many of them were initiated by the rulers but managed by local bodies. Elaborate arrangements for their upkeep were made by the Sabhas or assemblies of the brahmadeyas, including maintenance, repair, attention to silting and control of water supply through tax and specifying committees (variyams) for their supervision and administration’ (Champakalakshmi, 1999, 79). Irrigation works construction and management were central to this arrangement. The Brahmadya and temple were the harbingers of advanced farming methods such as irrigation technology, seasonal regulation of cultivation process, and proper management of resources. In the advanced stage of development temple became very powerful eventually leading to the emergence of an urban culture around the temple with a distinct politico-​religious culture. The lands granted to the Temple helped yield substantial income and also provided a productive place to invest funds generated in the temple for the performance of services for the donors (Stein, 1960, 164). Temple was the institutional means by which all social groups of a larger region (be it urban or rural) were merged into a single systemic relationship. It was the nucleus of many such clusters and many of them became urbanized later. Soon with production of enough surplus trade began to flourish in the region around sites of production (Kaveri River basin) and around the coastal areas. New types of trading and market towns (Nagarattar) began to emerge in the area. Notice the agglomeration of most of the important Nagarattar south of the Kaveri River basin. Kanchipuram is an example of trade, market, and temple town that later became an important administrative centre. The expansion of agricultural land and creation of surplus was the primary reason for the growth of political power and hence

1. Srirangam 2. Artificial waterbody 3. Settlements

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Fig. 3.1  Artificial waterbodies around Srirangam; Source: Author

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urbanization. Complex arrangements resulting from land grants, temples, peasants, kings, and merchants ensured that the city temple played an important role in the politics and economy of the region. Geography was central in formation of the states in the Kaveri basin as it influenced the nature of politics and also the settlement patterns in the region. Urban centres centralized the power of the state due to presence of temple and market, yet the size of these settlements was modest and not large, but they occur more frequently over a larger region. The temple towns here exhibit all the properties that one may associates with Childe’s definition of cities (Childe, 2011), but they also are very much linked with the countryside and the rural-​urban division is not that abrupt (Heitzman 1987a, 818). The large number of smaller temple towns suggests a very close relationship (often ceremonial) with the sites of agriculture in the countryside, leading to multi-​nucleated and dispersed urban centres throughout the landscape of the Kaveri basin (see Fig 3.2). The temple however always remained the centre of the urban formation. Temple played an integrative role and attracted resources, people migrated from other places and subsequently trade also flourished (Champakalakshmi 1987, 92). Temple attracted various different specialists to settle around it, for the purpose of trade, and which eventually led to development of urbanism centred around the temple. Lewandowski, while studying the urban patterns of different neighbourhoods of Chennai establishes the role of temple as the primary generator of urban form in South India (1985). So, the temple towns had an impact on subsequent urbanization patterns beyond themselves and continued to influence the formation of towns and even neighbourhoods right up till the British colonial era. The royal precinct in such urban centres was the temple around which the city was organized. The precinct was clearly marked through concentric walls surrounding the temple complex. The city is divided into various sectors based on function differentiation that was represented through various caste-​based housing. Caste system was strictly observed and manifested itself in the planning of these urban centres. Occupational specialization was mirrored in the separate assemblies that handled local affairs, dominated by elite groups of brahmanas, merchants, and leaders of agrarian society (Heitzman 1987, 793). This points towards a functional specialization that one would expect in a city. The temple was the

1. Srirangam, 2. Tanjore, 3. Thiruvarur, 4. Chidambaram, 5. Trade towns

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Fig. 3.2  Temple towns in Kaveri basin; Source: Author

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centre of political legitimacy and often the palace would be in a different location. During the later period however it comes to surround a pre-​ existing older temple town (example of Madurai and Tanjore). The Cholas established an efficient centralized control of irrigation and a system of its maintenance and upkeep while organizing the collection of tax while involving noble men and administrators. The temple played a central role here in commissioning large scale irrigation projects and its maintenance. This system saw the flourishing of temple cities as sites of control. This pattern of close interaction of the state with the agrarian economy evolved for close to four centuries without much problem (from the 7th to 9th century during both Pallava and Pandya periods) and became the template that was used by the more militarily organized Pandyas and the Vijaynagar empires (1336–​1646 AD). The temple city is not only of symbolic value, but also an economic and social one. It plays an important role in integrating various sections of the society along with controlling agricultural activities in the larger region. The temple city here shows all the features that one would associate with a well-​formed city, such as functional differentiation and presence of specialists, monumental precinct, clear boundary and administration through temple authorities. The central position occupied by the temple instead of a residence of the king is the only departure one can notice here as compared to early cities of Mesopotamia. The temple towns have a clear boundary and make for a clear legible language. Be it the geometrically aligned housing cluster on the periphery, or a water body running in a straight line on the edge, there is a conscious effort to mark the boundary, irrespective of military concern (which became more important after the 16th century with the rise of military states such as Vijaynagar). The temple towns represent diversity and stratification based on occupation and caste leading to differentiated housing quarters. The markets are not prominently positioned and only find a fuller physical location in market towns (Nagram) closer to the coast and often away from the flood plains of the river. The temple towns also show clear hierarchy between housing clusters closer to the temple and ones that are not; a clear urban feature fitting the central place model. They are based on certain common character and yet they show substantial variation due to a variety of local factors. Srirangam in the Kaveri basin is the most refined example of temple town in terms of the strict

Temple Towns of South India  33

Temple Towns in the Kaveri Basin: Landscape and Settlement Pattern The Kaveri River basin region was a historic theatre of political powers in form of Cholas till the 13th century and Pandyas and Hoysalas during the 14th to 17th century. The temple towns here reached a zenith of perfection and refinement during this period, and they were remarkable for their monumental scale and clarity of urban form. The lower Kaveri River basin is characterized by the funnel-​shaped formation, wherein the river after passing through the town of Srirangam spreads itself in a relatively flat plain in a delta-​like condition. The river Kaveri flows through flat terrain in this particular section and occupies a substantial width, with a meandering path. The northern part of the river is lower in altitude and easily takes in canal structures and other rain-​fed rivulets moving towards the river. However, the southern side that slopes towards the river is much drier and has traditionally used tanks and ponds to trap rainwater for the purpose of irrigation of agricultural fields.

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use of geometry to generate overall structure. Thiruvarur, also on Kaveri River basin, is a smaller example of geometrically organized settlement. Not as elaborate and refined as Srirangam, yet a good study to understand the origins of temple town beginning from a temple complex and slowly incorporating other urban elements. Tanjore is amongst the oldest of the temple towns with a very elaborate and large-​scale temple complex housing the Brihdeshwara shrine. The temple in this case is not in the centre but it did become the magnet that attracted housing and other urban functions over a period of time. Madurai, which is located off the Kaveri basin, has a more complex and layered physical form. The temple is said to have replaced the palace in the centre of the town, and it is evident from the loose grid that it might exercise substantial if not complete control (like Srirangam) over the town. Chidambaram, in a different geographical region, has a fairly elaborate temple complex and is a good example of a classic temple town. The temple enjoys a central position and is seen to be the generator of the orthogonal geometrical road pattern all around, and the other urban functions fall more or less in this geometrical diagram.

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Looking at the 16th-​century settlements spread in the lower Kaveri regions, one can deduce some patterns in their types and distributions. It is clear from the diagram that most of the important sacred Temple Towns (also referred as Rajyam Center) lie close to or in the flood plains. The towns of Srirangam, Tanjore, and Thiruvarur are notable examples (see Figs 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6, and 3.7). The artisanal villages or towns that specialized in production of objects for local consumption are seen in the northern part of the river, where soil and other resources are available in abundance for variety of craft activities. The market and trading towns are far away from the main river system and lie in southern part of the lower river basin at higher altitude, exploiting the connection with the port towns along the coast. The Chola and Pandya dynasties in South India (in and around the Kaveri River basin) were successful in integrating many different chiefdoms into their folds and managed to create an efficient empire that enjoyed long spells of stability and saw the flourishing of art, architecture and urban life. It is widely believed that the Cholas united the many different local centres of power through means of rituals, whereby land grants afforded to the temple became vehicles to unify the disparate interest groups. The Chola kings created an incentive for more intensive land utilization for agriculture, as they encouraged irrigation by involving the various landlords and nobles. The key however was the temple. It was involved in the active implementation of the state policies as it promoted and managed the various large-​scale irrigation projects through complex arrangements of land grants, revenue distribution while it also permitted agriculture on its own land. The temple and surrounding urban area become the focus rather than the state, behind which lies a complex arrangement of land management, irrigation of the hinterland, and effective trade with the markets towns further away. Two kinds of geographical conditions prevailed under the Chola empire in South India. The first one was where water was available in plenty and with irrigation works of larger scale it was possible to bring land to productive use. Here the state and its royal lineage were in control and provided for the central places of their governance and thereby established most of their temple towns. Further away from the flood plain were areas that were drier and did not have an assured supply of agricultural

1. Temple complex

2. Residential

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Fig. 3.3  Srirangam and surrounding; Source: Author

1. Temple complex 2. Tank 3. Residential

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Fig. 3.4  Thiruvarur and surrounding; Source: Author

1. Temple 2. Tank 3. Residential

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Fig. 3.5  Chidambaram and surrounding; Source: Author

1. Temple complex 2. Residential

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Fig. 3.6  Madurai and surrounding; Source: Author

Temple Towns of South India  39

1. Palace 2. Temple complex

produce due to vagaries of water and monsoon. Here a model of local autonomy was followed by the nobles controlling the agriculture and the lands; something close to the feudal model that we see in later part of history in India. The control of the ruler grew less as distance increased from their central areas of rule around the rich river plains.

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Fig. 3.7  Tanjore and surrounding; Source: Author

40  History of Urban Form of India

The region around the settlement of Srirangam shows unprecedented modifications to the natural condition in terms of creation of water bodies. These changes that were concerned with creating irrigation infrastructure in the region are all ancient in origin and most of them still perform important agricultural functions. Anicuts, canals, and tanks were the commonly used methods to trap and transport water. Anicuts are dams that stop the water of the river directly or after channelizing raising the level of water by creating an embankment and then inundating a canal that takes the water to far off places for irrigation purposes (see Fig 3.8). Sometimes these canals can also connect to tanks or lakes. The Grand Anicut is amongst the most early earthen dam in the region which was constructed in the river Kaveri for the purpose of irrigation. Grand Anicut was built in the 2nd century AD by early Chola King Karaikalan, for the regulation of floodwater between two river basins of Kaveri and Coleroon (Kollidam). Much of the Kaveri water used to be carried off by the Ullar channel into the Coleroon, which runs in a lower bed, and this was later regulated with the building of the dam. ‘It formerly consisted of a solid mass of rough stone in clay 1080 feet in length, 40 to 60 feet in breadth and 15 to 18 feet in depth stretching across the outlet in a serpentine form’ (Presidency, 1904, 104). The region also shows high densities of tanks, many of them interconnected through elaborate network of channels with sluice gates, etc. They are mostly of historic origins. Wells are used essentially for domestic water usage apart from natural lakes. Many tanks around Srirangam area that are formed by an earthen bund feature temples on the bund (see Figs 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, and 3.13).

Fig. 3.8  Section through artificial pond; Source: Author

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Irrigation Systems around Temple Town

Fig. 3.10  Water bodies around the Temple Complex, Srirangam; Source: Author

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Fig. 3.9  Temple Towns on the river flood plains, Srirangam; Source: Author

Fig. 3.12  Earthen dams around Temple Towns; Source: Author

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Fig. 3.11  Earthen dams around Temple Towns; Source: Author

Temple Towns of South India  43

The Symbolism of Temple Town Temple towns were the places that initiated and managed substantial modification of the natural landscape condition and in the process created a ‘second nature’ in the entire region around the town. This sets up an interesting relationship of the temple town with the region at large. One way to understand the sacred diagram represented by these temple towns is to view its symbolic significance in the region from a political economy perspective. A temple town symbolizes a space that controls the economic production of a fairly large region. Religion becomes the vehicle to achieve the same and the temple town emerges as a critical space for the state to derive the revenue surplus in the region. The geometry of the town, even though inspired from canonical diagram such as Vastupurush Mandal, represents a perfect ideal with the temple right at the heart of the city and rectangular road structures making for neat quadrants within the settlement. This idealization of the

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Fig. 3.13  Religious structures on earthen dams around Temple Towns; Source: Author

44  History of Urban Form of India

The Urban Apparatus of a Temple Town A typical temple-​based urban settlement in this region follows a definite and predictable pattern with the temple in the centre and remaining city surrounding it. The following key spatial features are deployed in the temple cities.

Single Nucleus—​The Temple Complex The centre of the city is occupied with a temple complex which is large compared to the size of the city. The main shrine is in the centre and the temple complex is an elaborate arrangement of many other shrines, gateways, water tanks, granaries, halls (mandapas) courtyards, and corridors (see Fig. 3.14). In short, it is an elaborate spatial complex that is able to perform many different kinds of functions. The temple complex is organized through concentrically positioned high walls one after the another, enclosing different kinds of spaces. These walls are punctuated by ceremonial and monumental gateways (see Figs 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, and 3.18 that shows some old photographs pointing towards these urban elements).

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city space is a symbol of stability, control, and reverence and it brings together religious belief and economic control under one roof. The temple town is the centre of initiations of modification of the regional landscape and represents a stable centre that extracts agricultural surplus from the peasant. The temple town symbolizes this relationship in its perfect and sure diagram. And by virtue of its location right on the riverbed or adjacent to the flood plains represents a relationship of complete surrender to the river system. At one level, the temple town is responsible for modifying waterways, creating canals, tanks, and changing the course of the river and yet it sits at the most vulnerable position on the river bed. This is a sophisticated dualism that achieves the desired purpose of positioning the temple as a mediator between nature and agricultural activities of the region.

Temple Towns of South India  45

The temple complex often had assembly halls which functioned as community spaces for people to rest, gather, and eat. Sometimes it becomes the space for informal markets and other family ceremonies. Water tanks in the temple complex also perform a vital community function.

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Fig. 3.14  Temple Gateway at Tanjore; Source: Author

Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:OLD_​TANJ​ORE.png

Fig. 3.16  Chidambaram Sivaganga Tank; 1860; Photograph: Unknown Source: DSAL, University of Chicago via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:1800-​1850_​photograph_​of_​Chid​amba​ ram_​Nata​raja​_​tem​ple,_​Sivagan​ga_​t​ank_​and_​west​ern_​gopu​ram.jpg

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Fig. 3.15  Old Tanjore; 1869;

Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Vintage_​photo_​of​_​the​_​Mee​naks​hi_​A​mman​_​ Tem​ple,_​Madur​ai_​(3).jpg

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Fig. 3.17  Meenakshi Amman Temple, Madurai; year unknown;

Original Image: Dr Kurt Boeck, Durch Indien ins verschlossene Land Nepal, Ferdinand Hirt & Sohn, 1903; Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Kurt_​boec​k_​in​dien​_​nep​al_​0​76C.jpg

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Fig. 3.18  Gopuram of a Vishnu temple in Srirangam; 1903;

Temple Towns of South India  49

The temple precinct is monumental in scale whereas the residential space around it is very humble in comparison. Roads follow concentric rectangular patterns starting from the temple complex and reaching outside till the edge of the settlement. The concentric rectangular street rings are punctuated by four perpendicular streets originating at the edge of the settlement at four cardinal directions. All the four streets are ceremonial in nature as they are aligned to the axis of the main shrine whereby creating a strong urban expression. The houses follow the pattern of the concentric rectangular streets. The residential area closest to the temple is often occupied by people of higher caste positions and they have a large landholding. Societal organization was based on the Varna framework, with the occupational groups placed in a ritual hierarchy, keeping the concept of purity-​pollution intact, while keeping the untouchables out of temple precincts. Various categories of temple functionaries existed, such as craftsmen in service of agriculture and farmers, which created the social differentiation. The houses are organized as parallel rows with shared common wall along the long side with the shorter side opening to the street. The traditional housing typology was one of the row houses with shared parallel walls, sloping roofs, and small courtyards. As one moves away from the temple, the residential area is occupied by people of other castes with landholding that are smaller in size. The housing typology however remains the same; that of street-​facing row houses with shared walls organized in a linear fashion. It is interesting to note that the caste segregation does not lead to formation of inward-​looking ghettos like the pol house in Ahmedabad and other medieval cities in western India. The housing here is meticulously organized and has a more open feel to it.

Markets The areas that are towards the main external entrance tend to develop as organized market spaces. Markets are not designed as a special urban block but rather by change in the residential typology. The simple arrangement of a shop on the ground floor towards the street and the house

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Housing

50  History of Urban Form of India

Edge The temple towns have a very clear boundary that is formed by the last concentric rectangular road. Even though the boundary does not always have walls but often we find a moat or a shallow ditch on the perimeter of the city pointing towards an effort to define a legible edge of the town. In earlier times, there would have been no notion of suburban development. In fact, irrigation structures, natural water bodies, and agricultural fields begin almost immediately beyond the edge of the city. What we do find in the suburbs are some water tanks and temples placed strategically for overall irrigation or water needs of the city (see Fig. 3.19).

Madurai Madurai was a fortified city with literary history dating back to the Sangam period. It is believed that the original function of the city was purely political, as it was the royal centre of the region with the palace occupying its centre with ramparts, gates on all four sides, and a moat running around the outer wall. However presently the temple complex (Minaxi temple) occupies the centre of the city, with the concentric pattern of streets all around, creating various layers of enclosure of the temple complex following the classic pattern of south Indian temple town. Surely a palace might have existed in the centre as the record suggests, however it seems quite likely that a major temple replaced the palace much later leading to a stronger urban focus and reorganization of the streets around. Looking at the plan of Madurai (see Fig. 3.20), it is clear that the city is built around the temple. The temple complex itself is multi-​layered and is accessible from the gateways (gopurams) that are in the four cardinal

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above become useful in creating market streets in prominent roads of the city. The street here functions as the marketplace and apart from the spaces inside the temple complex, works as the other important public place of the city. One may argue that these market streets function as the true public place, where people from different castes, religions, and classes can mingle together.

Temple Towns of South India  51

directions. The temple faces east, an auspicious direction for many Hindu temples. All around the temple complex, concentric roads surround the temple in clear geometrical fashion. However, unlike Srirangam the geometrical clarity dilutes towards the periphery of the city. The streets help in creating neat residential division. There is no other gesture towards

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Fig. 3.19  Defined edge of Temple Complex, Thiruvarur; Source: Author

52  History of Urban Form of India

4 1 2

- Water bodies 0

50

100m

Fig. 3.20  Map of Madurai; Source: Author 1. Main Shrine 2. Tank 3. Temple Complex 4. Gopuram

any other institutional building or towards the main market street. The diagram is singular in its purpose to give the highest importance to the centrality of the temple, and use the geometrically organized streets pattern on all four sides of the temple to divide residential areas according to caste hierarchy. Apart from the temple and caste-​based residential areas, no other part of the city seems to have been privileged. In case of Madurai, however the presence of the palace (Tirumal Nayak Palace) along with fortification adds a level of variation to an otherwise temple centric town.

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Temple Towns of South India  53

Srirangam is a temple town located in Tamil Nadu in the island formed between river Kaveri and Kollidam (tributary of Kaveri). The town is famous for Sri Ranganathaswamy Temple, also known as Thiruvaranga Tirupati, which is an important Vaishnava temple, dedicated to Ranganatha, a reclining form of Hindu deity Vishnu. Srirangam is a perfect example of a temple city of Southern India. The temple lies in the centre of the city, the concentric rectangular streets are geometrically aligned, the housing areas fit perfectly in the overall orthogonal diagram and gateways are positioned while forming the long and short axis meeting the main shrine in the centre (see Fig 3.21). Evidences prove the origin of the temple in the 1st century CE during the Sangam period (3rd century BC–​5th century AD). However, as it stands today, the temple represents an accretion of building activity over centuries. The main shrine is in the centre of the seven rectangular enclosures

Fig. 3.21  The streets just outside the edge of the Temple complex, Srirangam; Source: Author

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Srirangam

54  History of Urban Form of India

2 4

2

1 3

4 5

Water bodies 0

Fig. 3.22  Map of Srirangam; Source: Author 1. Main Shrine 2. Tank 3. Temple Complex 4. Gopuram 5. Residential

50

100m

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that form the overall temple town. These enclosures are formed by massive and high walls (see Fig 3.22). The first five enclosures consist of the temple complex and in the remaining two enclosures is the remainder of the city organized around caste lines. The temple is one of the largest

Temple Towns of South India  55

Fig. 3.23  Temple Gateway at Srirangam; Source: Author

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functioning temple complexes in the world as it spreads close to 63 hectares. Each of the seven enclosures is accessed through gates (Gopurams) that dominate the skyline in terms of their scale and become important landmarks of the city (see Fig 3.23). The other prominent feature of the

56  History of Urban Form of India

Srirangam town was the massive granaries (Kottarams) that have been found inside the temple complex, which points towards the role of temples in controlling agricultural surpluses of the region. Multiple large pillared halls dot the temple complex, ascribing to its prominent urban function (see Fig 3.24 and Fig 3.25). For example, the Hall of 1000 pillars is a large theatre-​like structure that has qualities of a civic space allowing people to gather, rest and sleep. The temple complex incorporates many functions of the city itself. The temple has two tanks inside; Chandra Pushkarini and Surya Pushkarini. The temple complex has been built in a manner that all the surface water during monsoon gets collected into these tanks. Apart from these there are 10 more temple tanks around Srirangam that come under the control and management of the temple. The areas outside the temple complex are marked by formal and legible residential areas. Five layers of housing surround the temple complex on all four sides.

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Fig. 3.24  Inside Srirangam Temple; Source: Author

Temple Towns of South India  57

Summary The temple towns in South India were central in the modification and control of landscape in order to create more surplus and were important for the functioning of the state.

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Fig. 3.25  Community spaces inside Temple Complex, Srirangam; Source: Author

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The temples and so the town held immense symbolic value and can be interpreted to carry meanings that point towards a dualistic position of domination and surrender towards natural conditions. Their location close to river flood plains and lack of protection (retaining walls and plinths) from water points towards a symbolic surrender and their architectural scale indicates a sure positioning of the settlement as the centre of control in a larger region. These observations are much in line with what have been observed in many other early cities, however, temple towns evolved a much more sophisticated relationship between the state and religious institutions. ‘Without its ruler, the city is bound to wither or collapse’ (Kostof, 1993). An authority to control the surpluses, collect taxes, keep records of production and accounts, develop a formal control mechanism, protect and ensure safety of all of its specialists becomes crucial. Historically the idea of divinity or a divine king made it possible. Monumental public institutes such as temples, palaces, granaries are established to rationalise those authorities; marking physical presence in the urban centre. Uruk in the Lower Mesopotamia, the supposed first true city, shows good evidence for the same. Archaeological pieces of evidence show a substantial increase in temple sizes with the growth of the city. ‘The extraction of resources from the producers, and consumption within the families and their diversion towards social services required a strong dose of coercion. Such coercion could be physical, but the use of force is expensive and becomes counterproductive after a while. Therefore, preferably the coercion is ideological’ (Liverani, 2006). The temple towns were not only symbolic in nature, but rather helped in integrating the function of the city and were generator of urban form. The overall organization of the temple town was formal, geometrically organized as a rectangle. The temple occupies the centre, and four roads from cardinal direction form the main axis from the outside to the centre of the city. The diagram of the temple is very legible and clear and makes a clear statement in terms of wherein lies the centre of control and power. The temple by its geometrical centrality and monumentality in an urban setting creates a symbolism that extends beyond the issue of divinity and faith, rather it extends itself as the single authority of control over everything the city stands for; be it land, property, water, or trade. The temple here is then seen as

Temple Towns of South India  59

Bibliography Champakalakshmi, R. (2006) Trade, ideology, and urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Champakalakshmi, R. (1999) Trade, ideology and urbanization: South India 300 BC to AD 1300. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Childe, V. Gordon. ‘The Urban Revolution’. The Town Planning Review 21, no. 1 (1950): 3–​17. http://​www.jstor.org/​sta​ble/​40102​108. Heitzman, J. (1987) ‘Temple Urbanism in Medieval South India’, The Journal of Asian Studies, 46(4), pp. 791–​826. Jacobs, Jane. (1970) The economy of cities. London: Jonathan Cape. Kostof, S. (1993) The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. Bulfinch. Lewandowski, S. (1985) ‘Merchants and Kingship’, Journal of Urban History. Sage Publications, 11(2), pp. 151–​179. Liverani, M. (2006) Uruk: the first city. London; Oakville: Equinox Pub. Madras District Gazetteers. (1904) Madras District Gazetteers. Government Press: Madras, 1904, etc. Stein, B. (1960) ‘The Economic Function of a Medieval South Indian Temple’, The Journal of Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press, Association for Asian Studies, 19(2), pp. 163–​176. doi: 10.2307/​2943547.

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representative of the state or rather the optic suggests the state being a subset of the institutions of the temple. The other remarkable aspect of the temple town plan is its predictability across different settlements. The archetype of central temple, rectangular grid, roads, and gateways leading to the temple and caste segregated hierarchical housing is something common in all the temple towns in southern India. The archetype survived centuries and as discussed earlier became an instrument to controlling new territories (as regional markers) that were the centre of control of agricultural activities and provided an armature for the growth of the city irrespective of its scale. The single nuclei plan of the city could have potentially many rectangular concentric enclosures thereby accommodating more population in due course of time.

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan Early Urbanization in Deccan The central part of the Indian subcontinent is referred to as Deccan; a geographically unique region marked by an extensive plateau. The terrain is rocky, scrubby, and not conducive for agriculture. This region became the site for major urbanization between the 14th and 16th centuries leading to some interesting city formations. The Deccan part of India has not been studied in great depth from the point of view of early urbanization and much less from the perspective of urban form. One reason is the lack of reference to the region in the written record and the lack of major archaeological finds. Early urbanization in Deccan has been seen as an offshoot of the rise of cities in the Gangetic plains around the 6th century BC. This period was marked by unprecedented mobility and expansion of trade. Scholars have argued about the role of Buddhism and Jainism in welding together disparate identities into a universal system, whereby promoting trade and exchange, a vital aspect of urbanization (Ray, 1987, 94). Both Buddhism and Jainism were not antagonist to trade and commerce and hence were instrumental in being pioneer institutions in encouraging trade between different groups (Thapar, 2004, 138). The rise of trade brought about by the patronage of these religions soon ensured urbanizations across the region. However, some scholars have viewed the urbanization in Deccan from a local contextual perspective. Sen argues that the peculiarities of the region such as the development of iron technology, organization of agriculture and trade which were facilitated through the settlements in the west coast as being major reasons that led to the formation of urban centres in the region (2014, 121).

History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0004

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64  History of Urban Form of India

Cities after the 14th Century in Deccan The next notable phase of formation of cities seems to have been during the Bahami period starting from about the 14th century. The Urban form of these cities can be understood in near totality as the patterns of the city still survive. The Deccan region offered some prominent attractions to the breakaway rulers from the Delhi sultanate. The region in the heart of India held critical importance for rulers wanting to control the resource-​rich parts of southern India, trade routes along coastal parts and ones connecting the south to north India. The period between the 13th and 17th centuries saw the establishment of prominent dynasties in the region starting with the Bahami in Bidar, Bijapur, and Aurangabad, Kakatia in Golconda, and Vijaynagar in Hampi. The common theme binding all these dynasties was the strong military establishment managing the affairs of the state, powerful army governors, and the notion of a somewhat divine king that reinforced his position through wars, ceremonies, and gifts. The departure of the Deccani generals from the Tuglaqs of Delhi led to the flourishing of the Bahmani Sultanate which further broke down to the Nizam Shahis of Ahmednagar, the Baridis of Bidar, the Adil Shahis of Bijapur, and the Qutb Shahis of Golconda. Constant warfare within these states and with the Hindu kingdom of Vijayawada led to the creation of fortified towns.

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Urban centres flourished under the Satvahan dynasty in the Deccan region. The dynasty is said to have begun around 1st century BC and lasted a good 200 years. The evidence of urban centres is however available through literary and partial archaeological finds like Nagarjunakoda and Amrawati. Whereas it is difficult to speculate on the exact morphological characteristics of these settlements, one can conclude that these were of fair amount of complexity, some kind of hierarchy and definite boundary. Whereas through historical accounts we can create a picture of nature of urbanization and its associated activities like trade, commerce, and politics, however, the absence of hard data on overall morphology of the cities of the early period (1 to 10th century AD in Deccan region) does not allow us to make a clear statement on the Urban form.

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  65

Is There an ‘Islamic City’? While analysing cities that were governed by an Islamic state it becomes important to clarify the framework one is using to analyse the form of the city. Sometimes a very simplistic binary of an Islamic and a Hindu city has been used to understand historic cities in India. This would be a gross oversimplification and does not allow us to understand the role of local contexts and many other contingencies apart from religious ones, which shape the complex form of cities. Scholars over the years have subscribed to different frameworks to look at Islamic cities. The work of Max Weber on western European cities laid much of the foundation to later scholarship on Islamic cities in the middle east. Weber in his work essay ‘The Protestant Ethics’, while making a case for the development of cities in history in Europe, posits them in binary opposition to Islamic and Asian cities. This was however based on limited empirical data on cities in Asia or Islamic Middle East and was a broad generalization. But Weber in his study presents a methodological tool to understand the rise of cities in European countries much in continuation with the great Greco-​Roman tradition of Civic engagement; a kind of ideal city where citizens participate in a political and social matters of cities, have a sense of identity of being part of the city, demonstrate solidarity and purpose towards creating common goods while enjoying certain privileges of the city. Apart from this, the city’s social order is welded together by the presence of autonomous guilds or associations that are not representing prior ethnic or regional affinities but are formed out of urban professional identity (Weber, 1958). In the exhaustive thesis, Weber looks at the protestant movement as one of the major factors that allowed for such an institution to arise. While trying to understand the unique history of western European cities Weber also dismisses the Islamic or Asian cities as not being qualified enough to be called ‘cities’ as they do not seem to have a level of autonomy, nor social institutions like guilds and professional municipalities, but they have an extremely fractured community divided along ethnic and religious lines.

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The fortified cities can be viewed as political centres of independent kingdoms controlling strategic trade routes and surplus in the region.

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Later in 1928, the pioneering work on Islamic cities was carried out by William Marcais and his younger brother Georges Marcais while looking at Northern African Islamic cities as their case studies. The general approach was inspired by the Weberian framework and this work tended to look for the elusive ‘city’ much from the European or Greco-​Roman parameters of a city. However, these early studies went to on articulate key point about the close linkage between Islam and cities. That Islam essentially is an Urban religion and its growth was contingent on the formation of cities. This has been explained by articulating two major points. First being that Islam was essentially supported and promoted through traders and merchants and hence the city provided excellent conditions for them to prosper as it facilitated exchange in markets and long-​distance trade. Second, being the need for communal praying that could not be satisfied in a sparsely populated countryside. The Jami mosque as a city-​ level facility allowed everyone to gather once a week and hence was critical in creating solidarity and in spread of Islam. So Marcais saw the Jami Mosque and the hierarchical market as the central pillars of an Islamic city (William, 1928, 86). However, Marcais does not consider Islamic cities to have evolved a sophisticated urban community or an independent authority like its Western counterparts. He views Islamic cities as a collection of various warring clans that are spatially segregated with each other and in a constant state of conflict. For example, Ashtor and Strauss point out how the Muhtasib (the chief of the city) in the Syrian cities of Aleppo in the 11th to 12th century carried out similar work as a Mayor or independent municipality would in western European cities (1956, 87). Stern while speaking in a seminar in 1965 (the seminar on Islamic Cities in Oxford University in 1965, brought together scholars such as Claude Cahen, Samuel Stern, Jean Aubin, Ira Lapidus, and Oleg Grabar) at Oxford University contents Islamic cities could never develop independent autonomic municipality since they were always under very strong and stable larger empires. This thesis might even hold very true for Indian cities under larger empires such as Mughals, Tuqlaks, and Mauryas. And the relative instability of smaller kingdoms in Europe led to the rise of autonomous institutions within these cities. Stem asserts that corporate institutions did not exist in classical and medieval Islam because, unlike Western Europe, the Arab world did not inherit a tradition of corporate life for its institutions to imitate and

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  67

Cities of Islamic State in Deccan We are using the word Cities of Islamic states rather than Islamic Cities. The term Islamic cities seem to suggest a whole different model of city-​ building and one where religions play a major role in shaping it whereas that is not the case in the Indian subcontinent.

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develop. These observations were more of a contextual understanding of actual historical material in Syria and hence provide a more nuanced framework that can be used. However, it is important to point that in this obsession of comparing cities with the Weber’s ‘free European city’ one should not forget that cities in each part of the work have evolved on certain contingencies that are very local and hence show a different formal and institutional character. When we look at cities of the Islamic State in India, the works of Stephan Blake are of important consideration from the perspective of understanding a particular framework deployed for analysis. Blake makes a case of Mughal Urban cities as being directly influenced by the nature of the ruling class and its elites more than religious institutions or practices. The predominant presence of the Patriarchal bureaucratic traditions established by Mughal rulers led to the creation of ‘Islamic Mughal city’ with the royal palace dominating the urban landscape rather than the Jami Mosque (Blake, 1987). More about this is discussed in the section of Mughal cities. This is not very different from the Weber contention about Islamic cities wherein family and clan ties become more important institutions than free mercantile association in cities of the east. Christopher Bayle suggests that the small qasbas and gunj that were present during the Mughal era existed alongside the cities and hence it points towards trade being promoted in and around them (1988). Hamida Naqvi counters by saying that most of these smaller mercantile centres existed irrespective of and much before the Mughal rule (1971), thus pointing towards a kind of independent system that existed outside the domain of the royal centres of power. She also makes a case for a flourishing trade that existed between various Mughal controlled cities with the outside world as an indicator of the unique form of urbanization that evolved during the rule by Mughals in India.

68  History of Urban Form of India

Spatial Features of Cities If one were to look at the gradual development of urban form, the cities of Deccan show a clear evolution from the earliest ones such as Daulatabad and Gulbarga to later ones such as Bidar, Bijapur, and Golconda. One can observe that the later cities have more legible spatial expressions. This urban expression can be observed in the position of the palace, the location and elaboration of the Jami Mosque and marketplace. For example, Daulatabad and Gulbarga of earlier Bahmani fortifications whereas Bidar, Bijapur, and Golconda present a more elaborate fortified citadel and town which flourished under the Baridis, Adil Shahis, and Qutb Shahis respectively after the break down of the Bahmani Sultanate. In the later cities, one also finds new kind of building forms such as the step wells, gardens, hammams, stables, assembly halls, and

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The city of Bidar, Bijapur, Daulatabad, Golconda, and Gulbarga represent some of the best examples of Deccan cities of the Bahami and allied dynasties during the 13th to 17th centuries. These groups of cities in the Deccan were a major break in the politics of the Indian subcontinent. It will be worthwhile to observe, how these settlements of the new kingdom express their freedom from the Delhi sultanate in terms of both pragmatic considerations (such as the palace and bazaars) and also its symbolism in spaces (monumental architecture, public places, etc.). Forts were more or less permanent military camps and were related only to the ruler. On the other hand, the walled city was intended for the protection and prestige of much larger social bodies (Philon and (India), 2010). The city walls reveal the desire for protection of inhabitants apart from serving a strategic military purpose. The fortifications have structures such as gates, towers, granaries, barbicans, brattices. Forts at capital cities served as a military defensive unit for the royal camp. However, over some time as the authority of the sultan was firmly established, this camp also expanded and incorporated other structures such as palaces, gardens, hammams, pavilions as is evident in the case of Bijapur, Golconda, and Bidar. This is how by addition and incorporation of new structure the settlement evolved from being an exclusive military infrastructure to a city.

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  69

Daulatabad Sultan Muhammad Bin Tughlaq made Daulatabad his second capital after Delhi in 1328, which enjoyed a status of Imperial capital for only a few years. The rulers had the ambition of moving the population of Delhi to Daulatabad. If that being the case, then the new capital city would have to be laid out if not in totality but at least in terms of the key spatial structures like the royal and religious centres, residential areas, barracks, markets, and most importantly road networks.

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public places like the Idgah ground. Tombs, madrassas, and mosques were also incorporated within the town, the grand madrasa of Bidar built by Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, being a striking example. Along with the development of new building types an important addition to the city was that of the royal suburbs. These spaces were built on the edge of the existing town, often in areas that had preserved nature. They were built by the elites that were part or connected to the royal family as places for leisure. The areas of Firuzabad close to Gulbarga, Nimatabad, and Kamthana close to Bidar and Nauraspur close to Bijapur are examples of these royal suburbs. Some of these also served as a secondary capital. The Sultanates of the Deccan attracted military generals, subedars apart from several scholars, poets, and Sufi saints. The Sufi saints were revered and had a distinct place in the society and they had a love-​hate relationship with the state. These saints such as Hazrat Gesu Daraz (Bande Nawaz) were never part of the mainstream political or religious system of the city but were nevertheless much popularly revered and often provided a constructive critique of the state mechanism. No wonder, the most popular Sufi sites were never inside the fortification of the city but were rather in the suburbs outside it. People would leave the material city behind to spend a day at the sacred Sufi sites and return by evening. As the years went by, the small fortified settlements of Deccan begin to acquire a much diverse range of spatial features such as gardens, tombs, markets, gathering grounds, Jami mosque, etc. and the city becomes not only large but also morphologically complex with a diversity of urban form characteristics.

70  History of Urban Form of India

The Citadel and the City The most striking aspect about the overall formation of Daulatabad is the position of the main citadel atop a natural hill, which is nearly 200 meters above the level of the city (see Fig 4.1). The city of Daulatabad represented a fairly militarized royal presence like most medieval cities of that period. The citadel itself was not only meant to be impregnable but also had to perform an important symbolic function showing the strength of the Imperial capital. It is elevated and has the ring of defensive protection in form of three fort walls. One the outer ring of the City, second the royal compound, and third the fortification for the palace itself. But what is important to note is that the citadel footprint itself is very humble as compared to the size of the city or even with respect to the size of the fortification pointing towards a fairly pragmatic and military ideal guiding the formation of the city rather than symbolic ones.

