Historicism, the Holocaust, and Zionism: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish History and Thought 9780814763544

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HISTORICISM, TH E HOLOCAUST , AN D ZIONIS M

STEVEN T. KATZ

Historicism, the Holocaust, and Zionism Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought and History

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 2 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Katz, Steve n T . Historicism, th e Holocaust , an d Zionis m : critical studie s i n modern Jewis h though t an d histor y / Steve n T . Katz . p. cm . Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0 - 8 1 4 7 - 4 6 1 6 - 0 1. Judaism—20th century . 2 . Judaism—Doctrines. 3 . Holocaust , Jewish (1939-1945)—Influence . 4 . Holocaus t (Jewis h theology ) 5. Philosophy , Jewish . 6 . Zionism—Philosophy . 7 . Historicism . I. Title . BM565.K357 199 2 909'.04924082—dc20 91-2941 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a c1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

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Book design by Ken Venezio

To the memory of my mother ', MARY (MIRIAM ) KATZ , my teacher, my friend, and a neverending source of love and encouragement. "May her memory be for a blessing. 3'

Contents

Acknowledgments i x Introduction x i 1 O n Historicis m an d Eternity : Reflection s o n th e 100t h Birthda y of Fran z Rosenzwei g 1 2 Jewis h Philosoph y i n th e 1980s : A Diagnosi s an d Prescriptio n 2 7 3 Abraha m Joshu a Hesche l an d Hasidis m 5 3 4 191 8 an d After : Th e Role of Racia l Antisemitism i n the Nazi Analysi s of th e Weima r Republi c 7 4 5 Quantit y an d Interpretation—Issue s i n th e Comparativ e Historica l Analysis o f th e Holocaus t 10 5 6 Auschwit z an d th e Gulag : Discontinuitie s an d Dissimilaritie s 13 8 7 Definin g th e Uniquenes s o f th e Holocaust : Preliminar y Clarification s and Disclaimer s 16 2 8 Technolog y an d Genocide : Technolog y a s a "For m o f Life " 19 3 9 "Voluntar y Covenant" : Irvin g Greenber g o n Fait h afte r the Holocaus t 22 5 1 0 "Th e Tremendum" : Arthu r Cohen' s Understandin g o f Fait h after th e Holocaus t 25 1 1 1 Criteri a fo r a Contemporar y Zionis t Ideolog y 27 4 1 2 Zionis m a s a n Expressio n o f Jewis h Freedo m 28 9 Index 30 1 vii

Acknowledgments

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would lik e to thank th e following individuals , publishers, an d journal s for permissio n t o reprin t th e followin g material : Professo r Wolfdie trich Schmied-Kowarzik , edito r o f Der Philosoph Franz Rosenzweig (Verlag Kar l Alber , Munich , 1988) , fo r permissio n t o reprin t th e articl e "On Historicis m an d Eternity : Reflection s o n th e 100t h Birthda y o f Franz Rosenzweig" ; Professo r Norber t Samuelson , edito r o f Studies in Jewish Philosophy: Collected Essays of the Academy for Jewish Philosophy 1980-1985 (Lanham , 1988) , fo r permissio n t o reprin t "Jewis h Philosophy i n the 1980s : A Diagnosis an d Prescription" ; Dr . Gez a Vermes , editor o f th e Journal of Jewish Studies, fo r permissio n t o reprin t m y essay "Abraha m Joshu a Hesche l an d Hasidism" ; Mr . Coli n Jones, director o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , fo r permissio n t o reprin t "191 8 an d After: Th e Rol e o f Racia l Antisemitis m i n th e Naz i Analysi s o f th e Weimar Republic, " fro m Anti-Semitism in Times of Crisis, edite d b y S. Katz an d S . Gilman (1991) ; Professo r Yehud a Bauer , edito r o f Holocaust and Genocide Studies, fo r permissio n t o reprin t "Quantit y an d Interpretation—Issues i n th e Comparativ e Historica l Analysi s o f th e Holocaust"; Professo r Ala n Berger , edito r o f Proceedings of the Holocaust Scholars Conference (forthcoming , 1991 ) fo r permissio n t o reprin t "Auschwitz an d th e Gulag : Discontinuitie s an d Dissimilarities ; Dr . Da n Cohn-Sherbok, edito r o f th e Louis Jacobs Festschrift (1991) , for permis sion t o reprin t "Definin g th e Uniquenes s o f th e Holocaust : Preliminar y Clarifications an d Disclaimers" ; Professor s Ala n Rosenber g an d Geral d E. Myers , editor s o f Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections on a Dark Time (Philadelphia , 1988) , fo r permissio n t o reprin t ix

x Acknowledgments "Technology an d Genocide : Technolog y a s a 'For m o f Life ' " ; an d Professor N . Waldman , edito r o f Community and Culture: Essays in Jewish Studies in Honor of the 90th Anniversary of Gratz College (Philadelphia, 1987) , fo r permissio n t o reprin t "Zionis m a s a n Expres sion o f Jewish Freedom. "

Introduction

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he presen t collectio n bring s togethe r essay s writte n ove r th e pas t decade. Onc e again , i t reflect s m y ongoin g preoccupatio n wit h th e most importan t issue s i n contemporar y Jewis h thought , i n particular , the questio n o f authorit y an d it s relationshi p t o historica l development , that is, the problem o f historicism, the nature an d impac t of antisemitis m in ou r centur y culminatin g i n th e monumenta l destructivenes s o f th e Shoah, an d th e meanin g o f Zionis m an d it s near-miraculou s offspring , the Stat e o f Israel . Eac h o f thes e topo i raise s difficul t an d challengin g intellectual (a s wel l a s existential ) conundrum s fo r anyon e concerne d with th e continue d vitalit y o f th e Jewis h Peopl e an d wit h th e spiritua l integrity o f Judaism i n ou r time . While I have n o illusion s abou t havin g written th e final wor d o n an y o f thes e semina l matters , I do believ e tha t the presen t se t o f essay s doe s significantl y contribut e t o thei r conceptua l decipherment. Rea d togethe r wit h th e essay s i n my earlie r volume , PostHolocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought (Ne w York Universit y Press , 1983) , on e ca n begi n t o identif y th e mai n issue s and thinker s withi n th e contemporar y Jewis h intellectua l univers e a s I perceive them, a s well a s to comprehen d a t least the contours o f a larger , more syntheti c view of contemporar y Jewis h existence . It i s a grea t pleasur e t o than k thos e wh o hav e mad e th e publicatio n o f this collectio n possible . I am deepl y indebte d t o Mr . Coli n Jones , direc tor o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , fo r hi s friendship , man y act s o f kindness, an d continue d interes t i n my work . Mr . Nik o Pfun d an d Ms . Despina Papazoglo u Gimbe l o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Pres s hav e bee n a joy to work wit h o n this as on othe r projects . Assistance of various kind s xi

xii Introduction has bee n graciousl y extende d t o m e b y Mrs . Phylli s Emde e an d Ms . Raihana Zama n o f th e Departmen t o f Nea r Easter n Studie s a t Cornell , and i s much appreciated . Fundin g fo r som e of th e typing of th e essays i n this volum e wa s provide d b y the Jewish Studie s Fun d a t Cornel l an d th e MacArthur Foundatio n throug h th e Peac e Studie s Progra m a t Cornell . Lastly, a s always , I a m happ y t o acknowledg e my immens e deb t t o m y children, Shira , Tamar , an d Yehuda , an d t o my wife , Rebecca , fo r al l their sustainin g car e an d love .

1 On Historicism and Eternity: Reflections on the 100th Birthday of Franz Rosenzweig

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n honorin g Fran z Rosenzwei g o n thi s centenar y occasion , i t i s appro priate t o as k wha t i t i s i n hi s wor k tha t bring s u s together . I s thi s gathering, fo r al l o f it s specia l an d genuin e poignancy , ye t anothe r for m of wa r reparations , th e honorin g o f a long-dea d Jewis h thinke r b y hi s native Germa n cit y nearl y 4 0 year s afte r th e Shoah, o r i s i t somethin g else? An d i f somethin g else , what els e can i t be ? That i s to say , there ar e many wh o woul d conten d tha t Rosenzweig' s philosophica l an d theo logical contributio n wa s foreve r burie d i n the rubble o f Nazism, anothe r minor casualt y o f Germany' s obscen e onslaugh t agains t th e Jewish peo ple. Fo r i t ca n an d ha s bee n argued , tha t Rosenzweig' s relation s t o Hegel, t o Idealism , t o Germany , t o th e Galut, t o Christianity , t o Zion ism, wer e al l s o deepl y th e produc t o f hi s lat e 19th-earl y 20t h centur y German contex t tha t th e destructio n o f tha t Sitz im Leben eliminate s th e viability, th e authenticity , th e concretenes s o f hi s thought . Stil l more , i t is reasonable t o sugges t tha t hi s styl e is , for al l it s radicalness , fo r al l it s strangeness, fo r al l o f it s fascination , s o thoroughl y roote d i n th e no w deeply questionabl e Germani c philosophica l traditio n emergin g ou t o f Kant an d Hege l a s t o be , i n places , nearl y unintelligibl e today . A s such , it make s littl e sens e t o attemp t t o extrac t stil l usabl e truth s fro m hi s peculiar, i f original , metaphysica l constructions , fro m hi s abstrus e negations, fro m hi s mysteriou s grammatologica l proclamations . Le t Originally prepare d fo r th e Internationa l Congres s hel d i n Kassel , Germany , i n 198 6 i n honor o f th e 100t h anniversar y o f Rosenzweig' s birth . Reprinte d b y permissio n o f Verla g Karl Alber, Munich .

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2 On

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us, conten d th e critics , move o n instea d t o mor e certain , les s vulnerable , thinkers. At times , thi s negativ e recommendatio n commend s itsel f t o me ; bu t upon studie d reflectio n I a m convince d tha t t o follo w i t woul d b e a n error o f considerabl e proportions . An d thi s because , give n th e absolut e centrality o f issue s relatin g t o histor y an d historicis m i n al l form s o f modern philosophica l an d theologica l reflection , Rosenzwei g stil l ha s much t o teac h us , i f onl y b y wa y o f hi s refusa l t o capitulat e t o th e dominant historicizin g modalitie s regnan t i n contemporar y conceptua l formulations an d deconstructions .

I. History, a s reconceptualize d i n historicis t thought , i s not onl y a descrip tive categor y bu t a prescriptiv e normativ e ideology . I n th e movemen t from Hegel' s Phdnomenologie des Geistes t o Ranke' s essay s fo r th e Historisch-Politische Zeitschrift an d t o Meinecke' s 193 6 historicis t clas sic Die Entstehung des Historismus, on e observe s a progressiv e unfold ing of a n ide a whos e power ha s bee n fel t everywher e i n moder n intellec tual life. Believed to possess almost salvific potencies by some, the historicist idea ca n b e characterized i n Dilthey's word s a s follows : "Thus historical awarenes s of th e finitude o f al l historical phenomena , o f every human o r socia l situation , th e consciousnes s o f th e relativit y o f ever y sor t o f belief is the final step towards the liberation of man." 1 But thi s affirmatio n i s no t withou t negativ e an d fa r reachin g implica tions. Thus i t is not surprisin g tha t i n theological circle s Christia n think ers fro m F . C . Bau r t o Rudol f Bultman n an d stil l mor e recentl y W . Pannenberg hav e wrestle d wit h th e skeptica l an d corrosiv e implication s of thi s positio n fo r Christianity , whil e Jewish thinker s hav e engage d th e matter no t s o directl y a s hermeneuti c bu t rathe r i n th e fundamenta l character o f th e Jewish theologica l encounte r wit h modernit y whic h ha s generated al l th e reformis t movement s i n Judais m sinc e th e Emancipa tion, rangin g fro m classica l Refor m t o S . R. Hirsch' s neo-Orthodox y (i n which th e neo i s all important), to contemporar y Reconstructionism . Let u s b e mor e precis e abou t wha t w e ar e callin g historicism , a wor d used i n a variet y o f differing , a t time s eve n antithetical , senses . W e ar e not, first o f all , concerned wit h th e political implication s o f th e doctrin e as focuse d upo n especiall y i n Kar l Popper' s severa l famou s polemics. 2

On Historicism and Eternity 3 Nor b y historicism d o I mean t o emphasiz e Meinecke' s concer n wit h th e individual, th e unique , historica l event . Rather , a s over-agains t thes e usages, the concep t i s here employe d t o mea n a n ideolog y that : (a ) views all event s an d experience s a s i n an d subjec t t o historica l change ; (b ) views th e "truth " a s accumulativ e an d ope n t o th e futur e rathe r tha n individual an d possibl y fixe d i n th e past ; an d (c ) hold s tha t t o under stand a n even t o r experienc e w e need t o conside r i t in relation to , and i n the contex t of , a proces s o f development . Tw o furthe r corollarie s o f th e notion tha t w e als o hav e i n min d whe n w e emplo y th e ter m are : (a ) th e claim fo r th e necessaril y tempora l natur e o f reaso n an d huma n judg ment; an d (b ) the clai m tha t authenti c knowledg e ca n b e arrived at , a s i t is th e produc t o f history , onl y throug h a knowledg e o f history . In addition, tw o allied , thoug h no t necessaril y connecte d factors , als o re quire recognitio n a s part o f ou r attemp t t o fram e a n adequat e apprecia tion o f th e term . Th e firs t i s th e ideolog y o f progress, 3 i.e. , th e doctrin e that w e ar e movin g alon g a n upward s pat h i n mora l an d metaphysica l values. This was a major featur e o f 19t h centur y historicism that , despit e the skepticis m o f Nietzsch e an d Troeltsch , i s still not dead . I n the Jewish community thi s presumptio n was , an d is , a majo r forc e i n th e Reform , Conservative, an d Reconstructionis t branche s o f Judaism. Th e secon d i s the principl e tha t histor y i s subjec t t o certai n laws , th e positio n mos t often associate d wit h th e philosophical outloo k o f Hege l an d Mar x (an d certainly o f Marxism). 4 Under th e inspiratio n o f thi s moder n historicis t concer n a s w e hav e just describe d it , i t ha s becom e fashionabl e fo r scholar s t o characteriz e Judaism (a s wel l a s th e othe r biblicall y roote d wester n religion s mor e generally) a s "historical" . In contrast , i t wa s Rosenzweig' s particula r genius, perhaps th e consequence s o f hi s "uneducated " Jewis h sensibilit y and "raw " encounte r wit h it s formativ e canonica l sources , t o recogniz e that Judaism's religiou s experienc e cu m traditio n suggest s that historica l events qua historica l event s d o an d d o no t matter , tha t Judaism i s and i s not subjec t t o change , that Judaism ca n b e said to be open t o verificatio n in histor y an d tha t th e convers e i s als o a justifie d conclusion , tha t Judaism i s an d i s no t "thi s worldly" . Wha t thi s mean s i s that th e issue s of histor y an d historicity , th e clai m tha t Judais m i s a historica l religio n and al l that i s insinuated b y this assertion , nee d re-consideration .

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II. Rosenzweig, abov e al l other s i n th e contemporar y pantheo n o f Jewis h thinkers, wa s sensitiv e t o th e a-historica l reality , th e meta-tempora l normativity embodie d i n Judaism . Inspire d b y hi s fea r o f th e nihilism , the skepticism , th e relativis m h e rightl y perceive d i n historicist postures , he sough t t o arres t thi s drif t b y recallin g fro m "above " non-changing , eternal, verities . I n th e for m o f a n inventory , I remin d yo u o f som e o f the mor e importan t evidence s whic h h e calle d t o witness ; tha t is , I wish to provid e a brie f itemizatio n o f thos e radica l realia whic h fo r Rosen zweig stoo d over-against , eve n contradicted , th e monolithic , systemic , claims of th e historicizing consciousness . (1) Le t u s begi n wit h hi s astonishing , insisten t reformulatio n o f th e "miraculous". In th e secon d sectio n o f th e Star tha t Rosenzwei g title s Uber die Moglichkeit, das Wunder zu erleben (O n th e Possibilit y o f Experiencing Miracles ) h e fashion s a decisiv e reconstructio n o f thi s pri mal notion . Her e h e ha s profoun d thing s t o sa y abou t th e complemen tary relatio n o f miracle s t o scientifi c law , an d therefor e abou t th e rela tionship o f religio n (theology ) an d rationa l truth , an d als o throug h hi s dense expositio n abou t th e developmen t o f moder n though t an d th e reasons fo r it s rejection o f miracles . But beyon d this , and fo r ou r presen t purposes, I concentrate upo n th e connection h e makes between miracles , creation an d revelation , i.e. , upon th e implications o f his thought fo r th e understanding o f prophecy an d redemption . Tha t is , I recall to notice his striking observatio n tha t "nothin g i n th e miracl e o f revelatio n i s novel , nothing i s interventio n o f sorcer y i n create d creation , bu t rathe r i t i s wholly sign , wholly th e proces s o f makin g visibl e an d audibl e th e provi dence whic h ha s originall y bee n conceale d i n th e speechles s nigh t o f creation, wholly—revelation." 5 Accordingly , b y a reasoning we cannot , and nee d not , recapitulat e here , th e "miracle" , whil e embodie d i n th e givenness of spacetime , of creation , stand s beyond th e phenomenal, eve n beyond th e mora l an d aesthetic , an d make s itsel f presen t i n ou r existen tial awareness , ou r direc t intuition , o f revelatio n an d redemption . Eve n philosophers restricte d t o th e historical-tempora l mus t admi t th e possi bility, i f no t th e reality , o f suc h a n awareness , of suc h a n address , out o f the empirical , t o tha t whic h lie s beyon d th e empirical . "Wher e Ar t Thou", th e Divin e Address , i s th e content , arrive d a t b y stages , o f th e miraculous. A conten t neithe r controlle d no r addresse d b y th e phenom enal quer y "Wher e ar e you" . Th e miracl e i s miracl e precisel y b y virtu e

On Historicism and Eternity 5 of it s powe r t o ope n u p fo r u s th e connectednes s o f man , world , an d God; a n existin g interpenetration , a linkage , unstudie d by , bu t no t i n contradiction to , th e natura l environmen t tha t i s th e prope r subjec t o f scientific inquiry . Th e singularit y o f th e huma n "I" , the respons e o f th e transcendental "Thou" , th e reciprocit y o f love , th e dialogu e o f creatio n and creator , o f create d bein g an d create d being , o f covenan t an d final redemption, al l revea l themselve s as , a t least , possibilities , give n thi s decoding o f th e rea l a s th e locu s o f th e miraculous . An d i n s o doin g these possibilities , i f stil l onl y a s possibilities , transcen d th e fals e limit s of a n arden t historicism . (2) Consider , secondly , certai n definitiv e aspect s of Rosenzweig' s uniqu e understanding o f religion . Her e Rosenzwei g shoul d b e understoo d a s providing data no t arguments, i. e. , thoug h I a m skeptica l o f hi s over arching synthesis through whic h h e brings these discrete phenomena int o a "ne w thinking" , I a m quit e confiden t tha t thes e element s ar e beyon d the capacit y o f an y stron g historicis m t o assimilate . T o b e note d ar e hi s contentions that : (a) Al l historica l event s ar e partia l an d corrupt . A s a consequenc e sal vation ca n onl y b e provided b y a metahistorical religiosity . (b) Creatio n i s a non-tempora l logica l conception . It s dialectica l coun terpoint, revelation , i s mor e tha n historica l an d provide s history' s direction an d orientation . (c) Th e proble m o f deat h point s ou t beyon d itself , beyon d time . A s Rosenzweig explain s i n his comments o n "Immortality " i n the Star: "The inevitabl e growin g o f th e kingdo m i s not, however , simpl y identica l with the growth o f life, and this becomes evident here. For while life wants to endure , i t wages a struggle uncertai n o f issue : that al l lif e mus t di e is a matter, i f no t o f necessity , a t leas t of ampl e experience. Thus the kingdo m may build it s growth o n th e growth o f life . But in addition i t is dependent on somethin g else , somethin g whic h firs t assure s lif e o f tha t immortalit y which life seeks for itself an d which the kingdom must demand for life. Life is assure d o f citizenshi p i n th e kingdo m onl y b y becomin g immortal . I n order t o becom e manifes t form , th e worl d thu s require s a n effec t fro m without i n additio n t o it s ow n inne r growth , th e growt h o f lif e whic h i s precarious becaus e neve r certai n o f enduring . This effect affect s it s vitality in the act of redemption." [Star, 224-225) (d) Th e reality , th e continuity , o f th e Peopl e o f Israe l challenge s al l immanent decipherment s o f th e movemen t o f history . Thoug h I d o not shar e hi s insistenc e o n Israel' s mor e tha n historica l being , al l o f

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Rosenzweig's view s o n th e meanin g o f Israel' s eternit y ar e substan tive and insightful . O f thi s Peopl e he writes: "Time ha s n o powe r ove r i t an d mus t rol l pas t i t . . . Elsewhere pas t an d future ar e divorced, the one the sinking back, the other the coming on; here they grow into one. The bearing of the future i s a direct bearing witness to the pas t . . . Th e Patriarch s o f ol d cal l upo n thei r las t descendan t b y hi s name—which i s theirs . Abov e th e darknes s o f th e futur e burn s th e star strewn heaven of the promise: 'so shall thy seed be'." (Star, 298) One migh t b e rightl y cautiou s o f thi s Rosenzweigia n emphasi s o n "ethnos wit h God" ; bu t on e canno t avoi d th e fac t tha t i t i s i n keeping wit h biblica l rhythms , an d afte r Auschwit z i s both dat a an d doctrine. As such, the imperatives o f an y Neo-Kantian ethicism , tha t is, an y Herman n Cohen-lik e interpretatio n o f Judais m an d Jewis h peoplehood, a s over-agains t thi s Rosenzweigia n ethnicism , shoul d be complementary, no t oppositional , an d henc e reductive . Here, in the context o f a n evaluation o f Rosenzweig' s contention s regarding th e eternit y o f Israel , i t shoul d als o b e note d tha t eve n hi s much criticize d understandin g o f an d distanc e fro m Zionis m is , however ope n t o rebuttal, sensitiv e to a real issue. Gershom Schole m has alread y suggeste d i n criticis m o f Rosenzwei g tha t h e "turne d Judaism int o a Church" , b y whic h h e mean t tha t Rosenzweig' s Judaism lacke d th e politica l element . In thi s sense , accordin g t o thi s national-political criterion , a s Scholem correctl y perceived , Zionism , and Jewis h histor y mor e generally , hav e transcende d Rosenzweig . But, an d I sa y thi s a s a Zionist , Rosenzwei g sense d th e dee p an d abiding problemati c inheren t i n th e Zionis t enterprise . Tha t is , h e recognized correctl y tha t Zionis m i s not lik e othe r nationalisms , fo r the Stat e i s no t absolut e i n it s self-consciousness , rathe r th e Stat e i s there onl y t o serv e th e Jewis h people ; an d i s create d t o solv e th e historical problem s connecte d wit h Israel' s exili c condition. 6 Th e internal tension s withi n contemporar y Zionis m stil l revea l tha t thi s dilemma abide s wit h repercussiv e consequences. 7 (e) Histor y requires , in the strong sense, transcendence, the meta-histor ical, i n orde r fo r i t t o b e redeeme d fro m meaninglessness . Withou t the transcendenta l ther e is , ultimately, onl y tha t fragmentar y mean ingfulness whic h cannot , finally , withstan d th e primordial chaos , the absurdity tha t follow s upo n relativism . In an d throug h thes e fiv e elementa l "religious " concerns , alon g wit h his readin g o f th e miraculous , Rosenzweig , sensitiv e observe r tha t h e

On Historicism and Eternity 7 was, th e defende r o f tha t philosoph y o f experienc e whic h h e continuall y made referenc e to , erfahrende Philosophie, raise s agai n "givens " whos e decoding pushe s bac k th e frontiers , challenge s th e premises , o f an y rigorous o r narrowl y historica l argumentation . W e nee d no t accep t Ro senzweig's ontolog y o f th e Star a s the definitiv e wa y o f explicatin g thes e elemental factors , a s th e preferre d solutio n t o th e metaphysica l an d axiological conundrum s tha t thes e difficul t issue s raise, indeed hi s ontol ogy seem s markedl y flawe d an d i n part s unbelievabl e i f no t absurd , bu t we d o need , eve n now , t o atten d t o th e perennia l relevanc e o f thos e realia t o whic h h e point s a s wel l a s t o hi s "counter " readin g o f th e ambiguities o f huma n existence .

III. Rosenzweig's argumentatio n raises , i n addition , fundamenta l logica l is sues t o whic h I woul d lik e t o cal l attention , i f onl y schematically . Si x related an d inter-dependen t logico-metaphysica l issue s requir e commen t at this juncture t o push th e analysi s along . (1) I t is , a s Rosenzwei g recognized , a n inherent—an d necessary — feature o f historicis t reasoning , especiall y a s i t is employed i n th e analy sis of theologica l matters , that i t utilizes a questionable for m o f analogy , of analogica l inference , i n orde r t o reac h it s conclusions . Th e natur e o f this inference ha s bee n helpfull y describe d a s follows : "Theology ca n tak e the historical metho d seriousl y onc e again i f the principle s of researc h ar e freed fro m a n ideologica l anthropocentris m whic h denie s absolutely th e dimensio n o f transcendenc e i n reality . Th e principle s o f researc h a s such do not necessarily presuppose that history is driven by man rather than by God. O f course , there is an anthropocentri c elemen t in historical knowledg e as in al l huma n knowledge . Al l historica l knowledg e depend s o n th e principl e of analogy, tha t is , approachin g wha t i s ye t unknow n o n th e basi s o f wha t i s already known. Distant events of the past are knowable only because the historian finds som e connectio n betwee n the m an d present-da y occurrence s wit h which h e i s familiar . Th e principl e o f analog y ha s t o b e applie d cautiously , however, lest it lead the historian to a simpleminded reduction of the past to the present, preventin g hi m fro m learnin g anythin g reall y ne w o r differen t fro m history. Histor y woul d b e allowed t o reflec t o r illustrat e onl y wha t h e alread y knows, nothing more. This would be to repeat the rationalist prejudice of David Hume wh o sai d tha t 'histor y inform s u s o f nothin g new' . Th e poin t o f th e principle of analogy is that by starting with what is familiar an d similar, eyes are opened t o wha t i s strange , novel , an d dissimilar . Th e historia n shoul d pres s

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beyond th e apparen t identitie s o r similaritie s t o th e reall y individua l an d radi cally contingent phenomena in historical reality. Has the historian not all too commonly tried to reduce all phenomena in history to law s i n analog y t o th e natura l sciences ? Suc h a view o f histor y seem s to be presupposed i n Bultmann' s statemen t tha t th e 'historica l metho d include s th e presupposition tha t histor y i s a unit y i n th e sens e o f a close d continuu m o f effects i n which individua l event s are connected b y the succession o f cause and effect . . . Thi s closednes s mean s tha t th e continuu m o f historica l happening s cannot be rent by the interference of supernatural, transcendent powers and that therefore ther e i s no 'miracle ' i n thi s sens e o f th e word' . Withi n suc h a worl d view, the principle o f analog y i s likely t o b e absolutized, leadin g to a tendency to discover only likenesses, regularities, typical occurrences, and recurrent situations. Theology has no interest in denying these aspects of historical reality, but it i s equall y committe d t o a perceptio n o f wha t i s special , unique , novel , an d unrepeatable. I f a n even t i s reporte d i n th e tradition , th e fac t tha t ther e i s no immediate analog y betwee n i t and ou r everyda y experienc e o f realit y i s insuffi cient ground for denyin g that it happened. The historian, the historiographer, to be free fro m dogmati c prejudices, must inquire further, an d recognize the limits of the principle of analog y a s well as the possibility that he may never have the means for establishing whether the event really happened. 8 (2) Historicity , a s w e hav e define d th e term , an d a s Rosenzwei g understood the notion, must emplo y an immanentist principle of causality, i.e., "ever y experienc e o r even t E i s th e resul t o f a specifiabl e caus e C , and fo r ever y E there is a C". Historicis t form s o f explanatio n us e word s such a s "because" , "thus" , "hence " an d "therefore." 9 Accordingly , thi s line of reasoning raises several significant issue s about th e kinds of event s or dat a i t can legitimatel y accommodate . Consider : (a) Mos t historica l explanation s fai l t o mee t thi s test , e . g. , wha t C i s responsible fo r th e specifi c teaching s o f th e Torah , eve n i f w e rejec t revelation? Tha t is , the explanatio n o f historicis t causalit y i s almost , except i n usually trivia l cases , incomplete. (b) T o see k th e caus e o f an y discret e even t E i s different , an d radicall y so, fro m seekin g th e caus e o f al l E's , i . e. , o f th e whole . Th e failur e to recogniz e thi s lead s t o fundamenta l epistemologica l a s wel l a s metaphysical confusions . (c) Causalit y i s predicated o n th e assumptio n o f th e operatio n o f laws , e. g., th e propositio n "th e kettl e boile d whe n pu t o n th e stove" , i s a species o f causa l explanatio n tha t appeal s t o th e law s o f thermody namics. That i s K (kettle) B (boils) whe n place d o n S (stove) becaus e whenever S (stove) K s (kettles ) B (boil ) (allowin g o f cours e fo r th e interruption covere d b y anothe r la w o f th e for m tha t th e stov e mus t

On Historicism and Eternity 9 be heate d t o a certai n degre e an d th e kettl e mus t hav e wate r i n it , etc.). However , wha t la w i s predictive o f th e singula r occurrenc e o f Covenant o r Exodus ? (Other , tha t is , than havin g recours e t o tran scendental description s o r explanation s whic h invok e God' s lov e and savin g nature etc. But such theological statement s ar e metaphys ical explanation s o r doctrina l interpretations , no t law s i n th e scien tific sense.) 10 (3) On e need s t o b e self-conscious , a s Rosenzwei g repeatedl y force s us to remember , abou t th e categorica l statu s o f th e historicist thesis : it is a metaphysical an d no t (a s i s s o ofte n assumed , a t leas t implicitly ) a n empirical theory . A s suc h i t ha s t o defen d itsel f o n ground s othe r tha n an appea l t o specifi c bit s of historica l evidence ; it needs t o offe r a theor y of th e superiorit y o f th e temporalizing , historicizin g vie w o f man , tran scendence an d histor y a s compare d t o alternativ e metaphysica l options . No versio n o f th e historicis t thesis , however , ha s bee n abl e t o provid e such a theory . A s such , th e historicis t metho d remain s exposed , rightly , to seriou s attack . Heidegge r ha s labore d longes t an d hardes t i n thi s vineyard—and w e kno w ho w limite d an d unsatisfactor y hi s result s are . Here a historica l not e make s a philosophica l poin t wort h reflectin g upon. Historicit y wa s introduce d int o moder n metaphysica l speculatio n primarily throug h th e agenc y o f Hegelia n Idealism , e . g. , Croc e i n ou r time wa s a historicis t becaus e h e was , t o a larg e extent , a n Hegelia n (and, conversely , Rosenzwei g wa s a n anti-historicis t i n larg e measur e due t o hi s dialectica l polemi c agains t Hegel) . However , Hegel' s Idealis t metaphysical progra m ha s bee n everywher e rejected , ye t it s historicis t component remain s a dogm a i n mos t quarters . Rosenzweig , i n contrast , is one of the few post-Hegelian thinker s to recognize the connection wit h sufficient clarit y an d wit h admirabl e consistency , t o understan d tha t th e repudiation o f th e Hegelia n superstructur e allow s one , with philosophi cal probity, t o questio n th e legac y of Idealis t historicism . (4) An y analysi s o f th e metaphysica l implication s o f th e historicis t position mus t recognize the inherent, necessar y subjectivis m o f th e enter prise an d th e curiou s parado x i t generates. The subjectivism , th e relativ ism, emerge s fro m th e fac t tha t i f on e accept s th e trut h o f th e historicis t principle o f truth , the n thi s trut h is , necessarily , t o b e historicize d an d hence no authenti c standard exist s for an y normative judgment o f histor ical realities , e . g. , "Tho u shal t no t kill " i s no t a mor e worth y principl e than Hitler' s racia l law s o f annihilation . Historicism , t o pu t th e matte r

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directly, seem s incompatible , i f consistentl y applied , wit h values . Thi s Troeltsch 11 an d especiall y Dilthe y alread y realized , an d i t wa s thi s rec ognition o f th e negativ e consequence s o f th e structura l relativis m inher ent i n th e historicis t modalit y tha t Rosenstock-Huess y force d upo n Ro senzweig, thereb y changin g hi s life. 12 Th e post-Worl d Wa r I wor k o f philosophers suc h a s Croc e an d Heidegger , an d agai n lesse r historicis t thinkers, have given us no caus e to alte r this skeptical judgmen t a s to th e unsatisfactory entailment s o f holdin g a historicis t position . Indeed , Hei degger's rapturou s embrac e o f Nazism , howeve r temporary, 13 precisel y on th e ground s o f hi s ow n philosophica l hermeneuti c i s caus e fo r ex treme caution. 14 Hegel' s principl e tha t "wha t i s reasonabl e i s real ; an d what i s rea l i s reasonable" 15 alread y hold s withi n i t th e transcendenc e of mora l judgmen t b y a metaphysical supercessionis m tha t ca n onl y lea d to moral anarchy , i f calle d b y other name s i n the Hegelian lexico n o f th e Spirit. "Wit h Hege l an d Croc e (an d other historicists ) Historicis m result s in a complet e amoralism , i n th e cul t o f success , i n a n idolatr y o f th e accomplished fact." 16 I t wa s Nietzsche' s geniu s t o rejec t thi s claim— a key reaso n fo r hi s adoptio n o f a cyclica l theor y o f history . A s he wisel y remarked: "If ever y succes s carrie s withi n itsel f a necessit y o f reason , i f ever y even t i s a victory o f logi c o r o f th e idea , le t u s knee l dow n quickl y an d hurr y kneelin g through th e whol e scal e o f succes s . . . Histor y alway s teaches : 'i t onc e hap pened', bu t ethics says: 'you ough t not!' or 'yo u shoul d no t have'. Thus history becomes an epitome of factual immorality". 17 This als o applied , a s Rosenzwei g make s clear , t o matter s o f mora l an d religious reform , i . e., are we to justify an d henc e accep t al l reform i n the name of historica l change—eve n i f called progress—or rather , ough t w e to stan d ove r agains t histor y wit h a critica l consciousnes s tha t dares , i n the nam e o f othe r highe r norms , t o rejec t th e ultimat e realit y o f th e historical an d it s dictates . Whil e th e variou s modernis t movement s an d thinkers hav e resiste d a complet e contextualizin g o f values , i n some , usually moral , areas , thoug h no t alway s eve n here , ther e i s n o clea r principle a t wor k t o justif y thi s selectivity . Tha t is , it need s t o b e aske d why, if, indeed , morality 18 i s not subjec t t o historicizing forces , th e sam e meta-historical o r a-historica l claim s ca n no t b e mad e regardin g th e truth i n relationshi p t o othe r axiologica l an d metaphysica l categories ? While i f i t does exten d t o other , e.g. , religiou s o r metaphysical , domain s than th e mai n thrust , th e cardina l principl e o f legitimation , o f th e mod ernist ideologie s tha t hav e ha d suc h a powerfu l influenc e i n reshapin g

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our contemporar y normativ e sensibilit y need s rethinkin g i n it s funda mentals. It should b e made explici t tha t thi s criticism i s made specificall y against Jewis h (an d othe r religious ) thinkers—Rosenzwei g ha d Refor m Judaism primaril y i n mind—wh o hav e a n interes t i n maintainin g pre scriptive value s o f a religiou s sor t eve n a s the y champio n historicis t criteria o f meaning , verificatio n an d truth. 19 In th e cas e o f non-theists , e.g., Sartr e o r Camus , th e objectio n ma y hav e les s force , certainl y i t would nee d reconstructio n t o fit th e particularitie s o f thei r atheisti c existentialism an d it s "meaningless" universe. Though eve n Sartre' s "m a liberte est l'unique fondemen t de s valeurs" 20 is troubled b y the question , if no t outrigh t contradiction , o f wh y an d ho w freedo m become s th e "foundation fo r values " in a world tha t i s otherwise absurd . Rosenzweig recognize d tha t a t thi s poin t a fundamenta l parado x emerges: i f trut h i s th e resul t o f th e historica l proces s the n th e Truth , with a capita l T , o f th e historica l proces s ca n onl y b e know n a t it s end , i. e. , fro m a suprahistorica l vantag e point . An d her e Rosenzweig' s per spective gains the upper hand . There i s als o a n essentia l self-defeatin g entailmen t embodie d i n th e historicist mod e o f argumentation , a n entailmen t tha t is , i n fact , jus t another instanc e o f a n ol d an d familia r conundrum . I f th e propositio n "all trut h i s subject t o historicist categories " is true, then ther e is at leas t one truth , namel y itself , whic h i s no t s o subjec t t o historicis t require ments. An d i f thi s i s s o the n th e universa l metaphysica l clai m advance d by historicis m i s shown t o b e contradicted . A s Leo Straus s noted : "His toricism thrive s o n th e fac t tha t i t inconsistentl y exempt s itsel f fro m it s own verdic t o n al l huma n thought." 2 1 T o mak e th e poin t o f thi s criti cism clear , onc e ther e i s at leas t on e trut h tha t i s independent o f histori cist requirement s the n ther e i s a t leas t th e possibilit y tha t ther e ar e additional truth s tha t transcen d th e confinement o f historicis t criteria . (5) Historicism i n its particular applicatio n t o theologica l trut h insist s that Transzendenz, i n Jaspers' s terminology , o r wha t Heidegge r call s Being (Seiri), can onl y becom e rea l fo r u s i n certai n temporall y condi tioned ways . Heidegger' s thought , whic h ha s mos t consistentl y an d forcefully advocate d thi s thesis, has been aptl y characterize d a s follows : "This anticipatory understandin g of Being (analogous to Kant's pure categories of understanding ) i s possible because the horizons of temporality permi t being s to be (manifest) onl y in certain ways. Hence temporality is 'receptive' because it lets the Being of bein g give itself, but also 'active' in that it determines a priori the manner in which this giving can occur". 22

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But ca n thi s ontologica l "chutzpah'' 23 b e allowe d t o stand ? Tha t is , can we follo w Heidegger , an d othe r historicists , a s over-against Rosenzweig , in establishin g temporalit y a s superio r t o Being , whic h we , alon g wit h Rosenzweig, prefer t o cal l God ? Or , alternatively , mus t w e not, an d thi s is a logica l 'must ' give n th e definitio n o f th e Jewis h God , rejec t thi s inversion o f Sein an d Zeit —in othe r words , overturn Heidegger' s essen tial claim , a t leas t i n term s o f God . Anothe r wa y o f exposin g th e signifi cance o f thi s issu e i s b y askin g th e Rosenzweigia n question : "I s Go d subject t o th e law s an d constraint s o f temporality?" 24 Heidegger , o f course, i s carefu l t o insis t h e i s agnosti c o n thes e question s an d system atically refuse s t o ente r int o theologica l conversation . Bu t we mus t pus h the issu e a t th e ver y poin t a t whic h h e stops . Th e issu e i s th e leas t logically possibl e ontologica l differenc e betwee n Sein an d Dasein. And , complementarily, a recognitio n o f th e distinctio n betwee n Dasein a s human existenc e qua immanen t temporalit y an d Dasein a s th e locu s o f the revelatio n o f transcendenta l realit y an d henc e a n alternativ e tem poral modality . Regardin g Dasein a s huma n temporality , a s finitude, a s fundamental anthropology, th e historicist-Heideggeria n stanc e i s in structive, if limited eve n here. But Dasein a s the 'point ' wher e Being/Go d discloses Itsel f o r Himself , no t fo r ou r sak e alon e bu t als o for , eve n primarily for , Hi s sake , canno t b e so circumscribed. Histor y an d tim e a s God's creatio n create d b y Hi m i n orde r t o revea l Hi s wil l an d purpos e stand i n a differen t relatio n t o th e limit s o f temporalit y an d historicis m altogether. On e migh t pu t i t thus : histor y an d tim e ar e i n th e servic e o f God, Go d i s not i n th e servic e o f tim e an d history. 25 O f course , on e ha s not ye t show n how Sein (God ) an d Dasein ar e relate d an d ho w Sein reveals itsel f i n Dasein, no r hav e w e attempte d thi s ultimat e metaphysi cal schematization . Wha t w e have , however, trie d t o sho w i s that, a s th e Star of Redemption insists , a new-ol d understandin g o f th e relationshi p between tim e an d transcendenc e i s required i n orde r t o comprehen d th e ontological framewor k upo n whic h a sustainabl e contemporar y Jewis h theology ca n b e built . (6) A further metaphysica l dilemma , brough t t o critica l consciousnes s by Rosenzweig , i s th e relatio n o f historicit y t o totality , i. e. , ca n a historicist mod e o f exegesi s an d deconstructio n accoun t fo r "totality " either i n the specifi c for m o f th e totality o f Jewish Histor y o r in the mor e general for m o f Histor y per se; o r again , ca n i t satisfactoril y answe r basic metaphysica l question s regardin g th e relationshi p tha t obtain s be tween th e concep t o f totalit y an d th e categories o f origin s an d ends ? Th e

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answer seem s almos t certai n t o be " n o" and, as such, show s onc e mor e the inadequac y o f th e historicis t hermeneuti c a s a complet e Jewis h in terpretive theologica l schema . (7) Finally , th e relatio n o f histor y an d huma n natur e need s t o b e considered. The historicist position want s to call into question claim s for a non-historica l " I " , wha t Kan t calle d th e "transcendenta l unit y o f apperception", an d olde r philosopher s kne w a s the "self". Th e critica l issues raised b y this historicist negatio n ar e of the utmost importanc e fo r philosophy an d theology i n general an d Jewish though t i n particular, a s Judaism i s the bearer o f its own version o f this traditiona l doctrin e o f a "self" ( a "soul " embodied) . Wer e i t to b e successfully calle d int o ques tion th e fundamentals o f Judaism, an d of Judaism a s Rosenzweig under stood it , would b e shaken i t not annihilated . IV. To conclud e thes e reflection s I would lik e to offe r som e brie f schemati c comments abou t wha t Rosenzweig' s readin g of Judaism stil l has to teach us. (1) Rosenzweig' s observation s a s t o th e immediate , existentia l poi gnancy, th e profound huma n meaning , o f the Jewish Hol y Days , o f the traditional religiou s calenda r that , parenthetically , h e employ s i n th e Star a s compared t o the more usua l Christia n calendar , ar e remarkabl y insightful. H e recognized, fo r example , tha t i n our faith w e are contemporaries o f Moses an d participants i n the Exodus, hence the character of the Passove r Seder, an d o f al l th e historica l "remembrances " o f th e Torah. No t onl y ar e the y pas t events , bu t als o an d alway s presen t realities. I t i s w e wh o ar e redeeme d fro m Egyp t o n Passover—o r o n Succoth, w e who live in "Booths"—or o n Chanukah o r Purim, w e who are "saved"—o r o n Shevuotb, w e wh o receiv e th e Torah . Henc e th e two tense s o f th e blessing s mad e ove r th e Torah whe n i t is read i n the synagogue whic h remin d u s that th e Torah is , as it were, a ne w revelation directe d t o eac h o f u s personally ever y tim e i t is recounted; hence , especially, th e "messianic " secon d hal f o f th e Seder throug h whic h w e seek t o brin g th e eschaton; henc e th e constant invocation s i n all publi c rites of our state of Galut (exile) . Here Rosenzweig' s fecun d "intuitions " a s t o th e meanin g o f th e liturgical yea r ar e also richl y suggestive . H e reminds u s that th e weekly repetition o f Sabbath, whic h recall s creation, is not an historical even t in

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any ordinar y sense ; i t is , rather , a s th e Cbazal 26 tell s u s " a tast e o f eternity i n time". The repetitions o f Rosh HaShanah (th e New Year ) an d Yom Kippur (th e Da y o f Atonement) , s o overwhelmingl y importan t t o Rosenzweig,27 ar e cyclical , spiritua l moments , no t onl y historica l occa sions. Shacharitb (th e mornin g praye r service) , Mincha (th e afternoo n prayer service) , an d Maariv (th e evenin g praye r service) , the thre e occa sions o f publi c (an d private ) praye r tha t compris e th e dail y cycl e o f prayers, ar e i n tim e bu t mak e littl e sens e i n term s o f Hegelian , linear , history. I t i s th e recognitio n o f thes e fact s tha t make s Rosenzweig' s patient, i f obscure , teaching s o n tim e an d liturgy , a s wel l a s o n holines s (Kedushah), teaching s tha t poin t t o a leve l o f Jewis h existenc e largel y unrecognized b y contemporar y historicis t philosophers , s o rich an d last ingly significant . (2) In th e dialecti c o f theologica l reflectio n i t i s no t enough , Rosen zweig insists , a s contende d b y th e elementa l principl e of , e . g. , Refor m Judaism, an d a considerabl e amoun t o f post-Holocaus t theology , solel y to measur e th e pas t b y th e present ; a t th e sam e tim e w e ar e logicall y obligated b y th e rhyth m o f Jewis h lif e t o measur e th e presen t b y th e past. Thi s i s wha t i t mean s t o tak e th e Bibl e seriousl y (conside r her e Rosenzweig's translatio n o f th e Bibl e in co-operation wit h Marti n Bube r and hi s dialogu e wit h Bube r ove r th e principle s thi s involved); 28 thi s i s what i t mean s t o thin k Jewishl y (conside r her e Rosenzweig' s stud y an d translation o f th e poetry o f Jehuda Halevi); 29 this is what i t means to d o Jewish theolog y a s compare d t o a neutra l philosoph y o f histor y o r philosophy o f religio n (conside r her e Rosenzweig's decisio n t o creat e th e Lehrhaus rathe r tha n accep t th e universit y positio n offere d him , a s wel l as hi s theoretica l construction s i n th e Star an d hi s othe r writing s o f th e 1920's). I t need s alway s t o b e remembere d tha t Torah , qua Torah , ha s absolute priorit y ove r th e teaching s o f thos e wh o interpre t it . Thi s i s what i t means t o b e Torah. 30 Repeatedly an d i n differen t ways , Rosenzwei g remind s u s tha t w e need t o re-asser t th e valu e o f th e biblica l an d traditiona l witnes s eve n while recognizin g th e principl e o f non-coercio n i n matter s o f religio n and politics . Contemporar y man , th e typ e o f Jewis h individua l Rosen zweig was an d th e type o f Jewish individua l who m h e sought to address , must b e free t o inquir e int o an d t o criticiz e thes e canonica l inheritances , to interrogat e th e pas t fro m ou r perspective , t o as k difficult , awkward , challenging questions , bu t a t th e sam e tim e h e mus t mak e himsel f an d his hermeneuti c vulnerable t o inpu t an d challeng e fro m th e other , tradi -

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tional, side . Thus , an d specifically , th e historicis t ideolog y o f change , temporality an d evolutio n mus t b e teste d b y an d ope n t o th e alternativ e view tha t hold s th e convers e true , namel y tha t th e "truth " doe s no t change, i n an y fundamenta l way , throug h time, 31 no r i s i t subjec t t o temporality a s are other form s o f human consciousness , and mos t impor tantly, an d perhap s mos t challengin g i n th e polemical contex t o f moder nity, th e clai m need s t o b e seriousl y entertaine d tha t truth , i. e. , norma tive revelation , ha s bee n reveale d i n it s finalit y i n th e historica l past . I f the Bibl e an d th e Jewis h traditio n i s t o 'reveal ' al l i t i s capabl e o f revealing, the n th e moder n exegete-theologia n ha s t o recogniz e th e pos sibility tha t thes e source s migh t wel l sa y somethin g differen t tha n h e does, that th e traditio n ma y plac e valu e where h e doe s not , tha t i t migh t distribute emphasi s differentl y tha n d o we , tha t i t migh t eve n mea n b y value somethin g altogethe r othe r tha n wha t th e contemporary historicis t consciousness mean s b y value . Tha t is , th e abidin g significanc e o f th e canonical source s may resid e exactly i n this challenge to, this reversal of , our contemporar y valu e system . The orderin g an d structur e o f Misbnah, for example , wit h it s decidedl y unmoder n emphasi s o n cul t an d purit y (approximately 40 % o r mor e o f it s content s dea l wit h thes e matters ) i s a paradigmati c cas e i n point . Alternatively , th e confrontatio n an d selective dismissa l o f "cult" , i. e. , reference s t o th e Temple , messianism , an d related ideas , in 19t h centur y Refor m theolog y instruct s u s in this regar d by coming a t it from th e radically opposite direction . Given it s particula r post-Kantian, post-Emancipation , sensibilit y i t was willin g to mak e dra matic concession s t o th e Zeitgeist, t o allo w n o "authority " t o resid e anywhere bu t in its own normativ e schema , with the result that it create d a for m o f Judais m tha t wa s no t onl y radicall y differen t fro m an y pre vious for m o f Judaism bu t which , a s th e recor d o f th e las t tw o centurie s indicates, lacke d th e spiritua l integrit y a s well a s the capacit y fo r inspir ing Jewis h loyalitie s an d Jewis h surviva l tha t th e mor e traditiona l rab binic form s o f Judais m had . B y adoptin g a s it s ow n th e criteri a o f modernity, b y no t insistin g o n som e dialectical , oppositional , indepen dent an d abidin g Jewish se t o f values , som e peculiarl y Jewis h axiology , Reform Judais m wa s unable , i n an y successfu l way , t o legitimat e Jewis h particularly, t o "resist " modernit y an d henc e t o effectivel y provid e a reason fo r Jewis h continuity . Rosenzwei g recognize d thi s issu e i n th e clearest an d mos t immediat e way , fo r i t was, in his opinion, th e caus e of the conversion o f his friends an d family , e . g., of Rosenstock-Huess y an d the Ehrenbergs , an d eve n o f hi s own near-conversion . Havin g translate d

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Judaism solel y i n Kantia n o r Hegelia n categories , ther e seeme d littl e reason fo r endurin g a s a Jew . On e coul d b e a rigorou s apostl e o f th e categorical imperative , and coul d kee p abreas t o f the evolutionary devel opment o f th e Absolut e Spiri t a s i t mad e it s journe y throug h time , without th e decidedl y "unmodern " trapping s o f th e Torah . Onl y i f th e Torah, onl y i f th e balachah, Jewis h law , taugh t somethin g else , some thing not translatabl e int o Kantian , Hegelia n o r Marxist terms , was it of enduring, contemporary , relevance . It s "relevance " i s proportionat e t o its otherness , t o it s abilit y t o complement , t o oppose , th e regnan t nor mativenesses o f our , an d all , ages. In contradistinctio n t o thi s demand , t o thi s Rosenzweigia n exegetica l principle, tha t th e biblica l an d rabbini c witnes s b e "antithetical " i n a productive, dialogical , manner , th e historicist pre-supposition , th e histo ricist for m o f reading , tend s t o mak e one' s engagemen t wit h th e biblica l and traditiona l text s eisegetica l an d reductive . Throug h it s selectivity , through it s metho d o f consistentl y choosin g wha t fits it s preconceive d scheme rathe r tha n allowin g th e source s a n independen t objectiv e statu s that make s claim s o n u s a s wel l a s over-agains t ou r hermeneutic , i t assures tha t th e Tora h ca n neve r b e mor e tha n w e are , tha t th e Tora h can neve r b e mysterious an d uncanny , that i t can do nothing bu t confir m us in our presen t spiritua l an d mora l position a s compared t o calling this status, thi s status quo, int o question . Over-agains t thi s moder n reading , as Rosenzwei g woul d hav e u s learn , th e biblica l (i . e . revelation ) o r rabbinic tex t mus t b e allowe d t o asser t its normativeness , t o impac t o n our approac h t o thi s material ; w e mus t no t onl y as k "Wha t doe s X mean t o u s given ou r norms" , but als o "Wha t d o our norm s mea n i n th e light o f X? " W e nee d t o inquir e int o no t onl y wha t th e biblica l histor y of God' s relation s wit h Israe l ca n mea n i n ligh t o f ou r understandin g o f history, bu t also—an d centrally—wha t histor y migh t mea n (i . e. , ou r understanding o f it) , give n th e claim s o f Covenan t an d th e putativ e relations o f Go d an d Israel . This i s to say , th e specificit y o f th e biblical historical moment , i n al l it s oddity , rathe r tha n ou r appropriatio n o f it , demands a primal place in our "response " to it for ou r "response " is not the first orde r reality , the theophanous, revelator y even t itsel f is. 32 (3) Jewis h thought , reflectin g o n Jewis h tradition , mus t rejec t th e notion, state d naively , tha t Judais m i s " a historica l religion. " Jewis h history, a s understoo d fro m within , a s correctl y describe d b y Rosen zweig onc e h e graspe d th e authenti c inne r structur e o f Judaism , i s no t secular, linear , non-teleologica l history . It s source , accordin g t o it s ow n

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self-consciousness, i s a "miracle" , o r a series of "miracles" , i.e., absolut e interruptions o f th e historica l process , e.g. , Covenant , Exodu s an d To rah, tha t transcen d al l explanatio n i n term s o f immanen t historica l causality. This "fact " o f its origins negates, if dialectically, the historicit y of it s phenomenality , tha t is , it s reductio n t o a n immanen t historica l happening tha t ca n b e deciphere d b y a wholl y immanen t analyti c sche mata, an d create s bot h a specia l ontologica l clas s a s wel l a s particula r and unique , epistemological an d interpretiv e problems . I shoul d add , les t my vie w b e misunderstood , tha t thi s doe s no t mean, a s Rosenzwei g thought , tha t Judais m i s peculiarl y unhistorica l because i t i s "wit h God " an d tha t Christianit y i s historical becaus e i t i s "on th e way " t o God . Suc h a vie w represent s Rosenzweig' s uncritical , though transmuted , acceptanc e o f th e Christia n an d Hegelia n readin g o f Jewish history, that reading of Jewish histor y tha t argue s for it s transcen dence b y Christianit y an d th e negatio n o f it s world-historical role , eve n if, a t th e sam e time , Rosenzweig , i n th e Star of Redemption, translate s this historical-theologica l negatio n int o a virtue . In oppositio n t o thi s Rosenzweigian view , I woul d conten d tha t i n orde r t o arriv e a t a n accurate perceptio n an d depictio n o f Judaism, an d o f Judaism's relation ship t o Christianity , on e mus t begi n b y rejectin g Christia n theologizin g vis-a-vis th e Jewis h situatio n afte r th e ris e o f Christianity , o n th e on e hand, an d o n th e other , not e tha t Christianity' s ow n reality , a s wel l a s its theology o f history , i s no more historical tha n i s Judaism's. Christian ity to o i s "unhistorical " an d "anti-historicist" , a s I a m her e usin g thes e terms. Alternatively, w e mus t als o rejec t th e Barthian-lik e caricatur e o f th e nature o f Jewish histor y afte r th e rise of Christianity , an d o f the relation ship o f Judais m an d Christianit y a s powerfull y expresse d b y Han s Ur s von Balthasa r i n hi s stud y Man in History. Vo n Balthasar , i n effect , inverts Rosenzweig's polemic in a Christian revisionis t reading of consid erable power. H e writes : "Both events, the philosophical and the theological, are unique. The axial period cannot return . Israel' s religio n i s part o f histor y and , thus , bound t o tha t tim e (even in its supernatural aspect) . An Israel afte r Chris t is not only a theological contradiction; i t i s als o a historico-philosophica l one . I n orde r t o continu e t o exist it must somehow detemporaliz e itself: around the 'letter' of the law or the 'spirit' of wisdom or enlightened Gnosticism. Its institutions, its temple cult, and its priesthood togethe r wit h it s sacrifices ar e boun d b y time an d canno t retur n (even in today's state of Israel): thus it can replace its former institutions only by secularized ones. In Qumran the end is already visible.

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Yet Israel goes on, ambiguously, without an y possible inner development, since on th e on e hand , i t i s a 'branc h broke n of f nex t t o th e livin g Churc h (Rom . 11,17), and on the other, it is the 'holy root' (Rom . 11,16) on which the Church is grafted. I t is as if frozen i n this ambiguity and, thus, apparently share s in the lack o f developmen t o f th e Church . Bu t the tim e for m i s different: i t i s deter mined by the messianic historical developmen t of the Old Testament, but at the same time by the missing out on the messianic Christian message . Hence, Israel will be through al l ages the foun t o f inner-historical (an d hence anti-Christian ) messianisms. It will be a principle of dynamic Utopian movements, inspired by a transcending, absolut e belie f i n the inner perfectibility o f ma n and the world, a belief which will always reproach Christianity for having betrayed man and the world to the beyond. In the contrary accusatio n o f having betrayed th e faith of the bible is completed th e theological myster y o f th e mutual 'jealousy ' betwee n Jews and Gentiles, the responsibility for which is assigned to God (Rom. 10,19)".33 But thi s characterization , fo r al l it s intelligence , i s als o grossl y inac curate, rooted primaril y i n the classica l Christia n theolog y o f superseces sionism rathe r tha n an y divin e necessity . Th e entir e vocabular y o f Ro senzweig an d vo n Balthasar , th e peculia r shap e o f th e theologica l an d historical problemati c a s i t appear s t o bot h o f them , eac h i n hi s ow n partial an d notabl e way , i s grounde d i n th e acceptanc e o f normativ e Christian notion s o f th e transcendenc e o f Judais m b y Christianity , no tions tha t nee d t o b e re-considered an d reconstitute d i f a n accurate , non stereotypical, imag e of Judaism i s to b e arrived at . (4) A singula r consequenc e o f th e centrality , tha t i s th e absolut e seriousness, wit h whic h th e traditio n rea d th e Tora h mus t b e explicitl y recalled. I t is a commonplace 34 t o argu e that th e Jews, in their recordin g of biblica l history , began th e process of historical writing and awareness . For example , th e eminen t classica l historia n Mose s Finle y make s thi s claim i n comparin g ancien t Gree k an d Hebre w historiography. 35 Bu t th e matter i s not s o simple . As a corollar y t o th e normativ e wa y o f compre hending th e Bibl e I have alread y argue d fo r above , i t need s t o b e note d that th e biblica l author s afte r Sinai , i f no t alread y afte r th e Abrahami c covenant wit h it s futuristic interest s (promises) , were not concerne d wit h history qua histor y bu t rathe r wit h th e historica l occasion , a s wel l a s with th e totalit y o f history , a s th e locu s o f th e unfoldin g o f God' s promise(s). Th e natur e o f God' s promise(s ) need s t o b e understoo d aright: a Divin e Promis e i s not uncertai n o r i n doubt . Th e condition s o f its specifi c fulfillmen t ma y no t b e graspe d full y til l i t "come s t o pass " but tha t i t will com e t o pas s i s assured, give n th e Sourc e o f th e promise . In this , o f course , i t i s radically , qualitatively , differen t fro m huma n

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promises. A s such histor y i s important onl y a s the mediu m o f th e fulfill ment of Divin e intentions alread y reveale d rathe r tha n th e "open " futur e of, fo r example , existentialis t historiographer s o r non-teleologica l histo ricists. On e wait s o n God' s promise(s)—an d i n accordanc e wit h th e Torah, attempt s t o assis t i n thei r fulfillment , i.e. , live s one' s lif e accord ing to th e regime n o f mitzvot, bu t thi s i s predicated o n a view o f histor y as fulfille d telo s i n ligh t o f a Divine guarante e rathe r tha n histor y per se. Historical event s ar e thereby , a s Rosenzwei g perceived , valorize d int o metaphysical moments , an d thi s i s thei r meanin g qua Judaism . Thi s entails th e paradox that , fo r example , th e destructio n o f th e Temple, th e Galut (th e Exil e o f th e Nation) , an d return , ar e all , a s i t were , "accom plished" eve n befor e the y tak e plac e i n lin e wit h Divin e revelation . Thi s also account s fo r Israel' s faithfulness , trus t an d repentanc e i n the fac e o f catastrophe—for catastroph e i s no t a rando m sur d i n a meaningles s universe bu t is , rather, a programmed even t whose meanin g i s clear, an d to whic h th e response , teshuvah, "return" , i s als o clear . Withou t thi s anticipatory pre-understandin g th e catastrophe(s ) woul d b e over whelming i n its traumatic negativit y an d Israel , like its ancient neighbor s in the fac e o f nationa l calamity , woul d disappea r fro m history . Onl y th e particular unhistorica l selfconsciousnes s her e describe d allow s Israe l t o survive calamit y b y interpretin g i t as , at on e an d th e sam e time, redemp tive history. (Accordingly the rabbinic "response" to 70 was "unhistoric " compared t o th e Christia n o r Roman . Jew s rejecte d histor y a s th e final arbitrator o f Truth.) 36 (5) Th e corollar y o f th e biblica l mentalit y i s the rabbini c indifferenc e to history . I t ha s ofte n bee n note d b y classica l Jewis h historian s an d talmudists ho w littl e historica l informatio n on e get s i n th e Talmud , perhaps th e mos t surprisin g an d instructiv e exampl e bein g th e nearl y complete silenc e abou t th e Maccabea n revol t whic h i s immortalize d i n the festiva l o f Chanukah. O r again , i n reflectin g o n thi s issue , on e i s struck ane w by how littl e and how useless is the information on e receives about Jesus , th e earl y Churc h an d late r th e effect s o f Constantine' s conversion. Despit e it s final redactio n i n th e Byzantin e era , th e Talmu d conducts it s affairs , record s it s versio n o f "history" , a s i f Christianit y didn't exist. 37 Thi s shoul d caus e moder n Jewis h theologian s a t leas t t o pause in their ma d rus h t o accen t history a s the criterio n o f Jewish value . Despite impassioned moder n attempt s t o impute t o the Chazal, th e sage s of th e Talmudi c an d post-Talmudi c era , a n historica l consciousness , even th e embrac e o f a Wissenschaft des ]udentums 3S—like principl e o f

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historical evolution , th e matter i s properly analyze d otherwise . The Chazal di d not emplo y histor y a s a theologica l categor y tha t legitimates change. Historica l cataclysmi c transformation s migh t forc e change s i n the Jewis h theologica l polit y bu t th e justification fo r thes e change s wa s not history. Her e tw o element s nee d t o b e carefull y reviewed . First , actual historica l events , e.g. , an d mos t importan t o f all , th e destructio n of the Temple, were responded t o by the Chazal i n light of their previou s philosophy o f histor y whic h sa w histor y a s theophanou s an d providen tial. Presen t events , n o matte r ho w devastating , wer e onl y anothe r in stance of the rule of Divin e punishment an d salvation , and fait h i n futur e salvation wa s a s certain a s the reality o f th e present destruction. 39 If anything , what th e Chazal see m t o hav e don e a s a result o f 7 0 C.E . was t o plac e th e contemporar y event s i n a n inherite d theologica l moul d with th e effec t o f eve n mor e profoundl y denyin g th e significanc e o f history rathe r tha n providin g i t wit h a ne w prominence . Th e emphasi s of th e Chazal wa s o n adoptin g an d applyin g the inherited dialecti c of si n and teshuvah t o thei r ow n generatio n s o a s t o encourag e th e necessar y teshuvah which , i n thei r Weltanschauung, woul d trigge r th e eschatolog ical happenings tha t the y believe d would overtur n thei r exili c condition . Sin an d teshuvah wer e ontological , a s well a s volitional an d psychologi cal, determinants tha t regulate d th e intercourse o f "above " and "below " and henc e effectivel y determine d th e cours e o f "history" , an d Israel' s status. After 7 0 C.E. 40 th e Chazal adopted , carrie d forewar d an d height ened th e earlie r biblicall y roote d ideologica l stanc e tha t histor y a s th e flow o f everyda y event s ha d littl e significance 41 i n compariso n t o a theology o f mitzvah tha t ha d a s it s ai m th e re-establishmen t o f Divine Israel, i.e. , covenantal , dialogu e tha t would , i n turn , revers e th e alien ation o f ma n fro m Go d create d b y disobedienc e an d thus , concomit tantly, th e exili c circumstanc e whic h wa s nothin g othe r tha n th e instan tiation o f th e power o f sin . Torah observanc e wa s the instrumen t o f thi s renewed encounter , an d Tora h observanc e i s essentially a non-historica l regimen, e.g . Kashruth (koshe r foo d an d dietar y rules) , Kedusha (rule s of holiness) , tzitsith (la w o f "fringes " o n a garment) , o r again , tashlich ("casting awa y o f sins") , mezuzah (doo r "signs") , lulav (palms ) an d esrog (citron) , al l predicated o n a "brit " ( a covenant) tha t i s "unhistori cal" though i n history an d a cyclical calendar o f Sabbath , Rosh Chodesh (the ne w month ) an d recurrin g festiva l observance s se t i n a large r cycli cal frame o f sabbatica l an d jubile e years. 42 For us this rabbinic corpus, this rabbinic Weltanschauung contain s a n

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acute warnin g a s Rosenzwei g knew , an d a s he sough t t o teac h u s t o se e again: i f w e ar e t o d o Jewish theolog y w e nee d firs t t o discove r wha t i s normative i n Jewis h traditio n an d the n t o as k ho w i t applie s t o ou r circumstances. (6) Thi s recognitio n lead s naturall y t o a consideratio n o f th e issu e o f the relatio n o f halachah (normativ e Jewish Law ) an d history. In review ing th e whol e rang e o f halachic concern s i n preparatio n fo r analyzin g this issu e here , I wa s struck , a s neve r before , b y ho w unconnecte d an d unconcerned wit h anythin g resemblin g a n historica l interes t th e halachah is . I have alread y allude d abov e t o th e halachah (th e lega l require ments) o f Sabbath , e.g. , melakhah (work ) an d issur melakhah (prohibi tion o f work) , a s wel l a s th e halachic requirement s o f th e festivals , th e sabbatical yea r an d jubile e cycle—al l o f whic h se t i n plac e a tempora l frame tha t i s non-linea r an d non-historical . The n too , th e detail s o f halachic practic e connecte d wit h th e Chagim (th e festivals ) i s strikingl y a-historical. Fo r example , th e Hig h Hol y Days ' custom s o f kapparot (custom o f atonement) ; th e blowin g o f th e Shofar (ram' s horn) ; fasting ; viddui (confessio n o f sins) ; teshuvah (return) ; an d tzedakah ar e al l full y indifferent t o historica l matters . Again , th e Succot festiva l practic e o f lulav (palm ) an d esrog (citron ) a s wel l a s th e genera l ritua l practice s o f tefillah (prayer ) an d kiddush (sanctification ) ar e i n n o wa y define d b y any historicis t concern . The n again , th e law s o f persona l statu s an d personal behavior : brit milah (circumcision) ; mikveh (ritua l bath) ; taharot ha-mishpachah (famil y purit y laws) ; mamzeruth (bastardy) ; kiddushin (marriage) ; avelut (mourning) ; tefillin (phylacteries) ; an d hashruth ar e regulate d b y an d respon d t o non-historicis t principles . The n there i s the entir e civi l jurisprudenc e o f Baba Metzia an d Baba Kamma, 43 the law s o f th e Shomer (th e watchman ) an d th e rule s o f chazakah (property acquisitio n b y transformation) . Al l thi s Rosenzweig , thoug h not a traine d halachist , understood—perhap s precisel y becaus e h e ha d no " J e w i s n education " o f th e sor t usuall y acquired , i n passing , b y indi viduals of hi s class and tim e to falsif y hi s sensibilities . In trying to brin g these brief remark s o n halachah, histor y an d Rosen zweig t o a reasonabl e closur e I am a acutel y awar e tha t I have no t full y explored th e many central issue s this interpenetrating se t of factor s raise s nor hav e I full y assimilate d th e impor t o f m y ow n comment s o n thi s theme. I am, however , certai n tha t on e mus t no w stan d bac k an d thin k again abou t th e interconnection s tha t d o exis t betwee n thes e variou s elements, especially th e relationshi p o f histor y an d halachah. Clearl y th e

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nexus i s neithe r simpl e no r direct , wit h a hos t o f mediatin g principle s intervening i n whateve r reciprocit y doe s exist . However , ho w on e get s from contingen t historica l transformations , tha t i s by what principle s o f reason an d lega l correctnes s on e move s fro m specifi c historica l change s to th e legitimatio n fo r halachic modificatio n i s no w a fa r les s clear , fa r more problematic , proces s t o m e tha n eve r before . Assuredl y no t al l historical alteration s justif y halachic revisions , eithe r specifically , i.e. , particular halachot, o r generally , i.e. , th e whol e halachic structure . Bu t then, whic h historica l event s d o legitimat e change , howeve r thi s i s me diated withi n th e halachic system , i.e. , wha t i s th e "quality " o f th e historical realit y tha t legitimate s halachic change ? Th e answe r t o thi s foundational questio n i s no t a t al l obvious ; no r hav e variou s Jewis h modernist movement s an d theologian s wh o hav e use d historica l devel opments t o cal l for , an d justify , halachic transformation s given , as far a s is know n t o me , a soun d explanatio n fo r satisfyin g th e logica l an d theological criterio n b y whic h suc h a n answe r coul d b e convincingl y arrived at .

V. CONCLUSIO N In attemptin g t o thin k throug h th e contour s o f a trul y contemporar y Jewish philosophica l stanc e one continually run s u p against the unavoid able demand s o f moder n historicis t though t i n on e for m o r another . In responding t o thi s massiv e post-Hegelia n legacy on e return s agai n an d again t o Rosenzweig' s fertile , radica l questionin g o f th e entir e historicis t enterprise fo r inspiratio n an d direction . Thoug h on e i s usuall y mor e confused afte r readin g Rosenzwei g than on e was befor e readin g him, th e resultant confusio n i s no t th e consequenc e o f metaphysica l unimagina tiveness no r agai n o f overal l logica l incoherence, 44 bu t rathe r th e out growth o f havin g moved , o f havin g bee n moved , t o a fa r mor e funda mental leve l of reflection . In a specia l way , Rosenzwei g raise s t o consciousnes s a s n o othe r thinker th e problematic , th e close d premises , o f Europea n though t sinc e the Phenomenology. Hi s ow n suggestion s fo r goin g beyon d th e ol d t o the "Neu e Denken" , th e ne w thinking , ma y no t b e full y persuasive ; indeed hi s positive , systemi c teachin g i s highl y suspect . Ye t hi s creativ e genius fo r subjectin g th e consensu s positio n t o vigorou s interrogation , his passio n fo r truth , hi s philosophica l probit y an d existentia l integrity , his recognitio n an d reclamatio n o f element s o f th e Jewis h traditio n

On Historicism and

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rejected b y modernit y fo r it s o w n reasons , hi s unwillingnes s t o settl e fo r things i n tim e whe n h e coul d reac h fo r eternity , ar e programmati c an d existential lesson s t o u s still . O n thi s 100t h anniversar y o f hi s birt h w e h o n o r hi m bes t n o t b y becomin g Rosenzweigians , a n intellectua l impos sibility, bu t b y makin g hi s suspicion s o f th e orthodoxie s o f moder n European though t ou r o w n .

NOTES 1. W . Dilthey , "Pla n de r Fortsetzun g zu m Aufba u de r geschichtliche n Wel t i n den Geisteswissenschaften" , i n Gesammelte Schriften, Vol . VI I (Leipzig , 1927), p. 290. 2. Se e Kar l Popper , The Poverty of Historicism (London , 1957) ; an d eve n more his classic, if problematic, The Open Society and Its Enemies (London , 1959). 3. O n thi s idea se e R. Nisbet's The Idea of Progress (Cambridge , 1980) . 4. This , o f course , i s th e poin t o f attac k fo r Popper' s critiqu e o f historicism . But not al l "historicism" i s committed t o this principle . 5. Fran z Rosenzweig , The Star of Redemption, trans , by W. W. Hall o (Boston , 1972), p. 111. 6. Fo r a fuller discussio n o f some , though onl y some , of the fundamental issue s this notio n o f Zionis m raises , se e m y essa y "Zionis m a s a n Expressio n o f Jewish Freedom'' , chapte r 1 2 in this volume. 7. I hav e analyze d th e mos t pressin g o f thes e concern s i n m y essa y "Criteri a for a Contemporar y Zionis t Ideology" , reprinte d a s chapte r 1 1 i n thi s volume. 8. Car l E . Bradten, New Directions in Theology Today, Vol . 1 1 (Philadelphia , 1971), pp. 4 4 - 4 5. 9. Se e M . Murphey , Our Knowledge of the Historical Past (Indianapolis , 1973), p. 102 . 10. Thi s argument , i n essenc e thoug h i n a differen t form , wa s alread y intro duced b y Solomon Steinhei m i n his criticism o f Mose s Mendelssohn' s effor t to interpre t th e meanin g an d implication s o f revelation . Se e his Die Offenbarung nach dem Lehrbegriffe der Synagoge, ein Schiboleth (Frankfur t a . M., 1835) ; and his Die Glaubenslehre der Synagoge als exacte Wissenschaft (Leipzig, 1856) . 11. Se e E. Troeltsch, Der Historismus und seine Probleme (Tubingen , 1922) . 12. Fo r mor e o n Rosenstock-Huessy' s influenc e i n this directio n o n Rosenzwei g consult Euge n Rosenstock-Huessy , Judaism despite Christianity (Alabama , 1969). Se e als o mor e generall y o n Rosenzweig' s tur n awa y fro m relativis m Nahum Glatzer , Franz Rosenzweig (Ne w York , 1973). 13. Recen t wor k suggests , i n fact , i t wa s mor e deepl y roote d tha n heretofor e thought an d no t "temporary " a t all .

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14. Heidegger' s relationshi p t o Nazis m i s a hotl y debate d topic . Whateve r hi s apologists say , however , hi s earl y defens e an d embrac e o f Hitle r i s a matte r of publi c record . Moreover , an d especiall y tragic , i.e. , morall y offensive , was th e fac t tha t i n th e thre e post-war decade s tha t Heidegge r continue d t o live, h e neve r publicl y acknowledge d hi s error , i f h e indee d sa w i t a s a n error, an d neve r mad e an y rea l publi c acknowledgmen t o f hi s rol e i n 193 3 and 1934 . Fo r mor e o n thi s issu e se e Davi d Novak , "Buber' s Critiqu e o f Heidegger", Modern Judaism, Vo l 5 , No . 1 (May , 1985) , pp . 134-136 ; Hannah Arendt' s apologeti c defens e i n he r essa y "Heidegge r a t Eighty" , i n Heidegger and Modern Philosophy (Ne w Haven , 1978) , p . 302 ; W . J . Richardson, "Heidegge r an d God—an d Professo r Jonas" , Thought, Vol . 40, No . 15 6 (Sprin g 1965) , p . 39 ; Emi l Fackenheim , To Mend the World (New York , 1982) , p. 166ff. ; Michae l Wyschograd, "Heidegger : Th e Limit s of Philosophy" , SH'MA , Vol . 12 , No. 231 ; George Steiner , Martin Heidegger (Ne w York , 1979) , whic h als o contain s a brie f bibliograph y o f further , earlier work s o n thi s controversia l subject ; Victo r Farias , Heidegger et le Nazisme (Paris , 1981) , publishe d i n Englis h translatio n b y Templ e Univer sity Pres s (Philadelphia , 1989) ; Richar d Rubenstein , "Heidegge r an d th e Jews", Modern Judaism, Vol . 9, No. 2 (1989), pp. 129-196; and Jean Fran^oisLyotard, Heidegger et les juifs (Paris , 1988) . 15. Hegel' s Philosophy of Law a s cite d b y A . Stern , Philosophy of History and the Problem of Values (Th e Hague , 1962) , p. 159 . See his entire discussio n on "Historicism , Natura l Righ t an d Values" , pp. 138-181 . 16. Ibid. , p. 160 . 17. Friedric h Nietzsche , "Vo m Nutze n an d Nachtei l de r Histori e fu r da s Le ben", i n Gesammelte Werke (Munich , 1922) , p. 298f. 18. Usuall y a specificall y Kantia n for m o f moralit y i s employe d i n moder n discussions. And th e Kantia n aversio n t o histor y i s well known . 19. Rosenzweig , i t mus t b e remembered , wa s a severe criti c o f Refor m Judais m as he knew it . 20. Jean-Pau l Sarte , UEtre et le Neant (Paris , 1949) , p. 76. 21. Le o Strauss, Natural Right and History (Chicago , 1953) , p. 25. Attempts t o refute thi s argumen t see m t o m e singularl y unsuccessful , e.g. , R . Frondizi , "Are Trut h an d Histor y Compatible? " i n H . G . Gadame r (ed.) , Truth and Historicity (Th e Hague , 1972) , pp . 2 9 - 3 4 ; an d mor e significantl y Hans Georg Gadamer' s ow n repl y i n Truth and Method (Ne w York , 1975) , p . 482ff. 22. Michae l E . Zimmerman, Eclipse of the Self (Athen s [Ohio] , 1981) , p. 107f . My italics , for emphasis , of th e last two lines . 23. Th e Yiddis h ter m fo r "arrogance" . 24. Thi s i s one o f th e entailment s o f Rosenzweig' s "empiricism " i n th e openin g sections o f th e Star. Tha t is , God' s "givenness " i s no t reducibl e eithe r b y historicist o r anthropologica l effort s i n this direction . 25. Heidegger' s lat e work , tha t attempt s t o substitut e ontolog y fo r anthropol ogy, seems to b e the result o f hi s recognition, howeve r partial , of thi s truth . 26. Th e recognized sage s of Jewish traditio n ar e known b y the acronym Chazal.

On Historicism and

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27. Becaus e o f hi s ow n "conversion " experienc e o n Yo m Kippu r 191 3 tha t le d to his decision t o remain a Jew. His own descriptio n o f the spiritual meanin g of Yo m Kippu r ca n b e foun d i n Star, Par t III . O n thi s experienc e o f 191 3 see also N. Glatzer, Franz Rosenzweig (Ne w York , 1973) , pp. XVI-XX an d p. 2 5 ff. 28. Cf . thei r joint study , Die Scbrift und ihre Verdeutschung (Berlin , 1936) . 29. Fran z Rosenzweig , Jehuda Halevi. Zweiundneunzig Hymnen und Gedichte (Berlin, 1926) . 30. Th e contemporar y deconstructionis t vie w tha t a text i s really n o mor e tha n its interpreter , it s interpretation , i s confused o n man y level s an d it s adapta tion a s a form o f biblica l exegesi s a n absurdit y tha t altogethe r lose s sigh t of the revelator y clai m tha t individuate s th e biblical , a s compare d t o other , texts. 31. Rosenzweig' s debat e wit h Bube r ove r th e "Law " i s an excellen t exampl e o f his sensitivity , a s compare d t o Buber's , t o th e biblica l tex t an d it s demands . Note, fo r example , thei r correspondenc e publishe d i n Nahu m Glatze r (ed.) , On Jewish Learning (Ne w York , 1965) . Fo r a mor e detaile d criticis m o f Buber's positio n consul t m y essa y o n "Marti n Buber' s Epistemology : A Critical Appraisal", in Steven Katz , Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought (Ne w York , 1983) , pp. 1-51 . Buber' s tendenc y to trea t historica l source s ver y loosel y i s als o criticall y discusse d b y m e i n detail i n connection wit h hi s interpretive retellin g of Hasidi c materials i n my essay on "Buber' s Misus e of Hasidic Sources," in Post-Holocaust Dialogues, pp. 5 2 - 9 3 . 32. Thi s is why deconstructionis t account s o f revelatio n ar e so unsatisfactory . 33. Han s Ur s vo n Balthasar , Man in History (London , 1968) , p . 172f . (Italic s have been adde d b y me for emphasis. ) 34. See , for example , M. Darcy' s remark s i n hi s Meaning and Matter of History (London, 1959) , pp. 2 2 0 - 2 2 1 . 35. M . I . Finley in History and Theory, Vol . 4, No. 3 (1965) , p. 294ff . 36. S o the Talmudic dictum i n response to the destruction o f th e Second Templ e in 7 0 C.E. : "O n th e Day th e Temple wa s destroyed th e Messiah wa s born. " 37. Other , tha t is , tha n a s a mino r Jewis h heretica l group , an d eve n the n th e material o n Christianit y i s extraordinary obliqu e an d scanty . 38. Fo r a fulle r discussio n o f thi s immensel y influentia l 19t h centur y Jewis h scholarly schoo l consul t Sal o Baron's , History and Jewish Historians (Phil adelphia, 1964) ; Michae l Meyer' s Ideas of Jewish History (Ne w York , 1974); and recently, Ismar Schorch' s articl e on the "Wissenschaft de s Judentums", i n th e ne w Encyclopedia of Religion (Ne w York , 1986) , edite d b y Mircea Eliade . 39. I n ou r tim e a simila r theolog y finds expressio n i n th e explanatio n o f th e Holocaust a s merely a repetitio n o f thi s pattern o f si n an d punishment . I t is the preferre d explanation , i n fact , o f th e extrem e right-win g Orthodo x Jewish community . Fo r mor e detail s se e m y essa y o n "Jewis h Theologica l Responses t o th e Holocaust" , i n th e ne w Encyclopedia of Religion (Ne w York, 1986) .

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40. I n thi s respons e the y were , o f course , drawin g o n elementa l olde r pre-7 0 C.E. notions. To treat th e rabbinic response afte r 7 0 C.E. as if it were totall y innovative i s t o misunderstan d i t altogether . Th e destructio n o f th e Firs t Temple i n 58 6 B.C.E . an d muc h els e in pre-7 0 Jewish histor y ha d prepare d the grounds , an d provide d th e resources , fo r th e formulation s mad e a t Yavneh (post-70 ) an d beyond . 41. Thi s i s on e o f th e ke y source s o f Rosenzweig' s ow n view s o n Jewis h a-historicity afte r 7 0 C.E. , thoug h h e give s i t hi s ow n specia l characte r a s a consequence o f hi s unique post-Hegelian revisionis t agenda . 42. O f course , I her e oversimplif y th e complexitie s o f th e rabbini c traditio n both i n th e immediat e aftermat h o f th e Roma n War s an d late r throughou t the medieva l an d earl y moder n period . Bu t I fee l thi s procedur e i s justifie d not onl y becaus e o f th e spac e limit s unde r whic h w e ar e working , bu t als o because ther e i s a genuin e nee d t o emphasiz e th e element s wit h whic h w e are presentl y concerned , give n bot h Rosenzweig' s positio n a s wel l a s th e general scholarl y presentatio n o f thi s materia l tha t tend s t o emphasize , incorrectly i n m y view , rabbini c discontinuit y wit h pre-7 0 C.E . Judaism a s compared t o it s continuity . 43. Tw o tractate s o f th e Talmud tha t dea l with civi l law . 44. Though , o f course , ther e i s much tha t i s logicall y incoheren t i n The Star of Redemption, a fact whic h w e should neithe r forge t no r minimize .

2 Jewish Philosophy in the 1980s: A Diagnosis and Prescription

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he ne w beginnin g represente d b y th e creatio n o f thi s Academ y i s a significant even t o f whic h I feel privilege d t o b e a part. Th e dialogu e that fuel s philosophica l creativit y require s a communit y o f share d inter est an d support—an d thes e promis e t o b e provide d b y th e sustaine d experience o f ou r wor k together . Thoug h i n th e en d philosophica l inge nuity i s an individua l gift , thi s gift need s to b e nurtured an d encouraged . It i s no t accidenta l tha t moment s o f philosophica l novelt y ar e almos t always th e resul t o f a stimulativ e environmen t wher e issue s ar e "i n th e air" an d man y mind s ar e al l seekin g thei r solution , eac h nourishin g th e other. 1 Therefore , I have ever y confidenc e tha t al l of u s will benefi t fro m the dynami c milie u tha t i s certain t o b e generated b y this Academy . This significan t effor t come s non e to o soon , fo r Jewis h philosoph y since World Wa r I I has no t bee n a n are a o f grea t creativity . By and larg e it seem s t o b e workin g ou t th e final "deat h gasps " o f th e dominan t prewar existentialis m o f Buber an d Rosenzweig . However, addin g philo sophical footnote s doe s no t produc e work s o f vitality ; especiall y whe n the "texts" being footnoted ar e themselves, by the standards of historica l significance, o f mino r consequenc e t o begi n with . I thin k i t fai r t o summarize th e situatio n thi s way : on e canno t nam e a singl e Jewis h philosophical monograp h o f rea l novelt y an d continuin g importance , with perhap s th e exceptio n o f som e o f HescheP s work , writte n sinc e th e

A lecture given a t the inaugural meetin g of th e Academy fo r Jewish Philosoph y i n Philadel phia i n June 1980 . Reprinted b y permission o f th e Academy fo r Jewish Philosoph y an d th e University Pres s of America , Inc .

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1930s. Thi s paucit y i s al l th e mor e notabl e i n ligh t o f th e dramati c revolution i n Jewis h lif e durin g thi s period , i.e. , th e Holocaus t an d th e rebirth o f a Jewish commonwealth . On e is particularly struck , in review ing th e literature , ho w philosophicall y limite d th e philosophica l corpu s generated b y an d reflectin g o n thes e tw o event s ha s been. 2 I t ma y wel l be tha t w e ar e to o clos e t o thes e events , contemporarie s an d nea r con temporaries, an d thu s unable to se e them wit h th e requisite distance , sub specie aeternitatis, tha t philosophica l reflectio n an d interrogatio n re quires; but whateve r th e reasons th e result s are , so far, unimpressive . The wor k w e hav e begu n today , however , hold s ou t th e promis e o f a more vigorou s future—le t u s hope its promise i s realized. Yet , merely t o speak o f a brighter futur e i s not enough . T o translat e thi s optimism int o solid accomplishment , t o actualiz e th e possibilities fo r Jewish though t i n our er a require s the clarification o f a number o f fundamenta l issues . And it is to thes e that I propose t o direc t th e remainder o f m y remarks .

1. REVELATIO N Insofar a s Jewish philosoph y must emerg e ou t o f the concrete condition s of th e Jewish religiou s experience , tha t i s out o f th e interactio n o f God , Israel, an d Tora h (howeve r thes e notion s ar e define d o r redefine d asid e for th e moment) , on e categor y become s central : revelation , i.e. , th e manifestation o f Go d i n th e mids t o f Hi s people , th e mean s b y whic h God make s know n Hi s wil l an d concern , Hi s demand s an d providence . Yet, a t th e sam e tim e a s on e acknowledge s th e centralit y o f revelatio n one note s it s problematic character . O f al l th e classi c doctrine s o f Juda ism, non e ha s bee n rendere d s o difficul t t o maintai n a s thi s one . Stem ming, I woul d contend , no t s o muc h fro m a Humean-lik e empiricis m that denigrate s revelatio n o n th e ground s o f it s anthropomorphism , i.e. , God "speaks, " bu t rathe r a s a consequenc e o f th e profoun d impac t o f biblical criticis m couple d wit h th e dominant secularis m fe d b y its "twin " historicism, claim s t o revelatio n ar e mor e tha n suspect . Certainl y tradi tional claim s t o "Tora h mi-Sinai" , i n it s litera l modality , ar e me t wit h incredulity b y all but the most orthodox; I use the term "most orthodox " advisedly, becaus e eve n man y wh o ar e orthodo x i n term s o f thei r reli gious behavior , i.e. , wh o ar e "shome r mitzvoth, " woul d no t defen d th e classical orthodo x claim , though the y would no t den y i t in public either . In thi s sceptical , critica l sens e Spinoz a i s th e first trul y moder n Je w and th e Tractatus th e first "Modern " Jewis h theology . Th e impac t o f

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this tren d o n th e variou s theologica l movement s i n Judais m i s readil y apparent: Reform , Conservative , Reconstructionist , a s wel l a s Buberia n and Rosenzweigia n "nondenominational " existentialis t revisions , are al l predicated o n th e correctnes s o f th e criticis m o f th e traditiona l mode l o f revelation. Th e Buber-Rosenzwei g mode l o f revelatio n a s "non-conten t dialogue" i s aime d a t steerin g a dialectica l cours e throug h thi s over whelming difficulty : o n th e on e han d acknowledgin g th e merit s o f th e "Higher Criticism " an d therefor e rejectin g traditiona l claim s fo r th e Torah, whil e o n th e othe r han d arguin g fo r God' s realit y an d henc e th e reality o f revelation , eve n i f i n way s no t ope n t o th e biblicis t an d histo ricist critique . Tha t is , Go d a s th e Eternal Thou wh o reveal s "Presenc e Alone" is not rejected , i.e. , His realit y i s not eve n touched b y discussion s of th e huma n an d historica l characte r o f th e Bible , attribute s o f th e biblical tex t readil y concede d by , e.g. , Buber . Rather , i n contradistinc tion t o mor e traditiona l approaches , thi s dialogica l mode l ha s th e grea t merit o f shiftin g th e debat e t o altogethe r differen t philosophica l areas , while no t bein g force d int o th e corne r o f rejectin g th e result s o f moder n biblical an d historica l scholarship . Thu s th e fundamenta l ontologica l claim a s t o God' s realit y i s advance d an d protected , whil e th e debat e about huma n admixtur e i n th e ex post facto testament s t o revelatio n i s not unreasonabl y foreshortened . Henc e th e positiv e valu e an d wid e influence o f thi s hermeneuti c i n moder n Jewish , a s wel l a s non-Jewish , e.g., Bultman n an d hi s school , thinkers . However , thi s gai n i s itself pai d for a t a great price ; an d i n th e en d a price to o hig h t o pay . Th e cos t ha s to b e measure d o n tw o levels . O n th e technica l philosophica l leve l th e dialogical mode l i s logicall y incoherent , whil e o n th e Jewis h leve l i t i s more than problematic . As regards th e philosophical decipherment , conside r a s paradigmatic , and fo r purpose s o f clarification , Buber' s classi c accoun t o f dialogica l revelation. Fo r Bube r I-Thou dialogu e i s reall y onl y anothe r nam e fo r "revelation." Thi s i s not surprisin g within Buber' s terms o f reference . A s he structurall y equates , a s a basi c premis e o f hi s entir e enterprise , th e God-man relatio n wit h I-Thou relation , analyzin g i t o n th e sam e line s and applyin g th e sam e criteria , i t i s t o b e expecte d tha t h e shoul d understand th e natur e o f wha t transpire s betwee n ma n an d God , wha t has traditionall y bee n calle d "revelation, " i n muc h th e sam e wa y a s h e understands wha t transpire s betwee n ma n an d man . Whe n i t i s assimi lated t o thi s intersubjectiv e dialogica l model , "revelation " i s denie d al l "content" an d therefore , o f necessit y an d b y design, it cannot b e claime d

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that Go d i s a legislato r o r reveale r o f anythin g resemblin g th e doctrine s of positive religion. In J and Thou Bube r gives us the following intriguin g description o f "contentless " revelation : Man receives, and he receives not a specific "content" but a Presence, a Presence as power. . . . Man ca n give no account a t al l of how the binding in relation i s brought about, nor does it in any way lighten his life—it make s life heavier, but heavy with meaning . Secondly, there is the inexpressible confirmatio n o f mean ing. Meaning is assured. Nothing can any longer be meaningless. . . . But just as the meaning itself does not permit itself t o be transmitted an d made into knowledge generally current and admissible, so confirmation o f it cannot be transmitted as a valid Ought. 3 Furthermore, Go d i s the "Tho u wh o can , b y its nature, never becom e an It"; 4 tha t is , He i s a being who escape s al l attempt s a t objectificatio n and transcend s al l description . Th e Eternal Thou ca n neve r b e treated a s one particula r amon g man y particulars , on e thin g amon g man y things . Nor ca n Go d b e know n throug h "experience " becaus e "experience " yields only It no t Thou, Go d canno t b e "known " outsid e th e committe d existential ac t o f relation . Al l attempte d philosophica l theologie s base d on an y an d al l forms o f theologica l empiricis m o r deductiv e metaphysic s that attemp t t o "prove " God' s existenc e mus t alway s fai l becaus e Go d can onl y b e addressed , no t defined . " A conceptua l apprehensio n o f th e Divine," Bube r argues , "necessaril y impair s th e concret e religiou s rela tionship." 5 Buber, a s w e ca n see , place s grea t emphasi s o n "responding " t o th e address o f th e Thou an d t o th e two-sidednes s o f dialogica l encounter . But h e ha s misconceive d th e essentia l characte r o f "Address " an d "Re sponse," so that his emphasis o n th e "sincerity " o r "authenticity " o f thi s existential ac t become s a caricature . "Address " an d "Response " ar e no t simply intelligibl e give n dat a o f experience , eve n dialogica l experience . There ar e n o direc t uninterprete d dialogica l "facts " tha t ar e totall y unrelated t o th e categorica l rang e o f ou r objectiv e conceptua l under standing. Th e clai m t o th e contrar y rest s o n a mistake—and , i t shoul d be noted , i s itsel f a confuse d an d conceale d metaphysica l claim . Wha t we cal l "facts " ar e t o som e necessar y exten t alway s a functio n o f ou r conceptual an d linguisti c schema. There must b e forms an d rules, at leas t internal dialogica l form s an d rules , accordin g t o whic h Buber' s utter ances mak e sense . Th e ver y notion s "Address " an d "Response " ar e intelligible onl y withi n th e particula r univers e o f discours e Bube r em ploys. "Sound " ha s t o b e organize d an d shape d t o b e "Speech, " an d

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"Speech" ha s t o b e channelle d throug h comple x an d highl y structure d interpretive schemat a t o b e understood a s "Address," even if these term s function onl y a s metaphor s fo r Buber . Metaphor s als o requir e structur e to obtai n meaning . Likewis e "Response " call s fo r orderin g principle s and conceptua l structure s i n regar d t o bot h tha t whic h w e clai m t o experience a s "Address" and in expressing and givin g shape to our reply . The Buberia n emphasi s o n an d assertio n o f dialogica l immediacy , stressed s o forcefull y b y hi m a s th e mean s o f short-circuitin g suc h con ceptual, cognitive , an d interpretiv e activitie s an d al l their attendan t logi cal an d philosophica l difficulties , i s not helpfu l i n dealin g with th e issue , simply becaus e i t reduce s th e situatio n t o a ghostlik e imag e o f it s true , more comple x self . Buber's position lose s sight o f th e fac t tha t whe n on e wants t o tal k meaningfull y o f "Address " o r "Response " on e ha s t o recognize th e objectivit y requirement s involve d i n thes e sort s o f activi ties, i.e. , on e ha s t o kno w t o an d wit h who m on e i s in relatio n an d wh o one i s "Addressing " an d t o who m on e i s "Responding " i n orde r t o know wha t t o sa y o r ho w t o act . I address m y wif e an d respon d t o he r quite differentl y fro m th e wa y i n whic h I addres s o r respon d t o othe r women wit h who m I d o no t liv e an d wit h who m I hav e no t chose n t o link m y future . Likewis e i n respec t t o th e Eternal Thou, I addres s Go d in prayer becaus e I believe Godlike thing s abou t Hi m an d respon d t o hi s address i n unique way s fo r th e sam e reason . I do no t pra y t o my dean o r respond t o th e addres s o f th e presiden t i n th e wa y tha t I d o t o th e Eternal Thou. I f I though t o f Go d differentl y o r "interpreted " m y en counter wit h hi m differently , I would pra y t o hi m differentl y o r perhap s not a t all . W e hav e n o cleare r exampl e o f thi s tha n i n th e differin g interpretations give n by Buber an d traditional Judaism t o their respectiv e God-Idea. Fo r example , Bube r doe s no t se t muc h stor e b y praye r o r ritual whil e traditiona l Judais m does , an d again , th e biblica l Go d i s understood b y the traditio n primaril y a s a lawgiver, whil e fo r Bube r thi s is somethin g h e canno t be . Moreover , a t thi s poin t Buber' s constan t invocation o f revelatio n a s th e revelatio n o f "Presence " alon e merel y starts th e discussion , i t doe s no t en d it . Th e meanin g o f th e "Presence " of th e Eternal Thou i s dependen t o n th e meanin g o f Eternal Thou. W e cannot merel y shou t "presence " an d leav e th e table . The sens e o f "Pres ence", an d indee d o f Buber' s revelator y paradig m Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (Ex 3:14) , i s contextua l an d embedde d i n th e concret e existentia l an d historical situation . Again , th e meanin g o f th e revelatio n i s dependen t on, amon g othe r things , somethin g a s basi c a s th e rule s o f Hebre w

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grammar governin g th e futur e tens e o f th e ver b "t o be. " Also , i t i s no t enough to assert that revelation understoo d a s "Presence" means "event " and no t content , an d tha t al l talk o f logi c and criteri a i s therefore ou t o f place, for a n "event " i s also somethin g tha t ha s to b e made sens e of an d is clearly grounded i n the conditions o f ou r experientia l life . Likewise, an y satisfactor y accoun t o f wha t i t i s t o b e a perso n wil l involve bodil y criteri a an d objectivit y concepts , an d an y convincin g account o f th e Eternal Thou wil l involv e similarl y identifyin g predicate s that ar e appropriat e t o Hi s ontologica l status . Amon g othe r considera tions ther e i s th e fundamenta l on e that , unles s ther e ar e suc h criteria , how woul d w e b e abl e t o differentiat e i n ou r ascriptio n o f th e predicat e Thou betwee n on e perso n an d anothe r person ? Ho w woul d I kno w I was having a Thou relatio n wit h m y wife rather tha n wit h m y neighbor' s wife or , fo r tha t matter , wit h m y neighbor' s husband , i f al l physica l criteria wer e absen t fro m I-Thou relation s an d fro m al l sayin g of Thou? The sam e sor t o f proble m exist s i n identifyin g Go d a s the Eternal Thou, as we shal l se e shortly . Buber, o f course , wants t o avoi d empt y abstraction s an d s o insists o n "meeting," i.e. , dialogue , a s th e "empirical " groun d o f hi s position . A t first glanc e this claim give s Buber's thought a decidedly concret e existen tial "look. " Bu t th e issu e fo r Bube r i s mor e problemati c tha n i t appear s for, despit e hi s intentions , th e questio n i s whethe r Bube r ca n maintai n his existential clai m that dialogu e i s true meetin g with a n Othe r whe n h e insists that thi s encounter i s aspatial, atemporal , wholl y nonsensual , an d nonexperiential i n al l th e ordinar y senses . Ca n ther e b e an y residu e o f substantial meanin g lef t i n th e motion s o f "meeting, " "encounter, " "Other," an d "Thou " whe n al l experientia l an d empirica l conten t i s denied them . O r again , ca n Buber' s origina l intuitio n tha t w e mus t understand ou r basi c an d mos t importan t relation s t o nature , othe r people, an d Go d i n personal term s b e maintaine d whe n th e term s "per son," "personal, " an d "personality " ar e divorce d fro m al l behaviora l o r material predicates . T o sa y " I encounte r a Thou, " whe n non e o f th e ordinary limitin g condition s an d experientia l concept s apply , i s t o utte r a pseudomeaningfu l propositio n becaus e w e canno t understan d wha t sense i s bein g claime d fo r th e word s "encounter, " an d "Thou. " Wha t seems t o b e th e cas e i s tha t Buber' s us e o f "encounter, " "meeting, " "Thou," etc . i s a t bes t metaphorica l an d analogical , dependen t o n th e non-metaphorical us e o f thes e concept s i n ordinar y discourse , an d tha t Buber's usage s retai n a descriptiv e appearanc e becaus e o f th e cover t

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retention o f attachment s whic h hav e bee n overtl y rejecte d i n hi s dialogi cal presuppositions . However , eve n thi s ma y b e givin g awa y to o muc h to th e philosoph y o f dialogue , fo r on e ha s finally t o as k whethe r w e ca n properly understan d a n encounte r t o whic h n o predicate s appl y eve n a s a metapho r o r analogu e o f ordinar y encounters , o r whethe r Bube r ha s gone s o fa r wit h hi s negativ e stipulation s tha t eve n th e notio n o f a metaphor o r analogu e i s sayin g mor e tha n i t i s permissible t o say . An d in an y case , thi s metaphorica l rout e seem s close d t o Buber , wh o explic itly tell s u s tha t "Thou i s n o metaphor." 6 A s Bube r use s th e term , however, i t ca n hardl y b e a definit e description . Thi s sor t o f difficult y i s seen to b e particularly acut e in ascribin g Thou predicate s t o God , i.e. , a s the Eternal Thou, a s al l suc h predicate s tha t ar e ascribe d t o thing s i n this worl d ar e tie d t o experientia l condition s obtainin g a s a minimu m yet constitutive featur e o f suc h ascriptions . Yet in God's cas e none of th e ordinary experientia l condition s obtain . I n wha t sens e the n i s Go d a person, eve n th e Absolut e Person , th e Eternal Thou, an d i n wha t sens e is it legitimate to predicate th e personality o f th e Divine ? On th e Jewish leve l Buber's accoun t o f revelation , a s I have argue d a t length elsewhere, 7 necessaril y cause s a subjectivis m tha t emptie s th e Jewish historica l past , Jewis h tradition , an d Jewis h communit y o f an y value an d reduce s th e Tora h to , a t best , irrelevance . Th e latte r happen s because dialogica l model s o f revelatio n canno t gran t th e Tora h an y objective conten t o r authenti c authority . Acceptanc e o f th e Tora h a s a norm i s replaced b y subjectiv e choice s abou t wha t on e feel s attracte d to , what "speaks " t o th e individua l i n hi s o r he r situation , wha t th e sel f decides i s authentic fo r itself . The significanc e o f thi s criticis m i s tha t i t requires , o n th e par t o f nonorthodox, i.e. , th e majorit y o f bot h moder n Jew s an d Jewis h think ers, as well as orthodox thinker s who acknowledg e the force o f historica l scholarship i n th e are a o f biblica l studies , a differen t ye t stil l coheren t model o r accoun t o f God' s relatio n t o Israe l past an d present . Ho w Go d makes Hi s wil l know n t o mankind , i f indee d H e does—whic h itsel f i s one o f th e ke y issue s o f th e debate , th e proponent s o f th e nonproposi tional accoun t negatin g thi s clai m a s t o th e revelatio n o f Divin e Wil l though no t o f Divin e Presence—need s t o b e coherentl y describe d an d defined. M y ow n vie w i s tha t som e sor t o f propositiona l mode l i s re quired, fo r withou t i t ther e ca n b e n o viabl e sens e t o th e concep t o f Torah an d mitzvo t tha t doe s no t collaps e unde r it s ow n subjectiv e weight. Moreover , thoug h a propositiona l mode l may , a t first, see m

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difficult t o accept , i t is both plausible , at least theoretically an d logically , while seemingl y bein g a theologica l necessity . Thi s i s true o n th e logica l level because , i f on e accept s th e existenc e o f God— a clai m whic h is , in actuality, th e majo r difficulty—believin g tha t H e i s capable o f revealin g Himself an d Hi s wil l i n som e for m o f "speech " must , o f necessity , b e believable. Tha t is , i t i s a possibilit y entaile d b y Hi s "omni " predicate s and perfection . T o believ e in Go d an d den y th e possibility o f Hi s "speech " is to "swallo w th e came l an d strai n a t th e gnat." 8 Theologically , optin g for a propositiona l mode l i s a requiremen t becaus e i t alon e wil l provid e grounds fo r a sustainabl e notio n o f covenan t an d eve n mor e fo r mean ingful interpretation s o f the reality and significance o f Torah an d mitzvot . This is not t o argu e that thi s need fo r a propositional mode l will brin g it int o being . I t ma y wel l b e a theologica l chimer a foreve r t o b e sough t without satisfaction . An d I a m perfectl y prepare d t o admi t thi s herme neutical possibility . However , thi s neithe r make s it s establishmen t les s necessary nor , an d I stres s this , doe s i t justif y othe r unsatisfactor y model s in th e absenc e o f a satisfactor y one . Thus , I commen d t o eac h membe r of th e Academ y individuall y a s wel l a s t o th e grou p collectivel y tha t w e take u p th e inquir y o f wha t woul d constitut e a soun d doctrin e o f prop ositional revelatio n fo r ou r time—i f suc h i s possible. II. ONTOLOG Y This somewha t sustained , b y n o mean s unambiguous , commen t o n rev elation lead s t o a second , relate d are a o f th e utmos t significanc e whic h we in the Jewish philosophica l worl d hav e avoided : ontology . This i s t o say , w e have , fo r a variet y o f reasons—som e good , som e bad—positively eschewe d metaphysica l investigations . In part , again , this i s on e o f th e mixe d blessing s o f th e existentialis t inheritance , thos e grand dissembler s wh o denie d the y wer e involve d i n metaphysica l de bate, a s i f "existence, " "being, " "becoming, " "authenticity, " "historic ity," "subjectivity, " an d "truth " wer e no t metaphysica l concepts . Whil e denying metaphysic s the y di d metaphysic s an d therefor e thei r impas sioned denia l le d no t t o th e transcendenc e o f metaphysica l enquir y bu t to poor , sloppy , metaphysica l conjecturing . Ther e i s no avoidanc e o f th e metaphysical—ontological concern : th e onl y questio n i s ho w wel l w e do it . In plac e o f smugglin g ou r ontologica l commitment s i n b y th e bac k door w e nee d t o le t the m in , afte r the y ar e carefull y scrutinized , b y th e

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front. A s Jewish philosopher s w e hav e t o b e willin g t o tak e a stan d o n "what ther e is, " i.e. , o n th e existenc e o f God , Hi s characte r an d attri butes, Hi s relation s t o Israe l (covenant ) an d th e nations ; the onti c statu s of th e Torah, o f me n an d mankind , o f th e soul , sin, and salvation . O f al l religious tradition s moder n Judais m seem s mos t onticl y agnostic , bu t this onti c agnosticis m canno t sustai n Jewis h belief , Jewis h practice , o r continued Jewish identity . I t cannot answe r th e pressing query , "Wh y b e a Jew?" If metaphysical commitment s an d tal k o f transcendenc e i n som e form o r other , i.e. , i n whateve r modalit y i s appropriate , ar e th e monu mental embarrassmen t the y seem , le t u s b e hones t an d sto p th e cha rade! 9 I f the y ar e not , the n le t u s tak e the m "ou t o f th e closet " an d confront thei r meanin g an d implication s directly . Give n ou r agend a fo r this initia l meetin g I will refrai n fro m makin g an y specifi c recommenda tions i n thi s are a an d I wil l resis t th e temptatio n t o singl e ou t specifi c metaphysical proposition s o r entitie s fo r description , defense , o r descon truction. Instead , I will conten t mysel f wit h th e more genera l recommen dation tha t w e attemp t t o brin g th e entir e metaphysica l issu e bac k int o the cente r o f ou r deliberations. 10 Toward th e accomplishmen t o f thi s broade r end , however , I feel i t i s not inappropriat e t o mak e tw o furthe r structura l comment s a t thi s junc ture. First, there is a real need fo r u s to offer som e image of the "whole, " that is , not onl y t o discus s a particula r answe r t o a particula r problem , e.g., th e Holocaus t o r th e variou s negation s o f th e Torah , bu t rathe r t o situate thes e individua l concern s i n a mor e complet e Weltanschauung. Whether successfu l o r not , Rosenzwei g an d Kaplan , o f al l twentieth century thinkers , see m t o hav e understoo d thi s imperativ e best . Sinc e 1945, however , w e have generall y avoide d thes e large r schemati c issues . Heschel wa s workin g towar d it , bu t to o impressionisticall y an d obliquely ; Buber eschewed i t despite the generality o f his overly simplistic dialogica l typology o f I-It an d I-Thou; Baeck , Soloveitchik , (Arthur ) Cohen , Bo rowitz, Schweid , Schwarzschild , Heschel , Fackenheim , Berkovits , an d still other s hav e no t eve n attempte d suc h a constructiv e program . Th e only radica l o r nove l metaphysica l doctrin e o f th e postwa r year s is , paradoxically, Richar d Rubenstein' s "paga n naturalism. " But , a s I have argued a t lengt h elsewhere, 11 thi s wil l no t serv e a s a Jewish theolog y fo r our tim e a s it is "Jewishly" inauthenti c an d logicall y indefensible . Secondly, th e reason s fo r thi s unsatisfactor y situatio n are , o f course , tied i n som e considerabl e measur e t o th e large r philosophica l environ ment o f ou r era . In previou s generation s theologian s an d Jewis h philos -

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ophers ha d confidenc e i n particula r metaphysica l theories , e.g. , Phil o i n Platonism; Saadi a i n Kalam ; Maimonide s i n Aristotelianism ; Krochma l in Hegelianism, an d th e like. More recentl y Buber was a Kierkegaardian like existentialist ; Rosenzwei g a "left-wing " Hegelian ; Herman n Cohe n a confirme d neo-Kantian ; Kapla n a Durkheimia n an d a pragmatist . Since Worl d Wa r I I al l o f thes e philosophica l orthodoxie s ar e unde r attack an d i t is a fair summar y o f th e present philosophica l environmen t to sugges t that i t is as uncertain abou t metaphysica l issue s as are we. Pu t differently, ou r malais e i s predicated o n theirs. 12 Having diagnose d th e caus e o f th e illness , what ar e w e t o do ? Her e I have a n epistemologica l an d ontologica l proposa l tha t I als o believ e anticipates th e nex t movemen t o f philosophica l enquiry—w e nee d t o work towar d a realis t ontolog y tha t wil l hel p u s ou t o f ou r presen t difficulties. Kantianism , the dominan t philosophica l spiri t of the last tw o centuries, i s i n an y form , an d le t m e asser t thi s a s clearl y a s I can , incompatible wit h a viabl e Jewis h philosophica l outlook . A s a conse quence, an y Jewish philosoph y tha t begin s fro m a "Kantian " base , e.g. , a belie f i n th e subjectivit y o f space-time , an d knowledg e a s knowledg e only o f th e "appearances " o f thing s a s the y are , wil l collaps e unde r it s own constructs. 13 Thus , neo-Kantianis m a la Cohe n o r Soloveitchi k i s not capabl e o f providin g th e ontologica l structur e w e require , no r agai n is existentialis m whic h accept s Kant' s basi c dualisti c positio n a s correc t and the n trie s t o wor k ou t th e subjectiv e implication s o f Kant' s delimi tation o f th e parameter s o f th e knowable . I f th e sel f creates th e worl d i t inhabits, the n th e onl y resul t ca n b e a n unacceptabl e subjectivism , a knowing onl y of "appearances " or the "appearances " of "appearances. " No amoun t o f neo-Kantia n tinkerin g wil l preclud e thi s epistemi c inevi tability, n o illusor y Husserlia n phenomenologica l intuition s wil l provid e access to th e "real, " n o existentialis t substitution s i n the directio n o f th e dogma tha t "trut h i s subjectivity " an d "subjectivit y i s truth " wil l help , in fact, t o establis h th e reality o f Go d an d th e world . This Rosenzwei g alread y saw , i f dimly , an d henc e hi s cal l fo r a "radical empiricism, " th e labe l h e attache d t o hi s ow n work . Th e onl y way ou t o f th e conundru m i s a radical rejectio n o f th e main trun k o f th e modern philosophica l tradition , i.e. , a rejectio n o f Kantianism , whic h i s equivalent t o a rejection o f Idealism , whether o f a so-called "critical, " o r "transcendental," o r "subjectivist " variety . Unles s th e worl d i s ordere d and th e "furniture " o f th e worl d i s reall y there , an d w e ca n kno w bot h the orde r an d natur e o f thi s "furniture, " ther e i s n o possibilit y o f any -

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thing bu t "situatio n theology " an d "situatio n ethics, " i.e. , indefensibl e bias; or again , Kierkegaardian-like "leaps " that ar e no longer philosoph ical bu t whic h rathe r inhabi t a n altogethe r differen t theologica l orbit . Having sai d thi s I want t o b e understood : I do not have , yet , a defens e of a realis t ontolog y tha t I , o r anyon e else , will b e satisfie d with . How ever, I recognize tha t th e present Kantia n inheritanc e i s a disaster—an d it is this recognition tha t I want t o drive home. The present philosophica l generation, fo r th e mos t part , seem s no t t o recogniz e th e necessaril y negative consequence s o f Kantianism , i n on e o r anothe r o f th e form s w e all inheri t it , an d henc e continue s t o construc t it s efforts o n foundation s of sand . III. LANGUAG E AN D LOGI C Insofar a s we ar e reviewin g th e need s o f ou r disciplin e i n mor e compre hensive areas , ou r thir d concer n mus t b e th e interconnecte d area s o f language an d logic . Moder n Jewis h philosophers , wit h th e exceptio n of Buber' s pronomina l approach, 14 hav e mad e almos t n o contributio n to th e moder n debat e abou t religiou s languag e an d th e impact o f logica l considerations o n theologica l discourse . An d eve n Buber' s remark s ar e so unsystemati c an d contradictor y tha t hi s bes t insight s ar e cancelle d b y their bein g situate d i n th e large r Buberia n dialogica l context . Mor e generally, existentialis t influenc e o n moder n Jewis h though t ha s ha d a deleterious effec t o n it s reflection s abou t languag e an d logic : i t ha s created th e impressio n tha t theologian s coul d tal k i n "paradoxes " an d write i n grand , vague , contradictor y generalization s an d stil l communi cate wha t the y wishe d to . Thi s i s a seriou s mistake . Wha t ar e "para doxes" t o th e ma n wh o utter s the m ar e usuall y just illogica l an d contra dictory statement s t o th e peopl e wh o hea r the m (unles s on e ca n provid e a rul e fo r whic h i s which). In order fo r theolog y t o b e a public enterpris e open t o rationa l discussio n an d debate , the rule s o f logi c an d th e natur e of languag e mus t b e understoo d an d respecte d b y Jewis h philosopher s as the y ar e b y everyon e else . Otherwis e Jewis h philosoph y i s reduced t o the makin g o f statement s tha t hav e littl e cognitiv e content , an d tha t serve mor e a s persona l an d biographica l utterances , o f whic h w e hav e all to o man y i n moder n Jewis h thought , tha n meaningfu l theologica l statements tha t infor m u s about th e world, abou t God , an d abou t God' s relation t o mankind . I f ther e ar e specia l sort s o f theologica l o r philo sophical discours e tha t ar e immun e t o o r transcen d ordinar y syntactic ,

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grammatical, an d logica l laws , thi s ha s t o b e shown . I f Jewis h philoso phers hav e a specia l dispensatio n t o us e languag e "oddly, " the n th e grounds o f thi s dispensatio n hav e t o b e made evident . I t i s not sufficien t warrant t o mak e suc h claim s a s if they were self-authenticating ; the y ar e not. A perusa l o f th e inventor y o f mutuall y contradictor y thing s tha t have bee n sai d a t one time o r anothe r t o b e "self-evident" wil l reveal th e utter hopelessnes s o f thi s epistemi c gambit . W e hav e t o sto p ignorin g what moder n linguisti c philosoph y ha s t o teac h u s an d becom e it s stu dent, just a s much a s we must learn what ther e is to learn fro m continen tal philosophy . Jewish philosopher s als o hav e a n obligatio n t o conside r th e entir e related are a o f theologica l an d philosophica l epistemolog y i n orde r t o come t o a bette r understandin g o f jus t wha t th e prope r functio n o f language an d logi c is in terms o f thei r interests . I will not expan d o n thi s epistemological requiremen t i n detai l excep t t o sa y tha t epistemologica l investigation i s bot h basi c an d nearl y untouche d b y post-194 5 Jewis h thinkers. W e al l continu e t o us e inherite d epistemi c model s tha t ar e inadequate, e.g. , th e extremel y influentia l Buberia n dialogica l accoun t that i s insupportable o r th e neo-Kantia n whic h i s also flawe d a s alread y noted. Th e cal l I hav e alread y mad e fo r a realis t ontolog y requires , necessarily, a fresh epistemologica l approach . IV. HISTORICIS M AN D PSYCHOLOGIS M Historicism an d psychologis m ar e th e tw o mos t widesprea d a s wel l a s potent ideologica l trend s withi n moder n intellectua l life . Whil e bot h contain truth s no t t o b e ignored , neithe r i s t o b e grante d a privilege d position a s philosophy' s censor . Instead , on e ha s t o kno w whe n the y have somethin g vali d t o contribut e a s well a s when the y g o beyond thei r competence an d becom e example s o f ba d metaphysic s masqueradin g a s pseudoscience. Freud' s writing s o n religio n an d Jung' s "intellectua l Dis neyland" ar e th e best-know n example s o f th e latter , whil e muc h Jewis h Reform theolog y a s wel l a s th e majorit y o f libera l Protestan t theolog y culminating i n Troeltsc h an d Ritsch l ar e example s o f th e former , a s ar e various form s o f Hegelian, neo-Hegelian, an d Socia l Darwinian writings . The technica l philosophica l problem s raise d b y historicism especiall y ar e of th e utmos t interest . Fo r reason s o f spac e I will no t ente r int o a mor e detailed discussio n o f thi s issu e an d refe r reader s instea d t o my argu ments i n th e openin g chapte r i n thi s volume , pp . 1-26 . However , I

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would lik e t o mak e on e furthe r commen t dealin g specificall y wit h th e functionalist hermeneuti c employed , almos t withou t exception , b y th e various socia l scientifi c an d historicis t model s o f explanation . O n m y view suc h functiona l approache s ar e circula r an d therefor e lac k logica l force. HempePs 15 studie s o f th e logi c o f functiona l analysi s leav e littl e doubt a s to their tautologica l character . They ultimately explai n nothing . Hence thei r favore d statu s i n moder n approache s t o religion , e.g. , Freud' s claim tha t religio n function s t o satisf y psychologica l needs ; o r agai n Durkheim's an d henc e Mordeca i Kaplan' s argumen t tha t i t function s t o fulfill socia l requirements , i s to b e rejected . Her e th e imperativ e regard ing methodological sophisticatio n come s to th e fore . I a m cognizan t tha t I hav e deal t wit h th e mos t pressin g moder n problem, historicism , to o briefly . I t deserves detaile d review . My presen t remarks an d thos e referre d t o i n chapte r 1 on Rosenzweig , ar e intende d only a s a first move , a n indicatio n tha t I recognize thi s topi c a s a centra l one that require s detaile d analysis . V. TORA H AND MITZVA H Except fo r th e orthodox , an d eve n i n thi s cam p problem s exist , th e fundamental idea s of Torah an d mitzva h hav e little resonance in contem porary Jewis h philosophy . In par t thi s i s du e t o severa l factor s alread y discussed. Firstly, there is the reductionist approac h introduced , i f unwit tingly, b y thos e wh o favo r a nonpropositiona l hermeneuti c i n thes e matters a s a way of respondin g to the historicist challenge ; secondly, ou r abdication o f metaphysica l discours e i s of consequence ; thirdly , ther e i s the historicism o f our age ; and finally biblica l criticis m has taken a heavy toll. Ther e are , however , tw o furthe r consequentia l factor s t o b e con sidered—one external , on e internal . Th e forme r i s the influentia l Kant ian critiqu e o f heteronom y tha t i s a hallmar k o f moder n rationality — yet whic h i s no t self-authenticatin g an d i n considerabl y mor e nee d o f philosophical defens e tha n i s usuall y noted . Th e stil l mor e importan t internal facto r i s this . Moder n Jewis h thinker s an d moder n Jewis h ide ologies hav e continuall y attempte d t o defin e o r explai n Tora h an d mitz vah i n a subtly , an d sometime s no t s o subtle , reductionis t fashion . B y this I mea n the y have , continuin g whil e a t th e sam e tim e distortin g a well-established medieva l philosophica l penchan t wher e tcCamei ha-mitzvot (reasons fo r th e mitzvot ) i s concerned , attempte d t o explai n o r justif y these categories , Tora h an d mitzvah , i n term s o f somethin g othe r tha n

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themselves. Fo r example , th e meanin g o f th e Tora h i s sai d t o equal : historical lessons , ethica l truths , socia l norm s an d communa l solidarity , nationalism, healt h (Kashrut) , philosophica l truths , etc . Henc e Tora h and mitzva h ar e value d becaus e the y embod y an d stan d fo r som e othe r value. W e d o no t kee p th e mitzva h fo r th e sak e o f th e mitzva h bu t fo r ethical o r othe r reasons . Whil e ofte n a n appealin g substitution , thi s approach fundamentall y shift s th e focu s i n way s detrimenta l t o a n un derstanding o f Tora h an d th e practic e o f mitzvot . Thi s occur s becaus e such a n interpretiv e procedur e establishe s othe r values , e.g. , mora l o r social, o r othe r realms , e.g. , th e historic , a s th e value s o r criteri a o f worth an d thu s necessaril y diminishe s th e ultimac y o f Torah , e.g. , no t Torah bu t ethic s is absolute . This criticism , i t shoul d b e explicitly noted , i s not incompatibl e with , nor i n contradictio n to , th e furthe r presumptio n tha t th e mitzvo t ar e "true," "good, " an d "valuable. " Fo r thei r "truth, " "goodness, " an d "value" i s a given, insofa r a s the y ar e sai d a priori, t o b e God' s ways : "The precept s o f th e Lor d ar e right , rejoicin g th e heart ; th e command ments o f th e Lor d ar e pure , enlightenin g th e eyes " (P s 19:9) . B y defini tion, Go d woul d no t deman d evi l o r falsehood , th e nonvaluabl e o r meaningless—but thi s i s all stipulative . A s a secondary explanation , on e can refe r particula r mitzvo t t o specifi c instrumenta l values , e.g., ethics o r wisdom, bu t thi s explanator y modalit y mus t b e recognize d fo r wha t i t is: secondar y an d nonessential—somethin g othe r tha n tha t whic h i s constituted b y a n a priori presumptio n o f trut h an d value . And again — it needs to b e understood tha t th e actua l explanatio n o f every mitzva h i n instrumental term s i s no t require d fo r thei r maintenance , fo r thei r pri mary rol e i s relational , no t utilitarian ; existentia l an d ontological , no t pragmatic o r functional . Moreover , wher e instrumenta l reason s ca n b e found fo r mitzvot , e.g. , ethica l value s i n th e prescription s t o avoi d murder o r theft , socia l value s i n rule s o f marriag e an d lega l systems , historical value s i n term s o f th e educatio n o f th e Jewis h peopl e awa y from idolatry , rationa l value s i n Tora h study , thes e ar e al l t o b e con sidered additional, importan t reason s fo r th e mitzvot , i.e. , abov e an d beyond thei r intrinsi c revelator y significanc e an d thei r capacit y t o facili tate dialogica l reciprocity . In the Guide of the Perplexed Maimonide s criticize s what ma y appea r to b e the position I have just advocated . H e argues : There is a group o f huma n being s who consider i t a grievous thing that cause s should b e given fo r an y law; what would pleas e them mos t is that th e intellect