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Muhammad Tughlaq’s stint at Daulatabad didn’t last very long. And the power went to the hands of Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah, the founder of Bahmani dynasty who went on to establish the capital at Gulbarga. However, the fort and city of Daulatabad were under a continuous rebuilding process. Under the Bahamis an elaborate moat measuring nine meters in width and fifteen meters deep was built (Markel, 1994). Later on the Victory tower (Chand Minar) was added near the Jami mosque. Subsequently, the outer palace compound was built near the base of the Hill apart from a sub-​terrarium water distribution system once the control went to the Nizam Shah of Ahmednagar. Eventually, the outer Rampart was reinforced and elevated to form the Ambarkot area, and thus making a nearly complete city with three layers of fortifications/​ walls, two royal compounds built in different eras, a religious-​public centre near Jami mosque, elaborate water distribution system, outer ramparts and gates and at least one major roads and other secondary roads (see Fig 4.1). Daulatabad presents a case where three distinct layers of the city are formed enclosed by fort walls. The citadel is naturally protected by the hill on the western side over and above the fortification provided by the walls. The hill provides a vital vantage point for military defence and offence during times of siege.

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  71

2

- Water bodies - Fortifications - Main road - Roads - Moat 0

250

500m

Fig. 4.1  Map of Daulatabad; Source: Author 1. Jami Mosque 2. Palace 3. Moat

The other distinct feature of the town which seems to be typical of the Deccan region is the de-​centred position of the citadel. The citadel along with the royal compound is not in the centre of the city but rather in one of the edges of the town.

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1 3

72  History of Urban Form of India

The Sufi Saints outside the City The presence of tombs of revered Sufi saints outside the city wall also suggests an interesting urban model, that one observes in many other cities in Deccan and other parts of India. In this case, the Tomb is right outside the periphery of the city wall. It is neither in the countryside nor in the heart of the city. The Sufi saints were popular amongst the citizens and their partial detachment from the city sets an interesting counter to the royal powers. The compounds of these saints became a magnet for other activities to come around, and soon the city extended outside the rigid boundary of the outer walls and reached to the suburbs. Otherwise, the city was more or less a political and trade centre disconnected with the immediate dry and sparsely populated countryside of the Deccan region. The location of the Daulatabad town itself is not close to any major water source. Archaeological evidence points towards a subterranean supply system wherein the water was brought from higher elevated grounds some kilometres away through underground channels and was made available in the city (Mate, 1983). Experts have hinted at the connection between the sophisticated technologies of conveying water prevalent in Persia and neighbouring areas during that period. It may be possible that such

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The City Mosque The Jami Mosque (City Mosque) lies right in the centre of the city midway between the palace and one of the gates on the major road (see Fig 4.1). Even though the mosque structure in itself does not seem to be monumental, it incorporates a fairly large courtyard thereby signifying its spatial importance. Moreover, the presence of other prominent public structures such as the victory tower (Chand Minar) and large water tank points towards a level of importance according to the area in and around the mosque. We do not witness a hierarchical build-​up to the mosque, however, its centrality in the plan and presence of public structure around it, makes it the heart of the city life. The palace was the royal centre but its off-​centred position and elevation much above the ground plane of the general population make it a rather elusive and dis-​connected part of the city. The size of the courtyard (around 55 meters) of the mosques along with the fact that it is at the most important junction of two major roads also points towards its importance in the city.

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  73

The Fortification The lines of fortification of Daulatabad follow a triple apron system on the ground that slopes down towards the east (see Fig 4.1). Within the outermost layer of the town, the city was thickly populated during the time of Muhammad Bin Tughlaq. The old Yadav town was presumed to be situated within this outermost layer. There is little left of this period within this layer except for the road that leads to Aurangabad through the outermost wall (Michell and Zebrowski, 1999). The second fort wall encloses the part of the city that is accessed from the lower city through successive gates between rounded bastions. Within this layer, one finds the important buildings that remain suggestive of an active town. The bazaar street begins at the eastern gate and leads to the main citadel. The intersection of the roads coming in from the eastern gate and the northern gate of the secondary fortification is marked by a minaret known as Chand Minar which serves as an important landmark. The Jami Mosque is situated on the south side of the bazaar road and is dated to be 1318. Alongside the Jami mosque lies a masonry tank which might have been used as essential water supply. The citadel is situated within the innermost fortification and the later period Nizam Shahi palace is located alongside the moat. A rock-​cut tunnel leads to the top of the hill on the western side of the citadel that serves as a natural fortification. Atop the hill are the gun mountings and canons that would offer a vantage point along with a pavilion that was added by the Mughals.

Gulbarga Gulbarga became the seat of the Bahmani Sultanate in 1347. By this time, the Tuglaq empire in Delhi had disintegrated. It remained the capital of

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knowledge came with the troop or subject experts that were invited by the King from time to time to be part of the court. Moreover, the connection with Persia was always foregrounded in places like Daulatabad. For small kingdoms looking to establish their legitimacy in far off places, the cultural connection with Persia and Samarkand came in handy for the rulers (Timbuktu to Cairo).

74  History of Urban Form of India

Citadel and the City In the case of Gulbarga, only the citadel remains fortified with double tapering stone walls punctuated by semi-​circular bastions and surrounded by a moat (see Fig 4.3). In the case of Gulbarga, the citadel was referred to as a ‘nara durg’ with no natural defence but was provided with thick fort walls alone (Fass et al., 1986). The citadel has its bazaar street, the Bala Hisar (the royal fortified structure) and the Jami Mosque (Hazar Sutun). Mosque (also known as the Hazar Sutun) occupies a central place inside this citadel (see Fig 4.4). This is a unique mosque as it is a completely roofed structure supported by arches. It is highly unlikely that it would have functioned as a city-​level mosque (Jami Mosque). It might have been able to perform a city level function when the population would have been very thin and concentrated in and around the citadel or it might have served like a ceremonial audience hall for the sultan rather than as a city-​level Jami Masjid (Philon and (India), 2010). Another notable building is Bala Hisar; a rectangular structure found on the northeast of the citadel. The Bala Hisar is an architectural type representative of the royal ceremonials and it served as a protective fortress in itself (Philon and (India), 2010). The presence of the bazaar street within the citadel also points towards the humble origin of the city. However, a prominent bazaar street outside the citadel could have been of later origin and seems more practical once the city grew in size (see Fig 4.5). The north-​western gate leads to this area. The Shah Bazaar mosque is situated right beside it and it may

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the Bahami’s till 1424 before the capital was moved to Bidar. The first sultan to rule from Gulbarga was Alauddin Hasan Bahman Shah who was determined to expand the Bahmani Sultanate. He divided his kingdom into four provinces—​Gulbarga, Daulatabad, Berar, and Bidar and assigned a governor and an independent army to each. In the case of Gulbarga, one can see the formation of the citadel and its fortification but it does not show any clear signs of outer boundary and legible building footprints as infills (see Fig 4.2). Even though it has two major roads, certain other structures such as Royal tombs, Sufi tombs, mosque, and bazaar, do not seem to form a clear unity that one would expect in a complete city. Gulbarga almost seems to be like a city that was abandoned midway, a promised not fulfilled.

1. Fort 2. Jami Mosque

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Fig. 4.2  Map of Gulbarga; Source: Author

76  History of Urban Form of India

be possible that this mosque served as a city-​level mosque owing to its location within Bazaar rather than the Jami Mosque or the Hazar Sutun found in the centre of the citadel (see Fig 4.6). Most of the principal monuments of Gulbarga are scattered outside the fortified citadel. Not much of the Bahmani period remains today but a somewhat planned layout is indicated by the crossing of the streets at right angles. This street would have perhaps served as another Bazaar for the town distinct from the bazaar found in the citadel. One can find the arched openings of the original 15th-​century bazaar behind the recent shop fronts (Michell and Zebrowski, 1999). The Royal Necropolis and Tombs of Sufi Saints It became obvious that the idea of the Royal suburb and Sufi enclaves on the periphery of the city begins to take hold during this period. We will see a much-​refined version of this suburban space in case of Golkonda which was founded much later. The substantial space allotted to the royal tombs points towards a certain way of city formation. The royal suburbs often mark the edge or end of town. The other prominent feature in the

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Fig. 4.3  The fort at Gulbarga; Source: Author

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Fig. 4.4  Map of Gulbarga Fort; Source: Author

Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Asuf_​G​unj,_​Gulba​rga.jpg

Fig. 4.6  Great Mosque, Gulbarga; 1880; Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal, from Curzon’s Collection ‘Views of HH the Nizam’s Dominions, Hyderabad, Deccan, 1892’ Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Great_​Mosq​ue_​i​n_​Gu​lbar​ga_​F​ort.jpg

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Fig. 4.5  Asuf Gunj, Gulbarga; 1880;

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  79

Source: Author

Deccan cities is the presence of enclaves of the Sufi saints which later housed their tombs. To the west of the citadels are the tombs of the early Bahmani rulers and to the east are the ones of the later Bahmani sultans forming the royal necropolis. A large complex of tombs, mosques, madrasas, rest houses, courtyards, and gateways was found further east of the tombs of the later Bahmani sultans (see Fig 4.7 and Fig 4.8). These tombs belong to the Sufi saints; Hazrat Gesu Daraz, who established the dargah at the beginning of the 15th century and several structures came up alongside.

Bidar Bidar had known to flourish as an important town during the early Bahami period, a large orphanage was established by Mohammad Shah II along with a fortress just after the turn of the 14th century.

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Fig. 4.7  The Haft Gumbaz tombs at Gulbarga

80  History of Urban Form of India

Source: Author

The capital of the Bahmani kingdom was shifted from Gulbarga to Bidar in 1424 (Michell and Zebrowski, 1999). The position of Bidar was extremely central at the point where three divisions of Deccan, Karnatic, Maharashtra, and Telangana converge. Moreover, the landscape offered strategic advantages, from the point of view of defence as its natural gradient was some 60 meters above the plains. Availability of water and conducive soil for agriculture in the region was also another factor that may have led to the choice of Bidar as the capital of Bahami dynasty. Soon the earlier fortress was rebuilt between 1429 and 1432 and it was marked by major celebrations in the city (Yazdani, 1995). The completion of the fortress marked the beginning of the golden era in overall city reconstruction in form of houses of the rich and elites, mosques, water tanks, madrasa, tombs, and gardens. Break from Delhi Sultanate Bidar also marks a major departure from the earlier cities of the Islamic state, especially the legacy of Delhi sultanate and Tuglaqs. It is believed

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Fig. 4.8  Khwaja Bande Nawaz Dargah at Gulbarga

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  81

Central Asia as Inspiration This relationship between the two places thousands of kilometres away is testament to the amount of cultural and commercial exchange possible in those days. It was the trade of horses, which was in great demand that had brought Persian traders like Mohammod Gawan who made Bidar their home. He rose to the rank of chief minister (Eaton, 2011). He was responsible for building one of the most monumental structures of Bidar; the Madrasa that was a large courtyard-​based structure and in its heydays had some 3000 manuscripts, mosques, lecture rooms, etc. The style of architecture has a distinct influence of central Asia, thousands of kilometres away, in the proportioning system of the building and the treatment of surfaces (see Fig 4.9 and Fig 4.10). The city of Bidar forged a new identity for the Bahami’s. The rulers of Bidar fused local craft tradition with a heavy influence of Central Asian and Persian styles of building as is evident from the various public institutions that were built there. Apart from architecture, there was a consented effort to bring in scholars, learned individuals, writers, poets, and traders from Central Asia. Whereas Bidar might have succeeded in creating splendid architecture, attracting fine military and traders from all over the world, it seems unlikely if they were able to bring any prominent writers or poets from Central Asia. Intellectually Bidar might have been a backwater as its overall setting resembled more of a militarized garrison rather than a natural place of learning and cosmopolitan culture (AUBIN, n.d., 62).

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that the rulers of Bidar, Firuz were very much inspired and in awe of the victory of Timur over the Tughlaks in 1398. The Bahami king was appreciative of Timur to have put to end the rule of Tughlaqs in Delhi, from whom the Bahami kings had gained independence about 50 years back. Timur had also bestowed the title of Governor of Gujarat (which Timur had failed to annex in any case). Timur returned to Samarkand but the rulers of Bidar continued to look towards the cultural tradition emanating from Timurs land of Samarkand and Persia for inspiration in Architecture and also for forging commercial and cultural ties. This was a way to also distance themselves from the religious and cultural traditions of the Tuglaks and align themselves to what was perceived to be a more sophisticated and superior culture of Samarkand and Persia.

Fig. 4.10  Courtyard of Mahmud Gawan Madrasa, Bidar; Source: Author

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Fig. 4.9  Mahmud Gawan Madrasa, Bidar; Source: Author

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  83

The Citadel The citadel is reached from the town through three successive gates. The town lies to the south of the citadel. Within the citadel, there are many important structures such as the Solah Khamba mosque, Takht Mahal, the Diwani Am (a public audience hall), and palaces such as Tarkasha and Rangin Mahal. Most of these structures are clustered towards the southern edge of the citadel and were initiated under the Bahmani rulers and were later renovated by the succeeding Baridi rulers (see Fig 4.11). Elaborate water structures such as octagonal pools are to be found in the private and the ceremonial areas of the Bidar palaces within the citadel. The City The stone-​walled city of Bidar is enclosed by an irregular wall which has many gates that allows one to enter the precinct of the city. The layout of the city is marked by an axis of two intersecting roads meeting at right angles with an observation post situated at the centre of the crossing known as Chawbara (see Fig 4.14). The main road leading from the gate to the palace seems to be of immense public importance. Along the main street that runs from the south gate of the town leading north to the citadel are other public institutions which are noteworthy. The presence of these institutions can help one conjecture the kind of civic life that dominated the society of Bidar. Among these are the Jami Mosque and the Madrasa of Khwaja Mahmud Gawan, an ambitious project initiated by Khwaja Mahmud Gawan with a strong Persian influence on the building style (see Fig 4.15). The gateway Takhti-​i-​Kirmani also located on this street used to lead to a mansion. The elaborate gateway is closer to the citadel and one can suppose that the elite quarters of the

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Bidar is built at the head of a promontory land rising gradually to the north till it reaches more than 100m above the plain. The fort and town are almost equal in area and are both fully walled (see Fig 4.11). The ground on the north and the east of the fort falls sharply and on the other sides, the walls are set within a triple moat (see Fig 4.12). There are several bastions along the walled perimeter of the fort. The citadel and the walled town form two distinct entities, each with their own set of impressive structures and institutions (see Fig 4.13).

1. Bidar Fort 2. Mosque 3. Palace 4. Mahmud Gawan Madrasa 5. Jami Mosque

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Fig. 4.11  Map of Bidar; Source: Author

Fig. 4.13  Bidar Fort; 1889; Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal Original: J. Paul Getty Museum Open Access Collection Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Fort​_​of_​Bede​r_​18​89_​-​_​Lala_​Deen​_​Day​al_​-​_​ JPa​ulGe​ttyO​ACol​lect​ion.jpg

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Fig. 4.12  Section of Mahmud Gawan Madrasa, Bidar; Source: Author

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Fig. 4.15  Section at Bidar fort; Source: Author

town with their mansions were situated along the northern edge of the town close to the citadel. The presence of Mosque and the Madrasa in the heart of the city on the main road leading from the outside to the palace is a clear indication of the role of Islam in welding the public life of the city. Bidar is amongst the most well-​formed and legible city of the Bahami period and shows clear sectors of different uses like commercial areas along the street, royal compounds and suburbs, army residential areas (such as Habshi Kot), a public centre around the Jami mosque, and the Madrasa with clear inner and outer boundary (see Fig 4.16).

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Fig. 4.14  Main street of Bidar; Source: Author

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2

0

25

50m

Fig. 4.16  Bidar detail; Source: Author 1. Madrasa 2. Jami Mosque

The Necropolis and the Tombs The tombs at Ashtur, outside the walled the city towards the east used to bury the members of the royal family, are marked by Persian forms and decorative features (see Fig 4.17). The later Baridi rulers were buried

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in tombs west of towns such as the tombs of Ali Barid Shah and Qasim Barid. These tombs were surrounded by gardens. Here we find a continuation of the same idea of Royal suburbs by the combination of Tombs along with Garden. The garden design came on its own in Bidar and the Palace shows remarkable sophistication in the design and engineering of gardens. The presence of fountains, water bodies in geometrical shapes, cisterns, and channels for running water seems to be a common theme apart from a system of interconnected channels in the various courtyards of the palace. The idea of running water and the use of clear geometrical division to organize both the garden and water body was refined to a high degree in Bidar. One can trace the origins of such ideas to the Persian Garden.

Bijapur Bijapur lies in the arid tract of land between the Bhima and Krishna rivers. The town was originally under the Yadav’s and was later annexed

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Fig. 4.17  Royal Tombs outside Bidar; Source: Author

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  89

Urban form of Bijapur The defining feature of the city remains the same; a single axis connecting the outer gate with the palace and the Jami mosque lying in the centre of

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by Allauddin Khalji. It was then under the Bahami’s before it fell to an officer named Yusuf Adil Khan, who laid the foundation of the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur. He was responsible for introducing the Shia form of Islam to the kingdom of Bijapur. Despite constant warfare that the sultans of Bijapur were engaged with, arts and literature flourished here. They extended their patronage to Sufi saints, Hindu theologians, and scholars as well. Bijapur is a very well-​formed and a large size city by any standards. The outer perimeter measures around 10 kilometres. This is the biggest in the Deccan region during this period as compared to Bidar (5 km), Daulatabad (3 km), and Gulbarga (3.7 km). The perimeter excludes the area of the citadel and mainly consists of other residential and commercial parts of the city (see Fig 4.18). An array of different religious and secular structures in and around Bijapur points towards a flourishing and stable city under the Adil Shahs. Katherine Kasdorf point towards the bilingual inscriptions (Old Marathi and Persian) in the oldest Jami Mosque of Karim-​al-​Din towards the integrative approach the rulers in Bijapur had towards the earlier Hindu population (2009). Even though the king did not oversee the construction of Hindu temples, it was common for some governors to promote and patronize their construction. These records do point towards a thriving and diverse cultural milieu in the city of Bijapur. Bijapur is a departure from the other fortified cities of the Deccan in terms of its urban layout. Here the citadel and the city surrounding it form a concentric layout with the citadel at the centre. In most of the other cases, the citadel and the city are adjacent to each other (see Fig 4.18). In Bijapur which is concentric rings formations, most of the institutions are situated within the walled city including tombs and Idgah grounds. The size of the walled city, the presence of several bazaars and the citadel at the very centre show that Bijapur was a highly evolved Deccan town where the primary concern of the defensive military is surpassed (see Fig 4.19).

1. Citadel 2. Palace 3. Jami Mosque 4. Gol Gumbaz 5. Begam Sahib’s Tomb

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Fig. 4.18  Map of Bijapur; Source: Author

1. Citadel 2. Jami Mosque

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Fig. 4.19  Bijapur detail; Source: Author

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Illustration: Robert Montgomery Martin Source: Columbia University Library digital archives via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Bejap​ore.jpg

both (see Fig 4.19). This seems to be the common theme in all the cities of Deccan during this period. The second remarkable feature is the use of tombs, gateways, and watchtowers as urban elements (see Fig 4.20). The presence of such structures in different parts of the city is used to create a certain focal centre, public spaces and create a differing hierarchy of spaces that one would expect from a full-​formed city with a diverse population. The citadel is small as compared to the overall size of the city and substantial effort is made to accommodate a different kind of water structures, bazaars, towers, maidans, and mosques in all parts of the city (see Fig 4.21). Bijapur must have afforded a cosmopolitan culture as is also evident from the advance made in military technologies and fortifications. To facilitate the vertical movement of their heavy canons across the wall the engineers in Bijapur borrowed the western Eurasian technology of the Trunnion. This according to the inscription on it was built by an engineer from Ottomans in 1543. To give their canons a lateral movement they

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Fig. 4.20  Bejapore Illustration; 1860;

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  93

borrowed the Portuguese technology of using swivel fork in the trunnion (Eaton et al., 2014). The fabled Bijapur Royal Library (kitābkhāna-​I āmira) was supposed to have contained some 2000 volume and painting. This also included the works of masters that Ibrahim presented to Akbar in 1604 (Overton, 2016). There are several royal pavilions and audience halls within the citadel such as the Gagan Mahal, Pani Mahal, and Chini Mahal. The Asar Mahal juts out along the citadel on the eastern edge of the outer moat. Many water bodies and pools are located alongside these palaces. The town is entered through the original five city gates which controlled the direction of the road network. Within the town in proximity to the city gates are bazaars. Scattered across the town are several tombs. It is interesting to note that unlike the other towns, the royal tombs are within the town and not outside the city walls except for Ibrahim Rauza. The tombs such as Gol Gumbad, Nau Gumbad, Tomb and Mosque of Afzal Khan are examples of the tombs located within the city of Bijapur (see Fig 4.22). The Idgah ground is also located within the city to the northwest corner of the city in proximity to the Shahpur Darwaza.

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Fig. 4.21  The fort at Bijapur; Source: Author

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The Jami Mosque is situated on the main road which leads to the southern gate of the citadel from the Allahpur Darwaza (see Fig 4.23). Many bazaars are situated within the walled city of Bijapur and there is no singular principal bazaar street. Also notable are two Bauris (stepwells) such as Chand Bauri and the Taj Bauri. The open space

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Fig. 4.22  Gol Gumbaz, Bijapur; Source: Author

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  95

Fig. 4.24  Section Jami Mosque at Bijapur with open space in front; Source: Author

around these important structures creates a very different urban condition inside the walled city (see Fig 4.24). They help in structuring a very different idea of a city, one which is full of space for public and secular use. The fact that all the tombs are not out in a suburb or are not bounded in a royal compound gives Bijapur a certain urbane character that other Deccani cities lack. The combination of large size, moderate density, and public open spaces make Bijapur a very important city of that period.

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Fig. 4.23  Jami masjid at Bijapur; Source: Author

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Golconda had been a well-​known fort and an important trading centre since the 13th and 14th centuries but the emergence of the Qutb Shahi sultans in the 16th century marked a new phase in the history of Golconda. Quli Qutb al-​Mulk was the founder of the Qutb Shahi dynasty and he rose to power as a military leader in the army of the last of Bahmani Sultans who had established themselves at Bidar. He never formally declared his independence from the Bahami’s but the territories consolidated under him had become equivalent to the Adil Shahis of Bijapur and Golconda had become a strongly fortified citadel. The Qutb Shahis were Shia Muslims and under them, Golconda prospered and grew quickly to the point that they had to establish another capital in the years to follow and that led to the birth of the city of Hyderabad. However, Golconda remained the fortified citadel of the capital and was famous for the diamond trade that was flourishing here. The walled city of Golkonda is slightly smaller than Bijapur but shows very similar characteristics in terms of the layout. The presence of the citadel in the centre rather than in one of the sides, the typical position of the Jami mosque mid-​way between the main gate and the palace of the main road, the presence of Tombs, baths, and other structures inside the fortified towns giving it a spatial variety and presence of a well-​defined necropolis just on its periphery (see Fig 4.25). Golconda is dominated by the fortified hill that rises in a vast plain of granite boulders providing a natural defence for the citadel. The Bala Hisar lies atop the summit which is about 130 meters above ground level. The fortification of Golconda is three-​fold. This is somewhat similar to the Daulatabad (see Fig 4.26). The City The outermost walls enclose an almost oval-​shaped area. The Naya Qila or the new fort was constructed in 1624 Northeast of the original city. The fortification of the city wall is punctuated with eight strong city gates. The Fath Darwaza gate in the south-​eastern part of the outermost ring of the city walls leads to the Bala Hisar Road. The road leads to the Bala Hisar gate which is located within the second layer of the fortified city walls. The Jami Mosque is situated on the road which begins at the

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Golconda

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  97

1

- Water bodies - Fortifications - Main road - Roads

0

250

500m

Fig. 4.25  Map of Golconda; Source: Author 1. Golconda Necropolis 2. Qutub-​Shahi Tomb complex

eastern Moti Darwaza and meets the Bala Hisar road forming an intersection. Several other civic institutions and gardens are scattered in the layer of the outermost town. The second layer of fortification is accessed from the Bala Hisar Darwaza. A dense urban fabric is enclosed within the second layer of fortification. One finds a multitude of structures ranging from stables, hammams, women’s apartments, arsenals, mosques, granaries, magazines, baoris and open grounds, markets, and parks. These structures are representative of a highly urbane society which was a thriving marketplace (diamond trade) and cultural centre which was at the same time heavily fortified. The second layer of the town surrounds the hill

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Photograph: Unknown Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: http://​www.bl.uk/​online​gall​ery/​onlin​eex/​apac/​photoc​oll/​g/​019ph​o000​0752​s5u0​0021​ 000.html

which leads to the top of the summit. Golkonda is also a testimony to the various cultural influences in its city spaces. The Qutb Shahis introduced the Persian style of the elevated citadel (Bala Hisar) and fortified lower city (pa’in shahr) and in the axial alignments of defensive gates, commercial streets, ceremonial portals, and audience halls. The accurate acoustical system and water system at the fort are the most innovative advances in the defence technology at Golconda (UNESCO, no date) (see Fig 4.27). Beneath the main citadel, Bala Hisar is a well-​preserved mosque. Narrow staircases lead to a flat roof. From this vantage point, one gets a commanding view of the city that lay beneath. The lower palaces are connected to the Bala Hisar which is located at the topmost part of the citadel. The Royal Necropolis The royal necropolis or the tombs of the Qutb Shahi rulers lies to the northwest of Golconda outside the fortified city. Royal tombs along with

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Fig. 4.26  Golconda, Qutb-​Shahi tombs from the Fort; 1902–​1903

Cities of Islamic States in Deccan  99

other ancillary structures such as mosques, gateways, mortuary chambers are laid within formal gardens. These structures are unique in their construction particularly in the form of the bulbous domes of the tombs (see Fig 4.28). ‘The Qutb Shahi tombs complex consists of 30 tombs, mosques and a mortuary bath. The tombs belong to the rulers of the Qutb Shahi Dynasty, their queens and children and the nobles who faithfully served them. It contains the epigraphically documented tombs of five of the dynasty’s seven sultans, as well as those of another four members of the royal family, spanning the 130-​year period from 1543 to 1672’ (UNESCO, no date) (see Fig 4.29 and Fig 4.30). Golconda combines a variety of elements of the other earlier Deccani forts and towns giving rise to a highly sophisticated town in terms of its defensive fortifications. Along with that the number of civic structures, market places, palaces, mansions, and gardens which are situated within the city gives evidence of the thriving cultural and economic life that prevailed in the capital of the Qutb Shahis and rivalled with the Adil Shahis of Bijapur.

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Fig. 4.27  Golconda fort; Source: Author

1. Qutub-​Shahi Tomb complex 2. Golconda Necropolis

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Fig. 4.28  Golconda Necropolis; Source: Author

Illustration: Robert Montgomery Martin Original: Martin, R. Montgomery (1858) The Indian Empire. Volume 3. London Printing and Publishing Company Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Golcon​da_​t​omb.jpg

Fig. 4.30  Qutb-​Shahi tombs at Golconda; Source: Author

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Fig. 4.29  Golconda Tomb; 1858;

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The breakaway dynasty The cities of the Islamic state in Deccan between the 13th and 17th centuries exhibit pragmatic concerns for defence in the form of fortification and citadels. Defence was the primary concern in locating and organizing the city during the initial phases. The cities are a fine example of urbanism that were centred on ideas of strong defensive infrastructure that were marked by elaborate citadel and layers of fortifications. The military nature of the ruling elites meant that a lot of energy was spent in creating a strong defensive palace complex. However, the later period palace complex goes on to house and integrate other social infrastructures like baths, gardens, pools, and even bazaars. However, the idea of the city is limited to the positioning of three key infrastructures; the palace, the mosque, and the main gate. The urban formation of all the Deccan cities follows a pattern of main road originating from the most important gate going to the mosque somewhere midway and ending at the gate of the palace; forming an archetypical diagram of a necklace with the mosque in the centre (as pendent of the necklace). Deccan history has also been of interest to scholars to understand transnational influence; especially concerning the close ties that the region enjoyed with Central Asia and Persia. The cities of Deccan were purposely trying to break free from the Delhi sultanate and hence tended to look towards Central Asia (Samarkand and Persia) for cultural inspiration. This had impact on the idea of architecture as the building became more public and monumental. Whereas we do find this influence in Architecture (for example the great madrasa in Bidar) and water systems (fountains and cisterns), there is no strong evidence of the same in the formation of cities. The urban growth followed more practical concerns of circulation, defence, or commerce and was more contingent on local conditions. However, the prominent pattern of the main road leading straight from the outer gate to the palace with the mosque in the centre remains the common feature here bearing some resemblance to cities in Persian empire around the same period, but then that will hold true for many cities in the sub-​continent.

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Summary

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Bibliography Ashtor-​ Strauss, E. (1956) ‘L'ADMINISTRATION URBAINE EN SYRIE MÉDIÉVALE’. Rivista Degli Studi Orientali, 31(1–​3): 73–​128. AUBIN, J. (no date) ‘Indo-​Islamica. I. La vie et l’oeuvre de Nimdihi’, Revue des Études Islamiques. Paris: P. Geuthner, 34, pp. 61–​81. Bayly, C. A. (1988) Indian society and the making of the British Empire. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]; New York: Cambridge University Press. Blake, S. P. (1987) ‘The Urban Economy in Premodern Muslim India: Shahjahanabad, 1639–​1739’, Modern Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press, 21(3), pp. 447–​471. Eaton, R. M. (2011) ‘From Bidar to Timbuktu’, The Medieval History Journal. SAGE Publications, 14(1), pp. 1–​20. doi: 10.1177/​097194581001400101. Eaton, R. M. et al. (2014) ‘Warfare on the Deccan Plateau, 1450–​1600: A Military Revolution in Early Modern India?’, Journal of World History. Palgrave Macmillan, 25(1), pp. 5–​50. doi: 10.1353/​jwh.2014.0004. Fass, V. et al. (1986) The forts of India. Calcutta: Rupa in association with Oberoi Hotels International. Kasdorf, Katherine E. (2009) ‘Translating Sacred Space in Bijāpur: The Mosques of Karīm al-​Dīn and Khwāja Jahān’. Archives of Asian Art, 59(1): 57–​80. Markel, S. (1994) ‘Once the capital of India: the great fort of Daulatabad’, Orientations. Orientations Magazine, 25(2), pp. 47–​52. Mate, M. S. (1983) ‘Daulatabad: Road to Islamic Archaeology in India’, World Archaeology. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 14(3), pp. 335–​341.

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It will be difficult to attribute this particular feature to cultural exchanges between Deccan and Persia or Central Asia. The unique contribution of the Deccan cities was perhaps not so much in any extraordinary formation within but rather in the development of the prominent district of the Sufi Saints and the suburbs. Sufi saints were popular amongst masses and provided the much-​needed counterpoint to the state. If the city represented the material world of trade, commerce, and power, the suburban precincts of Sufi tombs were just the opposite; a sacred and spiritual space with frugal infrastructure which is out there in the lap of nature. Over the centuries this typology took firm roots as these complexes of tombs became public places that were frequented by the city dwellers like a pilgrimage out of the city as they often lied just outside the fort walls of the city. The systemic engagement with the areas outside the city was a constant feature of the Deccan cities and it spatially manifested itself in form of either abode of the living and dead Sufi saints and/​or as Royal Necropolis.

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Michell, G. and Zebrowski, M. (1999) Architecture and Art of the Deccan Sultanates, The New Cambridge History of India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi: DOI: 10.1017/​CHOL9780521563215. Naqvi, H. K. (1971) Urbanisation and urban centres under the great Mughals, 1556–​ 1707; an essay in interpretation. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Overton, Keelan. (2016) ‘Book Culture, Royal Libraries, and Persianate Painting in Bijapur, Circa 1580‒1630’. Muqarnas Online, 33(1): 91–​154. Parasher-​Sen A., and Parasher-​Sen A. (2015) ‘Unraveling the reality of a “City” on the deccan plateau’. Mnemosyne, Supplements, 375: 121–​143. Philon, H. and (India), N. C. for the P. A. (2010) Silent splendour: palaces of the Deccan, 14th–​19th centuries. Mumbai: Marg Publications. Ray, H. P. (1987) ‘Early Historical Urbanization: The Case of the Western Deccan’, World Archaeology. Taylor & Francis, Ltd., 19(1), pp. 94–​104. Thapar, R. (2004) Early India: From the Origins to Ad 1300. University of California Press. Weber, M. (1958) The city. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. William, M. (1928) ‘L’islamisme et la vie urbaine’, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-​Lettres. De Boccard, pp. 86–​100. Yazdani, G. (1995) Bidar, Its History and Monuments, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Available at: https://​books.goo​gle.de/​books?id=​w6xpQ​pOCt​zAC&print​sec=​ fro​ n tco​ v er&sou​ r ce=​ g bs_​ g ​ e _​ s u​ m mar​ y _​ r &cad=​ 0 #v=​ o nep​ a ge&q&f=​ f alse (Accessed: 23 May 2017).

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts Background The present state of Rajasthan has been a site of urbanization from the time of Indus valley civilization. However, known and surviving urban sites can be traced from the 12th century onwards. The landscape setting of the westernmost part of India is unique and demands a detailed understanding from the point of view of its historic cities. Rajasthan can broadly be divided into two broad zones. The extreme western part is a hot desert and the settlements here are few and isolated. The eastern part of the region has the world’s oldest mountain chain of Aravalli’s extending from north to south. The Aravalli’s have led to a settlement pattern that is sparse and isolated. The historic political system that has evolved in the region has been an outcome of this geography. Small isolated kingdoms have enjoyed a level of protection and in the process certain autonomy. Jaisalmer, Jaipur, Jodhpur, and Udaipur were all capital cities of such small kingdoms (referred to as princely states during the British period). The Aravalli’s hills and the desert provided a natural defence for centuries to these states, protected them from mass political upheavals, migrations, and wars that were the hallmark of Northern region. If river plains of Ganga and Yamuna were the preferred space for larger empires to flourish then Aravalli’s were the ones that nurtured smaller kingdoms. The relationship between geography and size and autonomous existence of the kingdoms has parallels with the Himalayas in India (Shankar, 2014). The relative continuity of the ruling families for centuries ensured that the city was allowed to develop at ease. Whereas during the Mughal period the cities in Northern India were very much hostage to the whims and fancies of the state. The king could decide to abandon the capital or move out for years and the city would seem to be a desolate place. Cities History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0005

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Trade Cities of Aravalli’s and Desert Max Weber classifies a city based on its economics as ‘consumer’ or ‘producer’ city. These classifications are useful in understanding the urban development of a city as it shows how cities develop based on their economic potentials. Economic potentials can be broadly defined based on the source of a city’s economy from within the city’s boundary or beyond, to sustain its population. A classical ‘consumer’ city marks the presence of a state and military who collects taxes and rent, for the economic development of its cities, from its countryside (Bosker, Buringh, and Zanden, 2008). Expansion of the state’s territory and population marks the urban growth. Efficient location of a ‘consumer’ city is consequently in the centre of the administered territories of the state, Rome is considered a classic example by Weber. Moreover, a ‘consumer’ city develops better social and political sophistication rather than an economic one (Zich and Weberian, 2006). The ‘producer’ city, on the other hand, depends entirely on trade and production of goods with its immediate cities or cities beyond great distances. A strategic position of a ‘producer’ city is near significant trade routes. This city shows an economic sophistication in its growth and policies, with low transaction costs and exemption in commercial duties. In our instance, the cities of Aravalli classify as a close example of ‘producer’ cities.

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in Rajasthan seem much the opposite; stable, well-​formed for centuries and hence legible to read in terms of its urban form. Did such capital cities also enjoy a level of autonomy like the ones in Western Europe? And did they develop a strong tradition of citizenship on account of the participation of various professional guilds of merchants and craftsperson in the city affairs? It would be interesting to investigate further and find out if that is the case. The region is also known to have developed a very strong trading community and its markets formed the backbone of the cities in Rajasthan much as one finds in 15th-​century Europe. Max Weber had argued that the rise of cities in western Europe can be attributed to their relative autonomy and the active participation of merchant guilds in civic affairs (1958).

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  107

Trade Routes, Merchants, and Cities of Rajasthan The western part of India lies at the junction of important trade routes. Major centres of trade around this part include Sind, Lahore, Multan, Ajmer, Delhi, Agra, Ahmedabad, Surat, and Burhanpur. Surat and Khambat in the Gujarat coast were the major ports that were connected to northern India through Rajasthan. The region of Rajasthan is said to have been a difficult part of the country in medieval trade; dry weather, intense heat, and sandstorms having made it unfeasible for men and animals to travel long distance without one or the other being an obstacle. Cities would have provided the much-​needed relief to the traders in this particular context. The geographical location of Rajasthan offered important linkages with many trade routes passing through it (see Fig 5.1). This region was well connected with important places like Sindh, Multan, Agra, Delhi, Gujarat, Malwa, and Punjab, leading to the organization of trade at regional as well as local levels. Multiple cities and kingdoms developed along these trade routes like Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, Jaipur, Pali, Kota. Pali was a supermart, it became the entrepot for eastern and western regions where the productions of India, Kashmir, and China (Tibet) were interchanged for those of Europe, Africa, Persia, and Arabia (Little, 2016). It is believed that by the 14th to 15th-​century trade routes flourished in this region. Around the 13th century, many precious metals from outside are said to have entered the sub-​continent, which were either used for ornamentation in religious establishments or hoarded as investments. Commodities from foreign countries, such as Chinese silk, are said to

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The cities of Aravalli qualify well enough in Weber’s classification of a ‘producer’ city. These cities were well situated along important trade routes which promoted trade at regional and local levels. The economic priorities of the cities lead to changes in the social structure, giving rise to dominant commercial communities, the Marwaris. Jainism widely practised religion of Marwaris strengthened trade as their main occupation. Jainism also incited an urbane sense of living in the community with ideas of frugality, money-​saving tendencies, and cooperative living, further shaping the cities.