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would not fin d a meaning for th e commandments an d prohibitions. What compels the m t o fee l thu s i s a sicknes s tha t the y find in thei r souls , a sicknes s t o which the y ar e unabl e t o giv e utteranc e an d o f whic h the y canno t furnis h a satisfactory account . Fo r the y thin k tha t i f thos e law s were useful i n thi s existence an d ha d bee n give n t o u s fo r thi s o r tha t reason , i t woul d b e a s i f the y derived fro m th e reflectio n an d th e understandin g o f som e intelligent being . If , however, ther e is a thing fo r whic h th e intellect coul d no t find any meaning a t all and that does not lead to something useful, i t indubitably derive s from God ; for th e reflection o f man would not lead to such a thing. It is as if, accordin g to these people of weak intellects, man were more perfect tha n his Maker; for man speaks and acts in a manner that leads to some intended end, whereas the Deity does not ac t thus , but command s u s to d o things that ar e not usefu l t o u s and forbids u s to d o things that ar e not harmfu l t o us . But He is far exalte d abov e this; the contrary i s the case, the whole purpose consisting in what is useful fo r us, a s we have explaine d o n th e basi s of th e (Scriptural ) dictum , fo r ou r goo d always, that He might preserve us alive, as it is at this day (Dt 6:24). 16 Let m e therefor e sa y anothe r wor d o n thi s matter . Ther e i s n o denyin g that I d o no t shar e Maimonides ' fait h i n Aristotelia n rationality , it s scope an d limits . In many ways , as a post-Kantian, post-Einsteinia n ma n I hav e mor e fait h i n reason , especiall y technologica l reason , tha n he . Alternatively, afte r Kan t o n th e on e hand , an d th e Holocaus t o n th e other, I have les s faith in , if als o a differen t sens e of, rationalit y tha n he . Given thi s startin g point, on e ca n make , in fairness , th e followin g obser vation: Maimonide s mor e successfull y tha n anyon e befor e o r afte r hi m made th e cas e fo r th e rationalit y o f al l th e mitzvo t an d thei r utilitaria n value, i n th e broa d sense . Ho w fa r h e succeede d i n thi s i s perhap s hi s outstanding philosophica l achievement , an d give s on e paus e i n thes e matters. An d t o th e degre e tha t an y give n Maimonidea n explanatio n i n instrumental term s i s convincin g I hav e n o difficulty , o n wha t I hav e called th e secondar y level , i n acceptin g hi s view . Stil l more , I can agre e with hi m vis-a-vi s his absolut e a priori precondition : th e Torah a s God' s revelation i s true an d purposeful , etc . Where I cannot follo w him , no r d o I think anyon e els e shoul d follo w him is , first, i n makin g th e criterio n o f usefulness 17 bot h absolut e an d primary; 18 an d secondly , an d related , a s regard s hi s misunderstandin g of wha t i s entailed b y the a priori preconditio n o f hi s (an d my ) analysis . That is , t o clai m tha t th e entir e Tora h i s th e resul t o f God' s wisdo m does no t mea n w e kno w i n wha t wa y God' s wisdo m i s operativ e i n every biblica l statut e o r ordinance . Though w e may see k to comprehen d God's wisdo m i n ever y wa y possible , 1 9 i t i s not necessar y tha t w e gai n such understandin g i n orde r t o maintai n th e meaningfulnes s o f th e

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Torah an d th e regime n o f mitzvot , no r agai n ar e w e require d t o insis t that al l Divin e wisdo m manifes t itsel f instrumentally . Phrase d differ ently, to argu e fo r mitzvot shimmiyot (mitzvo t fo r whic h w e ca n find n o utilitarian reason ) i s no t necessaril y t o argue , a s Maimonide s suggests , that Go d i s imperfect an d ma n mor e rationa l tha n hi s Creator . O r agai n that thes e mitzvot shimmiyot ar e totall y devoi d o f meanin g o r useful ness. 20 W e too , o f necessity , give n th e logi c o f biblica l monotheism , presume God' s wisdo m an d goodnes s an d henc e th e wisdo m an d good ness o f th e Torah ; bu t thi s presumptio n neithe r assume s tha t al l God' s ways ar e intelligibl e t o us , tha t we hav e t o understan d al l God' s ways , nor agai n tha t th e onl y value s th e mitzvo t ca n hav e ar e what w e tak e t o be rational o r pragmatic. Rather , the y al l have a s their en d covenan t an d communion, an d the n some , i n addition , hav e secondaril y othe r signifi cant values , e.g. , mora l o r socia l a s well. This view , o f course , alter s th e sorts o f rationalisti c translation s require d b y a Maimonidean approach . I shoul d add , les t an y misunderstandin g arise , thi s analysi s doe s no t impugn th e importanc e o f th e secondar y purpose s adduced , e.g. , moral ity, etc. , no r doe s i t discourag e th e rationa l examinatio n o f th e Tora h for ta'amei ha-mitzvot, etc. , or th e a priori rationalit y o f th e Tora h a s a whole. The "translation " hermeneuti c tha t I hav e calle d Maimonidea n an d criticized seems , moreover , t o los e sigh t o f a t leas t tw o essentia l Jewis h "truths" tha t ar e imperativ e t o protect . Firstly , tha t th e Tora h an d th e mitzvot are , accordin g t o Jewis h tradition , God's way t o God . Thi s i s their primar y valu e an d significance . I t i s thi s fac t tha t obviate s al l modern an d premoder n distinction s betwee n ethica l versu s ritua l mitz vot an d make s al l mitzvot o f equa l valu e a s ways to Hi s Presence. 21 As a consequence, a s Saadi a alread y note d i n Treatis e II I o f hi s Book of Beliefs and Opinions, an d Maimonide s notwithstanding , i t i s precisel y the mitzvot shimmiyot, fo r whic h n o extrinsi c justificatio n ca n b e give n (which doe s not mea n the y are irrational bu t rathe r tha t we do not kno w the reaso n fo r them , thoug h presumin g God' s attribute s mean s presum ing the y hav e a reaso n o r reasons ) tha t shoul d b e considere d fro m on e point o f vie w th e mos t acutel y Torahanic , i.e. , we would no t hav e the m but fo r th e Torah , an d henc e i t i s the y whic h ar e peculiarl y definin g o f Judaism. This seem s especiall y tru e i n th e post-Christian , post-Musli m ag e when th e ethica l commandment s o f th e Tora h ar e claime d a s th e com mon propert y o f al l thre e faiths , no t t o mentio n th e othe r religion s o f

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the worl d an d righteou s atheist s a s well . Certainl y Judais m demand s morality, bu t t o b e mora l i s no t i n itsel f t o b e a Jew . Th e "righteou s gentile," whethe r a Buddhis t o r Marxist , Christia n o r Taoist , Hind u o r atheist, remain s a "righteou s gentile. " An d h e may , a s th e Talmu d tell s us, reach a higher statio n o f sanctit y i n God' s sigh t than man y a Jew, fo r Judaism doe s no t clai m an d know s o f n o monopol y o n salvation . Ye t h e is no t a Jew ; h e doe s no t practic e Judaism . Conversely , thi s i s no t t o denigrate th e mora l o r t o b e misinterprete d a s a n ethicsles s Judaism ; rather i t i s t o argu e tha t Judais m seek s a communio n wit h God , recog nizing that th e Go d o f Israe l ma y wel l b e found onl y throug h th e world , rather tha n throug h a n ethica l syste m per se. I t i s thi s perspectiv e tha t legitimates 22 "An d kee p m y statute s [Hukkim], " {Leviticus ch . 17 ; 4) understanding Hukkim a s act s o f obedien t devotio n i n th e servic e o f a loving relation , tha t open s u p th e entir e realit y o f Tora h t o th e Je w a s the dialectica l nexu s i t is : God' s movemen t towar d Israe l an d Israel' s response t o God. 23 Onl y suc h a nonreductionis t conceptua l schem a allows fo r th e totalit y o f organi c Jewish life , allow s fo r th e recognitio n that religio n i s not derivativ e or functiona l i n its etiology, an d legitimate s the authenticit y o f th e Jewish pas t a s well a s the wholeness o f th e Jewish Weltanschauung. Onl y suc h a characterizatio n allow s fo r th e complete ness o f th e huma n reality , fo r th e fullnes s o f Israel' s histori c an d social existential being , fo r a nonschizophreni c directiv e a s t o whic h action s bring th e individua l int o God' s Presence . Al l permissibl e actions , don e as mitzvot, ar e the mediativ e vehicl e of transcendence . Secondly, th e Maimonidea n an d lik e account s compromis e th e onti c status o f th e Tora h an d it s mitzvot . Th e Chazal spok e o f th e "creatio n of th e Tora h befor e th e world," 2 4 b y whic h the y mean t t o sugges t tha t it i s a par t o f th e fabri c o f reality , no t merel y a socia l instrumen t o r pedagogical device . Precisel y her e w e hav e somethin g t o lear n fro m th e kabbalistic tradition . I n i t th e Tora h i s not value d becaus e i t i s a meta phor o r allegory 25 tha t stand s fo r somethin g else ; rathe r it s valu e lie s precisely i n it s not bein g anythin g else . It s holiness, a s th e meanin g o f kadosh indicates , i s it s differenc e an d separatio n fro m everythin g els e and it s uniqu e onti c statu s per se. Wit h regar d t o th e detai l o f th e mitzvah thi s i s particularl y important—n o othe r actio n o r though t ca n take it s place , no r agai n i s i t merel y a metapho r fo r othe r domain s o f action o r concern . Rather , th e mitzva h i s the reality ; i t i s the expressio n of realit y i n a wa y tha t i s nontransitive . I would ad d a s wel l i n a mor e contemporary idio m tha t th e reality o f th e mitzva h i s irreducible, fo r th e

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essence o f th e mitzva h reside s i n it s specifi c occasion , i.e. , th e actio n o f the mitzva h create s th e operativ e an d significan t onticity 26 wit h whic h Judaism i s concerned. The elemental fac t i s not som e static "reality" tha t can b e conjure d o r contemplate d fro m man y perspectives ; rather , th e "real" i s the dynami c creatio n brough t int o bein g b y mitzvot ma'asiyot (the doin g o f mitzvot) . Thus , th e logic , a s wel l a s th e ontology , o f th e mitzvah i s structura l rathe r tha n substantial . Tha t i s t o say , th e onti c uniqueness o f th e Tora h an d it s mitzvot—whic h create s it s holiness — lies precisel y i n this : i t bring s me n int o relatio n wit h God , nothin g else. I am awar e tha t thes e remark s generat e a goo d man y difficulties 27 i n their ow n right , especiall y a s regard s th e area s o f moralit y an d natura l law o n th e on e han d an d th e renewe d metaphysica l emphasi s o n th e other. I hav e n o illusion s regardin g this . Yet , i t seem s philosophicall y imperative t o attemp t tw o thing s a t th e presen t juncture : t o reestablis h the rational e fo r commitmen t t o Tora h an d mitzva h a s meaningful , indeed, th e mos t meaningful , aspect s o f Jewis h lif e an d thought ; and , secondly, t o provid e a ne w wa y o f understandin g thei r meanin g tha t is , at on e an d th e sam e time , no t reductiv e bu t affirmativ e o f thei r connec tion wit h th e transcendent . Hence , th e mitzvah , th e commandment , i s not disparage d a s futile heteronomou s action , but rather a s the establish ing o f a relationshi p t o th e commandin g Presenc e wh o gav e th e Tora h and prescribe d th e regime n o f mitzvot . Alternatively , i f i t proves impos sible to d o this , a s wel l i t might , the n th e fat e o f Jewish philosoph y a s a significant Jewis h enterpris e i s called int o question . VI. HALACHA H Because w e ar e Jews , mentio n o f Tora h an d mitzva h immediatel y als o requires consideratio n o f th e characte r an d statu s o f halachah. Thi s consideration i s a methodologica l an d philosophica l deman d i f no t a religious one , fo r th e halachah ha s bee n th e mai n expressio n o f Jewis h thought an d spiritualit y ove r the centuries and its study and developmen t has historicall y bee n th e majo r vehicl e of an d fo r Jewish theology . Mor e than i n philosophica l tract s o r kabbalisti c commentaries , mor e tha n i n midrashic ruminations , biblica l exegesis , poetry, or philology, the Jewish mind a s well a s the Jewish sou l ha s expresse d itsel f first an d foremos t i n halachic reflection , disputation , an d resolution . To refe r t o th e halachah, however , raise s severa l relate d issues , eac h

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of whic h i s a n integra l par t o f th e projec t tha t i s Jewish philosoph y i n the 1980s . Th e firs t issu e i s simpl y competenc e i n halachic sources . I would argu e that n o on e ca n b e a fully satisfactor y Jewis h philosophe r i f he is not also , a t least , a competen t talmudist. 28 Th e reaso n i s this: suc h a thinke r i s ou t o f touc h wit h th e mos t importan t Jewis h spiritua l resource nex t t o th e Bible . And eve n wit h regar d t o th e Bibl e none o f u s today ar e Karaites . Al l o f us , eve n thos e wh o ar e n o longe r committe d to th e halachah, stan d a s heirs , whethe r w e desir e i t o r not , o f th e rabbinic tradition . I t i s th e rabbini c versio n o f Tora h an d Judais m tha t defines th e Tora h an d Judaism t o b e accepte d o r rejecte d b y us : "mega leh pani m batora h shel o k'halachah " (d o no t interpre t Tora h contrar y to halachah) . O n th e othe r hand , thi s i s no t t o confus e th e issu e an d argue tha t rabbinic s i s Jewish philosoph y per se. I t is not; rather , i t is t o assert that rabbinics provides much o f the data fo r Jewish philosophizin g as wel l a s a n authenti c (perhap s th e onl y authentic , whic h i s somethin g we wil l hav e t o discuss ) standar d o f Jewis h practic e an d ideology . Cer tainly i t wa s th e standar d o f Jewis h authenticit y unti l th e perio d o f Emancipation, whil e toda y it s problematic characte r i s perhaps th e Jewish philosophica l issu e par excellence, i.e. , wha t i s to b e th e standar d o f authority tha t govern s Jewish lif e i n our time . Secondly, unles s on e i s familia r wit h th e detail s o f th e halachah, al l discussions o f "Jev^ish " sensitivities, values, norms, an d belief s ar e inau thentic an d misdirecte d becaus e the y are , a t best , margina l a s wel l a s partial. Wha t i s distinctivel y Jewish ca n onl y b e ascertaine d throug h familiarity wit h th e halachic tradition. Ther e are , o f course , othe r "data, " sources an d sensitivitie s t o b e factore d in , bu t th e halachic elemen t i s a necessary minimu m condition . Fo r example , can on e speak o f the Jewish view o n an y issu e o f contemporar y concern , rangin g fro m theodic y an d salvation, t o abortion , sexua l morality , DN A research , an d th e religiou s role(s) o f women , i f on e doe s no t kno w th e histor y o f thes e concern s i n the halachah? Al l suc h ungrounde d discours e i s absurd; ther e i s nothin g "Jewish" abou t it . Moreover , i t i s no t jus t th e case-by-cas e detail s tha t should instruc t us . Consider, fo r example , th e structur e an d weighin g o f the Mishnah, one-thir d i f no t mor e o f whic h i s concerne d wit h ritua l purity i n a direc t form , i.e. , th e las t tw o o f it s si x order s ar e Kodashim and Tohorot respectively , a fact tha t shoul d sensitiz e us to the realizatio n that Judais m i s no t t o b e reinterprete d an d scale d dow n int o Kantia n morality o r Durkheimian sociology . This unusual (b y modern standards ) mishnaic orientatio n alert s u s t o th e fac t tha t a mor e comple x ideolog y

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is a t wor k i n th e halachah tha n i s usually understoo d an d henc e a mor e complex understandin g o f Jewis h tradition , it s contents , values , an d parameters i s required o f us . In reflectin g o n th e halachah's rol e i n Jewish philosoph y i t i s appro priate t o ad d a commen t o n th e us e o f aggadah a s a sourc e fo r Jewis h philosophy an d theology . Tha t i t i s a prim e source , a s Maimonide s already mad e clear, 29 i s beyon d question ; wha t i s a t issue , however , i s how i t i s t o b e used . Ma x Kadushin 30 an d mor e recentl y Emi l Facken heim, 31 amon g others , have champione d it s usage a s the mos t importan t classical dat a o n whic h t o dra w i n constructin g contemporar y Jewis h philosophical positions . Thi s recommendation , however , i s fraught wit h danger. First , whateve r it s merits i t mus t no t replac e the halachah a s th e primary sourc e tradition . Secondly , suc h theorizin g fro m th e aggadah i s almost always , a s i t mus t be , overl y selective . Hence , th e classica l prin cipal consistentl y cite d i n th e responsa : "D o no t rul e o n th e basi s o f aggada" 32 i s ful l o f warnin g fo r us . Ther e ar e n o short-cut s fo r Jewis h philosophy t o b e foun d i n th e midrashi c inheritance , thoug h thi s ric h treasure i s a repository o f Jewish resource s t o b e mined b y us—but wit h care. One furthe r corollar y wit h regar d t o halachic competenc e als o call s for comment : methodology . Th e halachah i s as much a method a s it is a series o f lega l prescriptions . Tha t is , as in philosophica l argument , wha t is a s importan t a s one' s conclusio n i s ho w on e reache d it . A halachic conclusion i s onl y a s persuasiv e a s th e soundnes s o f it s halachic proce dure. Thi s recognitio n i s o f considerabl e significance , especiall y i n ou r time whe n variou s group s withi n th e Jewish communit y al l la y clai m t o speak i n the name of , an d ou t of , th e halachic tradition , ye t quit e clearl y disagree o n wha t thi s traditio n is , ho w i t operates , an d wha t i t ca n b e made t o sustai n b y wa y o f contemporar y transformation s o f Jewis h thought an d practice . Th e winte r 198 0 issu e o f th e quarterl y Judaism devoted t o "Jewis h law " i s a recent , straightforwar d exampl e o f th e confusion tha t reigns . Fo r example , wha t i s th e lega l principl e involve d in th e oft-cite d Prozbul, an d wha t doe s i t an d wha t doe s i t not justif y i n the wa y o f moder n takkanotf I want t o emphasiz e that , a t least , o n th e initial leve l o f methodologica l discussion , ther e i s n o requiremen t tha t one b e committe d t o th e halachic Weltanschauung, Rather , th e onl y necessity i s that thos e who see k to enter int o dialogue with th e halachah, even wit h th e inten t o f changin g o r destroyin g it , hav e a logica l obliga -

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tion t o kno w wha t i t is . Thi s requiremen t flow s fro m a concer n wit h method, no t emunah (faith) . VII. TH E HOLOCAUS T The Holocaus t raise s al l th e importan t issues , or rathe r th e mos t impor tant issu e relevan t t o maintainin g belie f i n God , i.e. , theodicy . Ove r th e last thirt y years , Jewis h thinker s o f al l persuasion s an d non e hav e at tempted t o "explain, " "accoun t for, " an d "respond " t o Auschwit z i n a wide variet y o f ways . I d o no t thin k i t unfai r t o conclud e that , despit e the intensity o f the invested passion an d the sincerity of the commitment , none ha s prove n completel y convincin g no r philosophicall y adequate . This is in no wa y surprising , given th e immensit y o f th e occurrence. Yet , the "sting " wil l no t g o awa y an d Jewis h philosoph y wil l nee d t o con tinue t o wrestl e wit h it s problematic, tryin g to for m ever-mor e complet e as wel l a s cogen t "responses. " In orde r t o d o this , moreover , w e wil l have to do at least two things: We will have to learn the details of Jewish history bot h pas t and present so as to be able to understand th e historica l reality o f th e Holocaust , it s similaritie s t o an d differences fro m previou s national calamities , and whether an d i n what sens e it is "unique" or not , and whethe r thi s "uniqueness " doe s o r doe s no t matte r fo r Jewis h philosophy. Secondly , we will have to absor b an d locat e this history i n a philosophy o f history—somethin g als o pressingly relevan t i n relatio n t o the discussio n o f Zionism . Her e w e nee d t o confron t th e metaphysica l dimension raise d b y classica l claim s tha t histor y reveal s God' s provi dence. And again , i n connectio n wit h a philosophy o f Jewish histor y w e need t o explor e a hos t o f multifacete d arguments , rangin g fro m thos e connected wit h wha t Bultman n woul d labe l "demythologizing " t o thos e regarding th e meanin g o f pas t event s i n term s o f contemporar y history , covering laws , miracles, and th e like . In short , w e need t o ente r int o on e of th e thornies t o f philosophica l subjects . Yet , ther e i s n o escapin g thi s requirement; eve n Rosenzwei g ha d t o tak e u p th e issue , despite hi s vie w of th e post-7 0 C.E . Jewish transcendenc e o f history . In fact , h e i s one o f the tw o interesting , richl y suggestive , i f profoundl y wrongheaded , mod ern worker s i n thi s genre , Krochma l bein g th e other . I n th e end , bot h Rosenzweig an d Krochma l ar e overcom e b y th e Hegelia n burde n the y carry, bu t the y understood , a s part o f th e positiv e Hegelia n inheritance , the semina l issue s tha t nee d confronting . Alternatively , ther e i s no t a

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single sustaine d wor k i n thi s genr e i n al l post-194 0 Jewis h philosophy . We mus t chang e this . The absenc e o f an y progres s i n th e philosoph y o f Jewis h histor y ha s also stymie d an y creativ e philosophica l exploratio n o f th e meanin g o f Zionism. VIII. TH E REBIRTH O F A JEWISH STAT E It i s remarkabl e tha t ther e i s no t eve n on e majo r post-194 8 wor k ema nating eithe r fro m th e diaspor a o r Israel , tha t offer s a satisfyin g Jewis h philosophical accoun t o f Zionis m an d Jewis h nationalism . Yet , a t th e same time , wha t kin d o f succes s ca n on e clai m fo r an y contemporar y Jewish philosoph y i f i t doe s no t "account " fo r th e mos t centra l issu e i n modern Jewish life : th e Stat e of Israel ? The complet e arra y o f issue s tha t com e unde r thi s rubri c ar e to o numerous t o discus s her e i n detail , e.g. , th e reevaluatio n o f th e meanin g of "religious " an d "secular " i n a Jewish state ; th e "religious " value , i f any, o f a state ; th e eschatological , nomocratic , an d theocrati c dimen sions o f suc h a state ; th e obligations , i f any , o f diaspor a Jewr y t o th e state; wha t change s i n Jewis h lif e an d halachic practic e ar e legitimate d by the state ; an d th e list goes on. Conversely , what ar e the philosophica l implications o f followin g Yeshayah u Leibowitz's 33 vie w tha t th e stat e has n o intrinsi c Jewis h valu e a t all ? Al l thes e question s ar e o f urgen t philosophical, no t t o say , practical concern . IX. PLURALIS M The vexin g issu e o f pluralis m provide s ou r final substantiv e category . Modern Jewis h lif e i s single d ou t b y it s diversity , a diversit y muc h broader i n rang e tha n eve n tha t o f th e Bayit Sheni (Secon d Temple ) period. The philosophical questio n raise d b y this historical realit y is , can and shoul d Jewish philosoph y legitimat e thi s pluralism? I f so, how? An d if not , wha t ar e th e consequence s o f thi s negation ? Christia n thinker s have bee n trying to construc t a philosophical foundatio n fo r intra-Chris tian dialogue , e.g., Orthodox , Catholic , Protestant, etc. ; ought we do th e same i n term s o f th e presen t realit y o f Jewis h denominationalism , o r should w e reject suc h attempt s a s temporizing evasions ? An d i f we rejec t such attempts , will Jewish philosoph y degenerat e int o the most unsavor y sort o f theolog y b y label , heresy-hunting , th e hurlin g o f th e "ban " an d

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mutual disrespect , a n unappealin g prospec t intellectuall y an d perhap s even mor e significant , suicida l i n term s o f th e large r Jewis h agenda . Alternatively, ca n thi s b e accomplishe d withou t appea l t o th e "lowes t common denominator" ? I confess t o nea r despai r ove r thi s topic . The n again, ther e i s als o a pressin g questio n concernin g Jewish—non-Jewis h pluralism. Ca n we, may we, come to a more sophisticated understandin g of the theological legitimacy, th e spiritual authenticity o f other religions ? CONCLUSION The nin e element s enumerate d ar e certainl y no t exhaustive ; man y addi tional problem s confron t th e constructio n o f a viable , persuasive , intel lectually satisfying , Jewis h philosophica l positio n i n ou r time . Increas ingly, fo r example , th e issu e o f "secularism, " whic h ha s bee n o n th e docket sinc e the Emancipation , wil l com e t o th e fore . Tha t is , how doe s one d o Jewis h philosoph y i n a secula r pluralisti c universe ? Thi s an d other difficultie s mus t b e confronte d soone r o r late r a s par t o f a n or ganic, holistic Jewish philosophy . I n sum , Jewish philosoph y toda y doe s not lac k fo r a n agenda . Whethe r w e ar e equa l t o it s demand s i s th e challenge befor e us .

NOTES 1. I n our own century one can cite such examples as the extraordinarily fruitfu l encounter o f Wittgenstei n wit h Russell , an d earlie r o f Russel l wit h G . E . Moore, J. M. Keynes, and A. N. Whitehead. Or again, on the continent, of H. Cohe n an d th e Marbur g neo-Kantian s wit h Heidegge r o r i n Jewis h circles o f Baec k an d Rosenzwei g wit h H . Cohe n an d the n late r o f Rosen zweig with Buber. The history of philosophy is full of similar examples, e.g., Socrates and Plato , Plato an d Aristotle, Leibnitz an d Spinoza' s response to Descartes, Kant's influenc e o n Hegel , Schelling, and Fichte . The University of Berlin in the first quarter of the nineteenth century , the Harvard Philosophy Department i n the first quarter o f the twentieth century , Oxford i n the 1950s and 1960s. 2. Fo r more details see, for example , my article, "Jewish Fait h afte r th e Holocaust: Four Responses," in The Encyclopedia Judaica Yearbook (1976), pp. 92—105; an d th e serie s o f studie s o n contemporar y Jewis h thinker s pre sented i n m y Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought (New York, 1983). 3. J and Thou, (New York, 1937), p. HOf .

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4. Ibid. , p. 112 . 5. The Eclipse of God (Ne w York , 1952) , p. 14 . 6. / and Thou, p . 112 . 7. S . Katz , "Marti n Buber' s Philosophy : A Critique, " ( a preci s o f a paper ) i n The AJ.S. Newsletter (January , 1975) ; idem , "Marti n Buber' s Concep t o f Revelation," Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies (Jerusalem , 1977) ; an d in detai l i n m y forthcomin g stud y o f Marti n Bube r t o b e published b y Ne w York Universit y Pres s in its Modern Masters Series. 8. Parenthetically , thi s sam e logica l argumen t applie s t o th e acceptanc e o f miracles. 9. Fo r example , ho w ca n w e g o o n wit h tefdlah (prayer ) an d ritual , Mordeca i Kaplan's illogica l "reconstructions " notwithstanding . Fo r more , se e th e debate betwee n A . J. Hesche l an d E . Koh n wit h Koh n defendin g a versio n of Kaplan' s naturalis m hel d a t th e Rabbinica l Assembl y i n 195 3 an d re corded i n th e Proceedings of the Rabbinical Assembly of America, Vol . XVII (1953) . Se e als o A . J. Heschel' s late r pape r o n th e nee d fo r praye r i n Conservative Judaism, Vol . XXV I (Fall , 1970) , an d Loui s Jacobs' s usefu l discussion o f praye r i n moder n Jewis h theolog y i n hi s A Jewish Theology (London, 1974) , ch. 13 . 10. I t i s with soun d judgmen t tha t Maimonide s begin s hi s Mishneh Tor ah wit h a decidedl y metaphysica l assertion : The fundamenta l principl e an d pilla r o f al l scienc e i s to kno w tha t ther e i s a First Being wh o ha s brough t everythin g tha t exist s int o being . ("Fundamental s o f th e Torah," ch. 1, 1) 11. Se e my articl e o n "Richar d Rubenstein , Th e Go d o f Israe l an d th e Logi c of History," i n The Journal of the American Academy of Religion (September , 1978), pp . 313-350 , reprinte d i n m y Post-Holocaust Dialogues, pp . 1 7 4 204. 12. On e i s her e reminde d o f A . N . Whitehead' s remark , "th e rejectio n o f metaphysics i s one of th e sicknesses of ou r age. " 13. I hav e discusse d thi s subjec t i n mor e detai l i n a pape r entitle d "Marti n Buber's Epistemology : A Critica l Appraisal, " reprinte d i n m y Post-Holocaust Dialogues, pp . 1—51 . 14. Rosenzwei g an d Hesche l wer e als o sensitiv e t o man y o f th e essentia l issues , but thei r positiv e contribution s t o solvin g th e difficultie s raise d b y moder n philosophers an d logician s wa s no t o f th e sam e magnitud e a s thei r aware ness of th e problematic . 15. Se e his paper o n "Th e Logi c of Functiona l Analysis, " in C . Hempel, Aspects of Scientific Explanation (Ne w York , 1965) , pp . 297-330 . A s thi s applie s to religiou s theories , se e als o Han s Penner' s essay , "Creatin g a Brahman, " in Rober t Bair d (ed.) , Methodological Issues in Religious Studies (Chicago , 1975), pp. 5 5 - 5 9 . 16. Maimonides , Guide III , 31. 17. I n th e Guide III , 26, h e wrote : "al l law s hav e cause s an d wer e give n wit h a view o f som e utility. " I t shoul d b e note d tha t th e Sage s see m t o specificall y

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locate th e superiorit y o f Israel' s acceptanc e o f th e Torah i n it s avoidance o f such practica l considerations , i.e. , wher e th e othe r nation s "calculated " whether t o accep t or rejec t th e Torah, Israe l replied , "Na'aseh ve'nishmah"; for mor e o n thi s point , se e Sifre, Beracha , ch . 2 1 , an d cf . als o Ra v J . Soloveitchik's discussio n o f thi s issu e i n hi s essa y "Mt . Sinai—Thei r Fines t Hour," i n Rabb i A . Besdin (ed.) , Reflections of the Rav (Jerusalem , 1979) . 18. Unles s w e defin e "useful " a s includin g relatio n t o God . I f w e d o tha t th e difference betwee n Maimonide s an d mysel f disappears . However , I d o not believ e Maimonide s ca n b e rea d i n thi s wa y withou t distortin g hi s intent. 19. Her e on e need s t o becom e involve d i n th e technicalitie s o f Maimonidea n exegesis. Cf . wha t Maimonide s wisel y state s i n hi s discussio n o f th e ratio nality o f th e mitzvo t i n the Guide III , 6 . On e ca n recogniz e i n thi s nuance d discussion a n attemp t b y Maimonide s t o protec t th e detail s o f th e Torah , and henc e th e Tora h itself , fro m th e destructiv e tendencie s embodie d i n a totally, ruthlessly , rationalisti c (no t t o b e confused wit h rational ) approach . The issue, however, no w become s where t o dra w thi s line. 20. Se e note 1 8 above . 21. Cf . R . Shneu r Zalma n o f Liadi , Tanya, ch . 7 (London , 1973) , p. 428 . Als o see Sifra 9 3 d. 22. "And My statutes shall ye keep, i.e. , suc h commandment s t o whic h Sata n objects, the y ar e [thos e relatin g to ] th e puttin g o n o f sha'atnez, th e halizah [performed] b y a sister-in-law, th e purification o f th e leper, and th e he-goat to-be-sent-away. An d perhap s yo u migh t thin k thes e ar e vai n things , there fore Scriptur e says : I a m th e Lord , i.e. , I , th e Lor d hav e mad e i t a statut e and yo u hav e no righ t to criticiz e it. " 23. "Prio r t o th e givin g o f th e Torah , heave n an d eart h wer e tw o totall y separate things , but onc e th e Torah wa s given , earth wen t u p t o heave n an d heaven cam e dow n t o earth " (Pesikta de Rav Kahana, ed . S. Buber). 24. Se e Hagigah 13 B and Gen. R. 8 , 2. 25. Th e widesprea d vie w tha t Kabbalist s vie w th e Tora h i n it s mos t essentia l modality a s "allegorical " i s a mistake . I have discusse d thi s issu e mor e full y in m y paper , "Th e Conservativ e Characte r o f Mystica l Experience, " i n S. Katz (ed.) , Mysticism and Religious Traditions (Ne w York , 1983) , pp. 3 60. Se e als o Zohar III , 152 a an d G . Scholem' s comment s o n th e Tora h i n his Kabbalah (Ne w York , 1975) . 26. Th e wor d "onticity " i s almos t a Heideggarian-lik e locutio n an d fo r thi s I apologize. However , it s meaning is , I believe, apparent an d shoul d caus e n o confusion regardin g my meaning . 27. Eve n i f other s disagre e I hop e m y remark s wil l caus e the m t o rethin k th e issues befor e us . I f ther e ar e disagreement s ove r th e interpretatio n o f Mai monides, a s I a m sur e ther e are , le t u s please ignor e the m fo r th e momen t and concentrat e o n th e philosophica l rathe r tha n th e historica l issue s I a m trying t o rais e i n thes e remarks , a s thi s i s no t intende d a s a n essa y i n Maimonidean scholarship . 28. Thi s i s why Maimonide s ha s alway s been , an d continue s t o be , the paradig -

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matic Jewish philosopher , whethe r on e agree s wit h hi s philosophica l view s or not , while Buber, fo r exampl e i s not . 29. Cf . Maimonides , Commentary on the Mishnah, Sanhedrin, an d Guide, "Introduction." Se e also I . Twersky's importan t remark s o n thi s them e an d its influenc e i n hi s Introduction to the Code of Maimonides (Ne w Haven , 1980), pp. 11-1 2 an d not e 15 , p. 12 . 30. See , for example , Ma x Kadushin , The Rabbinic Mind (Chicago , 1964) , an d his A Conceptual Approach to the Mekilta (Ne w York , 1969) . 31. Cf . E . Fackenheim, God's Presence in History (Ne w York , 1970) . 32. Se e Maimonides , Guide, "Introduction" ; Ozar Ha-Geonim, Berachot, I , 131. 33. Se e his Judaism, A Jewish People and The State of Israel (i n Hebrew) , (Te l Aviv, 1976) ; an d hi s essay entitle d "Stat e an d Religion, " i n The Jerusalem Quarterly, No . 1 4 (Winter , 1980) , pp. 5 9 - 6 7 .

3 Abraham Joshua Heschel and Hasidism

A

braham Joshua Hesche l i s now a twice famous nam e in the annal s of {Hasidism. I t belonge d t o th e belove d earl y sage , Abraha m Joshu a Heschel o f Ap t (d . 1825 ) an d t o hi s great-grandson , ou r lat e contempo rary Abraha m Joshua Hesche l (d . 1972) . If one believe d i n the kabbalis tic doctrin e o f gilgul (transmigratio n o f souls ) on e migh t argu e tha t th e soul o f th e first Abraha m Joshu a ha d reappeare d i n th e bod y o f th e second, but perhaps the more reasonable doctrin e of yiches, nobl e famil y tradition, i s sufficien t t o begi n t o accoun t fo r th e latter' s greatness . Stemming a s h e di d fro m tw o majo r Hasidi c dynasties , Hesche l wa s a complete produc t o f th e Hasidi c milie u o f Easter n Europ e wit h al l it s richness an d diversity . A s a consequence , h e was i n a unique positio n t o combine a n authenti c relationshi p t o Hasidis m wit h a profound sensitiv ity fo r th e mor e genera l stat e o f th e Je w an d Judais m i n th e moder n world. This sensitivit y i s manifest i n his many semina l essay s an d mono graphs o n al l aspects of th e Jewish heritage . No are a o f Jewish stud y wa s alien t o hi m an d h e publishe d importan t paper s o n Kabbalah , Jewis h Philosophy (bot h medieva l an d modern) , Rabbinics , Biblical Studie s an d Hasidism. Moreover , h e no t onl y studie d Tora h bu t live d it : th e roste r of activist s i n almos t ever y majo r campaig n o f Jewis h o r humanitaria n concern sinc e the 1930 s ha s include d hi s name. 1 In this chapte r w e shal l concentrate o n on e aspec t o f HescheP s achievement , hi s contributio n t o our understandin g o f Hasidism . Reprinted b y permission o f th e journal of Jewish Studies.

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I A Passion for Truth, 2 Heschel' s posthumousl y publishe d stud y o f Re b Mendl o f Kotz k (1787-1859) , brough t hi s Hasidi c interest s int o th e center o f th e public eye . It confirmed i n a major way , especiall y a s it wa s his las t wor k an d s o receive d unusua l publicity , tha t Hesche l no t onl y had hi s biographica l root s i n th e Hasidi c contex t bu t tha t h e was als o a foremost interprete r o f thi s easter n Europea n Jewis h fol k movement . However, t o thos e familia r wit h hi s life' s work , thi s lat e stud y wa s n o surprise, fo r the y ha d com e t o kno w an d t o respec t Heschel' s expertis e as a master-student o f the subject, uniquel y equippe d t o make the subjec t his own. T o full y understan d Heschel' s contributio n an d th e significanc e of hi s final monograp h o n th e Kotzker , on e ha s t o star t wit h hi s earlie r studies in thi s area rathe r tha n wit h hi s last scholarly testament . Raised a s a chil d i n th e Hasidi c environmen t o f Easter n Europe , Heschel first kne w Hasidis m fro m th e inside . This biographica l elemen t is o f ke y importanc e becaus e i t foreve r protecte d Hesche l fro m a to o eisegetical, to o extraneous , to o non-Hasidi c interpretatio n o f th e rele vant material . On e especiall y see s th e significanc e o f thi s biographica l factor whe n on e compare s Heschel' s situatio n wit h tha t o f Marti n Buber , the mos t famou s o f al l moder n interpreter s o f Hasidism . Bube r wa s neither th e produc t o f a Hasidi c hom e no r o f a Hasidi c childhood , coming to th e stud y o f Hasidis m onl y i n his twenties. Buber neve r wa s a hasid, i.e. , h e neve r belonge d t o an y Hasidi c communit y an d certainl y never too k upo n himsel f th e mai n act s o f Hasidi c piety , adherenc e t o a Rebbe, an d th e halachah. Althoug h i n som e way s Bube r sa w himsel f a s a Hasidi c Rebbe , an d certainl y thi s wa s als o ho w man y o f hi s disciple s viewed him , thi s postur e wa s inauthentic. 3 Hesche l wa s different . Hav ing bee n raise d amon g th e Hasidi m o f Poland , havin g bee n taugh t Hasidism i n th e traditiona l fashio n o f th e Hasidi c community , havin g been a Hasid i n th e authenti c sens e o f devotio n t o Rebb e an d Torah , Heschel wa s fro m th e outse t constraine d i n fundamenta l way s fro m idiosyncratic errors of judgment an d excesses of subjectivity. Hi s Hasidi c sages an d thei r teaching s represen t rea l product s o f actua l Hasidi c lif e rather tha n romanticize d abstractions , appealin g a s suc h abstraction s might be . On th e basis of thi s solid biographica l foundation , whic h however , b y itself i s not adequat e ground s fo r seriou s scholarl y contributions , Hes chel buil t hi s Hasidi c research . Ove r a perio d o f 3 0 year s Heschel' s

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academic concer n wit h Hasidis m wa s reflecte d i n a stead y strea m o f publications i n Hebrew, Yiddis h an d English . Among these publications , and fa r fro m a complet e bibliography , on e shoul d tak e not e o f th e following papers : " A Cabbalisti c Commentar y o n th e Prayerbook"; 4 "The Easter n Europea n Er a i n Jewis h History"; 5 "Rabb i Phineha s o f Koretz"; 6 "Th e Mystica l Elemen t i n Judaism"; 7 "Rabb i Gersho n o f Kuty"; 8 "Rabb i Mende l mi-Kotzk"; 9 "Rabb i Nahma n o f Kossov , Com panion o f th e Baa l Shem", 10 "Rabb i Yitcha k o f Drohobitsch"; 11 an d "Unknown Document s i n th e Histor y o f Hasidism". 12 In addition , Hes chel wrote tw o book-lengt h studie s o n Mende l o f Kotzk , on e i n Yiddis h (in 2 vols.) entitled , Kotzk: The Struggle for Truth, 13 an d on e i n Englis h which w e hav e alread y referre d to , A Passion for Truth. 14 Lastly , ther e is his warm stud y o f Jewish lif e i n easter n Europ e entitled , The Earth Is the Lord's: The Inner Life of the Jew in East Europe. 15 Each o f thes e studie s i s a min e o f informatio n wedde d t o insigh t regarding the Hasidic movement. In their individualit y eac h make s a rea l contribution t o it s subject . Moreover , fro m a clos e stud y o f thes e docu ments take n collectivel y somethin g o f furthe r interes t emerge s tha t shed s additional ligh t o n eac h o f th e studie s take n separately . I t becomes clea r that Hesche l wa s no t onl y engage d i n random piecemea l wor k o n thi s o r that Hasidi c sag e bu t rather , h e wa s involve d i n a systemati c stud y o f the earlies t an d mos t importan t phas e o f Hasidism . Take n a s a whole , Heschel's studie s ar e actuall y a n exceedingl y thoughtfu l attemp t t o buil d up a broa d pictur e o f th e origina l histori c Hasidi c environmen t throug h the study, first, o f th e Baal Shem Tov's mos t important companions , an d then, presumably , culminatin g i n a stud y o f th e Baa l She m To v whic h would serv e a s th e centra l hu b tha t woul d ti e al l thes e separat e spoke s together. Unfortunately , Hesche l di d no t liv e t o complet e th e treatmen t of th e Baa l She m To v whic h wa s t o provid e th e unifyin g focu s fo r th e totality o f hi s Hasidi c reflections. 16 Th e closes t thin g w e hav e t o thi s unifying understandin g o f th e Baa l She m To v i s the stil l fragmente d an d partial reflectio n o n th e Besh t i n th e openin g sectio n o f A Passion for Truth.

II Before passin g directl y to consideration o f Heschel' s last study, however , a brie f commen t o n hi s othe r monograph , The Earth Is the Lord's ma y prove helpfu l i n settin g th e large r contex t fo r ou r analysi s o f A Passion

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for Truth. W e trea t The Earth Is the Lord's first a s i t ca n b e deal t wit h more economically , bein g alread y a classic though onl y jus t a quarte r o f a centur y old . Written i n HescheP s uniqu e evocativ e rathe r tha n descriptiv e style , intended t o mov e th e reade r t o investigat e hi s ow n situatio n a s wel l a s to lear n th e recor d o f histor y past , The Earth Is the Lord's chronicle s the inne r struggl e fo r surviva l o f Polis h Jewry . Essentia l fo r Hesche l i n this chapte r o f Jewis h histor y i s th e inne r dimension , th e strivin g fo r intimacy wit h God , wha t th e Hasidi m stresse d i n th e mystica l doctrin e of devekuth an d whic h Hesche l hold s activate d al l easter n Europea n Jewish existentia l concerns. 17 Heschel convey s not onl y the facts bu t als o the spiri t o f thi s way wit h grea t success . He captures , too, the mystery a t its root , fo r Hesche l know s o f th e other-worldlines s tha t i s a t th e hear t of Hasidism . Subtl y presente d ye t inestimabl y significant , Hesche l i s clear o n th e essential point : "Th e Hasidis m hav e alway s maintained tha t the joy s o f thi s worl d wer e no t th e highes t on e coul d achieve." 18 H e correctly see s thei r dialectica l alternatio n betwee n thi s worl d an d th e world t o com e an d quit e properly speak s o f their "fannin g i n themselve s the passio n fo r spirituality , th e yearnin g fo r th e joy s o f th e worl d t o come." 1 9 Th e recognitio n o f thi s other-worldl y dimensio n reflect s Hes chePs authenti c insight . Whil e i n som e respect s Hesche l want s t o mak e Judaism int o a n existentialism , an d som e feature s o f hi s Hasidis m ar e not immun e fro m thi s temptatio n a s become s clea r especiall y i n A Passion for Truth, h e generall y know s th e boundarie s o f legitimac y wher e this existentialist interpretatio n i s concerned . In thi s respec t i t i s instructiv e t o compar e Buber' s view s wit h Hes chePs, fo r thoug h Bube r wa s a majo r influenc e o n HescheP s thinkin g i n general a s wel l a s o n hi s stud y o f Hasidis m i n particular , a carefu l reading o f th e tw o men' s presentation s o f th e relevan t materia l wil l reveal marke d differences . Buber , wh o wa s i n lov e wit h thi s world , cas t Hasidism int o th e rol e o f a paradigmati c this-worldly , dialogical , pan sacramental community . In Buber' s presentation , despit e th e tal k abou t God, th e centralit y o f divine-huma n relationshi p an d th e us e o f th e imagery o f th e kabbalisti c doctrin e o f th e "sparks " an d thei r "redemp tion," th e authenti c elemen t o f transcendenta l myster y s o centra l t o Hasidism i s lost . I t i s los t becaus e i t i s no t couple d t o th e dee p Hasidi c other-worldliness tha t desire s t o overcom e ou r worl d an d tha t finds expression i n suc h cardina l Hasidi c doctrine s a s tha t o f bittul ha-yesh (annihilation) an d th e like . Buber' s Hasidism , fo r al l it s splendour , i s

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largely a this-worldl y existentialis m i n Jewish dress . Alternatively , Hes chePs Hasidis m i s somethin g radicall y different , bein g close r t o th e authentic moo d o f Hasidi c piety. The price Heschel pay s for thi s authen ticity i s that hi s visio n remain s grounde d i n it s specificall y Jewis h milie u as th e Hasidi m themselve s intended . Ther e i s no t eve n th e attempt , which supplie s the motive power fo r Buber' s entir e enterprise, to liberat e Hasidism fro m it s Jewish context , claimin g t o find i n i t som e spiritual dialogical panace a fo r moder n man' s spiritua l malaise . Instea d Heschel , in hi s openin g paragraph , write s i n ful l Hasidi c flavour : "Hasidis m banished melanchol y fro m th e sou l an d uncovere d th e ineffabl e deligh t of bein g a Jew. " A concomitan t featur e o f thi s accurate , full y Jewis h emphasis i s Heschel's proper recognitio n o f th e foundational rol e playe d by th e halachah an d mitzvot. Certainl y th e emphasi s wit h regar d t o th e halachah i s o n kavvanah (religiou s inwardnes s o r intention ) an d right fully s o fo r thi s orientatio n i s a distinguishin g mar k o f Hasidi c religios ity, bu t thi s inwardnes s i s not stresse d a t th e pric e o f correc t observanc e or o f tryin g t o portra y th e Hasidi m a s antinomian s o f on e sor t o r another. Rather , Heschel' s tru e sens e o f th e Hasidi c theologica l rhyth m allows hi m t o catc h bot h th e inne r an d oute r aspect s o f Hasidi c obser vance. 20 H e i s abl e t o write : "i t i s incumben t upo n u s t o OBE Y ou r father i n heaven, bu t Go d i n turn i s found t o take pity on Hi s children. 21 Buber coul d no t hav e written thi s line.

Ill We ar e no w i n a positio n t o conside r th e volum e tha t inspire d thi s chapter, A Passion for Truth. 21 Thi s i s a ver y persona l book , writte n i n a persona l way . Ye t thoug h i t begin s i n subjectivity , o r mor e correctly , in subjectiv e respons e t o certai n me n an d ideas , it s ambitio n i s t o g o beyond subjectivit y an d t o use subjectivity a s a means for achievin g trut h —both intellectua l trut h an d trut h o n th e leve l o f existentia l concern . I t is a work tha t unite s the different strand s of its author's interes t in thing s Jewish, Hasidi c an d theological , an d mold s the m int o on e mosai c his tory. Bein g s o man y thing s i t i s no t eas y t o revie w it s content s o r t o evaluate it : t o evaluat e i t only a s histor y o r theolog y woul d b e to mis s a large par t o f it s point , bu t t o revie w i t merel y a s credo woul d b e t o d o injustice t o autho r a s well a s to audience . As t o it s genesi s i n it s author' s biograph y ther e ca n b e n o doubt . I n the "Introduction " Hesche l confide s t o hi s reade r th e Hasidi c influence s

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on hi s childhood . H e tell s o f bein g especiall y influence d b y tw o Hasidi c masters, on e o f whom , th e Baa l She m To v (1700-1760) , i s the greates t in th e histor y o f th e movement , whil e th e other , Re b Menache m Mend l of Kotzk , th e Kotzke r (1787-1859) , i s the strangest. Betwee n thes e two , with thei r opposin g Weltanschauungen, Hesche l lived , sometime s fol lowing the way o f Mezbizh , sometime s th e way o f Kotzk . "I was taught about inexhaustible mines of meaning by the Baal Shem; from th e Kotzker I learned to detect immense mountains of absurdity standing in the way. The on e taugh t m e song—th e othe r silence . The on e reminde d m e tha t ther e could b e a Heaven o n earth, th e other shocke d m e into discoverin g Hel l in the allegedly Heavenly places in our world." 23 One i s tempted t o speculat e tha t mor e o f hi s earlie r year s wer e spen t i n Mezbizh, whil e th e olde r h e go t th e mor e h e reside d i n Kotzk . Thi s speculation i s prompte d b y this , hi s las t effort , whic h i s clearl y mor e a product o f Kotzk , thoug h no t jus t of Kotz k alone . Though th e work begin s in biograph y i t does not remai n there . In th e very firs t sectio n o f th e boo k Hesche l attempt s t o provid e i n broa d strokes th e distinctiv e feature s o f "Th e Tw o Teachers. " Havin g draw n his tw o images , however , th e differences betwee n th e tw o ar e no t pre sented a s matters o f personality o r particular outloo k bu t ar e used a s the medium throug h whic h t o presen t tw o alternativ e religiou s life-styles . I t is a s i f Hesche l wer e usin g thes e Zaddiki m t o portra y "types " o f piety , with eac h differin g a s t o hi s understandin g o f Judaism' s essentia l ele ments: God , Israe l an d Torah . Whil e the Baal She m Tov i s the paradig m of love , the Kotzke r i s the model o f truth . Where on e is joyous, the othe r is somber . Wher e on e feel s th e nearnes s o f God , th e othe r find s th e presence o f Go d a distan t goa l t o b e struggle d for—usuall y wit h littl e success. Wher e on e see s Go d i n 'al l thing s grea t an d small, ' th e othe r finds th e worl d a n impedimen t t o b e overcom e o n th e wa y t o God . Where on e i s ope n t o al l men , finding divinit y i n each , th e othe r seek s only th e selec t fe w capabl e o f especia l act s o f self-disciplin e leadin g towards transcendence . Wher e on e stresse s emotion , th e othe r teache s discipline. Wher e on e see s harmon y betwee n bod y an d spirit , th e othe r sees antagonism . Wher e on e see s harmon y betwee n nature , ma n an d Creator, th e othe r see s tension . Wher e on e i s a n optimist , th e othe r i s not. Wher e on e i s infused wit h wonde r an d exaltation , th e othe r teache s self-reflection, sobriety , severity . Where one sees only the good, the othe r sees mostl y th e evil . Wher e on e seek s ecstasy , th e othe r stresse s contri tion. Wher e on e see s meaning , th e othe r sense s absurdity . Wher e on e

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knows Go d primaril y a s Father, th e other i s awe-struck a t God a s Judge. Regarding th e tw o on e recall s th e well-know n tale : Whe n aske d wher e God dwelle d th e Baa l She m answered , everywhere ; th e Kotzke r (an swered), wher e h e i s allowe d t o enter. 24 I n comparin g th e tw o Hesche l writes: "Th e forme r bega n wit h grace , th e latte r wit h indignation . A light glowed i n Mezbizh; a fire rage d i n Kotzk." 25 That Hesche l see s thes e tw o spiritua l titan s no t onl y a s individual s but a s model s i s supporte d b y a commen t h e make s i n th e cours e o f hi s treatment o f th e notion o f "Faith. " H e remind s u s that : "In th e history o f Hasidis m w e come upon two types of faith: one is intimate, personal attachmen t t o God , th e othe r i s self-centerednes s overcom e . . . Th e first is a promise, the second a challenge. The first is nurtured b y wonder, song, poetry; the second initiates a process of self-scrutiny an d alertness that can never end; there silence is the only refuge." 26 From wha t h e has alread y tol d u s about th e ways o f Mezbiz h an d Kotz k it is clear that th e forme r wa y i s that o f th e Baal Shem Tov, the latter th e way o f Re b Mendl . I t wa s Re b Mend l wh o taugh t tha t fait h mean t simply, "t o disregar d self-regard." 27 HeschePs attemp t t o fashio n a phenomenolog y o f religiou s type s i n this work , despit e it s unsystematic , aphoristi c appearance , become s stil l clearer whe n on e take s int o accoun t th e secon d sectio n o f th e boo k which deal s wit h th e unlikel y compariso n o f "Th e Kotzke r an d Kierke gaard." Onl y someon e wit h theologica l imaginatio n woul d sugges t suc h a comparison , i f fo r n o othe r reaso n tha n tha t mos t peopl e wh o kno w something abou t th e Kotzke r ar e unfamilia r wit h Kierkegaar d an d vic e versa. Moreover, thos e who find inspiratio n i n one ar e usually separate d from finding theologica l sustenanc e i n th e othe r a s a result o f dogmatic , confessional differences . Hasidi m an d Protestan t fundamentalist s alik e will n o doub t tak e offens e a t thi s comparison , ye t Heschel , a studen t o f both th e Danis h Protestan t an d th e Polis h Zaddik , i s no t daunted , knowing ful l wel l the risks. Heschel goe s so far a s to speak o f a "strikin g similarity o f thei r concerns " an d o f "s o impressiv e a n affinit y betwee n them." 2 8 I n what lie s this parallelism? Hesche l locate s it in what h e call s "depth-theology," i.e. , bot h struggl e wit h th e sam e huma n problem s that emerg e fro m th e existentia l situatio n o f ma n qua man—problem s that 'transcend ' o r rathe r 'precede ' 'secondary ' problem s o f confessiona l religion, nationality , educatio n o r class . An d t o thes e share d existentia l problems the y giv e a commo n huma n reply , thoug h eac h clothe s i t i n different image s and speak s in different vocabularies . "To man y people, "

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Heschel suggests , "the inner lif e is a no-man's land . To Kierkegaard an d the Kotzker , it was of the deepest concern." 29 For Heschel , Kierkegaar d an d the Kotzker represen t a similar form o f religiosity, not, of course, in their doctrina l belief s but in their existentia l relation t o the world an d its Creator. Hesche l attempt s t o fles h ou t thi s claimed similarit y b y recountin g th e teaching s o f Kierkegaar d an d the Kotzker. B y way of compariso n Hesche l argue s tha t bot h me n insiste d on the fundamental premis e that life was not given but made; that it was man's uniqu e challeng e t o mak e a lif e ou t o f th e possibilitie s tha t la y open t o him. "He who thinks tha t h e is finished," insiste d th e Kotzker , "is finished," an d the Danish sag e would wholeheartedl y agree . Authen ticity i n lif e ha s t o b e won : onl y th e commonplace , th e mediocre , th e trivial com e easily . Both agree d tha t ma n had to establish hi s individual identity ove r agains t "th e crowd." Kierkegaar d gav e pointed expressio n to thi s concer n i n hi s now famou s descriptio n fo r hi s existentia l hero : "the singl e one. " Each ma n live s an d eac h ma n die s alone. W e are all individuals responsibl e fo r makin g ourselves—or , mor e often , fo r un doing ourselves . Th e "single one " must star t wit h hones t knowledg e of self; wit h th e will t o interrogate th e very root s o f his or her own soul in order t o cast ou t all hypocrisy, al l deceit, al l evil tha t finds a warm, saf e haven there . Even, one might almos t say especially, religious fait h ca n be a sham , a deception : "Th e proble m i s no t whethe r t o trus t Go d bu t whether t o trust one' s acceptanc e o f God." 3 0 Fo r Kierkegaard a s for the Kotzker religiou s integrit y begin s i n self-examination . Moreover , reli gious integrit y require s tota l commitment . Kierkegaar d expresse d hi s rejection o f all compromise in matters religious in his oft-repeated phras e "either/or." On e cannot serv e bot h Go d and another . On e cannot b e a faithful servan t an d a n idolato r simultaneously . Likewise , th e Kotzke r stressed tha t "Go d is either o f supreme importanc e o r none." 3 1 Accord ing t o Heschel , thi s radica l honest y allie d t o th e demand fo r tota l con cern lead s bot h me n t o com e t o se e tha t th e decisiv e dimensio n o f authentic religiosit y lie s i n a quintessentia l subjectivity . Th e how o f a n action i s the categorical concer n ove r th e what. Subjectivit y her e mean s the tota l re-orientatio n o f one' s personality , th e transformation o f one' s essential self , th e renewed—indeed passionate—dedicatio n o f one' s bein g to one , and only one , goal. Understood i n this way subjectivity provide s the motiv e powe r fo r al l spiritua l renewal . Eve n trut h canno t b e foun d without it , for truth i n the highest sens e i s not propositional knowledg e

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but existentia l certitud e whic h mirror s ontologica l realities . Fo r Kierke gaard an d th e Kotzker , ma n doe s not kno w th e truth, h e lives it. Reb Mendel teache s th e almos t absolut e power o f th e human wil l an d Kierkegaard concurs . Bot h challeng e thos e wh o woul d b e thei r tru e disciples t o questio n al l inherite d orthodoxies , no t necessaril y i n orde r to overthro w the m bu t rathe r i n orde r t o mak e the m trul y thei r own . Both realize d tha t thi s enjoine d a struggl e wit h al l establishment s an d a conscious decisio n t o esche w al l majorities : trut h i s on e thin g tha t i s impervious t o majorit y vote s a s wel l a s t o majorit y mores . Bot h preac h a desire d alienatio n fro m th e worl d an d th e limitation , i f no t complet e sublimation, o f one' s sensuality . Bot h teac h th e spiritua l necessit y o f solitude and poverty. "Discard the world," the Kotzker exhorted, "money — Pfui!" 32 Having se t ou t thi s typologica l dichotom y betwee n th e Baa l She m Tov an d Kotzker-Kierkegaard , thes e two types of faith, wha t follows ? Of wha t significanc e i s the Heschelia n exercis e i n religiou s phenomenol ogy? I s it merely intende d a s a historical descriptio n o f academi c interes t or ar e we meant t o lear n somethin g mor e fro m it ? To this question ther e are thre e answers . Th e first i s a simpl e ye s t o th e concer n fo r historica l information. Hesche l is trying to write histor y i n a broad ye t clear sense . Secondly, Hesche l i s tryin g t o construc t a descriptio n o f tw o differen t yet legitimat e kind s o f religiou s behaviour . Th e first i s th e wa y o f th e Baal She m Tov , th e othe r th e wa y o f Re b Mendl . On e wa y i s suitabl e for som e me n an d fo r some times , th e othe r fo r othe r me n an d other times. I stress th e importanc e o f th e time s i n whic h on e live s becaus e i t appears tha t Hesche l cam e t o th e conclusio n tha t our tim e favor s th e way o f Kotzk . More o n thi s below . . . The third answe r t o our question , that i s bot h a corollar y o f th e secon d a s wel l a s a n independen t lin e o f thought, i s actuall y alread y containe d i n th e descriptio n o f th e wa y o f Kotzk give n above . Trut h i s something t o b e lived . Kierkegaar d an d th e Kotzker inten d t o teac h no t b y doctrin e bu t b y example , an d Hesche l likewise. W e ar e introduce d t o th e Kotzke r no t primaril y i n orde r t o study hi s lif e bu t t o chang e ou r own . Hesche l intends , throug h th e medium o f th e investigatio n o f Kierkegaar d an d Re b Mendl , t o evok e a subjective respons e fro m hi s readers. He is concerned t o d o what hi s tw o mentors were concerned t o do : to throw th e reader bac k o n himself. The ultimate ai m i s no t t o teac h u s abou t Kotz k o r Copenhage n bu t abou t each o f u s her e an d now . Wher e Kierkegaar d use d pseudonym s an d

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paradoxes t o forc e th e reade r bac k int o hi s ow n subjectivity , s o Hesche l uses th e image s o f Kotz k an d Kierkegaar d t o d o likewise . Th e rea l subject o f th e wor k i s not mean t t o b e the Kotzke r o r Kierkegaard , an d certainly no t Heschel , bu t ourselves , the readers . Moreover, th e us e o f Re b Mend l an d Kierkegaar d a s intermediarie s creates a distanc e betwee n Hesche l an d ourselve s tha t allow s hi m t o express sentiments , especiall y sever e critica l judgment s o f ou r genera tion, tha t migh t hav e prove n difficul t i n th e first person . Hesche l ca n cajole, encourage , interrogat e an d rebuk e u s without ou r takin g offenc e or gettin g upse t a t him , thu s finally missin g th e poin t whic h i s a t th e center o f hi s challenge : chang e you r lives . The whol e for m o f Heschel' s presentation insinuate s it s purpose . Th e for m i s meant , first, t o tur n u s away fro m a n interes t i n Heschel , the n awa y fro m concentratio n o n th e Baal Shem Tov, the Kotzker an d Kierkegaar d respectively , leading finally back toward s ourselve s throug h a n ac t o f introspection . Fro m suc h introspection self-revelatio n i s generate d tha t lead s t o teshuvah —and then an d onl y the n i s i t possibl e t o begi n t o pursu e tha t distan t idea l which w e d o no t posses s bu t whic h w e ca n avoi d seekin g onl y a t th e price o f ou r ow n authenticity : Truth . In th e interpretatio n o f thi s boo k what i s ideall y reveale d i s th e interpreter . In thi s sens e th e boo k i s onl y the mean s o f providin g th e reade r wit h a n opportunit y fo r reflectin g o n his ow n uniqu e lif e situatio n relativ e t o th e divin e imperative . I t i s a mirror throug h whic h w e ar e abl e t o se e ourselves . Th e Kotzker , Kier kegaard an d Hesche l d o not wan t t o b e gurus, the y want onl y to provid e the occasio n fo r eac h man' s reflection , inwardnes s an d authenti c searc h for th e transcendent . Let u s retur n fo r a momen t t o th e implicatio n o f ou r secon d repl y above—that Hesche l seem s no w t o find mor e affinit y wit h Kotz k tha n Mezbizh. Thi s conclusio n will , I think , surpris e th e faithfu l reader s o f Heschel's earlie r works . I t surprise d me . Ye t i t seem s a n unavoidabl e judgment whic h i s made , nonetheless , wit h som e reticence , a s I a m hesitant abou t speculatin g abou t anothe r philosopher' s stat e o f mind . Let us, therefore, first revie w the non-speculative 'hard-evidence ' fo r thi s conclusion. Beside s th e remark s i n th e las t chapte r o f Heschel' s wor k entitled "Th e Kotzke r Today " tha t wil l b e treated below , there ar e quit e a numbe r o f passage s throughou t A Passion for Truth tha t len d them selves to ou r interpretation . On e o f specia l significanc e reads : "In time s of balance d living , the Kotzker's repeate d crie s to look within an d t o practise continuou s self-inspectio n ma y b e bot h unbearabl e an d unnecessary .