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- Intercity trade routes - Trans national trade routes - Major trade centres - Minor trade centres

Fig. 5.1  Rajasthan Trade Route; Source: Author

have travelled even into remote parts of Northern India. Good quality cotton was also an important item of trade within the country. The cities in Rajasthan were located on important routes that engaged in these trans-​regional trades. For example, Indigo was produced in both Sarkhej in Gujarat and near Agra. The evidence of the trade routes strongly suggests that there was an elaborate infrastructure to facilitate the growth of an integrated market covering extensive parts of Hindustan, Bengal, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Malwa, and the Deccan, both east and west. Around the 15th century, Rajasthan region was at the crossroad of active trade routes. Gujarat region imported food grains from Northern parts of India that passed through its cities. Salt was an important

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- Rivers

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commodity that was exported from various parts of Rajasthan to many parts of the sub-​continent. Rajasthan also exported pink marble (makrana) for royal buildings, however, not in any great manner. The terrain of the region was tough for land travel and cities provided the much-​ needed respite from the harsh condition as they flourished due to trading activities. The growth of trade cities also led to the rise of a distinguished commercial community in India; the Marwari, a term used for habitants of Marwar but later referring to all traders from Rajasthan. The community has its origin around Jodhpur and Ajmer and they were not only actively engaged in trade within the Rajasthan region but were adventurous entrepreneurs who travelled and settled across the Indian subcontinent. The Marwaris belong to two religious sects, the Hindus and the Jains. This part of India has been important for Jainism since ancient times. Jainism has a major impact on the region and proves to be a prominent reason for the flourishing of the commercial community. Jainism preached non-​violence (Ahimsa) according to which the killing of any creature is a great sin, which restricted them from venturing in occupations which involved harming other lives, such as agriculture, crafts, or even owning lands. Jainism also prohibited against excessive travel, limiting them to more sedentary modes of trade, i.e., banking and moneylending (Timberg, 1978, 33). Encouragement of frugality prescribed by Jainism also coincided with productivity to take up commerce as an occupation. For these reasons, Jainism spread rapidly among the trading community to which Marwaris belonged. Development of trade along with a strong religious belief led to the growth of the community and also developed an urban form of living. Jainism thereby became interlinked with the spread of city culture (Little, 2016). A deepened sense of community and religion also equipped traders to venture outside their city of origin. Travelling traders found support and housing by their communal fellows. Marwaris, for example, first settled in basa collective messes, run on a co-​operative basis which provided free boarding and housing (Timberg, 1978, 5). Communal trading networks enabled trading operations to move smoothly (Timberg, 1978). Records tell of a Marwari banker, Hiranand Sahu, from the court of Maharaja Man Singh of Amber going to Bihar in the 17th century. His kin further acquired great power and wealth as bankers in Northern India.

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City as a Defensive Unit The common characteristics of all the cities of Rajasthan are the use of topography to create a favourable condition for defence. The geography naturally allowed this kind of possibility and hence most of the cities of Rajasthan show a very particular use of the topography to locate the palace, create rings of fortifications and entry gateways. Much like medieval fortified cities of Deccan, the ones in Rajasthan were also marked by the palace at an elevated ground with rings of fortifications. The rest of the city was more of infill between the palace and the fortification. The other question that comes up with this formation is concerning the growth of the city itself. Was the fortification made first and the city then grew inside it or fortification followed an overgrown city? The evidence presented in these cities points toward the fortification predating many of the structures of the city. It seems the palace and fortification come first followed by gradual filling up of the space by housing, markets, and other institutions. The palace complex in Rajasthan seems more compact as compared to the ones we have seen in Deccan or even in Mughal North. The palace plans are generally based on courtyards typology adjusted to various levels of the ground.

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The Jagat Seths, who were famous bankers and financiers especially in regions between Bengal and Delhi, also have their origin from the region. By the 18th century, the Marwari’s were said to be found in most parts of India as bankers and financiers. Although business deals extended only to the Hindu community, they acted as bankers to Muslim merchants and further employed their ships for overseas trade. Amongst the Marwari’s, ‘Charity for religious purposes was also common for high value was attached to a reputation for piety’. This philanthropic attitude had its impact on cities of Rajasthan where many temples, stepwell, and rest houses were commissioned by the community. The trading community’s pan-​national reach also helped consolidate the settlements of Rajasthan as an integral part of the trade network in the Indian sub-​continent. Furthermore, an active merchant community also ensured a level of interest and investment in the cities of Rajasthan as a haven for markets for trade.

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  111

We do know that trade was a very important aspect of the economics of the cities of Rajasthan. Taxation on goods was an important source of revenue for the state at all times. The cities were not only the nodes of the goods that were collected from the hinterland and diverted through their wholesale networks to other cities but also places that afforded markets of regional significance. The sparse density of cities in Rajasthan region meant that these markets gained regional importance for the variety of goods they had for sale. Well-​formed market spaces in prominent locations seem to be common for all the cities of the region. Cities such as Jodhpur and Jaipur were centre of major trans-​regional trade and many of the trade routes passed through them. The urban formation of these cities can be understood by observing the markets that sprung up in practically most major streets.

Udaipur Udaipur is located in the southern part of the Rajasthan state and was the capital of the region of Marwar. It lies in a highly undulating terrain of the Aravalli’s which makes it difficult for agriculture. The rugged terrain offered natural defence and a level of isolation to the region for centuries. Udaipur as a city was only possible if the natural condition of the surroundings could be modified to make the area suitable for living and agriculture. Creation of an artificial lake was possible in such a terrain. The history of Udaipur is the history of large-​scale projects to dam the water by creating artificial water reservoirs. A preliminary version of what is today called Lake Pichola existed at the site, which was constructed by a Banjara merchant in 1329, and later embanked by Rana Udai Singh in 1559. The lake Udai Sagar was also made at the same time (see Fig 5.2 and Fig 5.3). A small town called Ahar was previously present in this region, which in the later eras is said to have been used as a cemetery for the royal family. Udaipur’s establishment, however, can largely be attributed to the Ranas seeking refuge from the Mughal armies. The subsequent generations found refuge in their new capital after abandoning their well-​established capital of Chittor (Tod, 2013). Udaipur

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City as a Market

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Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal Original: Curzon Collection: ‘Views of places proposed to be visited by Their Excellencies Lord & Lady Curzon during Autumn Tour 1902’ Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:The_​c​ity_​and_​lake​_​at_​Udai​pur,_​Raj​asth​an_​i​ n_​th​e_​18​80s.jpg

had the advantage of being nestled between the Aravalli in a manner that it was strategically more secure than Chittor. This state of Udaipur witnessed frequent with the Mughals which might have led to a more inward-​looking policy against expansion and trade. In the early 1600s, a wall and a ditch were raised to further secure the capital against the Mughals. The only regions which they eyed were Dungarpoor and Banswarra, through which the trade routes leading to Gujarat passed. The city palace is said to have been constructed in the second half of the 16th century (see Fig 5.4). In the mid-​1600s, the island palaces of Jagnivas and Jagmandir were constructed. Between 1660 and 1680, two lakes in the state were built by damming streams from the Aravalli; the Rajsamand and the Jaisamand. The Rajsamand, which is around 40 km north of Udaipur, was built to mitigate famine. It was built by damming a mountain stream and it served two purposes; its

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Fig. 5.2  The City and the Lake at Udaipur; 1880s;

Fig. 5.4  City Palace, Udaipur; Source: Author

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Fig. 5.3  City of Udaipur by the Lake Pichola; Source: Author

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construction provided jobs to many residents and further, it was a reservoir for agriculture. The Jaisamand, which is around 60 km from Udaipur city, was solely for agricultural purposes the income of the state is said to have majorly been from two sources; tin and zinc mines in a town called Jawar, about 30 km south of Udaipur, and the trade of opium. The mines are said to have been discovered and established around the late 1300s and early 1400s and were a source of considerable profit. Opium was manufactured in Marwar and traded to the native provinces of Marwar and Kathiawar, and the British province of Scinde (India & Department., 1869, 29). The Mewar Durbar funded the ‘Opium Agency of Oodeypur’, which collected the revenue to be paid to the British Government. Udaipur’s population increased from 3,500 in 1818 to 10,000 in 1822 (Tod 1782–​1835, XXXV). The city of Udaipur had, by itself, no significant trade, and was maintained solely by the revenue of the State (India. and Department., 1869). Before the mid-​1800s, there is not much written about Udaipur’s trade activity with its neighbours. Two roads for military and imperial purposes—​Nusserabad-​Neemuch and Udaipur-​Kherwarra—​were actively undertaken by the Rana. These were completed in 1881. The general decline of the state is occurred due to frequent change of power in the second half of the 18th century, and the subsequent looting of the state by the Marathas; Holkar and Scindhias. In 1818, the state of Mewar entered into a treaty with the British Government for protection, along with the other Rajputana states. A scheme for opening up the Rajputana via rail was considered in 1865, with lands being given by the Durbar free of cost. The trade of salt by the State was cut short in 1878. This was a period of growth for the city of Udaipur and hospitals, jails, and schools were established during the 1880s. By the late 1890s, the railway line from Chittor to Udaipur was functional, bringing visitors and creating the need for a hotel. The Fateh Sagar Lake was dammed and re-​embanked in 1891 on the site of a former lake built-​in 1680. It is a basin for mountain streams from the Aravalli’s which surround it on three sides. Its twofold agenda is the beautification of the city and irrigation to some extent. Between the late 1800s and early 1900s, British Irrigation Engineers were hired by the Ranas, independent of the Public Works Department, to construct

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  115

Urban Form The most striking feature of the old city of Udaipur is the position of the palace in the extreme southwestern end of the city besides the Pichola lake on one side and the rest of the settlement on the other (see Fig 5.5). The palace occupies the highest ground in the city and its location right at the end of the city makes it extremely safe from the point of view of defence as the major points of entry are located far away from the palace (see Fig 5.6). Moreover, the presence of the artificial lake on its other side makes the Udaipur palace excellent from the point of view of defensive protection. The presence of water beside the palace is purely from the perspective of providing better defence and is not driven by any aesthetical concern or an attitude to landscape of nature. The palace does not naturally open out to the lake but opens inward to the various courtyards at different elevations (see Fig 5.5). However, its overall linear formation seems to be the outcome of the profile of the lake edge. The large open spaces south of the palace are now a public garden; Moti garden. The lake also influences other parts of the city; the Gangor ghat further north of the palace on the edge of the Pichola lake is public place of city-​level importance. They are lined by steps leading to the lake, shrines, and temples provide a relief to a city that otherwise lacks any large public space apart from market streets. Pichola lake later on developed into a more recreational use for the royalty by formation of island pleasure palaces of Jagniwas and Jagmandir. The city is marked by a clear boundary that was once formed by a fortified wall. Most of this wall is now gone and, on its footprints, new shops were built after independence, as part of the city expansion plans. There are also an outer fortification traces of which can still be seen in the south of the city below the palace. The overall road network follows the logic of flows of surface water, as roads double up as carrier of surface water during the monsoons; a feature very common in many medieval cities in India. However, one striking feature is that most of the high grounds of the city were occupied by large

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irrigation canals and bunds. By the end of the 19th century, the population of Udaipur was close to 40,000 persons.

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Fig. 5.5  Map of Udaipur; Source: Author 1. Palace 2. Ghats 3. Lake

mansions of the city elites. Lot many of them have been taken over by the government for running schools and offices now. The main urban markers are the palace, the gates, walls, and havelis. Rest of the city can be seen more as a residual adjusting organically to the topography while forming

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Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  117

Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Pala​ce_​a​nd_​t​he_​B​arip​ol_​G​ate,_​Udai​pur.jpg

safe places for different community housing clusters to flourish. There is no formal design here but rather an accretive pragmatic growth over long periods, leading to a street and housing pattern that we see today.

Jaisalmer The city of Jaisalmer was founded by the Bhatti clan in the mid-​12th century as their capital. The Bhattis migrated southwards from regions around Kabul, wherefrom they were driven out by the Ghaznavids, and forced to find refuge in the western desert. Their kingdom was located in the north-​western part of present-​day Rajasthan, a region which is almost entirely a sandy desert. The Bhattis were constantly engaged in defending this region on the northern and western frontiers from the Mohammadans. The history of their rule is coloured with sieges and battles which led to the destruction of cities, abandonment of capitals and ruination. Their resilience, however, is evident in their successful

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Fig. 5.6  Palace and the Baripol Gate; 1910;

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rebuilding and repopulation of their cities. Between the 8th and 12th centuries, their seat of power was shifted multiple times in the south-​eastern direction, and their kingdom subsequently expanded. From the 12th to 15th centuries, the fort of Jaisalmer was besieged twice, enduring spells of abandonment. However, this is also the era during which Jainism flourished in Jaisalmer, patronized by the Rawals. Literature flourished in this time, with multiple temples and a primitive library/​archive being built within the fort premises. This unique feature of this fort city is that it was built upon a triangular hill of bentonite, amidst a series of low limestone ridges. The larger state being described as a wasteland, largely unfit for vegetation or cultivation (The Rajputana gazetteer., 1879, 167). There are no perennial rivers throughout this region, only lakes, tanks, and salt marshes. Its residents made livelihood largely from pastoral activity and the manufacture of animal products. The city of Jaisalmer, though isolated amidst such a landscape, is located strategically upon ancient trade routes. Jaisalmer owes its popularity as a medieval commercial mart to its position on the intersection of the trade routes connecting regions around the Indus Valley, Hyderabad (present-​day Pakistan), and Sindh with the Gangetic provinces, Malwa, Kotah, Jaipur, and Bikaner. This facilitated the flow of a variety of goods ranging from indigo and opium to iron implements, dry fruits, and sugar candy through the capital city, through which much of their revenue was acquired. Additional to this, the Bhattis rulers held a reputation as freebooters, throughout their reign, for their activities related to looting. The outer city of Jaisalmer, along with its temples and ornate buildings, is said to have been built with the wealth of the merchants. In various other regions of this desert state, many smaller fortifications were built, some being no more than residences of wealthy merchants. The trade-​related activity of Jaisalmer is said to have declined in the early 1800s, due to poor administration. In 1818, Jaisalmer, along with the other Rajput kingdoms, entered into a treaty with the British Government. As of 1835, the city was recorded to have had about 8,000 houses, with 2000-​3000 being inside the citadel, alongside ruins indicating a city that might have once flourished.

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  119

The city of Jaisalmer is unique in the Indian sub-​continent. The fact that such a large city exists in the middle of a desolate desert is remarkable. The city structure shows certain distinct patterns and a striking architectural feature as it is entirely built with yellow Jaisalmer sandstone; a soft stone easy to work with and to carry out intricate carvings. The innermost part of the city is a citadel that on a naturally raised ground and further enhanced by rings of fortification (see Fig 5.7). The citadel contains the

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Urban Form

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royal palace and some of the oldest residential areas of the city. The city outside the citadel is contained through second fortifications. This part developed only in the 17th century and seems to be part of a deliberate expansion plan as is revealed through some of the parallel road networks. The raised citadel is remarkable in its urban expression. Typically, citadels tend to become an exclusive zone of the royalty, whereas in the case of Jaisalmer the citadel area has the royal palace and the residential quarters (most probably of the elites) organically organized as a typical urban medieval city pattern. The large open space in front of the palace often referred to as the royal square is one of the largest open public spaces in the citadel. The royal palace complex occupies one of the corners of the citadel area and in the remaining parts, one can find other allied royal institutions and residential areas. The 16th to 17th century was a golden period for the rulers of Jaisalmer as they acquired great wealth and reputation. The city expanded outside the citadel to accommodate the growing population and another ring of fortification was built to defend the outer city. The formation in this part is rather unique for a medieval city as it shows major road networks that are roughly parallel to each other. There seems to have been a plan in organizing spaces in this part, which is evident from the parallel street network, well-​formed public open spaces at street junctions and clearly defined market street. This part of Jaisalmer also has some important havelis of the merchants as trade flourished during the peaceful periods. The Patwa ki Haveli is one such important building; lying on a narrow street with elaborate articulated facade that breaks the light and forms shadows, the haveli is one of the best examples of residential architecture of the deserts and is touted as a lesson in passive climate control. The main street begins from the external gates to the base of the citadel. This street mainly functions as markets and was historically the main place of exchange for the city. Merchants and travellers would frequent this street after leaving the animals in the open spaces outside the main gates of the city. The housing clusters are more linear owing to the more straight-​ line pattern and houses themselves are linear shared wall typologies with a small courtyard in the centre; something we find also in Jodhpur, Udaipur, Jaipur, and Ahmedabad, i.e., in western Indian cities with hot climate.

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  121

The city of Jodhpur sits amidst a range of hills running east-​west. Owing to the vantage offered by the site on which it is built, and its strategic inaccessibility, it is said to have been called Bakurcheerea, or bird’s nest, before the establishment of the city in the mid-​15th century. Jodhpur was formerly the capital city of the kingdom of Marwar, a region ruled by the Rathore clan since the late 14th century. Originally from regions around modern-​day Uttar Pradesh, the Rathores are said to have migrated to the western desert early in the 13th century in search of refuge from Muhammad of Gor. In a short time, their territory was spread out over 180,000 square kilometres of Rajputana. The clan is also said to have established multiple seats of power in this region at Salutmer, Bikaner, Merta, Jodhpur, and other towns, with the occupants of the latter having shifted their seat of power from the town of Mandore, located 9 km north and at the same altitude as Jodhpur city. This city is built of the southern slope of a red sandstone hill. The fort of Jodhpur has been built on the crest of an isolated rock, the tallest point of the hill range, which offers a vantage of several kilometres in clear weather, while the medieval city is sprawled out several feet below, and is also surrounded by a strong wall. Throughout the medieval era, salt was the most lucrative source of revenue for the Marwari rulers. Even as late as 1900, about 18% of all salt produced in India was from Marwar. Also available abundantly in the state was its famous marble, quarried at Makrana. Jodhpur was the natural market for these rich resources around it. Marwar region in general and Jodhpur, in particular, was the place that gave rise to a very strong mercantile community. The Marwari (trading community from the region) bankers and merchants began migrating to various parts of the subcontinent as early as the 17th century. By the early 19th century, about 9/​ 10th of all bankers and commercial men in India are said to have been Marwari’s. The wealth accumulated on this account from various regions of the country invariably flowed back to their home state, a good portion of which was contributed to the construction of temples and havelis. Not only did the rulers of Marwar patronize Jainism and the mercantile culture, but it is evident that they also undertook measures in the interest of uninterrupted trade. Although not many goods were manufactured in the state other than coarse cotton fabric, woollen blankets, swords, and other war implements, some towns in the state such as Pali, Sanchore,

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Jodhpur

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Urban Form The city has been built on a hillock with the main palace structure built further 120 meters above on top of steep hill. The elevation and the steep slopes make the Mehrangarh fort a formidable defensive structure (see Fig 5.8). Looking closely at the road pattern one observes the

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and Bhinmal were built as market towns upon trade routes connecting the east and west. The population of Jodhpur was about 150,000 in 1865 but decreased to 61,800 in 1891. Along with other states of Rajputana, Marwar too signed a treaty with the British Government in 1818. A public works department is said to have begun water supply and irrigation projects in Jodhpur in the 1880s. Regular residential layouts outside the city walls are said to have been first made between 1894 and 1896.

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fort being disconnected from any urban structure below. This is unlike many other forts in Rajasthan and Deccan where the fort naturally connects and becomes the culmination of the route from outside the city to the palace. The main streets of Jodhpur that run east to west along the slopes of the land are independent of their connection to the fort above. These long streets form the spine of the city and are primarily market streets. Trade and commerce were the backbones of the Jodhpur state and these two or three streets in the city had and still have markets of regional importance. Terrain seems to have played a major role in shaping the city. The main street moves along the slopes avoiding major grade changes. The shorter streets run perpendicular to the slopes mostly along lines

124  History of Urban Form of India

Fig. 5.10  Hawa Mahal and the Principal Street of Jaipur; 1875; Photograph: Bourne and Shepherd Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Jai​pur,_​Haw​a_​Ma​hal,_​Palace_​of_​the_​Win​ ds_​a​nd_​t​he_​P​rinc​ipal​_​Str​eet,_​c._​1875.jpg

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of movement of surface water and show a distinct organic pattern. Most of these short streets are connecting the residential area with the main commercial street and many of them lead to dead end. These cul-​de-​ sacs situations which might have been a result of the difficulty of getting connections due to sloping terrain works well to create protected and private neighbourhoods that are based on caste lines. The traditional houses here were made of stone with courtyard in the centre and with shared walls with the adjacent one. The court performed a climatic control function in the building and provided privacy to women members of the family. The other distinct feature of the city is the presence of water structures all across the city as prominent urban features. The kings of Jodhpur invested a lot in constructing water structures all across the state and in the city. In a dry climate like Jodhpur, access to drinking

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  125

water was crucial and some of the most innovative solutions were found in this region. The hill surrounding the Mehrangarh Fort is the main catchment area. Many numbers of lakes are built at strategic points to trap the water coming down from the slopes of the hills and then channelized to various step well, wells, and jahalars. Most neighbourhoods of Jodhpur walled city would have stepwell and dug well. Persian wheel was deployed in the palace and at other places to pull the water out of some of the wells. Many of the city water tanks are along the main street and form important public place in the city. Here the idea of community and public place can be linked with the overall spatiality of the water structures as wells and tanks as they became places of gathering for the citizens.

Jaipur The city of Jaipur built by Maharaja Jaisingh II in 1728 is a unique planned city of that era. The planning of the city which is based on the

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Fig. 5.11  Designed Streets with arcades, Jaipur; Source: Author

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sacred diagram of Vastupurush Mandala is much like the many initiatives in planned urbanism undertaken in parts of Europe after the Renaissance. Much of such efforts were a reaction to the messy medieval cities that were beginning to get congested, were poorly managed and afforded hardly any public places. The planning of Jaipur is based

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Fig. 5.12  Shopping arcades, streets of Jaipur; Source: Author

Cities of Aravalli’s and Deserts  127

Summary The cities of Rajasthan enjoyed long spells of continuity due to their stable political situation. This was the result of the nature of geographical isolation of the dry and difficult terrain. Urbanism in Rajasthan offers valuable lessons on the relationship of geography with the development of trade and commerce consequently leading to the rise of stable cities. Whereas cities of Rajasthan have been celebrated as defensive bastions of the small states of Aravalli, however, their importance lies in leverage of their position in the tans-​national and regional trade routes to create stable places of exchange. The cities here work as important fortified markets in a larger geography and offer conditions that are suitable for merchant class to rise. The stability that city life offered apart from new possibilities for the merchant’s class (Marwaris and others). The ideas of cooperation, associations (guilds), common kitchens, and places of worship as essentially centres of social support led to migration in the city and flourishing of an urban merchant community. This single factor impacted the formation of the city the most as the streets of the city were essentially one continuous market. The trading community played an important role in the society and enjoyed close ties with the ruling class. This also led to important philanthropic projects of building activities; such as temples, guest houses, and step-​wells apart from defensive structures like gates and walls to ensure protection for the city and its markets. Urban form of these cities that emerged mainly due to infill of the fortification is compact, showing accretive growth pattern and organic in overall expression. The housing areas emerged from street patterns that followed the path of monsoon

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on orthogonal grid that divides the city broadly into nine divisions (see Fig 5.9). The central space is reserved for Royalty with the palace and observatories. Rest of the city is neatly organized as arcaded markets along the main streets and residential areas towards the inside. Jaipur is an excellent example of a city that had public places in form of open squares (chowks) at road junctions, public arcades, markets, and gardens; a first for any city in 18th-​century India (see Fig 5.10, Fig 5.11, Fig 5.12).

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Bibliography Bosker, M., Buringh, E. and Zanden, J. (2008) ‘From Baghdad to London: The Dynamics of Urban Growth in Europe and the Arab World, 800–​1800’, C.E.P.R. Discussion Papers, CEPR Discussion Papers. India and Department., F. and P. (1869) Report on the political administration of the Rajpootana states, 1868–​69. Calcutta: Foreign Department Press. Little, J. H. (2016) The house of Jagat Seth. Shankar, P. (2014) Himalayan cities: settlement patterns, public places and architecture. New Delhi: Niyogi Books. The Rajputana gazetteer. (1879). Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing. Timberg, Thomas A. (2015) The Marwaris: From Jagat Seth to the Birlas. India: Penguin Books Limited. Tod 1782–​1835, J. (1998) Lt. Col. James Tod’s travels in western India: supplementary volume. India. Tod, J. (2013) Annals and antiquities of Rajasthan. [Place of publication not identified]: The classics Us. Weber, M. (1958) The city. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

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surface water flow as evident from the correlation of contours with that of the roads. The housing precincts themselves were organic and accretive, slowly taking shape with changing ownership of land, its division, and construction of new properties. Jaipur is an anomaly here and does not exactly fit into the classic definition of trade cities of the region. It is an example of a unique experiment much like the many international examples during the 18th century that aspired to create an organized city with more public places.

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region Background The present state of Gujarat, which lies on the western most part of the country, has historically enjoyed a long coastline coupled with many natural harbours, that became just the ideal condition for this region to develop as a trade and commerce powerhouse. The cities played a very important role in this process. The port cities of Gujarat—​namely Khambhat, Bharuch, and Surat—​ enjoyed close trade ties with ancient countries like Sumer, Phoenicia, Rome, Egypt, Arabia, Iran, East Africa, Lanka, Brahmadesh, Malaya, Java, Sumatra, China, etc. Historical records point towards the mercantile ties of the Gujarat region with Greek and Roman territories, around the middle of the first century. Gujarat practically enjoyed a continuous tradition of international trade and the ports of Gujarat became a hub of these trades. Historically the region of Gujarat while enjoying a strategic position with the western ports and the inland trade routes was politically far more stable than northern Indian regions. While the period between the 16th to 19th centuries was marked by shifting capitals of the Mughals and then followed by the British, the cities in Gujarat did not experience massive upheaval much like the ones in Rajasthan. Although these cities were connected with the global flows due to historic maritime relationship they were always at the forefront with new ideas of trade, commerce and were abreast with the happenings of the Indian sub-​continent. The provincial status of most cities of Gujarat during the Mughal and British period was a blessing in disguise, as it allowed a level of stability away from the violent politics of the northern Indian plains.

History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0006

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These cities were not only the connection to the whole world, but also served as the entry ports to the vast Indian sub-​continent. Gujarat’s unique position, in the centre of the western part of the Indian subcontinent, ensured that it formed a natural connection with both northern and southern parts of the country. Port cities flourished because of this peculiarly conducive environment and trans-​national trade. Gujarat was a part of the mainland trade route that began from the first millennium BCE and ended around the 18th century CE. Within the region of western India smaller trade routes passed through Gujarat as well. Inland cities such as Patan and Ahmedabad flourished because of their position in these trade routes. (See Fig 6.1) The other factor that led to the rise of cities in Gujarat region was the presence of specialized craft manufacturing clusters. Places such as Patan, Khamabat, and Surat supported a complex ecosystem of craft workshops, retail outlets, home-​based manufacturing, and supply chain of the required material. Specialized craft such as makhmal (velvet), kimkhwab (flowered silk), zarbaft (silk brocades with gold and silver thread), patola silk saris, qatani silk, ivory-​carving industry, carnelian and agate carving, flourished in these cities. The craft industry leveraged the trade connection within and outside the cities to find a ready market for their goods across the globe and within India. The other aspect supporting the urban centres was the high revenue from cash crops. The Mughals encouraged the production of cash crops, which led to far-​reaching economic outcomes for the regions involved. It also led to the creation of a hierarchy of markets—​from periodic local markets in large villages and permanent markets in towns/​qasbas and large cities. This helped in the development of financial sector and further led to an organized banking in these cities (Roy, 2006). The result of the interaction of trans-​national and national trade along with local craft clusters led to some very sophisticated (in terms of their ability to behave as efficient markets) and efficient urban centres. The surplus revenue income from the agricultural sector due to production of cash crops in the central region of Gujarat further augmented the position of the cities in this region. Their dependence on trade, local industries, and agriculture also meant that these cities became more resilient to political shocks or natural disasters than many other cities of the Indian sub-​continent.

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region  131

Fig. 6.1  Gujarat Trade Route; Source: Author

It is no coincidence that these conducive urban circumstances led to the rise of some powerful merchant classes in the country such as the Banias, Bohras, Khojas, Memons, Ghanchis, and Chalebis, leading to the rise of an urbane culture. Moreover, port cities absorbed different

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- Rivers - Trans national trade routes - Major trade centres - Port towns

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communities from around the world: such as the Parsis, Armenian, and European traders. And the cities of hinterlands such as Patan and Ahemdabad absorbed trading and other communities from across the country such as Marwaris, Nagarsheths, etc. The role of merchants in the development of medieval cities needs to be understood better and can pose interesting frameworks. Can we compare the merchant organizations (Mahajans) with the merchant guilds of Europe? And if yes, did these guilds play an important role in the aspects of city development? Weber (1967) argues that these guilds were instrumental in development of professional municipalities in cities of western Europe and eventually they enjoyed an autonomous status, as they were able to adjust and negotiate with new political alignments and power centres over time. The city of Ahmedabad and Surat could provide vital clues to further explore the idea of the role of merchant class in the development of the city. While these elites of the city did play an important role with their opinions and ideas carrying substantial weight, however, we still need to establish if their influence was limited to administrating and controlling the market affairs (like prices, taxes, regulations) or did their influence also extend to other larger civic ideas such as formation of public places, market spaces, and civic institutions? Khambhat was a major port city and an important part of the Anhilwad Kingdom. In 1297 it was taken over by Allaudin Khilji. At that point in time it was said to be the richest town in India (The imperial gazetteer of India 4 4, 1972, 333). Khambat was a centre of trade with Indigo. Salt, cloth, carpets, and embroidery were also some of the main goods of exchange. The city of Surat further down south on the coast was the natural entry point for foreign traders. During the reign of akbar, Surat became one of the most prosperous ports and mercantile cities of India. The major exports were agriculture products and cotton. The merchant and bankers of the city had operations across the country and in many parts of the world. Similarly, Bharuch (formerly known as Broach) was an important port on the mouth of the river Narmada. City was plundered by Portuguese in 1536 and 1546. In the 17th century the Dutch and British made it a centre of their cotton purchases in Gujarat. It was ruled by numerous powerful empires, such as the Gupta dynasty, Rajputs, and Mughals.

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Patan Patan in Gujarat is an important city from the point of view of its rich and diverse pasts. The city changed hands between various Hindu and Islamic dynasties and made for a fine case to study and understand the growth and development of trading cities in western part of India. The history of Patan is a rich story of cultural confluence as it was the capital city in the 8th century under the Chavda’s, 10th century under Chalukya’s, and in the 13th century under the Vaghela dynasty. By the 14th century the city came under the Gujarat Sultanate and then under the Mughals and Marathas in 16th and 18th centuries, respectively.

The Provincial Cosmopolitan City Every few centuries later, a new ruler came to Patan and brought with it a whole new artistic and cultural tradition that was absorbed and assimilated into the existing. Ahmedabad’s unique architectural and artistic traditions owe its debts to the centuries of artistic sedimentation that took place nearby in Patan which was a cultural mosaic. Patan’s cosmopolitan rulers not only brought with them new cultural practices but also their connections eventually opened new opportunities of trade and exchange with the outer world. The Muslim rule established cultural links with the holy city of Mecca and brought in its trail expansion of trade and travel between Gujarat and Arabia. Patan gradually developed into a centre of learning of Muslim theology, Arabic language and literature, and the Semitic culture. The products of Patan, particularly textiles, jewellery, pottery, etc. got a large market in the Arabian Peninsula. The sodagars of Patan, an enterprising business community, began to migrate to Arabia to carry on trade and commerce between Gujarat and Arabia, which in course of time, resulted

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The hinterland cities of Patan and Ahmedabad were by far the most important urban centres from the point of view of the massive trade that was controlled by the two cities at different times, both also as important political and administrative centres during the medieval period.

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in the formation of the cultural links of great value. There was an exchange of scholars between the two places. Even today the Patani Sodagar colonies in Mecca, Jeddah, and several other places are very important not only for their entrepreneurial pursuits but also for their cultural exchanges. Present-​day Patan is built besides and most probably partly over an earlier city which was called Anhilvada. The city has glorious literary and historic references and if one were to believe the variety of such sources it was a very important, powerful, and economically vibrant city that was at the peak of her glory in the 12th to 13th centuries. In 1195, Bhimdeva II, the ruler of Patan was attacked by Muhammad Ghori, and his army being defeated near Anhilvada, the Muslims sacked the city of Patan. Bhimdeva fought back in time and defeated Aibak (general of Ghori). In 1197, Mohamad Ghori again invaded Gujarat to avenge his previous reverse, and won a victory over Bhimdeva, which again gave him temporary possession of Anhilvada, after which he returned to Delhi. Jain community’s presence is very evident in the history and development of Patan. There is a mention of Jain influence in the Solanki dynasty and it continued during the Islamic rule. The Solanki dynasties of Sidhraj Jaisinh and Kumarpala had Jain scholars, poets, ministers, and advisors in their royal court. They contributed a lot in Jain literature and poems. The Jain merchants were part of all the trade passing through Patan and surrounding villages. In 1297–​1298, Ulghkhan and Nasrat Khan (generals of Allh Uddin Khilji) invaded Gujarat and defeated Karna Vaghela and captured Anhilvada. They appointed a local governor, and returned to Delhi. From this time, Gujarat remained under Muhammad Tuglug’s power and Ulugh Khan. Patan was important to these rulers as it was an important link on the trade routes between rich cities of North India and the port of western India (Jain, 1990). The importance of Patan was always as a trading entrepot, not as a military centre, and it lacked any significant fortifications until the 14th century (Mehta, 2009, 91). In the rule of Alap Khan and other governors, there was a great destruction of Hindu and Jain temples. But they all were limited to the Royal citadel (Cort, 2011, 38). They built a lot of structures on the site of

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region  135

Competing Cities: Patan and Ahmedabad The fortunes of Patan and Ahmedabad have been tied to each other in an inverse relationship since the 15th century. The centre shifted in terms of political and economic power from Patan to Ahmedabad in the 15th century (Cort, 2011, 39). The Sultanate period came to an end in 1572. From 1572 to 1723 the district was ruled by the Viceroys appointed by Mughal Emperors. In the 18th century, economic instability in Gujarat due to frequent Maratha incursions, raids, and invasions, Ahmedabad went into decline, while Patan revived. In the first half of the 18th century, when Ahmedabad was held by successive Muslim and Maratha leaders, Patan was the capital of a local Muslim ruler, Javad Mard Khan Babi. Gaikwad captured Patan in 1763, and shifted its capital from Songadh to Patan. The present wall was built by Gaikwad under Maratha rule. In the 18th and 19th centuries the British rule changed the power of these cities. The British took over Ahmedabad in 1817, developed it as a new textile hub, and made it a great economic capital of Gujarat. Due to this change the importance of Patan once again declined. The condition became worse by increasing soil desiccation, and it resulted in declination of trade in agricultural goods.

Resilience of Jain Merchants The evidence of extensive temple building and image consecration in the early decades of the 14th century, as well as the description of the town as ‘new Patan’ by a poet Ambadevsuri composed in 1315, have been taken by some scholars to indicate the rebuilding of a largely new city after its destruction. But the Jain community continued to survive and find patronage with the new rulers as it remained the prominent merchant class of the city. Many of the Jains in Patan were ship keepers, moneylenders,

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the temples. Adina mosque by Alap Khan was built in the place of Hindu temple and the present city of Patan lies slightly to the south east of the ruins of the Chalukyan capital.

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Urban Form The location of Patan is north of Ahmedabad, in a more dry and Arid landscape setting. The city and its surroundings have been a site of urbanization for a long period of time. The historic evidence on the nature of urban form is only available from the 18th century onwards. Patan’s overall shape is almost circular with clear boundaries in form of a fort wall which has now been razed down that was punctuated by twelve gates (see Fig 6.2). The main Bazaar street divides the city into two parts on an east-​west axis. There are smaller streets and alleyways which run perpendicular to the main street in both the directions. A street, Pimplano seri runs north from the centre of the Bazaar and forms a dense area with many Jain temples, including Panchsar Parshwanath and other Jain institutions. The

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pawnbrokers, and landlords in the surrounding villages. The wealthier businessmen focused their business on insurance for long-​ distance trade and on the growing opium trade based in southern Rajasthan and northern Gujarat (Desai and Clarke, 2014, 338). When Ahmed Shah shifted his capital from Patan to Ahmedabad in 1411 it had a negative impact on Patan as it went into a steady economic decline. The wealthier businessmen focused their business on insurance for long-​distance trade and on the growing opium trade based in southern Rajasthan and northern Gujarat. Opium trade was reduced in 1878, when its manufacture and sale were monopolized by the state (Desai and Clarke, 2014, 338). Patan Jains shifted to other parts of India with the decrease of trade and economy. They shifted to Bombay, which was an economically advanced city in the last 19th century. Their entry into Ahmedabad was difficult because the Jains of the city had a monopoly over the economy of the state. Bombay, due to vast business possibilities, attracted the Jain merchant families. They adopted wholesale commerce and went into jewellery, hardware, machinery, chemical and pharmaceutical business. The success of these endeavours led to more and more Jain families shifting to Bombay.

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Fig. 6.2  Map of Patan; Source: Author 1. Teen Darwaza 2. Jain Temples 3. Mosque

neighbourhoods on all sides of this street are inhabited by Jains (Cort, 2011, 32). The houses are narrow, deep, and tall. The neighbourhoods are clearly defined and have a gate. All the houses are introverted as they open inwards onto narrow streets. There is a temple located in mostly all the neighbourhoods. The open square in the neighbourhood often has a bird feeder. There are several civic structures mostly made by Jain communities, the town library, the city hall at the western end of the main Bazaar. The

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Ahmedabad The former capital city of Ahmedabad was founded by Sultan Ahmed Shah in 1411 AD, on the site close to the old trading centre of ‘Asawal’ or ‘Ashapalli’ on the bank of river Sabarmati. Ahmedabad was in the junction of the routes. The south routes from Bharuch, Surat, west routes from Sindh, north routes from Delhi and Rajasthan, and east roads from North Malwa were crossed at Ahmedabad. Merchants, weavers, and skilled craftsmen came to Ahmedabad from Patan with Ahmed Shah (Gillion, 1968, 14).