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Yet i n today' s disintegratin g world , wher e al l inwardnes s i s externalized , ou r inner selves face a wasteland. We may sense a new relevance in such a call."33 Here Hesche l doe s tw o things : h e recognize s tha t i n othe r historica l circumstances ther e ar e other legitimat e ways beside that o f Kotz k toward s the inseparabl e goal s o f persona l authenticit y an d relatio n t o God . On e might argu e i n repl y tha t t o th e trul y sensitiv e man , sa y fo r exampl e th e Kotzker, ther e d o no t exis t "time s o f balance d living, " al l suc h balanc e being illusory an d th e projection o f dishones t men . But this matter aside , it is clear tha t Hesche l know s ther e i s more tha n on e way toward s God . Yet, an d thi s i s the second , mor e important , elemen t i n hi s remark , our age i s a n ag e tha t respond s mos t effectivel y t o th e wa y o f hars h self criticism an d constan t introspectio n propounde d b y Re b Mendl . Hes chel, whos e earlie r work s reflec t a visio n draw n fro m th e Baa l She m Tov, "o f song , o f joy , o f closenes s t o God, " no w see s the worl d i n new , darker shades . Heschel , t o whos e earlie r work s on e coul d rightl y appl y the descriptio n use d o f a n earlie r Jewis h sage—"th e God-intoxicate d philosopher"—now seem s awar e o f quit e another , altogethe r mor e ab surd dimensio n o f huma n existence . Th e mountain s o f absurdit y tha t confront u s ar e recognise d a s th e dominan t feature s o f ou r landscape . Now th e worl d take s o n th e characteristic s o f Eliot' s wastelan d an d Heschel n o longe r see s only th e grandeu r o f natur e an d history . There i s here a ne w dept h i n Hesche l tha t reflect s a change d awarenes s o f th e seriousness o f th e moder n huma n predicament . Thoug h Hesche l trie s t o respond i n somewha t th e sam e wa y a s h e ha d i n hi s earlie r writings — after all , he alway s remaine d a ma n o f grea t faith—on e mus t recogniz e that eve n th e ol d answer s ar e no w presente d mor e cautiously , i n frag ments rathe r tha n monographs , i n flashes o f insigh t rathe r tha n philo sophical treatises , becaus e Hesche l no w live s with th e world' s dark-sid e in a way tha t i s new fo r him . The not e o f unexpecte d disillusionmen t tha t on e begin s t o hea r be comes mor e pronounce d a s th e monograp h proceeds . I t coincide s espe cially wit h Heschel' s treatmen t o f th e Kotzker' s withdrawa l fro m activ e life i n 1840 , afte r whic h h e live d fo r th e nex t twent y year s i n seclusion , only rarel y breakin g hi s self-impose d exil e t o com e amon g hi s Hasidi m and the n usuall y i n suc h fur y a s t o onl y furthe r distanc e himsel f fro m them. Hesche l chronicle s thi s perio d wit h success , a succes s tha t on e senses is , at leas t i n part , generate d b y a n empath y Hesche l feel s fo r th e Kotzker's predicament . Di d Hesche l perhap s fee l a subterranea n bio graphical paralle l wit h th e caus e o f Re b Mendl' s retirement : "Re b Mend l

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had sough t me n whos e heart s wer e o f stee l bu t discovere d tha t mos t o f them ha d stultifie d ears . H e ha d bee n misunderstoo d b y hi s closes t friends . . ," 3 4 An d i s thi s persona l elemen t presen t agai n i n HescheP s speculation tha t perhap s th e Kotzker' s disillusionmen t cam e a s a resul t of "th e realizatio n tha t trut h wa s a derelic t . . . o r th e though t tha t ultimately Go d Himsel f wa s responsibl e fo r th e inheren t falsehoo d o f human existence." 35 Thi s latte r reflectio n woul d b e darin g fo r an y Jew ish thinker , fo r Hesche l i t i s revolutionary . Thes e remark s o f Heschel' s appear t o b e more than historica l recollection s alon e in that the y mirror , while als o accountin g for , Heschel' s pre-occupatio n wit h th e Kotzke r late i n life . I t woul d see m tha t Heschel , heretofor e th e followe r o f th e Baal She m Tov , the arden t gladiato r fo r huma n rights , the streetmarche r for blac k equalit y wit h Marti n Luthe r King , th e leade r o f th e Jewis h battle fo r surviva l i n Russi a an d Eretz Yisroel, th e fiery prophetic oppo nent o f th e Vietna m tragedy, 36 i s now overcom e b y th e lac k o f progres s in s o man y area s o f hi s mos t committe d concern . Heschel , lik e th e Kotzker, looke d ou t a t th e worl d a secon d tim e an d realize d tha t i t me t neither th e requirement s o f Divin e righteousness , no r huma n majesty . The hauntin g questio n h e attribute s t o Re b Mend l may , i n fact , b e hi s own hauntin g question : "I s Go d Himsel f responsibl e fo r th e inheren t falsehood o f huma n existence? " Eve n t o as k thi s questio n i s to travers e the conceptua l parameter s o f th e Hesche l o f God in Search of Man 37 8 Man Is Not Alone, unde r th e headin g o f and Man Is Not Alone. 3S In "Doubts", Hesche l fel t confiden t t o write : "Searc h fo r Go d begin s wit h the realizatio n tha t i t is man wh o i s the problem; tha t mor e tha n Go d i s a proble m t o man , ma n i s a proble m t o Him." 3 9 I n thi s las t work , however, Heschel' s heretofor e unswervin g optimis m give s way t o a ne w sense o f th e seemingl y intractabl e absurdit y tha t confront s ma n i n his tory. Her e God , too , i s a problem : "I s Go d Himsel f responsibl e fo r th e inherent falsehoo d o f human existence? " The way o f Mezbiz h ha s le d t o the way o f Kotzk . These "hints " o f malais e i n Ede n becom e stil l mor e direc t i n th e penultimate chapte r o f th e boo k entitle d appropriatel y enoug h "Th e Kotzker an d Job. " Th e proble m o f Job, tha t is , th e proble m o f evil , i s seen t o b e th e myster y whic h consume d th e Kotzker' s las t twent y years . "He wa s tormented, " Hesche l suggests , "b y th e ever-presen t enigma : why di d Go d permi t evi l i n th e world?" 4 0 Accordin g t o Hesche l thi s concern manifes t itsel f i n protest. Protes t eve n agains t God ! "Though h e cloaked hi s accusation s i n silenc e fo r th e mos t part , occasionall y h e

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would shou t ou t bitin g words!" 4 1 Th e Kotzke r i s her e a faithfu l rebe l but a rebel nonetheless . H e i s overwhelmed b y the power o f Sata n i n th e world an d h e want s t o kno w wh y Go d permitte d it . Likewise , Hesche l too seem s read y t o cal l Go d befor e th e Beth-Din. Applaudin g th e spiri t of th e Kotzke r h e goe s s o fa r a s t o counci l hi s contemporaries : "I n th e Jew o f ou r time , distres s a t God' s predicamen t ma y b e a mor e powerfu l witness tha n taci t acceptanc e o f evi l a s inevitable." 42 Lik e Re b Mendl , Heschel seem s t o hav e grow n trouble d wit h Go d Himself . I n fact , s o troubled i s Re b Mend l tha t h e eve n dare s t o questio n th e existenc e o f God: "Coul d i t b e tha t th e palac e (th e world ) ha s n o lord? " I f Hesche l is to b e believed , Re b Mend l dare d t o conside r radica l disbelie f (thoug h one suspect s tha t neithe r th e Kotzke r no r Hesche l reall y wen t thi s far) . Similarly, Hesche l seems , as expressed throug h th e subject matte r o f thi s last work , t o hav e entere d a phas e o f mor e radica l an d mor e hones t uncertainty tha t recall s t o min d Tennyson' s lines : "Ther e live s mor e faith i n honest doubt than i n half th e creeds." The strength o f this radica l doubt finds powerfu l expression : "S o man y o f u s ar e haunte d b y th e ugly futility o f human effort , th e triumph o f brut e force , o f evil, of man' s helpless misery . I s not an y for m o f hopefulnes s false , unreal , self-deceiv ing?" 4 3 In th e entir e earlie r corpu s o f Heschel' s wor k on e wil l no t find such a n evocativ e indictmen t o f life' s possibl e meaninglessness . As with th e Kotzker , however , thi s moo d o f despai r doe s no t lea d t o denial. It does not go in the direction of , say , Camus' atheism, for despit e its sens e o f grievanc e a t th e injustic e o f th e world' s governanc e i t main tains it s abilit y t o believe : t o believ e precisel y despite th e world' s absur dity. Rathe r tha n negat e doubt , her e doub t i s held a s part o f th e dialec tical alternatio n o f a matur e faith . I n this , too , Re b Mend l i s Heschel' s guide-cum-model and , a s Hesche l woul d hav e it , th e mode l fo r u s all . Heschel see s a "leap o f faith " a s the legitimate way beyon d th e absurdit y we encounter . Fraugh t wit h dange r a s thi s wa y is , Hesche l nonetheles s holds firm t o hi s belie f tha t i t i s a n authenti c wa y ove r th e abys s o f meaninglessness tha t seem s t o ope n befor e u s o n al l sides . Thoug h thi s gambit raise s sever e philosophica l conundrum s w e nee d t o conside r below, let us for th e present follo w Heschel , Reb Mendl an d Kierkegaar d as they perform th e spiritual gymnastic s o f thei r "lea p o f faith. " In wha t doe s thi s "leap " consis t fo r th e Kotzke r an d Hesche l i n a specifically Jewis h context ? Hesche l offer s th e ver y Jewish—authenti cally Jewish, not ersat z Jewish—reply: "Al l searchin g for rationa l mean ing mus t yiel d t o th e realit y upo n whic h Judais m i s built : t o liv e i s t o

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obey." 44 Th e effectiv e significanc e o f suc h a mov e i s that i t replace s th e standards of value tha t allo w fo r th e growt h o f th e notion s o f absurdit y and meaninglessnes s wit h alternativ e value s whic h d o not—thi s i s a logical 'd o not'—allo w fo r th e constructio n o f thes e concepts. This i s t o say, on e replace s th e anthropocentri c basi s o f valu e wit h a n a priori theocentric on e i n whic h th e commandin g Go d wh o reveal s Hi s wil l i n Divine Imperative s i s posited t o b e all-good, all-wise , "omni-everything " in the classical vocabulary. I n this way we solve the problem o f absurdit y by th e a priori declaratio n o f th e world' s meaningfulnes s throug h th e stipulated existenc e o f a n all-wise , all-good , all-powerfu l Creato r whos e will bring s th e worl d int o bein g an d whos e wil l i s t o b e obeye d no t questioned. Belie f i n thi s Creato r remove s al l doubts , fo r i t i s a priori certain tha t al l semblanc e o f absurdit y come s no t fro m Go d bu t fro m our misunderstanding . Go d i s i n Hi s heave n an d al l i s righ t wit h th e world. Hesche l doe s not , o f course , pu t th e cas e o r it s implication s i n this logico-analyti c form . Instea d fo r hi m i t i s a matte r o f existentia l decision. H e writes : "W e mus t disregar d self-regar d i n thinkin g abou t God, w e mus t transcen d ou r sens e o f value s i n evaluatin g th e enterpris e of living . I n fait h w e ca n accep t tha t ther e i s meaning beyond absur dity." 45 In th e specificall y Jewis h contex t thi s argumen t take s th e for m of faith i n the absoluteness o f the Divine imperative as revealed in Torah . This i s wha t Hesche l mean s b y th e categor y o f obedience . I t i s t o obe y the Wil l o f Go d i n faithfulness . In suc h a wa y w e transcen d th e uncer tainty o f chartin g ou r life's cours e by the arbitrary dictate s of finite wills, overcoming thereb y th e primar y sourc e o f th e seemin g uncertainty , na y absurdity, o f life . God' s Wil l i s th e sol e soli d basi s fo r dedicate d action , action whic h i s secure in the grounds o f its own meaningfulness . Hesche l attributes th e structure o f this movement o f religious faith t o the Kotzke r and Kierkegaard . I t als o sound s ver y Kantian—a n influenc e a t wor k subterraneously i n Kierkegaar d an d Heschel . W e believ e becaus e w e need belie f t o salvag e meaning fro m it s nemesis, meaninglessness . Having posite d Go d i n faith , meanin g i s no w safe . "W e encounte r meaning beyon d absurdit y i n livin g a s a respons e t o a n expectation . Expectation o f meanin g i s an a priori conditio n o f ou r existence." 46 Th e logic o f thi s assertio n i s not unassailable . In fact , i t i s not eve n a logica l argument thoug h state d a s one . Rathe r i t i s a confession o f faith. 47 A s a confession o f faith , however , i t i s evidenc e o f at least th e meanin g Heschel found , an d tha t h e claime d th e Kotzke r als o found , i n orde r t o sustain hi m i n th e fac e o f th e world' s absurdity . Moreover , wha t i s

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particularly impressiv e abou t i t a s a confessio n o f fait h i s its tota l com mitment. I t i s a religiou s positio n unalloye d b y compromise . Go d wills , man does ! T o tr y t o mak e Go d ove r i n huma n form , t o tr y t o fit Hi m into our standards , int o ou r conception s s o that w e ca n understan d Hi s ways, i s to reduce Go d t o th e limi t o f ou r imagination . Thi s conceptua l direction Hesche l insist s w e avoid . A s a consequenc e th e outstandin g feature o f th e Kotzker' s fait h i s hi s willingnes s t o believ e despit e hi s inability t o understand . Hesche l specificall y cite s Buber' s positio n a s a n instance o f religiou s reductionism , contrastin g i t t o th e tota l commit ment o f th e Kotzker : "Martin Buber' s declaration : 'Nothin g ca n mak e m e believ e i n a Go d wh o punishes Saul because he did not murder his enemy' must be contrasted with the Kotzker's statemen t ' a Go d who m an y Tom , Dick , an d Harr y coul d compre hend, I would not believe in.' " 4 8 This i s a decidedl y non-moder n view—ye t a s muc h a s i t i s ou t o f tun e with th e moder n consciousnes s i t i s decidedl y i n tun e wit h th e biblica l Weltanschauung. I t neithe r trie s t o understan d God , no r doe s i t forsak e God becaus e i t fails t o understan d Him . I t does not tr y to reduce Go d t o Kant's ethica l imperative s o r th e like , ye t i t alway s insist s o n God' s justice. It insists that thoug h w e may no t understan d God' s transcenden tal way w e can b e certain tha t i t is the way o f Truth . We gai n her e a n 'answer ' t o Job' s situation—no t a n answe r tha t explains anythin g bu t a n answe r tha t assure s o f meanin g i n th e fac e o f seeming absurdity. And absurdity—Job' s senseles s suffering—is th e rea l challenge o f thi s biblica l work . Job , an d lik e hi m th e Kotzke r an d Heschel, lear n tha t thoug h w e d o no t understan d God' s wa y thi s doe s not invalidat e it . In th e mids t o f suffering , God , a s i f ou t o f th e whirl wind, reveal s Himsel f an d thi s revelatio n guarantee s tha t thoug h w e don't understan d w e ca n believe . "Ther e i s a Kin g i n th e Palace. " Th e threat tha t lif e i s " a tal e tol d b y a n idio t signifyin g nothing " i s no w cancelled. Th e Presenc e o f God , eve n th e inscrutable , mysteriou s Pres ence of God , i s the suret y tha t ther e i s meaning. I n this approac h w e ar e asked t o realiz e th e polarit y a t work ; ther e ar e tw o ver y differen t side s from whic h t o adjudg e th e fat e o f th e cosmos : God' s an d Man's . Wha t appears absur d fro m ou r perspectiv e i s meaningfu l fro m His . Thi s i s Spinoza's solution , sub specie aeternitatis, an d th e solutio n o f al l men o f faith i n the face o f the world's, now onl y apparent, meaninglessness . "B e in a hell o f a mess an d surviv e on faith, " th e Kotzke r taught. 49

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The transcendenta l positio n bein g advance d her e i s summe d u p b y Heschel a s persuasively an d a s briskly a s one has ever seen it put. I quote his summary : "To b e overwhelmed b y the transrational majest y o f God one has to accept the risk of not understanding Him . The incompatibility o f God' s ways with huma n understanding was , according to the Kotzker, the very essence of ou r being . .. Tor m y thoughts ar e no t you r thoughts , an d you r way s ar e no t m y ways . . .' (Isaiah 55:8). If we maintain tha t God' s ways and man's ways are mutually exclusive, that man i s incapable o f understandin g God , the n th e impossibilit y o f ou r compre hending Hi s ways a priori excludes th e possibilit y o f finding an answe r t o th e ultimate question." 50 What follow s thi s statemen t o f Heschel' s startin g positio n i s a serie s of time-honored , classica l apologeti c move s i n defenc e o f Go d an d th e vindication o f Hi s justice . Th e mos t fundamenta l o f these , wove n ane w in Heschel' s specia l poeti c language , i s th e argumen t tha t evi l comes , a t least i n part , a s a consequenc e o f th e nee d fo r freedom . Withou t free dom, s o the clai m goes , man coul d b e neither sain t nor sinner , nor coul d the possibilit y o f performin g trul y righteou s acts , act s ric h i n meaning , exist. The very existence o f rea l freedo m whic h allow s fo r th e exercise of human majest y necessaril y entail s the possibility tha t thi s freedo m migh t be abused . Moreover , it s abus e i s somethin g Go d Himsel f mus t counte nance i f the condition s o f fre e actio n ar e not t o b e seen to b e violated b y their Divin e Author , thu s transformin g th e concep t o f freedo m int o a charade. "I f trut h wer e manifes t an d strong , ma n woul d los e hi s majo r task, hi s destiny t o searc h fo r it." 5 1 Detaile d commen t o n the philosoph ical coercivenes s o f thi s an d lik e arguments i s withheld fo r anothe r mor e fitting occasion . Wha t ca n b e sai d her e i s that thes e traditiona l defences of theodic y ar e given a fresh fee l i n Heschel' s hands—thoug h ultimatel y they ar e still persuasive onl y to those who alread y believe . The final sectio n o f th e discussio n o f "Th e Kotzke r an d Job" end s o n a particularl y Heschelia n note : "Man' s responsibilit y fo r God. " Thi s theme, associate d wit h Heschel' s writin g fro m th e time of hi s early wor k on th e Prophets, 52 throug h hi s major philosophica l treatise s such as Man Is Not Alone, an d God in Search of Man, i s introduce d a s par t o f th e analysis o f th e Kotzker' s understanding . I t i s clea r tha t her e ther e ma y be a bi t o f Heschelia n eisegesis , thoug h ther e i s som e suppor t fo r i t i n the brie f corpu s o f Kotzkeriana w e possess , a s wel l a s i n Hasidi c theol ogy mor e generally . God' s fat e i n th e world , th e argumen t ha s it , i s i n

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man's hands . Mysteriously , Go d ha s tie d Hi s destin y t o tha t o f me n s o that wha t me n d o affect s Go d jus t a s wha t Go d doe s affect s men . This , Heschel insists , i s th e essentia l meanin g o f God' s covenanta l relatio n with Israel . Th e covenan t betwee n Go d an d ma n bind s thei r fate s to gether. Thi s Jewish, especiall y kabbalistic , emphasi s shift s th e burde n o f history an d th e sourc e o f evi l i n histor y i n complicate d way s bac k ont o man's shoulders. 53 Th e earlier , ne w Heschelia n emphasi s o n God' s re sponsibility fo r history , state d i n th e previou s section s o f A Passion for Truth, no w gives way to the older Heschelian emphasi s on human actio n and it s reverberation s i n th e Heavenl y court . "I n th e ligh t o f God' s mysterious dependenc e upo n man, " Hesche l argues , "th e proble m o f anthropodicy an d theodic y canno t b e separate d . . . Why doe s th e Go d of justic e an d compassio n permi t evi l t o exist ? i s boun d u p wit h th e problem o f ho w ma n shoul d ai d Go d t o se e that Hi s justice and compas sion prevail." 54 Th e theolog y embedde d i n thi s vie w i s a s suggestiv e a s it i s problematic . A t on e an d th e sam e tim e i t recognize s th e nee d t o keep ma n an d Go d together , t o hol d tha t someho w histor y doe s make a real differenc e t o Go d an d i s no t jus t divin e sport—whil e i t als o raise s seemingly insuperabl e philosophica l problem s relatin g t o anthropo morphism, epistemolog y an d "God-language. " A thoroug h analyti c re view o f th e entir e characte r o f thi s lin e o f though t i s required—but no t here. Fo r th e presen t w e wan t onl y t o tr y t o understan d Heschel' s enterprise. Accordingl y w e wil l conclud e thi s discussio n o f Heschel' s final chapter s wit h Heschel' s ow n movin g apologia fo r Go d an d ma n i n the fac e o f th e world's evil . "Life in our time has been a nightmare for many of us, tranquillity an interlude, happiness a fake . Wh o coul d breath e a t a tim e whe n ma n wa s engage d i n murdering the holy witness to God six million times? And ye t Go d doe s no t nee d thos e wh o prais e Hi m whe n i n a stat e o f Euphoria. He needs those who ar e in love with Hi m when i n distress, both H e and ourselves . This is the task: i n th e darkes t nigh t t o b e certain o f th e dawn , certain of the power to turn a curse into a blessing, agony into a song. To know the monster's rage and, in spite of it, proclaim to its face (eve n a monster will be transfigured int o a n angel) ; to g o through Hel l an d t o continu e t o trus t i n th e goodness of God—this is the challenge and the way." 55 We ar e no w i n a positio n t o se e ho w wel l Hesche l succeede d i n hi s three goal s o f (a ) providin g a historica l pictur e o f th e Baa l She m To v and, mor e especially , o f th e Kotzker ; (b ) constructin g a phenomenolog y of religiou s types ; an d (c ) fulfillin g hi s existential-theologica l ambitio n

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of aidin g hi s reader s t o find meanin g i n thei r ow n live s in th e fac e o f al l the obstacle s t o thi s end . I t i s clea r tha t th e emphasi s i n A Passion for Truth i s on th e latte r tw o concern s an d th e latte r part s o f th e boo k dea l almost exclusivel y wit h th e subjec t o f ou r ow n existentia l situation , "th e search fo r ou r ow n eterna l happiness, " a s Kierkegaar d migh t say . In deed, th e historica l pictur e presente d i s certainly inadequate , needin g t o be supplemente d by , amon g othe r things , th e mor e concret e type s o f scholarly investigation s int o th e histori c origin s o f Hasidis m tha t Hes chePs alread y referred-t o technica l studie s represen t (an d tha t i s als o found i n th e two-volum e Yiddis h wor k The Struggle for Truth). Ye t a t the sam e time , th e imag e draw n o f th e Besht , th e Kotzke r an d Kierke gaard i s no t historicall y maccurat e an d doe s provid e a broad , roug h historical framewor k i n and throug h whic h t o understand th e philosoph ical discussio n tha t flows fro m th e sketche d historica l skeleton . In de fense o f thi s arrangemen t an d weightin g o f materia l i t mus t b e recog nized that the book i s not mean t to be just, or even primarily, a historica l discussion o f it s subject . Thus , eve n i f wea k i n it s treatmen t o f th e relevant historica l detail , with regar d t o its other ideologica l motivation s and existentia l goal s th e boo k succeeds—insofar , tha t is , as th e typ e o f phenomenological an d existentia l positio n tha t Hesche l adopt s ca n b e said t o b e successfu l a t all . Th e final section s o n theodicy , o n "Jo b an d the Kotzker, " ar e especiall y intriguin g i n ligh t o f thes e concerns , a s wel l as bein g particularl y ope n t o rigorou s interrogatio n fro m a n analyti c point o f view . Th e strengt h o f HescheP s religiou s sensitivit y a s wel l a s the fundamenta l conceptua l problemati c o f hi s though t bot h surfac e t o a significan t degre e i n thi s final attemp t t o wor k ou t th e "meanin g beyond absurdity." 56 In tha t th e boo k raise s essentia l issue s an d treat s them i n a suggestive , eve n intriguing , manne r whic h ha s th e powe r t o provoke u s t o furthe r reflection , Hesche l ca n b e sai d t o hav e accom plished a larg e part o f wha t h e se t ou t t o d o when h e decided t o write A Passion for Truth. IV Criticism o f Heschel' s position , especiall y a s articulated i n A Passion for Truth, ha s bee n purposel y eschewe d i n thi s paper . Thi s avoidanc e o f criticism i s not du e t o tota l agreemen t wit h Heschel' s view s bu t i s rathe r the consequenc e o f th e critica l judgmen t tha t whateve r reservation s on e has (an d thi s autho r ha s many ) abou t Heschel' s Hasidi c investigation s

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and hi s reflection s thereon , thi s corpu s o f materia l nonetheles s consti tutes a contributio n o f first-ran k importanc e t o th e availabl e literature . It is particularly valuable as an antidot e to the prejudices o f Wissenschaft ideology, whos e influenc e i s stil l fel t i n man y quarter s an d als o a s a corrective t o th e enormousl y influential , thoug h distorte d imag e o f Ha sidism presente d b y Marti n Buber . A s such , Heschel' s wor k deserve s t o be studie d an d assimilate d befor e i t i s subjected t o a mor e detaile d and , where necessary, negative critica l scrutiny .

NOTES 1. Fo r details o f hi s variegated achievement s se e Steven T. Katz , (ed.) , Jewish Philosophers (New York, 1975), pp. 207-215. 2. A Passion for Truth (New York, 1973). 3. Fo r detailed criticism of Buber's understanding of Hasidism see G. Scholem, "Martin Buber's Hasidism: A Critique," in Commentary, Vol. 22 (October , 1961), pp . 305-316 , an d reprinte d i n Scholem' s The Messianic Idea in Judaism (New York , 1971) , pp. 228-250. Consul t als o R. Shatz-Uffenhei mer's critica l essa y in The Philosophy of Martin Buber, ed. P. Schilpp an d M. Friedma n (Illinois , 1967) , pp. 403-434; an d Steve n T . Katz , "Marti n Buber's Misus e o f Hasidi c Sources, " i n Post-Holocaust Dialogues (New York, 1983), pp. 52-93. 4. Publishe d i n Studies in Memory of Moses Schorr, ed . by L. Ginzburg an d A. Weiss (New York, 1944), pp. 113-126 [i n Hebrew]. 5. Publishe d i n Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science, Vol. 1 (Ne w York , 1946), pp. 86-106. This article was also reprinted a s the "Introduction" to Roman Vishniacs , Polish Jews: A Pictorial Record (New York , 1947) , pp. 7-17. 6. Publishe d i n Alei Ayin: The Salmon Schocken Jubilee Volume (Jerusalem , 1948-52), pp. 213-244 [i n Hebrew]. 7. Publishe d i n The Jews, ed. Louis Finkelstein (Ne w York, 1949) , Vol. 1, pp. 602—623. Available now in a paperback fro m Schocke n Books (New York, 1971), Vol. 2 (of 3), pp. 155-177. 8. Publishe d in Hebrew Union College Annual, Vol. 23 (1950-51), Part 2, pp. 17-71 [i n Hebrew]. 9. Publishe d i n Hadoar, Vol. 39 , No . 2 8 (Jun e 5 , 1959) , pp . 519-52 1 [i n Hebrew]. 10. Publishe d i n The Harry A. Wolf son Jubilee Volume, ed. Saul Lieberman et al. (New York, 1965) , pp. 113-141 [i n Hebrew]. 11. Publishe d i n Hadoar Jubilee Volume, Vol. 3 7 (1957) , pp. 86-9 4 [i n He brew]. 12. Publishe d in Yivo Bletter, Vol. 36 (1952), pp. 113-135 [i n Yiddish]. 13. Kotzk: The Struggle for Truth, (2 vols.) (Tel Aviv, 1973) [in Yiddish].

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Heschel and Hasidism

14. A Passion for Truth (Ne w York , 1973) . 15. The Earth is the Lord's (Ne w York , 1950) ; paperbac k editio n (Ne w York , 1963). 16. HescheP s mos t extensive , thoug h stil l fragmentary , reflection s o n th e Baa l Shem Tov ar e found i n Part I of A Passion for Truth. 17. A . J. Heschel , The Earth Is the Lord's (Ne w York , 1950) , p. 80 . 18. Ibid. , p. 80 . 19. Ibid. , p. 89. 20. Se e here HeschePs remark s i n ibid., p. 90. 21. Ibid. , p . 84 . Fo r a fulle r critiqu e se e m y essay "Marti n Buber' s Misus e o f Hasidic Sources. " 22. I shal l no t revie w HescheP s two-volum e Yiddis h stud y o f th e Kotzke r entitled Kotzk: The Struggle for Truth (Te l Aviv, 1973 ) separately . The first volume o f thi s Yiddis h wor k cover s muc h th e sam e materia l a s A Passion for Truth, whil e volum e tw o recount s th e history o f th e Kotzker' s heir s an d contains important an d interestin g material o n the development o f Hasidis m in the 19t h century . In general thi s Yiddish work i s more scholarly in nature . 23. Passion, p . xiv. 24. Ibid. , p. 33. 25. Ibid. , p. 15 . 26. Ibid. , p. 19 2 (m y italics). 27. Ibid. , p. 192 . 28. Ibid. , pp. 85-86 . 29. Ibid. , p. 87. 30. Ibid. , p. 94. 31. Ibid. , p. 95. 32. Ibid. , p. 176f . 33. Ibid. , p. 127 . 34. Ibid. , p. 233. 35. Ibid. , p. 233. 36. Hesche l wa s a ver y earl y opponen t o f th e Vietna m Wa r an d Co-Chairma n of th e anti-wa r grou p Clergy Concerned about Vietnam. 37. God in Search of Man (Ne w York , 1956) . 38. Man Is Not Alone (Ne w York , 1951) . 39. Ibid. , p. 83. 40. Passion, p . 263. 41. Ibid. , p. 268. 42. Ibid. , p. 269. 43. Ibid. , p. 287f. 44. Ibid. , p. 287. 45. Ibid. , p. 288, italics in original . 46. Ibid. , p. 290. 47. Ther e i s a seriou s philosophica l issu e a t stak e her e whic h I hope t o tak e u p at som e futur e time . 48. Passion, p . 292f. 49. Ibid. , p. 295.

Abraham Joshua Heschel and Hasidism 7

3

50. Ibid. , p. 295. 51. Ibid. , p. 296. 52. A . J. Herschel, The Prophets (New York, 1962). 53. Fo r mor e o n thes e Kabbalisti c view s se e G . Scholem' s Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York , 1954) ; idem, Kabbalah (New York , 1974) ; idem, On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism (Ne w york , 1965) . Se e als o I. Tishby, Tor ahha-Rah ve-ha-kelipah be-Kabbalat ha-Ari (Jerusalem , 1968 ) [in Hebrew]; and I . Tishby's Mishnat ha-Zohar (Jerusalem, 1957 ) [i n Hebrew], now availabl e in a n English translatio n unde r the title The Wisdom of the Zohar, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1989) . 54. Passion, p. 298. 55. Ibid. , pp. 300-301. 56. Th e title of the next-to-last sectio n of "Th e Kotzke r and Job" in A Passion for Truth, p. 244f.

4 1918 and After: The Role of Racial Antisemitism in the Nazi Analysis of the Weimar Republic

P

ost-1918 Europ e wa s a breedin g groun d fo r condition s i n whic h racial theor y an d politica l realit y converged . Th e final coalescenc e of these two vectors afte r 193 3 was neither "fore-ordained " no r "histor ically inevitable, " bu t rather , on e o f th e fecun d possibilitie s tha t a trau matized an d exhauste d post-wa r Europ e generated . Th e force s an d per sonalities tha t coul d hav e acte d t o preven t thi s victory , tha t coul d hav e brought abou t som e othe r scenario , faile d th e test , leavin g Nazism , an d its phantasmagori c racia l doctrines , victorious. 1 Th e cause s o f thi s dev astating eventuality li e inherent in the fact tha t from 191 8 t o the NSDAP seizure o f power , Germa n politica l an d socia l lif e wa s caugh t u p i n a series o f crise s an d contradictions , eigh t genera l election s betwee n Jun e 6, 192 0 an d Marc h 5 , 193 3 2 bein g symptomati c o f th e instabilit y tha t plagued Weima r an d fro m whic h i t coul d neve r extricat e itself . Th e consequence o f thes e unsettle d circumstance s wa s th e radicalizatio n o f German lif e in all its public modalities, necessarily includin g those affect ing th e Jewish community, 3 an d no t leas t th e formulatio n an d articula tion o f variou s type s o f antisemitism . Th e conservativ e an d mor e re strained styl e o f th e Wilhelmin e perio d no w gav e wa y t o a n er a o f unbridled polarizatio n o f expressio n an d actio n o n bot h th e left , e.g. , Eisner's revolution, 4 an d th e right , e.g. , th e Kap p Putsc h o f 1920, 5 an d again Hitler' s faile d 192 3 Putsch . In thi s environmen t racia l antisemi Reprinted b y permission o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Press .

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tism, in particular, wa s given a new an d uncontrolle d life. 6 And i t is with its characte r an d manifestatio n tha t w e shal l concer n ourselve s fo r th e remainder o f thi s chapter . To advanc e ou r understandin g o f thi s obscene, yet powerful phenom enon, i t i s essentia l t o analyz e fou r repercussiv e historica l topoi. The y are: (a ) th e defea t o f 191 8 an d Jewish behavio r i n Worl d Wa r I ; (b ) th e Versailles Treat y an d th e condition s o f th e peace ; (c ) th e stereotyp e o f the Je w a s revolutionary ; an d (d ) th e caricatur e o f th e Je w a s suprana tional capitalist. 7 O n th e fac e o f i t thi s limite d bu t inclusiv e list , excep t for thos e particular s create d b y th e war , contain s a by-no w standar d conservative indictmen t o f "th e Jews. " However , i n th e transforme d context o f 191 8 an d after , eac h o f thes e polemical element s stand s unde r the ominous shado w o f a n eve r mor e virulen t racialism . "Bloo d mixtur e and th e resultan t dro p i n th e racia l level, " Hitle r woul d writ e i n th e 1920s, "i s th e sol e caus e o f th e dyin g ou t o f cultures ; fo r me n d o no t perish a s a resul t o f los t wars , bu t b y th e los s o f tha t forc e o f resistanc e which i s contained onl y in pure blood." 8

I. THE DEFEAT OF 1918 A larg e segmen t o f Germa n society , especiall y amon g thos e wh o ha d fought i n th e war , coul d no t assimilat e th e star k realit y o f defeat. 9 German nationa l chauvinism , allie d wit h individua l an d clas s egotism , made i t impossible fo r considerabl e sector s of the populace to admi t tha t weakness whic h th e defea t represented. 10 Therefore , t o accoun t fo r th e disaster tha t ha d occurred , thi s communit y require d another , alternativ e explanation, an d the y foun d on e readil y a t hand. 11 Th e natio n ha d bee n betrayed fro m withi n b y leftists, 12 unpatrioti c profiteers , pacifist s and , above al l (an d overlappin g wit h th e othe r categories) , the Jews. 13 I t wa s the Jews , th e disloya l alien s par excellence, who , wit h th e ai d o f thei r corrupt leftis t puppets , had consciousl y administere d th e fatefu l "sta b i n the back" whic h ha d undermine d Germany' s abilit y to wage a successfu l war. 14 Thi s despit e th e remarkable , eve n disproportionat e enthusias m German Jew s ha d showe d fo r th e war , an d thei r majo r participatio n i n it. Eight y thousan d Jew s ha d serve d i n th e Kaiser' s army , a tremendou s patriotic effor t give n th e siz e o f th e tota l Germa n Jewis h populatio n which numbere d jus t ove r 500,000. 15 Moreover , o f thos e wh o served , 12,000 ha d die d an d n o fewe r tha n 35,00 0 ha d bee n decorated, 16 whil e at hom e Jew s lik e Rathena u an d Habe r playe d majo r role s i n th e orga -

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nization o f th e war economy . Ye t all this was forgotten , eve n impugned . A Germa n soldie r report s hi s quit e typica l vie w o f th e reason s fo r th e defeat: The way th e war ende d we simply could no t understand . I was resigned t o the disloyalty of the Poles (which I had encountered during the war) but could never grasp how Germans could let us down. Today I know better. There were people who once called themselves Germans and now pledge loyalty to another people if necessary. They taught our German brothers lies and hatred. They stabbed our soldiers in the back. The German Siegfried foun d his murderer . . . Captivity [i n a POW camp] is death an d freedom mean s life, or so I thought in those days . But I soon notice d th e chains slung around ou r poo r people and recognized ou r slave-masters . The firs t officia l t o mee t m e at hom e wa s a Jew who talked ver y fas t an d praise d th e blessings o f th e revolution. I replied wit h hard and bitter words but was not yet completely aware of the role of the Jews. Years of observation and, at last, reading my "Fuhrer's" book Mein KampfiuWy opened my understanding for the fateful mole-lik e activity of these corrupters of the earth. 17 The terms of th e Peace following upo n thi s humiliating defea t saddle d the Weimar Republi c with a burde n i t could no t carry , not leas t a "guil t by association" i n th e mind s o f man y who , illogically, held th e Republi c to b e th e resul t o f th e wa r betraya l an d it s aftermath . Accordin g t o thi s logic, th e Republi c wa s th e creatio n o f thos e sam e leftists 18 an d Jews 19 who acte d wit h nefariou s inten t i n 191 8 an d before . A s a consequence , the post-wa r leadershi p inherite d a politica l deb t whic h eventuall y helpe d overwhelm it , while making it vulnerable almost from it s inception. Ove r and over , ever y national issu e became a "Jewish " issue , every motio n o r proposal, especiall y i f prompte d b y action s take n b y th e allies , becam e an ac t of "Internationa l Jewry. " Fo r example, when th e Dawes Plan wa s accepted b y th e Reichsta g wit h th e suppor t o f Presiden t Ebert , Luden dorff railed : "Thi s i s a disgrac e t o Germany . Te n year s ag o I wo n a t Tannenberg. Toda y the y [th e Weima r liberal s an d allies ] hav e wo n a Jewish Tannenberg," 20 Thi s can t wa s symptomati c o f th e politics o f th e anti-republican camp . Al l right-win g parties , i.e. , fro m th e Deutschnationale Volkspartei 21 rightwards , woul d exploi t thi s putativ e Jewis h connection, thi s vulnerabl e elemen t withi n th e immatur e democrati c structure, unti l Weimar' s final collapse . A s earl y a s 1919 , th e Deutschnationale Volkspartei ha d calle d fo r th e rejectio n o f "th e predominanc e of Jewr y i n governmen t an d publi c life , whic h sinc e th e revolutio n [o f 1918] ha s becom e increasingl y ominous . Th e influ x o f alien s [easter n Jews] acros s ou r borde r i s t o b e cu t off." 22 In exploitin g thi s sensitiv e

1918 and After 11 issue, however , n o on e wa s a s striden t o r a s successfu l a s Hitler . Fo r him, whil e th e Germa n arm y an d th e Kaise r ha d mad e specifi c tactica l errors, th e rea l caus e o f th e defea t o f 191 8 la y i n th e racia l degenerac y that overtoo k th e Kaiserreic h i n its final phase. The deepest an d th e ultimat e caus e fo r th e rui n o f th e ol d Reic h was foun d i n the non-recognitio n o f th e rac e proble m an d it s importanc e fo r th e historica l development of the people. For events in the lives of the nations are not expressions o f chance , but , b y th e law s o f nature , happening s o f th e urg e o f self preservation an d propagatio n o f specie s an d race , eve n i f th e peopl e ar e no t conscious of the inner reasons for their activity. . . . If w e le t al l th e cause s o f th e Germa n collaps e pas s befor e ou r eyes , there remains a s th e ultimat e an d decisiv e caus e th e non-recognitio n o f th e rac e problem and especially of the Jewish danger. The defeats i n the battlefield o f August , 1918 , would hav e been easily bearable. They were out of proportion t o the victories of our people. Not the defeat s have overthrow n us , bu t w e wer e overthrow n b y tha t powe r whic h prepare d these defeat s b y robbin g ou r peopl e systematically , fo r man y decades , o f it s political and moral instincts and forces which alone enable and entitle people to exist in this world. The old Reich, by inattentively passing by the question of the preservation of the racial foundation s o f ou r nationality , disregarde d als o the sole right whic h alone give s lif e i n thi s world . People s whic h bastardiz e themselves , o r permi t themselves to be bastardized, sin against the will of eternal Providence, and their ruin b y th e han d o f a stronge r natio n i s consequentl y no t a n injustic e tha t i s done to them , bu t onl y th e restoration o f right . If a people no longer want s t o respect the qualities which Nature has given it and which root in its blood, then it has no longer the right to complain about the loss of its worldly existence. . . . All reall y importan t symptom s o f deca y o f th e pre-wa r tim e ultimatel y g o back to racial causes.23 Is i t imperativ e t o understan d Hitler' s argumen t correctly , t o locat e his perversio n o f th e trut h properly . Fo r hi s biocentri c contentio n em bodies an d give s voic e t o no t onl y o r eve n primaril y a radica l politica l critique o f Weima r an d th e traitorou s cliqu e o f 191 8 peacemakers , bu t rather an d mor e elementall y expresse s hi s primordia l convictio n tha t political behavio r wa s a n epiphenomena l manifestatio n o f one' s racia l nature. Th e disaste r o f 191 8 wa s no t properl y analyze d a s a politica l error o r a s th e effec t o f a failur e o f nationa l will , bu t rathe r a s th e "catastrophic consequenc e o f a mora l an d ethica l poisoning." 24 Th e language o f deconstructio n i s no t socia l an d political , no r agai n eco nomic an d clas s directed , bu t biographical. 25 Race , "blood, " wa s th e decisive arbiter . "Heroicall y ou r peopl e wo n th e war, " Hitle r declaims . "It too k fou r an d a hal f year s t o poiso n ou r peopl e t o th e poin t tha t i t

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defeated itself. " And again , "How coul d a people that waged suc h heroi c battles los e it s national spiri t al l a t once ? Throug h mora l contaminatio n by th e Jews." 2 6 I t wa s i n thi s sens e tha t h e sa w himsel f a s a "servan t o f the Germa n peopl e agains t th e morta l enemie s o f ou r people , agains t Jewish blood—an d rac e poisoning." 27 H e declare d tha t "t o dispos e o f the evi l mushroo m [Jewry ] . . . th e evi l mus t b e graspe d b y it s root. " That is , "solvin g th e Jewis h proble m i s fo r u s Nationa l Socialist s th e core problem. Thi s problem canno t b e settled b y tenderness, but i n vie w of th e enemy's fearfu l weapon s onl y b y brachial violence." 28 If at the beginning of the war and during the war, twelve or fifteen thousan d of these Hebraic corrupters of the nation had been subjected t o poison gas such as had been endured in the field by hundreds of thousands of our very best German workers of al l classes and professions, the n the sacrifice o f millions at the fron t would no t hav e bee n i n vain . O n th e contrary , twelv e thousan d scoundrel s eliminated a t th e right momen t an d a millio n orderly , worth-whil e German s might perhaps have been saved for the future. 29 It wa s onl y thu s tha t German y coul d "effac e th e poiso n outsid e an d inside of us " which woul d mak e recover y possible. 30 This racial analysi s was believe d b y it s proponent s t o explai n th e presen t malais e an d th e source o f nationa l humiliatio n a s could n o other . Stil l more importantly , having reveale d th e natur e o f th e diseas e onl y th e Naz i part y coul d propose th e correc t therapy. 31 II. TH E VERSAILLE S TREAT Y The Versaille s Treaty , whethe r rightl y o r wrongly , wa s a n unexpectedl y harsh blo w t o Germany . "N o subject, " Gordo n Crai g ha s correctl y observed, agitated th e textboo k writer s mor e o r gav e the m a bette r excus e fo r obliqu e attacks upo n th e Republi c tha n th e Versaille s Treaty . Thi s wa s inevitable , fo r there were few Germans who were not left aghas t when its terms were revealed. Having placed thei r fait h i n th e American Presiden t an d convince d themselves , by a n extraordinar y fea t o f wishfu l thinking , tha t th e decision s mad e a t Pari s would b e guide d b y th e spiri t o f reconciliatio n tha t h e ha d expresse d i n th e speech announcin g the Fourteen Points , they were outraged t o discover that the victors intende d t o appl y tha t olde r principl e o f settlement , vae victis. Mos t indignant, naturally , wer e thos e wh o ha d leas t caus e t o complain , th e peopl e who ha d luxuriate d i n th e mos t grandios e dream s o f conques t an d materia l acquisition during the war. But even more reasonable persons, who had expected the term s t o b e severe and ha d eve n believe d tha t thei r countr y deserve d t o be

1918 and After 7

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punished, wer e shocked b y what appeare d t o the m t o b e the Entente's flagran t violation o f thei r ow n declaration s (fo r example , i n thei r plunderin g o f Ger many's colonial empire), of the facts o f history (i n their attribution o f exclusive responsibility for the war to Germany and its allies), and of the rules of economic reason (i n th e horrendou s loa d o f reparation s tha t th e war-guil t claus e wa s intended t o justify), an d were left incredulou s b y their apparen t lac k of interes t in the question whether Germany was to become a viable democracy or not (else why would they heap these indignities upon the new Republic?).32 And, o f course , in the treaty conditions 33 la y many, though b y no mean s all, of th e difficulties neve r overcom e b y the Republic. 34 How coul d suc h a monstrous , purposel y demeaning 35 treaty , unconnecte d wit h th e rea l military situation , have been negotiated ? Wh o woul d hav e accepted suc h a "syphiliti c peace?" 36 Certainl y no t a "tru e German. " Agai n i t was th e Dolchstoss37—the betrayal . Candidate s fo r thi s rol e wer e no t har d t o conjure; a familiar lis t was paraded ou t wit h "th e Jews" at the top, cited especially a s manipulator s o f th e Republi c an d a s it s chie f beneficiaries . Indeed, this contended linkage , this putative Jewish influence , eve n dom ination, wa s fata l fo r th e Republic . Alread y a s earl y a s th e electio n o f 1920 thi s associatio n bega n t o tak e it s negative toll , with th e right-win g parties successfull y exploitin g i t in their campaig n rhetori c t o undermin e the electoral suppor t o f th e three pro-Weimar partie s whose shar e o f th e vote fel l t o tha t o f a minorit y positio n wit h onl y 43.6 % an d 20 6 ou t o f 459 parliamentar y seats . B y contrast , th e right-wing , anti-Republica n parties gaine d 3 3 % o f th e vot e an d 15 7 seat s an d th e anti-Republica n left 20 % o f th e vot e an d 8 7 seats. 38 Thi s lamentabl e outcom e provide d a deepl y wounded basi s fo r Republica n government. 39 Once the Churc h ha d use d "th e Jews" as the symbol o f antithesi s an d negativity; no w thi s wa s th e fashio n o f al l segment s o f Germa n societ y opposed t o th e treaty . Typica l i s thi s descriptio n o f event s give n b y a German soldie r returnin g home : The partisan squabble s too k a n eve n greater hol d o f th e people. The Jews had laid such a foundation an d they had managed to prepare all this inner corruption behind the facades. Wherever you looked, wherever you went to talk to people, you found Jews in the leading positions. And so I was seized by such a tremendous hatred that once, in 1922 at a war invalid's meeting , I launche d int o th e ope n struggl e agains t th e Jews withou t realizing in m y innermost min d th e consequence s t o whic h thei r regim e woul d take us. I began t o search. I bought book s that thre w som e light on the Jewish way of lif e an d it s goals. I studied Freemasonr y an d discovere d that , accordin g to th e document s hande d down , thi s terribl e wa r ha d lon g bee n prepare d an d planned. Althoug h the y trie d t o tel l u s tha t th e wa r wa s ou r fault , I suddenly

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realized tha t it was all a game of intrigues, a net of lies without equa l in world history.40 Still mor e significant , Hitle r neve r forgo t no r forgave th e signing o f the Versailles Treaty . Paradigmati c o f his unwavering feeling s i n this regar d is his volkisch commentar y o f 1923 : "The Versailles dictat e i s the death sentence fo r German y a s a n independen t stat e an d a s a Vo/£." 41 An d again i n Mein Kampf: While the international world Jewry slowly but surely strangles us, our so-called patriots shoute d agains t a man and a system which dared , in one corner of the earth a t least , t o fre e themselve s fro m Jewish-Masoni c worl d embrac e an d oppose a nationalistic resistance to this international world poisoning . . . 42 By this las t phrase—"internationa l worl d poisoning"—Hitle r mean s t o refer t o "Jewis h control " ove r Britain , Europe , Russi a o f course , an d even America—except fo r "a single great man, [Henry] Ford" 4 3 (a t least in th e first editio n o f Mein Kampf, befor e For d recante d hi s antisemiti c nonsense i n th e fac e o f a Jewish boycot t o f hi s Mode l T). 4 4 A contro l most especiall y exercise d alon g racial lines : [One] must open [their] eyes on the subject of foreign nations and must remind them again and again of the true enemy of our present-day world. In place of hatred against Aryans, from whom almost everything may separate us, but with whom we are bound by common blood . . . it must call external wrath upon the head of the foul [Jewish] enemy of mankind as the real originator of our sufferings. It must make certain that in our country, at least, the mortal enemy is recognized and the fight against him a gleaming symbol of brighter days, to show other nations the way to salvation of an embattled Aryan humanity.45 The Treat y o f Versaille s i s seen, a s is here evident , no t as a politica l contract betwee n nations , bu t a s a declaratio n o f racia l wa r b y Jew s against Aryans . T o evad e it s deadl y intent , t o overtur n it s funerea l ambition, mer e politica l transformation s ar e inadequate ; onl y a racia l revolution wil l suffice . "Today it is not princes and princes 3 mistresses who haggle and bargain over state borders, 9' i.e. , i t i s no t a simpl e national struggl e bu t rather, "it is the inexorable Jew who struggles for 6 his domination over the nations."* 4 Thi s biologica l lin e of thought, thi s racial meditatio n o n th e ris e an d fal l o f nations , o f master y an d servi tude, i s agai n clearl y expresse d i n The Secret Book o f 1928 . There , reflecting o n the implications o f the Versailles Treaty, Hitle r observes : In opposition t o the present bourgeoi s conceptio n tha t th e Treaty o f Versailles has deprived ou r people of arms I can reply only that the real lack of weapons

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1

lies in our pacifistic-democratic poisoning , a s well as our internationalism, whic h destroys an d poison s ou r people' s highes t sourc e o f power . Fo r th e source of a people's whole power does not lie in its possession of weapons or in the organization of its army, hut in its inner value which is represented through its racial significance, that is the racial value of a people as such. 47 And th e unmistakabl e meanin g o f thi s genetic-normativ e axio m i s this : Blood mixin g an d lowerin g o f th e rac e ar e the n th e consequence s which , t o b e sure, at the beginning ar e not seldo m introduce d throug h a so-called predilectio n for thing s foreign , whic h i n realit y i s a n underestimatio n o f one' s ow n cultura l values a s agains t alie n peoples . Onc e a people n o longe r appreciate s th e cultura l expression o f it s own spiritua l lif e conditione d throug h it s blood, o r eve n begin s to fee l ashame d o f it , i n orde r t o tur n it s attentio n t o alie n expression s o f life , i t renounces th e strengt h whic h lie s i n th e harmon y o f it s bloo d an d th e cultura l life whic h ha s sprun g fro m it . I t become s tor n apart , unsur e i n it s judgmen t o f the worl d pictur e an d it s expressions , lose s th e perceptio n an d th e feelin g fo r it s own purposes , an d i n plac e o f thi s i t sink s int o a confusio n o f internationa l ideas, conceptions, an d th e cultura l hodge-podg e springin g fro m them . Then th e Jew ca n mak e hi s entr y i n an y form , an d thi s maste r o f internationa l poisonin g and rac e corruptio n wil l no t res t unti l h e ha s thoroughl y uproote d an d thereb y corrupted suc h a people. The en d i s then th e los s of a definite unitar y rac e valu e and a s a result, th e final decline. 48 Fate playe d a crue l tric k o n th e Jewish peopl e i n thi s unhapp y circum stance; i t place d Walte r Rathenau , self-hatin g Je w ye t Je w nonetheles s to al l th e antisemites, 4 9 i n th e positio n o f Germa n Foreig n Ministe r i n 1922, decisiv e "evidence " tha t Weima r wa s a Judenrepublik. ("Th e sudden outbrea k o f Judenkoller tend s t o occur, " Pete r Merkl' s stud y shows, " m o s t ofte n a m o n g respondent s complainin g abou t th e ne w Weimar leader s o r a b o u t socia l disintegratio n i n 1 9 1 8 . " ) 5 0 Whethe r rightly 5 1 o r wrongly, 5 2 Rathena u fel t himsel f h o n o r bound , o n behal f o f Germany, t o abid e b y th e term s o f th e treaty : We German s ar e obligate d b y ou r signature , b y th e hono r o f ou r nam e tha t w e have place d unde r th e treaties . W e wil l fulfil l an d w e wil l g o t o th e limi t o f ou r ability i n orde r t o preserv e th e hono r o f ou r name , whic h stand s affixe d t o th e treaties, an d w e recogniz e thei r bindin g characte r eve n thoug h the y d o no t express ou r wishes. 53 This suppor t o f th e agreemen t wa s hel d a s littl e shor t o f treasonou s b y the voca l antisemiti c nationalis t an d rightis t group s bot h withi n an d without th e Reichstag . Genera l vo n Rabena u woul d expres s thi s broadl y when, afte r Rathenau' s murder , h e wrot e " T h e nominatio n o f thi s ethni c alien [was ] a shar p challeng e t o thos e German s mindfu l o f thei r r a c e . " 5 4

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The assassinatio n o f Rathenau 55 woul d not , o f course , prevent th e Frenc h from occupyin g th e Ruh r i n 1923 5 6 a s a consequenc e o f Germany' s failure t o abid e b y it s treat y obligations, 57 bu t i t coul d b e manipulate d to kee p aliv e the myth o f betrayal . And wh y wer e th e Jew s s o incline d t o betra y Germany ? Becaus e o f Jewry's raciall y motivate d supranational , conspiratoria l loyalties, o f whic h more below , bre d o f biologica l rathe r tha n nationa l allegiance . Th e truth, o f course , was decidedly otherwise . Jews in the disputed territorie s in th e east , assigne d t o Poland , an d i n th e wes t assigne d t o France , continued thei r fierc e loyalt y t o Germany . I n th e easter n district s i n particular, Jew s spare d n o effort s i n orde r t o maintai n thei r connectio n to Germany , includin g joinin g i n th e undergroun d free-corp s unit s tha t fought t o kee p thes e area s German . Whe n polle d i n th e Leagu e o f Nations plebiscite s the y overwhelmingl y vote d t o remai n par t o f Ger many, an d whe n thi s di d no t happe n many , a t grea t persona l cost , emigrated t o German y territory. 58 In thi s behavior , i t shoul d b e added , they replicate d a by-no w nearl y century-ol d patter n accordin g t o whic h Jews tende d t o favo r Prussia n rathe r tha n Polis h rule . For example , afte r the 184 8 revolutio n Jew s i n Pozna n an d relate d regions , mindfu l o f Polish antisemitism , pogrom s an d th e exploitiv e natur e o f th e szlachter (Polish aristocracy) , side d wit h th e pro-Germa n nationalists. 59 Tragi cally, all these, and other , profound an d purely motivate d expression s of that German-Jewis h symbiosis 60 s o rea l t o mos t Germa n Jew s wer e ignored, an d the n ploughe d unde r b y th e racialis t band s tha t eventuall y won th e day . III. JEW S A S REVOLUTIONARIES , MARXIST S AN D BOLSHEVIKS Closely allie d t o th e charg e o f Jewis h defeatis m an d disloyalt y wa s th e accusation tha t Jew s wer e revolutionarie s o f on e left-win g variet y o r another whos e swor n purpos e wa s t o undermin e th e establishe d orde r and it s values, replacing them , i n turn , wit h a "Jewish " for m o f govern ment whic h woul d inver t th e economi c an d powe r relation s betwee n Aryans an d Semites . The significanc e o f thi s issu e wa s mad e rea l b y th e revolutionary event s i n Bavaria i n November 1918 , the leader s o f whic h would foreve r b e know n a s th e "Novembe r Criminals " i n th e jargo n o f the right , an d credite d wit h th e defeat o f 191 8 an d muc h more . Begun i n naval circle s i n Kiel, 61 the revolutionar y moo d sprea d t o Munich , wher e