Trade and Commerce Majority of the population of Ahmedabad were engaged in trade and commerce. Gold, silk, and cotton threads were the most praised products of the city. It exported clothes through Cambay, the nearest port city to the Persian Gulf and the Arabian ports, as well as in southeast Asia and other parts in India (Gillion, 1968, 15). Ahmedabad enjoyed the involvement of business communities as financiers and merchants in its growth. The city was ruled by the Subadar of Gujarat in the Mughal times. The protection and the managing of the respective city was the work of the Subadar and the commerce was managed by the diwan. The faujdars and the kotwals used to manage the troops and protect the physical boundaries and the gates of the city. The Kazis administered the civil and the criminal law, and the kotwals were the head of city police. The merchant guilds enjoyed a very strong position in the city. They were in charge of all the commerce; controlling the prices of goods, annual calendar of holidays, etc. The major markets in the 15th and 16th centuries were the

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remains of the old Maratha fort are on the west and north part of the town. The west and south of Patan are Muslim cemeteries. The Hindu and Jain cremation grounds are on the north, near the bank of Saraswati. Outside the present fort wall. There are important archaeological remains of Rani ki Vav and Sahastraling stepwell from the Solanki era and several Muslim tombs and mosques from Muhammadan era.

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region  139

The Transformation Before Independence, Ahmedabad was not considered to be of too much importance by the British and they did not have a major presence in the city. By the time British came to Ahmedabad, the Industrial Revolution had already transformed many Indian cities. Ahmedabad survived as a great city and adapted to the new age, which other cities did not. Ahmedabad came under British Rule in 1817 by treaty with the Peshwa at Poona and the Gaikwad of Baroda after the last Maratha war. When the first collector, John Andrew Dunlop took possession of Ahmedabad on 30 November 1817, the city was not doing well economically and its urban conditions were deteriorating (Gillion, 1968, 42). Sarafas and Mahajan’s still dominated trade and industry and ancient crafts were still the basis of prosperity. But soon things began to change with better road connection and tax collection by the British administration. Trade and commerce began to grow again and from 1817 to 1872 the population grew from 80, 000 to 1,16,873. A variety of trade activities flourished in Ahmedabad in the second half of the late 19th century. City traders were active in trading opium which was sourced from Malwa and sent to East Asia. The Parsi community flourished as they imported goods from Europe for the wealthier clients in the city.

Industrialization and Urban Reforms Ahmedabad came on its own with a series of changes in the industrial sector and civic administration. These chains of events were initiated

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Shukrawari markets (Maidan e Shahi), the Manek Chowk and the market surrounding the gates of the walled city. When Akbar established the rule over Gujarat in 1572–​73, Ahmedabad became the provincial capital. When Marathas started invading Gujarat cities, Ahmedabad suffered and deteriorated. ‘The population fell from between a quarter and a half million at the peak of the city’s greatness to about 80000 in 1817’ (Gillion, 1968, 29). India’s political centre was shifted to south and east.

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by the setting up of the first textile mill by Shri Ranchhodlal Chhotalal with Major Fulljames in 1859. Soon many others followed suit and by the end of the 19th century Ahmedabad was perceived to be a modern centre of textile manufacturing and was referred to as ‘Manchester of the East’. By 1901, Ahmedabad had 29 mills, employing 17,000 workers. The railway reached the city from Bombay in 1864 and that only encouraged more industrialization. The establishment of the textile mills created jobs and changed the nature of suburban development. Faced with problems of labour housing, mobility, water supply, and sewerage, Ahmedabad undertook major civic reforms to improve the condition of the city. Ahmedabad experienced a series of natural disasters and epidemic outbreaks during the period it was expanding. Earthquakes of 1819, floods of 1868, 1875, 1927, fire of 1877, plague of 1896 and 1916, and Cholera were experienced in the city. A town wall committee (in 1831) of Kazi, Nagarsheth, British collector, and a judge was formed with the aim to protect the city and its commerce. Repair of the city wall, construction of a reservoir in Manek Chowk, a Dharamshala for visitors, market, watering of roads, lightning of some of the streets, cleaning of public amenities were the works specified to the committee (Gillion, 1968, 112). They worked to reduce the congestion of the old city, by proposing new roads and widening of existing ones. Adequate water supply and underground drainage was also the primary task of the commission. The first underground drainage was made in Khadia in 1888 and then from 1903 onwards, it was gradually done in other parts of the walled city. Public gardens were seen as an ideal setting to counter the ills of industrialization. Public gardens such as Victoria garden were established in the 1880s. This committee later on evolved as the Municipal commission (see Fig 6.3). Modernization of urban services like water supply, sewerage, opening up of new areas for town planning schemes to the west of the city, etc. had a profound effect on the form and nature of the city. Ahmedabad managed to move beyond the medieval walls of the city, much like other progressive cities in the country. This was a messy but a creative phase for the city and it laid the foundation to the future of Ahmedabad.

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Original: Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency (1896) by James Campbell Source: Wikipedia Image (Public Domain) URL: https://​hi.wikipe​dia.org/​wiki/​%E0%A4%9A%E0%A4%BF%E0%A4%A4%E0%A5%8D %E0%A4%B0:Ahm​edab​ad_​1​855.jpg

Urban Form The medieval city of Ahmedabad was enclosed by massive fort walls (many parts of which still exist) and was punctuated by a total of twelve gates and it measures 5.14 square kilometres. The city lies on the eastern bank of the non-​perennial river Sabarmati. The walled city of Ahmedabad expresses a level of formality and symbolism in some of its parts; especially around the Bhadra fort and the Teen Darwaza. Rest of the city does not show any formal gesture but has rather organically grown over a period of time through pragmatic concerns regarding topography or earlier land divisions (see Fig 6.4). The medieval city of Ahmedabad has a modest scale of a royal precinct comprising the Bhadra fort (citadel) and the Teen Darwaza (three gates) marking the ceremonial entrance to the city (see Fig 6.5). This ceremonial

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Fig. 6.3  Map of Ahmedabad; 1855;

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2

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500m

Fig. 6.4  Map of Ahmedabad; Source: Author 1. Bhadra Fort 2. Teen Darwaza 3. Jami Mosque

entrance is further accentuated by its connection to the Jami Mosques further inside the city. The Rani ka Hazira (Queens Tomb) and Raja ka Hazira (Kings Tomb) also lie on the same axis. The area north of Teen Darwaza used to be an open ground called Maidan e Shahi which used to function as a place for travellers and weekly markets. The main market of the old city grew around these buildings and continued to flourish in the following centuries. Markets established themselves firmly from the very beginning and continued to grow all over the city. Historically also commerce seems to have taken over the royal precinct and the old city itself is like a large fortified market. The two main roads that run parallel to each other (Gandhi and Relief road) are continuously lined by various specialized markets on both sides. Man, other markets emerge perpendicular to the two main streets. This forms the economic and spatial spine of the

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Photograph: Col Biggs Original: Image taken from page 147 of ‘Architecture at Ahmedabad, the Capital of Goozerat, photographed by Colonel Biggs, with an historical and descriptive sketch, by T. C. H., and architectural notes by J. Fergusson, etc.’ Original Description: ‘Architecture at Ahmedabad, the Capital of Goozerat, photographed by Colonel Biggs, . . . with an historical and descriptive sketch, by TCH, . . . and architectural notes by J. Fergusson, etc.’ Author: HOPE, Theodore Cracraft—​Sir, KCSI Contributor: BIGGS, Thomas. Contributor: FERGUSSON, James—​Architect Shelfmark: ‘British Library HMNTS’ Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Teen_​Darwaza_​Tr​iple​_​Gat​eway​_​Ahm​edab​ ad_​18​ 66.jpg

city. This spine also opens up to the public open space (Manek Chowk) a commercial hub between the Kings and the Queens tomb. Public open spaces are also formed around all the gates to the city. The remaining city is more or less residential with many major streets having shops on the ground floor and house above. The streets were slightly winding and many of them led to dead ends. The residential areas of the walled city of Ahmedabad were called the poles; a group of many houses together of people of the same caste organized with narrow winding streets in an organic pattern. These poles evolved over a long period of time and formed a kind of defensive

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Fig. 6.5  Teen Darwaza, Ahmadabad; 1866;

144  History of Urban Form of India

Surat Surat, like many Indian cities, is referred to in historic text to be a settlement of importance right from the 14th to 18th centuries. Reference to the city was also made in the Chalukyan period of the 10th to 13th centuries. The present-​day Surat however can only be traced back to the Islamic period of the 14th century of the Gujarat sultanate. It was then also a major port city and enjoyed international mercantile trade with English, Dutch, and French traders. However, the fortune of the city seems to take a positive turn once Gujarat is captured by the Mughals and Surat becomes one of the major port city outposts for the Mughal economy. In 1573 the city was taken over by the Mughals, under Akbar, and soon it overtook Khambhat as the most significant port of Western India. The population of Surat began to swell at a rapid rate and by some accounts it had reached somewhere between 2 and 4 lakhs by the 17th century. The city of Surat right from the 16th century thrives on international mercantile trade, inland trade, and also local craft production of cotton and woollen carpets, woodwork, and furniture. Till the time the British administration took over the control of the city, Surat grew at a very rapid rate and thrives as the most important trading town with an efficient

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residential units that could be closed off to the outsider when needed as the entry and exits were controlled through a few points (large doorways called Khadkis). Temples, wells, and bird feeders were the other structures that were found in the poles that were essentially community utility structures. From the time Ahmedabad came under Mughal control, there were many suburbs outside the walled city. Those on the bank were connected with the city by ford in the dry weather or by boat. They were seats of Mughal officers, and were often surrounded by Gardens. For many centuries the caste-​based communities were solidly entrenched in the walled city and never really allowed it to evolve a multi-​cultural outlook, unlike other cities of the times, such as Hyderabad, Bombay, or Baroda. This however changed once the city opened up to the suburbs after the establishment of the textile mills.

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region  145

The Cosmopolitical Port City Surat, by virtue of its connection with the external world, also became a refuge for foreigners who eventually made Surat their home. Many came escaping persecution at home (like the Parsis) while many others came looking for economic opportunities. The Parsis first arrived and settled in Diu but soon moved towards Gujarat. By the 1600s, a large number of Parsees had moved to Surat from Bharuch and Khambhat, making Surat the Zoroastrian capital of India. Since their arrival the Parsees were more receptive of the European influence than others and developed a flair for commerce. With the introduction of the British trading post in Surat, the port city gained momentum as the chief port for trade between Europe and Arab lands. Parsees played a major role during this development. During their time in Gujarat, Parsees adopted titles like Modi, Shah, Shroff, Parikh, Chokshi, etc., like the ‘Vania’ community. Professionally Vanias were traders in Gujarat and were engaged in a similar profession

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system of trade, clear taxation policies (Parveen, 2014) and a very well-​ established infrastructure of markets, warehouses, and ports. However, the British administration (19th century) brought in new changes in the city especially as related to new patterns of trade governance, revised taxation and ideas of control that were designed to maximize the British interest in everything. This shift broke the backbone of a fairly autonomous and self-​governed trading city (the mercantile class played an active role in fixing trade policies, taxation structure, etc.). The city began to lose its relevance and struggled to adjust to the new political reality and began to stagnate in terms of its trade and also demographically speaking. It was only after the 1890s that massive urban reforms were undertaken by the British administration such as railways, ports, roads, new buildings, streamlined taxation, and better organized flows of goods that led to the redevelopment and resurgence of Surat as a trading city after decades of stagnation and decline. Right from the 15th century till today Surat has seen many changes in political fortunes but has continued to grow and prosper, which is very much evident from its demographic curves.

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as that of Parsees back in their hometown. Later due to famine, and other constraints in Gujarat they moved to a more liberal environment, Bombay. In Bombay they contributed in the same manner as that in Surat, to help become the commercial and trading capital of India. Many European colonial powers that eventually ruled many parts of the Indian sub-​continent first landed at the port of Surat. Many of them moved on to the hinterlands of the country and yet many made Surat their home. These merchants operated and organized the mercantile economy of that time. Pearson observes that ‘at least 100 Portuguese families were living in Cambay in the late 16th century. Many men apparently settled there permanently and married local women” (1976). In earlier centuries there were accounts of Arabs, Persians, Greeks, and Romans reaching the port of Surat for purposes of trade. Quite often some of them stayed on making Surat their home while assimilating with the existing population. It would be interesting to imagine this 17th-​or 18th-​century city bustling with people from different ethnicities and nationalities, in its ports, warehouses, markets, and other common spaces. Historic accounts do suggest that all these communities were organized in segregated residential clusters, which was quite normal for that period. However, a closer examination of these clusters of let’s say Arab, Parsis, or other residential quarters reveals that they were quite well integrated and connected with the neighbouring clusters of other facilities leading to many shared spaces as well, unlike the present-​day ghettoization. The study of residential clustering of different communities in a historic cosmopolitan port city of Surat can lead to some important lessons valid even for cities today that try to aspire for diversity without fragmentation. Surat walled city is divided into two parts; inner walled city and outer walled city. The outer wall has 12 gates while the inner wall has 4 gates which connects major roads. Inner walled city belonged to the category of high-​caste jatis (subcastes) of the Brahman—​Vaniya. The core areas, clustering around the castle and the city chowk (square), were occupied by high-​status Hindu and Jain families employed in business, government service, and the professions, along with dependents who provided personal services to these families. The outer walled city housed middle and lower castes which included Golas (traditionally rice pounders by profession), the Ghanchis (oil pressers), Khatris (weavers), Darjis (tailors), Suthars (carpenters),

Trading Cities of Gujarat Region  147 4 4

1

2 4

5

3

0

500 1000m

Fig. 6.6  Map of Surat; Source: Author 1. Castle 2. Ports 3. Gopi Talav 4. Cemeteries 5. Jail

and Kanbis (who worked mostly as artisans), craftsmen and people who worked in small scale industries. There is a strong caste segregation seen in the settlement of the city. Residential patterns followed caste and occupational divisions. The inner walled city houses the Castle, Custom house, Mint, Municipal building, and other public institutions such as hospital, school, and library while jail was situated in the outer walled city (see Fig 6.6). Foreigners lodged in guest houses situated near the castle. The maidan near the castle functioned as an open bazaar for sellers to sell their goods.

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- Water bodies - Fortifications - Main roads - Roads - Railway line - Markets

148  History of Urban Form of India

Summary Trade was the dominant force in the western most part of the Indian subcontinent and naturally the merchant class became very powerful during the course of time. Cities were the natural agglomerations for many different merchant groups (sub-​castes such as Oswals, Shrimalis, Gujars, Ismaili, Hindu Bohras, etc.). Unlike Rajasthan, where the Merchant class migrated to various different parts of the country, in Gujarat region, merchants found cities as their natural home. They were not only invested in the very idea of urbanization that promised stability and active trading opportunities but also took fairly active interest in civic affairs (especially cities like Ahmedabad and Surat) to ensure stability during difficult times. However, it might not be accurate to imagine these cities as being completely autonomous and totally resilient to the ups and downs of political fortunes of the state. If we notice that in the case of all the cities of Gujarat, there were periods of uncertainty and decay that brought about political changes. The other inhibiting factor was perhaps the caste system. Whereas cities like Surat and till a certain extent Ahmedabad attracted a fair number of outsiders (foreigners and from within India), the social core of the city was dominated by the upper caste merchant elites. Whereas many different community groups (such as Parsis, Rajasthanis,

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Since Surat was a major trade city, which led to the development of multiple markets in the inner and outer walled city. The character of market streets was large, not paved streets leading to major gates, and narrow inner roads. The cosmopolitan character of the city can be gauged by historic religious structures catering to not only the dominant Hindu population but also to population of other faiths. There were several religious institutions, mosques, temples spread out over the city. Church was initially seen in the inner walled city maybe because the foreigners lodged there. The very first Parsi agiyari (fire temple) of Surat is also seen in the inner walled city. English and Dutch cemeteries with gardens were inside the outer walled cities and slowly spread towards the outer areas of the city (beyond broach gate) as the city expanded, the cemeteries shifted towards the outskirts of the city (see Fig 6.6).

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Maharashtrians) made many of these cities their home, the city firmly remained in the grip of the few merchant elites. This is evident in the land ownership patterns that favour these elites and also in strong spatial segregation strategies that were used to keep lower caste and ‘outsiders’ in neat ghettos away from the heart of the city. This inward outlook was also a huge hindrance in development of a true mixed up cosmopolitan character and essentially these cities (Ahmedabad, Surat, Patan, and Khambat) remained fairly conservative in their social outlook and pretty fragmented (due to caste-​based divisions) in its morphological expression. The merchant’s class in Gujarat (especially Jains) commissioned many religious structures such as temples apart from community ones like step-​ wells within and outside the city. Such patronage, which was very much part of the religious practices and norms, also helped elites strengthen their position in the city. The location of the Jain temples was largely governed by the presence of residential communities, whereas the step-​wells location was correlated to trade routes as these steps provided much-​ needed relief to merchants and travellers during their long journeys in arid landscapes. This was true for Patan and Ahmedabad, as groundwater was an important source of water due to lack of surface fresh surface water owing to the arid climate of the region. That is why the most prominent step-​wells are located away from the city of Ahmedabad and Patan on its periphery on trade routes. However, the presence of step-​wells did not in any way impact the morphology of the city, however could have led to some form of agglomeration or clustering of residential communities around the same outside the city. Port cities such as Surat afforded a cosmopolitan characteristic by virtue of the constant flow of people from within the Indian sub-​ continent and also at certain moments from other parts of the world (Parsis in 1600s, Bohras from Patan in 1686, etc.). This was also partially true for the trading city of Ahmedabad which witnessed migration from many parts of the Indian sub-​continent. The presence of the ‘other’ also meant that there was a clear distinction between the local lived in population and newcomers. This often physically manifested itself in separate living quarters on the edge of the main town. Also, within the local population the distinction between the upper and lower caste impacted the formation of neighbourhood (this in any

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case is true for most Indian cities) leading to further fragmentation of the urban fabrics into residential spatial divisions based on Hindu castes. This was notably seen in Ahmedabad and Surat. The obvious question to ask at this stage would be about the overall morphology of these cities; did the fragmented self-​contained caste-​ based neighbourhood impact the overall formation of the city. Looking at the plan of Ahmedabad, Surat, and also Patan, the following patterns can be easily understood. The inward-​looking (cul-​de-​sac based) residential neighbourhoods divisions do not allow for many thoroughfares as by their very nature they do not naturally allow more division to the neighbourhoods. More than defence, it seems to have been an attitude to preserve territorial spaces of one caste from other castes; a psychological way of creating one’s own undisturbed territories that are not frequented by the ‘other’. Morphologically speaking these spatial rules did not allow for many possibilities to create neutral public places like open grounds, plazas, or large chowks where people from different religions or caste could meet. The market street was the only true public place. However, these residential clusters accommodated a lot many intimate community-​based spaces around the houses, on street corners, and in cross-​roads of roads. Historically, the cities of Gujarat made good use of their position close to the western coast and connected to Northern India. This led to the formation of cities as important trade centres and it functioned as one big market. However, after the Industrial Revolution (after 1860s) cities such as Ahmedabad made full use of possibilities presented by this change during the latter half of the 19th century. This helped the city to partially unshackle itself from its inward-​looking caste-​based patterns and allowed it to transcend towards a more modern outlook. The transition was not smooth and there was inherent resistance to change from the old guards of the city. The impact of Industrialization on the spatial formation can be understood from the perspective that areas just outside of the walled city were the first to house large Industrial complexes (like the Northern and Eastern sides of walled city of Ahmedabad). The industrial areas that were marked by large parcels of land with factories influenced all subsequent land development including patterns of labour housing. The lack of planning and foresight in the organizing of places of production,

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Bibliography Cort, J. E. (2011) Jains in the world: religious values and ideology in India. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Desai, Govindbhai Hathibhai, and Arthur Beaumaurice Clarke. (1923) Gazetteer of the Baroda state. Bombay: Times Press. Gillion, K. L. (1968) Ahmedabad: a study in Indian urban history. University of California Press. Jain, V. K. (1990) Trade and traders in western India: AD 1000–​ 1300. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Pub. Mehta, M. (2009) History of international trade and customs duties in Gujarat. Vadodara: Darshak Itihas Nidhi. Parveen, S. (2014) ‘Surat: As a Major Port-​Town of Gujarat and its Trade History’, IOSRJHSS IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 19(5), pp. 69–​73. Pearson, M. N. (1976) Merchants and rulers in Gujarat: the response to the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Berkeley, Calif. Roy, T. (2006) The economic history of India 1857–​ 1947. Oxford: Oxford University Press. The imperial gazetteer of India 4 4 (1972). New Delhi: Today & Tomorrow’s Printers and Publication. Weber, M. (1967) The City. University of Chicago Press, p. 511.

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labour housing, and mobility infrastructure (as evident in city expansion between 1890 and 1940) permanently affected the ability of the city to grow in all directions, eventually leading to almost lopsided growth patterns after Independence. The land development patterns of the first phase of Industrialization in Ahmedabad and Surat affected its subsequent growth. It developed in a typical pattern where the low-​income housing emerged around the Industrial estates while the emergence of high-​income elite housing and recreational areas took place on the other side of the city. So one may conclude that the class binaries as evident in the cities such as Ahmedabad and Surat have their roots in the Industrial development of the 19th century.

Cities in the Himalayas Background The old cities of the Himalayas can be found right from Kashmir to the North-​East parts of India. The Himalayas are full of examples of capital and trade-​related cities that enjoyed an unbroken tradition of art and architecture till a few decades back. The evolution and growth of cities in this isolated landscape setting pose interesting questions to us. Are these old cities different from the ones in other landscape conditions like the plains or the coast? If yes, then what are the key characteristics of the Himalayan cities? The Himalayas can be broadly divided into three main zones; the Western, the Central, and the Eastern Himalayas. Each zone shows certain geographical and cultural similarities. The three zones together stretch around 2,500 kilometres from east to west and an average of 400 kilometres from north to south. Starting from a few meters above mean sea level, landform reaches heights of 8,000 meters and more.

Geographical Constraints Even though one finds a variety of landscape conditions in and around the settlements in the Himalayas, there are certain constants. These settlements are almost always located in valleys with agricultural land, grazing land, and forest cover around the sites. The settlement is usually seen lying between the pastures (around 3,000 meters high) followed by forests (2,500 meters), then non-​irrigated fields ideal for wheat and barley (2,000 meters) and then the settlements with non-​irrigated fields ideal for wheat and millet (1,700 meters) with the paddy fields at the lowest level closest to the river bed (Smadja, 2009, 49). History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0007

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Cities in the Himalayas  153

Nature of Urbanization Looking at the Himalayan region of Ladakh, Himachal, Garhwal, Kumaon, Mustang, and Kathmandu valley, it is possible to a make some broad generalizations about the types of historic cities. Trade routes going through the valleys offer the main connection with the outside world. Many large cities of the Himalayas are connected to the historic Silk Route. It is a well-​documented fact that trade along the Silk Route between Central Asia and Kashmir-​Ladakh helped the process of urbanization in the Himalayas. This led to the specialization of markets in terms of peculiarity of commodities from each trading centre and connected the socio-​cultural fabric of the Himalayan cities with Central Asia. It is common to find a variety of ethnic groups in many such cities of the Himalayas; be it Srinagar, Leh, Kathmandu, or Chamba. This is the result of the strong trade ties that many of the Himalayan cities have enjoyed with other parts of the world. For example, Kathmandu was a very

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In areas of Ladakh, the setting of a village is only governed by ecological concerns (Mann 2002, 232). It is only when all the conditions of drinking water, agricultural and grazing land are met, that we find the occurrence of settlements in Ladakh. It is common knowledge that most of the settlements in hilly areas are on the higher grounds, leaving the fertile lowlands available for agriculture. Valleys are the most precious resource as they provide the source of water and fertility for agriculture. Investigating further, there are certain distinct patterns that can be observed in many of the cases. The site on a ridge with adjacent valleys, which is marked by a narrow flat piece of high ground with low lying slopes around its periphery, seems to be the most preferred zone for settlement. It is also relatively flat and allows for flexibility of built form. The conditions allow for the settlements to spread in all directions resulting in a polygonal profile. It has been argued that the conditions on a ridge crest define the territorial boundaries of each village with a river forming the boundary of the villages (Samaja, 2009). The ridges are the preferred sites for linear settlements in the Himalayas.

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important trading post connecting the Tibetan Plateau with the plains below (Whelpton, 2005, 27). Most of the major towns and cities of the Himalayas are situated on some important old route and would usually be close to a river. Unlike the river valley cities that have historically emerged from their ability to harness the floodplain of the water-​swept land to create an immense surplus, the ones in the mountains do not have the same luxury. They are not the place where a large surplus is contained (in the city) and neither a complex urban socio-​economic structure manufactured to create a city. Historically these cities were a place of exchange where the limited valley surplus was funnelled into the trade routes. The cities of the mountains never had the ability to concentrate the agricultural surplus like the ones in the plains. We need to view the political economy of the western Himalayan region through a different lens, as it cannot be compared with the civilizations that came before the British period in the Indian plains (Alam, 2008, 19). The Himalayan region even though shared between different nations today had similarities in terms of agriculture, trade, and urbanization patterns. For example, trade was a very important supplement in the exchange of southern grain from the Kathmandu valley with the northern salt from Tibet and hence Kathmandu became the important trading hub between Tibet and Nepal (Whelpton, 2005, 27). The idea of trade has been very central to Himalayan cities owing to their location and remoteness. It has also been argued that trade in the Himalayas can be understood as an adaptation to ecological factors. Since each area in the Himalayas would not produce enough to be self-​sufficient, it will necessitate trade with other areas to raise income, which is possible between areas where an economic differential exists (Manzardo, 1977, 34). The symbolic space of a city located in a trade route was the open grounds in the city that were occupied by traders and their animals. The market and the open grounds together give a feel of temporariness with a loose definition of spaces allowing for flexible interpretation; informal markets by visiting traders, a space to organize goods, grounds for a fair, etc. The open ground in the centre of the city along with the market is an important symbol of the connection of the city with a very different world outside and situated far away.

Cities in the Himalayas  155

The City Centres The open ground and the market are usually sited together at an important junction of the city; the place where the trade route meets the local movement system adjacent to the open ground. In most of the well-​ formed cities, the palace and the open ground together complete the idea of a city-​level open public place. These are very formal and deliberate gestures involving one-​time acts such as the making of roads that defy the contours, clearing and levelling of land, and also modifying the course of water bodies. The position of the palace in many cities of the Himalayas, besides the city-​level open space, is an important gesture that reinforces the idea of power in the past. The very concept of a city is often symbolized through such spaces. The presence of the palace building, which points toward a centralized system (administration and politics), helped in stitching different social identities. The palaces and the allied institutions like courts (in case of Mandi) and water fountains (in case of Patan and Kathmandu) become non-​communal gestures that support the idea of a secular space. Even today, these particular spaces are the most important public places of these cities and act as the city centres. The Chaugan of Chamba, Durbar Square of the cities of Kathmandu valley or the garden and sunken market of Mandi function as very important public places even today. The symbolic identity of the city seems to emerge from these

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Trade led to a kind of cosmopolitan society in such cities from the medieval times. Leh is a good example of a city that has people from different ethnic origins who have made the city their home; Afghani, Kashmiri, Punjabi, Tibetan, Balati, and Persian to name a few. The very notion of a city gets transformed into a social setting that includes a lot of local groups but also many settlers who become naturalized to the place. The many capital cities of small principalities in the Himalayas were essentially symbols of the region through the projection of the royal family, its aristocrats, bureaucracy, and religious edifices that sanctified these power relationships. It is a consistent pattern in most Himalayan cities right from Kashmir, Chamba, Mandi, Kullu, Kumaon, Garhwal, Gorkha, and Kathmandu.

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Chamba Chamba was the capital in the principality of the Chamba State. It stands on a plateau on the right bank of the Ravi, east of the hill station of Dalhousie, where the Ravi debouches on the plains (Gazetteer of the Chamba State 1904., 1996). The state of Chamba is sheltered by three snow-​clad mountain ranges which run from southeast to northwest. The geographic position of the Chamba state had century after century helped to retain ancient traditions and institutions. The mountain system also impacted and influenced the state’s political and economic systems. In the 4th century, King Maru of the Suryavanshi lines of Rajput established his kingdom in Chamba by defeating the Ranas, who were small chieftains occupying small pieces of land. Bharmaur served as the capital of his kingdom for about five centuries. The 10th century Raja in succession to Maru, Sahila Varma, conquered the lower Ravi valley and soon founded the town of Chamba. The seat of government transferred here from Bharmaur in the year 930 AD. Chamba is the new capital of the state, occupied a strategic position along the newly acquired territory providing better governance. The town occupies two terraces. The lower terrace has the central open space; Chaugan or public promenade, a rectangular green, used in the former time as Khinnu or hockey ground, a game of ancient origin in the hills. Here again like in the Kathmandu valley cities, the heart of the settlement is a public open space (see Fig 7.1). Throughout different Chiefs in the capital, the town gradually developed around the Chaugan, institutions came up around this promenade. The majority of these institutions such as the post office, guesthouse, clubs, jail came up during the British rule in India.

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spaces. The Himalayan cities are characterized by these particular qualities of public spaces that are unique to this landscape. The buildings of the main public places in Kathmandu, Patan, Chamba, and Mandi exhibit different architectural articulations based on the various regional attitudes, but also exhibit striking similarities in terms of their approach to the notions of public, private, and that of the city.

Source: Author 1. Palace 2. Chaugan 3. Laxminarayan Temple Complex

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Fig. 7.1  Map of Chamba

158  History of Urban Form of India

Urban Form The town of Chamba witnessed a significant change in the second half of the 19th century under the British administration. The British administration drew up an urban plan for the development of the town. They emphasized the building of civic buildings around the Chaugan to conceal

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The upper terrace holds the most conspicuous building—​the palace, the oldest portion of which dates back only to the middle of the 18th century (Vogel, 1911). Immediately to the north of the palace, there is a group of six stone temples arranged in a row from north to south, most of which were constructed by Sahila Varma, the founder of the town. He also went on to build the Champavati Temple, regarded as the family temple of the Chamba Rajas and a mela has been held in connection with it (Gazetteer of the Chamba State 1904., 1996). This temple lies in between the Chaugan and the palace. It was customary of the ruling Chief to make a daily visit during the mela to certain temples in fixed rotation, always returning to that of Champavati, but this custom soon falls in disuse (Gazetteer of the Chamba State 1904., 1996). A tradition of building water fountains was widely practised as a philanthropic activity by the nobles and the members of the royal family. Merit was also acquired by constructing roads, which was considered a luxury in the province. The ancient rulers of the state did not show great eagerness in construction of roads. They, no doubt, had to consider first of all the exigencies of the present, and at a time when every neighbour was an enemy, the difficulty of the roads constituted the best safeguard for the security of the state (Vogel, 1911). Transnational trade route of any importance ever never ran through Chamba territory (Vogel, 1911). Trade between India and Central Asia naturally chose the more open valleys of the Jhelum and Beas (Vogel, 1911). Chamba then can be seen more of a capital city of a large state with political and administrative institutions and regional markets of importance. It is possible that occasionally owing to political influences, part of the Central Asian trade deviated from its ordinary course and followed the less accessible valleys of the Ravi (Vogel, 1911).

Cities in the Himalayas  159

Source: Author

what they considered as un-​planned and more organic residential complex at the edge of the hill (see Fig 7.2, Fig 7.3, Fig 7.4, and Fig 7.5). In 1863, with the appointment of the new superintendent public institutes of the post office, primary school, state hospital, and a residency were instituted. Brand-​new lines of roads got constructed which improved communication with the city. In 1871, the primary school got raised to a middle standard school. The state hospital got instituted, attracting an increasing number of patients. The hospital building got soon demolished giving way to the Shyam Singh hospital with more in-​patients. A branch dispensary started in Tissa by 1881, proved to be a boon for the people. By 1884, the ruling kings of Chamba were invested with the full authority of the state with the withdrawal of the superintendent. The Public Works Department was restructured and entrusted with the care of roads and public buildings. With the Postal Convention in 1887, a network of post offices in the interior of the state started. A small

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Fig. 7.2  View of Chamba in Himachal Pradesh with the old palace compound in the centre

Source: Author

Fig. 7.4  The Market around the ground and other institutional buildings in Chamba Source: Author

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Fig. 7.3  The Open ground, Chogan in Chamba

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Source: Author

military force was formed and barracks got erected in the neighbourhood of the town. At the beginning of the 20th century, with the commencement of the new king, prominent public work got taken up. Soon after his accession, he took in hand the widening of roads in the vicinity of the capital, and the improvement of the main lines of communication in other parts of the State. In 1906 a new Dak Bungalow got built in the town, in place of the old one destroyed in the earthquake of 1905 and a guesthouse was also erected. The opening of a public reading room and library, containing the leading newspapers in English and the Vernaculars, with a large selection of standard books, was initiated. The famous Bhuri Singh Museum got inaugurated in 1908. A powerhouse got installed on river Sal in the vicinity of the town and the town got electrified in 1910 in addition to the completion of water supply. Chamba as mentioned before sits on the slopes of Shah Madar hill, some 996 meters above the river Ravi. The settlement can be seen as being in two broad levels. The upper part being above the central open space (Chogan) on the slopes of the Shah Madar hills and the remaining town with most of its civic institutions being at the level of the Chogan and some residential between the Chogan and the river (see Fig 7.6).

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Fig. 7.5  Markets around the Chogan at Chamba

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Source: Author

The most prominent building is the palace that lords over the city from a commanding position overlooking the Chogan. The other prominent building in the city is the temple complex of Laxmi Narayan close to the Chogan and the palace (see Fig 7.7). In fact city has many temples of prominent and most are spread out in different parts of the city. The most important aspect of morphology of Chamba is the central public open space, Chogan which is also the setting for many different civic and administrative buildings that are strung alongside this open space, thereby forming a public edge. This is a very powerful and conscious effort to create a civic and a public place character in the city. Institutions such as post and telegraph office, guest house, club, and hospital are all along the chogan. As mentioned earlier, this was a conscious effort to depart from the local tradition of building that was organic in nature. The institutions that faced the open space in some sense concealed the traditional urban formation.

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Fig. 7.6  Chogan, The open ground at Chamba

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Source: Author

The main palace building (which works as a school now) overlooks this open space but is detached from the same in elevation is the most prominent structure in the city and follows the classic archetype of the palace and open ground relationship as seen in many Himalayan cities (Shankar, 2014).

Mandi Mandi is another historic settlement in present-​day Himalayan state of Himachal Pradesh in India and can be seen as having typical qualities that we have come to associate with a Himalayan capital city state. The presence of a city centre in form of publicly accessible open space, prominent position of the palace around this public place apart from public institution in and around this precinct (see Fig 7.8). Mandi the city, capital of then Mandi State and administrative centre of the Mandi district, is situated on the left bank of the Beas river. The founder of Mandi belonged to the Chand Bansi tribe known as the Mandial. The town is said to take its name from their remote ancestor; but as it was in a favourable situation for trade, Mandi, which signifies a

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Fig. 7.7  The single cell temples at Chamba, Himachal Pradesh

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2

- River - Contours - Open Ground - Institutions 0

125

250m

Fig. 7.8  Map of Mandi Source: Author 1. Palace 2. Sunken Garden/​Lake

market, is probably the more simple derivation (Hutchison and Vogel, 1933). Similar to the rest of Punjab hill state, the state of Mandi too was previously ruled by small chieftains called Ranas or Thakurs. These ancient rulers were, almost, involved in continuous warfare for many centuries. Ajbar Sen, the 19th descendent of the founder of the Mandi State, founded the capital town of Mandi in 1527 opposite the original capital called Old mandi. He erected a palace with four towers known as Chowki. He also led to the construction of the Bhutnath Temple, in the middle of the town.

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Mandi in the following reigns came under Mughal control by the end of the 16th century. Early in Akbar’s reign, all the Punjab Hill States were made tributary to the Mughal empire but they were left entirely free in the management of their internal affairs (Hutchison and Vogel, 1933). Considerable economic and political changes were observed in these following years in Mandi, though it still did continue with its social and cultural traditions such as those of constructing stone pillars, like tombstones, as a memorial to the dead. The Sati pillars of the Mandi Rajas and their families, locally known as barselas, stand in a group on a plot of ground on the left bank of the Suketi Nala, a little way outside Mandi town, on the road to Suket (Griffin, 1870). Mandi then witnessed the influence of Sikh and British rules. The British Government played a crucial role in the administrative structure of Mandi. It was the British Government who took over the power of appointing and removing of ruling kings of Mandi. The British Government also laid down laws and conditions under which the new ruler would have to abide to stay in power such as the construction of wide roads and its repairs; pulling down of Kamalgarh and Nantpur forts and never rebuild them. They also brought an end to the practice of slave dealing, satti, female infanticide, and the burning or drowning of lepers which were opposed to British laws, that no one in future shall venture to revive them (Gazetteer of the Mandi State., 1996). Soon by the middle of the 19th century, Mandi observed significant public work projects. These included a post office, connected with the Government Postal Department; a large school at Mandi; a dispensary; a good mule road from Baijnath to Sultanpur Kulu, over the Babbu Pass; and serais and travellers’ bungalows along the line of road from the Kangra valley, through Mandi, towards Kulu and Simla (Griffin, 1870). Mandi had already established itself as a busy trade centre, being on the main route from Yarkand and Ladakh to Hoshiarpur and the plains (Gazetteer of the Mandi State., 1996). Construction of new roads such as the Una-​Mandi road and import of country-​made cloth in the markets enhanced the cities reputation as a trade centre. An influx of trader immigrants from Hoshiarpur and Una settled in the town. The state was rich in agricultural production and exported a large quantity of grain; it also exported tea, salt, and ghee. Along with trade, the principal sources of revenue were the land tax, salt, and iron (Griffin, 1870).The whole population, with

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Urban Form Mandi like Chamba, Kathmandu, Patan, and Bhaktapur, has a large public open space right in the centre of the city. This open space that measures roughly 100 meters and 70 meters was earlier a shallow lake that is presently converted into an ‘underground market’ (see Fig 7.9, Fig 7.10, and Fig 7.11). The city has practically grown around this open public place. The main street passes by the open public place and the palace (see Fig 7.12). The high slope on the north side has the prominent Mandi palace, that was built in the year 1625 AD and faces the open grounds from an elevated position.

Fig. 7.9  The Court building in the Mandi Square Source: Author

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some exceptions, was Hindu, and the most important caste numerically and otherwise was that of the Kaneta, a Rajput clan, followed by that of Brahmans and Khatris (Gazetteer of the Mandi State., 1996). The town was also resided by Muslims, Buddhist, and Sikh populations. Along with prominent Hindu temples, the town had two mosques and a Sikh temple. Many Buddhist Tibetans were said to have come on pilgrimage from Tibet every year in winter to the holy lake of Rawalsar in Mandi.

Source: Author

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Fig. 7.10  The Mandi Palace, Himachal Pradesh. In front of this is the open space which is now a sunken market

Source: Author

Fig. 7.12  The Open space in front of the Palace in Mandi. An active public place Source: Author

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Fig. 7.11  The sunken market which once must have been a low lying open ground in front of Mandi palace

Source: Author

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Fig. 7.13  The edge of the palace of Mandi

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High Himalayan City: Leh Leh was an important settlement on the silk routes and had historical connections with Tibet. The overall region of Ladakh has cultural similarities with Tibet region but was perhaps only part of the Tibetan empire from the 7th to early 9th century. After this period Ladakh region was an independent kingdom, and its territory spread to some parts of Tibet as well. Ladakh prospered due to trade in Pashmina wool between Tibet and Kashmir and it was no wonder that the town of Leh (capital of Ladakh) found itself in the cross-​hair of various the Dogra’s and British in a power struggle to control this trade. The Dogra’s from Jammu captured Leh in 1834 but was soon brought under of the British state. The kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir came under doctrine of indirect rule under the British state and had to relinquish majority of the control. However the struggle to control the trade continued under this arrangement as well as during the 19th-​century trade in luxury items, fine silk, pashmina, spices, cotton, and turquoise grew remarkably (Allan, Rizvi, & Staley, 1984, 367). By 1846 a new street with market was constructed in the open ground by the state below the palace along with two new gates that were the place of collection of toll from the incoming goods. Leh during this period would have been a teeming place (esp. in summers) full of merchants from distant lands. The main economy of the Ladakh region was through agriculture (which was limited to a few valleys) and trade. Leh functioned as the economic and political centre of this region. The overall formation of Leh is very similar to many medieval cities in India. A higher ground is used to position the palace keeping in mind defensive requirements and the city spaces are on the lower slopes (see Fig 7.14). The palace is the most prominent structure in the town and is of immense heritage value. A nine-​story structure built out of stone and mud is a classic example of Tibetan architecture. Much like the Lhasa palace that was built in Tibet the typology of the palace is one of retaining angular

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The palace itself is a simple humble structure from the inside however has a prominent public edge to it (see Fig 7.13). Besides the palace are ancillary civic structures such as the court, the post office, etc. forming a clearly defined institutional precinct.

Cities in the Himalayas  171

0

100

200m

Fig. 7.14  Map of Leh Source: Author 1. Palace 2. Bazaar street 3. Mosque 4. Gate

walls on steep slopes to create flat grounds for habitation (see Fig 7.15). The external façade has minimum opening and the light is taken from the small courtyards and skylights inside the palace. The overall formation is compact and dense as multiple level floors ensure large useable areas in a very small footprint. Other ancillary structures are related to the royalty dot the way to the passage at the same elevation, giving them a level of importance in the city. The gates used to encircle the city, which only exists in small parts now. Gates were important part of the city as they were not only useful for defensive purposes but also places to collect the toll from visiting merchants. This was an important revenue source for the city of Leh. A large open ground below the palace is said to have existed before the construction

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Contours Roads

172  History of Urban Form of India

Source: Author

of the bazaar by the Dogra king in 1846. One may imagine that this open ground would have been pretty similar to the ones we can see in other Himalayan cities such as Chamba and Mandi in Himachal Pradesh. Housing clusters mark the remaining part of the city. The typical house in Leh is a square courtyard-​based typology, excellent in climatic response. The meandering streets around these housing clusters negotiate the topographical variations of land. In fact, one cannot help but notice the similarities between the street and house network between Leh and Jodhpur. Both are in dry regions (one in cold and the other in hot desert) and deploy flat roof courtyard-​based house formation to deal with the extreme heat in case of Jodhpur and cold in the case of Leh. Low rainfall means that flat roof is conducive for such regions whereas the street network is a result of adjustment with the ground topography (see Fig 7.16). Elevated Stupas that form gateways are an innovative urban device that is used to mark a particular locality and also functions as a place to control entries and exits in case of war, very much like the gates in Pol house of Ahmedabad. However funerary structures dot the urban landscape in case of Leh and become territorial markers (see Fig 7.17).

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Fig. 7.15  The Palace at Leh

Source: Author

Fig. 7.17  The market street at Leh

Source: Author

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Fig. 7.16  Leh as seen from the Palace

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The cities in the Himalayas were usually capitals of small kingdoms. Geographical conditions due to mountain and valley formation became the single most important constraint in the spread and growth of the various kingdoms in Himalayan region. The smaller states were fairly disconnected from the plains and enjoyed a level of protection due to the tough terrain. However, trade routes passed through these settlements which formed a delicate connection with the outside world. These circumstances led to growth settlements that were compact and limited in their wealth and resources. The typical city-​state kind of settlements was marked by a strong idea of fairly large public open space in the heart of the settlements, which is fairly unique for South Asia. The open space was far more public in nature compared to most settlements of that period in the region. This was a consistent pattern in most Himalayan cities, as within a medieval set up the city afforded these large open public places. Whereas this had an impact on the overall settlement formation, it also led to creation of a public life which led to integration of various ethnicities and castes. The community housing clusters were consequently not at all inward-​looking and neither they formed ghettos or inward spaces as was common in most medieval cities in the plains. The formation of medieval cities in cold deserts such as Ladkah is similar to those in hot deserts; inward-​looking housing units, organic growth with palace on elevated grounds. They however had the market and large open grounds forming the heart of the city.

Bibliography Alam, A. (2008) Becoming India. Cambridge University Press. Allan, N. J. R., Rizvi, J. and Staley, J. (1984) ‘Ladakh: Crossroads of High Asia’, Mountain Research and Development Mountain Research and Development, 4(4), p. 366. Gazetteer of the Chamba State 1904. (1996). New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co. Gazetteer of the Mandi State. (1996). New Delhi: Indus Pub. Co. Griffin, L. H. (1870) The Rajas of the Punjab, being the history of the principal states in the Punjab and their political relations with the British government, by Lepel H. Griffin. Lahore: Printed by the Punjab printing Co. Hutchison, J. and Vogel, J. (1933) History of the Punjab hill states. (vol. 2). Lahore.

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Summary

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Mann, R. S. (2002) Ladakh: then and now. Mittal Publications. Manzardo, A. E. (1977) ‘Ecological Constraints on Trans-​Himalayan Trade in Nepal’, Contribution to Nepalese Studies, 4(2), p. 34. Samaja, J. (2009) Reading Himalayan landscapes over time: environmental perception, knowledge and practice in Nepal and Ladakh (Collection Sciences Sociales, 14). Instut Francais de Pondicherry. Shankar, P. (2014) Himalayan cities: settlement patterns, public places and architecture. New Delhi: Niyogi Books. Smadja, J. (2009) Reading Himalayan landscapes over time: environmental perception, knowledge, and practice in Nepal and Ladakh. Pondicherry: Inst. Francais de Pondicherry. Vogel, J. P. (1911) Antiquities of Chamba State. Pt 1, by J.P. Vogel. Pt 1, by J.P. Vogel. Calcutta: Superintendent government printing. Whelpton, J. (2005) A history of Nepal. Cambridge University Press.

Mughal Cities Background The Mughal dynasty ruled major parts of the Indian sub-​continent from the early 16th till about mid-​18th century. The empire that began with the conquest of Afghanistan and Punjab soon established itself by capturing the Northern India plains by the 1530s. By the turn of the century (1600s), the empire had spread to Eastern India (Bihar, Bengal, and Orissa), Western India (Rajasthan and Gujarat), Malwa and parts of the Himalayan regions. By the turn of next century (1700s), the empire had captured all of Deccan right till the Kaveri basin. The Mughals at their peaks were holding around 40 million square kilometres of territory. This Muslim dynasty was of Turkic-​Mongol origin and was founded by Babur, who belonged to the Turkic (Timurlane) dynasty from his father’s side and Mongol (Chagatai, second son of Genghis Khan) from his mother’s side. The Mughal dynasty in India was remarkable for a variety of reason. This phase was marked by energetic and innovative efforts by the seven generations of Mughal rulers, towards capturing more territory through daring military conquests, organization of an effective central administrative organization, integrative policy towards Hindus (who formed the majority), and creating enduring architectural and artistic symbols. The Mughal Empire in India begins with the entry of Babur in the Indian sub-​continent. Babur had been eyeing the vast Northern Indian plains to satisfy his ambitions of having a large empire. In 1526, Babur managed to oust Ibrahim Lodi from Delhi and Agra, after the Battle of Panipat, thus marking the beginning of the Mughal Empire in India. Babur, through his brief time in India, managed to win many battles and

History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0008

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laid seeds to the future political and administrative organizations, apart from having a more strategic and tolerant policy towards Hindu Nobles. Humayun, the successor to Babur, had a tough time consolidating the gains made by Babur and had to flee India for considerable period of time. He died in Delhi in 1556 leaving the Mughal Empire in a state of disarray. Akbar, the successor to Humayun, did a remarkable job in consolidating and expanding the empire, apart from introducing a range of administrative and political reforms in the process. From the perspective of development of cities and its public architecture, this period makes for a fascinating study. The city of Agra, which was also the capital during the Lodi dynasty, is rejuvenated during this period as a Mughal capital and then also briefly abandoned in favour of a new capital city in Fatehpur Sikri, a few kilometres away. The capital once again shifts to Lahore for 12 (1584–​1596) years during Akbar’s reign. The reign of Jahangir was comparatively more peaceful and was remarkable from the point of view of his tolerant integrative policies towards the Hindus, that became the hallmark of the Mughal Empire and according to many, was central to their success in the Indian sub-​ continent. However, Jahangir’s wandering and indulgent ways are a matter of interest for us to better understand the idea of mobility in the form of the massive tent cities that moved along with the Mughal king. These mobile camps were the default royal capital centre when the King was on the move, which was practically for 40% of their active life as a ruler (Sinopoli, 1994, 296). The next stage in Mughal empire during the reign of Shahjahan marks the peak in matters of city planning, architecture, and arts. It was during this period that a new capital city Shahjahanabad (now referred to as Old Delhi) was established on the banks of river Yamuna, apart from the construction of major architectural project such as the Taj Mahal in Agra. By this period, one can see a legible city pattern in a newly formed capital city of Shahjahanabad, a departure from the organically evolved city of Agra. The Mughal period is also remarkable from the perspective growth of many other urban centres in different parts of the country. Smaller urban centres around a market place, governed by Muslim elites (qasbas) and ones that functioned as outlets to the rural agriculture produce (gunjs), emerged mainly in Northern India during the later period of Mughal

Mughal Cities  181

The Indian Sub-​continent: A New Landscape Babar was the first ruler to have established the Mughal rule in India. His meteoric rise from a very early age saw him begin his conquest from Fergana (presently in Uzbekistan), moving to conquer Samarkand and then Kabul. Babar begins his campaign for the Indian sub-​continent by first capturing Lahore, and then Delhi, and Agra (1526) in quick succession, after defeating Ibrahim Lodi in the battle of Panipat. The plains of the Indian subcontinents, starting from the Indus, followed by Sutlej, Ganga, Yamuna, and Brahmaputra in the east, were a major attraction for large empires from the times of the ancient period. The Indian sub-​continent in the 16th century was tempting for most rulers in the region. The region with its rich agriculture represented a sure source of revenue. The Gangetic plains along with other regions in India were a treasure house for invading rulers. The early account shows a mixed feeling for India. Whereas there seems to have been attraction towards India, from the point of view of the wealth, that its various productive parts brought, yet at the same time there is a disappointment with the nature of landscape and the state of technology. The journey of Babur from Fergana to Lahore via Samarkand and Kabul is marked with a specific kind of landscape; cities close to hills in an undulating terrain with freshwater streams from snow-​fed mountains, and rich flora and fauna. This landscape led to a practice of irrigation using running water for both agriculture and orchards. The constant flow of water makes it possible to conceive gardens and orchards, for the purpose of pleasure since there is very little labour that is involved in creating such water systems. The plains of the Indian subcontinent presented a very different landscape condition. Babur remarks that there is no flowing water and hence the land feels wretched and dry, and the only source of water are the wells. However, the irrigation is through monsoon rains and so rich is the soil, that the rains are enough to sustain not one but also two crops in a year (Babur & Thackston, 2002, 486). He was truly at odds to understand this very

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rule. These Qasbas and Gunjs had a substantial impact on subsequent urban patterns in India.

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One of the great defects of Hindiastan being its lack of running-​waters, it kept coming to my mind that waters should be made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might settle down, also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly and symmetrical way. With this object in view, we crossed the Jun-​water to look at garden-​grounds a few days after entering Agra. Those grounds were so bad and unattractive that we traversed them with a hundred disgusts and repulsions. So ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a. Char-​bagh in them passed from my mind. (Babur & Thackston, 2002, 531)

Mughals were from then on not only invested in creating new landscape conditions in form of gardens but also believed in the power of architecture and Urban symbolism. The Mughals with their Timurid-​Mongolian heritage brought in a new phase in Indian urbanism and political system. As a new dynasty which felt a strong need to assert its status and as an elitarian minority ruling over a vast territory of peoples of a different creed and culture, the Mughals were highly aware of the potential of architecture as a means of self-​representation (Koch, 2002, 13). A ruler, according to Mughal political thinking, was best represented by his buildings, and kings should therefore erect great buildings as memorials to their fame (Koch, 2002, 13). The Mughal dynasty from Babur to Aurangzeb exhibited this political thinking in their respective styles and ideologies, their tolerance and respect towards the indigenous—​Hindu and Muslim-​building traditions and culture varied considerably. Their Timurid heritage were a major inspiration for their attitude towards architecture and urbanism. For example in the city of Herat, there existed a garden culture which inspired Babur to combine garden construction with territorial expansion. Gardens became the primary locus of Mughal political affairs and the

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different landscape compared to what he was used to in Central Asia. The recurring theme in his observation seems to be the lack of running water, that he perceives as a big disadvantage in India, apart from the lack of order in the way landscape is organized. It is not surprising that Babur commissions a garden within a few days of taking over Agra from the Lodi’s in

Mughal Cities  183

Shahjahanabad and Agra: Constants and Variations A total of four royal capital cities were established by the Mughals in Indian sub-​ continent; Agra (1526), Shahjahanabad (1639), Lahore (1540), and Fatehpur Sikri (1571). Agra and Lahore were built over the foundations of earlier cities and hence make for more complex reading. However, Shahjahanabad and Fatehpur Sikri were greenfield projects and were designed and built from the ground up. Fatehpur Sikri, a new capital city, commissioned by Akbar in 1571 and abandoned within two decades, was one of those rare experiments in city design of that period. The city of Agra and Shahjahanabad shows similarities in terms of their urban spatial structure, even though the former grew over a period of time and the latter was a partially designed city. Lahore also shows some other typical features such as gardens and palaces that we associate with the other two Mughal cities.

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signature of Mughal territorial authority (Wescoat, 1992). They served as the main vantage point for urban conquest and control, and they replaced the citadels as centres of royal power (Wescoat, 1992). Babur’s garden urbanism along the banks of Jamna at Agra is strong evidence of the new form of urbanism. After Babur’s reign, the later Mughal gardens became famous as a symbol of paradise. Shah Jahan’s fortress palaces, the fusion of palace and garden soon became a metaphor of paradise here on earth (Koch, 2005). Mughal rulers though never made serious attempts at regular urban planning, which can be explained by the still strung nomadic heritage of the Mughals, which was not conducive to the foundation of cities (Koch, 2002). But Mughal urbanism brought in Timurid lifestyles, with Babur introducing ‘royal hot baths’, to the Hindustani cities. Mughal rulers, since Akbar, gave particular emphasis to public works such as wells and reservoirs, and also promoted their nobles to do so. Among all efforts made by the Mughals, ‘the imperial city’ of Shahjahanabad stands out as one prominent example of urban planning.

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Shahjahan, the fifth Mughal emperor, established Shahjahanabad (Old Delhi) as the new capital in 1636 in the historical region of Delhi; a place that had been site of many capital cities of empires earlier. The site that was chosen, was a few kilometres to the North of ruins of Tughlakabad. The city was designed and built in a period of just about 16 to 18 years and is a good example of urban planning ideas during this period. The city was dominated by the palace that was located besides the river Yamuna, arcaded market streets lined by gardens and canals that led to the palace from the farthest gate (Lahori Gate), a monumental Jami mosque with its own precinct away from the palace, many other specialized markets, suburban gardens of elites, and large mansions dispersed all across the city apart from residential quarters (see Fig 8.1). Shahjahanabad shows many characteristics such as markets spaces, gardens within the city, open spaces around the mosque, and palace that one can associate with any city, with a strong urban character. However due to constant mobility of the King and his court, away from the city for long periods of time, and presence of fairly ordinary temporary housing all around the large mansion, the city was commonly perceived to have a camp like or have a temporary sense to it.

Agra Agra was one of the predominant political capital of the Mughal empire, being a favoured destination by most rulers. Located on the banks of the river Jamuna, around 250 kms from Delhi, Agra was very much similar to Shahjanabad, in terms of its urban morphology, with the fort placed at the river bank and the city spread around it. Contrary to the military encampment feel of Shahjanabad, Agra had a more pleasant appearance. Agra exceeded Shahjanabad in terms of the multitude of residences owned by noblemen, who tended to have bigger, more durable houses, made of more permanent materials like brick and stone during the 17th century. Unlike Shahjanabad, Agra lacked the presence of prominent and wide streets, defining the layout of the city (see Fig 8.2). It had four to five

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Shahjahanabad

Mughal Cities  185

3

1

2

- River - Fortification - Gardens

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1000m

Fig. 8.1  Map of Shahjahanabad; Source: Author 1. Palace 2. Jami Mosque 3. Private gardens 4. Riverfront gardens

principal streets, neither as long nor wide as in Shahjahanabad. The numerous other streets were short, narrow, and full of windings, forming a very organic structure of streets. The houses of noblemen were usually placed in the middle of a relatively larger garden, filled with trees and flowering plants. The landscape interspersed with the mansions is what gave the town a very pleasant and rural outlook, which wasn’t just aesthetically pleasing but was also in accordance with the climate of the region, with the greenery providing a shady retreat for passer-​by (Tambiah, 1998).

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1. Palace 2. Riverfront gardens

The City and the Immediate Landscape There is a distinct similarity between Shahjahnabad and Agra in terms of the overall organization. Both the cities are on the river banks of mighty plains of North India and have a similar altitude regarding position of

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Fig. 8.2  Map of Agra; Source: Author

Mughal Cities  187

Nature in Cities Establishment of Gardens and irrigation projects, for the purpose of leisure, marks the foundational moments for Mughal rule in India. This attitude becomes the rockbed of subsequent development in palace architecture and Mughal city formations. Two different traditions of Gardens existed in the Middle East and Central Asia, in the Islamic world, around the 12th to 15th centuries (Jayyusi, Holod, Petruccioli, & Raymond, 2008, 352). The Arab tradition perceives the Garden as a binary opposite to

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key urban elements. The palace is placed right on the bank of the river, so as to offer a leisurely view of the river. The consideration for the location of palace is neither defence nor climate, but engagement with flowing water of the river. The articulation of the spaces of the palace (architectural decision of having retaining walls, terraces, and courtyards towards the river) accords importance to water and the horizon beyond. Having firmly fixed the location of the palace, the rest of the city grows beyond the river and the palace almost growing as a semi-​circular mass. The city is beyond the edge of the river, with a clearly defined wall, built in order to demarcate rather than protect. In the case of Lahore, we also find a similar arrangement of a prominent palace between the city and the river. In this case, the actual river is at a distance from the palace, however the engagement with the flood plain, in terms of the location and elevation of palace, suggests a similar relationship with water; for the purpose of view and leisure. Another striking feature is the numerous tombs and gardens that came up along the riverfront in Shahjanabad, Agra, and Lahore; beginning from the palace, and extending way beyond the city limits on both the side. These were usually gardens for pleasure and leisure of the extended royal household, or the noblemen. The idea of the royal garden suburbs takes a very concrete shape in Mughal period, almost like a necklace adorning one side of the river with the palace right in its centre like a pendant. The remainder of the city seems to be a semi-​circular mass like most typical organically developed medieval cities and it demonstrates discerning characteristics.

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the harsh desert around, a kind of oasis in a desert. Garden is considered an ordered and habitable space, whereas the nature outside is wild and unpredictable. The Persian tradition of garden building takes the idea of order to a much more metaphysical level. Here the idea of two interesting axes becomes an important tool to express a higher consciousness; garden is seen as a reflection of the cosmic order and something that connects the physical world with the metaphysical one. The order that is achieved, guides everything; plantation, architecture, boundary walls, and water structures. The garden here is a symbol; something to look at and contemplate rather than use, as it represents a higher level of pursuit. Mughals seem to have amalgamated these two ideas, as is evident in the design of Shalimar Garden in Lahore, a suburban garden built in 1641–​ 1642, some 5 km North-​East of city on the Grand Trunk route. The function and meaning of the early Mughal garden in India are said to be more symbolic of their power, rather than the much-​fantasized paradise. These early Mughal gardens were deliberately laid outside the citadel or fortress, palaces of the pre-​Mughal rulers to be symbolic of two things; appropriation of the land, the garden being a metaphor of Babur’s ability to control the arid Indian plains and thereby its population, and as a metaphor of territorial control (Koch, 2005). In contrast, the later Mughal gardens, such as the Hayat Baksh at Red fort, were intended to replace fortresses as centres of royal power, and became more conspicuously associated with themes of springtime and paradise. But did this practice and attention given to gardens also influence the way cities were conceived and built during the Mughal period? Some scholars see this idea of a geometrical order in the Garden as one influencing the planning of cities in Persia and Central Asia. The reference is to the two geometrical axial roads found in many cities in Iran and in India. An empirical data on morphology of Persian medieval cities reveals that the orthogonal geometry prevalent in these settlements can be explained by practical concerns of movement of irrigation water through different plots of land (Bonine, 1979, 218). The idea of Persian gardens did not influence the form of the city and its influence was perhaps limited to the nature of public places itself, which holds true for the Mughal cities in India. The Mughals established their capital cities in a very quick succession and were particular about the idea of a landscape that they brought with them. While studying the morphology of Agra,

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Gardens and the City Looking at the formation of Agra, Lahore, and Shahjahanabad, one can clearly see a distinctive attitude to formation of Gardens within and outside the palace compound, and extending the same beyond the boundary of the city. In Agra, Shahjahanabad, and Lahore, the river forms an important armature for the positioning of the palace and hence the city. The palace is perched right on the bank of the river in both the cases and the relationship with nature here is for the purpose of a picturesque setting and long views of flowing water and not exactly for any other pragmatic consideration of defence orientation. Along with this particular position of the palace on the riverfront, one begins to find a series of gardens occupying the riverfront on one side of the river both extending on both sides of the palace. The very first garden of this kind was built by Babur as soon as he took over the city of Agra (in 1526) on the banks of the river Yamuna, north of the city. The garden was called Hasht Bishisht, later called Aram Bagh (Koch, n.d., 143). Based on a geometrical pattern of intersecting lines at right angle, and inspired from persian ones, this was the first Mughal garden in India. Flowing water within the garden, fountains, and pavilions overlooking the river, were the hallmark of this garden. This first garden on the riverfront was an inspiration for many riverfront gardens of the future. During Jahangir’s time, two gardens at Agra were built; Ram Bagh and Zahara Bagh around 1621–​1622, which changed the way that later Mughal gardens were conceived. A step ahead of the traditional char bagh gardens, the buildings in these gardens were not placed at the centre

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Lahore, and Shahjahanabad, it seems that the idea behind creating certain kinds of landscape conditions influenced a portion of the city; especially the area within and around the palace and the suburbs close to the river. There is no marked influence of this particular attitude of landscape formation, on the overall morphology of the city. The form of the city is influenced by many other pragmatic concerns such as safety, movement, position of quarters of the elites, markets and perhaps flows of surface drainage water, and important mosques etc., and it surely cannot be attributed to the idea of making a city like a garden. Shahjahanabad shows the maximum influence of landscape formation on the form of some parts of the city leading to the palace.

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Fig. 8.3  Inside Agra Fort; 1900; Photograph: Unknown Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Inside​_​Agr​a_​Fo​rt_​(c._​1900).jpg

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but on the terraces lining the riverfront. This scheme provided a better climatic and aesthetic advantage (Koch, 2005) (see Fig 8.3). Some of the riverfront gardens housed havelis of the noblemen that were built in the centre of the garden. This string of properties on the riverbank occupied substantial area and extending well beyond the boundary of the city. The suburban dwellings often had large spacious houses raised on a high plinth in the middle of a vast flowering garden, with trees and water basins. These suburbs formed part of the scenic route leading out of the city. The gardens were suburban homes and quite often built by women of noble’s household, who had a much more settled existence in the city. The suburban Gardens were not necessarily built by the emperor, but they did encourage noblemen to construct these gardens on the flood plains of Ravi (Jr, Wolschke-​Bulmahn, & Metcalf, 1998, 596). They then became a matter of prestige and the emperor would often pay visit to

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these suburban gardens, symbolizing the importance of the noblemen in the city. In Lahore, many Gardens were built outside the city, and the most famous amongst them was the Shalimar Garden. After the completion of this garden many other suburban gardens were built by the nobles to show their position and perhaps win accolades from the emperor. ‘The completion of the Shalamar garden to represent an earthly paradise was a catalyst for the urban development of Lahore and a large number of gardens were created on its east and south-​east sides. The most important gardens constructed on the Charbagh concept during this period include the tomb gardens of Asaf Khan, Nur Jahan and Ali Marda’ (REHMAN, 2009, 207). What do these gardens, built at the most prominent landscape setting, often close to the river, reveal about the attitude of Mughals towards city formation? Are they conceived as being a home away from the city or a relief from the mess of the city? The scale of these private gardens, located away from the city on the banks of the river, is suggestive of a disdain for the city. The elites’ obsession with making private gardens outside the city does point towards the lack of faith in the city itself and resonates with the account of travellers that compared the Mughal city to a camp that felt temporary and illegible. In Shajahnabad, gardens within the city limits were part of the overall scheme. The palace design itself is based on the idea of a garden. The idea and form of the Mughal garden, conceived in Agra and Lahore, was further developed in Shahjahanabad, built between 1639 and 1648. Now the whole palace was conceived as a garden (Koch, 2005). It was considered pious to have built a garden in one’s lifetime. Gardens built within the city were of two types; a garden which was part of the havelis, and gardens that may have a limited public use such as a caravanserai or a public bath. The garden of Sahiba Abad Bagh built by Jahana begum is a good example of city garden with some public access. The garden complex runs parallel to chandni chowk and was a major urban feature in Shahjahanabad. But it is important to consider that they were essentially private gardens with limited public access (Blake, 1996, 186). In Shahjahnabad, water was brought to the city for the purpose of irrigating the gardens and the palace through a canal (Nahr-​i-​Bihist) that came from 120 km upstream of the city. Built by Ali Mardan Khan, this elaborate water structure cut through fields and rocky grounds and

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Fig. 8.4  Agra Main Street; 1858; Illustration: Unknown Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Agra,_​Main​_​Str​eet,_​c.1858.jpg

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flowed through the principal street, now known as Chandni Chowk. It poured into the city through one of the gates, flowed in the centre, poured into the fort and emptied into the moat surrounding the fort. In the royal fort, the canal is flanked by raised streets on either side which run up the whole way. These arcaded raised streets served as shops or offices for merchants. Mughal cities are usually perceived to be dominated by a very prominent palace, which is elaborate in its scale and grandeur. The palace as we have seen before lies on the bank of the river in a picturesque setting. However, a large open public space existed between the palace and the city both in Agra and in Shahjahanabad (see Fig 8.4). This open space was not well-​formed or designed but was rather left undefined. In case of Shahjahanabad, it ended up becoming an active public open space as the two main streets culminated to these grounds. The ground provided a transition between the city and the palace and formed a buffer between the two.

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The palace was an elaborate affair in the Mughal cities. The one in Shahjahanabad was the most elaborate based on symmetrical pattern, clearly influenced by the Mughal garden design traditions. The palace is built in a fashion as if it were an elaborate garden. It is very clear from the description, that the palace was not simply a collection of private residences and royal offices but had a strong sense of a self-​contained city within a garden. The effort here seems to be to bring the element of civic life such as streets and bazaar inside the palace compound thereby making a self-​contained microcosm. The fortress citadel was meant to be a miniature ideal city and contained all the physical elements of an ideal city; a mosque, bazaar, a bath apart from gardens (Blake, 1996, 190). Based on Berniers account, this is what the experience of the city would have been like for a traveller: The citadel, enclosed within a fortified boundary, had a well-​defined layout, interspersed with palatial buildings, markets, residential quarters and an elaborate street network. The entrance gateway opened into a wide and long street, with arcaded structures running along its edge, which formed the market, much similar to the market street found within the city. The palace grounds, apart from containing large gardens, also housed a number of structures dedicated for official, administrative and public use. The innermost sanctuary of the fort, was occupied by the king and the royal family, with a definitive hierarchy of spaces, transitioning from public to private, as one moved further inside. Open courtyards were a common detail in the design of the court, which were essentially used to demarcate the changes in spaces. The most private of all spaces, belonged to the residential quarters for the women of the royal family, which was described as the most beautiful part of the fort with gardens, reservoirs and fountains.

The Mansabdars and Cosmopolitan Elites When the Mughals entered India, the topmost brass of their military generals and administrators belonged to different parts of Middle East and

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Palace: A City within the City

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Central Asia such as Samarkand, Afghanistan, Persia, Uzbekistan, etc. The Mughal military, and subsequently the civil administration, were cosmopolitan elites with representation from various parts of the world. While in India, cities provided for the perfect home to them given familiarity with urban living back home, as cities had taken firm roots in the Islamic world. The Mughal system of administration of the vast territory of the Indian sub-​continent was most notable for its efficiency, longevity, and effectiveness in establishing total control. The Mansabdari system was the foundation of the imperial administrative structure. In 1580 Akbar marks the beginning of this system by dividing the empire in subas (smaller states or districts) with each having a Governor. Each suba is further divided into sarkar and then into mahalls. The aim here was to make each suba an exact replica of the other, so that administrative chain of officers could handle it irrespective of the geographical location (Ali, 1978, 40). This process of centralization and systematization allowed the Mughals to control large parts of the country efficiently and created a class of officers who would run the administration. The higher offices were filled by cadre-​based administrative officers who were called the mansabdars. They were supposed to be military officers as well and could be posted to any part of the empire and be assigned to any other office. All Mansabdars were appointed by the emperor. This was a transferable job which meant that the mansabdar could not get too entrenched in their subas and create their own network or army. However, over a period of time the Mansabdars were allotted land as Jagirs (A feudal land grant from where one can collect taxes). The Jagir lands provided for additional income in terms of tax revenues. The Mansabdari system also seems to have promoted urbanization due to formation of various productive garrisons (karkahnas) all across India (Naqvi, 1971). The establishment of the Mansabdari system for governance promoted urban living for the elite military officers. This arrangement meant that cities became conducive places for the Mansabdars. Since the Mansabdars had to move from one to another part of the region, cities provided a perfect continuity for living, especially for their families. Since almost half of the Mansabdars at any given time were of Persian or central Asian origin, city life provided the familiarity to these foreigners in the Indian sub-​continent (Athar Ali, 1997).

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Urban Division and Street Network Comparing Agra and Lahore, it comes clear that the overall division and patterns of the street were based on practical concerns and have grown accretive, which seems to be a patchwork of private properties. In both the cities, there is no larger idea of the city in terms of creation of public spaces; rather the street corners and their edges double up as public places. These somewhat change when one observes Shahjahnabad as one finds a consented effort to create a public domain

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It has been argued that close to 82.13% of the total land revenue (Jamas) was taken as salary by only 1571 odd Mansabdars during the reign of Akbar, an unprecedented concentration of wealth (Moosvi, 1980, 340). This meant that Mansabdars had enough to spend while building their own mansions, support social causes, and provide employment. For example, Mullah Qutubuddin, a mansabdar converted his house in Lucknow as a religious seminary for Islamic studies and it soon became a magnet that attracted scholars from far and wide. The mansabdars, courtiers, army generals, and vast number of followers formed the cosmopolitan elites of Mughal cities. The mansions of these elites were dispersed across the city. In Shahjahnabad most of the first few havelis were built close to Jami mosque and the Palace and subsequently all across the city. These havelis (mansions) were built of durable materials of brick and stone and were often surrounded with smaller houses of servants and followers. These houses were usually made of mud and thatch giving the area a rural feel. This formation was unique to Mughals and it led to a mix of a large house surrounded by smaller one forming self-​contained neighbourhoods. This is a departure from a model where all the elites form their own enclave segregated from common folks of the town. Many mansabdars were allotted jagir lands in other parts of the countryside. These lands were brought to productive use which also attracted local merchants to set up shop, for the purpose of trade and exchange, and soon a market town began to emerge by agglomeration of people around these land parcels. So Mansabdari system could have promoted urbanization in more than one way.

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0

Fig. 8.5  Typical urban street in Shahjahanabad; Source: Author

25

50m

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that is autonomous and not an appendage to either the palace or the mosque (see Fig 8.5). The meandering street patterns in both Lahore and Agra are typical of medieval forms that have evolved over time, with practical concerns of either pre-​existing farmlands and or flow of surface water, wherein the street double up as drains for water during the monsoon and hence the organic pattern (Kostof, 1993). The residential divisions do not show any formal structure in terms of their overall formation. It is based on linear clusters in the street and finally ending in the dead ends almost in leaf-​ like organic pattern. The streets of the Shahjahnabad were a complex network, formed over the years out of which Bernier identifies five main streets (apart from the two principal streets), that were considerably wide and long, though not as long and straight as the main streets (Bernier, no date). The other numerous, meandering streets of the city were not as grand, but were more organic in nature, most of which also had arcades running along the length of the street (see Fig 8.6). In Shahjahanabad, the havelis of the mansabdars became the focal point around which the residential sectors were organized.

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Image: Illustrated London News Collectors & Collection: One original engraving is displayed in the Red Fort Museum, New Delhi. The original engraving is also part of Anshul Kaushik’s History Collection. Original: Scan sourced from DELHI, 1857 (1858) provided by Prof. Emerita Frances Pritchett, Columbia University in Sept 2013 and used with permission from FP. Original source in public domain. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Delhi-​lond-​ill​ust-​1858.jpg

Markets and Caravanserais Street markets seem to have been the predominant spatial formation in most cities of the Islamic world. The bazaars have been an important urban feature of many cities in Persia, Middle East, and Central Asia. The bazaars have fulfilled an important economic, cultural, and political function in these cities and can be seen to be furthering the idea of a city (Gharipour, 2012). Recorded history suggests an active organization and management of the bazaar through the various guilds that have existed in these cities. The formation of a bazaar seems to have been a very deliberate act and its promotion has been a defining feature in Persia and Central Asia during the Islamic period. Quite often, the bazaar was

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Fig. 8.6  The City before the Siege, Shahjahanabad; 1885;

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1. Main Bazaar 2. Urdu Bazaar (Camp Market) 3. Ashrafi (Moneychangers) or Jauhari (Jewellers) 4. Faiz Bazar (Bazaar of Plenty) 5. Khas Bazaar 6. Suburban Markets: 52 bazaars and 36 mandis 7. Paharganj (just outside the city) 8. Shahganj

The organization and management of the markets could have only been possible with the active involvement of the trading community. Traders, financiers, and bankers provided some sort of stability to the urban community in these cities. It has been argued that banking firms played a major role during the Mughal and British rule for purpose of financing, credit fulfilment, and other transactions for the state

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designed as a large covered or open linear structure. The suqs are an example of such a deliberate practice of creating these spaces in the city. At other times, an access street slowly transformed itself as a bazaar as the houses adjacent to the street slowly transformed to accommodate shops, or a warehouse. In India, bazaar streets also gained prominence during the Bahami period and with the rise of trade they became an extremely important urban feature during the Mughal period. One of the defining features during the Mughal period is the presence of the active bazaar streets in many parts of the city. In Agra, Tripulia Market existed between the Delhi gate and Jami Masjid but was removed in 1875 to give way to railways. Another important market was Mina Bazaar where nobles bought and sold jewellery, silk, and expensive brocades. Shahjahanabad had two main major streets that led right up to the palace square from the city gates. The longer street, originating at the Lahori gate, cut right through the city, with a long avenue-​like entry to the palace. These two main avenues had the main markets with arcades running along either side of the streets, separated by partitions that formed a series of semi-​open shops that further led into warehouses. Many markets were built in a very short period of time in Shahjahanabad (Blake, 1991).