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a coalitio n o f left-win g groups , le d b y th e socialis t Kur t Eisner , too k power o n Novembe r 8 , an d t o Berlin , wher e a nationa l republi c wa s declared o n Novembe r 10 , an d a n armistic e wit h Franc e agree d o n November 1 0 an d signe d o n th e eleventh. 62 This , i n turn , unleashe d a civil war betwee n faction s o f th e extrem e Communist 63 lef t an d a coali tion o f th e republica n right, 64 finally resolve d wit h th e defea t o f th e Communists i n 1919 , that radicalize d an d divide d Germa n societ y alon g political line s a s neve r before. 65 In th e eye s o f thos e o n th e right , thi s division wa s th e wor k o f th e Marxist s an d Jew s (th e tw o bein g mor e often tha n no t interchangeable ) wh o wer e inten t o n destroyin g Germa n culture a s they knew it . This stereotypica l reactio n reflecte d a peculia r amalga m o f empirica l evidence an d paranoia . Th e har d dat a wer e supplie d b y th e realit y o f events i n 1918-191 9 German y a s wel l a s th e legitimat e fear s generate d by th e Bolshevi k revolution 66 o f 1917 . For , wa s no t Eisne r a Jew , Liebknecht an d Ros a Luxembur g Jews , Landaue r an d Kautsk y Jews? 67 Again wa s no t Zinoviev , Trotsky , an d fo r man y Lenin , a Jew ? On e o f the Abe l interviewee s reports : "Whe n i n 191 8 th e Marxis t revolutio n broke ou t . . . th e Spartakist s dresse d a s sailors , rage d an d destroye d everything . . . the y wer e heade d b y Jews." 6 8 Paranoi a wa s sparke d of f because th e Eisner-Spartakis t actio n wa s see n a s conformin g to , an d confirming, a mythi c paradig m o f Jewish-Marxis t worl d revolutio n an d eventual domination . In thi s Eisne r an d hi s colleague s supposedl y mir rored an d replicate d th e age-ol d patter n o f Jewish revolutionar y behav ior. 69 Hitler' s fantasie s o n thi s score, indebted a s they were to Rosenber g and Eckart , an d th e Protocols of the Elders of Zion, kne w n o bounds . For example , hi s accoun t o f th e Exodu s fro m Egyp t wa s base d o n th e notion tha t th e Jew s wer e expelle d fo r preachin g revolution , whil e the Jew Pau l "virtuall y invente d Christianit y i n orde r t o undermin e th e Roman Empir e . . . " Likewise , Hitle r argued , "th e Ol d Testamen t al ready provide d th e patter n o f th e Jewis h assaul t upo n th e superior , creative race, a pattern repeate d agai n an d agai n dow n th e ages." 70 With this ancient , inheren t desig n revealed , th e racia l critic s argued , th e No vember revolutionarie s wer e no w unmasked , thei r eternal , undeviatin g nature an d thei r degenerativ e purpos e exposed . An d Hitler' s ranci d imaginings wer e no t hi s alone . Eckar t coul d refe r assuredl y t o "th e Christian-Kosher-butchering dictatorshi p o f th e Jewis h worl d savio r Lenin"; 71 th e Deutsche Volkischer Shutz-und-Trutz Bund coul d dissem inate i n goo d conscienc e a Germa n translatio n o f th e Protocols, resusci -

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tare charge s o f ritua l murder , an d reissu e Rohling' s slanderou s Talmudjude;71 olde r popula r novelist s lik e Arthur Dinte r an d Gusta v Freytag 73 could fin d a ne w audienc e exploitin g th e them e o f Jewis h racial-sexua l pollution o f Arya n women ; an d Theodor e Fritsc h coul d continu e t o issue ever-new editions o f his rabidly antisemiti c Handbook. A t the sam e time, th e police , courts, 74 army, 75 schools , churche s an d universities 76 could al l fal l bac k o n th e idio m o f raciall y inspire d subversion . Conso nant wit h thi s shril l racis t mytholog y th e Miinchener Beobachter o f October 4,1919 , i n rhetoric now typical of the extreme right-wing press, could repor t o n contemporar y revolutionar y event s as follows : [These are] dreadful time s in which Christian-hating, circumcised Asiatics everywhere are raising their bloodstaine d hand s to strangle us in droves! The butcheries of Christians by the Jew Issachar Zederblum, alias Lenin, would have made even a Genghis Khan blush. In Hungary his pupil Cohn, alias Bela Kun, marched through th e unhappy lan d wit h a band o f Jewish terrorist s schoole d i n murde r and robbery , t o se t up , amon g bruta l gallows , a mobil e machin e gallow s an d execute middle-clas s citizen s an d peasant s o n it . A splendidly equippe d hare m served him , i n hi s stole n roya l train , t o rap e an d defil e honorabl e Christia n virgins by the dozen. His lieutenant Samuely has had sixty priests cruelly butchered in a single underground room . Their bellie s are ripped open , their corpse s mutilated, afte r the y hav e bee n plundere d t o thei r blood-drenche d skin . In the case of eight murdered priests it has been established that they were first crucifie d on the doors of their own churches! The very same atrocious scenes are . . . now reported from Munich. 77 Revolution an d th e chao s i t unleashe d wer e uniquel y th e wor k o f th e Jews. Hitler , employin g thi s explanator y archetype , perceive d th e Rus sian revolutionar y situatio n an d it s immensel y destructiv e consequence s wholly i n racia l terms . "Her e Fat e itsel f seem s desirou s o f givin g u s a sign," h e writes. By handing Russi a t o Bolshevism , i t robbe d th e Russia n natio n o f tha t intelli gentsia which previousl y brough t abou t an d guaranteed it s existence as a state. For the organization of a Russian state was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful exampl e of the state-forming efficac y of th e German elemen t i n an inferior race . . . . For centuries Russi a drew nourishment from thi s Germanic nucleus of its upper leading strata. Today it can be regarded a s almost totall y exterminate d an d extinguished . I t has been replace d by the Jew. Impossible as it is for the Russian by himself to shake off the yoke of the Jew by his own resources, it is equally impossible for the Jew to maintain the mighty empire forever. H e himself i s no element of organization, bu t a fermen t of decomposition. The giant empire in the east is ripe for collapse . And the end of Jewish rul e in Russia will also be the end of Russia a s a state. We have been

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chosen b y fate a s witnesses of a catastrophe whic h wil l be the mightiest confir mation of the soundness of the folkish theory. 78 Still mor e generally , writin g i n 1928 , Hitle r declaims , "Th e economi c conquest o f Europ e b y th e Je w wa s prett y muc h complete d aroun d th e turn o f th e century , an d no w h e bega n t o safeguar d i t politically." Thi s means, accordin g t o th e governin g biocentri c logic , th e "attemp t t o extirpate the national intelligentsi a . . . i n the form o f revolution." Every where i n Europe , beginnin g wit h hi s successfu l campaig n i n Russia , th e Jew ha s th e sam e subversiv e design , assiste d b y "Marxism , democrac y and th e so-calle d Christia n center " whic h are , i n reality , onl y th e Jew' s "shock troops" 7 9 i n thi s struggl e fo r domination . Give n thi s awesom e association o f Jews , Bolshevis m an d left-win g revolution , Hitler' s de scription o f th e meanin g o f Nationa l Socialis m i s apt an d chilling : "[Th e aim of Nationa l Socialism ] i s very brief: Annihilation an d exterminatio n of th e Marxis t worldview." 80 A prescriptio n whic h fo r Hitle r meant , certainly, th e Marxist-Jewis h worldview . Shoul d ther e b e an y doub t about thi s intimate , inseparabl e associatio n i n hi s perverte d decipherin g of worl d events , I recall, fro m man y possibl e examples , hi s continuous , and fo r hi m necessar y an d inescapable , linkag e o f Jew s an d Marxism . Thus i n hi s rabi d remark s i n The Secret Book regardin g "th e Marxis t defilers o f cultur e . . . i n th e Sout h Tyro l . . . [who ] hav e le t th e theate r sink t o th e leve l o f a brothel , int o site s o f demonstrate d rac e defilemen t . . . [who ] le t Germa n literatur e sin k int o mu d an d filth," h e conclude s his diatrib e b y suggestin g tha t thes e Marxis t cultur e corrupter s hav e "surrendered] th e whol e intellectua l lif e o f ou r peopl e t o internationa l Jewry." 81 Similarly , i n Mein Kampf h e move s effortlessl y fro m "th e Social Democrati c Pres s . . . directe d predominantl y b y Jews " t o "thi s type of Marxis t pres s production"; 82 whil e agai n i n The Secret Book th e fateful connectio n i s drawn : "Th e en d o f th e Jewish worl d struggl e . . . will always b e a bloody Bolshevization." 83 Eve r and agai n i n his rhetori c it i s th e faul t o f th e Jewish-Marxists , th e "Jewish-God-denyin g Marx ists," 84 an d thei r subservien t minions . The rea l a s wel l a s distorte d associatio n o f Jew s wit h th e extrem e revolutionary lef t wa s enoug h t o poiso n th e mor e authenti c collabora tion o f Jew s wit h moderat e socialis t partie s suc h a s th e SDP (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands) i n whic h the y di d pla y a consider able role . I t i s estimated tha t 10 % o f th e SDP Reichsta g representative s during the Weimar perio d wer e Jews.85 To th e antisemite, however, suc h nuanced distinction s regardin g alternativ e an d quit e varied socialis t affil -

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iations wer e irrelevant , whil e t o th e mas s o f uninforme d citizen s th e connection o f Jew s an d Marxis m wa s onl y furthe r reinforce d b y th e perception o f Jewish involvemen t i n socialist politics. It should, however , be noted that , in contradistinction t o this prejudiced construal , the actua l reality wa s tha t Jew s a s a grou p overwhelmingl y vote d fo r centris t parties. 86 Eve n durin g an d afte r th e Depressio n thi s pattern , i n general , remained constant . Yet, trut h aside , th e grotesqu e stereotyp e o f th e revolutionar y Je w was fixed: h e was th e embodimen t o f negativity , h e destroyed th e politi cal order, exploitativel y manipulate d th e world econom y fo r selfis h gain , eroded th e foundation s o f tru e morality , oppose d Go d an d Hi s Church , sexually corrupte d al l peoples , create d interna l socia l strif e an d cause d civil war , worke d t o inver t th e natura l order , sough t t o impos e th e bas e on th e noble , th e ignominiou s o n th e idea l an d abov e al l attempte d t o racially poiso n th e nation s o f th e world , thereb y guaranteein g hi s ow n victory. Should h e triumph, however , hi s conquest would b e illusory for , given hi s parasitic an d necessaril y destructiv e nature , ultimatel y h e mus t consume eve n himself. "If wit h th e help of his Marxist creed, " the futur e Fuhrer tell s his Weimar audience , "th e Jew is victorious ove r th e people s of th e world , hi s crow n wil l b e th e funera l wreat h o f humanit y an d thi s planet will, as it did millions o f years ago, move through th e ether devoi d of men." 8 7 IV. TH E "SUPRANATIONAL " JE W The putativ e racia l distinctivenes s o f th e Jew , give n th e governin g an d immutable postulate s o f th e racia l analysi s o f nationalit y an d nationa l history, mad e i t impossibl e fo r th e Jew t o b e see n a s a loyal , integrate d member o f an y state . Hi s racia l destiny , th e geneti c an d meta-geneti c imperatives t o whic h h e wa s subordinate , demande d hi s transcendence , or subscendence , o f nationa l parameter s a t th e sam e tim e tha t the y required tha t h e wor k fo r th e exploitatio n o f al l politica l entitie s i n hi s own self-interest . In thi s ontologica l necessit y roote d i n bloo d lie s th e ground o f hi s allianc e wit h revolutionarie s an d revolution , thoug h i t extends eve n beyond th e Marxist-Revolutionary category . For accordin g to th e logi c o f extrem e racia l antisemitism , th e Jew' s meta-politica l nature i s a tellin g sympto m o f hi s normativ e standin g outsid e th e ordi nary univers e o f obligation s an d right s normall y impose d b y nationa l criteria an d definition . No t belongin g t o an y polit y (othe r tha n tha t o f

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the Jewis h people) , th e Je w feel s n o obligation s t o an y civi c morality , and thus , conversely , h e exist s outsid e th e accepte d real m o f huma n rights. Accordingly, th e huma n transaction s betwee n th e Jew an d other s are ethicall y anachronistic , wit h th e consequenc e tha t th e juridica l an d ethical premise s tha t otherwis e appl y t o intergrou p relation s d o no t obtain i n th e cas e o f politica l relation s wit h Jew s an d th e Jewis h com munity. Recognizin g this , th e Jew-hate r seek s t o revers e th e entir e pro cess o f emancipatio n tha t ha s occurre d sinc e th e Frenc h Revolution , th e erroneous axiomati c basi s o f whic h i s th e huma n equality , th e funda mental anthropologica l sameness , o f th e Jew . " A rationa l antisemit ism," Hitle r woul d therefor e write , "mus t lea d t o th e systemati c lega l fight agains t an d th e eliminatio n o f th e prerogative s o f th e Jew . . . . Its ultimat e goal , however , mus t unalterabl y b e th e eliminatio n o f th e Jews." 8 8 This cal l fo r disemancipatio n was , o f course , no t invente d i n it s generality b y th e antisemite s o f th e Weima r era . Wha t th e post-191 8 generation di d witness , however, wa s a deepenin g o f th e politica l exclu siveness envisione d b y suc h a progra m a s a consequenc e o f th e ne w emphasis o n th e racia l natur e o f thi s heretofor e largel y socio-politica l question. When th e Judenfrage wa s thus transformed int o a meta-biolog ical issue , its very characte r wa s transmogrifie d t o suc h a n exten t tha t i t eventually fed , afte r man y unexpecte d an d unpredictabl e turns , a geno cidal rathe r tha n a national-exclusivis t (i.e. , one tha t favore d disenfran chisement an d expulsion ) teleology . Ahaseurus , accordin g t o classica l Christian anti-Judaism , ha d t o wander , ha d t o b e mad e t o wander , bu t his lif e wa s inviolat e an d hi s journey coul d en d throug h hi s adoptio n o f the tru e faith . B y contrast , Hitle r an d th e racia l ideologue s o f th e righ t after 191 8 spok e i n a ne w an d differen t idiom . O n th e on e han d the y repeated th e slogan s abou t lega l disenfranchisement , e.g. , th e NSDAP Party Progra m o f Februar y 24 , 1920 , calle d fo r th e en d o f al l Jewis h gains i n civi l statu s achieve d sinc e Emancipatio n a s wel l a s th e deporta tion o f th e Jews unde r certai n conditions , while, on th e othe r hand , the y also spok e fa r mor e ominousl y abou t "eliminatin g th e Jew s alto gether." 89 Thi s extremis m foun d voic e becaus e Jewish racia l corruptio n could no t b e warded of f simpl y b y keeping i t at arm' s length , o r eve n b y some mysteriou s proces s o f "conversion, " fo r race , especially th e assaul t of microbia l racia l infection , coul d no t b e neutralize d b y expulsio n no r rendered harmles s b y dunking s i n th e baptisma l font . "Wit h th e Jew s there ca n b e no bargaining , bu t onl y th e hard either-or." 90

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Above all , it needs t o b e understood that , fro m th e Hitleria n perspec tive, th e Jewish assaul t o n th e nation s o f Europ e wa s racia l rathe r tha n national i n characte r an d victor y cam e no t throug h conques t bu t throug h pollution. A pollute d peopl e become s weakene d an d thereb y enslaved , genes not armie s decid e the fat e o f th e world. In this ligh t the highest purpos e o f th e folkis h stat e i s its care for th e preservation o f thos e racial primal elements which, by providing culture, create the beauty and dignity of a higher humanity. We, as Aryans, are therefore abl e to imagine a state only as th e livin g organis m o f a peopl e [Volkstum] which no t onl y safeguard s th e preservation o f tha t people , but which b y a further trainin g o f its spiritual an d ideal abilities, leads it to the highest freedom. 91 In speakin g her e o f freedo m Hitler , a s ever , i s no t referrin g t o th e freedom o f th e individua l bu t rathe r t o tha t o f th e stat e an d t o it s primordial basi s th e Volk. Understandin g this , on e i s abl e t o compre hend th e pseudo-organi c meanin g h e attribute s t o th e state : "Th e Ger man Reich , a s a State , shoul d includ e al l Germans ; i t ha s no t onl y th e task o f collectin g fro m th e peopl e th e mos t valuabl e stock s o f raciall y primal element s an d preservin g them , bu t als o t o lea d them , graduall y and safely , t o a dominating position." 92 B y comparison, "th e final goal," Hitler write s o f Jewish racia l supranationalism , "i s denationalization , i s sowing confusio n b y th e bastardizatio n o f othe r nations , lowerin g th e racial level of the highest, an d dominatin g this racial stew by exterminat ing the folkis h intelligentsia s an d replacin g them b y members o f hi s ow n race." 9 3 Going stil l further , i t must b e understood tha t fo r Hitler , an d her e w e summarize a mor e comple x conceptua l deconstructio n o f th e metaphys ical dogmatics o f Nazism, 94 th e Jews ar e not merel y human enemies , bu t incarnations o f th e principle s o f darknes s an d chao s tha t transcen d al l that i s huma n an d virtuou s an d thu s thei r transcendenc e o f th e nation , that structur e throug h whic h me n giv e for m t o thei r live s an d throug h which the y protec t thei r racia l purity , i s in keepin g wit h thei r inne r an d essential nature . A s such , thei r supranationalism , thei r "international ism," i s reflective o f th e metaphysica l Kampf betwee n th e "human, " th e racially pure , mos t authenticall y represente d b y th e Aryan , humanity' s highest fruit , an d th e non-huma n Jew . "I f ou r peopl e an d ou r stat e become victim s o f thes e bloodthirst y an d avariciou s Jewis h tyrant s o f nations, the whole eart h wil l sin k int o the snares of thi s octopus." 95 Th e Jew i s external, systematicall y an d naturall y alien , no t onl y t o German y or France , t o thi s natio n o r that , bu t t o al l nations , al l unit s o f huma n

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fellowship, al l circle s o f nobl e an d "pure " blood . I t i s fo r thi s reason , predicated o n thi s ontological deciphermen t o f Jewish supranationalism , that th e stake s ar e s o hig h i n th e Aryan-Semit e encounter : "i f German y frees hersel f fro m thi s embrac e [o f th e octopus] , this greates t o f danger s to ma n ma y b e regarded a s broke n fo r th e whol e world." 9 6 Israe l i s no t only anothe r huma n competito r an d he r potentia l victor y mean s no t only economi c exploitation , colonia l oppressio n an d politica l domina tion; rather , an d fa r mor e serious , wit h al l th e gravit y o f a pathogeni c catastrophe: "Juda h i s th e plagu e o f th e world." 9 7 An d wh y i s Jewr y such a dir e threat ? Becaus e sh e encourage s i n he r ow n self-interes t "Blood mixin g an d lowerin g o f th e race . . . . For thi s reason internation almindedness [rea d Jews] i s to b e regarded a s the morta l enem y o f thes e [noble racial ] values." 98 O r pu t differently , th e natio n ideall y emerge s from th e Volk, whil e th e Jew, i n th e nam e o f th e nation , woul d destro y the Volk throug h miscegenation . In pursui t o f hi s end s th e Jew' s assaul t o n nation s [an d Volk] takes , in additio n t o th e manifestation s o f revolutio n an d induce d chaos , tw o additional, significan t forms . Th e firs t i s as economi c exploiter , a them e with particula r resonanc e i n inflation-ridde n an d the n depression-boun d Weimar. Th e secon d i s a s degenerato r o f culture , th e all-powerfu l de stroyer o f th e virtuou s an d sublime . Th e them e o f economi c corruptio n needs littl e elaboration ; it s untrut h ha s bee n mad e a cliche , bu t i t i s n o less decisivel y destructiv e fo r that . Neithe r di d i t matte r tha t i n fac t th e German Jewis h communit y wa s seriousl y impoverishe d b y th e sam e economic gyration s tha t cause d havo c withi n th e populatio n a t large . The numbe r o f upper-middle-clas s Jews , for example , judging b y the ta x register, droppe d nearl y 50 % durin g th e 1920s . I n 1912 , 10.6 % o f Berlin Jew s earne d ove r 5,00 0 mark s a year ; i n 192 4 thi s numbe r ha d fallen t o 5.8% , whil e th e numbe r o f Jew s wit h income s unde r 1,20 0 marks jumpe d fro m 73.3 % o f th e Jewis h populatio n t o 83.6% . I n addition, th e Berli n Jewis h communit y alon e wa s force d t o ope n nine teen soup kitchens and seve n shelters fo r th e homeless. 99 Donald Niewy k has als o pointe d ou t tha t "sign s o f [economic ] declin e within th e Jewis h middle clas s wer e b y n o mean s confine d t o th e year s o f inflatio n an d depression" bu t continue d throughou t th e late r year s o f th e Weima r era. 100 Nonetheless, thoug h th e hyperinflatio n destroye d th e live s o f Jew s and non-Jew s alike , thi s indiscriminat e economi c victimizatio n prove d an enormousl y effectiv e too l fo r antisemiti c propagandists. Bot h i n 192 3

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and the n eve n mor e importantl y afte r 1930 , inflation , wedde d t o th e other dee p civi c an d politica l dislocation s o f th e Weima r era , cause d a social vertig o i n which peopl e los t thei r sens e of place an d order , finding eventual re-equilibriu m onl y in Nazism's preachments abou t rightin g th e existing economi c an d relate d wrongs . Th e nationa l traum a o f defea t and Versailles , th e sens e o f sham e an d nationa l weaknes s expose d an d betrayed b y "th e Jew, " wer e th e enem y tha t Nazism , abov e al l othe r parties, consistentl y attacke d wit h unsparing , single-minde d vehemence . Where inflatio n generate d uncertainty , Hitle r promise d fiscal an d politi cal certainty ; wher e economi c chao s threatene d al l security , Hitle r pledge d to solve the economic crisis and provide security; where society appeare d to b e devolving , Hitle r spok e o f socia l coherence ; wher e Weima r wa s the new , th e urban , th e "un-German, " Hitle r promote d th e old , con servative virtue s (o r s o i t appeared) , th e agrarian-volkisch style , the tru e Germanic manner ; wher e a near-chiliastic sens e of doom , eve n annihila tion settle d ove r larg e segment s o f th e populac e a s thei r financial inde pendence an d life-lon g saving s eroded , Hitle r appeare d a s a savio r pos sessed of heavenly secrets through which the kingdom could be achieved; 101 where German y wa s passive befor e it s enemies, Hitler encourage d direc t action; wher e 191 8 an d afte r wer e th e faul t o f th e ne w exploitativ e master-class, th e Jews , Hitle r mad e a commitmen t t o retur n thing s t o their prope r order—Aryan s o n top , Jew s o n th e bottom . Anomie, 102 individual an d collective , monetary an d normative , was the consequenc e of thi s many-sided disarray , while National Socialis m believe d itself, an d made other s believe , it was th e re-integrative antidote . It i s not accidenta l tha t Naz i electora l popularit y wa s directl y relate d to th e degre e o f economi c uncertaint y fel t amon g Weimar' s citizenry . Between 192 4 an d 1928 , relativel y prosperou s an d secur e year s fo r th e Republic, th e Nazis ' shar e o f th e vote , a s tha t o f right-win g partie s i n general, continuall y diminishe d whil e th e Socia l Democrati c Party , th e party mos t deepl y committe d t o th e Weima r Republic , prospered . In 1928 th e SDP electe d it s first Chancello r i n eigh t year s an d sa w it s popular vot e increas e b y ove r on e million , whil e th e NSDAP sa w it s share o f th e electorat e dro p t o 810,00 0 votes , a mer e 2.6 % o f th e vote. 103 In contrast, th e Depression reverse d thi s trend, pushing the Naz i vote t o unprecedente d heights . In th e electio n o f Septembe r 193 0 the y gained 10 7 seats , 6,410,00 0 votes , or 18.3 % of th e vote , an d thi s coun t rose t o 23 0 seat s i n th e Jul y 193 2 elections . Alternatively , a s th e econ omy improve d i n th e fal l o f 193 2 Naz i popularit y decline d an d b y

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November 1932 , the y ha d los t tw o millio n vote s an d 3 4 seats, 104 a negative trend tha t continue d throug h th e remainder o f 1932. 105 According t o Nazism' s sovereig n mythology , internationa l Jewr y ma nipulated th e economie s o f countrie s fo r thei r ow n gain , whil e the y avoided th e pai n associate d wit h loca l economi c catastrophe s b y bein g supranationalists. Tha t th e rea l cause s o f Germa n economi c disarra y la y elsewhere, namel y i n th e vas t governmenta l overexpenditure s tha t ex ceeded governmen t incom e b y over thirty millio n reichmarks 106 betwee n 1920 an d 192 3 wa s o f n o consequence , fo r th e republica n leadershi p was, i n an y case , Jewish . Bu t i f th e Nazis ' explanatio n o f th e inflatio n was altogethe r deficient , i t nevertheles s ha d th e "positive " virtu e tha t i t seemed t o mak e th e crisi s les s th e consequenc e o f larg e an d impersona l forces an d mor e th e produc t o f intelligibl e an d manageabl e elements , "The Jews, " tha t ever y perso n coul d understand . I t als o mad e fo r a simple cure : eliminat e th e Jews . Th e immediat e concret e expressio n o f this rationalization , o f thi s diagnosis , wa s th e larg e "pogrom " i n th e Jewish quarte r o f Berli n o n Novembe r 5—6 , 1923 . Th e sam e (il)logi c applied durin g th e Grea t Depression , onl y mor e so. 107 I n thi s serie s o f crises th e eterna l Semiti c enem y stoo d read y a s a convenien t explana tion. 108 The secon d meaningfu l aspec t o f th e Jew' s supranationalism , hi s corrosive impac t o n culture , thoug h les s significan t t o th e averag e Ger man, wa s als o trumpete d acros s th e land . Th e fluid , ofte n vibran t an d creative, certainl y original , cultur e o f Weima r wa s see n a s shockingl y debased an d "un-German " b y the cultura l mandarin s o f th e right. 109 T o them, it s experimentatio n an d novelt y wer e a sig n o f moral 1 1 0 an d aesthetic decay . An d th e rol e o f th e Jews i n th e fermen t wa s no t los t o n friends an d fo e alike . Walter Laqueur' s summar y o f Jewish participatio n is succinct a s well a s accurate : Without th e Jews there would hav e been n o "Weima r culture"—t o thi s extent the claim s o f th e antisemites , wh o deteste d tha t culture , wer e justified . The y were in the forefront o f every new, daring, revolutionary movement . They were prominent among Expressionist poets, among the novelists of the 1920s, among the theatrica l producer s and , fo r a while , amon g th e leadin g figures i n th e cinema. They owne d th e leading libera l newspaper s suc h a s the Berliner Tageblatt, the Vossische Zeitung and the Frankfurter Zeitung, and many editors were Jews too. Many leading liberal and avant-garde publishing houses were in Jewish hands (S. Fischer, Kurt Wolff, the Cassirers, Georg Bondi, Erich Reiss, the Malik Verlag). Many leading theatre critics were Jews, and they dominated light entertainment.111

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Rather tha n appreciatin g thi s creativity , th e despiser s o f Weima r culture viewe d al l thes e development s wit h genuin e alarm . T o th e anti semites the y represente d anothe r for m o f th e Jewish virus , of th e Jewis h racial attac k o n al l tha t wa s orderly , vigorou s an d health y i n traditiona l German life . "Th e metropoli s bega n it s race-annihilatio n work . . . . A race chao s o f Germans , Jews, an d anti-natura l stree t race s wa s abroad . The resul t wa s mongre l art." 1 1 2 A s a bein g devoi d o f th e highe r huma n characteristics, certainl y barre n o f desirou s virtues , th e Jew i s incapabl e of producin g authentic , ennoblin g spiritua l products . "Culturally, " Hit ler argues, the Jews' "activit y consist s in bowdlerizing art , literature, an d the theatre , holdin g th e expression s o f nationa l sentimen t u p t o scorn , overturning concept s o f th e sublim e an d beautiful , th e worth y an d th e good, finall y draggin g th e peopl e t o th e leve l o f hi s ow n lo w mental ity." 113 At the same time, this materialistic racial shallowness make s hi m envious o f th e hig h innovativenes s o f others . H e i s therefor e th e enem y of al l aestheti c an d cultura l greatness . An d thi s negativ e vulgarizin g proclivity ha s it s root s i n racia l soil : "t o tur n upsid e dow n th e mos t natural hygieni c rules of a race. The Jew make s night int o day ; h e stage s the notoriou s nigh t lif e an d know s quit e wel l tha t i t wil l slowl y bu t surely destroy . . ."; 114 an d again , "Bloo d mixtur e an d th e resultant dro p in the racial leve l is the sole cause of th e dyin g out o f ol d cultures." 115 With thi s contentio n th e biologica l circl e come s ful l turn : ever y de crepitude, ever y vice , every degenerac y political , economic , an d cultura l has on e cause , racial decay , on e causa l agent : "Th e Jews." And thi s i n a period o f politica l fluidit y whe n th e NSDAP wa s stil l a minorit y party , distant fro m th e mechanism s o f power , thos e mechanism s whic h whe n controlled i n totalitaria n fashio n driv e th e ideologica l t o becom e stil l more absolut e an d extrem e i n the absenc e of sufficien t resistance . Fed b y the realit y o f power , th e theoretica l become s more , no t les s extrem e i n the actualit y o f it s implementation. 116 Thi s i s tru e no t onl y o f Nazism , but als o o f Stalinism , Maoism , Castrois m an d th e Cambodia n regim e of Pol Pot , amon g man y possibl e examples . Fo r u s thi s mean s tha t racia l antisemitism, raise d t o previousl y unprecedente d height s i n Weimar , would kno w stil l mor e unrestraine d expressio n an d incomparabl e geno cidal realit y i n th e year s o f Naz i politica l control . An d eve n befor e thi s final, deadl y transformatio n o f th e politica l landscap e o f German y an d her allies , this racia l perspectiv e woul d hav e score d a notabl e succes s i n setting a goo d dea l o f th e politica l agenda—eve n fo r thos e i n th e politi cal center an d left . Th e universally heightene d sensitivit y t o Jewish issue s

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3

caused b y th e unrelentin g p r o p a g a n d a o f th e extrem e righ t force d th e shape o f politica l debat e int o contour s constructe d ou t of, eve n i f op posed to , thi s racia l p r o g r a m . I n thi s wa y th e racist s o f th e Weima r er a can alread y b e see n t o hav e achieve d a lastin g victory , fo r the y ha d succeeded i n underminin g th e givenness o f Jewis h emancipatio n an d Jewry's collectiv e participatio n i n a moder n pluralisti c Europe. 1 1 7

NOTES 1. I t needs t o b e emphasized tha t i n th e discussio n tha t follows , th e focu s i s o n a typologica l accoun t o f th e root s an d natur e o f Weima r an d mor e specifi cally Hitleria n antisemitism . A s such, i t over-emphasize s thi s facto r i n Wei mar lif e t o a certai n degree . T o correc t thi s historica l distortion , i.e. , t o properly situat e ou r analysi s i n it s historica l context , i t mus t b e note d tha t the outrigh t antisemiti c partie s neve r garnere d mor e tha n 8 % o f th e tota l vote during th e lif e of th e Weimar Republi c prior t o 1930 . 2. Koppe l Pinson , Modern Germany (Ne w York , 1955) , p. 419. 3. O n th e demographic profile o f Weimar Jewry, consult Eric Rosenthal, "Trend s in Jewish Populatio n i n Germany , 1910-1939, " Jewish Social Studies, Vol . 6 (1944) , pp. 2 3 3 - 7 4; Esr a Bennathan' s essa y on "Di e demographisch e un d wirtschaftliche Struktu r de r Juden," i n Werne r E . Mosse an d Arnol d Paucke r (eds.), Entscheidungsjahr 1932; Zur Judenfrage in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik (Tubingen , 1966) , pp . 8 7 - 1 3 1 ; an d Donal d L . Niewyk , The Jews in Weimar Germany (Bato n Rouge , 1980) , pp. 11-42 . Pete r Gay , Freud, Jews and Other Germans (Ne w York , 1978) , call s attentio n t o th e demographic growt h o f th e Ostjude n i n German y i n th e first quarte r o f th e twentieth century . I n 190 0 ther e wer e approximatel y 11,00 0 Ostjude n i n Berlin ou t o f a tota l Jewis h populatio n o f 92,000 . Thi s figure increase d fourfold i n absolut e term s an d double d i n percentag e term s b y 192 5 whe n Ostjuden numbere d 43,00 0 ou t o f a Berlin Jewish populatio n o f 172,00 0 o r 25.4% (p . 172) . 4. R . H. Lutz, The German Revolution, 1918-191 9 (Stanford , 1922) ; Gerhar d A. Ritte r an d Susann e Mille r (eds.) , Die deutsche Revolution 1918-1919 (Frankfurt a . M. , 1968) ; Alla n Mitchell , Revolution in Bavaria, 19181919: The Eisner Regime and the Soviet Republic (Princeton , 1965) ; Gor don Craig , Germany 1866-1945 (Ne w York , 1978) , pp . 396-414 ; an d David W . Morgan , The Socialist Left and the German Revolution: A History of the German Independent Social Democratic Party, 1917—1922 (Ithaca, 1975) . 5. Rober t Waite , Vanguard of Nazism: The Free Corps Movement in Germany, 1918-1923 (Cambridge , 1952) ; Johannes Erger , Der Kapp-Luttwitz Putsch. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Innenpolitik 1919-20 (Diisseldorf , 1967) ; G. Craig , Germany, pp . 4 2 9 - 3 2 ; an d Joh n W . Wheeler-Bennett , The Ne-

9 4 1918

and After

mesis of Power: The Army in Politics, 1918-1945 (London , 1953) , pp . 60-82. 6. Ther e ar e a numbe r o f valuabl e narrativ e historie s o f thi s er a fro m whic h I have benefited : Gordo n Craig , Germany 1866-1945; Koppe l Pinson , Modern Germany (Ne w York , 1955) ; Eric h Eyck , A History of the Weimar Republic, 2 Vols . (Cambridge , 1962-1965) ; Alber t Schwartz , Die Weimar'er Republik (Konstanz , 1958) ; Haj o Holborn , A History of Modern Germany (Ne w York , 1969) ; Donal d L . Niewyk , Jews in Weimar; an d Ferdinand Friedensburg , Die Weimar er Republik (Berlin , 1946) . 7. O f course , fo r racis t thinker s lik e Hitle r al l these , an d man y othe r phenom ena, ar e just the outward expressio n o f mor e deepl y roote d racia l laws . 8. Adol f Hitler , Main Kampf (Germa n edition , Munich, 1941) , p. 296. 9. P . Merkl' s evidence , base d o n th e Abe l interview s (cf . Theodor e Abel , The Nazi Movement: Why Hitler Came to Power [Ne w York , 1966]) , puts thi s figure a t 46 % o f veterans , Political Violence under the Swastika (Princeton , 1975). 10. K . Pinson, Modern Germany, p . 414, note s tha t "no t a single school tex t i n Weimar German y presente d th e true stor y o f Germa n defea t i n 1918. " As a consequence, thi s resentmen t a t Allie d an d "fift h columnist " behavior , a s well a s a t th e Weima r Republi c fo r "agreeing " t o exis t o n suc h terms , wa s passed o n t o successiv e generation s o f youn g German s whic h i n tur n mad e "high schoo l an d universitie s . . . foca l center s fo r th e rightis t nationalis t movements" amon g bot h student s an d faculty . O n educatio n i n Weimar , see als o G . Craig , Germany, pp . 421-24 . Thi s issu e ha s bee n helpfull y analyzed i n th e importan t work s o f Wolfgan g Kreutzberger , Studenten und Politik 1918-1933: Der Fall Freiburg-im-Breisgau (Gottingen , 1972) ; an d R. H . Samue l an d R . H . Thomas , Education and Society in Modern Germany (London , 1949) . Th e importanc e o f thes e facts i s brough t hom e b y the Abel interview s whic h revea l tha t 50 % o f politicize d activis t Nazi yout h in th e 1920 s reporte d "havin g ha d a volkisc h o r Naz i teache r o r conflic t with Jewish fello w students " a t school , P . Merkl, Political Violence, p . 277 . On th e oppositio n t o Weima r i n th e universities , se e W. Laqueur , Weimar: A Cultural History 1918-1933 (London , 1974) , pp . 183-223 . Laqueu r describes th e majorit y o f professor s "a s reactionar y tout court, th e minorit y was vernunftrepublikanisch, pro-republica n because they accepted it as a political necessity, rather tha n ou t o f instinc t or dee p moral conviction " (p . 184). 11. Not e th e response s o f earl y Nazi s t o th e defea t a s reporte d i n P . Merkl , Political Violence, pp . 144-88 . 12. I t should b e noted tha t th e Germa n Communis t Part y als o railed agains t th e "chains o f Versailles" : se e K. Pinson, Modern Germany, p . 417. 13. Jew s wer e alread y single d ou t i n thi s respec t b y th e 191 6 Wa r Ministr y census carrie d ou t i n orde r t o chec k o n th e rat e o f Germa n participatio n i n the war . O n thi s issue , se e th e earl y stud y b y Fran z Oppenheimer , Die Judenstatistik des Preussischen Kriegsministeriums (Munich , 1922) ; Egmon t Zechlin, Die deutsche Politik und die Judem im ersten Weltkrieg (Gottingen , 1969), pp . 5 2 4 - 3 7 ; an d Werne r Angress , "Da s deutsch e Milita r un d di e

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5

Juden i m Erste n Weltkrieg, " i n Militdrgeschicbtlicbe Mitteilungen, Vol . 1 9 (1976), pp . 77-146 . I n respec t o f thi s issu e i t i s surel y ironic , a s Rober t Waite point s out , tha t Hitler' s Iro n Cros s Firs t an d Secon d Class , earne d during th e war , wa s onl y grante d t o hi m a s a consequenc e o f th e strenuou s effort mad e o n hi s behalf b y his adjutant , Hug o Gutmann , wh o wa s Jewish. R. Waite , "Hitler' s Antisemitism, " i n B . Wolman (ed.) , The Psychoanalytic Interpretation of History (Ne w York , 1971) , p. 195 . 14. Se e P. Merkl's Political Violence, p . 169 ; and als o pp. 213-14 . 15. Th e officia l Germa n coun t give s 539,00 0 Jew s i n German y i n 1910 , 0.92 % of th e population . 16. Figure s give n i n Hug o Valentin , Antisemitism: Historically and Critically Examined (Ne w York , 1936) , p. 109 . 17. P . Merkl, Political Violence, p . 166 . 18. I purposely us e thi s genera l an d vagu e term , rathe r tha n identifyin g specifi c left-of-center politica l parties , becaus e thi s i s how Hitle r an d th e right-win g parties use d it . The unspecifi c abstractio n serve d better . 19. Pete r Ga y call s thi s connectio n t o th e for e b y remindin g u s tha t "Hug o Preuss, th e architec t o f th e Weima r constitution , wa s a symbo l o f revolu tion; a s a Je w an d a left-win g democrat , h e ha d bee n kep t ou t o f th e university establishmen t fo r al l hi s merits , an d no w he , th e outsider , gav e shape t o th e ne w republic , his Republic. " Weimar Culture (Ne w York , 1968), p . 17 . Then again , th e fla g o f th e Republi c wa s accuse d b y national ists o f containin g "th e yello w strip e o f Jewry." Cite d i n E . Eyck, History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , p. 190 . 20. Cite d b y E. Eyck, History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , p. 315. 21. O n th e Deutschnationale Volkspartei, se e th e monograp h b y tha t titl e b y Werner Lieb e (Dusseldorf , 1956) . 22. Quote d i n W. Liebe , Deutschnationale Volkspartei, p . 115 . 23. Mein Kampf, pp . 388 an d 4 5 2 - 5 3 . 24. Ibid. , p. 252. 25. E . Jackal observe d thi s same phenomenon i n Mein Kampf: In th e antisemiti c passage s on e i s struck, firs t o f all , by a very peculiar vocabulary . Here i s a catalogu e fro m Volum e On e o f Mein Kampf a s i t appear s ther e i n th e sequence of pages: The Jew is a maggot in a rotting corpse; he is a plague worse than the Black Death o f forme r times ; a germ center of the worst sort; mankind's eterna l germ o f disunion ; th e dron e which insinuate s it s way int o th e rest of mankind ; th e spider that slowl y sucks the people's blood out of its pores; the pack of rats fightin g bloodily amon g themselves ; th e parasit e i n th e bod y o f othe r peoples ; th e typica l parasite; a sponge r wh o lik e a harmfu l bacillus , continue s t o spread ; th e eterna l bloodsucker; th e peoples' parasite; the people's vampire. Almost all of these expressions deriv e fro m th e real m o f parasitology ; th e Jew wa s isolate d fro m th e res t of human society , an d th e us e o f languag e suggest s th e method s o f hi s elimination . (Jackal, Hitler's Weltanschauung, A Blueprint for Power [Middletown, 1972] , pp. 58-59) 26. Cite d b y R . Binion , Hitler among the Germans (Ne w York , 1976) , pp . 3 6 and 39. Thi s them e wa s a n idee fixe o f Hitler' s whic h neve r changed . Thu s

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in 1941 , i n hi s tabl e tal k wit h Himmler , h e reminde d hi m "tha t rac e o f criminals [Jews ] ha s o n it s conscience th e tw o millio n [German ] dea d o f th e first worl d wa r an d no w hundred s o f thousand s more " (p . 87). 27. Cite d b y R. Binion, Hitler among the Germans, p . 24. 28. I n Mein Kampf (Englis h edition , trans . R . Manhei m [Boston , 1943] ; henceforth cite d a s E.T. , p . 800) , h e woul d deman d tha t "som e da y a Germa n national cour t wil l hav e t o sentenc e an d t o execut e som e te n thousan d o f the organizin g an d thu s responsibl e criminal s o f th e November treason. " 29. Mein Kampf (E.T.), p. 984. 30. Cite d b y R. Binion , Hitler among the Germans, pp . 26, 27, 28. 31. Hitler' s extremis m was , o f course , no t ye t acceptabl e generall y an d woul d also have to wait it s turn, which wa s not to o lon g coming . 32. G . Craig , Germany, pp . 4 2 4 - 2 5 . 33. Thes e ar e well summarize d b y K. Pinson : For th e averag e German , irrespectiv e o f politica l party , an d reconcile d thoug h h e might hav e becom e t o th e restoratio n o f Alsace-Lorrain e t o Franc e an d Eupe n an d Malmedy to Belgium, the Treaty of Versailles was an "instrument of subjugation." It had turne d ove r Germa n territor y an d Germa n populatio n i n th e eas t t o Poland , a nation traditionally regarded by Germans as beneath contempt; it created the "impossible" Polis h corrido r whic h divide d th e Germa n Reic h i n tw o an d cu t of f th e "hallowed" soil of East Prussia fro m th e rest of the Reich. Measured in terms of the resources of German y befor e th e war, the treaty mean t the loss of 1 3 per cent of its territory, 1 0 per cent of its population, 10 0 per cent of its colonial domain, about 15 per cent of its arable land, 74. 5 per cent of it s iron ore , 26 per cent of its hard coal assets, 68 per cen t of it s zinc, 1 7 per cen t of it s potato yield , 1 6 per cen t of it s rye, and 1 3 pe r cen t o f it s wheat . T o to p al l that , th e Treat y o f Versaille s mean t th e complete demilitarizatio n o f German y an d th e militar y occupatio n b y th e Allie d powers o f 6 pe r cen t o f it s remainin g domain . (K . Pinson , Modern Germany, pp. 424-25) 34. Thi s wa s argue d ver y strongly , fo r example , b y Ludwi g Zimmermann , Deutsche Aussenpolitik (Gottingen , 1958) , pp . 474f . Bu t cf . th e usefu l review o f th e evidenc e b y Eric h Matthias , "Th e Influenc e o f th e Versaille s Treaty o n th e Interna l Developmen t o f th e Weima r Republic, " i n Anthon y Nicholls an d Eric h Matthias , (eds.) , German Democracy and the Triumph of Hitler (Ne w York , 1971) , pp . 13-28 . Se e als o E . Eyck , History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , pp. 80-128 . 35. I t wa s no t accidenta l tha t th e peac e conferenc e bega n o n Januar y 18 , the anniversar y o f th e foundin g o f th e Germa n Empire , i n th e sam e Hal l of Mirror s wher e th e victoriou s German s ha d issue d th e proclamatio n o f Empire fift y year s earlier , whil e Jun e 28 , th e signin g date , wa s th e dat e o f Archduke Ferdinand' s assassination . J . Fest , Hitler (Ne w York , 1973) , p. 82 . 36. Volkische Beobachter, Apri l 6 , 1920 . 37. I n additio n t o th e recurrence o f thi s theme i n Mein Kampf and Hitler' s earl y Reden, se e als o Herman n Goring , Germany Reborn (London , 1934) , pp . 19-20; th e interview s i n T . Abel , The Nazi Movement; an d P . Merkl's tw o

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7

volumes, Political Violence alread y cite d an d The Making of a Stormtrooper (Princeton, 1980) . 38. Electora l figures summarize d fro m V . R . Berghahn , Modern Germany (Cambridge [England] , 1982) , p . 74 . Consul t als o o n th e entir e question , Karl Bracher , Die Auflosung der Weimarer Republik (Villengen , I960 3 ). The result s o f th e Weima r election s ar e closely analyze d b y Alfre d Milatz , Wabler und Wahlen in der Weimarer Republik (Bonn , 1965) . Fo r th e election o f 1920 , see pp. 2 9 - 3 9 . 39. Fo r mor e o n th e lastin g effect s o f th e defea t o f 191 8 o n Naz i ideolog y an d practice, se e th e interestin g essa y b y Ti m Mason , "Th e Legac y o f 191 8 fo r National Socialism, " in A. Nicholls an d E . Matthias (eds.) , German Democracy and the Triumph of Hitler, pp . 215-39 . 40. P . Merkl, Political Violence, pp . 511—12 . See also, a s a relate d indicato r o f such sentiment , Josep h Goebbels , Der Angriff (Munich , 1935) , an d agai n Hermann Goring , "Wahr t da s Rech t de s Volkes, " Volkischer Beobachter, Sept. 11/12 , 1932 . Gorin g laments : "Th e destructio n o f Carthag e wa s a s nothing compare d t o the shamefu l peac e of Versailles. " 41. Mein Kampf p . 454. 42. Ibid. , p. 465. 43. Ibid. , p. 639 . 44. Henr y Ford' s antisemitis m i s intelligentl y an d fairl y discusse d b y Le o Ri buffo, "Henr y For d an d The International Jew," American Jewish History, Vol. 69 (June , 1980) , pp. 4 3 7 - 7 7 . 45. Mein Kampf, p . 640. Emphasis i n original . 46. Ibid. , p. 651. Emphasis i n original . 47. Adol f Hitler , The Secret Book (Ne w York , 1983) , pp . 2 7 - 2 8 . Emphasi s i n original. 48. The Secret Book, pp . 2 8 - 2 9 . 49. Se e G . Craig' s descriptio n o f th e rol e Rathenau' s Jewishnes s played , Germany, pp . 441—42 . Also , fo r mor e o n thi s issue , not e th e source s liste d i n Craig, Germany, pp . 4 4 1 - 4 2, not e 18 . 50. Th e objectiv e trut h wa s vastl y different . Jew s wer e stil l approximatel y 1 % of th e tota l population , i n 192 5 ther e wer e 568,00 0 Jew s ou t o f a tota l population o f 63,1,81,000 , o r 0.90% . Intermarriag e wa s rampant , reachin g 24% i n 1929 . Economicall y Jew s wer e overwhelmingl y middle-class , onl y 2% were , despit e antisemiti c propaganda , banker s o r stockbrokers . Fo r th e detailed breakdow n o f Jewis h demographi c an d economi c lif e i n Weimar , see Esr a Bennathan , "Di e demographisch e un d wirtschaftlich e Struktu r de r Juden," i n W . Moss e an d A . Paucke r (eds.) , Entscheidungsjahr 1932, pp . 8 7 - 1 3 1 . The y wer e considerabl y overrepresente d i n the white-collar profes sions; 16 % o f Germany' s lawyers , 10 % o f he r doctors , 3% of her universit y teachers, 5 % o f he r journalist s an d 4 % o f he r creativ e artist s wer e Jews . I summarize her e th e discussio n o f Kar l A . Schleunes , The Twisted Road to Auschwitz (Urbana , 1970) , pp . 3 8 - 4 1 . I n addition , an d ver y important , Jews di d no t "control " th e press , ove r 50 % o f whic h wa s owne d b y Alfre d Hugenberg, chairma n o f th e right-win g DNVP, Hitler' s coalitio n partne r i n

98 1918

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1933. Th e quot e fro m Pete r MerkP s wor k i s fro m hi s Political Violence, p. 559 . 51. K . Pinso n defend s th e Versaille s Treat y a s bein g a s goo d a s coul d b e ex pected unde r th e circumstance s an d no t undul y hars h b y prevailin g stan dards, e.g. , th e Germa n treat y o f Bres t Litovs k wit h Russia , Modern Germany, p . 423. 52. Discusse d b y Arn o J . Mayer , Politics and Diplomacy of Peacemaking: Containment and Counter-Revolution at Versailles, 1918-1919 (Ne w York , 1967); an d G . Craig , Germany, pp . 424ff . 53. Cite d i n K . Pinson , Modern Germany, p . 429. Se e als o o n thi s entir e issue , David Adler , Walter Rathenau and the Weimar Republic: The Politics of Reparations (Baltimore , 1971) . I t i s als o no t irrelevan t t o thi s matte r tha t Alfred Rosenber g ha d publicl y linke d Rathena u t o Bolshevis m an d Bolshe vism t o World Jewish powe r i n his 192 2 pamphlet Pest in Russland. 54. Cite d b y E. Eyck, History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , p. 215. 55. G . Craig , Germany, p . 444 , not e 27 , censure s Davi d Adler , Walter Rathenau and the Weimar Republic, fo r "over-emphasizing " antisemitis m a s th e motive fo r Rathenau' s murder . I t appear s t o m e tha t Crai g i s wrong i n thi s judgment, give n th e virulen t attac k upo n Rathena u qua Jew . Afte r all , th e right ha d cited , "Knall t a b de n Jude n Rathenau/di e Gottverdammt e Juden sau," whil e right-win g group s san g "Schlag t to t de n Walte r Rathena u / Di e gottverfluchte Judenau. " Cf . als o E . Eyck , History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , pp . 21 IF. Conside r als o a s paradigmati c here , i.e. , th e turnin g agains t th e Jew s as traitor s wh o coul d becom e "scapegoats " fo r Germany' s defeat , Luden dorff's memoirs , Kriegsfuhrung und Politik (Berlin , 1922) , i n whic h h e decries "th e Suprem e Governmen t o f th e Jewish Peopl e who work han d an d hand wit h Franc e an d England. " Th e rol e o f th e Protocols of the Elders of Zion i n th e thinkin g o f Rathenau' s murderers , i.e. , o f Rathena u a s on e o f these Elders , a s describe d b y the m a t thei r trial , als o strongl y suggest s tha t Rathenau's Jewishnes s wa s centra l t o hi s assassination . Ther e i s a n impor tant discussio n o f thi s connectio n i n Norma n Cohn , Warrant for Genocide (New York , 1969) , pp . 141-4 8 an d 178-79 . Fo r details , se e als o Eyck' s summary, History of Weimar, Vol . 1 , p . 214 . Th e politica l career s o f Hilferding an d Heilmann , tw o Jewis h minister s i n late r Weima r govern ments, ar e als o instructiv e o n thi s point . Recently , Henr y Pachter , "Walte r Rathenau: Musil' s Arnhei m o r Mann' s Naphta? " i n hi s Weimar Studies (New York , 1982) , pp . 171-88 , als o calle d attentio n t o th e ironi c rol e th e Protocols playe d amon g thos e wh o wante d Rathena u t o serv e a s Foreig n Minister, hopin g tha t a s one of th e Elders h e could influence th e reparation s treaty, p . 171 . Pachter als o write s (p . 186) : "H e wa s murdere d no t becaus e of wha t h e stoo d fo r bu t becaus e o f wha t h e was—fo r bein g Jewish. " Alternatively, one must acknowledg e ho w commo n politica l murde r i n earl y Weimar was . On e fai r estimat e suggest s tha t ther e wer e 37 6 politica l mur ders betwee n 191 9 an d 1922 , 35 4 committe d b y th e right , Georg e Mosse , The Final Solution (Ne w York , 1978) , p. 183 . 56. G . Mosse , Final Solution, pp . X75—76, calls attentio n t o th e importanc e o f

1918 and After 9

9

the us e o f blac k troop s i n th e 1919-192 0 Frenc h occupatio n an d th e rol e they playe d i n enflamin g racia l concern s an d hatred s i n Weima r Germany . The Jews , no t unexpectedly , wer e accuse d b y th e right , o f causin g thi s "disgrace," of wagin g a "Negro-Jewish" wa r o n Germany . Thi s issue is also explored i n mor e detai l i n Keit h L . Nelson , "Th e Blac k Horro r o n th e Rhine: Rac e a s a Facto r i n Post-Wa r I Diplomacy, " Journal of Modern History, Vol . 42 , No . 4 (December , 1970) , pp . 606-28 . Th e Frenc h wer e careful not t o repea t thi s experimen t i n 192 3 whe n n o blac k soldier s serve d in the occupation o f th e Ruhr . 57. Suc h obligation s wer e continuall y attacke d b y the righ t a s turning German y into littl e mor e tha n a slave-labo r colon y o r th e victoriou s allies . See , e.g. , Hitler's remark s i n hi s Reden (WCirzburg , 1962-63) , Vol . 1 , pp. 7 - 8 , (ed. ) M. Domarus ; an d Alfre d Rosenberg , Der My thus des 20. Juhrhunderts (Munich, 1930) , p. 1 , for th e repetition an d exploitatio n o f thi s theme . 58. Thes e event s ar e describe d mor e full y i n D . Niewyk , Jews in Weimar, pp . 109-10. 59. Thes e events , an d th e circumstance s surroundin g them , ar e analyze d b y Hans Schmidt , Die polnische Revolution des Jahres 1848 im Grossherzogtum Rosen (Weimar , 1912) , pp . 150-52 ; o n th e Jewis h issues , se e A . Heppner an d J . Herzberg , Aus Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der Juden und der judischen Gemeinden in den Posener Landen (Koschmen-Brom berg, 1909) , pp . 851-52 . A usefu l revie w o f th e nationalit y questio n i n Poland i s now availabl e i n Willia m W . Hagen's , Germans, Poles and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772-1914 (Chicago , 1980) , pp. 109 , 116-17 . 60. A classi c defens e o f thi s thesi s i s presente d b y Herman n Cohen , "Deutsch tum un d Judentum, " i n hi s Judische Schriften, 2 Vols . (Berlin , 1924) . Th e classic critiqu e o f thi s positio n ha s bee n offere d b y Gersho m Schole m i n hi s essay, "Wide r de n Mytho s vo m deutsch-judische n Gesprach, " i n hi s col lected essays , Judaica, Vol . 2 (Frankfurt , 1970) , p. 7ff . 61. Th e event s leadin g u p t o thi s rebellio n ar e describe d b y Danie l Horn , The German Naval Mutinies of World War I (Ne w Brunswick , 1969) , an d i n more summary fashio n b y G. Craig, Germany, pp . 398-400; an d K . Pinson, Modern Germany, pp . 355—57. 62. Fo r a ful l revie w se e A. Mitchell , Revolution in Bavaria; an d G . Ritte r an d S. Miller , Die deutsche Revolution; briefe r review s ar e foun d i n G . Craig , Germany, pp . 400-402; an d K . Pinson, Modern Germany, pp . 3 5 7 - 6 5 . 63. Cf . Eri c Waldman , The Spartacist Uprising of 1919 and the Crisis of the German Socialist Movement (Milwaukee , 1958) . 64. O n thi s coalition , se e Harol d Gordon , The Reichswehr and the German Republic 1919-1926 (Princeton , 1957) ; G . Waite , Vanguard of Nazism; G. Craig, Germany, pp . 4 0 2 - 1 2; K . Pinson, Modern Germany, pp . 3 6 6 - 9 1 ; and F . L. Carsten , The Reichswehr and Politics, 1918-1933 (Oxford , 1966) . 65. A description o f the major politica l groups and their views on the Judenfrage and relationshi p t o antisemitism i s provided b y D. Niewyk, Jews in Weimar, p. 4 3 - 8 1 .

1 0 0 1918

and After

66. "I n Russia n Bolshevis m w e mus t se e the attemp t undertake n b y th e Jews i n the twentieth centur y t o achiev e world domination, " Mein Kampf, p. 960. 67. Se e Hitler's speec h o f Novembe r 192 8 o n th e "Novembe r Criminals" ; "Th e Jewess Ros a Luxemburg" ; an d "Th e Jew Kur t Eisner. " The Jewish presenc e in revolutionar y council s was , o f course , a reality . See , e.g. , o n Ludwi g Marum an d Ludwi g Haas, two Jews in the Baden revolutionary governmen t of 1918 , Joh n Pete r Grill , The Nazi Movement in Baden, 1920-1945 (Chapel Hill , 1983) , p. 30. On e shoul d als o recall th e role of Pau l Hirsc h i n the Prussia n revolutionar y governmen t an d tha t o f Georg e Gridnaue r i n Saxony, whil e th e rol e o f Luxemburg , Liebknech t an d Eisne r require s n o further comment . For a detailed biograph y o f Luxemburg, se e Gilbert Badia , Rosa Luxemburg, Journaliste, polemiste, revolutionnaire (Paris , 1975) ; whil e on Liebknecht , se e Helmu t Trotnow , "Th e Misunderstoo d Kar l Lieb knecht," European Studies Review, Vol . 5 , No. 2 (1975) , pp. 1 7 1 - 9 1 ; an d Enzo Collotti , "Kar l Liebknech t e i l Problem a dell a Rivoluzion e Socialist a in Germania, " Ann. dellTnstituto Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, Vol . 1 5 (1973) , pp. 3 2 6 - 4 3 . Not e als o th e reportin g o f thes e event s i n seriou s paper s suc h as th e Augsburger Postzeitung an d th e Munchener Neueste Nachrichten, not t o mentio n th e gutte r journal s o f th e extrem e right . O n th e entir e issue , see Werne r Angress , "Jude n i m politische n Lebe n de r Revolutionszeit, " i n W. Moss e an d A . Paucke r (eds.) , Deutsche Judentum in Kreig und Revolution (Tubingen , 1971) , pp. 137-315 . 68. P . Merkl , Political Violence, p . 146 . Se e also Merkl' s statistica l breakdow n on th e attributio n o f "causes " of th e revolutio n t o specifi c groups , p. 289. 69. Th e role of th e Protocols of the Elders ofZion i s very important here . 70. J . Fest , Hitler, p . 211, based o n Hitler' s remark s t o Dietric h Eckar t whil e i n Landsberg Prison . 71. Cite d i n J. Fest , Hitler, p . 132 . 72. G . Mosse , Final Solution, pp . 182-83 . O n th e circulatio n o f th e Protocols in post-191 8 Germany , consul t N . Cohn , Warrant, pp . 1 3 Off. Se e als o o n the Schutz-und-Trut z Bund , Uw e Lohalm , Volkischer Radicalismus: Die Geschichte des Deutschvolkischen Schutz-und-Trutz-Bundes (Hamburg , 1970), throughout . 73. Th e irony her e is notable in that i t was Freytag who, in 1869 , defended Jew s against Wagner's attac k i n the journal Die Grenzboten. I n reply to Wagner' s antisemitic call, Freytag wrote o f th e Jews that "i n n o are a ar e they predom inantly representative s o f a tren d whic h w e mus t hol d sociall y injurious. " "Der Strei t iibe r da s Judentu m i n de r Musik, " Die Grenzboten, No . 2 2 (1869), reprinte d i n G . Freytag' s Gesammelte Werke, Vol . 1 6 (Leipzig , 1898), pp . 321-26 . Quote d fro m Alfre d D . Low , Jews in the Eyes of the Germans: From the Enlightenment to Imperial Germany (Philadelphia , 1979), p . 338 . See his entir e discussio n o f "Freyta g vs . Wagner," pp . 3 3 8 39. I n th e Mitteilungen des Vereins zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus fo r 1895, a lette r i s recorde d fro m 189 2 indicatin g tha t Freyta g marrie d a Jewess an d eve n supporte d he r son' s (hi s stepson's ) Hebre w instructio n a t home.