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The Mosque and the City Agra and Lahore show a very similar location of the City Mosque, which in both cases are just outside the palace walls. In case of Lahore, it is called as the Badshahi mosque but accounts tell us that it functioned as a city-​ level mosque. Whereas in the case of Shahjahanabad which was built

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(Leonard, 1979, 156). For example, Shroffs (a community of banker often dealing with extravagant jewellery) provided an important source of investment in the country, apart from Karkhanas (that have been perceived to be producing luxury goods for the court), and the contractors for major building activities. However, there are different opinions amongst Historians regarding the presence of active professional merchant class or an independent capitalist system during this period. Some have argued that the Mughal economy essentially was driven by land revenue extraction than anything else (Habib, 1969, 36). The well-​ formed market spaces in all the Mughal cities are physical evidences of well-​established trade and commerce activities indicating a vibrant economic life in a city (see Fig 8.7). The market, either by design or by accident, seems to have been the most active and secular cultural space of the Mughal city. This attitude became a hallmark of medieval urbanism in all of North India, including Rajasthan and Gujarat during the same period. The presence of caravanserai was another pointer to the rich cosmopolitan life of the cities such as Shahjahanabad and Agra. Shahjahanabad, being the capital city of such a vast empire, inevitably attracted a host of travellers and traders. Caravansaries, built by Jahanara Begum, the eldest daughter of Shah Jahan and Mumtaz Mahal, catered to the accommodation of such temporary residents of the Shahjahanabad (see Fig 8.8). Built in the form of a large square, with arcades running around it, except that the arcades are separated by partitions which open up into adjoining warehouses of the merchants. Above these arcaded partitions, were chambers that provided lodging to the foreign merchants and travellers. Many other caravanserais were built in the city such as the one built by Fathpuri Begu in Chandni Chowk, by Albarbadi Begu in Faiz Bazaar, and by Rahallah Khan near Mughalpura.

1. Palace complex 2. Caravan serai 3. Baoli 4. Naubatkhana 5. City

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Fig. 8.7  Map of Fatehpur Sikri; Source: Author

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Illustration: Sir Thomas Theophilus Metcalf ’s 1843 album Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) Original Description: naqsha-​i chandni chaukh-​i Shahjahanabad. The Chouk of Centre of the great street, running in a direct line from the Lahore Gate of the Palace to the above Mosque [Fatehpuri Mosque], where it turns to the right, and is continued to the Lahore Gate of the City URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:TheCh​owkM​etca​lfAl​bum.jpg

much later, the Mosque is moved slightly away from the palace, more towards the residential and commercial parts of the city. In case of both Lahore and Agra, the mosque is overshadowed by the palace and does not seem to have its own spatial autonomy or independence. It feels like an extension to the palace itself. In the case of Shahjahanabad, the mosque is grand and elaborate and seems to have an autonomous existence at a distance from the palace amongst the commercial and residential areas of the city (see Fig 8.9).

Mobility and the Royal Tent Cities The Mughal rule in India is marked by the unprecedented movement not only of the ruler but also of the royal households, administrators, royal

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Fig. 8.8  Jahanara Begum’s Caravansarai; 1875;

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courts, and their capitals. For example, a typical Mughal king would spend close to 40 percentage of his time in a tented camp while on a military campaign or on an administrative tour of the countryside or even hunting. A reading of Babar nama makes it amply clear that the method of rule in Central Asia was one that demanded constant movement, raids, capture, followed by proclamation of capital city for a few years and the pattern keeps repeating. Perhaps it was the very nomadic tribal origin of the tribes from Central Asia that made mass movement on horseback with military equipments very natural to the Mughals. Their life in the outdoors, in a camp was more real for them than the life in the settled court of a city. A Mughal ruler would have encountered a wide variety of landscape in his lifetime due to constant movement. This might have led them to create a familiar typology of spaces (garden, water bodies, riverfront palaces) to deal with the constant change in spatial contexts that they encountered on long journeys to different parts of the Central Asia, Afghanistan, and India. The second impact of this cultural trait was perhaps the ease at which capital cities were established in totality by Mughal rulers in their

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Fig. 8.9  Jami Masjid, Shahjahanabad; Source: Author

Mughal Cities  203

Tent Cities The Mughal dynasty lasted for almost three centuries and under the succession of different Mughal rulers. Certain characteristics that define a capital city would be its size, administrative centrality, and symbolic identity, with each capital being the seat of political power, with the subsequent ruler at its head. Interestingly, the Mughal capital cities were centred around the ruler and were not confined to a specific region, in other words, the particular ruler became the symbolic identity of the capital city, with the focus of administrative and political activities being synonymous with the location of the ruler. Hence, it was not uncommon for the ruler to be absent from the capital city for long periods of time, to organize massive military or diplomatic campaigns, far away from the city. These excursions by the emperor resulted in the mobility of the entire city, to accompany the royal camp that constituted mobile administrative centres and bases for military operations. These royal camps were sometimes also organized for the purpose of a recreational visit. Based on Berniers account, one can arrive at vivid imagination of the tent cities (see Fig 8.10). The march from one city to another, which consisted of the monarch himself, along with his harem, the nobles and elites of the court, the ministers, the royal guard, the entire cavalry of elephants, camels and mules, domestic servants and in the end a large number of followers of the court and the army. A significant population of the city

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own lifetime. In some two hundred years of Mughal rule six kings formed five different capital cities (Sinopoli, 1994). At some time, two places served as simultaneous capital cities, such as Agra and Fatehpur Sikri (Bernier, no date). And at other times the capital city became a mobile mass of people in the form of the imperial camps when the Mughal king was moving in the subcontinent and would be absent from the capital city. It was normal for Kings to be absent from capital cities for a long period of time. It has been estimated that, at one point some 300, 000 people would be residing in these mobile camps led by the King (Blake, 1979). This is like a large city on the move and perhaps nowhere in history has such a phenomenon of organized mobility was witnessed anytime before or after the Mughals.

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travelled with the king since they were mostly dependent on the court and the army for their employment and maintenance. There were two sets of private camps called the ‘paish-​khanas’. One camp travelled always a day in advance of the other so, at the day’s end, the king halted at a fully prepared camp. Elephants, camels, and mules were used as modes of transport, to carry bulky loads and porters were used to carry smaller, more valuable articles. When the days’ journey came to an end, the tents were pitched in an orderly fashion, as directed by the grand quartermaster. Imperial camps also followed a certain hierarchy of spaces and much consideration was given to the exact symmetry of these camps. On selecting a preferred campsite, the grand quartermaster, marked out a square (250 x 250 m approx.), which was then cleared out and levelled, onto which square platforms were raised, where the royal tents were

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Fig. 8.10  Mughal tent city; Source: Author

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pitched. This square was encompassed with ‘kanate’ (cloth screens), 7 to 8 feet high, secured by cords attached to pegs and supported on sets of two poles each leaning on one another and placed at every 7–​8 m (approx). This enveloped square formed the royal compound that was placed right in the centre of the camp. The entrance was grand and was marked by using beautifully printed kanate. The first and the largest tent that was erected was the ‘Aam-​khas’, or the place where the king and all the nobility held audience to debate affairs of the state. The second and third tents were meant for private audience. Advancing beyond them, were the king’s private tents, enfolded within small, scarlet coloured kanates that were richly painted. Adjoining the kings’ tents were those of the Begums and the Princesses and their principal female attendants. The royal compound was elevated above the rest of the camp to keep off the heat and also to be distinguishable from a distance. At the entrance of the king’s quarters, fixed near the nagar-​khana, was a long slender pole resembling the mast of a ship, called the akas-​diah, which during the night had a lighted lantern suspended from the top. It lighted up the path to the king’s tents and also acted as a beacon for the soldiers to find their way in the campsite. It is fascinating to note that the way the spaces were organized in the royal campsite was almost identical to the way the court functioned at the king’s palace in the capital city. Moving out of the royal compound, the royal gate was flanked on either side by large tents, which sometimes housed horses but was rather intended for the purpose of ceremony and parade. Adjoining these tents were placed 50 to 60 small field pieces of artillery, that fired a salute when the king entered his tent, also alerting the army about the kings’ arrival. A large space at the foreground of the gate was kept free, very much similar to the civic space that existed in front of the royal fort at Shahjahanabad. The incorporation of such a public space in the imperial camp suggests the importance of public spaces in the urban form of a Mughal city. There was a main principal bazaar that was laid out in the form of a wide and spacious street, that ran through the whole extent of the army, accessible to almost everyone and was mostly laid out in the direction of the next days’ encampment. The other royal bazaars were smaller and less spacious and crisscrossed the principal bazaar at some points. All bazaars had markers in the form of huge poles, stuck in the ground at separate intervals, bearing red standards and surmounted with the tails of yaks.

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Summary The formation of cities during the long Mughal rule in India was governed and influenced by many different factors. However, the evidences of form from cities that Mughals established or substantially modified does suggest a particular interest in formations that were either engaging with elements of nature in a particular fashion (framing of view or enjoyment of water) or establishment of new nature in form of gardens and private residences (as subset of gardens). This pursuit of the picturesque landscape also led to formation of the palace in the image of a garden itself, something that becomes obvious in the plan of the palace of Shahjahanabad. The palace was accorded the foremost importance in the city as all the market streets led to the same.

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The significance of the bazaars pointed towards the fact that the imperial camps also acted as important trade centres not only for the camp, but also for the people of the towns and villages lying en route, who would come to sell their local supplies in the markets. The Nobles omrah quarters were very much similar to the royal tents, with a square marked out, enclosed within kanates. Their quarters comprise omrahs’ private tents and those of their wives, with the tents of their respective officers and troopers surrounding the enclosed square. As a mark of respect to the king, the entrance of each and every tent in the camp had to invariably face the royal compound. The kitchens take up around 15 tents, and amidst all these tents are scattered, the tents of other officers and eunuchs. The fringes of the campsite held long tents to shelter the cavalry and other tents which housed an assortment of animals, some of which were employed in hunting and most of which were exotic pets that the king liked to collect. The remaining ground between the king’s tents and those of the nobles was filled with the tents of the junior personnel and civil officers. The smaller tents of the followers of the army and the court were spread out over a large area. The imperial camps, while on the march, also acted as administrative, political, and economic centres from where the king governed over his kingdom with ease.

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Bibliography Ali, M. A. (1978) ‘Towards an Interpretation of the Mughal Empire’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, (1), pp. 38–​49. Athar Ali, M. (1997) The Mughal nobility under Aurangzeb. Delhi [u.a.]: Oxford University Press. Babur and Thackston, W. M. (2002) The Baburnama: memoirs of Babur, prince and emperor. New York: Modern Library. Bernier, F. (no date) Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656–​1668. Blake, S. P. (1979) ‘The Patrimonial-​Bureaucratic Empire of the Mughals’, The Journal of Asian Studies. [Cambridge University Press, Association for Asian Studies], 39(1), pp. 77–​94. doi: 10.2307/​2053505.

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The privileged position enjoyed by the elites (such as extended royal family members and nobles) in the affairs also had its imprint in the city spaces. The excessively large lands parcels were allotted to these elites in and around the palace and also on the riverfront in the suburbs of the city. This practice had a profound impact in the spaces of the city. At one level, such private indulgence by a large section of the elites meant that they were practically disconnected with the affairs of the city and the remaining part of the city grew fairly independently and organically in form of private residential areas and market spaces. They were not part of any great plan and grew organically over a period of times, like most medieval cities in India. The large mansion of the elites that were spread across the city was surrounded by humble temporary dwellings of their servants and workers. The city never really had a unified presence, and as most travellers had noted it often exhibited a temporary feel. The citizens and the life of the city were essentially hostage to the whims and fancy of the royal household. This was the single most reason for the city to feel fragmented and always ‘work in progress’. The Mughal royals and elites introduced the idea of urban and suburban gardens in their cities and used ideas of pavilions and water structure to create mostly private places of leisure. This took the attention away from the city. Many Mughal cities had a temporary or a military camp like sense to it owing to the nature of mobility of the king and the royal household. This did not allow the city to develop an autonomous identity.

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Blake, S. P. (1991) Shahjahanabad: the sovereign city in Mughal India, 1639–​1739. Cambridge u.a.: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge South Asian studies; 49). Blake, S. P. (1996) ‘The “Khanah Bagh” in Mughal India: house gardens in the palaces and mansions of the great men of Shahjahanabad’, Mughal gardens /​edited by James L. Wescoat and Joachim Wolschke-​Bulmahn., pp. 171–​187. Bonine, M. E. (1979) ‘The Morphogenesis of Iranian Cities’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers. [Association of American Geographers, Taylor & Francis, Ltd.], 69(2), pp. 208–​224. Gharipour, M. (2012) The bazaar in the Islamic city: design, culture, and history. Cairo; New York: American University in Cairo Press. Habib, I. (1969) ‘Potentialities of Capitalistic Development in the Economy of Mughal India’, The Journal of Economic History. Cambridge University Press, 29(1), pp. 32–​78. Jayyusi, S. K. et al. (2008) The city in the Islamic world. Brill. Jr, W., Wolschke-​Bulmahn and Metcalf, B. D. (1998) ‘Mughal Gardens: Sources, Places, Representations, and Prospects’, The Journal of Asian studies. Ann Arbor, Mich., etc.: Association for Asian Studies, etc.], 57(2), p. 593. Koch, E. (2002) Mughal architecture: an outline of its history and development (1526–​ 1858). Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press. Koch, E. (2005) ‘Mughal Palace Gardens from Babur to Shah Jahan (1526–​1648)’, Muqarnas. E. J. Brill, 14, pp. 143–​165. Kostof, S. (1993) The city shaped: urban patterns and meanings through history. Bulfinch. Leonard, K. (1979) ‘The “Great Firm” Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire’. Moosvi, S. (1980) ‘Share of the Nobility in the Revenues of Akbar’s Empire 1595–​96’, The Indian Economic & Social History Review. SAGE Publications India, 17(3), pp. 329–​341. doi: 10.1177/​001946468001700304. Naqvi, H. K. (1971) Urbanisation and urban centres under the great Mughals, 1556–​ 1707; an essay in interpretation. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study. REHMAN, A. (2009) ‘Changing concepts of garden design in Lahore from Mughal to contemporary times’, Garden History. The Garden History Society, 37(2), pp. 205–​217. Sinopoli, C. M. (1994) Monumentality and Mobility in Mughal Capitals. University of Hawai’i Press (Honolulu). Tambiah, S. J. (1998) ‘What did Bernier actually say? Profiling the Mughal empire’, Contributions to Indian Sociology. SAGE Publications India, 32(2), pp. 361–​386. doi: 10.1177/​006996679803200210. Wescoat, J. (1992) ‘Gardens vs. Citadels: The Territorial Context of Early Mughal Gardens’, in, pp. 331–​358.

Colonial Cities Introduction Indian sub-​continent, like many other Asian and African nations, were active grounds for European colonization during the Age of Discovery, starting with the Portuguese during the early 15th century and followed by the Dutch, Danish, French, and the British. The colonial powers in India spread their control mainly through trade but often by conquest. By the 18th century, the Mughal rule in India was weakening and the Marathas could only control patches of territories. This period was ideal for the British to extend their control over India as the French and the Portuguese control gradually shrunk to just some of the coastal settlements. The British moved into the ports and then subsequently towards the hinterlands through various treaties and trade agreements and a complex system of direct and indirect rule. By the middle of the 19th century the British were controlling most of the Indian sub-​continent. Cities played an important role in these colonial endeavours and most of them were built from ground up.

British Colonial Cities The British rule in India had a pragmatic hue and was driven by a clear economic ambition. The initial purpose of the rule through the British companies such as East India Company was to attain a monopolistic trading position in the region. Soon with the advent of Industrial Revolution in England, India became an important market and source of raw materials. During the period India became a place for investments for British individuals and promised high rate of returns and was an excellent ground for middle-​class British to find jobs and send high History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0009

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remittances back home. Soon India became an important part of the ambition of the British crown to establish military and political domination across the world. India was the most important colony of the British crown and held immense potential for exploitation in terms of its natural resources, cheap labour, and market for consumption of British goods. The colonial intent of the British was very much focused towards economic domination. They were neither evangelistic in their outlook like the Portuguese (in Goa, Diu, and Daman) nor were concerned with ideas of cultural diffusion like those of the French (in Pondicherry). The British interest was purely mercantile to begin with and hence became political towards its end. Many have argued that the advent of British company control in India did a huge disservice to the process of urbanization in Indian and it led to the stagnation of existing urban centres. By the middle of the 17th century (1639 Madras and 1640 Calcutta) the British were among the last of the European powers to establish base in India. Very soon they began to dominate the maritime trade with India and became the most powerful colonial powers. The policies of the British East India Company were concerned with maximizing their return from their investments in India. By the time Industrial Revolution unleashes a new form of colonial favour in the European colonies (early 19th century), the East India Company in India was well entrenched in the various port settlements (Madras, Calcutta, Bombay, and Surat) in India. The British interest in India was limited to creating a one—​way free trade arrangement that benefited the British manufacturer and combined with their technical superiority in manufacturing and efficient trade practices, it led to a total destruction of the local trade and economic environment in India. The British economic policies were unidimensional in nature and also led to the decline of traditional urban trading centres as the focus was now on the British trade maritime links and their port settlements. The British had little or no interest in the existing structure of cities and believed in creating their own settlement pattern that would suit their aspirations. For example, the first few settlements like Calcutta and Madras were aimed at securing maritime trade, and guarding their factories, warehouses, and functionaries in the form of fortifications. Most often than not they were sites away from any other urban centres and it was only later that the city grew around the fort areas of these settlements.

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The First Phase of Settlements under East India Company (1650 till 1850) Expansion of trade and commerce, access to new market and raw material was the driving force of colonization of Africa and Asia by the European powers. The British very much like the Dutch and the French set up factories at conducive coastal location. These factories were essentially offices to handle the trade of the company and had to be fortified keeping the volatile nature of the regions in mind. Fort St. George in Madras, Fort Williams in Calcutta, and Fort in Bombay are examples of such fortification. As the East India Company gained more political powers, it led to rise in its trade activities with the hinterlands and through sea and it was only natural for activities to spill outside the fortified factories. Warehouses, insurance offices, trade agents, banking institutions, transport depots, and other activities related to the trade started appearing just outside the fort but closer to the sea. In the meanwhile, the Indian population started to also grow adjacent to the fort and close to the commercial area near the sea. The first phase of urbanization under the British rule seems to be largely driven by practical concerns of safety, security, and access. Examining the stage-​wise plans of Madras and Calcutta, it does become obvious that British did not have any grand plan or a formal idea while planning the cities during the early phase (mid-​18th to 19th century). The British officers and families tended to be together. But apart from the British it was also the place that attracted other Europeans, Christians, and Indian elites and their families (Mitter, 1986, 102). This laid the foundation to the cosmopolitan culture that became the hallmark of cities such as Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta.

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Even during the middle phases of expansion in the hinterlands, most British settlements were established keeping in mind the needs of the trade and political control. Often British settlements came adjacent to existing medieval cities and not within them. The British never really paid attention to the old medieval cities as they were considered too dangerous and unhygienic for them to handle. The British policy of urbanization believed in building the settlement from scratch.

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Fortification If one were to closely examine the formation of building inside these fortifications, one notices a practical concern of location and proximity guiding most spatial decisions. However, there was a lot of elaboration when it came to the nature of fortification. Traveller’s account during the period makes for an interesting insight into the design strategy used by the British to build their fortification. One argument was that British Fort built were keeping in mind the threat perception from the ground rather than along the sea. Their strategy being to flee towards the sea through the ships in case of major attack from local rulers from the land. No wonder the company invested in creating a major trench (Maratha trench) in Calcutta, to ward off land-​based attacks. The British company were essentially trading firms and their idea of fortification was limited to achieving defensive objectives to guard their assets and they felt no need to create any serious symbolism at the level of the settlement inside. What we do find in Fort Williams in Calcutta is however a geometrical division of space within the compound. In Fort George in Madras the buildings inside (governors house, army barracks, treasurer, armoury, administrative offices, and church) were spaced out from each other and were built in phases, with enough open spaces all around. There does not seem to be any demarcation of precincts or zones for different activities rather they are building placed in empty spaces, at a good distance from each other (see comparative diagrams of the first British forts in Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay: Figs 9.1, 9.2, and 9.3). The Parade ground is placed in the centre of the fort besides the house of the Governors and the Army barracks. In case of Bombay we find a substantial compact castle and a large fortification forming a complete city that is different in scale from the one in Madras and Calcutta.

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The British officers responsible for the construction of city building did not enjoy any financial autonomy and were not informed by any great town planning traditions unlike the French. In fact, the British officers were often hauled by their superiors for what was perceived to be extravagant expenditure on building activities. The first phase of British urbanization was marked by practical moves, yet there were some common features of early British colonial settlement worth mentioning.

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Water Bodies Fortification Esplanade Roads Civic Institutions Public Institutions

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Fig. 9.1  Map of Madras; Source: Author 1. Fort wall 2. Black Town 3. Garden by Thomas Pitt 4. Royal farmlands 5. Gardens on either side of the canal

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Fig. 9.2  Map of Calcutta; Source: Author 1. Fort William 2. Esplanade 3. Race course 4. Dalhousie Square

Water Bodies Fortification Esplanade Roads Civic Institutions

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Fig. 9.3  Map of Bombay; Source: Author 1. Mumbai Fort with Esplanade around 2. Race Course 3. Club 4. White Town 5. Black Town

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Segregation British rule in India is associated with the binaries between the lives of the Indians and British. Whereas it’s very clear that the social structure and lives of the colonizers and the colonized were very different, its impact on cities during the first phase of British settlements is not that stark. Whereas the Indians tended to live in quarters that were distinct from the British, there was no planned efforts to keep the two zones absolutely separated from each other. The idea of segregation as related to health and hygiene (esp. in terms of adoption of the bungalow typology) is seen at a much later phase. Open Spaces and Garden Houses The other common feature of the company fortification in these cities was the use of open space and garden outside the fort area ((Firm) & Eastwick, 1859, 273). The company governors were great patrons of gardens and interested in horticulture. Lot of energy was spent in creating these long avenue kinds of English gardens just outside the fortifications. The Gardens worked as recreational spaces and retreats for the company officers and family. The garden provided for excellent social spaces for the British and also became spaces to entertain and receive guests, carry out official meetings and host dinners and events. The garden was the first non-​defensive space of a substantial scale to emerge in these settlements. The nurturing of Garden however was consistent with the idea of keeping an open space commonly referred to as an esplanade, outside the fortification for the purpose of defence. The presence of esplanade was another common feature in Bombay and Calcutta. Esplanade is a large levelled open ground outside the main settlement (in this case the forts), usually close to the sea or river (see Fig 9.6). The open space around the fortified area served a dual purpose of defence and also helped create an impressive setting for the fortification. It also doubled up as a garden. The

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Apart from the pragmatic organization of space within the fortification, another common feature of the early British settlement was the presence of trade-​related buildings close to the coastline. Madras shows a distinct precinct of such buildings such as warehouses, banks, insurance offices, administrative, etc.; associated with maritime trade that was linearly placed along the coastline (see Figs 9.2, 9.4, and 9.5).

Fig. 9.5  The Bank of Madras, currently housing the city office of State Bank of India; Source: Author

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Fig. 9.4  The administrative buildings inside the Fort, Chennai; Source: Author

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Photograph: No. 2, the London Printing and Publishing Company, Ltd. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Cal​cutt​aesp​lana​de_​1​850.jpg

esplanade in Calcutta and Bombay subsequently transformed as the most important place for public institutions and spaces.

Second Phase of Urbanization (1850s till 1930s) The second phase of urbanization from the middle of the 19th century is of prime importance for urban historians. First and foremost, this period marks the transfer of power from East India Company to the British government and hence India comes under the direct rule of the British empire. Secondly this is the time of major expansion of British rule in India marked by move to the hinterlands, establishment of new trading and industrial towns facilitated by transport network of railways, roads, and postal services. This phase saw exponential expansion of existing port towns of Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras, while the Fort formed the

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Fig. 9.6  View of Calcutta from the Esplanade; 1850;

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Port Cities The three colonial port cities of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta grew at a very rapid pace during the 19th century. The first and foremost impact of such a rapid rate of growth was felt in the overall organization of the towns. The most important landmark would have been the establishment of industries and coming of railways. Railways came to Bombay in 1853, to Calcutta in 1854, and to Madras in 1856. This period marks steep growth in trade and commerce activities undertaken by the British. As a result of Industrial Revolution in England, the demands for raw material from India had skyrocketed. This included Indigo, salt, cotton, opium, and oilseeds. Railways became the main transport channel to move these massive amounts of raw material from the hinterlands to these three port cities to be shipped to the ever-​hungry industries in Britain. The Indian sub-​continent also provided a substantial market for finished industrial good such as steel, fabric, yarn, dyes, inks, and chemicals. The three cities of Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras were not only seats of administrative power but were also centres of trade and important cultural and social centres for the British. As the British became more

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nuclei of many new areas such as the army (Cantonment), civilians (Civil Lines), markets (The Mall), recreational areas (Gymkhana, Polo ground), and religious institutions (Church, Hospital run by Church) were added. It would be of interest to us to understand if the process of city planning and its management undergo any major change with the transfer of power from the East India Company to the British empire. Does the technical expertise of city planning and management back home in the Industrial town of Manchester and London come in handy when their Indian colonial cities begun to expand? Or do the urban planning efforts in India remain pragmatic and ad hoc as we have seen so far? The first 100 years of British rule in India through the East India Company seem to suggest that urban planning was not an area of priority and settlements were expanded based on pressing urgent needs and not with a view to any future planning. Moreover, the East India Company leadership does not seem to have access to any great expertise in town planning unlike the French colonies, where the centralized authority structure governing the cities ensured a quick transfer of urban planning practices in their colonies in India, Algiers, Madagascar, etc.

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Fig. 9.7  Elphinstone Circle, Bombay; 1850–​1870; Photograph: Francis Firth Description: Whole plate albumen print from wet collodion glass negative. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Elp​hins​tone​_​Cir​cle,_​Bomb​ay_​(1)_​by_​Fr​anci​ s_​Fr​ith.jpg

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secured and powerful in the sub-​continent, the population of British officers and their families increased in these three cities at a rapid rate. Soon these colonial port towns became the staging ground for urban and architectural initiatives in and around the earlier fortification which by now were busting in the seams and had lost its original purpose of defence. The rapid urban expansion and its related building activities were very much the result of expanding British presence in the Indian subcontinents and their needs for seating up administrative and trading facilities in these cities. Many of the structures they built from now cannot be viewed as being utilitarian pragmatic ventures, but rather carried with them a lot of symbolic capital, in terms of their design and urban positioning. The symbolic expression through urban spaces such as Gardens, promenades, and squares apart from the architecture itself was of immense importance to British who were a handful in number (1,25,945 in 1861) and were ruling a country 3.7 times the size of England (see Figs 9.7 and 9.8). The other prominent feature of these cities was the substantial number of buildings that were meant for the cultural life of the British officers

Colonial Cities  221

Photograph: Myers Brothers Original: Scanned from the book ‘The Last Empire: Photography in British India, 1855–​1911’. Texts by Clark Worswick and Ainslie Embree; preface by The Earl Mountbatten of Burma. Published by Aperture Books, 1976. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Gatew​ay_​o​f_​In​dia,_​Bom​bay._​1911.JPG

and their families. These buildings in form of gymkhanas polo grounds, churches, mall roads, theatres, library to name a few became the standard equipment of all the British colonial cities in India (see Fig 9.9). Colleges and University building were another opportunity to create an urban spectacle that furthered the colonial intent from perspective of creating symbols of a progressive and superior state (see Figs 9.10 and 9.11). Esplanade and Gardens in the Suburbs The presence of large flattened ground around the fortification was a consistent feature in all the three cities. This space referred to as the esplanade was for primarily defensive purpose, but as the space of the fortification was not adequate to take in the new function and growing population, this open ground became the first space to be occupied by new activities.

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Fig. 9.8  Gateway of India; 1924;

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Photograph: Francis Firth Original description: 4264, Bombay. General Post Office. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Gene​ral_​Post​_​Off​i ce,_​Bomb​ay_​b​y_​Fr​anci​s_​ Fr​ith.jpg

Many large gardens of the company eras that were in this zone now became the perfect setting for new cultural buildings like the church, gymkhanas, and polo grounds. These activities required large open grounds and were not far off from the security of the forts. Was there any pattern to these buildings or were they simply put at the most convenient open ground available on a major thoroughfare? Looking at the diagrams of the three cities it seems to have been largely concerned with ideas of proximity to the fortification and availability of enough open land to surround the buildings. In case of Madras suburban Church building became an instrument of marking out new territories by succeeding generals and officers, as the area around the church often had the British bungalows with Gardens. The Administrative Precinct The key administrative buildings such as banks, customs house, insurance agent’s offices and such were about always located close to the port and the fort. These buildings were some of the oldest structures,

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Fig. 9.9  General Post Office; 1850–​1870;

Fig. 9.11  University Senate Hall, Chennai; Source: Author

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Fig. 9.10  Presidency College, Chennai; Source: Author

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Railways in the City Like in most port and industrial cities across the world, the coming of railway line and its allied infrastructure had a permanent impact on the structure and spaces in the city centre and surroundings. The railway was

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as legacy from the company period. In case of Madras these structures are purposely aligned opening up to the sea in linear fashion forming a strong axis along the sea line, and with a deliberate attempt to create a special façade towards the seaside while forming a public edge between the building and the coastline. In Calcutta, they lined up along the river Hoogly. However, after the mid-​ 19th century other administrative areas opened that were inland and often closer to the railway stations, such as Allahabad, Agra, Kanpur, Rawalpindi, Meerut, and several other Garrison towns. Post-​ 1880s the British underwent a massive administrative reform, with the purpose of total control of Indian sub-​continent. The upgradation of the three cities namely Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay was an important aspect of this plan. Calcutta was declared the capital of the colonial India in 1772. Bombay served as the de facto economic capital of the country and was also major centre for administration for the western India. Madras was amongst the oldest colonial settlement and a very important port for trade with South East Asia and an important administrative centre for southern India. The administrative nature of the cities coupled with the British ambition in the Indian sub-​continent during the post-​1860s meant that massive investment was made in urban infrastructure and building projects to create facilities for functioning of the British regime (Kumar & Desai, 1983, 553). The population in port cities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras nearly quadrupled between 1872 and 1931. They also needed a new kind of symbolism that was consistent to the larger justification of the British rule in India; that they represent a far superior race, technologically advance, efficient, and modern in its outlook, much in contrast to India that is poor, superstitious, illiterate, and caught up in the past. These sets of building and urban planning initiatives done during this phase show a sense of purpose in at least creating a distinct administrative precinct.

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The Civil Lines and the Mall Presence of large population of British elites along with their families in these cities presented a new problem to the rulers. The old housing infrastructure in and around the fortification was not designed to take in large population and the growing power of British rule in India and also demanded a solution that was worthy of their strength in the country. Coupled with the problem of numbers, the idea of health and hygiene seems to have become an obsession with the British engineers

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often brought right into the heart of an existing city centre or right up to the port to facilitate easy transportation of goods. The railway lines divided the city into two segments and permanently splintered the well-​formed urban fabric. The railway station along with yards soon had a major presence in the city. Railways in most Indian cities would have the largest amount of land ownership and the city grew around such large parcels of land. The land allocation patterns for the Railways were done in the most haphazard manner and often with little regard to any kind of spatial planning keeping the city in mind. The ease and efficiency of the railway operation was the most important criteria. Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Baroda, Hyderabad, Mysore, and Delhi had major railway stations by the end of the 20th century. The Railway station itself carried lot of importance, as it was symbolic of the newfound industrial zeal of the colonizers and showcased their technological advancement and sophistication in operating this vast network of lines, which like tentacles spread all across the Indian sub-​continent. But apart from goods, railways also served a major need for moving people from one place to another. Railways became a kind of lifeline between key cities of India. The cities that were part of the network of railways were able to leverage the advantages that came with movement of goods, people, and technologies while other cities started to decay. The railway station also became a new kind of public place in the country. A secular space that collected people from different ethnic, caste, and religious background into one large place. Railways allowed rapid movement of people from far-​flung corners of the country to sites of industrial production that were usually in some of the major cities of India.

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and planners in India as well. Back home in England, industrial cities were reeling under the onslaught of urban epidemics such as plague and cholera that would often wipe out large population in no time. The British in India suffered other kind of problems such as malaria and diarrhoea, that were essentially tropical in nature and perhaps they had low immunity to such diseases. However, the superior racial attitude of the British also meant that they saw Indians and their congested medieval cities as being dirty and harbinger of disease and death. But since their immediate concern was not so much the state of Indian cities but rather their own comfort and health, they developed an attitude of neglect towards the historic and recent settlement of the Indian population. Medieval cities were best left to their own devices and it was far convenient for the British administrators to plan their own residential areas close to the fort in the form of civil lines. These residential districts represented a kind of systematic approach in terms of land division, its auction, building regulation control, and its management. Civil line area represented such planned initiatives. They were meant as residential areas for British officers (mainly Indian civil servants). But over the years, other including Indian elites also started buying these properties. Whereas the foundational purpose of civil lines was for housing British officers and their families, however over time Indian elites also brought these properties for their use. Rather than create strong boundary walls or gates the British shielded themselves from the public space by keeping their bungalow in the centre of a large parcel of land. Two kinds of markets spaces developed due to the British interest in creating the civil lines and the administrative precincts. One was the Mall, which was quite often a designed market street and the second was a Sadar Bazaar, a more loosely organized marketplace. The Mall was designed and positioned as a market for the British with a kind of shopping and space experience that mimics the one back home in England; restaurants, hotels, theatre, post office, opera, book shops and such became the part of the Mall which was often a road with arcaded shops on both sides. Often the Mall was not very far off from the Church or the Gymkhanas and provided a pleasant walking experience between the culturally important buildings of regular use for the British.

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The Gymkhanas, Cricket, and Polo Grounds The British had made India their home. Typically, a British officer serving in the country would spend at least two decades here. The British by the second half of the 19th century felt extremely comfortable in the country and started investing a lot of energies in creating a fairly elaborate infrastructure of recreational spaces in the cities. The introduction of Gymkhanas, Polo clubs, and cricket clubs was another of those innovations that borrows something from England, but finds a new form in the India context. British had the luxury of space here in India and they had the vast periphery of their settlement to be explored and developed as spaces of recreation. Municipal Reforms Municipal services were established during the company period, in the three cities of Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay through the Section 158 of the charter act in 1793 (The imperial gazetteer of India 4 4, 1972, 285). The Municipal administration was mandated to look at streets, houses, and lands survey and upkeep. By 1850 the Municipal Act was implemented all across the British India and by 1870 the Municipal administration was given more autonomy in matters of raising their own finances through direct taxation. But till about the 1880s the Municipal administration in most cities of India existed in fairly rudimentary and haphazard fashion. Not much attempt was made to deal with the existing medieval towns that were mainly used by Indians and often health and hygiene issues were picked up by the municipal authority to justify large scale demolition and relocation in many cities after the mutiny of 1857. Looking at examples of Lucknow, tax collection and sanitation became the instruments through which local population that was opposed to the British rule were kept under control (Oldenburg, 2016). Also, road widening projects were undertaken in major medieval cities of India more for the purpose of

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The shops were mostly run by enterprising Indian merchants and some of them are active even today. The creation and administration of the Mall meant that new bye-​laws had to be introduced for the Mall street that specifies the needs and physical aspects of the arcade in from of the shops with offices of houses above.

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ensuring quick troop movement from the cantonment barracks to the civil lines in event of another mutiny like conditions. Back in England, the Industrial Revolution had an everlasting impact on existing cities and towns. A massive rise in industrial labour population chaotic urban conditions. Outbreak of urban epidemics and poor condition of the urban poor meant a lot of attention was soon directed towards improving the rudimentary and municipal services in British towns. The Municipal corporation reform of 1835 and Public welfare act of 1837 were important landmark institutional reforms. In England that set the ball rolling for the modernization of municipal services in terms of collection of taxes, building of sewerage and water supply system public transportation, and housing. These reforms also had its reverberations in India. By 1882 the resolution of Local Self Government was passed in India, which led to the modernization of Municipal services, which till then had existed as a less organized entity. Amongst the major mandate of the resolution were to have participation of locals in the matter of civic affairs. This was a significant step as the resolution insisted on elected members of the municipal administration should not be from the government. Hence it paved the way to participation of the elites of the city in matters of civic affairs and led to an indirect control of the state government on civic matters. Initially the focus of most urban reforms like in other parts of the world was health and hygiene as epidemic outbreaks in Indian cities like the Plague between 1896 and 1900 in Bombay, that led to renewed efforts to legislate building bye-​laws, road widths and led to adoption of modern system for disposing waste and supplying water. The moment water supply was possible to each household also meant that cities could expand in any direction irrespective of topographical or groundwater conditions. This was in any case a phenomenon common to all cities across the world where piped water supply systems were introduced from a centralized source. The growing population in just few cities of India due to employment opportunities brought about by industrializations meant that the rural countryside descended on the bot the older and newer parts of the city. Infrastructure technologies such as water supply and sewerage systems supported expansion of cities beyond the old city, and by the turn of centuries major cities such as Lucknow, Patna, Delhi, Agra, Allahabad, Bangalore, Amritsar, Kanpur were expanding way beyond their original core.

Colonial Cities  229

Hill Stations The British colonial settlements in the Himalayas and other parts of India make for a fine study of innovation in the way landscape was used to form new spaces. The British made a radical departure in the way they organized their settlements with respect to their relationship

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Industrial Cities Apart from splintering and eventual transformation of existing port towns, railways also reached deep in the hinterlands and as expected began to transform the spatial geography of these regions. The earlier relationship of places of agriculture produce, market towns, and cities was now being changed due to new railway network. This led to springing of settlements in and around the railway line, for the excellent opportunities it offered in terms of connection to centres of commerce. The British also managed to give major impetus to their existing centres of administration like the Garrison town of Kanpur in the Northern India, which was witness to a major uprising during the mutiny of 1857 and was of strategic importance for the British military in controlling the Gangetic plains. Kanpur which was major military and commercial hub started to get a new life. That advent of railways to Kanpur meant that it could function as an excellent hub to collect raw material from the norther Indian plains and finished goods could be dispatched to markets in all major cities of India and to the ports of Calcutta and Bombay in a very short period of time. The railways connected Kanpur with Allahabad in the decade of 1860s and soon the Elgin Cotton Spinning and Weaving mills was established in 1864 and in 1876 the Kanpur Woollen Factory (later known as Lal Imli) was established. They were amongst the first large scale mechanized cotton and woollen mills in the country. Kanpur was set on a major path of industrialization after this period and continues to be an important one till date. Kanpur at one point was producing 3200 looms of cotton. In terms of size and scale these industrial cities were comparable to the ones in England and other part of Europe. Likewise, many cities in India such as Delhi, Mysore, Ahmedabad, and Nagpur were direct beneficiaries of the railways and showed unprecedented growth after the coming of railways. Not only industrial towns but also previous mandi or market towns began to transform into major commercial hubs such as Surat, Delhi, Ajmer, and Benares.

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Attitude to Landscape The streets almost always followed the ridge with slopes on either side. The ridge was used for circulation and often the prominent hills on either side of the ridge carried important constructs. Key government or social institutions were prominently positioned on the higher grounds with the ridge for movement.

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with the landscape. The Himalayas was the crown of the British India, with its mystical allure and endless ranges just waiting to be conquered. Mapping of the Himalayas was the first step in the direction to obtain a level of control over the space. The Surveyor General of India, Colonel George Everest took immense pride in the Great Trigonometric Survey (1830–​1843) which was undertaken in the early 19th century and continued for many decades, with the purpose of mapping the Indian subcontinent. Apart from its symbolic importance, the Himalayas made practical sense for the British in India. It provided the perfect respite from the warm plains and humid coastal towns of the Indian subcontinent. By the middle of 19th century they had started setting up hill stations for military and administrative purposes; the summer capital of Shimla and other administrative centres such as Dalhousie and Lansdowne to name a few. These hills stations provided a home away from home for the British and were ideal for establishing facilities away from the volatile politics of the plains; like boarding schools, army training academies, and cantonments for reserve forces. The climate and landscape of the Himalayas provided the closest association to the English conditions and hence they soon became an important social place for the British officers and their families. The idea of the hill station took strong roots in India soon enough in the Himalayas and the hills of South India. The hill station was considered as a social place, a culture-​specific environment whose social and physical form both resulted from and contributed to the maintenance of the social structure and behaviours of the British community in India (King, 1976). Shimla resembled a small town in England with its church, open spaces, mall road, and other institutions (see Figs 9.12 and 9.13). The British hill stations in India were often marked by certain similarities in their spatial pattern.

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Here the idea of a settlement is completely detached from the economic basis of either agriculture or trade and hence has a distant relationship with the landscape. There is however a new relationship with the landscape; one that controls the nature to establish a larger space which is symbolic of control in the region. The occupation of the ridge as an axis of circulation and the hilltop for important institutions conveyed a strong message of the surety and authority of the British Empire. The idea of vistas and axes is deployed to achieve a clear and legible attitude to the built forms with the landscape. Shimla: The Summer Capital of India The decision to have the summer capital of British India at Shimla was one made on the grounds of health and well-​being of the ruling class. It was also decided then to build a residence for the viceroy as the hired makeshift accommodation was a ‘breeding ground’ for illness and was very unhygienic. The climate of the Himalayas and the sense of hygiene associated with the clean air of the mountains were a big attraction to the

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Fig. 9.12  Colonial Hill station, Shimla; Source: Author

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Photograph: Cassel and Co. Original: The Queen’s Empire. Volume 3. Cassell & Co. London Original Description: SIMLA. Simla, the summer capital of India, is the scene of much of the tragedy and the comedy of Indian life. Here in the hot weather comes the Viceroy, with the heads of the great departments, who on this cool hillside transact the daily business of the Indian Empire. Here wars are planned, peace is made, famines fought. Hither also comes the Vice-​regal Court with its life, its gaiety, its intrigues, and its scandals. Here those who are well and have leisure may enjoy themselves, while those whose health is shattered by the fierce heat of the plains may find new life in the mountain breezes that blow over the rhododendron woods, and sweep down cool and refreshing from the snowy peals of the Himalayas. Simla itself is 7,084 feet above the sea, and is nearly 1000 miles from Calcutta. Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Simla_​QE3_​136.jpg

British. It was also referred to as the ‘English Convalescent Station’ and had military sanatoriums around, such as Sault, Sabathu, and Sanawar. However, the luxurious summer capital of Shimla was soon being seen as disconnected with the politics of the land, which revolved around the plains below, and many questions were raised regarding the same in the British Parliament during the early 20th century. The entire layout of the city was carefully determined by topographical conditions and developed on the top of a ridge running in the east-​ west direction (see Fig 9.14). The main area was the pedestrian mall atop the highest contour. This was where the main offices, shops, churches,

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Fig. 9.13  Shimla; 1897–​1899;

1. Vice-​regal Lodge 2. Cecil Hotel 3. Kennedy house 4. Garden Castle 5. Army command 6. District courts 7. State Library 8. Townhall 9. Rothney Castle

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Fig. 9.14  Map of Shimla; Source: Author

234  History of Urban Form of India

Fig. 9.15  The Christ Church at end of the ridge at Shimla in 1880's; Source: By Bjørn Christian Tørrissen [CC-​BY-​SA-​3.0 (http://​crea​tive​comm​ ons.org/​licen​ses/​by-​sa/​3.0) or GFDL (http://​www.gnu.org/​copyl​eft/​fdl.html)], via Wikimedia Commons

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theatres, and clubs were built (see Figs 9.15 and 9.16). By the mid-​19th century the British were increasingly establishing settlements in the Himalayas. Most of these were established on virgin land and embodied ideas of planning and design which were a radical departure from the local practices. The practice of agriculture and the movement of water influenced most of the traditional settlements in the Himalayas. The landscape profile was the strongest influence on British planning. The slope of the land, the conditions of the ridge, and the views afforded by a particular landscape became important criteria for the design. The period from the 1900s marks the time of almost complete control for the British empire in India. The British raj was now firmly established in India and British tend to demonstrate a confidence in the future like never before. The turn of the century also marks a competitive period for European history. The main old power centres of Austria, Prussia, France, and England are engaged in a bitter struggle of power. England is a huge player in this great game of global domination. It has a presence in Egypt, Gulf, Afghanistan, India, Burma, Philippines right till the Australia and

Colonial Cities  235

New Zealand. India became an important territory for the British not only to exploit for commercial gains but also to showcase to the world, as its prized possession. India was a major source of revenue, manpower, and troops for the British for quite some time, but now in lieu of the global ambitions of the British empires, their cities and its Architecture carried more symbolic significance. The design of New Delhi needs to be seen in this context of the British global ambitions as much as an effort to consolidate its presence in the Indian sub-​continent.

The Colonial Intents and Urban Form French Colonial Cities Parts of India have been colonized by the Dutch, French, Portuguese, and the English at different points in time. Colonial settlements in India make

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Fig. 9.16  The ridge road in Shimla in 1870's; Source: By Bjørn Christian Tørrissen [CC-​BY-​SA-​3.0 (http://​crea​tive​comm​ ons.org/​licen​ses/​by-​sa/​3.0) or GFDL (http://​www.gnu.org/​copyl​eft/​fdl.html)], via Wikimedia Commons

236  History of Urban Form of India

Pondicherry Pondicherry is located in the southern tip of the Indian sub-​continent in the eastern coast and is a fine example of French colonial urban development. The French much like other European powers were very interested in dominating the trade with India. In 1604, under the charter of the French king Henry IV the French East India Company was established, with purpose to expand trade in India. Between this period and till about the middle of the 17th century, various merchant expedition was launched in order to wrest control of maritime routes and land territories in India. It was only in 1673, that the French officer Bellanger de la Espinary took up residency at the Danish Lodge at Pondicherry, which was then a small fishing village. From the very next year onwards the French led by the first governor François Martin started transforming Pondicherry from a sleepy fishing village, to a flourish port town. By 1693 the Dutch took control over the settlement of Pondicherry and did some substantial fortification but French wrested the control over it by 1699 through the treaty of Ryswick based on a grid iron plan (see Fig 9.17). Beginning of the 18th century saw massive urban development in Pondicherry and by the 1750s Pondicherry was flouring trading town

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for an interesting study on questions of the intentions of the colonizers and its reflection in the urban form. Portuguese French and British engaged in major city building activities in the Indian sub-​continent. Does the urban form of the settlement of these colonials powered radically differ from each other or is it more or less on similar lines? While the central feature of all the colonizers has been economic exploitation, yet each of these European powers represented a different sensibility while achieving their primary economic missions. The French colonization was much concerned with ideas of assimilation. Like in Northern Africa the rhetorical claim of the French was to create a global unified community of 100 million Parisians French citizens. In reality, it was a means to justify colonial ambitions. However, this high ideological mooring was the legacy of the French revolution and it did influence the manner of the formation of cities. The plan of Pondicherry is one case in point.

Colonial Cities  237

Map: Jacob Verbergmoes Source: Nationaal Archief via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:AMH-​4563-​NA_​Map_​of_​the_​fort​_​and​_​cit​y_​ of​_P ​ oe​dech​ery.jpg

and had an impressive grid layout. Constant wars with Britain meant that Pondicherry changed hands between these two colonial powers till about the early 19th century. After the peace treaty in 1765, Pondicherry was finally returned to the French and the governor Jean Law de Lauriston set about rebuilding the town. Within no time the French and Tamil quarters were built with a canal running between them. Urban Form The most striking feature of the urban form of Pondicherry is its legible structure made possible by a road placed in gridiron manner with a clearly demarcated external boundary, uniform division of residential and institutional parcels of land and clearly defined areas of public and institutional usage. But this was not always the case, and the city went through various stages of urban development (see Figs 9.18 and 9.19). By mid-​18th century the overall land use pattern and gridiron distribution

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Fig. 9.17  2nd Dutch plan of Pondicherry; 1694;

238  History of Urban Form of India

Photograph: Unknown Original description: Pondicherry, in two albumen prints from the 1880s Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Pond​iche​rry,_​in_​two_​a​lbum​en_​p​rint​s_​fr​om_​ t​he_​1​880.jpg

of the road were established, and yet the central part was marked by the first fortified structure (St Louis) with the Uppal river estuaries to its south. The city had a moat in form of a waterway system then but still did not have the clearly aligned canal which only appears in 1674 as a way to demarcate the two parts of the city. The Fort Louis which soon went into disrepair due to constant change of ownership between the British and French rulers was totally brought down in 1779 and in its place a large garden was planned with the important institution of administrators around it. The road that runs parallel to the coast (The East Boulevard) becomes the most important road linking all the important institutions together with the Garden (Place du Government) in the centre unifying the central precinct of the city. The central spine extends North-​South in

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Fig. 9.18  Pondicherry, Albumen Print 1; 1880;

Colonial Cities  239

Photograph: Bourne and Shepard Studio, Calcutta Original: Alkzaki Collection of Photography Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Pond​iche​rry_​wate​rfro​nt_​1​900.jpg

the shorter direction with other cultural institutions and market structure clustered around it. The most prominent being the Church of Notre Dame du Anges that occupies a prominent central position in the city. Pondicherry is located in linear manner with its long side facing the sea. As was the norm in most port towns that were dependent to maritime trade and navigation through the seas, important institutions such as Customs house, Port Office Building (now Le Café), Place Duplex, French Soldier War memorial, etc. were located along this long length facing the Bay of Bengal. The Canal which must have been local river works to drain the water from inland to the sea was result of much modification of its waterways. From being a natural drain towards the southern part it was made to run parallel to the coast as a divider between the Tamil and the French quarters (see Fig 9.20). The land division in these two quarters is most telling, obviously, the French side has large plot size as compared to the Tamil quarters. The residential typology in the French side is one of courtyard-​based mansion whereas the ones in the Tamil side

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Fig. 9.19  Pondicherry Waterfront; 1900;

240  History of Urban Form of India

3

2

- Fortification - Esplanade - Roads - Institutions

0

100

200m

Fig. 9.20  Map of Pondicherry—​1741; Source: Author 1. Fort 2. Canal 5. Church

has parallel wall system that is common in other parts of Southern India. But what makes Pondicherry distinct from British or Portuguese colonies in India is the use of gridiron and formal geometry in organizing all the parts of the city, both of the colonizers and the colonized. Not only are all the parts organized using a similar spatial language but care is also taken to have institutional building for all the citizens, like demarcated area for

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1

Colonial Cities  241

Fig. 9.21  A temple in a planned grid, Pondicherry; Source: Author

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church, mosque temple, garden, etc. Even though the Tamil and French quarters are separated by a canal, yet they are all unified though a similar urban design treatment, in terms of road design, distribution of institutional and public space. The planning of Pondicherry shows a clear determination in creating a unified culture. This is consistent with the French idea of seeing their colonies not only as spaces for profiteering but also as a cultural space that embodies the very French ideals as seen in the mainland. Pondicherry is a unique example in India, that created a distinct culture of its own by integrating the Tamil in the French folds. The Urban form is a reflection of the unity and integration (see Fig 9.21). The French have known to apply modern urban planning and design in many of their colonies as well. Algiers is a good case in point to understand the attitude of French colonizers towards urban planning and design. Despite the exponential growth of the native organic town of Algiers and undulating terrain, the French planners impose an orderly geometry to organize various different land uses including institutional and public amenities. The other consistent attitude on finds in this and also in Pondicherry is a creation

242  History of Urban Form of India

Portuguese Colonial Cities Portuguese were amongst the earliest colonizers in India, as their first few explorers made their way into India in 1498 AD. Early records suggest that Portuguese travellers were roaming the Indian countryside from the 14th to 15th century (Rao, 1963, 23). Portuguese like other European powers during the 16th century were interested in expanding their territories in the form of colonization of the ‘other world’. Portuguese under the leadership of Vasco da Gama had set their eyes in South America, Japan, and India. Portuguese were early movers in the game of colonization, as by the 15th century they had established colonies in Salvador (Brazil), Nagasaki (Japan), and Goa (India). Lisbon, the capital of Portugal, was a flourishing partially planned city in the 16th century. By the turn of the 17th century the Portuguese cities of Lisbon, Malacca, Salvador, Goa were fairly well organized, thriving commercial centres and were also equally well managed. In fact, the establishment of professional municipal services was the hallmark of many Portuguese cities during this period. This legacy of planning and professionally administering cities came in very handy while

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of a geometrical centre as the heart of the town towards the coastline. Most of the time, distractive and cultural institutions were organized in the centre through on the axis of the main boulevard leading to the seafront road towards the coast. In the case of Madagascar, a colony controlled by the French from 1896 till about 1960s, we find a similar aesthetical approach towards town planning. Apart from realizing a vision of colonies resembling the cities in France, the other obsession was that of segregation. However, unlike the British colonial towns that often-​cited concerns of health and hygiene as the reason for segregation, the French used quite subtle rules and regulations in cities of West Africa (such as Dakar, Bamako, Niamay, etc.) to carry out segregation of the French with the native population. Insistence on durable material for buildings in certain zones, apart from prerequisite of French language for the residents (for purpose of adhering to building bye-​laws), effectively ensured that only French could occupy these areas leading to effective segregation (Njoh, 2016).

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establishing many cities in distinct continents of the world. In fact, the Portuguese colonial cities are sophisticated examples of a model where local authorities (of municipal bodies, generals, etc.) have their share of authority while acknowledging the higher and of the Royalty (Lisbon). This delicate balance of power manifests itself in annual parades and carnivals that were organized by the municipal authority to commemorate important historical royal events of the past, like the owes in Rio, Salvador, Lisbon, and Goa. The other remarkable feature of Portuguese cities was the position and role of the church. The catholic conservative tradition privileged the role of the church in the society. This importance was also manifested in the prominent position of the main church along with the plaza that became the cultural heart of the city. However, this was not very distinct to Portugal and was a common feature in many other European cities as well. The Church square and the market square were the two most important public places that formed the two important nuclei of many mediaeval European cities. The presence of the institution of the catholic church in the Portuguese colonies of India led to a much more complex and sophisticated social structure in which was very unlike the clear binaries of the British and the natives in their colonies. In places like Goa, local and original Portuguese populations were welded together by Catholic traditions and practices (including Parades and festivals) and hence the Church also formed the centrepiece of the urban formation. This seems to hold true for the three Portuguese settlements of Goa, Diu and Daman, on the western coast of India. Urban form apart from it playing a major role in stitching diverse ethnic communities. The presence of a distinct urban administration model apart from proactive role of the church were the two major factors that led to a unique urban formation in Goa. The Portuguese spread their influence in different coastal settlements of the western part of the Indian subcontinent. The Portuguese were the first Europeans to discover the sea route and to make their presence in the Indian subcontinent. Vasco da Gama landed in Calicut in 1498 AD. The local ruler Zamorin gave him privileges and permissions to initiate trade with Portugal. In 1502 he set up a factory in Cannanore, Kerala. Calicut, Cochin, and Cannanore emerged as trade centres due to major trade links to Portugal. The local king was defeated by the Portuguese and the military superiority was established.

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Panaji Panaji was declared the capital city of Goa region in 1843 through a royal decree and is a good example of planned urban development by Portuguese rulers in India. The first plan for Panaji was prepared in 1776. The Portuguese had a presence in Goa since the late 16th century apart from other parts of the country and by the turn of the 19th century had lost many territories to the British but managed to hold on to Goa Daman and Diu, in the western coast of India. Goa was part of Mauryan empire, ruled by Ashoka in the 3rd century BC. It was ruled by Kadamba kings between the 10th and 14th centuries. Panaji was called ponji or Panji, which means the ‘land that never gets flooded’. Panji was not of much importance before as it was a neglected ward of Talegao. It was a small fishing village and did not have large structures apart from the Adilshah palace on the banks of river Mandovi in the

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Later in the early 16th century, the Portuguese established their first Port in Cochin and captured Goa in 1510 AD. By the end of the 16th century, they captured Daman, Diu and vast stretch of Indian coast. Portuguese power over sea helped them immensely in establishing their hold over Western coastal areas. Later due to Dutch and English rivals the power of Portuguese reduced in the Indian subcontinent, however, they were last to leave India in 1961. The Portuguese colonial traditions come from the Spanish history of colonization of the Latin America. Representing a catholic state back home, the Portuguese colonizers in India were much interested in the spread of Christianity. The aim here was to use the Church as a way to create social solidarity between the ruler and the ruled. This also led to a much more complex and sophisticated social structure in Portuguese colonies and which was very unlike the clear binaries of the British and the natives. Not surprisingly in the places like Goa, native and original Portuguese population lived in mixed neighbourhoods welded together by Christian and hence the church also formed the centrepiece of the urban form of the city. This seems to hold ground for the three Portuguese settlements of Goa, Diu and Daman, all on the western coast of India.

Colonial Cities  245

Evolution and Formation Panji city grew around a pre-​existing site of the Adil Shah Palace, which was on the banks of the river Mandovi. The earliest recorded formation of the Panji follows a clear spatial strategy that was two folds; establishment of civic institutions along the coastline and orthogonal division of land through a grid of roughly 100 m by 120 m dimensions. These two strategies were central to all subsequent development in Panji and became the basis of locating residential, institutional buildings and gardens. The civic institutions were essentially related to trade such as Custom house, banks Insurance offices, mint house or were ones related to administration and control such as army barracks, local administration, printing press, police lines. The constant densification and growth were also facilitated by landfilling, modification of waterways, and filling up of stagnant ponds in order to make land available for building activities and to create more hygienic conditions of living. The other archetypical attitude was towards symbolic location of Church, parishes, and House of the Arch Bishop. Owing to the strong influence of the Catholic church the main building Our Lady of Immaculate

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15th century. In the 16th century, when Portuguese established their rule in Goa, they built three churches in Panjim. Panjim’s importance grew wider after Portuguese viceroy Dom Miguel built 3.2 km causeway connecting Ribandar to Panjim. It is known as Pointe de Linhares. Due to unhygienic conditions diseases started spreading in Old Goa. As a result, a lot of offices shifted to Panjim between 1810 and 1840 (see Fig 9.22). In 1826, Portuguese viceroy Dom manual who is known as father of Panjim started working towards development of Panjim. Extensive works of Reclamation and flattening of the land carried out to construct new roads and facilities. Important buildings such as Custom building, Central library, Printing press were built during this period. To solve the flooding issues, two long canals were built. In the mid-​19th century Panjim had all the privileges and liberty like other cities in Portugal. In 1843, it was raised to city and was declared as capital of Goa.

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Fig. 9.22  Map of Panjim—​19th century; Source: Author 1. Municipal Garden 2. Adil Shah’s Palace 3. Public library 4. Church of Our Lady Immaculate 5. Medical College 6. St. Inez 7. Fontainhas 8. Linhares Bridge 9. Archbishop’s Residence

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The Grid and the Institutional Precincts The civic institutions such as General Post office, Directory of Accounts, Government secretariat, Customs Museum, Collectors office, police headquarters, Mint house are all clustered in one large coastal precinct. Most of the civic buildings were carried out in the early 19th century by Portuguese viceroy Dom Manuel in the process of shifting the capital from Goa to Panjim. A lot of private properties and lands were acquired. Many institutes such as Mint, and barracks were transferred to existing private building along with Mandovi riverfront. Existing Adilshah’s palace was converted into Governor’s palace which was later used as Government secretariat. The harem beside the palace was levelled and the present Account department was built. The large complex, presently accommodating the Police Headquarters, Central Library, Printing Press, Collectorate, etc. was built. Large landfill on the Mandovi river bank was carried out in 1830 and customs house, Artillery barracks, Jail, Goa agrarian chamber was built over it. General Post office used to be the centre of Tobacco trading which served as Police headquarter for some time later. It is important to note the relationship of the orthogonal grid that was laid out to define the city with these institutions. The rough size of the grid is 100mt by 125mt which was very convenient scale when laying out large institutions which were not necessarily monumental in vertical scale but sprawled horizontally such as the Police headquarters, Collector’s office, and Government secretariat. The present Police headquarter building is an excellent example of the relationship between the grid pattern and architectural typology; thin building on the edge of the street with large courtyard inside. This attitude of the building on the edge of the street with no margin whatsoever is also very common in European medieval cities. A large court inside serves important private function of the institute away from the public

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Conception Church was located on Altinho hill at a distance from the coastline. This became the natural centre around which settlement grew on all three sides. The Archbishops house is also located at a higher altitude lording over the city, but towards its periphery along the same ridgeline as the church. The following key morphological features are observed in Panjim.

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The Single Catholic Community The position of the church and other institutions of Christian faith also makes for an interesting reading from the point of view of the position of Catholicism in the society. As noted earlier, the catholic church is amongst the single most unifier of the different communities respecting ethnicities and regional backgrounds. It became the glue that welded the Portuguese colonies into a single community. This was also more useful in port cities like Panjim that not only attracted people from the farthest parts of the Indian subcontinent but also many from different countries. Portuguese colonies have often me marked by their ethnic diversities especially so in Goa. It sees the Generals in Goa rejected the blatant ‘racial superiority’ policies in favour of those that were not as harsh on the locals and there seems to have been a kind of tolerance and acceptance of Goa as mix of different ethnicities (Brockey, 2008). The fact that Portuguese influence in India was limited to coastal areas that were essentially ports that attracted diverse population from the hinterlands and other countries. Church here played a very important role as it brought together all the different ethnicities under one large umbrella. The relationship between the state and religion in Portugal has dramatically changed over the past years. The importance of religion

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gaze. This would have been the archetype for all of the institutional precincts in Panjim. Some of the quadrants of the grids became gardens whereas other were later on subdivided into smaller land parcels for changing land use and functions in the city. However, the grid became the primary armature of the city to organize spaces, especially for the institutional buildings. The residential settlements of the locals were a different affair though. Nestled as they were on the foothill of the Altinho hills, they naturally adjusted to the landscape and through multiple land divisions started to take a more organic shape. Lot of energy and policies of the Portuguese authority went in to organizing these residential clusters by road widenings, demolishing of unsafe and poorly ventilated houses and by addition of more new roads like a large section was cut through the hill and a road was made to connect Fontainhas to the main city. Panjim is essentially marked by these two systems; the orthogonal and legible grid of institutional precinct and the part organic and part orthogonal patterns (due to constant municipal interventions) of the residential areas.

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Church in Portuguese Colonies Church always enjoyed a supreme authority in Portuguese colonies. With every Portuguese colonization, churches were built in respected colonies as a symbol of power and authority. The church played a major role in development of the society by creating lot of public infrastructure and also in unifying the cultural groups in Portuguese colonies. Church played an important role in spread of Christianism in Portuguese cities. The above description amply demonstrates the special relationship that the church enjoyed with the state. It was totally entrenched in the political, economic, and hence civic affairs of the state. This also showed the position of the main church in Panjim; Lady of Immaculate Conception (Formerly called Igreja church), Lady of Immaculate conception not only from the point of view of its location but also from its elevation and immediate urban context. Located at the end of Altinho hill, commanding a dominant position within the city and in full view of the incoming ships from the river Mandovi, the church functioned as an important unitary urban symbol that demonstrated its position in the society. Its elevation on top of the Altinho hill reinforced its position as a city-​level church; an overseer and protector of the region. Moreover, the church is located between the predominantly residential and the institutional districts symbolically functioning as the negotiator between the state and its subject. The immediate context of the Church was that of a plaza that formed the heart of the city. The large open space in front of the church along with the steps that went up to the hill was typical archetype common in cities of catholic faith in Europe such as Lisbon, Milan, Rome, etc.

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was tremendous as in 1179 the pope named the first king of Portugal. The catholic churches were very much involved in the development of Portuguese society. Lot of public works were carried out by church. Schools and other public amenities were built by church. As a result, church enjoyed superior position over the state for more than 800 years. In early 18th century the relation between these two tensed due to enlightenment in Europe. Where people started questioning the authority of church and promoted more secular relations. In early 1900s the Law of separation of Church and the state was passed and the Catholicism was removed as a state religion. In early 1910, the revival of Church as an institution started gaining more momentum.

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Municipal Services and Modification of Nature Portuguese viceroys started modifying the land to create infrastructures and amenities in Panjim. In the process of converting Adilshah Palace into Government secretariat, the moat around the palace was converted into road. Front of the Panjim church was dense coconut palm grove. It was acquired by the municipality for development of Panjim square. In the late 1800s a 302 mt cut was made through the ridge of the hill of conception to connect Fontainhas to the city centre. The soil was used to cover the low-​lying areas of the central part city. To improve sanitization, narrow roads in Fontainhas were widened and new roads were added. Portuguese viceroy Dom Manuel (1826–​1835) who is known as father of Panjim is responsible for reclamation of land and flattening of the sand dunes in old Goa. All the sand was used to cover large area in Campal resulting in a large flat land. To avoid flooding canals were made. In early 20th century, beautification of the city boosted and new parks, wide avenue with trees were added along the river Mandovi.

Summary The history of urban development during the British colonial period is fairly long and complicated. The first phase of British colonial urban development was marked by haphazard and opportunist planning with investment of bare minimum resources without any grand plan. The British picked up urban planning seriously only after the mutiny and that effort too is marked by patchwork and pragmatic approach without any model

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The Urban Rituals The root of Panjim Carnival dates back to Portuguese colonial period as a festival representing Portuguese authority and power. It is organized by the municipality celebrating the royal victories and accomplishments. The procession is a way to unite local villagers, city dwellers, diverse cultural groups and to maintain the link to the Royal authorities. The festivity in the procession elevated in the 1960s and has grown only greater each year. In Panjim in Portuguese time the carnival used to happen in church square. But now Mandovi riverfront, in the backdrop of old Portuguese buildings is where procession takes place.

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of planning. The open spaces of the esplanade were utilized to create the urban setting for their institutions such as offices, colleges, clubs, and gymkhanas. Open spaces here are imagined not as public spaces but essentially foreground or background for their buildings. This British colonial city thus is rich in Architecture within a garden setting but lacks any imagination in creation of an overall schema. The same open spaces were later on appropriated during the freedom movement by the Indian population for their purposes. The classic notion of black and white city seems to be an oversimplification of the British colonial settlements as they were often marked by mixed spaces and appropriated territories. This period was also marked by the total decay of the older medieval cities in India as they were more or less ignored by the Britishers. The British colonial city managed to introduce public institutions that were new to the country and along with many other urban features they continue to be the mainstay of the contemporary cities of India as well. British invested some energy in reorganizing old cities after the second half of the 19th century as a reaction to epidemics and to solve problems of congestion. They also radically changed the pattern of urbanization all across the hinterland by introduction of railways. The French colonial cities were another affair altogether. Coming from a centralized planning and deep history of spatial planning back home and in their colonies of North Africa, the French made complete spatial plans for Pondicherry. This centralized spatial planning reflected their belief in integration of the local population with larger practices around what was considered a superior ‘French culture’. The Portuguese colonial practices were most interesting and threw up many interesting ideas as exhibited in the city of Panjim, which at the surface appears to be a typical colonial port city. The Portuguese colonial cities were remarkable for their very active and professional municipalities which showed in their spatial formation as well. These cities were also sites of integration as a large diverse population was unified under the identity of the city. The delicate balance between the municipality, the royal authority, and the Church ensured a much richer city formation. The church here plays an important role in unifying the diverse community of a Port city under one umbrella thereby bringing them much closer to the colonial population. The significance of the Church also reflected in its position and articulation in the city.

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(Firm), J. M. and Eastwick, E. B. (1859) A Handbook for India; being an account of the three presidencies, and of the overland route ... with vocabularies and dialogues of the spoken languages of India. [By Edward B. Eastwick.] With travelling map and plans of towns. (Part I.-​Madras.-​Part II.-​Bombay.). London. Brockey, L. M. (2008) Portuguese colonial cities in the early modern world. Surrey; Burlington: Ashgate. King, A. (1976) Colonial urban development. Routledge and Paul. Kumar, D. and Desai, M. (1983) The Cambridge Economic History of India Volume 2. Volume 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mitter, P. (1986) ‘The Early British Port Cities of India: Their Planning and Architecture Circa 1640–​1757’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. [Society of Architectural Historians, University of California Press], 45(2), pp. 95–​ 114. doi: 10.2307/​990090. Njoh, Ambe J. (2017) French urbanism in foreign lands. Switzerland: Springer. Oldenburg, V. T. (2016) The making of colonial Lucknow, 1856–​1877. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Rao, R. P. (1963) Portuguese rule in Goa, 1510–​1961. London: Asia Publication House. The imperial gazetteer of India 4 4 (1972). New Delhi: Today & Tomorrow’s Printers and Publication.

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Bibliography

Cities of Princely States Background The British rule in India lasted from 1858 until 1947. During this period India was directly under the British Crown and controlled a vast territory of the Indian subcontinent. The British Crown took over the control of the subcontinent from the East India Company that had ruled parts of India from 1757. Following the 1857 mutiny, the British devised the system of indirect rule, wherein the native Indian rulers, governed their semi-​independent territories under the direction and discretion of the British Government. Such a system was established in order to efficiently run such a large country and to prevent subsequent breakouts of national rebellions. The British signed treaties with existing rulers and annexed their smaller kingdoms under one unified princely state. Whereas this period was referred to as one of direct control, however many pre-​colonial states in India, that had a subsidiary alliance with the East Indian Company, were now indirectly ruled by the British Crown. The indirect rule meant that the British controlled these states through a local ruler. This arrangement was more conducive from an administrative perspective as the British managed to control the states through minimum commitment of resources and with a handful of administrators and advisors. During the indirect rule, the Indian rulers were allowed to have an autonomy on matters of day-​to-​day administration and most internal affairs while they enjoyed the protection from the British empire. They however had to give up their right on external matters including defence, taxation, and communication. These traditional rulers had to pay allegiance to the British empire, and work towards supporting their rule and in return they could keep their title and exercise limited autonomy.

History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0010

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254  History of Urban Form of India

Cities of Princely States There was a total of 570 princely states in India before 1800 and by the time indirect rule was formalized the British crown was indirectly ruling around 175 of them. The capital cities of these princely states received much attention as it would be the seat of power with the palace and court life centred in and around it. Many of the capital of these states flourished during these periods both in terms of demographic growth and also by the way of quality of urban infrastructure, its public place, and architecture. Amongst the capital cities, some stood out for their remarkable urban development initiatives and make for interesting studies. The prominent cities of these states were Mysore, Baroda, Jamnagar, Gwalior, Hyderabad to name a few. The rulers of the Princely states, by virtue of their privileged status, were mostly connected with the high-​ranking British officers and their families, western elites, and public intellectuals. They and their extended families were often abreast with the Western world through their frequent travels for either education, medical treatments, or

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The major princely states during this period were Baroda, Mysore, Jammu & Kashmir, Hyderabad, and Gwalior. This dependence on the local rulers provided an efficient model for the British powers but sometimes also led to friction and disagreements with the princely states which often involved their own autonomous practices. Many of these policies and initiatives were independent of the British policies and often driven by the interest of the rulers. Quite often the prince elect would take a personal interest in introducing policies and certain practices that he felt were needed either for the welfare of the subjects of his state. Such initiatives included matters of health care, education, civic improvement, or social reforms that helped create larger public good. This enhanced the prestige of ruling class and often made them very popular amongst the citizens of the state. It is not surprising that this period was marked by many interesting urban planning and design practices that seem to have evolved independent of the British colonial intent and due to the partial autonomy enjoyed by the Princely states (see Fig 10.1).

Cities of Princely States  255

Photograph: Unknown Original description: The Delhi Durbar of 1911, with King George V and Queen Mary seated upon the dais Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Delhi​_​Dur​bar,_​1911.jpg

recreation. The encounters between these rulers and the West during this period (especially the from the 1890s to 1920s) led to some interesting initiatives in India. Often these rulers came back fresh and excited about the new ideas and practices they would have encountered in the Europe or America, and would try and implement them in their home states.

Mimicked Modernity or Indigenous Innovation There is some literature to suggest that some of these princely states made rapid progress in ensuring public services, education, health care, and even civic planning. Many British chroniclers referred to such states as being ‘progressive and ideal’ whereas the underlying belief was that they unleashed a Western form of modernity (through mimicry) in

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Fig. 10.1  Delhi Durbar, 1911

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Professionals Advisors to Princely States The period between 1880 to 1920 was also marked by a very active role of professional engineers, architects, horticulturists, and gardeners that were pressed into the service of the princely states. Many of them were abreast with international trends and were quick to make full use of the patronage they enjoyed in these princely cities. Away from the gaze of the

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their respective states and hence it was only natural that they were more progressive. Homi Bhabha counters such simplistic generalizations and introduced the idea of ‘almost but not quite western’; meaning a kind of modernity that definitely is inspired from the West, but takes a new turn in the way it gets naturalized in the ethos of the Indian context (Bhabha, 1984, 126). In some case, this modernity becomes the means of creating a counter colonial narrative in the princely states (Bhagavan, 2001, 386). States such as Baroda in Western India, Mysore in Southern India, and Gwalior in Central India managed to introduce series of reforms in policies and practice as related to the rights of its citizens, education, health care, and also urban planning and design. The reforms that affected cities and its growth were usually related to overall organization of the city, planning of water reservoirs outside the limit of the city, planning and design of public gardens, zoological parks, market buildings, landmarks such as clock towers, water bodies, palace compounds, schools, colleges, city-​level courts, libraries, and museums. The overall impact of such initiatives on the form of these cities was substantial; as it led to a very different organization of spaces in comparison with the cities that were under direct rule of the British. The importance given to public places and institutions apart from overall land use made these cities special and even today one can experience their distinct spatial structures. Many of these cities prided themselves with well-​ formed and legible city fabric representing the best of Indian traditions (in terms of lively markets streets, religious institutions, and water bodies) and Western influence (university buildings, public gardens, and market buildings).

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Robert Chisholm—​Architect Chisholm was educated in London and arrived in Calcutta in 1865, upon being appointed the head of the school of Industrial Art. In his career 37-​ year career in India, he constructed multiple public buildings, colleges, and Government offices in Ootacamund, Trivandrum, and most importantly in Madras. Before being appointed to complete the immense and complex Laxmi Vilas Palace in the late 1880s, Chisholm was a consulting architect to the Government of Madras (see Fig 10.2).

Fig. 10.2  Baroda High School; 1888; Architect: RF Chisholm Source: Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Bar​oda_​scho​ol_​p​lan.jpg

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direct British rulers, they developed close bonds with the king and their ministers and were instrumental in bringing about massive changes in the city fabric. Some of the prominent ones working in the state of Baroda are listed below.

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Charles Mant was a British architect who is known to have drawn up the initial design for the Lakshmi Vilas Palace. In India, he initially worked on a high school building at Surat, in the prevailing Victorian-​Gothic style, but eventually began integrating local architectural traditions in his work and shifted into Indo-​Sarcenic style. His most well-​recognized works of 21 years include various public buildings at Surat, Patna, Orissa, Kolhapur and Ajmer, and State palaces at Darbanga (Bihar), Kolhapur, and Cooch Behar.

Gustav Hermann Krumbiegel—​Gardner G H Krumbiegel trained in horticulture in and as a landscape gardener in Germany. Before taking up the position of the Curator of Botanical Gardens in Baroda in 1993, Krumbiegel had worked at London’s Hyde Park and was a member of the prestigious Royal Botanical Gardens in Kew, a botanical research institute. The tenure of his position at Baroda is not well documented; however, Krumbeigal is known to have later worked on State gardens at Ootacamund, before being commissioned by Krishnaraja Wodeyar to Bangalore in 1908 to design the Lalbagh Botanical gardens and later Brindavan gardens at Mysore, which stand as Krumbeigal’s most well-​recognized works.

W.A. Borden—​Librarian Borden was invited by the Maharaja to Baroda and appointed as Director of State Library Department with the agenda of organizing a system of public libraries across the State. Borden established the Central Library, with referencing and lending departments and a book stock of 40,000 volumes, two other district libraries, smaller libraries in 36 of 38 towns and 216 village libraries, all available free of cost to the public.