1918 and After 1 0

1

74. Se e D . Niewyk' s carefu l stud y o f Weima r courts . H e remind s u s that , o f course, no t all , o r eve n mos t court s wer e unde r th e swa y o f radica l antise mitism. However , suc h attitude s di d exist , an d wer e bot h actualize d i n spe cific instances , an d agitate d fo r al l th e tim e b y th e racia l antisemites . Fo r a full discussion , se e D. Niewyk, " J e w s an d th e Court s i n Weimar Germany, " Jewish Social Studies, Vol . 3 7 (1975) , pp . 9 9 - 1 1 3 ; an d hi s summar y i n idem, Jews in Weimar, pp . 7 4 - 7 7 . Se e also Thil o Ram m (ed.) , Die Justiz in der Weimarer Republik: Eine Chronik (Neuwie d an d Berlin , 1968) ; Am brose Dozko w an d Sidne y Jacoby, "Anti-Semitis m an d th e La w i n Pre-Naz i Germany," Contemporary Jewish Record, Vol . 3 , No . 5 (1940) , pp . 4 9 8 509; an d Heinric h Hannover-Druck , Politische Justiz 1918-1933 (Frank furt a . M. , 1966) , pp. 2 6 3 - 7 3 . A n indictmen t o f th e right-win g sympathie s of th e court s i s provided b y P . Gay, Weimar Culture, pp . 2 0 - 2 1 . 75. Th e characte r an d significanc e o f antisemitis m i n th e Germa n arm y durin g the Weimar era has been briefly summarize d b y D. Niewyk, Jews in Weimar, pp. 7 7 - 7 8 . 76. Th e issu e o f th e enormou s ris e i n studen t antisemitis m i s deciphere d b y Hans Pete r Bleue l an d Erns t Klinnert , Deutsche Studenten auf dem Weg ins Dritte Reich (Giitersloh , 1967) ; Michae l H . Kater , Studentschaft und Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland 1918-1933 (Hamburg , 1975) ; W . Kreutzberger, Studenten und Politik 1918—1933; Jiirge n Schwartz , Studenten in der Weimarer Republik (Berlin , 1971) ; an d Michae l S . Steinberg , Sabers and Brown Shirts: The German Students' Path to National Socialism, 1918-1935 (Chicago , 1973) . 77. Cite d i n J. Fest , Hitler, p . 95. 78. Mein Kampf, pp . 654ff . 79. Th e materia l quote d an d th e tw o line s quote d abov e ar e fro m The Secret Book, pp . 214—15 . See also Hitler' s view s o n Bolshevis t Jewry vs . England , pp. 158-5 9 an d 17 5 o f The Secret Book. 80. Cite d i n J . Fest , Hitler, p . 92 . Se e als o th e rol e th e "Jewis h Conspirac y Theory" playe d i n th e maturin g though t o f Himmle r i n Bradle y F . Smith , Heinrich Himmler (Stanford , 1971) , pp. 7 4 - 7 5 . 81. The Secret Book, pp . 185-86 . 82. Mein Kampf, p . 61. 83. The Secret Book, p . 213. 84. Ibid. , p. 58. 85. Se e o n th e SDP D . Niewyk , Socialist, Anti-semite, and Jew (Bato n Rouge , 1971); an d idem , Jews in Weimar, pp . 2 5 - 2 7 . 86. A s analyze d b y P . B . Weiner , "Di e Parteie n de r Mitte, " i n W . Moss e an d A. Paucker (eds.) , Entscheidungsjahr 1932, pp . 2 8 9 - 3 2 1 . 87. Mein Kampf, p . 249 (E.T. , p. 269). 88. Hitler' s mem o o f Sept . 16 , 1919 , Erns t Deuerlei n (ed.) , "Hitler's Eintrit t i n die Politi k un d Di e Reichswehr, " i n Vierteljahrssheft fur Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 7 (1959) , p. 204. 89. However , on e mus t no t rea d full-blow n genocida l intention s int o these earl y post-war phrases .

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and After

90. Mein Kampf (E.T.), p. 269. 91. Ibid. , p. 595. 92. Ibid . 93. Ibid. , p. 325. 94. See , a s a ver y preliminar y study , m y essay , "Hitler' s ' J e w ' : O n Microbe s and Manicheanism, " Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of Jewish Studies (Jerusalem , 1986) , Vol. 3, pp. 165-72 . 95. Mein Kampf (E.T.) , pp . 324—27 . O f course , Hitler' s us e o f traditiona l theological notion s wa s onl y propaganda . 96. Se e Hitler's remark s on Jewish influenc e i n Britain an d Ital y in Mein Kampf (E.T.), pp . 622ff . Thu s h e continuall y ascribe d Britis h oppositio n t o "Jew ish influence, " e.g. , lat e i n th e wa r h e "confessed" : " I mysel f hav e under rated on e thing: the extent o f Jewish influenc e o n Churchill' s Englishmen. " H. R . Trevor-Roper (ed.) , The Testament of Hitler (London , 1960) , p. 3Of . Reading Bernar d Wasserstein' s indictmen t o f Britis h actio n (an d inaction ) during th e Sho'ah, Britain and the Jews of Europe (Ne w York , 1976) , makes on e realiz e how preposterou s thi s notio n is . 97. Mein Kampf (E.T.) , p. 906. 98. Cite d b y E. Jackal, Hitler's Weltanschauung, p . 57. 99. Cite d fro m D . Niewyk, Jews in Weimar, p . 18 . 100. Ibid. , p. 19 . 101. P . Merkl , Political Violence, pp . 498ff . call s thi s "Adol f Hitler' s Bi g Lie. " Alternatively, James Rhodes, The Hitler Movement: A Modern Millenarian Revolution (Stanford , 1980) , has elaborate d o n thi s them e a t lengt h unde r the term , borrowe d fro m Michae l Barkum , Disaster and the Millennium (New York , 1974) , "Th e Disaste r Syndrome, " pp. 3 1 - 4 2 . 102. Th e importan t observation s o f Willia m Kornhauser , The Politics of Mass Society (Glencoe , 111., 1959), are opposite here . 103. Thes e figure s ar e provide d b y Fre d Weinstein , Dynamics of Nazism (Ne w York, 1980) , p. 60; and J. Fest , Hitler, pp . 259-332 . 104. Se e G. Craig , Germany, pp . 5 6 2 - 6 3. 105. Goebbel s thu s wrote in lat e 1932 : "The year 193 2 was one long successio n of ba d luck . . . . Th e pas t wa s difficult , an d th e futur e look s dar k an d troubled; al l prospects an d hope s have vanished." Quote d b y F. Weinstein, Dynamics of Nazism, p . 62. 106. Fo r detail s consul t Gusta v Stolper , German Economy, 1870-1940 (Ne w York, 1940) , pp . 8Iff ; G . Craig , Germany, pp . 448-56 ; K . Laurse n an d J. Pederson , The German Inflation of 1923 (Ne w York , 1969) ; an d R . J . Schmidt, Versailles and the Ruhr (London , 1968) . 107. Th e impac t o f th e Depressio n o n Germa n Jewr y i s describe d b y Erns t Hamburger, "On e Hundre d Year s o f Emancipation, " Leo Baeck Yearbook, Vol . 1 5 (1970) , p . 32 ; D . Niewyk , Jews in Weimar, pp . 18-19 ; and Han s Joachi m Bieber , "Anti-Semitis m a s a Reflectio n o f Social , Eco nomic an d Politica l Tensio n i n Germany , 1880-1933, " i n Davi d Bronso n (ed.), Jews and Germans from 1860 to 1933 (Heidelberg , 1979) , pp. 3 3 77.

1918 and After 1 0

3

108. An d ther e wa s muc h t o explai n when , e.g. , unemploymen t move d fro m 1,899,000 in 192 9 t o 3,076,00 0 i n 1930 , 14 % o f th e work force , an d the n to ove r 5. 4 millio n b y Februar y 1932 , 10 % o f th e tota l population . Fo r more o n thes e economi c conditions , se e G . D . Feldman , Iron and Steel in the German Inflation (Princeton , 1977) ; A . Ferguson , When Money Dies (London, 1975) ; F. Graham, Exchanges, Prices, and Production in Hyperinflation Germany (Princeton , 1930) ; an d L . E. Jones, "Inflation , Revalua tion an d th e Crisi s o f Middle-Clas s Politics, " Central European History, Vol. 7 (1974) , pp. 143-68 . 109. Fo r th e manifestatio n o f th e sam e sor t o f sentimen t amon g th e commo n folk, se e P. Merkl, Political Violence, p . 173 . 110. Fo r a mor e detaile d excursu s o n th e Nazis ' claime d mora l declin e i n Germany afte r th e war , an d th e Jews ' centra l rol e i n it , se e J . Rhodes , Hitler Movement, pp . 9 2 - 9 5 . 111. W . Laqueur , Weimar; A Cultural History, p . 73 . Se e also , o n th e Jewis h involvement i n Weima r cultura l an d artisti c life , Istva n Deak , Weimar Germany s Leftwing Intellectuals (Berkeley , 1968) ; K . Pinson , Modern Germany, pp . 457-66; P . Gay , Weimar Culture; K . Bullivan t (ed.) , Culture and Society in the Weimar Republic (Manchester , 1978) ; Wolfgan g Rothe (ed.) , Die deutsch Literatur der Weimarer Republik (Stuttgart , 1974) ; and Walte r Fahnder s an d Marti n Rector , Linksradikalismus und Literatur: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der sozialistichen Literatur in der Weimar er Republik (Hamburg , 1974) , 2 Vols . Als o o f interes t i n thi s connection i s th e rol e o f th e Jew s i n left-win g intellectua l circles , e.g. , Walter Benjamin , Geor g Lukacs , an d th e variou s member s an d activitie s of th e Institut fur Sozialforschung, begu n i n Frankfur t i n 1923 . For mor e details o n Lukacs , se e Istva n Meszaros , Lukacs' Concept of Dialectic (London, 1972) ; an d fo r th e Frankfur t school , se e Marti n Jay , The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research 1923—1950 (Boston , 1973) , an d Susann e Petr a Schad, Empirical Social Research in Weimar Germany (Paris , 1972) , pp . 76-96. 112. A . Rosenberg , Mythus, cite d i n Rober t Poi s (ed.) , Race and Race History and Other Essays (Ne w York , 1970) , p. 149 . 113. Mein Kampf pp . 273-74 . 114. Se e Hitler' s entir e bizarr e discussio n o f th e "ills " tha t plagu e Germa n society an d th e rol e of th e Jews i n this crisis , Mein Kampf (E.T.) , pp. 3 2 7 64. 115. Cite d i n J. Fest , Hitler, pp . 14 0 an d 210 . Hitle r her e tappe d a dee p feelin g among Germans , an d especiall y thos e wh o joine d th e NSDAP, a s i s clea r from th e Abel data . 116. Herei n lie s the fallac y o f s o many , bot h insid e an d outsid e Germany , wh o thought onc e Hitler cam e to power, "reality " would forc e hi m to moderat e his "rhetoric, " whic h wa s n o rhetori c bu t hi s deepes t belief , o n th e Judenfrage. 117. Thi s i s increasingl y tru e eve n fo r left-win g parties . O n thi s issue , se e

1 0 4 1918

and After

G. Mosse , "Germa n Socialist s an d th e Jewis h Questio n i n th e Weima r Republic," Leo Baeck Yearbook, Vol . 1 6 (1971) , pp. 123-34 ; Bel a Vago , "The Attitud e toward s th e Jews a s a Criterio n o f th e Left-Righ t Concept, " in B . Vag o an d G . Moss e (eds.) , Jews and Non-Jews in Eastern Europe (New York , 1974) , pp . 2 1 - 5 0 ; an d G . Mosse , Final Solution, pp . 185-88.

5 Quantity and Interpretation —Issues in the Comparative Historical Analysis of the Holocaust

T

he comparative analysi s of the Holocaust wit h othe r majo r historica l tragedies turn s o n thre e issue s a t th e ver y least . First , matter s o f definition an d method ; secondly , matter s o f fact ; an d third , matter s o f interpretation. I n thi s pape r I propos e t o sugges t a definitiona l an d methodological approac h t o th e vexin g comparativ e issu e base d o n a summary revie w o f a numbe r o f relevan t comparativ e cases . M y care fully chose n cases , al l widel y referre d t o i n th e literatur e withou t ade quate analysi s o r nuance , ar e o f tw o sorts . Th e first se t o f putativel y parallel example s i s draw n fro m th e vas t pre-Holocaust , pre-20t h cen tury historica l experienc e o f persecutio n an d mas s deat h an d i s com prised of : (1 ) the medieva l witchcraf t trials ; (2 ) the destructio n o f Nort h American Indians ; an d (3 ) th e dat a provide d b y Blac k Slavery . Th e second se t derive s fro m th e exac t sam e contex t a s th e Shoah, i.e. , th e Second Worl d War , an d consist s o f thre e case s know n t o al l reader s o f this volume. They are : (1 ) the murde r o f Europe' s Gypsie s b y the Nazis ; (2) Secon d Worl d Wa r casualtie s inflicte d upo n Europe' s homosexua l population; an d (3 ) lastly , th e statistica l evidenc e o f casualtie s suffere d by the major nationa l group s o f Easter n Europ e unde r Naz i domination . The on e assume d 'premise ' employe d i n thi s pape r i s the definitio n o f physical genocid e which , base d o n a revision , o f th e Unite d Nation s This i s a revise d versio n o f th e pape r presente d a t th e 'Rememberin g fo r th e Future ' Conference hel d a t Oxfor d University , Jul y 1 0 - 1 3 , 1988 . Reprinte d b y permissio n o f Pergamon Pres s PLC .

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Convention on Genocide, i s understoo d t o b e 'act s committe d wit h th e intent to physically destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group'. 1

I. THE MEDIEVAL WITCH CRAZE (AND MEDIEVAL ANTISEMITISM ) To begi n ou r substantiv e analysi s le t u s star t wit h th e odiou s witchcraf t persecutions o f th e late medieval—early moder n period . The 'witch ' i s an ancien t an d widel y atteste d phenomenon . Ou r inter est is concentrated, however , onl y on the late medieval an d earl y moder n history an d theor y o f witchcraf t (u p t o 1700 ) a s i t emerge d ou t o f a number o f different , earlier , les s develope d tradition s regardin g heresy , maleficium, sorcer y an d devil worshi p (sabbats) , al l o f whic h cam e t o the for e i n respons e to , an d a s a consequenc e of , medieva l Christia n fears an d medieva l Christendom' s doctrines . Th e witch , lik e th e Jew , was a n endurin g protagonist , a palpable challeng e t o th e Churc h an d t o that societ y which rotate d around , an d whic h receive d it s orienting sens e of directio n an d equilibriu m fro m thi s fixed center . A s such , witches , a s Jews, neede d t o b e roote d out , thei r threatenin g presenc e confined , before the y wer e abl e t o expres s thei r infectious , transcendenta l antago nism, befor e the y succeede d i n underminin g th e delicat e fabri c o f com munal an d persona l life . Thos e sam e merciless , unifyin g force s tha t impacted negativel y o n Jew s an d Judaism , i.e. , th e doctrin e o f th e stat e and socia l orde r a s th e mystica l Corpus Christi, a doctrin e tha t make s society's defender s God' s instrumen t an d society' s 'enemies ' God' s ene mies, underwrot e an d animate d th e increasingl y organize d determina tion t o fre e Christendo m o f th e evi l o f witchcraft . Ther e ca n b e n o co existence betwee n th e radiant , savin g communit y founde d b y Chris t Jesus an d th e dark , subversiv e hel l oversee n an d choreographe d b y Belial. Thi s belief , expresse d i n th e ritualize d enmit y o f th e anti-witc h crusade, recycles , a s doe s anti-Judaism , older , constant , mythologica l certainties, bu t i t doe s s o with a ne w uncompromising , systemati c insis tence tha t translate s itsel f int o structural , i.e. , institutional, form s whos e very purpose i s confrontational, violent , ofte n deadly . Given tha t th e witc h willfully , knowingl y reject s heaven , an d i s con sumed b y a n unremittin g desir e to obliterat e Christia n society , the Church , in self-defense , i s legitimatel y entitled , eve n required , t o tak e al l neces sary, hars h bu t lici t step s t o frustrat e thes e evi l designs . Us e o f force ,

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both i n th e for m o f judicia l tortur e an d the n lawfu l death , wa s allowe d in orde r tha t th e witches , recognizin g th e absolut e sinfulnes s o f thei r espousals, repen t o f thei r impietie s an d henc e redeem , b y thi s hol y reversal, his or her soul . Yet despite the statutory legitimation , conjoine d with th e requisit e theologica l convictions , befor e 120 0 witche s wer e rarely kille d i n an y case , while unti l th e earl y 15t h centur y witche s wer e generally treate d accordin g t o the more universa l canon s appertainin g t o heresy, i.e. , witches , a s heretics , wer e give n a n opportunit y t o recan t their betraya l o f Go d an d repent , onl y a secon d o r eve n a thir d offens e bringing a sentenc e o f death , usuall y b y fire . Afte r 1375-1400 , i n con sonance wit h th e closin g o f Christia n society , th e climat e o f judicia l a s well a s clerical opinio n becam e mor e severe . As a consequence th e witc h craze accelerated , a s society increasingl y feare d thei r presenc e so , dialectically, the y becam e increasingl y present , while , reciprocally , a s a resul t of thi s hardenin g o f attitude , witche s wer e liabl e t o b e judiciall y kille d even fo r a first offense , a penalty mor e sever e than tha t whic h continue d to gover n th e punishmen t o f heretics . This growin g lega l stringenc y wa s accompanied b y a dramati c increas e i n th e us e of , an d relianc e upon , torture t o prov e charge s o f witchcraft . Th e significanc e o f thi s develop ment canno t b e overestimated, fo r wh o woul d no t confes s t o a pact wit h the devil afte r days , eve n week s o r months , o f relentles s torture , o f unimaginable cruelt y th e like s o f whic h escap e th e powe r o f linguisti c conveyance. This extremism, thi s polarization o f intellectua l attitudes , seems plau sibly t o hav e bee n th e consequenc e o f th e fear , rea l an d imagined , tha t the mystical Corpus Christi wa s being attacked, eve n dismembered. Tha t is, th e transfigurin g driv e toward s unit y entailed , shoul d reality , o r a t least the perception o f reality, not conform , a great fear: th e dread o f th e victory o f th e Antichrist . Th e declinin g securit y o f Jew s i n th e 15t h an d 16th centurie s an d o f witche s i n th e 15t h centur y forward s ar e bot h related t o thi s absolut e conceptua l precondition , Christia n unity , an d it s threatened dissolution . Alread y i n the 15t h centur y ther e was a n increas ing disintegratio n o f tha t idealize d harmon y t o whic h Christendo m as pired an d th e witc h craz e wa s on e o f it s consequences , thoug h th e significance o f th e growt h o f th e Inquisitio n a s a n independent , self perpetuating bureaucrac y shoul d als o b e noted bu t no t exaggerate d a s is more usuall y th e case . (Thoug h this , too , i.e. , th e strengthenin g o f th e Inquisition, i s in som e considerabl e degree , als o a corollary o f th e devel -

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oping social malaise. ) Inquisitor s empowere d t o find heretics and witche s found heretic s an d witches , though the y di d no t create , ex nihilo, witch craft. The theoretica l constructio n o f witchcraf t whic h w e hav e offere d t o this poin t i s incomplet e becaus e i n it s abstractnes s i t ha s no t ye t con nected th e discussio n concretel y t o th e primar y grou p targete d a s witches : women. T o understan d witchcraf t a s a historica l phenomeno n on e ha s to recogniz e tha t i t receive d muc h o f it s thrus t fro m th e dialectica l metaphysics o f misogynism . Tha t is , t o elucidat e th e ful l meanin g o f witchcraft bot h a s mendacious doctrin e a s well a s lamentable realit y on e is required t o investigate , to encounter , th e acut e existential predicamen t confronted b y th e othe r crucia l overlapping , 'outsider ' grou p o f interes t in thi s context , women . Wome n wer e th e abidin g 'community ' tha t sustained witchcraf t throug h th e centuries . Thi s concer n i s decisive , i n particular, whe n on e seek s to evaluate , finally, th e inevitabl e questio n o f the comparabilit y o f medieva l antisemitis m t o witchcraft, an d bot h thes e medieval realitie s t o th e Shoah. For , a s shal l b e seen , th e ambiguous , alternating statu s o f wome n will , ultimately, lea d no t onl y t o judgment s of commonalit y wit h medieva l antisemitis m bu t als o t o judgment s o f non-commonality, an d stil l mor e significan t wil l mak e th e actua l fat e o f women qua witche s radicall y differen t fro m th e fat e o f Jew s unde r Hitler. The medieval conceptio n o f women share s much with th e correspond ing medieval conceptio n o f Jews. In both case s a perennial attributio n o f secret, bountiful , maliciou s 'power, ' manifes t a s a fearsom e numina l quality, i s made . Wome n wer e anathemized , an d closel y aligne d wit h witchcraft, becaus e o f th e enduring , grotesqu e fear s the y generate d visa-vis thei r putative , thoug h loathsome , abilitie s t o contro l me n an d thereby coerce , fo r thei r ow n ends , male-dominate d Christia n society . Whatever th e socia l an d psychologica l determinant s operativ e i n thi s abiding obsession , ther e ca n b e n o denyin g th e consequentia l realit y o f such anxiet y i n medieva l Christendom . Roote d i n theologica l tradition s of Ev e an d Lilith , wome n ar e perceive d a s incarnation s o f inexhaustibl e negative influences ; no t quit e quasi-litera l incarnation s o f th e devi l a s were Jews, wome n are , rather , thei r ontologica l 'firs t cousins ' who , lik e the Jew , emerg e fro m th e 'left ' sid e o f being . Bu t th e situatio n i s stil l more comple x tha n thi s charge d negativ e stereotypin g woul d a t first suggest for , i n th e cas e o f women , bot h thei r sociologica l circumstance s and thei r theologica l statu s i s mor e divers e an d ramifie d tha n i s tha t o f

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the Jews . A s t o th e sociologica l determinants , mor e wil l b e suggeste d below i n th e cours e o f ou r discussion . A s to th e theologica l attitudes , le t it suffic e t o recal l tha t ther e i s i n th e canonica l corpu s th e prototyp e o f the Virgi n Mar y a s wel l a s o f Eve— a dualit y largel y absen t fro m th e Jewish mythi c circumstance—an d t o whos e life-savin g implication s w e shall return . Historically, th e most salien t manifestatio n o f th e unreserved belie f i n women-power an d women' s evi l i s evidence d i n witchcraft . Thoug h there wer e mal e witches , whe n th e witc h craz e too k hol d an d becam e a mass phenomeno n afte r 150 0 i t wa s predominantl y aime d a t femal e witches. Indeed on e suspects tha t th e developmen t o f witch-huntin g int o a mas s obsessio n wa s possibl e onl y whe n directe d primaril y a t women . Jean Bodin , on e o f th e 16t h century' s leadin g intellectual s an d witch hunters, wrote : 'I t i s clea r fro m th e book s o f al l wh o hav e writte n o n witches tha t fo r ever y mal e witc h ther e ar e fifty femal e witche s . . . [thi s is due to their] bestia l cupidity' . The descriptio n o f wome n s o fa r presente d i s accurate—t o a point . But i t fail s t o b e a tru e portrai t becaus e i t ignore s altogethe r th e two sided ideology governin g th e real position o f women i n medieval society . The truth come s into focus onl y by recognizing that the woman a s witch, as sorcerer , a s numinou s bein g wa s juxtaposed , an d profoundl y me diated, b y a whol e serie s o f countervailin g institution s whos e purpos e was t o fully , intimately , integrat e wome n int o the socia l fabri c i n a 'non terrifying' way . Women , i n effect , ar e perceive d t o los e thei r indecency , their onti c negativity , b y entering , b y bein g absorbe d within , variou s structures whos e ver y existenc e i s due , fro m th e perspectiv e o f th e self understanding o f th e church , t o thei r abilit y t o assur e jus t suc h a trans mutational result . Fro m wild , sensual , free , castratin g an d devourin g creatures o f natura l an d supernatura l power , wome n becom e domesti cated, sexuall y subordinated , b y enterin g int o societa l arrangement s meant t o insur e jus t this austere transformation . S o the institution o f th e family, i.e. , o f wif e an d mothe r an d economi c partne r i n nearl y ever y trade an d task , an d th e institutio n o f th e nunnery , wit h it s idealize d sublimation o f femal e sexualit y fo r non-marrie d women , com e int o being and hav e their sacre d function . Thes e new, civilizationally defined , roles ac t t o neutraliz e women' s inherentl y anarchi c libido , to subdu e th e undesirable. Crucially importan t i s the fac t tha t th e natura l affectio n attendan t o n the roles of mother, wife , an d daughter , an d th e ideological legitimation s

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offered b y suc h role s a s tha t o f nu n cause d tw o elementa l substantiv e consequences: (a ) th e rol e an d understandin g o f wome n i n medieva l society was pluralistic , i.e. , women wer e no t reduce d solel y t o th e statu s of 'alien' , 'outsider' , witch ; an d (b ) mos t women , havin g bee n benignl y incorporated o r reincorporate d i n th e community , wer e no t charged , persecuted o r execute d a s witche s o r sorcerers . Tha t i s t o say , th e ele mental structura l arrangement s o f Christia n societ y were intended, func tionally, t o establis h th e base s fo r a n overtl y non-aggressive , mal e domi nant modus vivendi betwee n th e sexes , and this , for th e mos t part, i t di d successfully. Thi s is so even a t the height o f the witch craze , i.e., betwee n the 1480 s an d th e 1650s , durin g whic h th e vas t majorit y o f wome n (protected b y their role(s) ) wer e not directl y touche d b y the mania . Only whe n w e understan d thes e competing , ofte n antithetica l depic tions o f wome n ca n w e full y comprehen d th e actua l natur e o f th e relation o f wome n an d witchcraf t o n th e on e han d an d it s differences from medieva l (an d modern ) antisemitis m o n th e other . Fo r wha t dis tinctly emerge s fro m a clos e stud y o f th e witc h trial s i s tha t i t wa s preponderantly thos e women wh o di d no t fal l int o these 'regulative ' an d domesticating pattern s wh o wer e charge d wit h witchcraft . Spinsters , widows, unmarrie d women , eccentrics , peasan t wome n t o th e degre e that th e lowe r classe s represented a folk culture , a primitive sexualit y n o longer tolerate d b y a post-Luthera n world , an d independen t wome n were th e primar y target s fo r accusatio n becaus e the y wer e no t immu nized b y entr y int o (o r bein g in ) som e acceptabl e sociall y constructe d prophylactic o r transformator y process , som e elementa l relationshi p o f dependence upo n a man , thu s thei r 'natural ' propensities , i.e. , thei r inherent menta l weaknes s an d lustiness , made the m particularl y suitabl e objects o f seductio n b y th e devil . I t i s surel y n o acciden t tha t th e witc h mania escalate d a t exactl y th e sam e time , th e lat e 15t h century , tha t Europe wa s beginnin g t o g o through a period o f rapi d an d intens e socia l transformation whic h changed , eve n destroyed , thos e ver y socia l mech anisms—family, nunner y an d chivalri c ideal—tha t ha d bee n th e pri mary vehicle s fo r 'protecting ' women , bot h peasan t an d hig h born , fro m themselves an d th e devil . A s regard s th e family , especiall y th e lower class family , th e lat e 15t h an d 16t h centurie s sa w a shif t o f populatio n to urba n center s with a corresponding declin e in th e existing family-uni t arrangement. Se x roles , as socia l role s i n general , now bega n t o b e mor e autonomous, fluid an d open-ended . I n addition , ther e wa s a significan t increase i n th e ag e o f marriag e an d rat e o f unmarrie d persons . Th e

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unprecedented pressure s o f urba n living , the forcefu l pressure s o f proto industrialization, th e nascen t re-organizatio n o f societ y alon g freer , cap italist line s i n keepin g wit h th e requirement s o f th e marke t place , cast a long shado w i n underminin g th e traditiona l patriarcha l famil y (eve n a s the deman d tha t patriarcha l dominatio n b e reinforce d wa s bein g heard ) —for man y th e equivalent o f civilize d societ y itself . We ca n no w com e t o th e point . Conceivin g o f witche s per se a s outsiders i n th e Christia n commonwealt h i s unarguabl y correct , bu t when on e correlate s th e role , th e statu s o f witches , wit h th e fa r mor e polyvalent an d ambiguou s rol e o f wome n i n medieva l society , the n th e issue o f th e outside r become s muc h mor e limite d an d eve n anomalous . By comparison , Jew s wer e always , per definitionem, outsider s t o some thing approaching , thoug h no t ye t reaching , th e maxima l degree . (Onl y in th e moder n perio d woul d th e Je w reac h th e maxima l conditio n a s outsider; thi s i s the parado x o f th e Jewish situatio n i n the moder n er a o f emancipation an d politica l citizenship. ) Wherea s Christianit y worke d hard t o creat e mechanism s t o integrat e wome n an d t o encourag e lov e between Christia n me n an d wome n i n authorize d institutions , mos t notably th e family , leavin g th e woman qua outside r a s a small minority , in th e cas e o f th e Jew i t di d jus t th e opposite . Increasingly , an d a t ever y turn, a s Christianit y gaine d a n ever-tighte r an d mor e monopolisti c con trol o f societ y it took ne w steps , or reinforce d olde r ones , to displac e th e Jew fro m norma l huma n relation s wit h hi s Christia n neighbor . N o mediating social avenue s or institutions existe d t o domesticate, to cultur ally inges t th e Je w othe r tha n th e traumati c on e o f conversion . Whil e women coul d b e idealize d an d typologize d a s nun , wife , mother , virgin , lady—the Je w i n lat e medieva l Christendo m wa s alway s an d onl y Jew . Papal policy , thoug h consistentl y molde d t o protec t Jews, als o intende d to enforc e Jewis h 'servitude' , t o mak e manifes t i n th e existentia l realit y of Jewish live s their apostate , reprobate status . The meanin g o f thi s differenc e ca n b e see n clearl y throug h examina tion o f th e demographi c statistic s pertainin g t o witch-hunts . Extrem e caution i s require d i n makin g thes e calculations , fo r th e relevan t esti mates var y b y a magnitud e o f a t leas t 300 , tha t i s estimate s tha t rang e from 30,00 0 u p t o 9 millio n witche s pu t t o deat h betwee n 148 0 an d 1700 ar e cite d i n th e literature . A widel y use d figure aroun d whic h a certain 'consensus ' ha s forme d i s tha t o f 200,000 , 'conservativel y esti mated', b y R . H . Robbins . However , Robbins ' calculation s ar e ope n t o question o n methodologica l grounds . Hi s estimat e i s ver y haphazardl y

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arrived at . T h e mos t reliabl e suggestion' , h e writes, 'is that o f Georg e L . Burr, wh o estimate d a minimum o f 100,00 0 men , wome n an d childre n burned i n German y alone . One migh t doubl e this figure fo r th e whole of Europe'. Bu t thi s casua l doublin g procedur e wil l no t do , bot h becaus e Burr's specifi c estimate s fo r German y ma y wel l b e to o high , and , sec ondly, becaus e th e suggeste d metho d o f doublin g thi s figure almos t certainly provide s a n excessiv e tota l fo r th e remainde r o f Europe . M y scepticism concernin g Burr' s calculation s i s predicate d o n th e carefu l review o f th e tria l evidenc e fro m Germany , th e epicente r o f th e drama , by Kieckhefer fo r th e period befor e 150 0 and Midelfort fo r southwester n Germany durin g th e heigh t o f th e witc h trials , 1562—1684 . Kieckhefer' s review yield s a pictur e o f sporadi c an d minima l witch-huntin g tha t claimed, a t most , severa l thousan d witche s befor e 1500 . Eve n mor e significant, Midelfor t argue s tha t onl y 322 9 peopl e (252 7 Catholic s an d 702 Protestants ) wer e kille d betwee n 156 1 an d 167 0 i n southwes t Ger many. Thes e relativel y lo w figures sugges t tha t previou s estimate s fo r Germany ma y hav e bee n excessive . Thi s conclusio n i s supporte d b y Henri Hiegel' s tabulatio n o f onl y 63 8 accusation s an d 48 4 execution s i n the German-speakin g sectio n o f th e Duch y o f Lorrain e betwee n 158 0 and 1632 . Similarly , fo r th e res t o f Europe , les s than 100 0 witche s wer e burned i n England , whil e Guid o Bader' s investigation s provid e a figure of 541 7 execution s (Bade r think s i t wa s probabl y higher , bu t lack s documentary evidence ) i n Switzerlan d betwee n 140 0 an d 1700 . Eve n lower figures fo r Switzerlan d ar e no w carefull y documente d b y Monter , who estimate s 39 6 individual s wer e execute d i n th e Swis s territorie s o f the Republi c of Genev a (6 8 persons), Canton o f Zurich (7 4 persons) an d the Canto n o f Lucern e (25 4 persons ) betwee n th e Reformatio n an d th e end o f th e Swis s witc h trials . Adde d t o thi s ar e 10 2 death s i n th e Catholic are a o f Basel , 8 0 i n Ajorie , 2 0 i n St . Ursann e an d 5 3 i n Fri bourg. I n Scotlan d th e number s rang e fro m estimate s o f 340 0 t o 4400 , while in the Channel Island s there were 66 executions out of 14 4 person s tried. I n Franc e governmenta l restrain t limite d th e numbe r o f Victims ' to n o mor e tha n a fe w thousand . Give n thes e figures, i t i s difficul t t o arrive a t th e tota l o f 100,00 0 fo r th e remainde r o f Europe , excludin g Germany, tha t Robbins , an d others , assume . Perhap s thi s tendenc y t o demographic exaggeratio n i s explaine d b y th e impac t suc h event s had , i.e., their historica l significanc e an d psychologica l impressio n was , right fully, disproportionat e t o thei r actua l numbers . I t i s als o probabl y du e to no t allowin g fo r th e ver y high rat e o f sentence s othe r tha n execution ,

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e.g., publi c penances , variou s devotions , publi c lashings , limite d jai l terms an d banishment , i n witc h trials , i.e. , ther e wer e fa r mor e trial s than executions . Th e 2 0 witche s burne d i n Sale m i s a goo d exampl e o f this magnifyin g phenomenon . A fortiori, th e extrem e claim s o f scholar s like Matild a Josly n Gag e tha t 9 millio n witche s wer e burned , a claim , unfortunately, use d widely b y contemporary feminis t authors , is without any basi s i n fact . Wha t thi s mean s i s tha t Europe , partl y becaus e o f it s bifocal visio n o f women, an d the accompanying Christia n moralit y thereof , and partly fo r institutiona l reasons , never translated it s own instinctuall y negative imag e o f wome n int o a n active , all-encompassing , non-recipro cal, policy, even during the two centuries of the witch craze. In defens e o f thi s all-importan t judgmen t conside r th e demographi c factors fro m a secon d perspective . I f on e assumes , conservatively , a n average Europea n populatio n o f 5 5 millio n throughou t th e 15th , 16th , and 17t h centuries , evenl y divide d b y sex , an d the n assume s a birth rat e equivalent t o producin g a ne w generatio n ever y 2 0 years , the n ove r th e nearly 20 0 year s o f th e witc h craz e 55 0 millio n peopl e (te n generations ) lived, a t on e tim e o r anothe r i n Europe , hal f o f whom , o r 27 5 million , were women. O f thes e 275 millio n women , les s than 200,00 0 (an d i n al l likelihood, les s tha n 100,000 ) wer e execute d fo r witchcraft . If , tha t is , one divide s thi s tota l o f 27 5 millio n wome n an d 200,00 0 tota l witche s by ou r idea l 2 0 yea r 'generation' , ove r tw o centuries , i.e. , doe s no t bother t o allo w fo r variation s decad e b y decade that di d occur , then on e would hav e a profil e tha t look s lik e this : i n eac h generatio n ther e wer e 27V2 million women , 20,00 0 (o r less) o f whom wer e executed fo r witch craft, i.e. , less than Vi3t h of 1 per cen t o f th e femal e populatio n ( a/26th of 1 pe r cen t i f on e use s th e figure o f 100,000) . Movin g fro m thi s unnu anced mathematica l constant , an d examinin g periods o f particular inten sity, on e stil l arrive s a t n o mor e tha n 2 /ioths o f 1 per cen t o f th e femal e population execute d i n an y decade . Thes e figures explai n why , thoug h having much i n common ideologicall y wit h antisemitism , medieva l view s of feminism an d anti-feminism , ar e to be considered ultimatel y asymmet rical wit h medieva l anti-Judaism , an d produc e extraordinaril y differen t results. Medieval anti-feminism , th e mos t notabl e expressio n o f whic h i s the witch craze , is (a ) not genocidal , i.e., not gynocidal ; an d (b ) not full y commensurate wit h medieva l antisemitism . Secondly , i n regar d t o ou r overriding question , ther e i s n o vali d compariso n t o b e mad e betwee n either medieva l antisemitism , or , now , an d eve n mor e so , medieval anti feminism an d th e realit y o f th e Holocaust . I n compariso n t o th e Shoah

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of th e 20t h century , tha t consume d approximatel y 6 5 pe r cen t o f poten tial victim s i n 4 years , 6 millio n persons , thes e medieva l phenomena , especially thos e relatin g t o women , belon g to lesse r an d altogethe r qual itatively differen t magnitude s o f violence , a s wel l a s t o separat e inten tional an d ideologica l matrices . Parenthetically, le t me add tha t a similar analysi s fo r th e medieval er a of th e Albigensian Crusade , an d late r th e Frenc h Catholi c persecution o f the Huguenots , ofte n erroneousl y cite d i n comparativ e analyse s o f geno cide, will yield simila r results , i.e., they will reveal a radical discontinuit y with th e Holocaust . II. NORT H AMERICA N INDIAN S The fateful , catastrophi c encounte r o f Europea n civilizatio n wit h th e indigenous people s o f th e America s i s one o f th e most tragi c meetings i n all o f huma n history . Inherentl y asymmetrical , thi s contac t ha s entaile d not onl y immens e socio-economi c an d geo-politica l transformation s fo r the nativ e populatio n bu t als o enormous , transfigurin g despoliation . O n grounds o f th e erosio n o f population , thei r collectiv e traged y parallels , even exceeds , tha t o f Europea n Jewry . Th e specifi c delineatio n o f th e circumstance depend s o n wha t demographi c bas e on e begin s with , an d many differen t numerica l base s hav e bee n suggested , bu t i n an y an d al l cases, i t ca n b e conclude d withou t fea r o f contradictio n tha t man y millions o f Indian s wer e killed . Consider , fo r starters , on e carefull y arrived a t composit e estimat e tha t wil l conve y somethin g o f th e vast , obliterative proportion s o f th e demographi c chaos . In thei r stud y o f th e 16th centur y Mexica n India n population , Sherburn e Coo k an d Wood row Bora h posi t a bas e populatio n i n th e centra l Valle y o f 16. 8 millio n Indians i n 1532 , declinin g t o les s tha n hal f tha t number , 6.5 millio n i n 1548, an d the n dow n t o onl y 2.6 5 millio n Indian s b y 1568 , whil e fo r Mexico a s a whol e the y estimat e a pre-conquest populatio n o f approxi mately 2 5 millio n i n 151 9 declinin g t o unde r 7.5 millio n b y 155 0 an d dropping unbelievably t o approximately 1 million in 1605 . In percentag e terms, thi s i s a declin e o f ove r 9 5 pe r cen t i n les s tha n a century . Likewise, i n th e sam e vein , composit e profile s fo r th e territor y tha t i s now th e Unite d State s rang e betwee n olde r estimate s whic h suggeste d a pre-European populatio n o f 1 million , plu s o r minu s 1 0 pe r cent , an d newer calculation s tha t sugges t a population a s high a s 3.3 million , wit h a subsequen t los s rangin g fro m a lo w estimat e o f 6 0 pe r cen t (o n th e

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basis o f 1 millio n a s th e origina l base ) t o ove r 8 5 pe r cen t o n th e 3. 3 million base . Similarly, and her e let one specific exampl e stan d fo r many , it i s estimate d tha t i n 176 9 th e Nativ e America n populatio n o f Califor nia numbere d approximatel y 250,000 , whil e b y 188 0 i t ha d decline d t o 20,000, largel y du e t o change d socio-economi c conditions , an d th e dis eases that accompanie d them , associate d wit h th e discover y o f gold . Moving fro m th e specifi c t o th e genera l leve l again , severa l well known recen t estimate s fo r th e America s (th e Hemisphere ) a s a whole , have suggeste d a n India n populatio n o f approximatel y 8 0 millio n (o r higher u p t o 11 2 million ) o n th e ev e o f Europea n arriva l (35-4 0 pe r cent i n Nort h America) , a figure reduce d b y 7 /8ths to approximatel y 1 0 million i n th e latte r hal f o f th e 16t h century , i.e. , afte r 5 0 - 7 5 year s o f destructive encounter . I f thes e construct s ar e accepte d a s bein g withi n any reliabl e parameters—an d thoug h ope n t o revision , the y appea r t o be s o within a n acceptabl e rang e o f statistica l erro r o f 5 0 pe r cen t eithe r way—the depletio n o f th e indigenou s people s i n th e first centur y o f European dominatio n i n th e America s mus t b e apprise d a s representin g the ver y greates t demographi c carnag e i n huma n history . I n statistica l terms, onl y Stali n eve n approache s th e deat h trai l o f Corte s an d hi s Conquistadoran colleagues , an d eve n a t that , Stalin' s recor d finally comes in a distan t secon d bot h i n absolut e terms , an d eve n mor e i n relativ e ones, fo r hi s averag e bas e population wa s large r tha n tha t o f th e Ameri can Indians , i.e. , th e Russia n populatio n a t hi s deat h wa s no t ver y different tha n i t ha d bee n whe n h e cam e t o power , a s compare d t o th e Indian populatio n whic h decline d precipitousl y ove r th e cours e o f th e 16th century . Given thes e statistics , w e mus t sa y unequivocall y tha t i f number s alone constitute uniqueness , then th e Jewish experienc e under Hitle r wa s not unique . Le t us , therefore , tur n ou r phenomenologica l investigation , insofar a s w e see k t o illuminat e th e matte r o f comparability , fro m de mographic issue s t o conside r th e quit e differen t topi c o f th e 'intention ' behind th e whit e man' s subjugation , enslavemen t an d murde r o f th e Indian. Di d th e Europea n intend , tha t i s to ask , thi s demographi c catas trophe? Eve n mor e specifically , mor e tellingly , di d h e inten d tha t thi s violent, problematic collisio n o f world s resul t i n genocide ? The decisiv e evidenc e fo r th e absenc e o f an y genocida l intentionalit y in th e populatio n catastroph e tha t overtoo k th e Nativ e American s i s provided by , derive d from , th e axia l rol e played i n these macabr e event s by disease . Al l seriou s student s o f th e demographi c annihilatio n o f th e

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Indian ar e agree d tha t it s overwhelmin g caus e wa s unintende d diseas e that produce d vas t epidemic s in , e.g. , 1545-154 6 an d agai n i n 1 5 7 5 1576, and smaller , though stil l considerable epidemic s on a regular basi s both earlie r an d later , e.g. , i n th e southeaster n are a o f th e Unite d State s where i n th e 16t h centur y th e populatio n wa s decimate d i n a fe w year s and i n Ne w Englan d wher e variou s pathogen s ma y hav e claime d u p t o 3 0 - 4 0 pe r cen t of th e Indian populatio n i n the years 1616-1620 . To understan d th e meanin g o f suc h event s on e mus t recal l tha t th e Europeans themselve s lacke d th e medica l knowledg e eithe r t o caus e or , more importantly , t o abor t suc h plagues , a s i s demonstrably reveale d i n the regula r serie s o f suc h outbreak s whic h ravage d Europea n popula tions unti l th e 20t h century . Onc e infectiou s agent s wer e se t loose , th e populace, give n th e stat e o f medica l ignorance , wa s impoten t i n haltin g their spread . Thi s inabilit y t o retar d th e effect s o f epidemi c illnesse s i n Europe i s evidence d t o b y th e fac t tha t eve n th e mos t conservativ e modern estimate s o f th e deat h tol l durin g th e Blac k Deat h i n 134 6 pu t the los s in that on e year alon e a t 2 5 - 3 5 pe r cen t o f the total population . Between 134 6 an d 137 7 th e populatio n o f Englan d i s estimated t o hav e declined 4 0 pe r cent , fro m 3,700,00 0 t o 2,200,000 , whil e fo r Europ e a s a whol e th e populatio n decline d fro m approximatel y 76 millio n t o 5 0 million. Som e individua l mortalit y rate s ar e particularl y striking : In th e Dominican monaster y o f Montpellier , onl y 7 o f 14 0 Friar s survived ; i n the monaster y a t Maguelonne , onl y 7 of 160 . Between Ma y an d Augus t 1346, 2 6 pe r cen t o f al l Cardinal s o f th e Churc h died . Ran k wa s n o defense: Th e so n o f th e Byzantin e Empero r die d i n thre e day s i n Con stantinople; Leonora , Quee n o f Aragon , Princes s Mari a o f Aragon , th e Count an d Countes s o f Ribagorce , Kin g Alfons o X I o f Castile , Edwar d Ill's daughte r Joa n o f England , tw o successiv e Archbishop s o f Canter bury, al l die d fro m th e Plague . I t i s importan t t o recognize , moreover , that th e Plagu e di d no t disappea r afte r 135 0 bu t recurre d i n variou s locales fo r th e next half-century; i n France an d German y i n 1357-1362 ; in Polan d i n 1360-1361 ; i n Aquitain e i n 136 1 an d 1375 ; i n German y again i n th e 1380s ; an d the n a t interval s i n Florenc e i n 1371 , 1374 , 1390, 140 0 an d 1418 . Josiah Russell' s carefu l reconstructio n o f medie val Englis h populatio n statistic s suggest s tha t th e firs t roun d o f th e Plague i n 134 6 kille d 2 5 pe r cen t of th e population, th e second roun d o f 1360 killed 22. 7 per cent , the third roun d o f 1369 , 13. 1 per cen t and th e fourth roun d o f 1375 , 12. 7 per cent . A century late r a n epidemi c woul d again overtak e Europe . I n 1456—1460 , 1 5 pe r cen t o f England , Franc e

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and th e Netherland s died . I n th e middl e o f th e 16t h centur y a simila r pattern woul d agai n impac t catastrophicall y o n Europea n populations . This evidenc e indicate s tha t th e devastatin g recurren t patter n o f epi demic diseas e a s experience d b y th e America n India n i n sixteent h cen tury Mexic o was b y no mean s exceptional, though a s virgin soi l epidem ics the y wer e extrem e manifestation s o f th e phenomenon . Indee d the y were 'typical ' o f th e impac t tha t Europea n pathogen s ha d o n newl y infiltrated area s a s i s attested , fo r example , b y th e vas t devastatio n among th e Guanch e i n th e Canar y Island s tha t followe d th e arriva l o f the Spanis h i n th e 15t h century . Go d 'sen t amon g the m l a peste' , a contemporary Spaniar d wrote , 'whic h i n a fe w day s destroye d three quarters o f th e people' . Thoug h thi s estimat e ma y b e o n th e hig h side , recent studie s sugges t it is not hig h b y much . It i s als o apposit e t o not e tha t suc h demographi c erosio n cu t bot h ways, e.g. , Europea n los s i n Afric a du e t o diseas e wa s immens e a s i s revealed i n th e mortalit y rate s (i n som e case s 50 0 pe r 100 0 pe r annu m and more ) amon g whit e slavers , merchant s an d soldier s statione d i n Africa. Whe n Englis h prisoners were, for a short period, exile d t o Africa , Edmund Burk e describe d i t as a death sentence . Even blacks returning t o Liberia wer e no t immun e t o it s deadl y environmenta l consequences . 'I n the first yea r o f th e Provinc e o f Freedom , Sierr a Leone , 4 6 pe r cen t o f the whites died , but s o did 39 per cen t of blac k settlers' . And this patter n continued: 'I n Liberi a betwee n 182 0 an d 1843 , 21 pe r cen t o f al l immi grants, presumabl y al l o r almos t al l o f the m blac k o r mulatto , die d during thei r first yea r o f residence' . A simila r circumstanc e operate d i n reverse amon g white s bor n i n area s suc h a s New Zealan d an d Australi a who the n returne d t o Englan d withou t Europea n immunities . Likewis e in Australia , Britis h seame n infecte d th e aborigin e populatio n wit h smallpox amon g othe r disease s an d a s many a s 33 per cen t o f th e nativ e population ma y have died in the first contact period as a result. Throughou t the 19t h centur y th e aborigin e populatio n woul d b e repeatedl y reduce d by these alie n pathogens . The mortalit y rat e amon g earl y whit e settler s i n th e Ne w Worl d als o reveals a simila r patter n o f succumbin g t o variou s maladies , e.g. , b y 1626 th e whit e populatio n o f Virgini a ha d grow n sinc e 160 7 t o 1232 , but i n orde r t o achiev e thi s figure, 800 0 othe r Europea n settler s ha d already died . Even in our centur y infectiou s disorder s ar e the great killer , for example , th e Spanis h flu o f 1918—192 0 kille d mor e peopl e tha n th e armies o f Europ e ha d los t i n th e Firs t Worl d War . An d a s lat e a s 1952 ,

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99 pe r cen t o f th e Eskim o populatio n cam e dow n sic k an d 7 per cen t o f the Eskim o populatio n o f th e regio n die d whe n measle s wa s introduce d into Ungava Bay , while the Kreen-Akore s los t 1 5 per cent of their peopl e in th e earl y 1970 s whe n first contacte d b y white s an d introduce d t o th e common influenz a germ . The staggerin g erosio n o f th e Nort h America n India n populatio n du e to disease , tha t i s viewin g pandemic s a s th e prim e agen t o f India n mortality i n th e 16t h an d 17t h centuries , ther e havin g bee n n o les s tha n 14 t o 1 7 epidemi c outbreak s betwee n 152 4 an d 1600 , finds incontro vertible suppor t i n th e followin g figures: Whil e th e contemporar y Con quistador historian s estimate d a 5 0 pe r cen t mortalit y rat e fro m small pox i n 1520-1524 , th e mos t recent , highl y detaile d an d technicall y sophisticated analysi s ha s estimate d tha t 7 5 pe r cen t o f th e nativ e Mexi can populatio n fel l i n thi s first majo r smallpo x epidemic . Assumin g a base Mexica n India n populatio n o f 2 5 million , usin g Coo k an d Borah' s estimate, this would mea n a n unintende d los s as a direct consequenc e o f this initia l encounte r wit h Europea n pathogen s o f 18.7 5 millio n individ uals. N o Conquistador , o r Spanis h king , made , o r ha d t o make , an y willful negativ e decisio n vis-a-vis th e inhabitant s o f th e Ne w World ; merely b y thei r arriva l th e Europeans , accordin g t o blind , mechanistic , natural biologica l laws , doome d th e majorit y o f Mexico' s population . And i t was thi s biological assault , abov e al l else, that simultaneousl y no t only eliminated th e India n people s but als o made the European conques t possible. I f Coo k an d Bora h ar e correct , an d ther e i s ever y reaso n t o believe the y are , withi n th e bound s o f accepte d statistica l error , th e nearly 9 7 pe r cen t destructio n o f th e indigenou s Mexica n populatio n was primaril y (i.e. , mor e tha n 9 0 pe r cent) , th e consequence s o f th e activity o f th e mindles s force s o f disease . I n relatio n t o othe r cause s o f population reduction , 'th e effec t o f disease s . . . was, therefore, approxi mately, five [t o ten ] time s a s grea t a s th e effec t o f physica l assault , warfare an d homicide' . These lachrymos e detail s ar e recalle d i n orde r t o emphasiz e tha t i t was essentiall y diseas e unaided , i.e. , disease per se, alon g with th e socio logical dislocation s i t created , fo r example , th e breakdow n o f th e foo d chain, a s wel l a s th e mor e genera l disruptio n o f India n famil y an d communal life , that wa s th e prime agenc y of death . On th e basi s o f thi s revie w o f th e statistica l data , onl y a fractio n o f which ha s bee n cited , o f th e tol l exacte d b y diseas e i n th e decimatio n o f the India n populatio n w e ca n dra w tw o fecun d conclusion s relativ e t o

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our broade r conceptua l concern . First , i t i s no w beyon d argumen t tha t physical genocide—meanin g intentiona l corporat e physica l annihilatio n —was no t th e purposefu l progra m o f an y o f th e pre-177 6 Colonia l Empires. When , an d a s often , mas s deat h occurred , i t wa s almos t with out exceptio n cause d b y microbe s no t militia , unintentionall y rathe r than b y design , eve n occurrin g i n oppositio n t o th e wil l o f th e whit e empire-builder o r settler . Certainly th e fatigue , th e hunge r an d th e psychologica l dilemma s attendant upo n whit e conques t reduce d th e abilit y o f th e nativ e popula tion t o withstan d th e heretofor e unencountere d pathogens . Ye t thi s negative assistanc e doe s no t alte r th e unintentiona l characte r o f th e spread o f thes e infectiou s visitations , o r th e meanin g t o b e ascribe d t o colonial policy . Th e comparativ e dat a w e hav e considered , plu s muc h additional dat a o n th e sprea d o f epidemic s i n thi s er a i n othe r area s o f colonial conquest , make s this abundantl y clear . Moreover, i n contradistinctio n t o thos e wh o woul d overemphasiz e the non-pathogeni c cause s o f India n decline , i t need s t o b e understoo d that i t i s highl y likel y tha t th e mos t widesprea d an d demographicall y significant epidemic s wer e th e ver y earlies t ones , e.g. , thos e o f 1519 — 1521 an d agai n th e on e o f 1524 , whic h occurre d prio r t o an y full-scal e Conquistador progra m o f enforce d labou r an d relate d abuses , yet whic h claimed a n estimate d one-thir d o f th e population . In contrast , b y th e 17th century , th e India n populatio n stabilize d an d eve n bega n t o grow , even thoug h i t wa s no w unde r th e ful l contro l o f th e imperia l system . The reaso n fo r thi s demographi c reversa l is , onc e again , a matte r o f biology: onl y thos e Indian s wit h resistanc e t o whit e disease s wer e no w reproducing amon g themselve s an d wit h European s thereb y producin g a population fa r more , thoug h fa r fro m fully , resistan t t o Europea n path ogens. Secondly, a s i f t o confir m thi s conclusio n draw n relativ e t o th e pre United State s era , i f w e conside r th e demograph y o f Nativ e American s after thei r destin y becam e inextricabl y linke d wit h tha t o f th e Unite d States w e agai n discer n th e non-genocidal , thoug h crue l an d profoundl y uncaring, polic y o f whit e society . Thoug h al l figure s o n India n demog raphy betwee n 177 5 an d 190 0 ar e highl y provisional , mos t scholar s concur i n estimatin g th e Native America n populatio n i n th e Revolution ary perio d i n th e are a o f 450,000-550,000 , declinin g b y th e en d o f th e first centur y o f America n contro l t o ca 275,000-300,000. In th e specia l 1890 censu s o f Indians , th e governmen t counte d 248,25 3 Indian s i n th e

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country. However , thereafter , du e to : (a ) improve d medica l knowledg e in general ; (b ) th e continuin g developmen t o f immun e system s amon g the India n population ; an d (c ) ne w effort s b y th e U.S . government an d various othe r intereste d parties , fo r example , an d mos t significantly , compulsory smallpo x vaccination s i n India n school s begu n i n 1907 , th e Indian populatio n gre w t o 265,68 3 b y 1910 ; 332,39 7 i n 1930 ; an d al l the way bac k t o 792,73 0 accordin g t o the 197 0 census ; being today wel l over 1. 5 millio n an d growin g very rapidly .

III. BLAC K SLAVERY During th e 16t h t o 19t h centuries , 9Vi t o 1 5 millio n black s wer e en slaved. Thes e statistics , however , onl y tel l u s abou t th e quantit y o f slavery a s a n institution , the y d o no t ye t tel l u s anythin g abou t it s character. An d i t is its character tha t primaril y concern s us . Here economi c factor s are , thoug h no t unmediated , decisive . That is , the institutions , th e configurations , th e huma n relationship s (bot h be tween blac k slaves , as well a s between white s an d blacks) , the 'morality ' of thi s 'peculia r institution ' wer e defined , first an d foremos t thoug h no t solely, by financial considerations . From th e systemic forces tha t initiall y lead t o thei r captur e unti l thei r death , slave s canno t avoi d bein g define d by the economic equatio n i n which the y play a crucial, if mainly passive , part. Ponde r th e chai n o f happenings , th e networ k o f structure s an d motives, tha t no w re-creat e th e live d realit y o f th e captive . Begi n wit h that first lin k i n th e entir e slav e trade, the ac t o f enslavemen t whic h wa s the produc t o f mercenar y consideration s b y th e slave' s fello w Africa n captors. A s 'enemies ' wer e wort h mor e aliv e tha n dead , Africa n triba l warfare, whic h no w regularl y include d expedition s solel y fo r th e pro curement o f slaves , wa s pursue d accordin g t o a strateg y o f capture : defeated tribes , rathe r tha n bein g murdered , becam e a i f no t the mai n source o f suppl y fo r th e slav e trade bot h insid e Africa an d fo r th e expor t market. Conside r tha t simultaneousl y whites , especiall y th e Portuguese , British an d French , wit h assistanc e fro m th e Dutch , create d a larg e fleet to transport blacks , valued no t a s individuals bu t accordin g to a measur e known a s th e Pezas de India tha t compute d thei r wort h o n th e basi s o f their labo r capacity , becaus e transportin g an d tradin g i n black s prom ised considerable profits (whethe r suc h profits wer e realized o r not). And then remembe r th e obviou s fac t tha t blacks , in turn , wer e exporte d an d redistributed i n thos e area s wher e thei r effort s coul d b e translate d int o

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gains fo r thei r owners . And finally, whil e enslaved, the character o f thei r lives, thei r wor k regimen , thei r food , clothin g an d shelter , thei r matin g patterns, thei r childhoods , thei r maturity , th e possibilit y o f thei r bein g sold again , wer e th e en d resul t o f largel y economic , i f no t altogethe r economically rational , factors , compromise d b y various moral , political , religious an d cultura l elements . What thes e unsentimental, calculatin g convention s indicate , what thi s functional cycl e gauged b y the calibrations o f profit an d los s has to teac h us, ca n bes t b e expose d b y beginnin g ou r detaile d deconstructio n wit h the 'Middl e Passage' , tha t fatefu l journe y b y shi p whic h brough t th e slaves t o th e Ne w World . Thes e crossing s wer e filled wit h terror . Over crowded, roughl y treated , modestly fe d an d care d for , expose d t o diseas e and seasickness , black s endure d thes e sailings , i n man y way s th e wors t segment o f th e entir e experienc e o f slavery , wit h a gri m fortitude . An d their fata l consequence s wer e considerable , a s th e mortalit y rate s indi cate. In th e 16t h century , estimate s o f los s i n transi t see m t o hav e averaged 2 0 - 2 5 pe r cent . This high casualt y rat e appear s to have contin ued until th e 17t h century , a s the recorded statistic s of the Royal Africa n Company whic h revea l a los s i n transi t o f 23. 6 pe r cen t betwee n 1 6 8 0 1688 indicate . These statistica l parameter s ar e als o reinforced b y studie s of th e Nante s slav e trade betwee n 171 5 an d 174 1 which yield s a rat e o f 22.2 pe r cen t o f slave s lost i n transit . Likewis e fo r th e Brazilia n trad e i n the 16t h an d 17t h centuries , a n averag e mortalit y rat e durin g th e cross ing of 1 6 to 2 0 pe r cen t ha s bee n proposed . Thes e percentage s dropped , on average , in the 18t h centur y whe n i t is estimated that : ther e was a 1 5 per cen t los s i n transi t i n bot h th e Britis h trad e betwee n 170 1 an d 176 1 and th e Portugues e trad e betwee n 176 1 an d 1810 ; a 1 3 per cen t rat e o f decrement fo r Frenc h ships ; an d a 12. 3 pe r cen t declin e fo r th e Dutc h ships. I t shoul d als o b e note d tha t whil e th e Britis h trad e experience d only hal f it s earlie r erosion , i.e. , 7. 5 pe r cent , afte r 1761 , th e averag e mortality rat e i n transi t fo r th e Europea n trad e a s a whol e afte r 176 0 was i n th e vicinit y o f 10-1 2 pe r cent . Ou r estimat e o f a n overal l 1 5 pe r cent declin e fo r th e Portugues e trad e i s supporte d b y Goulart' s analysi s of th e Brazilia n trade , fo r whic h h e suggest s a 1 0 pe r cen t los s i n transport i n the 18t h an d 19t h century . Though thes e Middl e Passag e mortalit y rate s ar e smalle r tha n th e popular wisdo m woul d hav e it , averagin g o n my calculatio n fo r th e entire trad e ove r 27 5 years , an d allowin g fo r increase d quantitie s afte r 1800 whe n th e los s experienc e wa s lower , 13-1 7 pe r cent , whe n on e

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figures tha t thi s trad e involve d betwee n 9Vi t o 1 5 millio n individuals , the los s o f lif e i n transi t i s somewher e betwee n 1,200,00 0 (i.e. , 1 3 pe r cent o f 9Vi millio n a t a minimum) an d 2,600,00 0 (i.e. , 17 per cen t o f 1 5 million a t a maximum). And it is here, with th e invocation o f this ghastl y memory, thi s monumenta l carnage , tha t th e determinatio n t o compar e slavery an d th e Shoah appear s mos t compelling . But on e mus t loo k beyon d th e absolut e numbers , th e ra w 'bod y count', i f th e dialogu e concernin g comparabilit y i s t o b e mor e tha n a n actuarial enterprise . In alludin g t o the meta-mathematica l leve l we mea n to indicat e th e requiremen t tha t th e dynami c nuances , th e definin g reci procities, inheren t i n eac h empirica l textur e no t b e lost . Fo r example , consider comparativel y th e conceptually preeminen t matte r o f causation . 'Why di d 1 3 t o 1 7 per cen t o f th e blac k cargoe s no t reac h thei r destina tion? Wer e ther e repeate d instance s o f mas s murde r aboar d th e vessel s that carrie d the m o r i s some othe r explanation , som e othe r decoding , of the frightfu l circumstanc e required? ' The subversiv e answe r t o thi s ques tion, tha t i s the repl y tha t force s a reconsideration o f th e naiv e clai m fo r comparability, i s tha t thes e slaves , despit e thei r dying , wer e no t mur dered. Th e captain s an d crew s wh o worke d thi s inhuman e journe y wer e not Einsatzgruppen. Upo n clos e inspectio n on e recognize s that , abhor rent a s th e Middl e Passag e was , th e grea t majorit y o f th e death s tha t occurred wer e humanly unintended , unplanne d an d assuredl y undesired . As wit h th e decimatin g epidemiologica l impac t o f Europea n settler s o n Native Americans , a s well a s the repeated devastatin g impac t o f epidem ics o n Europea n populations , so , too , diseas e wa s th e mai n kille r o f black slaves . Anste y summarize s th e Britis h experienc e i n thes e terms : 'losses o n an y scal e nearl y alway s stemme d fro m a n epidemi c o f dysen tery, measles o r smallpo x a s exacerbated b y deficiency o f provisions an d hygiene, an d th e protractio n o f th e voyage' . Similarly , Gasto n Martin' s figures fo r th e Nante s trad e suppor t thi s conclusio n decisively , i.e. , the y indicate tha t approximatel y 8 8 pe r cen t o f slav e los s i n transi t wa s directly du e t o disease . I f on e take s thes e statistic s a s representativ e i n percentage term s fo r th e trad e overall , the n on e ca n attribut e ove r 8 0 per cen t o f death s i n passag e t o disease . Mor e specificall y i t wa s dysen tery, yello w fever , othe r 'fevers' , an d suc h communicabl e ailment s a s measles an d especiall y smallpox , tha t wer e th e mai n killers . Th e ver y high mortalit y rate s o n individua l slavin g voyage s wer e almos t alway s due to th e uncontrollable outbrea k o f on e or anothe r o f thes e communi cable diseases . I t is , o f course , necessar y t o recogniz e tha t othe r factor s

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such a s foo d (qualit y an d quantity) , weather , shelter , seasickness , over crowding, physica l violenc e an d th e duratio n o f th e trip , whic h con tributed t o th e presenc e o f scurv y an d amoebi c dysentery , a s wel l a s food an d wate r shortage s tha t too k tim e t o develop , wer e significan t insofar a s the y mad e i t mor e o r les s possible , i n certai n instances , t o resist disease . However, i n th e overal l adjudicatio n o f cause s these man y elements mus t b e considere d a s secondar y t o th e purel y uncontrollabl e pathogenic factor . And , o n reflection , thi s shoul d no t surpris e us . Give n the regnan t economi c rationalit y governin g th e entir e enterprise , thi s identification o f irresistibl e epidemi c diseas e a s th e primar y caus e o f death make s sense , i.e. , i t accord s wit h a pruden t desir e t o kee p slave s alive. S o to o doe s th e practic e o f innoculatin g slave s fo r smallpo x onc e this technique becam e availabl e a t the en d o f th e 18t h century . That thes e blac k mortalit y rate s wer e unplanne d i s confirmed , a s i t were, b y th e correspondin g mortalit y rate s amon g whit e slavers . Fo r those who wer e residen t i n Africa u p t o on e year, th e mortalit y rate , du e to loca l deadl y microbes , wa s a t leas t 5 0 pe r cent , whil e th e mortalit y figures for th e white crew s that serve d on slav e ships sailing from Nante s between 174 8 an d 179 2 ar e approximatel y th e sam e a s fo r th e slav e population carrie d o n these voyages. Likewise, British crews in the 1780 s show a los s du e t o diseas e o f approximatel y 2 2 - 2 3 pe r cent . Generaliz ing from thi s an d relate d evidence , Curtin conclude s tha t 'th e deat h rat e per voyag e amon g th e cre w wa s uniforml y highe r tha n th e deat h rat e among slave s i n transi t a t th e sam e period . Thes e dat a ar e s o consisten t and regula r i n thi s respec t tha t thi s ca n b e take n a s a norma l circum stance of th e 18t h centur y slav e trade' . Even mor e interestin g i n tryin g t o properl y understand , i n attemptin g to conceptualize , th e wide r implication s o f th e slav e los s rat e i n th e Middle Passag e ar e the parallel statistic s fo r Europea n immigrant s t o th e Americas i n th e 18t h century . Thoug h th e relevan t dat a ar e fa r les s comprehensive tha n thos e whic h exis t i n regar d t o slavery , ther e i s reason t o believ e that suc h immigrant s experience d very high epidemic rates in this period. Thus in 1710, 10 ships carrying German immigrants t o Philadelphi a experience d a 25 per cen t mortalit y rat e . . . Other quite small sample s . . . also report mortalit y rate s o f betwee n 1 5 per cen t an d 20 per cent. Though thes e figures ma y nee d margina l adjustmen t fo r ag e an d se x distribution, thei r implication s fo r ou r analysi s o f slav e crossing s durin g the 17t h an d 1 8 th centurie s ar e clear .

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For us , i n term s o f ou r overal l project , th e importanc e o f thi s collec tion o f largel y statistica l evidenc e i s this: the blac k deat h rat e durin g th e Middle Passage , appallin g thoug h i t was , wa s no t th e result , th e fata l consequence of , intentionall y malicious , premeditativel y murderous , treatment. Ever y slav e wh o die d wa s a los s fo r th e slaver , a defea t fo r the slave system . This pecuniar y self-interes t o f th e slave r wa s clearl y expresse d i n legislation governin g th e manne r o f slav e shipments , i.e. , th e limit s place d on th e numbe r o f slave s tha t coul d b e transporte d o n an y on e shi p relative t o it s tota l tonnage . Th e Portugues e alread y i n 168 4 legall y limited th e carryin g loa d t o approximatel y 2. 6 t o 3. 5 slave s pe r ton , th e relevant legislatio n includin g thi s explanatio n o f it s rationale : 'I f i n a decked shi p i n which ther e ar e portholes throug h whic h th e negroe s ca n easily receiv e th e necessar y fres h air , the n capacit y belo w deck s shoul d be 7 adult s fo r ever y tw o tons ; no t havin g sai d portholes , th e capacit y should onl y b e 5 slave s pe r tw o ton s belo w decks' . Simila r legislation , predicated o n a like mixture o f utilitaria n an d mora l intent , was enacte d by th e Britis h i n th e 18t h century . I t wa s i n everyone' s interes t t o kee p blacks alive , indee d t o se e the m increas e s o a s t o maximiz e thei r com mercial profitability . Accordingly , captain s o f slav e ship s an d ships ' surgeons wer e paid a bonus fo r lo w mortality rates . The repercussiv e rol e o f th e logi c of surviva l operativ e i n th e domai n of New Worl d slaver y is generally atteste d throughou t th e system. Slave s tended t o hav e mor e death s tha n birth s i n th e suga r cultivatin g areas , such a s Jamaica an d northeas t Brazi l in the 17t h an d 1 8 th centuries , du e to th e natur e o f th e ver y heav y wor k encourage d b y th e technolog y o f sugar production , th e excessiv e rati o o f me n t o wome n i n thes e areas , and th e calculation tha t i t was cheape r t o bu y slave s than bree d them . I n many othe r area s ther e wa s a ris e i n blac k populatio n throug h natura l increase. This fac t i s most especiall y i n evidenc e i n the souther n colonie s of th e futur e Unite d States , where, ove r th e centuries , th e blac k popula tion advanced , throug h natura l increase , ten-fold . Part s o f Brazi l an d Argentina als o experience d significan t native-bor n slav e growth , a s di d Cuba, Montserrat, St . Kitts, Nevis and Antigu a afte r 1807 . The situatio n also improved afte r 180 7 i n Granada, St . Vincent, an d St . Lucia, thoug h overall i t wa s stil l negative , i.e. , mor e death s tha n births . Eve n Jamaic a by th e 1840 s an d Barbado s afte r 1810 , wit h th e increas e i n availabl e black wome n du e to a changed attitud e toward s th e economics o f breed ing vs . import , experience d a n improvemen t i n th e demographi c situa -

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tion. An d eve n whe n ther e was , a s i n a numbe r o f locations , a ne t decrease i n blac k slav e population , th e decreas e wa s ver y gradual , espe cially whe n allowance s fo r agein g an d othe r processes , includin g dra matic variation s du e t o epidemi c outbreak s withi n th e parameter s o f natural mortality , ar e factore d in . Fo r example , i n th e 18t h centur y British suga r island s i n th e Caribbean , mortalit y rate s average d 10-4 0 per 1000 , e.g. , Jamaic a betwee n 170 3 an d 172 1 ha d a decreas e o f 1. 2 per cen t pe r annum , whil e i n Cub a betwee n 177 4 an d 1817 , and Puert o Rico (al l th e wa y u p unti l 1845) , th e decreas e wa s onl y 0. 5 pe r cen t pe r annum. Th e dat a fo r th e 19t h centur y revea l a simila r pattern , e.g. , i n Cuba betwee n 181 7 an d 182 6 th e evidenc e suggest s a dro p o f onl y 0. 7 per cen t pe r year , an d betwee n 182 7 an d 184 0 onl y 0. 5 pe r cent . I t i s also t o b e observe d tha t th e mortalit y rate s fo r slave s in , fo r example , Jamaica i n th e 18t h an d 19t h centur y ar e no t an y highe r tha n the y wer e for th e white , fre e populatio n o f Londo n an d othe r urba n area s i n thi s same period. While earlier, fo r example , in Virginia white mortality rate s were s o hig h tha t 15,00 0 ne w immigrant s betwee n 162 5 an d 164 0 added les s than 700 0 t o th e ultimat e tota l population . There i s on e additional , elementa l consideratio n tha t w e nee d t o factor int o thes e demographi c statistic s s o a s t o arriv e a t a tru e under standing o f thei r significance : th e relativ e scarcit y o f blac k wome n amon g the slav e population . Th e scarcit y o f blac k slav e wome n obviousl y re duced th e birt h rat e an d henc e eliminate d th e counterbalancin g force s operative i n a more standar d populatio n sample . This facto r distort s th e meaning o f th e ra w growth—declin e figures, i.e. , no t unusua l cruelty , but lac k o f reproduction , account s fo r a grea t deal , if no t all , of th e los s in populatio n akin , t o tak e a n extrem e analogy , t o wha t occur s i n monastic communitie s ove r time . O f course , th e convers e t o thi s argu ment i s that , unlik e monasti c environments , th e sexua l imbalanc e tha t existed amon g slave s wa s involuntar y an d anothe r sympto m o f th e cruelty o f th e syste m whic h sa w master s prefe r th e importatio n o f blac k males over the importation o f blac k female s fo r economi c reasons. How ever, thi s vie w ha s no w bee n calle d int o questio n b y Herber t Klei n an d others wh o hav e show n tha t th e relativ e absenc e o f wome n i n th e slav e exporting trade was not du e to any sexual preference, motivate d b y price or labo r needs , nor agai n b y the New Worl d syste m a s a whole, but wa s due rathe r t o th e simpl e availabilit y o f femal e slave s i n th e Africa n market. Femal e slave s wer e no t a s generall y availabl e fo r export , bein g kept bac k fo r us e within Africa .

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Slavery, then , an d thi s applie s t o Roma n an d medieva l form s o f slavery a s well a s New Worl d slavery , fo r al l its inherent immoralit y an d barbarity represent s a different for m o f evil , a wholly othe r phenomeno logical reality , than tha t incarnate d i n Auschwitz .

BV. GYPSIES UNDER THE NAZIS The first an d mos t importan t comparativ e cas e emergin g ou t o f th e context o f th e Secon d Worl d Wa r tha t require s ou r clos e attentio n is , of course, tha t o f th e Gypsies . I t i s regularl y argue d tha t th e siniste r Naz i contrivance toward s th e Jew s ha s a direct , eve n exact , o r nearl y exact , parallel i n th e Naz i desig n toward s Gypsies . Thus , th e Nurember g Tri bunal linke d th e tw o group s togethe r i n it s indictmen t o f Germa n Wa r Criminals. Th e Cour t charge d tha t th e prisoner s ha d 'conducte d delib erate an d systemati c genocid e . . . particularly Jews , Poles an d Gypsies' . The essential rational e fo r thi s contended linkag e is the presumption tha t in bot h circumstances , i.e. , o f th e Jew s an d Gypsie s unde r th e Naz i regime, th e ideologica l justificatio n governin g thei r treatmen t wa s th e same, i.e. , racia l inferiorit y an d henc e th e resultan t practica l polic y applied wa s synonymous . Bu t thi s presumptio n o f commonalit y i s no t correct: neithe r th e pertinen t ideology , racia l an d otherwise , no r th e horrific result s o f th e translatio n o f metaphysic s int o pitiles s actio n wa s equivalent, thoug h th e specifi c outcom e i n both instance s wa s abomina ble an d beyon d an y mora l legitimacy . Becaus e o f th e widesprea d belie f to th e contrary , however , a close r analysi s o f th e comparativ e dat a i s required. The mos t elementa l consideratio n toward s whic h attentio n mus t b e directed fo r arrivin g a t a correc t understandin g o f th e comparativ e issu e revolves aroun d th e Naz i self-understandin g o f thei r onslaugh t agains t the Gypsies . An d here , th e mor e on e searche s int o thi s self-understand ing, th e mor e on e come s t o realiz e tha t th e Nazi s wer e confuse d an d uncertain abou t th e statu s o f Gypsie s i n essentia l ways , a s compare d t o their self-assuranc e abou t th e transcendenta l negativ e statu s o f Jews. O n the on e hand , th e Nazi s sough t t o classif y th e Gypsie s b y race , t o se e their collectiv e transgression a s biologically determined , an d to persecut e them accordingl y a s inferio r non-Aryans . Th e first specificall y anti-Gyps y ordinance o f lat e 1938 , fo r example , states : 'Experienc e gaine d i n th e fight agains t th e Gyps y menac e an d th e knowledg e derive d fro m race -

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biological researc h hav e show n tha t th e prope r metho d o f attackin g th e Gypsy problem s seem s t o b e t o trea t i t a s a matte r o f race' . Thus , too , the Gyps y 'researc h work ' carrie d ou t a t th e Bekampfung des Zigeunerwesens an d agai n a t the Rassenhygienische und bevolkerungsbiologische Forschungstelle unde r Dr . Rober t Ritte r wa s concerne d wit h th e racia l character o f the Gypsy 'menace' . In this biocentric assault, in this fatalit y of bloo d an d descent , lies the similarity t o the Jewish fate . But even here, where n o exegesi s seem s required , seminal , tha t i s life-and-death, differ ences asser t themselves . Fo r wherea s th e Nazi s classe d al l Jews a s racia l 'Untermenschen', a s necessary begetter s of cosmi c and natura l pollution , and henc e properl y annihilated , the y recognize d a prima l distinctio n between pure , i.e., Aryan, Gypsie s an d impure , i.e., non-Aryan, Gypsies . This absolut e distinctio n ha d evident , life-definin g consequence s t o whic h we shal l return . O n th e othe r hand , an d elemental , Naz i polic y toward s the Gypsie s was no t onl y predicated o n th e categor y o f race , but als o o n the altogethe r differen t notio n o f asocials . Thus , th e 193 7 Law against Crime specificall y link s Gypsie s with , fo r example , beggars , tramps , prostitutes an d th e lik e wh o sho w 'anti-socia l behaviours' . Likewise , i n the concentratio n camps , thoug h formin g a distinc t subgroup , th e Gyp sies generall y wor e blac k identificatio n patche s indicativ e o f asocials . (Until the y reache d th e concentratio n camps , Gypsie s wer e no t require d to wea r specia l identifyin g mark s o n thei r clothing , a s compare d t o th e requirements coverin g th e Jewish us e of th e yello w star. ) I t is interestin g in thi s connectio n t o not e tha t 'Gyps y Travellers ' who wer e not Gypsie s were als o hounde d b y th e Nazi s unde r variou s ordinances , an d som e were eve n sterilize d unde r th e 193 3 laws , eliminating the m a s a presenc e of an y consequenc e b y 1938 , whil e th e fe w tha t remaine d wer e sen tenced t o camp s a s asocials. Tha t i s t o say , rac e wa s no t th e onl y o r decisive facto r i n consignin g Gypsie s an d thos e wh o share d thei r lif e style t o concentratio n camps . Th e treatmen t receive d b y Fellow-Travel lers supports th e argumen t tha t th e asocial motiv e wa s a potent elemen t in th e actua l histori c context . Alternatively , th e mixed , fluid, uncertai n character o f th e situatio n i s seen i n th e differen t settlemen t legislatio n o f 1939 tha t allowe d Traveller s t o continu e t o trave l whil e no t allowin g Gypsies to do so. The juridical-ideological confusio n a s to the racial and / or crimina l depravit y o f th e Gypsie s i s als o evidence d i n officia l memo randa, as , fo r example , tha t o f 1938 , whic h refer s t o Gypsie s i n thes e terms: 'Becaus e th e Gypsie s hav e manifestl y a heavily-tainte d heredit y

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and becaus e the y ar e inveterate criminal s wh o constitut e parasite s i n th e bosom o f ou r people , i t i s fitting t o . . .' Thi s documen t provide s luci d proof o f th e hermeneutical rul e that wher e mor e than on e explanation i s proffered, on e convincin g explanatio n i s absent . Th e significanc e o f th e asocial modality , o f th e overzealou s driv e fo r publi c order , i s als o evi denced, i f negatively , b y th e exemptio n fro m deportatio n o f Gypsie s who hav e bee n regularly employe d fo r five years. This lac k o f a monolithic , insistent , clairvoyan t racia l polic y toward s the Gypsie s accounts , in al l likelihood, fo r th e differin g fate s suffere d b y Jews an d Gypsie s unde r Naz i control . Thi s vita l difference , thi s lac k o f explanatory singlemindedness , transmute d th e Naz i assaul t agains t th e Gypsies int o a mediate d confrontatio n tha t blunte d a considerabl e par t of th e deadl y fur y whic h potentiall y coul d hav e bee n brough t t o bea r against th e Gypsie s bu t wasn't , a s compare d t o th e unmediate d impuls e which compellingl y strov e agains t th e Jews . Thi s moderatin g interces sion, thi s lac k o f genocida l consistency , i s reveale d i n a considerabl e number o f Naz i actions . Consider , first o f all , th e Nazi-create d anoma lies base d o n th e asserte d distinctio n betwee n pur e Arya n an d impur e non-Aryan Gypsie s alread y referre d to . A s a consequenc e o f thi s bifur cation, whil e man y Gypsie s in German y an d Polan d wer e bein g rounde d up afte r 194 3 fo r deportation , Himmle r himsel f wa s intervenin g t o sav e the 'German ' Gyps y Sint i an d Laller i tribes , abou t 1 0 pe r cen t o f th e total Gyps y population , eve n ove r objection s fro m suc h personage s a s Bormann an d Goebbels . Second , w e find regulation s governin g th e ex emption fro m deportatio n for , tak e note: 'Rom Gypsie s and part Gypsie s still servin g i n th e arm y o r wh o hav e bee n release d wit h decoration s o r wounded . . .' Third , accordin g t o th e deportatio n order s o f 2 7 Apri l 1940, Gypsie s marrie d t o German s o r wit h a fathe r o r so n i n the forces , or those who owne d land , or were of foreig n nationalit y wer e exempted . A simila r order , listin g variou s additiona l exemptions , wa s issue d b y Himmler o n 2 9 Januar y 1943 . Though i t ha s bee n suggeste d tha t thes e exemptions an d relate d procedure s 'compar e wit h simila r arrangemen t for Jews' , thi s contentio n i s inaccurate , particularl y a s ther e wer e n o Jewish father s o r son s servin g (knowingly ) i n the Nazi armies , nor agai n were 'pure ' Jews ultimatel y exempte d fro m an y aspec t o f th e murderou s system. Fourth , whil e Gypsie s a s lat e a s 194 2 an d afte r wer e released , under certai n conditions , fro m camp s suc h a s Maidanek , th e sam e can not b e sai d fo r Jews . Fifth , Gypsie s continue d t o serv e i n th e regula r

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Nazi arm y a s lat e a s 194 3 a s wel l a s i n reserv e unit s o f th e territoria l army. Nothing comparabl e exist s on th e Jewish side . Sixth, on 2 7 Marc h 1943, a la w wa s passe d tha t declare d pur e Gypsie s exemp t fro m bot h forced labou r an d militar y service , whil e part-Gypsie s wer e require d t o serve in the secon d reserve . The differenc e betwee n th e treatmen t o f Gypsie s an d Jew s i n th e various occupie d countrie s i s eve n mor e telling . Fo r example , i n Febru ary 1943 , the Jews o f Brest-Litovs k wer e liquidated , whil e 'th e Gypsie s were put i n their house s in the ghetto'; in France the Vichy government' s attitude toward s Gypsie s wa s fa r mor e benevolen t tha n it s attitud e towards Jews , 90,00 0 o f who m perished . I n Ital y Gypsie s wer e con scripted int o Mussolini's arm y fo r servic e in Yugoslavia an d Albania an d elsewhere—no Jew s wer e s o conscripted! I n Greec e there ar e n o report s of Naz i persecution s o f Gypsie s a s compared t o th e fat e o f Gree k Jewry , which wa s sen t of f t o Auschwitz , wher e 7 7 pe r cen t died . Th e sam e anomaly existe d i n Romania , wher e Gypsie s continue d t o serv e i n th e army whil e 300,00 0 Jews were bein g murdered . In th e Eas t a simila r discrepanc y existed . Fo r example , whe n th e Einsatzgruppen wer e killin g all Jews encountere d i n Easter n Europe , th e German authoritie s issue d order s o n 2 4 March 1943 , and repeate d the m in Novembe r 1943 , tha t hereafte r Gypsie s wh o wer e o f a 'non-migra tory' statu s an d henc e a 'non-criminal ' element , who coul d prov e a two year period o f residenc e i n the local e i n which the y wer e identified , wer e to b e exemp t fro m execution . Again , i n Latvia , Gypsie s wer e drafte d into th e Wehrmacht , whil e thos e o f Easter n Galici a an d Lwo w wer e generally spared . Lastly, an d th e mos t salien t fac t o f all , wer e th e differin g policie s established a t Auschwit z fo r Jew s an d Gypsies . Th e essenc e o f thi s programmatic differenc e a t Auschwit z ca n fairl y b e describe d as , an d correctly attribute d to , a fundamenta l governin g distinctio n betwee n a genocidal vs . a non-genocida l schema . Th e ga s chamber s ar e th e logica l consummation, th e litera l teleology , o f Naz i anti-Jewis h racia l mani cheanism. Th e sam e canno t an d ough t no t b e sai d o f Naz i anti-Gyps y pieties. Th e blac k identificatio n triangle s wor n b y Gypsie s a t Auschwit z (and Buchenwal d an d earlie r a t Dacha u an d Ravensbruck ) indicativ e o f asocial rathe r tha n racia l criminals , mean t tha t i n a hierarchical cosmo s defined b y racia l criteri a the y al l di d no t hav e t o die . Eve n Kenric k an d Puxon, despit e thei r stron g desir e t o conflat e th e Jewis h an d Gyps y

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situation i n orde r t o magnif y th e Gyps y tragedy , ar e force d t o describ e the syste m relativ e to Gypsie s operative a t Auschwitz a s follows : According t o Broad , a member o f th e S S staff, th e camp authoritie s receive d a telegram fro m Berli n jus t a s the cam p wa s openin g sayin g th e Gypsie s shoul d not b e treate d th e sam e a s Jews . W e canno t sa y fo r certai n o n th e basi s o f existing knowledge that the Gypsies were sent to Auschwitz to be killed. Those unfit fo r labou r wer e no t gasse d o n arriva l an d onl y a fe w Gypsie s worke d during the first months , so there was no policy of 'Annihilatio n throug h work' . Also the Gypsies in other camps were not transferred t o Auschwitz. This essential , asymmetrical , dissociativ e readin g o f Auschwit z practic e is, moreover , supporte d b y Commandan t Hoss' s ow n testimon y o n th e matter. Important fo r substantiatin g th e argumen t fo r a meaningfu l distinc tion betwee n th e Naz i treatmen t o f Jew s an d Gypsie s i s th e evidenc e supplied b y th e markedl y dissimila r rule s governin g th e fat e o f women , especially pregnan t wome n an d childre n i n th e tw o communities . T o b e a pregnan t Gyps y woman , o r a n infant , di d no t mean , a s wa s th e cas e with pregnan t Jewis h wome n an d infants , certain , near-instan t death . No order , n o overridin g nationa l o r metaphysica l imperativ e require d such victims . Infan t mortalit y rate s amon g th e Gyps y newbor n i n th e camp wer e high , bu t i t wa s no t a n onti c necessit y that , a s wit h Jewis h infants, the y b e total. This is not t o suggest that th e Gypsies were treate d any way bu t brutall y a t Auschwitz, but a t the same time, their treatment , however obscene , an d thei r fate , howeve r cruel , was qualitativel y differ ent, a t onc e les s ritualistic , les s uncompromising , les s categorical , on orders, tha n tha t o f th e Jews. This i s evidenced pellucidl y i f we compar e the mad, sanctioned rus h to kill Jews, to eliminate every vestige of Jewish blood fro m activ e huma n history , a t Auschwit z i n 194 3 an d 194 4 wit h the relativ e neglect , tha t i s th e life-savin g indifferenc e t o th e Gyps y population o f th e cam p i n thi s frenzie d climacti c perio d o f it s existence . While u p t o 10,00 0 Hungaria n Jew s wer e bein g murdere d dail y a t Auschwitz i n th e sprin g an d summe r o f 1944 , th e total numbe r o f Gypsies deporte d t o Auschwit z betwee n Februar y 194 3 an d Jul y 194 4 was approximatel y 22,500 , an d eve n o f thes e a fai r percentag e survive d because th e SS had thei r murderou s gaz e distinctly fixate d o n th e Jews. It i s apposit e t o not e i n thi s context , i n addition , tha t th e tw o rela tively larg e 'operations ' agains t th e Gypsie s a t Auschwitz , durin g whic h 1700 Gypsie s from Bialysto k were gassed in March 194 3 an d 104 2 wer e gassed o n 2 5 Ma y 194 3 (agai n ove r 95 0 o f who m wer e fro m Bialystok ,

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the remainde r fro m Austria ) wer e due , i n a t leas t larg e i f no t ful l mea sure, t o reason s o f communicabl e disease . Bot h 'actions ' ar e accounte d for i n th e source s a s th e consequenc e o f 'suspecte d typhu s cases' , an d there i s reaso n t o believ e tha t thi s was , i n fact , th e motivatio n behin d these tw o specia l odiou s events . Thi s recognition , o f course , i n n o wa y legitimates thes e heinou s crimes , bu t i t doe s indicat e tha t th e rational e behind i t wa s no t tha t o f a blanke t polic y o f genocide . Relevant , too , i s the deportatio n fro m Auschwitz , wit h th e intentio n o f keepin g the m alive, o f approximatel y 430 0 Gypsie s t o suc h concentratio n camp s a s Buchenwald, Flossenbur g an d Ravensbriick , whe n th e specia l Gyps y camp a t Auschwit z wa s eradicate d betwee n Apri l an d Augus t 1944 . I n this period , coincidentally , vas t number s o f Jew s wer e bein g brough t t o the cam p wit h th e expres s purpos e o f murderin g them . Thoug h approx imately 400 0 Gypsie s wer e exterminate d whe n th e Gyps y cam p wa s liquidated, thi s numbe r represent s les s tha n 1 7 pe r cen t o f th e tota l number o f Gyps y inmate s wh o wer e incarcerate d i n Auschwit z a t th e time. Comparin g thes e Gyps y statistic s i n quantit y an d percentag e o f victims t o th e ove r 1 millio n Jewis h inmate s wh o die d a t th e camp , representing a rat e o f ove r 9 0 pe r cen t o f thos e wh o arrive d there , an d comparing the m a s well t o th e 58,00 0 Jew s wh o wer e force-marche d t o other camp s whe n Auschwit z wa s wholl y liquidate d i n mid-Januar y 1945, mos t o f who m die d durin g thes e force d marches , reveal s th e incontrovertible ga p betwee n th e intended fat e o f th e two peoples. To s o argue i s no t intende d t o minimiz e th e terribl e fate , o r th e individua l suffering, o f th e ove r 200,00 0 Gypsie s wh o wer e murdere d b y th e SS , including 5000-15,00 0 a t Chelmno , thousand s i n medica l experiments , thousands mor e a t Maidanek , Berge n Belsen , Ravensbriick , Sobibor , Treblinka, Neuengamme , Belze c as well a s Auschwitz, bu t i t is to distin guish thei r collective , national odysse y fro m tha t o f th e Jewish people . The only defensible conclusion , the only adequate encompassing judg ment t o b e draw n fro m thi s mas s o f evidenc e i s tha t i n compariso n t o the ruthless , monolithic , meta-political , genocida l desig n o f Nazis m visa-vis Jews, nothing similar , fo r al l the enacted, obliterative , malevolence , existed i n th e cas e o f th e Gypsies . Th e ambiguous , eve n paradoxical , features o f Naz i polic y i n th e latte r cas e i s reflected i n th e gri m statistic s of th e tale . Of a n estimate d 936,00 0 Gypsie s i n Nazi-occupied territory , 219,700 ar e estimate d t o hav e bee n annihilated , i.e. , 23. 5 pe r cent , a s compared t o th e mor e tha n 8 5 pe r cen t o f Jew s wh o fel l unde r Naz i control. I n th e end , i t wa s onl y Jew s an d th e Jew s alon e wh o wer e th e

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victims o f a tota l genocida l onslaugh t i n bot h inten t an d practic e a t th e hands o f th e Nazi murderers. * V. HOMOSEXUAL S DURIN G TH E SECON D WORL D WA R In recent year s a group, heretofore essentiall y unstudied , ha s been adde d to th e lis t o f Hitler' s victims : homosexuals . Largely , i f no t exclusively , through th e publicity surroundin g th e play Bent, th e Nazi persecutio n o f gays ha s becom e th e focu s o f seriou s discussion . Certai n supporter s o f the homosexual caus e have gone s o far a s to assig n the m th e preeminen t 'outsider positio n i n th e Naz i hierarchy , lowe r eve n tha n th e racia l antagonism engendere d b y th e Jews' . Fo r example , i n Bent, th e play wright ha s on e o f th e tw o mai n protagonist s surviv e b y 'tradin g up ' hi s pink badg e worn b y homosexuals fo r a yellow star of David. In addition , enormous demographi c claim s hav e bee n mad e regardin g th e exten t o f homosexual repression , incarceratio n an d annihilation . The variegate d backgroun d fact s ar e these : (1 ) Soo n afte r th e Nazis ' accession to power, a significant numbe r o f homosexual me n were rounde d up an d imprisone d i n concentratio n camps . (2 ) In Ma y 193 3 th e Nazi s burned th e holdings of th e Magnus Hirschfel d Institut e of Sexual Scienc e in Berlin . (3 ) In 193 4 (3 0 June ) Erns t Rohm , th e leade r o f th e para military SA , wa s murdere d o n Hitler' s orders , th e 'justification ' offere d being hi s homosexuality . (4 ) Betwee n 193 3 an d 194 5 law s agains t ho mosexuality wer e writte n an d acte d upon , especiall y Paragraph s 17 5 and 175 A of the Crimina l Code . (5 ) A special 'Reic h Centr e for th e Figh t against Homosexualit y an d Abortion ' wa s establishe d o n 1 0 Octobe r 1936, unde r th e jurisdictio n o f th e Crimina l Police . As a consequence o f these legal enactments an d politica l persecutions, there were, on average , 10,000 conviction s pe r yea r fo r homosexualit y i n German y durin g th e Nazi er a accordin g t o officia l cour t records . Thus , a t it s simplest , ther e were 120,00 0 conviction s ove r a doze n years . Thi s count , however , reveals onl y a fragmen t o f th e tale , fo r onl y a smal l fractio n o f thos e convicted wer e sentence d t o concentratio n camps , an d fewe r stil l t o death camps . Fo r example , i n 193 7 Himmle r exempte d 'th e incarcera tion o f a n acto r o r a n artis t o n th e groun d o f unnatura l vice ' excep t where Himmler' s 'expres s permission ' wa s obtained . Furthe r edict s is * Further valuabl e discussio n wit h colleague s a t th e 'Rememberin g fo r th e Future ' Confer ence ha s bot h reinforce d th e argumen t her e an d indicate d tha t th e variou s demographi c estimates migh t b e subject t o som e revisio n a s new evidenc e come s to light .

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sued b y Himmle r als o require d th e offenders , i f actors , b e caught 'i n th e act'. Again , t o brin g orde r int o th e proceedings , an d reduc e th e numbe r of peopl e sen t t o jai l o r camps , the Reic h Ministe r o f th e Interio r issue d a clarificatio n o n 1 4 Decembe r 1937 , tha t onl y repea t offender s b e incarcerated (o n a fourt h crimina l offens e o r someon e wh o ha d alread y served si x month s i n jail) . Again, i n 1940 , Himmle r single d ou t multipl e offenders. All these factors considered , a careful revie w of the concentratio n an d death cam p figures, wher e available , suggest s tha t onl y a smal l numbe r of prisoner s wer e imprisone d fo r thei r sexua l preference . I t ha s bee n conservatively estimated , base d o n th e extan t concentratio n cam p rec ords, tha t 'th e tota l numbe r o f officiall y define d homosexua l prisoner s ever incarcerate d i n th e camp s was abou t 10,00 0 (bu t i t could b e as lo w as 500 0 o r a s hig h a s 15,000)' . Som e additiona l homosexual s wer e incarcerated unde r th e Fuhrer Decre e o f Octobe r 193 9 dealin g with 'th e elimination [of ] harmfu l influence s o f th e alie n part s o f th e populatio n which represen t a dange r t o th e Reic h an d Germa n Vol k Community' , and possibly , thoug h record s ar e unclear , unde r th e Hitle r decre e o n euthanasia. Bu t even allowin g fo r thes e matters th e number o f homosex uals deporte d t o deat h camp s o r kille d elsewher e i n th e Reic h remain s small. There is evidence to sugges t that i n the 1930 s homosexuals wer e ofte n assigned, alon g wit h man y othe r groups , th e mos t arduou s wor k assign ments, bu t thi s practic e gav e wa y afte r 1939 , an d especiall y afte r 1941 , with th e explici t formulatio n o f anti-Jewis h genocida l policies . I n addi tion, ther e i s abundan t documentatio n t o indicat e tha t th e gay s ofte n brought ou t a special, sexually perverse sadis m o n th e part o f th e S S and their collaborators . A s a consequence , fo r tha t relativel y smal l percent age o f homosexual s wh o wer e sen t t o camps , th e percentag e o f thos e who died , with allowanc e fo r differen t mortalit y rate s in different camp s and a t differen t periods , seem s highe r tha n fo r politica l an d othe r non Jewish prisoners . At the sam e time , however, i t should b e noted tha t th e records indicat e tha t 1 3 pe r cen t o f al l homosexua l cam p inmate s wer e reprieved an d released . Thi s agai n point s awa y fro m an y imputatio n o f genocidal assaul t o n th e gay population . In sum, it has bee n estimate d tha t 6 0 per cen t o f thos e imprisone d fo r homosexuality die d i n th e camps . Translated int o a numerical total , thi s suggests (base d o n a n estimat e o f 10,00 0 homosexua l inmates ) tha t 6,000 homosexual s die d cum homosexual s a s a consequenc e o f Naz i

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persecution. Thi s figure, however , i s remarkably modest , whe n on e con siders Himmler' s ow n estimat e o f th e numbe r o f homosexual s i n Ger many i n th e 1930s . 'Whe n w e assume d powe r i n 1933' , Himmle r as serted i n Februar y 1940 , 'w e wer e als o confronte d wit h homosexua l organizations. Thei r registere d membershi p wa s 2 million : conservativ e estimates o f expert s lea d u s t o conclud e tha t ther e ar e 2 t o 4 millio n homosexuals i n Germany' . I f Kinsey' s estimat e tha t 4 pe r cen t o f an y general moder n populatio n i s ga y i s correct , the n Himmler' s estimat e was plausible , allowin g fo r al l th e ambiguit y i n suc h projections , base d on a total Germa n populatio n o f approximatel y 5 0 million , not t o spea k of th e hundred s o f million s i n occupie d Europ e fro m th e Englis h Chan nel to Leningrad , fro m Norwa y t o North Africa . Given thi s demographi c estimate , th e numbe r o f gay s killed , whil e deplorable, inexcusabl e an d brutal , translate s int o a smal l fractio n o f less than 1 per cent . As in the case of the perverse persecutions of witche s in th e medieva l era , w e her e mov e i n a terrai n o f barbarism , prejudice , sadism an d sexua l repressio n an d expression , ye t no t on e whic h wa s i n any sens e genocidal . VI. POLIS H AN D UKRAINIA N LOSSE S DURIN G THE SECON D WORL D WA R Should on e objec t tha t th e losse s experience d b y th e Pole s an d Ukraini ans (an d Russians ) durin g th e wa r contradic t an y clai m fo r th e unique ness o f th e Shoah, le t i t b e explicitl y recognize d tha t th e vas t casualtie s suffered b y thes e nationa l group s ar e o f a completel y differen t orde r from thos e experience d b y th e Jews , o r eve n th e Gypsies , and , accord ingly, properl y fal l outsid e an y analyticall y precis e discussio n o f geno cide. Certainl y million s o f Slav s (an d Russians ) die d a t th e hand s o f th e Nazis, bu t th e ultimat e Naz i inten t towar d bot h group s wa s no t geno cide, bu t enslavement . Afte r destroyin g thei r leadershi p an d educate d classes, the Nazis intende d t o tur n thes e people int o a permanent under class, a modern typ e of helot , a n endurin g exploitable, primitive colonia l empire. Fo r al l th e rea l anguis h an d suffering o f thes e Easter n Europea n peoples, regarding whic h estimate s o f los s ranging up t o 1 0 million hav e been proposed , thos e wh o would , fo r whateve r reason , conflat e thei r experience t o tha t o f th e Jew s durin g th e perio d 1941-194 5 eithe r d o not kno w th e facts o r d o no t car e t o kno w them . Thi s i s no t sai d t o denigrate o r reduc e th e immensit y o f th e traged y live d throug h b y thes e

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groups. I t is , however, state d withou t equivocatio n i n orde r t o maintai n our phenomenologica l distinctio n betwee n physica l genocid e an d othe r forms o f mas s despoliatio n an d demographi c reduction . The poin t o f maintainin g thi s distinctio n i s reveale d i n considering , for example , Polis h casualtie s unde r Naz i control . O f a pre-wa r Polis h population o f approximatel y 2 9 million , includin g 3. 3 millio n Jews , approximately 3 millio n Christia n Pole s wer e estimate d t o hav e bee n killed durin g th e war , 600,00 0 o f who m die d whil e fightin g i n defens e of Polan d eithe r i n th e nationa l arm y durin g th e initia l invasio n o r late r in resistanc e movement s durin g th e occupation . Excludin g th e percent age lost throug h direc t militar y actio n (600,000) , the percentage o f non Jewish Pole s kille d i s somewha t les s tha n 1 0 pe r cent , a s compare d t o the deat h rat e o f ove r 9 0 pe r cen t fo r Polis h Jews. The statistica l dispar ity in the deat h rat e betwee n th e two group s doe s not sugges t o r suppor t claims for a genocidal Naz i blueprin t i n Poland . The Naz i polic y i n Polan d wa s aime d a t destroyin g th e nationa l leadership s o th e masse s coul d b e colonize d an d enslaved . An d thi s i s what actuall y too k place , no t genocide . I f on e compare s th e demo graphic impac t o f th e Naz i destructio n o f th e Polis h 'elite ' wit h simila r destructive strategie s i n th e man y case s o f politica l dominatio n an d colonialism on e ca n easil y find i n th e apposit e historica l sources , on e will recogniz e a commo n pattern . Th e Polis h losse s i n th e wa r year s o f occupation were , a s noted , approximatel y 1 0 pe r cent , a figure no t radically dissimila r from , an d i n man y cases , less than, relevan t compar ative instance s o f 'interna l colonialism' , i n th e broa d sens e o f tha t term . Moreover, thi s figure does not justify extravagan t claim s about the Nazi s employing a n overl y broa d definitio n o f 'elite ' i n th e Polis h contex t (contra Lukas) . Lukas ' ow n figures, i n fact , prov e tha t th e 'elite' , withi n quite acceptabl e parameter s fo r th e meanin g o f thi s term , wa s uniquel y targeted fo r elimination . Thus , fo r example , a t war' s end , Polan d ha d lost '4 5 pe r cen t o f he r physician s an d dentists , 57 pe r cen t o f he r attorneys, mor e tha n 1 6 pe r cen t o f he r teachers , 4 0 pe r cen t o f he r professors, 3 0 pe r cen t o f he r technicians , an d mor e tha n 1 8 per cen t o f her clergy' . These figures spea k fo r themselve s whe n on e compare s the m to th e ver y smal l percentag e of , fo r example , Polis h farmer s o r artisan s murdered b y the Nazis. Nor again , would anyon e disagree that the Nazi s sought t o implemen t a thoroug h progra m o f cultura l genocid e an d eco nomic despoliation i n Poland i n order t o assur e their futur e control . The situatio n elsewher e i n Eastern Europ e was muc h th e same a s tha t

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in Poland. In the Ukraine, which suffere d eve n greater overall losse s tha n Poland durin g th e war , th e conclusio n t o b e draw n vis-a-vis Naz i polic y is th e sam e a s fo r Poland . Th e tota l populatio n o f pre-wa r Ukrain e i s estimated a t 4 0 million , o f who m upward s o f 6 - 7 millio n ar e though t to hav e bee n killed . However , a more refine d breakdow n o f thes e aggre gate number s indicate s tha t o f th e tota l o f 6 - 7 millio n Ukrainia n losse s 900,000 t o 1 millio n wer e Jews , whil e o f th e remainin g 5 - 6 millio n (approximately) victims , 1.5-2. 5 millio n die d i n direc t militar y situa tions (thi s tall y ma y wel l b e to o conservative ) leavin g a residu e o f 3.6 — 4.5 millio n non-Jewis h civilia n casualtie s ou t o f a total non-Jewis h pop ulation o f 3 9 million , i.e. , approximately 9-11. 5 pe r cen t of th e popula tion. Again , th e patter n o f Naz i destructiv e activitie s centere d o n th e elite, wit h th e ai m o f permanentl y enslavin g th e leaderles s masses . A s Wytwycky ha s correctl y observed , T h e Ukranian s wer e neve r slate d fo r total annihilation , a s were the Jews an d Gypsie s [sic]9. Likewise, i n Belorussi a th e tota l populatio n wa s 10. 5 millio n befor e the Naz i invasio n i n th e summe r o f 1941 , including Jews. O f these , 2. 3 million peopl e ar e estimated t o hav e bee n killed . O f these , 250,000 wer e Jews, an d approximatel y 1 millio n peopl e wer e los t i n direc t militar y action, leavin g 1 millio n t o 1. 4 millio n civilia n casualties . This , onc e more, translate s int o roughl y 13. 5 pe r cen t o f th e non-Jewis h popula tion. In none o f thes e Eastern Europea n location s d o we witness a desire t o replicate a program o f genocide . VII. CONCLUSIO N This analysi s summarize s i n ver y schemati c fashio n a highl y variegated , historically diverse , chronologicall y an d geographicall y diffus e se t o f empirical circumstances . Al l shar e th e fac t tha t the y ar e cite d a s cases of genocide comparabl e t o th e Shoah; som e b y virtu e o f thei r size , thei r massive los s o f huma n life ; other s b y virtu e o f thei r sharin g i n th e racially drive n contex t o f Nazism . Bu t all , o n close r inspection , a s w e have shown , ar e t o b e fundamentall y distinguishe d fro m th e Holocaus t even whe n the y revea l horrifyingl y larg e casualt y figures. Tha t i s to say , the statistic s ar e neve r sufficien t i n drawin g th e fundamenta l normativ e conclusions w e seek , bu t the y ar e no t irrelevan t either . I n ever y cas e th e 'how' o r 'what ' need s t o b e balance d b y th e 'why ' fo r a definitive , defensible, conclusio n t o emerge . An d thi s applies , o f course , t o th e

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many apposit e cases , fo r exampl e th e Gulag , th e mass-murde r o f th e Armenians b y th e Turk s i n th e Firs t Worl d War , an d th e triba l an d colonial war s i n Burundi , Nigeria , Indonesia , Vietna m an d Cambodia , that woul d nee d t o b e considere d i n an y complet e comparativ e taxon omy o f mas s murde r an d genocide . I f nothin g else , i t i s m y hop e tha t this chapte r wil l hav e provide d enoug h har d evidenc e an d soun d argu ment t o persuad e al l scholar s t o b e mor e judicious , mor e exact , mor e precise, i n thei r comparativ e deciphermen t o f Auschwitz , an d i n th e conclusions the y dra w fro m suc h comparisons. 1

NOTES 1. I n keeping with the Conference forma t o f this essay, all source notes, other than thi s one , hav e bee n excluded . Ful l documentatio n o n al l thes e an d other case s will b e found i n m y forthcoming three-volume , The Holocaust in Historical Context (tentativ e title), to be published by Oxford Universit y Press beginning in 1992.

6 Auschwitz and the Gulag: Discontinuities and Dissimilarities

S

cholars an d other s have , fo r variou s reasons , bee n likenin g Ausch witz an d th e Gula g sinc e th e 1940's , an d th e compariso n ha s become "canonical " sinc e it s powerfu l employmen t b y Hanna h Arend t in he r Origins of Totalitarianism, firs t publishe d i n 1951 . * Today thi s linkage i s agai n a t th e cente r o f th e historica l an d normativ e discussio n due t o it s vital rol e i n th e "Historica l Debate " generate d i n German y b y the obscen e nationalis t apologetic s o f Ernes t Nolt e an d hi s supporters. 2 But is this accepte d historica l piet y correct ? I think not . I n contradistinc tion t o Arend t an d Nolte, 3 an d others , I wan t t o argu e tha t th e usua l analogies draw n betwee n thes e tw o evi l phenomen a ar e largel y an d essentially misleading , eve n fundamentall y incorrect . Before proceeding , however, le t me be very clear abou t wha t I am an d what I am no t saying . The differenc e tha t I will argu e fo r i s not moral — that on e environmen t wa s mor e evi l tha n th e othe r (thoug h thi s ma y also b e th e case)—bu t phenomenological , tha t i s tha t th e tw o context s were create d by , organize d through , an d employe d i n an d fo r vastl y different purposes , wit h nearl y wholl y differen t regulativ e ideologies . I n their design , empirica l facticity , intentionalit y an d teleolog y the y ar e radically alternativ e form s o f manipulation , violence , an d death . Bot h Auschwitz an d th e Gula g perpetrated monstrou s act s of inhumanit y an d it i s th e recognitio n o f thi s fac t tha t lead s t o th e intuitiv e assertion s regarding thei r commonality . Bu t on othe r tha n ethica l grounds , and th e unsparing mora l condemnatio n o f both , th e compariso n i s misleading . Reprinted b y permission o f Edwi n Mellen Press.

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That i s to say , th e awarenes s o f thi s prima l ethica l similarit y mus t serv e as th e beginnin g o f a conversation , no t it s conclusion , i f w e ar e no t t o lapse int o intellectua l barrenness , int o tha t typ e o f conceptua l sterilit y that i s a corollary o f a n inabilit y t o mak e necessary , if hard, distinctions . And i t i s to th e makin g o f suc h repercussiv e phenomenologica l discrimi nations a s a mora l obligation , a s a deb t t o th e truth , tha t w e mus t no w turn, inquirin g i n wha t wa y th e Gula g i s comparabl e t o Auschwitz , i n what wa y i s it not .

I The intriguing, not altogethe r transparen t expositio n o f the larger social historical context s ou t o f whic h Nazis m an d Stalinis m respectivel y gre w is wher e w e mus t begin. 4 Nazis m emerge d ou t o f th e turmoi l o f th e post—World Wa r I years , ou t o f th e inabilit y o f German y t o admi t it s own responsibilit y fo r defeat , ou t o f th e lac k o f viabl e democrati c tradi tions i n Germany , exacerbate d b y th e inheren t weaknesse s o f th e Wei mer state, 5 and ou t o f th e economic chao s create d b y the combination o f reparations require d b y th e Versaille s Treat y an d th e "Grea t Depres sion." Ye t i t occurre d i n a highl y modernized , technologicall y an d cul turally advance d society. 6 By contrast, Stali n cam e to powe r i n the wak e of a violent revolutio n wrough t b y an ideological , urban minorit y whos e achievement o f politica l contro l wa s i n direc t violatio n o f thos e ver y Marxist theorie s i n whos e nam e i t seize d power . Th e revolutio n an d Stalin's eventua l triump h occurre d i n a societ y tha t wa s generall y backward 7 an d underdevelope d i n ever y sens e and , importantly , tha t was accustome d t o hars h autocrati c governmen t maintaine d b y force , secret police agencies , and detentio n camps , chronicled s o powerfully b y Dostoevsky.8 A societ y withou t an y traditio n o f politica l freedo m o r human rights . I t was , perhaps , therefor e no t altogethe r unexpecte d tha t Bolshevism should , onc e i t ha d seize d politica l power , replac e on e men acing dictatorshi p wit h another. 9 Certainl y th e revolutionar y leadershi p was no t avers e t o th e us e o f forc e t o maintai n itsel f a s th e Kronstad t uprising and it s suppression showed. 10 O r agai n a s the coming into bein g of th e Check a revealed . Indee d Leni n seem s t o hav e fel t suc h repressio n was a necessar y conditio n fo r th e maintenanc e o f a proletaria n revolu tion. 11 Thus , th e groun d fo r a bureaucratic , centralized , dictatorial , i f not murderou s regim e wa s established, 12 t o b e exploite d t o it s ful l

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potential fo r evil , a s wel l a s transmute d i n unprecedented 13 ways , b y Lenin's successor , Comrad e Stalin . Stalin, wit h hi s immens e energy , uncann y cunning , tota l unscrupu lousness, an d eccentri c psychology , whic h include d considerabl e nativ e intelligence, woul d exacerbate , i n centra l area s eve n recreat e an d trans mogrify throug h a quantitativ e radicalness , al l existin g problems. 14 Hi s parochial Russia n nationalism 15 woul d brin g hi m int o conflic t wit h Russia's minorities ; hi s uncompromisin g driv e toward s rapi d industrial ization woul d produc e th e terrible , ravagin g collisio n wit h th e peasant s (not onl y th e wealth y kulaks) ; an d hi s egomaniaca l hunge r fo r absolut e power woul d caus e his paranoic fea r o f an y an d al l holders of power, n o matter ho w margina l o r delimited , withi n th e stat e an d lea d thereb y t o the man y blood y part y an d arm y purge s tha t mar k hi s tenur e a s leade r of th e Sovie t Union. 16 Togethe r thes e factors , alway s combine d wit h hi s heightened politica l instinct s an d tota l lac k o f politica l morality , woul d sweep awa y al l rea l an d imagine d opposition , leavin g hi m no t onl y th e undisputed rule r o f Russia , bu t th e greates t murderer , i n quantitativ e terms, history ha s every known. 17 Of grea t importance i s the fact tha t the historical context , the political culture an d socio-economi c realities , ou t o f whic h Stalinis m emerge d and i n whic h i t functioned , wa s markedl y different 18 fro m tha t o f Naz ism. I n Naz i Germany , becaus e o f it s virulent antisemiti c legacy (share d with mos t o f Europe) , and , eve n more , du e t o it s ow n contemporar y ideological construction s whic h le d t o genocide , th e Jew s wer e single d out fo r "metaphysical, " i.e. , racia l an d Manichean , reasons . Ther e was , neither i n 193 3 no r subsequently , an y fundamental politica l o r economic 19 gain i n persecutin g them , despit e muc h widesprea d misunderstandin g t o the contrary . I n Russi a th e Terror was , in contrast, a function o f politic s and economi c policy (industrialization ) plu s Stalin's menta l instability — a murderou s quirkiness 20 h e shared wit h Hitler . Put anothe r way , Hitle r coul d hav e pursued al l the dominan t goal s i n his politica l revolution , e.g. , nationa l renaissance , lebensraum, eve n th e disemancipation o f western Jewry, without the "final solution"—assum ing fo r th e momen t tha t killin g Jews per se was no t hi s majo r goal , a s i t seems finally to have been. 21 I n contrast, Stali n could no t have succeede d in hi s pus h toward s rapi d collectivizatio n an d th e transformatio n o f th e fundamentals o f th e Sovie t econom y a s par t o f th e overal l socialis t reconstruction o f Russia n societ y withou t a direc t clas h wit h th e peas antry a s wel l a s a deadl y collisio n wit h th e remainin g element s o f th e

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pre-revolutionary socio-economi c structur e tha t stil l survived. 22 H e could , of course , hav e take n a differen t tac k o n economi c policy , a s Leni n an d others ha d though t th e bette r course , bu t onc e h e decide d o n radica l socialization an d industrialization , o r a s h e migh t argu e i n hi s o w n self defense, wit h som e modes t justification , onc e thes e policie s wer e force d by event s u p o n him , extensive , pervasiv e conflic t wa s inevitable . Isaa c Deutscher ha s sensitivel y describe d th e inheren t confrontatio n i n thes e terms: It woul d b e eas y fo r th e historia n t o pas s unqualifie d judgemen t o n Stali n i f he coul d assum e tha t i n hi s fight agains t Bukharin , Rykov , an d Tomsk y h e pursued onl y hi s private ambition . This was not th e case. His personal end s wer e not th e onl y o r th e mos t importan t stake s i n the struggle . In th e tense month s o f 1928 an d 192 9 th e whole fat e o f Sovie t Russi a hun g in the balance . On th e fac e o f things , th e openin g o f th e crisi s wa s s o undramati c a s t o appear irrelevant . Th e peasant s ha d faile d t o delive r a fe w millio n ton s o f grai n to th e towns . Prosai c a s th e even t was , ther e wa s rea l dram a i n it . I n refusin g t o sell food , th e peasant s ha d n o clea r politica l motives . The y di d no t ai m a t th e overthrow o f th e Soviets , althoug h som e o f th e politicall y minde d element s among th e well-to-d o peasantr y hope d fo r suc h a n ending . Th e mas s o f th e peasants wa s drive n t o appl y tha t peculia r for m o f "sabotage " b y economi c circumstances. Mos t o f th e smal l farm s di d no t produc e mor e tha n wa s neede d to fee d thei r owners . After mor e than te n years the agricultural upheava l o f 191 7 was no w takin g it s revenge . Th e splittin g u p o f larg e estate s int o tin y holding s had give n th e Bolshevik s th e suppor t o f th e peasantr y i n th e civi l war ; bu t i n consequence th e productivity o f farming , o r rathe r it s capacity t o fee d th e urba n population, deteriorated . Th e bi g farmers , o n th e othe r hand , demande d hig h prices for food , price s intolerabl y burdensom e t o th e townspeople; an d the y als o pressed fo r furthe r concession s t o capitalis t farming . Stali n was , indeed , con fronted wit h a most comple x dilemma . If he yielded more ground t o the peasant s he woul d dangerousl y antagoniz e th e urba n workin g classes , which , o n th e whole, no w agai n stoo d behin d th e Government , especiall y afte r th e Govern ment ha d abou t 1927 , succeeded i n rebuildin g industr y t o it s pre-war condition . But th e refusa l t o yiel d t o th e peasantr y als o entaile d th e threa t o f famin e an d unrest i n th e towns . Th e proble m demande d a radica l solution . I f th e Govern ment ha d begu n t o cur b th e bi g farmer s an d t o encourag e gradua l collectiviza tion earlier , a s Trotsk y an d Zinovie v ha d counselled , i t migh t no t hav e neede d now t o resor t t o drasti c emergenc y measure s i n orde r t o obtai n bread . A s thing s stood, Stali n acte d unde r th e overwhelming pressur e o f events . The circumstanc e that h e wa s no t prepare d fo r th e event s precipitate d hi m int o a cours e o f actio n over which h e was liable to los e control. 23 Survival, economi c an d national , no t ontologica l fantasies , wa s th e key determinant . Th e contextua l consideratio n o f th e terro r i n Russi a suggests tha t Stali n wa s confronting , t o som e degre e a t least , r e a l 2 4

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enemies bot h politicall y an d i n clas s terms durin g th e 1920's , an d possi bly u p unti l 1934-36. 2 5 B y contrast, th e Jews o f German y (an d Europe ) were not, excep t b y definition, a n authentic , political "enemy. " Still more , despit e scholarl y claim s t o th e contrary, 26 Stalinis m i s no t a complet e novum i n Bolshevi k (an d earlie r Russian ) tradition ; i t is , fo r all it s radicalness , eve n recognizin g it s innovativeness , intimat e wit h th e Russian past . No t s o th e Naz i deat h camps . Auschwit z wa s unpredict able befor e i t occurred , whil e havin g occurre d i t i s no t accounte d for , nor explained , b y precedents, despite the many terribl e anti-semiti c precedents tha t d o exist . A student o f Czaris t coercio n an d Leninis t ideolog y would no t b e totall y surprised , a s th e vas t secondar y literatur e proves , to encounte r th e phenomeno n o f th e Gulag , thoug h it s shee r magnitud e would stil l ravag e one' s sensibilities . B y contrast , n o stud y o f pre-193 3 German o r moder n wester n Europea n histor y woul d suggest , o r ex post facto explain , Treblinka an d Einsatzgruppen. Lookin g back on e can find "roots," bu t n o amoun t o f suc h "backwar d looking " historiograph y i s sufficient t o th e reality . Wha t occurre d no t onl y s o exceed s wha t wa s "predictable," bu t i n it s qualitativ e dimension s i s so discontinuou s wit h its immediat e pre-histor y a s t o represen t it s antithesis . Th e uncompro mising, revolutionar y evi l o f Auschwitz , a s compare d t o th e massive , unceasing, primitive immorality o f the Gulag, therefore conjure s a differ ent mood , a dissimila r cognitiv e response . Th e Holocaus t remain s al ways "beyon d comprehension, " a n even t a s muc h reveale d a s mysteri ous, muc h a s w e mus t insis t tha t i t b e ope n t o scholarl y investigatio n and ordinar y rule s o f historica l an d philosophica l enquiry . I t i s thes e very qualitie s tha t lea d t o th e constan t temptation— to be resisted —to remove i t altogethe r fro m history . B y contrast, th e Gula g generate s rag e and dread , ange r an d sorrow , bu t no t mythification . On e i s prepared , alas, to find i t all too believable .