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Charles Mant—​Architect

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In a career spanning nearly 80 years, Visveswaraya worked extensively in the Deccan (Nasik, Khandesh, and mainly Pune), in Gwalior, Surat, etc. His prime area of expertise was irrigation engineering. In early 1909, post the devastating Musi river floods in Hyderabad (September 1908), Visveswaraya’s expertise was specially requested by the Nizam’s Government to frame proposals for the future protection of the city and to prepare a complete scheme of drainage for the Hyderabad City and Chadarghat. The KRS Dam in Mysore was constructed during his tenure as Diwan of the State. During this time, he founded multiple other institutions, industries, and organizations.

Baroda Baroda (now Vadodara) was amongst the most important princely states during the British rule in India. Baroda witnessed major social and cultural reforms towards the end of the 19th century. This period was also marked by major urban transformation in the city of Baroda. The origins of the medieval Baroda can be traced to the 16th century when a location close to an ancient town (Vadprdraka) was used to establish a walled city with four gates. Soon the walled city was inhabited and was taken over by the Gaekwads in the 1720s. It remained with the Gaekwads till independence of India. Baroda state in westernmost part of India was established in 1721 by Maratha general Pilaji Gaekwad. The state of Baroda came into complete existence after the Second Anglo Maratha War (1803–​1805). Whereas the East India Company manage to control much of Gujarat, the Gaekwads of Baroda made a separate peace treaty with the British, by entering into a subsidiary alliance while acknowledging the British suzerainty and control of states’ external affair in return for retaining internal autonomy. Divided into smaller kingdoms, the Marathas inherited their administrative system from the Mughals, which was an elaborate bureaucratic system. The princely state of Baroda was only formed after 1866, when the British Residency unified these smaller kingdoms under a single

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Sir M. Visveswaraya (1860–​1962)

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The Rebel State and an Enlighted Prince Baroda state encountered major tension with the British government from time to time in matters of autonomy of administration and finances. These series of run in with the British only made the Baroda state more powerful and autonomous as it was able to take advantage of the confusion and constant infighting within the British administrations. One such series of event is historically remembered as the ‘Baroda crisis’, it was a mark of the beginning of events that strained the relations between the British regime in Baroda, and the local ruling authorities. The crisis was a manifestation of the clash between two differing political systems, and went on to become a national crisis, causing a rift between the Government of Bombay and Calcutta (Copland, 1968, 122). The crisis further aggravated their political ties with the rulers of Baroda state, where the local rulers openly defied against the British ideology and authority, and some of these rulers became key individuals responsible for introducing numerous modern reforms. Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III, ruler of Baroda from 1875 to 1939, was one such individual, who notably came to be known for revamping the social and educational face of Baroda. He became notoriously popular among the British when he refused to follow protocol at the Durbar (coronation ceremonies designed to declare the reigning British monarch as the ‘Emperor’ or the ‘Empress’), failed to bow and turned his back on the Emperor and the Empress. This show of defiance

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princely state in the aftermath of the second Anglo-​Maratha war. The British intervention for the control of political power over Western India, resulted in the formation of one of the largest princely state, spanning over an area of approximately 8182 sq. km, sharing its boundaries with the Rajput’s in the north, the Malwa’s in the East, and the Marathas in the South. It went on to be ranked as the second highest in the British system of princely classification, which was an intricate system of categorization that the British established in order to rank the sovereignty of the local ruling authorities. Baroda state was under the governance of the Gaekwads, when they signed the treaty with the British officials but their political relations were marred with a bit of turbulence.

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brought him under British scrutiny, and they sought to stop his anti-​ colonial activities. However, his ideology made him one of the most enlightened rulers of India who introduced a number of reforms in the city that made Baroda as one of the progressive cities of 19th-​century India. He travelled extensively around the world and would always be on the lookout for new ways to improve his state. He understood that the results of western modernity could not be simply mimicked in India; rather it was imperative to initiate internal improvements in the state that were distinctive to their own particular context. Maharaja Sayajirao’s defiance of the colonial supremacy was a turning point in the history of the state, where he recognized the need for things to change from a political as well as a social standpoint, which helped shaped the distinctive image of the city. The state of Baroda under Gaekwar Maharaja Sayaji Rao III (ruled 1875–​1939) experienced major changes around the turn of the 20th century, affecting all sections of the society. The reforms had a transformative impact on the city of Baroda in terms of its physical environment also. The influence of Western thoughts, ideas of modernity, education, and liberal values were the core of these reforms. Sayaji Rao in the year 1902 enacted the law for widow remarriage; a landmark achievement for that time and went on to introduce major state-​level reforms in the Indian Penal court like Infant Marriage Prevention Act, Primary education Act, etc. to name a few. Baroda thus became the first territory of either the Native States or British India to provide free schooling to all its citizens. The Department of Public Instruction was opened in 1875 and a policy of free, compulsory education for both sexes, and all castes were pursued by the state government. At the primary level of education were Anglo-​vernacular schools, which taught up to four standards and prepared students for entry to High Schools, and Vernacular schools, which taught in Gujarati, Marathi, or Urdu. At the same time and equally importantly, the Gaekwad launched a Library Movement in Baroda, which was fully established by 1922 with the assistance of an American expert named W. A. Borden, the Gaekwad created the Baroda Library Department, which included a Central Library, numerous district libraries and reading rooms, ‘travelling libraries’ which would ‘take books to those areas where permanent collections had not yet

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been created, and a class on libraries to teach people how to work and use such an institution’ (Bhagavan, 2001). In 1886 a new hospital was built which was called the Countess of Dufferin Hospital. The hospital replaced an old State Hospital from the Lady Dufferin Fund. It was designed by Major Charles Mant. He was a pioneer of this style and used it in his designs for other civic and state buildings in Baroda such as the State Library and most notably the Lakshmi Vilas Palace. In 1906, soon after his return from a trip to America and England, Gaekwad launched a spate to transformative reforms in the state. By 1908 a modern banking institution (Bank of Baroda) was established to promote trade and commerce within and outside the state. The bank took over the function of the state treasury and went on to become the most successful bank in India. By 1890 a major reservoir for supply of drinking water to the city was constructed further upstream at Ajwa. This 5 km long and 196 feet tall earthen dam was a major civil engineering project at that time and with its 64 gates ensured uninterrupted water supply to the city of Baroda. Till today this reservoir is crucial for water supply and flood control in the region. The twenties began with a proposal for a new ‘democratic’ constitution for the state, articulated in a remarkable document by Manubhai Mehta (Bhagavan, 2002, 922). The birth of Baroda University after a series of false starts was the logical outcome of a consented effort by the ruler and his minister to create institutional structures that can endure and create long-​ lasting public goods. A university carved out of the existing Baroda College (that was governed by the Bombay University) was the beginning to establish the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda and a huge step in reconfiguring the social and physical fabric of the city. The creation of a large public garden in the form of Kamati Baug and the University had a profound impact on subsequent urban development of the Baroda city. These were just two of the many urban initiatives taken by the Gaekwads, whereas the others included, an artificial lake in the city, designed markets, water reservoir to bring fresh water to the city, public gardens, libraries and reading rooms, auditoriums, court, and hospitals.

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The city of Baroda is located on the fertile plain between the Mahi and Narmada Rivers in the state of Gujarat. The state of Baroda under the reign of Gaekwar Maharaja Sayaji Rao III (ruled 1875–​1939) experienced major transformation around the turn of the 20th century, affecting all sections of the society. The reforms had a major transformative impact on the city of Baroda in terms of its physical environment also (see Fig 10.3). Baroda originated on the banks of the river Vishwamitri, archaeological evidences of which have been found, pointing to the existence of pre-​historic settlements. The presence of these settlements along the river strategically placed them on the coastal plain, which provided a corridor for movement from northern India to Deccan (Subbarao, 1953). The settlement on the eastern bank of Vishwamitri came to be known as Ankottaka, which gradually shifted southwards and on higher ground due to periodic flooding in Vishwamitri. Another hamlet grew on the eastern bank of the river, called Vadapadraka, which became the nexus of the city. But only in the early 16th century did Baroda emerge as a fortified city, under the Gujarat Sultanate. The city grew within the confines of its fortified boundaries, which was located further east to the historic settlement of Vadapadraka and adjacent to the Chandanvati talav (present-​day Sursagar lake). After the Maratha invasion and the separation of the Gaekwad state from the Marathas of Pune, the city grew to include markets, residences and a royal palace called the Sarkar Wada, which was located inside the walled city (Desai and Clarke, 1923). The city truly began expanding outside its fortified boundaries in the late 19th century, after the British formed a subsidiary alliance with the Gaekwads. Under the colonial empire, Baroda city gained prominence after it became the capital of the Princely state of Baroda, thereby demanding a certain quality of infrastructural development befit for a capital city. The urban and social transformations in Baroda, that governed the latter half of the 19th century, were a direct impact of the changing political and social milieu of the country under the British administration. An important turning point in the urban and architectural evolution of the country was the establishment of the Public Works Department (PWD) in 1855, as a technical branch of the colonial administration, which was

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Urban Form

1. Old city, 2. Central Library, 3. Mandvi Gate, 4. Artificial lake, 5. Sayajibaug, 6. Central Jail, 7. M.S University, 8. Railway Station, 9. Lakshmivilas Palace, 10. Nyay Mandir

Fig. 10.3  Map of Baroda; Source: Author

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responsible for providing infrastructural support to the growing cities of the country (Scriver and Prakash, 2007). After the events of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, the role of PWD became important in providing a vast network of roads, railways, canals, and other utilitarian public structures in order to sustain peace and for the British to secure their grip over the country. Baroda, emerging as a prominent city, provided perfect grounds for laying down a foundation for infrastructural development, that was majorly facilitated through social and cultural reforms introduced by the Maharaja. Once Baroda became part of the Western railway network, a cantonment was established north west of the fortified city, adjacent to the Vishwamitri river, which defined the northern limits of the city. Essentially a military settlement, the cantonment grew to sustain a separate community, fully replete with a church, cemetery, and a school. The cantonment had a distinct geographical separation from the old fortified city with only a single road connecting the two-​major nexus of the city. A British residency and the administrative headquarters for the city also came up much farther away from the fortified city, thus highlighting the colonial need for a physical and social separation from the local population. Not until after the Indian Rebellion of 1857, when the power was transferred to the Crown, did the Colonial Empire realize the need to assimilate with the local population for better governance. This led to the system of autonomous rule within the princely states, which allowed the local rulers to undertake developmental projects, without much interference from the British. Hence, Baroda emerged as an example of a progressive and modern city under the rule of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III, who introduced large scale urban projects to modernize the city. The first major projects initiated by the Maharaja were aimed at providing healthcare facilities to the local population and to develop the educational and civic infrastructure of the city for which he commissioned state architects appointed by the PWD. In the latter half of the 19th century, the character of PWD changed with the introduction of the practice of appointing trained architectural professionals to act as consulting architects to the various presidencies and princely states (Stamp, 1981). Until then, the design ideas within the PWD majorly emphasized on establishing a British symbolic identity in the Indian context through social and geographical separation and by imposing Western ideas of architectural design.

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Whereas, with radical changes being introduced in the PWD, eminent architects such as Robert Chisholm, William Emerson believed in the adaptation of European architectural ideas to the Indian context by amalgamating it with the stylistic traditions inherent in Indian architectural trends. These ideas began to emanate from smaller, architectural discussions to matters of large-​scale urban designs or city planning practice. The growth and development of Baroda as a princely city were largely affected by the ideas of PWD architects, foreign specialists, and designers, combined with the Maharaja’s vision. Initially, the projects such as the cantonment, and the administrative headquarters in Kothi, were aimed at defining the city limits, following which the subsequent projects fulfilled the role of infill development. One of the first projects by the Maharaja involved moving the Royal residence out of the main walled city and shifted to the Lakshmi Vilas palace, on the banks of the Vishwamitri. The decision to expand the city towards the river was not only opportunistic in nature, but was principally focused on the idea of capitalizing on the natural surroundings. This extravagant building was designed by Architect Major Charles Mant and was a comparatively large residence in the country surrounded by vast open space. A large public Park (now known as the Sayaji Baug) was built on the banks of river Vishwamitri, by Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III in the year 1879 in an area of 113 acres. The garden was the largest in western India. The garden here is modelled very much like the post-​industrial gardens in Europe. The garden with its rich variety of plant species, a zoological section with exotic animal life and a museum showcasing the artefacts from the royal collection was a modern project. The garden symbolized the progressive and scientific outlook of the rulers of Baroda. It becomes the vehicle to introduce the universal modern outlook through the understanding of the natural world. It encouraged the citizens to view the difference variety of plant and animal species organized in various sections, to spend time in un-​spoilt and wonder at the exotic collection of artefacts from the various journeys of the king. In the process the garden in princely state of India in the 1880s becomes the symbol of modernity and a window to the world. The Baroda University (established in 1881) brought about a major change in the demographics of the state. Positioned as a public university

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with the objective of introducing modern education, the university was an ambitious project in terms of its scale and reach. It offered courses in Mathematics, Sanskrit, Persian, English, Physical, and Chemical Sciences and at any given time, had thousands of students and faculty members came from all the parts of the country. The university became the magnet that attracted the best minds from all across the globe. The university brought about a cosmopolitan culture in the city of Baroda and changed the social fabric of the city and made it into a truly vibrant and diverse place. The university campus that is right opposite the Sayaji garden was developed over a period of time and has some of the finest buildings designed by Robert Chisolm in the Arts Faculty Building. A structure built on a raised ground dominates the skyline of the Sayaji Gunj precinct along with the railway station building (built in 1886), creating a strong urban gesture. The garden with a museum, the university with its iconic building and the railway station together formed the urban experience of the new Baroda and took the focus away from the old city. In the early 20th century, however, the urban growth seemed to be moving towards the walled city with the introduction of a civic precinct, around the Sursagar lake. The idea of introducing public and educational institutions in close proximity to the walled city reflected the ideologies of a new generation of architects and urban designers who recognized the importance of intermingling western examples of progress with the local urban centres. A polytechnique school (Kalabhavan), performing college, City courts (Nyay Mandir), artificial lake (Sursagar), designed market (Kahnderao market), and many other buildings came between the palace and the old city. These public buildings unleashed a new kind of public space in the city and added an urbane character to the city. The zeal of the state rulers can be gauged by the fact that the first private railway line in the country was built between Dahboi and Miyagaon in Baroda state in 1862 through the initiative of the king. In the early half of the 20th century, the colonial experiments in the city began to take a more comprehensive format after Patrick Geddes, a renowned town Planner, biologist, sociologist, and geographer composed a meticulous town planning report, detailing out the approach of conservative surgery and constructive improvement in the old city area. His target areas included the fort walls, the city gates, clock tower, and pole residences within the city. He also emphasized on the development

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Hyderabad Hyderabad was founded by Mohamed Quli in 1591 AD. The city grew in various stages and was one of the largest princely states in the country. The area of Hyderabad state was larger than Scotland, England, and Wales put together and the ruler was entitled to 21-​gun salute during the period of indirect rule, as a mark of importance of the state. At its peak, around the turn of the 20th century, Hyderabad was the fourth largest city in India, with a population of nearly 450,000 souls. The city was initially founded by Muhammad Quli Khan of the Outb Shahi clan, who ruled Golconda, located about 8 km west of Hyderabad. After Golconda was overthrown by the Mughals, Hyderabad also came into their control until the first Nizam proclaimed his independence and made Hyderabad his capital towards the end of the 17th century. In the last decade of the 1500s, Sultan Quli Qutab Khan constructed most of old city, including the Char Minar (1591), which occupied the central position in the city, the Char Kaman (1593), Char-​su-​ka-​hauz, Dar-​ush-​shifa, a public hospital, the Purana Haveli (Old Palace), Jama Masjid, and Ashur Khana. By the 18th century, the Nizams prevailed over the city. The walled city, confining an area of roughly 6 square kilometres within a parallelogram shape, was built in the early era of their rule.

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and beautification of the civic precinct around Sursagar lake and recognized its value as an essential civic and public space for the city. His approach to urban development asserted the idea of planning for the future while conserving the natural, cultural, and architectural heritage of the city. His method of conservative surgery took into account scientific and detailed surveys along with determining the economic viability of the project. The move out of the old city was not a response to congestion or epidemics but rather was an effort to create a new kind of city. In that sense the city of Baroda (and others like Hyderabad, Gwalior, Mysore, Jamnagar, and many more princely cities) stands out unique example of 19th-​century urban planning and design experiments in the country.

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Urban Form The city was first established as a gridiron form, with two intersecting roads on which the Charminar was located. Further to its west, four arches and a cistern served as a gateway to the Royal palaces (Jilan Khana). The clarity of the foundational form of Hyderabad makes it very legible and is a natural progression of the idea of two major intersecting roads

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The era of developmental reforms in Hyderabad State began under the administration of Sir Salar Jung, a minister to Nizam Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, who ascended the throne as a minor. Under Salar Jung’s able leadership, various departments of the state—​municipal and public works departments, medical departments, postal services, police, jails, and educational institutions were revamped. This era reached its peak under the reign of Nizam Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, who brought forth major reforms to the city in almost every realm. Originally, the city had no natural tanks of its own. Many artificial tanks such as the Hussain Sagar, which covers an area of over 20 square kilometres, the Mir Alam and Afzal Sagar were built in the 1800s by ministers of the Nizams. In the aftermath of the several famine and cholera attacks which hit Hyderabad in the late years of the 19th century, many municipal works were undertaken—​ road widening, construction of drains and sewerage systems, and the supply of pure filtered water to the city. Almost three-​fourth of the old city had either been renovated or rebuilt with wider roads and civic amenities. Railways connected Hyderabad State as early as the 1860s. Several lines such as the Hyderabad-​Godavari Valley Railway and the Nizam’s Guaranteed State Railways crossed the city, and eventually became an important medium of trade. Cotton, linseed, and castor seed were among the major exports to Bombay. Education also underwent a major reform in Hyderabad in the late 19th century to early 20th century. Many public schools which taught English and vernacular languages were opened. Madrasa-​i-​Aliya became Nizam College, a first-​grade Arts College affiliated with Madras University. By the early 1900s, Hyderabad had three State colleges, several English and vernacular schools and a Roman Catholic Church.

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Fig. 10.4  Map of Hyderabad; Source: Author 1. Charminar 2. Chowmahalla Palace 3. Musi River 4. Salarjung Museum

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that one finds in the Deccan cities of the Bahami dynasties. The planning of Hyderabad with Charminar as its centre piece has been credited to the Prime Minister Mir Momin Astarabadi, who was of Persian origin and had come to serve the court of Golkonda. Hyderabad city planning can also be seen as the final outcome of city building in the Deccan (see Fig 10.4). Special emphasis was paid to creating urban design elements using clarified geometry. Another aspect where the city makes a departure is the layout and spaces of its market. Hyderabad was perhaps the most important trading centre and very much the city of merchants. It is not surprising that from an early period the city invested in organizing the

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market spaces. Initially the city was not only a seat of Royalty and an important trade centre but had other institutions like mosque, madrasa, large mansions of nobles, and their gardens. In the earlier period the city was fortified with a 10-​km long wall, which does not exist anymore. It had some 12 gates and today only 2 gates remain, Pararanpulapal and Daberpura Darwaza. The general population lived outside the walls of the city and were organized around neighbourhoods, with each one of the mohallas (neighbourhood) was said to be self-​sufficient with a provision for 1000 houses. During the middle of the 18th century, the city went through a major phase of stagnation as in between the rulers had shifted the capital to Aurangabad, which forced many wealthy merchants to move out of Hyderabad to the new capital. This had massive impact on trade and construction activities. The nobles present in Hyderabad were in a constant state of conflict and the period was marked by infightings. This led to a decay in urban fabric of Hyderabad. It was only after the rule of Nizam in Ali in 1763 that growth of the city picks up again, as Aurangabad is abandoned as the capital in favour of Hyderabad. With the return of merchants back to the city, the markets flourished, and trade grew to a new level, establishing the firmly the position of Hyderabad as an important trade centre. By the end of 18th century the city had twelve main markets and urban life was its peak during this period (see Fig 10.5). Hyderabad began to expand towards the northern direction beyond the confines of the old city once Secunderabad was established by the British as a cantonment in 1806 which also became an important centre for trade and commerce. New markets, mansions, institutions came up between the two settlements (that are often referred to as twin cities). Later with the introduction of railways, Hyderabad and Secunderabad further united to become twin cities. This was also a phase when industries promoted by the British interest started flourishing on the suburban part of Hyderabad. Cotton spinning, tiles, and weaving factories flourished during this period. This period of outward expansion beyond the walled city also led to a decline of the old city within the confines of the walls. But urban life and institution continued to flourish within outside the old city. However due to massive growth and densities things began to deteriorate by the end of 19th century and like most major cities in the world, this period was marked by radical

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Photograph: Lala Deen Dayal Source: British Library Online Gallery via Wikimedia Commons (Public Domain) URL: https://​comm​ons.wikime​dia.org/​wiki/​File:Gul​za_​H​ouz.jpg#/​media/​File:Gul​za_​H​ouz.jpg

rethink on questions of Urban development and its management. In 1881 the first official census of the walled city was undertaken and by 1896 department of road and maintenance was set up within the municipal corporation. This was the beginning of modern city planning and design in Hyderabad (see Fig 10.6).

Municipal Services and Urban Improvement In 1908 a devastating flood in the river Musi in Hyderabad led to substantial loss of life and property. This was a wake-​up call for Hyderabad that was already busting in seams with massive labour housing problems, poor sanitation, poor road, and traffic woes apart from unorganized housing. City improvement board (CIB) was set up in 1912 under the guidance of famous engineer and urban planner from the state of

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Fig. 10.5  Gulzar Houz; 1880;

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Mysore; Sri Vishveshwarya. The CIB was a powerful institution and was set up in line with similar bodies in British colonial cities such as Bombay Improvement Trust (1898), Mysore (1903), Calcutta (1911), Rangoon (1920), Singapore (1927), Secunderabad (1929), Lahore (1935), Nagpur (1936), Delhi (1937), and Bangalore (1945) (Beverley, n.d., 230).

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Fig. 10.6  Streets leading to Char Minar, Hyderabad; Source: Author

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Major new projects were undertaken by the CIB such as construction of embankment along the river Musi, slum clearance, housing for low-​ income groups sewage and stormwater systems, road widening, etc. to name a few. International examples of town planning in cities such as Berlin were studied and long-​term plans were made from Hyderabad. CIB had a substantial influence on the nature and form of urban development. Lot of public places were created in place of slums and unorganized development; new housing blocks were opened up north of the city and outward development beyond the old city was made possible. City wall was dismantled to allow for it to grow outwards, and new market (Mojmjahi Market). During the first half of the 20th-​century ruler Osman Ali Khan moved out of the walled city to Kingkothi in Chadarghat area. This led to influx of nobility around the new palace and led to further spread of the city. Congestion, unsanitary conditions and high densities were often cited as the reasons for re-​development. Public buildings such as the Osmania University, Osmania General Hospital, Nizamia General Hospital, Hyderabad High Court, Asafia Library (now State Central Library), Town Hall (now Assembly Hall), State Museum, Mozzam Jahi Market, etc. came up during this between 1912 and independence; a golden period in urban planning and design in Hyderabad (see Fig 10.7). Hyderabad presents a fascinating case of a city whose urban form can be traced in conjecture with the late Islamic cities of the Bahami dynasties and can be seen progressing right through to the British colonial period while it came under indirect rule of the crown and was marked by a flurry of urban planning and design initiatives through its inception till the time it was incorporated in the Indian state in 1948. The indigenous efforts towards urban planning of the city were noteworthy in the city and as compared to many other cities in India were way ahead of its time. Hyderabad along with cities such as Mysore and Baroda introduced fresh initiatives of urban planning and design; one that took inspiration from the best practices of the Western world or of neighbouring states and managed to adapt it to the context of the local conditions. Since the focus and purpose of the city improvement and design initiative was to create a modern city that will enhance the stature of the king, the projects were of a humane scale and just the right fit for the princely cities.

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The urban planning was largely promoted and conceived by the rulers without any direct involvement of British crown and often local and foreign talents were hired to bring about substantial urban changes.

Summary The urban development pattern in the princely state during the British colonial period raises some interesting questions regarding indigenous modernities and its impact formation of an urban culture and subsequent formation of the city. It does become amply clear that the urban transformation in these cities was not simply reactionary to a particular event or pressures of development alone but was rather more far-​sighted in its ideological intents. Many of these efforts were not necessarily in accordance with the wishes of the colonial authorities but were nevertheless undertaken by the princely states themselves, often driven by homegrown ideologies of reform or at times even counter colonial narratives. The freewheeling consultants or ex-​PWD engineers and architects from

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Fig. 10.7  Urban design elements framing the Char Minar; Source: Author

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Bibliography Beverley, Eric Lewis. (2015) Hyderabad, British India, and the World: Muslim Networks and Minor Sovereignty, c.1850–​1950. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bhabha, H. (1984) ‘Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse’, October. The MIT Press, 28, pp. 125–​133. doi: 10.2307/​778467. Bhagavan, M. (2001) ‘Demystifying the “Ideal Progressive”: Resistance through Mimicked Modernity in Princely Baroda, 1900–​1913’, Modern Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press, 35(2), pp. 385–​409. Bhagavan, M. (2002) ‘The Rebel Academy: Modernity and the Movement for a University in Princely Baroda, 1908–​49’, The Journal of Asian Studies. [Cambridge

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Europe came in very handy in realizing the plans of the state. The eco-​ system of reformists, princely states, and Western intellectuals was the perfect breeding grounds for some bold urban planning in these cities. These efforts were not only limited to spatial planning but were also accompanied by reforms in urban governance such as formation of municipalities, new legislations that facilitated reforms in education, banking, and health care. Many states that were under the indirect rule during British Colonial period, created new kinds of public places and institutions, like gardens, roads, universities, and libraries. These institutions were a breath of fresh air in the country as very little of such similar places existed in the old medieval cities. These princely cities could often look beyond the old medieval city and took large scale measure to expand the city outside its confine in a more proactive manner. Public places such as gardens and museums along with institutions such as universities and libraries became the vehicle to inculcate rational and scientific outlook in the state subject, much in line with the international trend in many cities around the turn of the 20th century. The involvement of professional architects, planners, engineers, and gardeners directly by the rulers ensured that the best international ideas were implemented while keeping the interest of the state at the forefront. These radical changes in the society led to irreversible changes in the morphology of the older mediaeval cities. The new urban growth led to development of a new pattern which was often in and around these new institutions leading to a unique overall formation.

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University Press, Association for Asian Studies], 61(3), pp. 919–​947. doi: 10.2307/​ 3096351. Copland, I. F. S. (1968) ‘The Baroda Crisis of 1873–​77: A Study in Governmental Rivalry’, Modern Asian Studies. Cambridge University Press, 2(2), pp. 97–​123. Desai, G. H. and Clarke, A. B. (1923) Gazetteer of the Baroda state. Bombay: Times Press. Scriver, P. and Prakash, V. (2007) Colonial modernities: building, dwelling and architecture in British India and Ceylon. Routledge. Stamp, G. (1981) ‘British architecture in India 1857–​1947’. Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, 129(5298): 357–​379. Subbarao, B. (1953) Baroda through the ages: being the report of an excavation conducted in the Baroda area, 1951–​1952. Baroda: Faculty of Arts, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda.

The topics raised in this book are far from exhaustive, but at least help us in deriving some generalization about the historical form of Indian cities. It is important to understand that predominant moments in history have been selected in this book for the purpose of understanding urban formations. There are many more cities to be covered and it would need many such publications to cover all kinds of cities in this country. This brings us to the point about the constants and variations in the cities that we have studied so far. By positioning cities beside each other, we can begin to take note of the constants and variations within each group or across them, and in the process, develop a better comparative understanding. From examples of temple towns of South India, we begin to understand the close links between religion and state and how the city became an important instrument to maintain power balance by commissioning and managing agricultural irrigation projects and hence controlling surplus. Rather than view the temple towns as sacred centres one may begin to view them as symbols of state representing authority and control. Their similarities to Mesopotamia are striking; wherein large-​scale irrigation projects were initiated by the state to create surplus, a pre-​condition to birth of cities. The cities of Islamic states in Deccan are good examples to understand the role of Islam and distant cultures (Central Asia and Persia) in formation of cities. The position of mosque in the heart of the city as a city-​level feature or the gradual engagement with its suburbs (due to presence of important Sufi Saints or the Royal Necropolis) led to formation of unique kind of cities. The move to the suburbs took a whole new meaning in the case of Mughal cities, where the state and the elites turned their back to the city while creating private riverfront gardens outside the limits of the city. The idea of engaging with picturesque nature rather than defence History of Urban Form of India. Pratyush Shankar, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press India 2023. DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780199468096.003.0011

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Conclusions

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was informing the location and formation of palace and other places. Multiple mosques that were commissioned as philanthropic gestures by the elites were the only form of public (or rather community) spaces in the city. Rest of the city seems to have grown on its own through adjustment and additions with the market space being the only true public place. The elaborate attention given to mobile tent cities during the Mughal rule is also a pointer to the fact that the ‘real’ cities were always hostage to the mood of the royalty and could be abandoned in a very short period of time, lest the king decides to move on! The royalty takes a back seat in the trade centric cities of Gujarat as the markets dominate and bring a level of continuity and stability to the city. Cities foster the merchant’s community and they in return take a more sustained interest in affairs of the city. This is evident from the many different philanthropic gestures carried out by the merchants such as building of step-​wells, temples, guest houses, and management of markets and city affairs. The cities in Rajasthan enjoyed a level of autonomy and continuity on account of their geographical setting, which shows in the legible urban formations. They show a lot of similarities with cities of Gujarat in terms of formation of markets and active interests of the merchant community. Geographical constraints of topography and water movement become an important determinant here in formation of cities and it is dealt with in the most pragmatic of fashion. The cities in Gujarat (and partially Rajasthan) were usually one big fortified market and the strong caste driven community living never really allowed it to evolve public places that one may expect from cities of this scale. The long period of British colonial rule in India was an opportunity missed; as the earlier city was totally neglected along with lack of imagination or investment in urban centres in the first hundred years or so. The mutiny of 1857 and Industrial revolution changed all that and one finds a new vigour in city formation in the second half of the 19th century. Fear of epidemics, congestion, and demands of an Industrial economy led to municipal reforms and transformation of many Indian cities in the process. The results were not always desirable but at least a churning had begun. This was also a period when the British deliberately started using urban spaces as symbols of power, especially in the three large port cities of India.

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The French Pondicherry and the Portuguese Panaji on the other hand show a refreshingly different approach to urban development. The rhetoric of culture and integration takes firm root in Pondicherry, which shows in the overall distribution of land and its control. Whereas in the case of Panaji, the municipalities and the Church seem to have played an integrative role between the European and ethnically diverse Indian population. This shows in the formation of the main public place around the Church and the mixed housing in the city. The opportunistic and experimental outlook of some of the cities of the Princely states needs a special mention here. Some of these cities were at the forefront of planned transformation during the second of the 19th century and managed to create public spaces and institution that forever changed the character of the city. The limited autonomy enjoyed by these states was fully used to break free from the medieval city and create a new kind of urban space.

History of Urban Form of India: From Beginning till 1900ʼs Pratyush Shankar https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468096.001.0001 Published: 2023

Online ISBN: 9789391050351

END MATTER

Index  Published: December 2023

Subject: Asian History, Social and Cultural History Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online

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Print ISBN: 9780199468096

281Index For the bene t of digital users, indexed terms that span two pages (e.g., 52–53) may, on occasion, appear on only one of those pages. administrative precinct 222–24, 226 Agra 179–80, 183, 184–85, 186–87, 188–89, 191, 195–96, 199–201 Ahmedabad 107, 130, 131–32, 133, 135, 138–44 Anhilvada 134 Anicut 40 Aravalli 105, 127 autonomy 2, 34–39, 105, 106, 253, 254, 260 avenue 198, 216–18 Bahami 64, 79, 81, 198 Baroda 225, 254, 256–57, 259–68, 274 Baroda State 259–60, 267 Bazaar 73–76, 136–38, 147, 171–72, 193, 197–98, 205–6 Bharuch 132, 138 Bidar 68, 79–88 Bijapur 68, 88–95 Bombay 136, 145–46, 212, 216–18, 219, 224, 225 bungalows 221–22, 226 Calcutta 212, 216–18, 219, 224, 225 canal 28, 40, 114–15, 191–92, 237–41, 250 cantonment 263–66, 271–72 capital cities 106, 138, 202–3, 254 caravanserai 197–99 Central Asia 81–83, 153–54, 158, 181–82, 193–94, 197–98, 201–3 Chamba 155–63 Charbagh 182, 189–91 Chaugan 155–56, 158–59, 162 church 221–22, 225, 243, 244, 245–47, 248–49, 251 citadel 6, 70–71, 73, 74–76, 83, 89, 97–98, 102, 119–20, 134–35, 193 city centre 155–56, 163 city hall 137–38 city planning 180, 219, 265–66 civic institutions 132, 161, 245, 247 civic precinct 267–68 civil lines 225–27 climate 7 colonial settlements 229–30, 235–36 cosmopolitan 92–93, 138, 155, 193–94, 211, 266–67 Daulatabad 68–69 Deccan 63–104 defence 6, 68, 110 Delhi 179–80, 184, 225, 229 Delhi Sultanate 80–81, 102 diagram 5–6 direct rule 218–19, 253

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agriculture 153, 170, 180–81

Durbar Square 155–56 Esplanade 216–18, 221–22 Fateh Sagar Lake 114–15 Fatehpur Sikri 180, 183 ood plain 187, 190–91 fort wall 115, 136, 141 forti cation 212–18, 221–22 forts 68, 137–38, 191–92, 211 French 235–37, 239–42 Gaekwad 259–60, 262 p. 282

Gaikwad

134, 135, 139

Gangetic plains 181 Gangetic Valleys 22–23, 63 garden urbanism 182–83 gardens 69, 140, 182–83, 184, 187–88, 189–92, 193, 216–19, 221–22, 237–39, 258, 266 gates 141–43, 146, 171–72, 271 geography 3–4 Goa 242–43, 244–45 Golconda 68, 96–99 gridiron 237–41, 269–70 Gujarat Sultanate 133, 144 Gulbarga 73–79 Harappa 18, 21 hill station 229–35 Himalayan Urbanization 153–54 Himalayas 152, 229–30, 231–34 housing 49, 171–72, 184 Hyderabad 225, 254, 259, 268–75 imperial camps 202–3, 204–5, 206 indirect rule 146, 170, 209, 228, 253, 254, 274 Indus valley 18–21 industrial cities 229 industrialization 228, 229 institutional precincts 247–48 institutions 230, 239–42, 256 irrigation 28, 32, 40, 181–82, 187–88 Islamic State 65 Jain community 134, 135–36, 137–38 Jaipur 125–27, 128 Jaisalmer 117–20 Jami Mosque 66, 67, 69, 94–95, 141–43, 184, 195 Jodhpur 121–25 Kathmandu 153–54, 155–56 Khambat 129, 130, 132 Ladakh 153, 170 Lahore 180, 181, 183, 187–89, 190–91, 195–96, 199–201 lakes 111, 112–14, 115, 166 land ownership 225

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forti ed towns 64–65, 73

landscape 33–50, 152, 181–83, 184–85, 186–87, 188–89, 191, 229–31 Leh 170–72 library 137–38, 147 Madras 212, 216, 219, 224, 225 Madurai 50–52 Mall 225–27, 232–34 Mandi 155–56, 163–70 Maratha 135, 139, 259–60 markets 2, 4–5, 49–50, 69, 74–76, 111, 130, 138–39, 141–43, 148, 153–54, 155–56, 166, 170, 180–81, 184, 197–99, 226–27, 243, 270–71 Marwaris 109, 121–22, 131–32 medieval cities 210–11, 225–26, 227–28 medieval urbanism 198–99 Mehrangarh 122–23, 124–25 mercantile 27, 121–22, 132, 144–45, 210 merchants 107–10, 131–32, 134, 148–49, 171–72, 195, 198–99, 271 modernity 255–56, 261, 266 modernization 228 Mohenjo-Daro 18 mosque 72, 73–74, 199–201 Mughal administration 194 Municipal corporation 228 Museum 266–67 mutiny 227–28, 253 Mysore 225, 254, 256, 274 open ground 133, 154, 170, 171–72, 221–22 open space 4, 216–18, 249 organic cities 5–6 palace 155–56, 158, 163, 166, 170–71, 184, 186–87, 189, 191, 192, 193, 201, 245, 247, 250 Panaji 244–50 Parsees 145–46 Patan 130, 131–32, 133–38, 155–56, 162 planned cities 7–8 Pondicherry 236–42 port cities 129, 130, 132, 248 p. 283

Portuguese

222–24, 235–36, 242–50

precincts 212, 216, 222–24 princely states 254–57, 259–60, 268 professionals 256–59, 265–66 public edge 222–24 public institutions 83–86, 216–18 public open spaces 141–43, 162, 166, 192 public Park 266 public place 225, 226, 243, 256, 274 Public Works Department(PWD) 114–15, 159–61, 263–66, 269 railway station 225 railways 218–19, 224–25, 229, 263–65 Rajasthan 105

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mansabdars 193–95

reservoirs 183, 262 ridge 153, 230, 231, 232–34 riverfront 187, 189, 190 royal precinct 30–32 Sadar Bazaar 226 Shahjahanabad 180, 183–201 Shimla 230, 231–35 subsidiary alliance 253, 259–60, 263–65 Su

69, 72–73, 76–79

Surat 129, 130, 132, 138, 144–48 surplus 154 Tanjore 34 tanks 40 temple town 25–59 tent cities 180, 182, 201–2, 203 Thiruvarur 34 Tibet 153–54, 170 tomb 72, 76–79, 87–88, 187 town planning 212 trade 107–10, 118, 129, 130, 136, 138–39, 144–45, 148–49, 154, 155, 158, 170, 198–99, 210, 211, 219–21, 236– 37, 270–71 trade routes 129, 130, 134, 153–54 treaties 209, 253, 259–60 Udaipur 111–17 University 266–67 urban centres 27, 30–32, 64, 130, 133, 180–81, 210–11, 267 urban infrastructure 254 urban planning 183, 184, 224, 254, 274, 275 urban projects 265–66 walled city 89, 96, 253, 259, 267

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Srirangam 34, 53–56