II It ma y b e tha t thi s impression , thi s disjunctiv e response , rest s ultimatel y on th e assimilabilit y o f th e Gula g t o tw o no t unfamilia r historica l cate gories, pena l detentio n an d slavery , tha t mi x togethe r i n a particularl y bitter wa y t o creat e th e Stalinis t camps . Pena l institutions , includin g th e use o f specia l incarceratio n center s fo r politica l "dissidents, " i s a n al l too commo n historica l phenomenon. 27 Fo r example , th e Naz i us e o f internment camp s fro m 1933 , e.g., Dachau , fo r politica l enemie s such a s

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Communists an d liberals , i s a paralle l occurrenc e belongin g t o thi s gen eral histor y an d nee d no t detai n us. 28 Th e sam e ma y b e sai d o f th e schematic role an d tempora l evolutio n o f Czaris t prison institution s int o Bolshevik ones . Dostoyevsky' s The House of the Dead leave s u s n o innocent illusion s o n thi s subject . Th e relatio n o f Stalin' s Gula g t o th e normative structure s o f slavery, 29 however , require s a closer, adequatel y nuanced look . Th e basic , compellin g comparabilit y o f th e tw o oppres sive configuration s lie s i n thei r purposeful , aggressiv e exploitatio n o f human labor , i.e. , bot h ar e roote d i n an d maintaine d b y specifi c eco nomic an d socia l need s tha t ar e hel d t o b e bes t me t b y unfre e labor. 30 Stalin's policy o f th e force d acceleratio n o f industrializatio n wa s "aided" 31 by reducin g a significan t percentag e o f Russia' s populatio n into , effec tively, "slaves, " i f b y anothe r name . Throug h thi s coerciv e labo r policy , rooted i n th e Czaris t past, 32 th e inmate s o f th e camp s wer e mad e t o provide crucia l chea p labo r fo r al l form s o f Sovie t industrialization , ranging fro m th e minin g o f ra w material s t o th e buildin g o f transporta tion networks. 33 Representing , a t it s peak, o n som e accounts , more tha n l/6th 3 4 o f th e adul t mal e population , thi s "enslaved " grou p comprise d the larges t singl e industria l workin g clas s i n Russia . Moreover , thi s captive clas s wa s abl e t o b e se t task s tha t were : (a ) necessar y t o th e economy a s a whole , ye t whic h wer e situate d i n place s wher e labo r o n the fre e marke t woul d hav e bee n ver y costl y t o procure; 35 an d (b ) tha t could b e accomplishe d b y th e calculate d substitutio n o f a larg e wor k force i n plac e o f expensiv e machines , machine s tha t coul d onl y b e pro cured throug h foreig n currenc y tha t th e Soviet Union di d no t have. 36 What require s particula r recognitio n i s tha t thi s slav e labo r syste m was no t create d a s th e resul t o f th e devastatio n wrough t b y th e Firs t World War , no r th e consequence s o f specia l short-ter m problematics , aberrations, i n th e lif e o f th e Stalinis t regime , thoug h th e number s o f such workers di d var y fro m perio d t o period. Rather , an d unmistakably , it wa s inherent , a s Solzhenitsy n ha s s o dramaticall y emphasized , i n th e very fabri c o f Stalinis m per se. 37 Th e abidin g constitutiv e exces s whic h was a dominan t featur e o f Stalinis m wa s predicate d upon , enacte d within , an alread y grotesque , authoritaria n order . Not onl y in the Gulag empire , but throughou t th e Sovie t econom y coercio n wa s th e nor m afte r 1929 . The brutalitie s o f agricultura l collectivizatio n for m a n essentia l ingredi ent i n ou r schemati c deconstruction , an d t o the m mus t b e adde d th e extensive re-organizatio n o f (regular ) industria l labo r i n 193 0 tha t led , for example , i n Decembe r 1938 , t o th e syste m o f industria l passport s

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and i n Octobe r 194 0 t o th e introductio n o f sever e penalties fo r lateness , absenteeism, an d curtailmen t o f th e workers ' freedo m i n jo b selection. 38 Even mor e significant , analogou s i n inten t t o slav e labor , i s th e syste m of Stat e Labo r Reserves 39 establishe d b y Stali n i n Octobe r 194 0 which , in effect , create d large-scal e pool s o f young , unfree industria l workers . According t o thi s scheme , a s man y a s 1 millio n mal e teenagers , th e majority of f th e farms , woul d b e "drafted " int o technica l industria l apprenticeships deeme d necessar y b y the Stat e economi c planners . Afte r a trainin g perio d lastin g betwee n 6 month s an d 2 years , dependin g o n the jo b fo r whic h h e wa s bein g prepared , th e youn g ma n woul d b e assigned a tas k t o whic h h e was legall y boun d fo r 4 years . In thi s way a novel metho d o f industrial serfdo m wa s instituted. The Fourth Five-Yea r Plan calle d fo r 4,500,00 0 suc h recruits , a majo r percentag e o f al l indus trial employees . And, a s in the Gulag , such unfre e labo r wa s expecte d t o provide, i n particular , 70 % t o 80 % o f th e ne w worker s i n th e heav y industries, e.g. , coal-mining , th e minin g o f ferrou s metals , an d machin e building. 40 In thi s sense , then , th e Gula g ca n b e identifie d a s th e en d point o f a spectru m o f Sovie t labo r exploitatio n rathe r tha n a s a discon tinuous an d radica l alternativ e t o th e "normal " Stalinis t socia l order . Upon reflectio n i t become s unarguabl y clea r tha t thos e wh o projec t a mythical "Stalinis m withou t excess " are twice deluded, onc e because th e notorious extreme s wer e th e ver y stuf f o f Stalin' s regime , an d secondly , because th e excesse s wer e buil t int o a normative , abidin g structur e that , in an d o f itself , wa s barbarousl y abusive . Hitler , o r perhap s mor e pre cisely Himmle r an d Speer, 41 woul d create , durin g th e war , a somewha t comparable slav e empir e comprise d o f capture d prisoner s o f war , over run Slavi c peoples , an d eve n citizen s o f conquere d countrie s i n wester n Europe, no t t o mentio n th e industria l complexe s utilizin g Jewis h labo r at Auschwit z an d elsewhere . However , Hitler' s us e of slav e labor, what ever its overall qualitativ e comparabilit y t o Stalin's, differed wit h respec t to th e expropriatio n o f Jewis h labor . Jewis h manpowe r resource s wer e not utilize d a s slav e labor , eithe r i n th e classica l o r Stalinis t sense, 42 bu t rather as , i n Ferencz' s tellin g phrase , "les s tha n slav e [labor], " i.e. , th e German inten t wa s no t t o foste r economi c efficiency , o r substantiv e production gains , but instead , sough t t o establis h th e disutilitarian equa tion tha t balance d labo r utilizatio n wit h necessar y guarantee s tha t Jew ish workers b e worked t o deat h i n a very specific , highl y inelastic perio d of time. 43 Stalin' s system , i n contrast , theoreticall y a t least , an d mor e often tha n no t i n practice , wa s predicate d o n a fixed perio d o f force d

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labor. Th e dominan t concer n o f th e regim e wa s th e realizatio n o f th e labor quotas , while at the same time being callously, cynically indifferent to th e survivabilit y o f it s prisoner labo r force . Whethe r Kolym a worker s lived o r die d wa s a matter o f littl e mora l o r practica l import , asid e fro m its bearing on productivity, t o Stalin o r the camp bureaucracy . I f inmate s could surviv e unde r th e prevailin g execrabl e conditions , wel l an d good , but thei r individua l fat e wa s no t primary— neither that they survive nor that they die. In the main , durin g mos t o f th e Stalinis t er a the Gula g wa s uncaring vis-a-vi s th e majority , it s state-dictate d attitud e toward s it s wards expresse d i n a sceptical , perverse disinteres t i n thei r particularity . Without doub t ther e wa s i n th e organizatio n o f th e Gula g muc h malice , sadism, an d murder . Brutalit y wa s normal , th e nor m brutal . Wha t wa s absent, however , wa s a specific , unambiguou s nationa l polic y o f mas s murder. Despit e th e hig h deat h tol l i n th e Gulag , wit h th e exceptio n o f that exceptiona l yea r 1938 , th e majo r cause s o f deat h i n thi s environ ment wer e corollarie s o f th e dolorifi c natura l condition s an d th e officia l attitude o f unconcer n tha t ha d th e impac t o f ramifyin g th e negativ e consequences o f th e ecologica l habitat . N o les s a critic of Stalin' s Camp s than Rober t Conques t ha s summarize d thes e circumstance s i n th e fol lowing terms : Previous year s [pre-1938 ] ha d seen , o n occasion , massiv e casualties . But these had bee n du e t o inefficiencie s i n supply , attempt s t o carr y ou t assignment s i n impossible conditions, and in fact—if i n exaggerated form—th e norma l incompetence an d brutalit y o f Sovie t life . Whe n th e difficultie s coul d b e overcome , conditions, a s w e have seen , wer e tolerable . Bu t abov e all , prisoners wer e no t subjected to lethal conditions on purpose. 44 Even i n tha t crudes t o f years , 1938, 45 whe n Stali n an d hi s ne w chie f henchman fo r th e Kolym a region , Majo r Garanin , ordere d a n unprece dented wav e o f shootings , increase d ever y manne r o f abuse , an d sa w t o it that condition s wen t fro m ba d t o unbearable , eve n then , fo r th e entir e year, th e whol e Kolym a distric t witnesse d "only " 40,000 4 6 shootings , i.e., planned , directl y sponsored , intentional , officia l murders. 47 And , even now , 1938 , execution s wer e stil l couple d t o wor k quotas 4 8 —and generally unconnecte d t o an y othe r ideologica l o r normativ e category , e.g., kulaks , ol d Bolsheviks , o r Jews . Thi s i s no t t o argu e tha t Stalin' s new ferocit y toward s th e Gulag' s populatio n di d no t tak e it s consider able, i f mor e oblique , tol l durin g thi s year . Figure s ar e uncertain , bu t estimates rangin g fro m 200,00 0 t o 400,00 0 death s cause d b y cold , starvation, an d overwor k ar e commonl y accepted . Fo r thi s on e year ,

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under thes e exceptiona l conditions , th e Gula g approache d Auschwit z asymptotically. Asymptoticall y becaus e eve n i n thi s wors t o f year s th e Gulag di d no t operat e unde r th e sam e equatio n o f life 49 an d deat h a s did Auschwitz . Th e prioritie s o f labo r versu s death , o f productivit y versus dehumanization , di d shif t toward s a heretofor e unprecedente d near equality; yet, even at its nadir, the demands of life, even if translate d and reduce d t o economi c units , stil l ha d a t leas t equa l weight. 50 In thi s matrix exploitatio n an d annihilatio n certainl y becam e to o casuall y con traposed, whil e th e origina l dominan t economi c driv e sa w itsel f paral leled b y a corrup t desir e t o debase , eve n destroy , man y o f th e Cam p inmates. However , eve n amids t thi s ruefu l re-evaluatio n o f purposes , a t no tim e wa s th e equatio n s o wholl y inverte d tha t deat h wa s all ; th e highest, supreme , unchallenge d good . Moreover , an d elementa l t o th e Nazi vs . Gula g comparison , th e Gula g kille d peopl e distributively , i.e. , taking it s toll o n al l groups, singlin g none ou t fo r "specia l treatment." 51 Then again , th e powerfu l strea k o f hars h realis m i n Stalin' s perceptio n of lif e cause d hi m t o recogniz e th e nee d fo r "compromise " betwee n actual economi c requirement s an d th e primitiv e desir e t o "punish " rea l or imagine d enemies , whil e hi s Marxist-Leninis t ideolog y allowe d fo r such mediation . Alternatively , Hitler' s sever e biocentri c "idealism " en couraged n o comparabl e compromis e o n th e Jewish question , whil e hi s immolating racia l metaphysic s permitte d none . As a consequence, Himmler's S S empire manifested n o such mediatin g dispositions, no r di d i t represen t similar , primaril y utilitaria n priorities , at leas t no t wher e th e Judenfrage wa s concerned . I n thi s aren a i t wa s primordially committe d no t only to Jewish submissiveness , to the exploitation o f frightfull y controlle d Jewish labor, bu t also, and more rudimen tarily, t o th e unenigmati c biologica l extinctio n o f eac h an d ever y Je w trapped withi n it s parameters . Hitle r an d hi s Arya n elit e wer e neithe r sceptical abou t no r disinterested , contra th e controlling rationality o f th e Gulag, i n th e fat e o f "their " Jews—the y were , rather , passionat e advo cates o f th e universa l imperativ e tha t al l Jews must die . Under n o condi tions, n o matte r ho w economicall y advantageou s thei r effort s an d n o matter ho w politicall y co-operativ e Jewry proved itsel f t o be , could i t b e left t o survive . Mere Jewis h surviva l wa s th e activ e enemy. Compare d t o 40,000 shooting s i n total i n the Kolyma i n 1938 , 10,00 0 Jews a day die d at Auschwitz i n 1944 .

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III The Gula g wa s no t Auschwitz . Wh y i t wa s no t lie s i n th e differences between th e reignin g ideologies, let us better cal l them mythologies , hel d by th e tw o regime s i n question . Nazis m wa s a novel , peculiarl y deadl y amalgam o f racial , Socia l Darwinian , an d Manichea n element s tha t reified th e Je w no t onl y a s a biologica l inferio r an d th e enem y o f al l positive values , bu t stil l mor e importantl y a s th e paradigmati c tempora l manifestation o f nothin g les s than th e principl e o f cosmi c negativit y per se. Conversely , Hitle r wa s th e suprem e contemporar y positiv e incarna tion o f the Spirit , its principal mediu m i n the world, th e prophetic leade r of the struggle for tha t racial purit y that translated itsel f int o the advanc e of civilization , a n advanc e tha t simultaneousl y assure d certai n victor y over th e metaphysica l force s o f universa l darkness . I t i s her e tha t th e Fuhrerprinzip become s s o consequential , wit h it s meta-legal , meta-ethi cal legitimac y an d authority . Al l positiv e restraints , eithe r mora l o r jurisprudential, must—b y definition—giv e wa y befor e th e incontrovert ible wil l o f th e Fuhrer . He , an d h e alone , discern s th e opaqu e bu t compelling sign s of destin y an d lead s th e Herrenvolk accordingly . Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist ideolog y parallel s thi s mythi c politica l dogm a to a considerabl e extent , i n particula r throug h it s heightene d self-con sciousness o f itsel f a s the avant-gard e o f th e uncompromisabl e historica l struggle fo r existentia l emancipatio n fro m clas s tyranny . Mar x an d hi s many, divers e heir s wer e convince d tha t the y ha d discerned , i n th e materialist dialectic , th e roo t principl e o f historica l change , an d accord ingly were , i n history' s primordia l struggl e fo r huma n liberation , o n th e side o f th e angels . "Th e Marxis t doctrine, " Leni n pronounced , "i s om nipotent becaus e it is true." 52 More technicall y described , Marxism-Leninism-Stalinis m ca n b e sai d to share , allowin g fo r it s ow n particula r ideologicall y reconstructe d analysis o f ke y categorie s an d concepts , tw o o f th e three principal meta physical dogma s o f Nazism : (a ) a varian t for m o f Manicheanism ; an d (b) it s ow n specia l totalitaria n renditio n o f Socia l Darwinism . It s Mani cheanism manifest s itsel f i n it s definitio n o f th e clas s struggl e a s a n unbounded, ye t determinat e wa r betwee n th e inherentl y "progressive " forces o f histor y an d thos e tha t ar e "reactionary, " tha t is , thos e tha t oppose th e emancipatio n an d autonom y o f th e proletariat. Marx' s revo lutionary conceptua l breakthroug h wa s hi s "discovery " o f th e universa l motivating principl e o f thi s conflict , th e economi c dialecti c o f materia l

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productive forces , whic h allowe d him , arme d wit h thi s "gnosis, " t o unlock th e inner , heretofor e secret , code of history' s unfolding . Throug h such knowledg e th e Marxis t ca n lear n ho w t o assis t th e virtuous , prole tarian masse s i n overcomin g thei r execrable , tyrannica l antitheses , thereb y ushering i n th e socialis t equivalen t o f th e "Kingdo m o f God. " Suc h inspired goal s deman d a war , fo r al l it s terror , "makin g n o concession s whatever t o th e accurse d heritag e o f serf-ownership , asiati c barbaris m and huma n degradation " an d "creatin g condition s i n whic h i t wil l b e impossible fo r th e bourgeoisie t o exist, or fo r a new bourgeoisie to arise " (Lenin). Thi s avowe d ruthlessnes s i s legitimat e becaus e i t i s directe d against a robbe r class , which manifest s fa r mor e despoti c behavior , an d because i t brings into being a pristine order, which produce s nothin g less than a new form o f ma n a s well as an unprecedented mod e of egalitaria n society. Predicate d o n a change d distributio n o f power , th e concer n o f this revolutionar y transformatio n i s nothin g les s tha n a wholl y recon structed socioeconomi c order . Socialis t Manicheanism , hence , requires a concrete politica l struggl e fo r contro l o f th e stat e apparatu s tha t creates , modulates, an d distribute s influenc e betwee n classes . In thi s challengin g context , th e revolutionar y elite—th e Party 53 — leads th e remorseles s assaul t agains t all , includin g liberal-democratic, 54 anti-proletarian forces . I t absorb s al l power , brook s n o oppositio n i n either theor y o r practice , an d thereb y gather s th e necessar y strengt h t o liquidate th e malevolen t structure s o f th e clas s enem y a s wel l a s t o foment th e revolutionar y struggl e fro m above . The Part y i s wholly justi fied b y it s revolutionar y ethic , whic h align s wit h historica l necessit y t o demand tha t i t transfor m th e masse s eve n whil e the y see m unprepare d for thi s apotheosis . I t i s i n thi s criss-crosse d wa y tha t th e dialecti c o f organizational structur e an d ideolog y become s realized : th e Party—th e bureaucratic vehicle—compellingl y implement s an d rigorousl y support s the revolutionar y Marxist-Leninis t synthesis , whil e th e encompassin g ideology reinforce s th e enacte d Party-organizationa l structur e an d it s legal superstructur e a s reflecte d i n juridica l formulation s suc h a s th e notorious Articl e 5 8 (o n treaso n t o th e Fatherland ) o f th e 192 6 RSFS R Criminal Code. 55 I t i s als o throug h thi s comple x interweavin g o f for m and doctrin e tha t th e Party legitimate s it s terror ideologically , a s morall y required fo r capturin g th e future . "Morality, " Leni n woul d asser t a t th e Third Komsomo l Congress , "i s tha t whic h serve s th e destructio n o f th e old exploitin g society." 56 Thi s striden t redefinitio n als o authorize s th e monopoly o f powe r exercise d b y th e revolutionar y elite—th e Part y an d

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its leadership . Throug h thei r peculia r "awareness " o f th e Truth, a s wel l as o f th e mechanism s b y whic h i t work s itsel f ou t i n space-time , the y possess th e highe r ethica l righ t t o tota l power . "Peopl e wh o wer e reall y convinced o f th e fac t tha t the y ha d advance d knowledge, " Leni n as serted, "woul d b e demandin g no t freedo m fo r th e ne w view s alongsid e the ol d views , bu t th e replacemen t o f th e latte r b y th e former." 57 Th e Party ha s no w bee n justified , i n th e contex t o f thi s clas s conflict , a s th e ruthless agent , if and a s required, fo r carryin g through thi s revolutionar y purge o f bourgeoi s elements , indee d o f al l oppositiona l group s whethe r of th e right o r left , whethe r o f th e aristocrati c o r th e middle class . To thi s degre e the n ther e i s a forma l a s wel l a s structura l parallelis m between Nazis m an d Bolshevism , wit h bot h assertin g thei r claim s an d coming t o powe r o n th e basi s o f a part y machiner y outsid e of , an d putatively superio r to , th e stat e apparatus. 58 In eac h cas e th e Part y justified itsel f a s th e spear-carrie r o f historica l laws , a s th e embodimen t of th e Spirit . Moreover , eac h attribute d t o it s leadership 59 specia l pow ers. "Th e revolutionar y leadership, " argue d Lenin , "[is ] rul e tha t i s unrestricted b y an y laws." 6 0 Hitle r woul d agree . A s a result , a wa r against ideologica l enemies , i n th e cas e o f Nazis m agains t it s racia l protagonists, i n th e cas e of Bolshevis m it s class opponents, was no t onl y defended bu t recommende d a s a mora l imperative . Ye t fo r al l th e con ceptual, mythic , logical , an d bureaucrati c similaritie s betwee n thes e tw o immensely powerfu l worl d crusades , th e definin g differenc e betwee n them mus t als o b e recognized . The definin g differenc e betwee n Nazis m an d Stalinis m reside s i n th e seminal fac t tha t eac h syste m understand s it s Manichea n manifesto , it s energizing first principles , i n radicall y disparat e ways . Give n th e eco nomic basi s o f Marxist-Leninism , th e imperativ e i s t o annihilat e a n oppressive clas s regime; the real opponent i s a "false" exploitative labor economic system . Th e clas s enem y i s an enem y b y virtue o f th e plac e h e occupies i n th e deforme d socioeconomi c arrangement . "Ou r polic y i s a class policy, " Stali n reminde d th e Centra l Committee . "H e wh o think s that on e ca n conduc t i n th e countrysid e a polic y tha t wil l pleas e every body, th e ric h a s wel l a s th e poor , i s no t a Marxis t bu t a n idio t . . ." 6 1 Accordingly, th e visionar y ambitio n i s t o alte r th e reignin g organiza tional arrangement s o f society , thereb y eliminatin g th e regressive , ener vating economi c superstructure , an d henc e th e structura l immoralit y o f existing political models . Such far-reachin g socia l renovation s entai l on e further, cardina l transpositio n a s well : t o eliminat e th e offendin g status

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of one' s clas s enemy , tha t is , t o dissolv e th e ver y notio n o f clas s an d hence, necessarily , tha t o f enem y qua enemy . Suc h fundamenta l reposi tioning, o f course , migh t requir e terro r o n a gran d scale , a s evidenced , for example , i n th e protracte d an d painfu l wa r agains t th e kulaks , fo r the bourgeoisi e wil l no t giv e u p it s privileg e easil y o r willingly . Th e intent o f suc h officia l violence , ideally , however , i s no t t o attac k th e kulak qua bein g but t o transfor m th e power structur e tha t corrupt s bot h the bourgeoisi e an d th e proletaria t alike . (Thi s i s why a t leas t 6 5 t o 7 0 percent o f th e kulak s survived! ) Ideologically , eve n fo r Stalin , reeducation, not physica l extermination , i s th e consummat e goal . Bolshevis m declares a n uncompromisin g wa r agains t th e clas s enem y qua clas s enemy, agains t hi s clas s status ; i t doe s no t declar e a n unlimited , annihi latory wa r agains t hi s perso n qua person . In this , Bolshevis m manifest s a conversionar y doctrin e an d militan t zea l analogou s t o tha t o f th e classic Catholi c approac h t o th e conversio n o f Jewr y (o r perhap s stil l closer t o tha t o f Isla m toward s Pagans) . Reeducated , th e forme r bour geoisie ca n tak e it s rightfu l plac e i n th e "workers ' paradise, " jus t a s a converted Je w ca n becom e a full y equa l membe r o f Christia n society , even a "Princ e o f th e Church. " By comparison, Nazism doe s not merely apply its vengeful Manichea n passion agains t a n alternativ e economi c clas s or sociocultura l status , bu t against a n opposing , assertedl y biologica l givenness—tha t is , Semit e versus Aryan . Give n th e fixed strategi c construction o f thi s binary oppo sition, i t canno t tak e o n th e characte r o f a war o f statu s versu s status — a collisio n tha t doe s no t necessaril y den y th e essentia l humanit y o f th e other—for, unlik e clas s conflict , racia l conflic t doe s no t allo w fo r th e conceptual o r juridica l separatio n o f perso n an d status . A Jew b y status , defined biologically , i s als o necessaril y a Je w i n person . This , an d pre cisely this , i s th e intende d stin g o f racia l claims—n o reeducation , n o conversion, n o alteratio n i n eithe r statu s o r perso n i s possible . Hence , whereas Stalinis m sough t "confessions" 62 o f wrongdoing , o f ideologica l heresy, o f "wrecking, " a s a require d i f no t alway s successfu l prologo menon t o socia l o r politica l rehabilitation , Nazis m sough t n o "confes sions," n o repentance , fro m Jews—fo r i t allowe d n o possibilit y o f thei r social (i.e. , racial) rehabilitation . In thi s elementa l sense , Nazism pushe s the primordia l struggl e fundamenta l t o cosmic-historica l progres s t o a deeper leve l than Marxism—t o biologica l rathe r tha n economic-cultura l determinants. A s such , Marxism-Leninism-Stalinis m ha s programmati c alternatives ope n t o i t tha t Nazis m doe s no t possess . Race , a s th e pri -

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mary, immutabl e determinan t o f th e Manichea n cosmology , demand s a total wa r differen t in kind fro m th e revolutionar y clas h entaile d b y Marxist-Leninist metaphysics. 63 Thi s intrinsi c dichotom y define s th e qualitative incongruit y betwee n Stalin' s Gulag 64 an d Hitler' s Auschwitz . The instructiv e cas e agains t whic h t o tes t thes e deconstructiv e meta ideological observation s o n ideolog y is , o f course , tha t provide d b y th e treatment o f th e kulaks. On th e one hand, thei r traged y make s clea r tha t all theoretica l consideration s o f individua l versu s corporat e categories , as well as all related question s of mediating mora l restraints , were settle d by Stali n i n a mos t immora l "corporatist " fashion . Fo r Stali n the y wer e an identifiabl e segmen t withi n th e overal l populatio n fo r who m belong ing t o a collectiv e "category" 65 wa s t o b e all-consequential . Ye t th e actual natur e o f thei r appallin g dismembermen t a s a "class, " whic h meant suc h vas t huma n sufferin g fo r million s o f peasants , provide s evidence tha t Stalin' s onslaugh t agains t the m wa s differen t i n kin d fro m Hitler's campaig n agains t Jewry . Conside r that : (a ) Stali n explicitl y chos e to murder onl y a minority o f th e kulaks, though h e could have murdere d them all ; an d (b ) th e mai n assault , fo r al l it s severity , wa s agains t a "contingent," "sociall y alien" 66 identity , th e natur e o f whic h was , b y definition, subjec t t o change. 67 Whateve r neuroti c fear s energize d an d accompanied thi s convulsiv e anti-peasan t policy , ther e ca n b e no reaso n to doub t tha t wha t wa s elementa l i n thi s unstintin g wa r wa s th e kulaks ' economic—that is , class—loyalties , loyaltie s tha t ha d t o b e broke n down 6 8 fo r th e genera l goo d t o prevai l accordin g t o th e dominan t socialist consensus . (Stali n wa s not alon e i n holdin g thi s view , whic h was the vie w o f almos t th e entir e Bolshevi k elite , includin g Trotsky, 69 differences existin g only a s to how bes t to accomplis h thi s policy.) 70 The desired alteratio n i n th e kulak' s collectiv e clas s consciousness , an d cor respondingly th e kulak' s statu s a s a "clas s enemy, " wer e t o com e abou t through force d collectivization . I estimate tha t 8 8 percent o f th e Russia n peasantry, a t a minimum, survive d Stalin' s clas s war agains t the m i n th e 1930s. This loss rate o f 1 2 percent o r les s indicates massiv e suffering bu t not a state-dictated , state-actualize d polic y o f physica l genocid e base d on criteri a o f socioeconomi c "class. " IV In pointin g ou t th e sociological , historical , economic , an d ideologica l factors tha t operate d distinctivel y an d disjunctivel y i n th e Gula g an d

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Auschwitz w e hav e n o desir e t o relativiz e on e a t th e expens e o f th e other, o r t o den y th e immens e evi l o f both . However , evi l come s i n man y forms an d i t i s the tas k o f scholarship , distastefu l a s i t migh t be , t o stud y these variegate d form s an d t o recogniz e difference s a s wel l a s similaritie s between them . W h e n on e look s closel y a t th e Gula g an d Auschwit z i n all thei r destructiv e complexity , on e canno t bu t b e profoundl y awar e o f h o w ver y dissimila r the y are .

NOTES 1. Hanna h Arendt , The Origins of Totalitarianism (Ne w York , 1951 ; revise d edition Ne w York , 1966) . 2. Fulle r detail s o f thi s debat e ar e provided b y Charle s Meier , The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge , 1988); Rudol f Augstei n (ed.) , Historikerstreit: Die Dokumentation der Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der nationalsozialistischen ]udenvernichtung (Munich , 1987) ; an d Pete r Baldwi n (ed.) , Reworking the Vast: Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Historians' Debate (Boston , 1990) . 3. I n mentionin g thes e tw o individual s togethe r I d o no t mea n t o equat e Arendt's employmen t o f this connection wit h tha t o f Nolte . 4. Th e particular s o f th e Naz i onslaugh t agains t Jewr y wil l b e describe d an d analyzed exhaustivel y i n m y forthcomin g three-volum e stud y o f th e Holocaust in Historical Context (tentativ e title ) t o b e publishe d b y Oxfor d University Pres s beginning i n 1992 . 5. O n th e growt h an d importanc e o f antisemitis m i n th e Weima r Republic , consult m y essay , "191 8 an d After : Th e Rol e o f Racia l Antisemitis m i n th e Nazi Analysi s o f th e Weimar Republic, " chapter 4 in the present volume . 6. Th e man y comple x issue s o f th e post-191 8 situatio n i n German y wil l b e analyzed i n muc h greate r detail , especiall y a s the y bea r upo n question s o f German an d Naz i antisemitism , i n Vol . Il l o f m y forthcomin g study , The Holocaust in Historical Context. 7. Fo r exampl e onl y 3 3 % o f th e population coul d rea d i n 1920 . See, for more , Jean Elleinstein , The Stalin Phenomenon (London , 1976) , pp. 15-16 . 8. Not e especiall y hi s The House of the Dead (1861-62) . Se e als o Davi d J . Dallin an d Bori s Nicolaevsky , Forced Labor in Soviet Russia (Ne w Haven , 1947), pp . 2 9 9 - 3 0 5 ; an d particularl y Richar d Pipes ' extrem e vie w o f th e origin o f an d continuit y betwee n th e Sovie t polic e stat e an d it s Czaris t predecessor, Russia under the Old Regime (Ne w York , 1974) . The wor k o f Solzhenitsyn is , of course , relevant her e as well. 9. W e note tha t th e White Russia n arm y an d it s short-lived terro r wa s not ver y much different . Consider , fo r example , th e pogrom s i n th e Ukrain e tha t caused thousands o f casualties . It was a case of terro r o n the right an d terro r on th e left . Fo r fulle r analysi s o f th e Ukrainia n situatio n se e Jame s Mace ,

Auschwitz and the Gulag 15 3 Communism and the Dilemmas of National Liberation, National Communism in Soviet Ukraine, 1918—1933 (Cambridge , 1983) ; an d J . Borys , The Sovietization of the Ukraine (Edmonton , 1980) . 10. Th e entir e Kronstad t experimen t ha s bee n describe d i n th e recen t excellen t study b y Israe l Getzler , Kronstadt 1917-1921: The Fate of the Soviet Democracy (Cambridg e [England] , 1983) ; an d th e earlie r wor k b y Pau l Avrich, Kronstadt, 1921 (Princeton , 1970) . 11. Cf . Lenin' s 191 7 essa y Can the Bolshevites Retain State Power? Fo r discus sion o f th e earl y histor y o f th e Check a an d GP U (Secre t Police ) se e Ronal d Hingley, The Russian Secret Police: Muscovite, Imperial Russian and Soviet Political Security Operations 1565-1970 (London , 1970) ; Boris Lewytzkyj , Die rote Inquisition: Die Geschichte der sowjetischen Sicherheitsdientse (Frankfurt a.M , 1967) ; Simo n Woli n an d Rober t M . Slusser , The Soviet Secret Police (Ne w York , 1957) ; an d Elleinstein , The Stalin Phenomenon, pp. 2 0 - 2 9 . Referenc e shoul d als o b e mad e t o Solzhenitsyn' s treatmen t of , and quotatio n from , Leni n i n the Gulag Archipelago. 12. O n th e meanin g o f th e Civi l War fo r late r Sovie t policies , se e Sheila Fitzpa trick's interestin g essay , The Civil War as a Formative Experience (Th e Wilson Center , Washington , D.C. , 1981) . Cf . als o o n thi s importan t issu e Ronald Grego r Suny , The Baku Commune 1917-18 (Princeton , 1972) ; David Lane , The Roots of Russian Communism (Assen , 1969) ; Rober t Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution, 1917-1923: A Study in Organizational Change (Ne w York , 1979) ; T . H . Rigby , Lenin's Government, Sovnarkom 1917—1922 (Cambridge , 1979) ; an d Sheil a Fitzpatrick , The Russian Revolution (Oxford , 1982) . 13. Ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t Stalinism , i n it s use of mas s murder , transcend s the Czaris t past . Czaris t polic y wa s oppressiv e i n th e extreme , bu t judgin g by all availabl e statistic s not murderou s t o an y marke d degre e a s A. Solzhenitsyn point s ou t i n hi s Gulag. I n th e 5 0 year s befor e th e revolutio n th e Czarist regime , with al l th e provocatio n o f th e anarchist s an d othe r revolu tionaries, execute d les s tha n 15,00 0 individuals . Se e als o o n thi s issu e R. Conquest , Kolyma (Ne w York , 1979) , pp. 229-230 . 14. Thi s claim, of course, depends on how on e understands th e relation o f Stali n and "Stalinism " t o previou s event s i n Russia n history , bot h Czaris t an d Bolshevik, a n issu e too comple x t o ente r int o i n detail here . 15. Stalin' s Russia n nationalis m represente d somethin g very differen t fro m Len in's attitud e t o othe r nationalit y groups . The brie f encouragemen t o f minor ity national identitie s under Leni n (d . 1924 ) an d fo r a brief period thereafter , e.g., th e brie f flourishing o f Ukranian , Armenian , Muslim , Tatar , an d Yid dish culture, was soon eclipse d b y a militant, homogenizing Russia n cultura l imperialism. 16. O n thes e purges , se e Rober t Conquest , The Great Terror: Stalin's Purge of the Thirties (Ne w York , 1960) , an d th e additiona l source s cite d i n th e nex t note. 17. Fo r a more detailed investigatio n o f this highly complex problem see , among many relevan t sources , Rober t Conquest , The Great Terror; idem , Kolyma;

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idem, "Force d Labo r Statistics : Som e Comments, " Soviet Studies, Vol . 34 , No. 3 (Jul y 1982) , pp . 434-439 ; idem , The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Great Famine (Ne w York, 1986) ; Iosef G . Dyadkin , Unnatural Deaths in the USSR, 1928-1954 (Ne w Brunswick , 1983) , to b e used wit h care , cf. th e review b y Michael P . Sacks in Slavic Review, Vol . 43, No. 1 (Spring , 1984) , pp . 119-120 ; Fran k Lorimer , The Population of the Soviet Union: History and Prospects (Geneva , 1946) ; Mikhai l Helle r an d Aleksander Nekrich , Utopia in Power: The History of the Soviet Union from 1917 to the Present (Ne w York , 1986) ; Jerr y Houg h an d Merl e Fainsod, How the Soviet Union Is Governed (Cambridge , 1979) ; Mosh e Lewin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power (Evanston , 1968) ; Rober t A . Lewis e t al. , Nationality and Population Change in Russia and the USSR: An Evaluation of Census Data, 1897-1970 (Ne w York , 1976) ; and Murra y Feshbach, "Th e Sovie t Union : Populatio n Trend s an d Dilemmas, " Population Bulletin, Vol . 37, No. 3 (August , 1982) , pp. 3-44 . The mos t intens e debat e o n th e issu e ha s bee n carrie d ou t sinc e 198 1 between Steve n Rosefield e wh o favor s ver y hig h mortalit y estimate s fo r th e Stalinist er a ("Collectivization , Gula g force d labou r an d th e terro r appa ratus tha t sustaine d th e Stalinis t syste m appea r t o hav e claime d th e live s of 21.4 t o 24. 4 millio n adult s an d 7. 2 t o 8. 0 millio n children . A n additiona l 14.4 millio n unrealize d birth s [projecte d birth s i n a normal situation ] unre lated t o th e wa r ma y als o b e include d i n thi s inventory , bringin g th e tota l population defici t attributabl e t o Stalin' s force d industrializatio n policie s t o 43.8 t o 4 6 millio n people ; figures mor e tha n doubl e th e 2 0 millio n civilia n and militar y casualtie s incurre d durin g th e war, " i n "Exces s Mortalit y i n the Soviet Union," [ful l bibliographical citatio n below]) and S. G. Wheatcrof t who ha s bee n aggressiv e i n defendin g muc h lowe r estimates . Fo r th e acri monious dialogu e betwee n thes e tw o se e Steve n Rosefielde , "Th e Firs t 'Grea t Leap Forward' Reconsidered : Lesson s of Solzhenitsyn's Gulag Archipelago," Slavic Review, Vol . 39 , No. 4 (December , 1980) , pp. 559-587 ; Stephe n G . Wheatcroft an d R . W . Davies , "Steve n Rosefielde' s Kliuvkva," Slavic Review, Vol . 39 , No . 4 (December , 1980) , pp . 593-602 ; Steve n Rosefielde , "An Assessmen t o f th e Source s an d Use s o f Gula g Force d Labo r 1 9 2 9 1956," Soviet Studies, Vol . 33 , No. 1 (January, 1981) , pp. 5 1 - 8 7 ; Stephe n G. Wheatcroft , "O n Assessin g th e Siz e o f Force d Concentratio n Cam p Labour i n th e Sovie t Union , 1929-56, " Soviet Studies, Vol . 33 , No . 2 (April, 1981) , pp. 265-295; idem , "Toward s a Thorough Analysi s of Sovie t Forced Labou r Statistics, " Soviet Studies, Vol . 35 , No. 2 (April , 1983) , pp . 223-237; Steve n Rosefielde , "Exces s Mortalit y i n th e Sovie t Union : A Reconsideration o f th e Demographi c Consequence s o f Force d Industrializa tion 1929-1949, " Soviet Studies, Vol . 35 , No . 3 (July , 1983) , pp . 3 8 5 409; idem , "Exces s Collectivizatio n Death s 1929-1933 : New Demographi c Evidence," Slavic Review, Vol . 43 , No . 1 (Spring , 1984) , pp . 8 3 - 8 8 ; Ste phen G . Wheatcroft , "Ne w Demographi c Evidenc e o n Exces s Collectiviza tion Deaths : Ye t Another Kliuvkva fro m Steve n Rosefielde, " Slavic Review, Vol. 44 , No . 3 (Fall , 1985) , pp . 505-508 ; an d Steve n Rosefielde , "Ne w

Auschwitz and the Gulag 15 5 Demographic Evidenc e o n Collectivizatio n Deaths : A Rejoinde r t o Stephe n Wheatcroft," Slavic Review, Vol . 44, No. 3 (Fall , 1985) , pp. 509-516 . A furthe r evaluatio n o f th e issue s discusse d b y Rosefielde an d Wheat croft, favorin g Wheatcroft' s positio n i n general, can b e found i n Barbar a A . Anderson an d Bria n D . Silver , "Demographi c Analysi s an d Populatio n Ca tastrophe i n th e USSR, " Slavic Review, Vol . 44 , No . 3 (Fall , 1985) , pp . 517-536. I n thi s contex t on e shoul d als o rea d Stephe n Wheatcroft' s tw o complementary papers , "Famin e an d Factor s Affectin g Mortalit y i n th e USSR: The Demographic Crisi s of 1914-192 2 an d 1 9 3 0 - 3 3 " ; and "Famin e and Factor s Affectin g Mortalit y i n th e USSR : Th e Demographi c Crisi s o f 1914-1922 an d 1930-33 , Appendices," bot h publishe d i n the Soviet Industrialisation Projec t Series , pamphle t number s 2 0 an d 21 , University o f Bir mingham, Birmingham , England . Th e basi c wor k don e i n Russi a ha s bee n that o f B . Urlanis, whose majo r demographi c studie s are , unfortunately, stil l not translated . 18. Hanna h Arendt' s attemp t i n The Origins of Totalitarianism, an d th e deriv ative effort s o f thos e man y other s wh o hav e followe d he r lead , t o portra y Stalinism an d Nazis m a s tw o form s o f a commo n politica l realit y calle d "Totalitarianism" i s seriousl y flawe d an d lead s t o mor e distortio n tha n illumination i n the final analysi s o f thes e two movements . 19. Th e "economics " o f anti-semitis m ar e complex , bu t I woul d argu e tha t economic justification s ar e "ba d reason s fo r wha t peopl e believ e o n in stinct." Jew s di d not contro l th e Germa n nationa l econom y a s th e anti semites claimed , an d thei r purg e woul d no t "free " th e econom y i n an y appreciable way . 20. Rober t Tucker has described bot h Stali n an d Hitler a s "warfare personality " types, a category h e defines a s follows : The warfar e personalit y show s paranoi d characteristic s a s psychologicall y defined , but wha t i s essentia l fro m th e standpoin t o f ou r discussio n i s tha t i t represent s a political personality type . The characteristically paranoi d perceptio n o f the world as an aren a o f deadl y hostilitie s bein g conducte d conspiratoril y b y a n insidiou s an d implacable enem y against the self finds systematized expressio n i n terms of politica l and ideological symbol s that ar e widely understoo d an d accepte d in the given social milieu. ("Th e Dictato r an d th e Totalitarian, " World Politics, Vol . 17 , No. 4 [July , 1964], pp. 555-583) 21. Se e his "Las t Testament, " fo r example . 22. Th e intimate relationship betwee n modernizatio n an d conflict i n the Stalinis t era ha s bee n ampl y studied . Amon g th e mor e reasone d analyse s ar e N . Valentinov, The NET and the Tarty Crisis (Stanford , 1971) ; Cyri l E . Black , (ed.) The Transformation of Russian Society: Aspects of Social Change since 1861 (Cambridge , 1967) ; Alex Inkeles, Social Change in Soviet Russia (Ne w York, 1971) ; E . H . Car r an d R . W . Davies , Foundations of a Planned Economy, 1926-1939, 3 Vols . (Ne w York , 1969-71) ; Nichola s Lampert , The Technical Intelligentsia and the Soviet State (Ne w York , 1971) ; Alex ander Ehrlich , The Soviet Industrialization Debate, 1924—1928 (Cam -

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bridge, 1960) ; an d R . V . Daniels , The Conscience of the Revolution: Communist Opposition in Soviet Russia (Cambridge , 1960) . O n th e economi c situation unde r NE P se e V. N. Bandera , "Th e Ne w Economi c Polic y (NEP ) as a n Economi c System, " Journal of Political Economy, Vol . 7 1 , No . 3 (June, 1963) , pp. 265-279 . 23. Isaa c Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography (Ne w York , 1949) , pp. 3 1 7 318. 24. "Real " doe s no t mea n I approve , no r tha t Stali n wa s th e "good " gu y an d the enemie s th e "bad " guys . I t mean s onl y tha t Stali n ha d caus e t o b e concerned with , fo r example , Trotsk y an d hi s factio n o n th e on e han d an d the peasants o n th e other . 25. Se e A. Ulam, Stalin, (Ne w York , 1972) , p. 295, for mor e o n thi s issue. 26. Consider , fo r example , th e argumen t o f S . Cohen , "Bolshevis m an d Stalin ism," i n hi s Rethinking the Soviet Experience: Politics and History Since 1917 (Ne w York , 1985) . Se e als o Rober t Tucker' s revisionis t thesi s i n th e same genera l direction , thoug h muc h mor e subtl y an d dialecticall y stated , and therefor e als o perhap s embodyin g a mor e profoun d contradictoriness , "Stalinism a s Revolutio n fro m Above, " i n Rober t Tucke r (ed.) , Stalinism: Essays in Historical Interpretation (Ne w York , 1977) , pp. 77-WO. 27. Th e histor y an d characte r o f suc h pena l institution s ha s bee n describe d i n Michel Foucault' s interesting , bu t limited , Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Ne w York , 1977) ; U. R. Q. Henriques, "The Ris e and Declin e of th e Separat e System s o f Priso n Discipline, " Past and Present, Vol . 5 4 (1972), pp. 6 1 - 9 3; an d Georg e Ruschke and Ott o Kirchheimer, Punishment and Social Structure (Ne w York , 1939) . 28. I t should , however , b e remembere d tha t so-calle d "concentratio n camps " are t o b e clearl y distinguishe d fro m Deat h Camps , i.e. , place s create d pri marily, i f no t solely , t o kil l people , e.g. , Treblink a an d Auschwitz . Th e existence o f industria l complexe s a t thes e Deat h Camp s shoul d no t b e misunderstood, i.e. , a s mitigating thei r overal l genocida l charge , for al l thei r Jewish worker s wer e scheduled t o di e as part o f th e process. 29. Th e salient , comple x comparativ e question s raise d b y th e historica l institu tion o f slaver y wil l b e taken u p i n detai l i n Vol. I (Roma n Slavery ) an d Vol . II (Blac k Slavery ) o f m y forthcomin g study , The Holocaust in Historical Context. 30. A sa d stor y wit h man y earlie r chapters . On e suc h abus e whic h i s paradig matic o f man y i s tha t o f sixteenth - an d seventeenth-centur y galle y slavery , on whic h se e Paul Bamford , Fighting Ships and Prisons: The Mediterranean Galleys of France in the Age of Louis XIV (Minneapolis , 1973) . 31. I use this ter m i n quotatio n mark s i n ligh t o f th e counter-clai m advance d i n many, an d i n particular, mor e recen t studies , particularly o f th e agricultura l sector, tha t conten d tha t thi s polic y wa s counter-productiv e eve n o n th e basis o f stric t economi c rationality . Fo r myself , I a m no t altogethe r con vinced b y thes e argument s agains t th e strictl y economi c benefit s o f thi s activity which, vis-a-vis industrialization , see m positive an d real . It seems t o me that , whil e thi s collectivize d labo r wa s no t efficient , whe n al l element s

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are factore d i n i t di d produc e modes t results , whic h wer e exaggerate d enormously b y Stalin an d th e ruling elite. This, however, o f course , does no t mean tha t I would agre e that thi s was th e bes t way t o achiev e such results . 32. Th e us e o f crimina l proceeding s an d institution s t o assur e neede d labo r i s an ol d policy, not onl y i n Russi a bu t elsewher e i n Europe . 33. A ful l lis t o f camp s an d th e typ e o f wor k carrie d o n i n the m i s given i n D . Dallin an d B . Nicolaevsky, Forced Labor in Soviet Russia, pp . 5 8 - 7 2 . 34. Al l demographi c statistic s provide d i n thi s chapte r ar e provisiona l an d th e subject o f grea t scholarl y debate . Fo r a n introductio n t o th e problemati c aspects o f thi s basi c issu e see : Dalli n an d Nicolaevsky , Forced Labor in Soviet Russia, wh o giv e a figure of 5-6 millio n slav e workers i n 193 7 and 8 million "slave " workers i n 1941 ; Steven Rosefielde , wh o provide s very hig h estimates o f 8 million Gula g worker s i n 1937 , 1 0 million i n 1940 , and 1 2 15 million i n 1946-5 0 i n "An Assessmen t o f th e Sources and Use s of Force d Labor, 1929-1956, " Soviet Studies, No . 1 (January , 1981) , pp . 5 1 - 8 7 ; Stephen Wheatcrof t conclude s tha t "som e fou r t o five millio n i s th e maxi mum numbe r o f concentratio n cam p labourer s wh o coul d hav e existe d i n 1939," i n "O n Assessin g th e Siz e o f Force d Concentratio n Cam p Labo r i n the Sovie t Union , 1931-1956, " Soviet Studies, No . 2 (April , 1981) , p. 28 6 —the entir e essay covers pp. 265—295; idem , "Toward s a Thorough Analy sis o f Sovie t Force d Labo r Statistics, " Soviet Studies, No . 2 (April , 1983) , pp. 223-237 ; R . Conquest , The Great Terror; an d idem , "Force d Labo r Statistics: Som e Comments, " Soviet Studies, No . 3 (July , 1982) , pp . 4 3 4 439. Conques t seem s t o pu t th e figure o f slav e laborer s a t 8 millio n o r above, Great Terror, Appendi x A . O n Sovie t manpowe r note , i n addition , Warren W . Eason , "Force d Labor, " i n Abra m Bergso n an d Simo n Kuznet s (eds.), Economic Trends in the Soviet Union (Cambridge , 1963) , pp . 3 8 93; N . S . Timasheff's muc h lowe r estimat e (2. 3 million ) o f force d labo r i n 1937 i n hi s "Th e Pos t Wa r Populatio n o f th e Sovie t Union, " The American Journal of Sociology, Vol . 5 4 (1948) , pp. 148-155 ; an d N . Jasny "Labou r and Outpu t i n Soviet Concentratio n Camps, " Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 59, No. 5 (October , 1951) , pp. 405-419, wh o give s a lowish figure o f 3.5 millio n Gula g workers i n 1941. 35. Mor e detail s i n suppor t o f thi s vie w ca n b e foun d i n Ro y Medvedev , Let History Judge, (Ne w York , 1973) , p. 394. 36. Dalli n an d Nicolaevsky , Forced Labor in Soviet Russia, pp . 88-90 , discus s this issu e more fully . Als o note th e comment s o f Rober t Conquest , Kolyma, p. 39 ; and the observations o f A . Ciliga , Siberie, terre de Vexil de Vindustrialisation (Paris , 1960) . 37. I t may well b e that par t o f thi s problematic i s structural, i.e. , it is part o f th e larger proble m o f tryin g t o refor m Russi a o n th e basi s o f a Marxis t theor y ill-suited t o th e industria l an d agraria n realitie s o f Russi a i n th e 1920's . Ulam suggests : "On e canno t find ou t fro m Mar x ho w t o buil d socialis m i n a prevailingl y agraria n society , an y mor e tha n on e ca n lear n ho w t o buil d a nuclear reacto r b y reading the works o f Newton, " Stalin, p . 294. 38. Thi s labor re-organizatio n an d it s implications ar e analyze d b y Solomon M .

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Schwarz, Labor in the Soviet Union (Ne w York, 1952) , pp. 209f. Thi s issu e (and relevan t sources ) wa s called t o my attention b y Barrington Moore , Jr., Terror and Progress in the USSR (Cambridge , 1954) , pp. 5 4 - 5 5. 39. O n this program se e Harry Schwartz , Russia's Soviet Economy (Ne w York, 1950), p. 449f. 40. Solomo n M . Schwarz, Labor in the Soviet Economy, pp . 7 7 - 8 3 . 41. Himmler' s entrepreneuria l ambition s ar e narrate d i n Speer' s stud y entitle d Infiltration: How Heinrich Himmler Schemed to Build an SS Industrial Empire (Ne w York, 1981) . 42. Jerz y Gliksman, an inmate in the Gulag, gives us this accurate understandin g of the Stalinist slav e labor system : The Sovie t lagers ar e in fact institution s practicin g slav e labor. The y ar e closely tied to various industrial o r other enterprises which, in turn, are part of the over-all Soviet economy. They are expected t o fulfill thei r part in the general economic plan, and ar e a tremendou s sourc e o f chea p labo r fo r thi s plan . Openl y an d cynically , without an y trace of concern fo r appearances , the camp inmat e is therefore treate d simply as a forced supplier of needed work. {Tell the West [New York, 1948], p. 244) 43. Rau l Hilberg , The Destruction of European Jewry (Chicago , 1967) , pp . 334-345, discusse s th e relatio n o f slav e labo r t o surviva l i n detail . Hi s important conclusion : "Th e Polis h Jew s wer e annihilate d i n a proces s i n which economi c factor s wer e truly secondary " (p . 345). 44. R . Conquest, Kolyma, p . 47. 45. O n these events see ibid., pp. 4 9 - 6 6. 46. Ibid. , p. 58. 47. B y comparison th e Nazis wer e killin g mor e Jews i n one week a t Auschwit z in lat e 194 3 and 194 4 than i s represented b y this Gula g tota l fo r the entir e year 1938. 48. Furthe r detail s of this deadl y activit y ar e provided b y R. Conquest, Kolyma, pp. 5 1 - 5 2 . 49. Thi s conclusio n become s incontrovertibl e whe n on e examines i n detail theday-to da y conditions i n the two environments. I.e., matters of "selections, " work assignments , healt h care , living conditions, sex, women, children , and release all reveal fundamenta l differences . 50. Eve n Rober t Conquest , i n his most tellin g indictmen t o f the Stalinist enter prise, does not claim mor e tha n this . All in all, these condition s reflecte d on e main truth . I n the minds of its creators and organiser s th e consciou s purpos e o f Kolyma , whic h ha d originall y bee n th e production of gold, with death as an unplanned by-product, had become the production, with at least equal priority, of gold and death. (Kolyma, p. 124 ) 51. I.e. , in the generality o f Gulag life itself . 52. Lenin , Selected Works (Moscow , 1977) , Vol. 1, p. 44. 53. O n th e rol e o f th e Communis t party , se e first Josep h Stalin' s ow n under standing a s presente d i n hi s Problems of Leninism (Moscow , 1949) , pp . 179-80. Julia n Towster' s Political Power in the USSR 1917-1947 (Ne w

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York, 1948 ) i s a work o f considerabl e meri t that repay s clos e study; se e also on thi s importan t issu e Raymon d Bauer , e t al. , How the Soviet System Works (Cambridge , 1963) ; Adam Ulam , The Bolsheviks (Ne w York , 1965) ; Leonard Schapiro , The Origins of Communist Autocracy (Cambridge , 1966) ; and idem , The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Ne w York , 1971) ; and Phili p Selznick , The Organizational Weapon (Glencoe , 111. 1952). 54. Discusse d b y J. H . Keep , The Rise of Social Democracy in Russia (Oxford , 1963); an d Dietric h Geyer , Lenin in der Russichen Sozialdemokratie (Co logne, 1962) . Se e als o Geor g Lukacs ' earl y essay s no w collecte d i n Taktik undEthik (Neuwied , 1975) . 55. O n Articl e 5 8 consul t R . Conquest , The Great Terror, Appendi x G ; A . Solzhenitsyn, Gulag (Ne w York , 1974-75) , Vols . I and II , pp. 6 0 - 6 7 ; an d Robert Sharlet , "Stalinis m an d Sovie t Lega l Culture, " i n R . Tucke r (ed.) , Stalinism, pp . 164-165 . 56. Leni n a s quote d i n R . Medvedev , On Stalin and Stalinism (Oxford , 1979) , p. 185 . 57. Leni n a s cite d b y L . Schapiro, Communist Party, p . 40. For a wider investi gation o f thi s phenomenon, se e Otto Kirchheimer , Political Justice: The Use of Legal Procedure for Political Ends (Princeton , 1961) . 58. Despit e thi s theoretica l parallelism , th e actua l rol e o f th e part y differe d greatly i n th e tw o cases . Th e Naz i part y neve r achieve d th e powe r an d transformational rol e o f th e Bolshevi k party . Th e Bolshevi k part y ha s al ways ha d a pre-eminence ove r th e stat e apparatu s an d bureaucrac y tha t th e Nazi part y coul d onl y envy . Se e o n thi s comple x issu e Amo s Perlmutter , Modern Authoritarianism (Ne w Haven , 1981) , pp . 104-107 ; K . Bracher , German Dictatorship (Ne w York , 1970) , pp. 235f; D . Orlow , The History of the Nazi Party: 1933-1945, 2 vols . (Pittsburgh , 1973) , throughout ; an d L. Schapiro , Communist Party, throughout . Conversely , Stalin , eve n a t th e height o f hi s "will, " wa s neve r cas t i n th e same , fully embodied , metaphysi cal role as was Hitler. Though h e may have had a s much powe r i n fact (afte r 1935), i n theor y th e Bolshevi k part y Genera l Secretar y neve r becam e Der Fuhrer. 59. Th e often-mad e compariso n specificall y o f Stali n an d Hitle r i n term s o f th e "cult o f personality " i s her e significant . Assuredl y Stalin' s authorit y wa s a s autocratic an d complet e a s Hitler's . However , havin g sai d this , on e mus t still recogniz e tha t crucia l systemi c distinction s exis t betwee n Nazis m an d Stalinism. Th e Fuhrerprinzip, wit h it s metaphysica l claim s fo r Hitle r has , first o f all , no rea l counterpar t i n Marxist-Leninis t ideology . Secondly , eve n under Stalin , i.e. , eve n whe n th e "cul t o f personality " flourishe d beginnin g in th e 1930's , Stali n wa s no t accorde d eithe r th e theoretica l o r ontologica l role accorde d Hitler . Th e ad hoc adulatio n o f Stali n wa s alway s a t odds , however ignore d i n practice , wit h elementa l Marxis t doctrin e an d henc e always hel d a n "anomolous " statu s i n th e Sovie t matrix . Indee d i t wa s thi s tension tha t allowe d Khrushche v t o criticiz e jus t thi s "cul t o f personality " in his "secre t speech " t o th e Twentieth Communis t Part y Congres s i n 1956 . His speec h i s reprinte d a s a n appendi x i n Nikit a Khrushchev , Khrushchev

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Remembers (Boston , 1970) . Suc h a criticis m o f th e Fuhre r woul d b e self contradictory, i n principle , eve n impossibl e withi n th e theoretica l parame ters o f Nazism . Hitler , b y definition , wa s beyon d suc h criticism . Fo r fulle r exploration o f thi s important issu e in term s o f th e Sovie t context se e Rober t C. Tucker' s essay , "Revolutionar y Mas s Movemen t Regimes, " i n hi s The Soviet Political Mind (Ne w York , 1963) , pp . 3 - 1 9 ; idem , "Th e Ris e o f Stalin's Personalit y Cult, " American Historical Review, Vol . 84 , No . 2 (1979), pp . 347-366 ; idem , "Th e Dictato r an d th e Totalitarian, " World Politics, Vol . 17 , No . 4 (July , 1965) , pp . 555-583 . Fo r a comparativ e analysis o f thi s issu e withi n th e broade r socialis t cam p se e Jerem y T . Pal tiel's, "Th e Cul t o f Personalit y an d Som e Comparativ e Reflection s o n Polit ical Cultur e i n Leninis t Regimes, " in Studies in Comparative Communism, Vol. 16 , Nos. 1 & 2 , (Spring-Summer , 1983) , pp. 4 9 - 6 4. Paltiel' s essay ha s much t o say , especially abou t th e interesting comparative cas e of Maois m i n China. 60. Lenin , Collected Works, Vol . 8 , p . 123 . Se e her e th e informativ e essa y b y Robert Sharlet , "Stalinis m an d Lega l Culture, " in R. Tucker (ed.) , Stalinism, pp. 155-179 . 61. Stalin , Collected Works, Vol . XI, p. 48. 62. Th e standar d wor k o n th e sho w trial s an d th e extractio n o f confessions , though no t withou t problem s i n it s "explanation " o f thes e events , i s R . Conquest, The Great Terror. 63. Thi s accounts fo r th e empirical Sovie t situation i n which—unlike Auschwit z —changes o f statu s ca n b e reversed . Fo r example , th e traumati c force d collectivization o f lat e 192 9 an d earl y 193 0 whic h sa w th e percentag e o f peasant householder s rushe d int o collectivizatio n ris e t o ove r 55% wa s reversed, fo r a time , i n Marc h 1930 , fallin g t o 23.6 % b y June 1 , 1930 . A . Ulam, Stalin, p . 32 9 [base d o n th e researche s o f M . L . Bogdenki , "Th e Collective Movemen t i n Sprin g an d Summe r o f 1930, " Historical Notes (Moscow), Vol. 7 , No. 76 (1965) , p. 31], estimates tha t 75 millio n peasant s changed thei r statu s i n thi s fli p flop . I t i s wort h notin g tha t thi s tren d wa s itself reverse d late r i n 1930-31 , durin g which th e figures for collectivizatio n reached 60 % b y Septembe r 1931 . A s status , no t biology , wa s th e issue , Stalin coul d tal k o f "converting th e middle peasant t o socialism " (Collected Works, Vol . XIII , p . 4 2 [italic s added]) . Th e sam e obtain s fo r mos t o f th e purged Part y members , estimate d a t u p t o 800,000 , purge d i n 1933 . The y were no t killed—unlik e th e threatenin g ol d Bolshevi k leadership , e.g. , Ka menev an d Zinoviev , etc.—bu t expunge d fro m thei r plac e i n th e hierarchy , thereby creatin g "discipline " within th e Part y a s well a s a fierce new loyalt y on th e part o f thos e purged wh o sough t t o retur n t o the Party's good graces . Even Zinovie v an d Kamene v ha d bee n readmitte d t o th e Part y fo r a time i n 1933 after suitabl e acts of contrition an d self-abasement. Fo r details of thes e purges se e Rober t Conquest , The Great Terror. Th e sam e consideration s apply t o th e nationa l minoritie s wh o survive d t o b e "rehabilitated " b y th e Soviet State in 1956 . 64. O f course , thi s i s not —need I sa y it—t o justif y th e Gula g i n an y manne r

Auschwitz and the Gulag 16 1 whatsoever. Th e Gula g cause d unbelievabl e cruelt y an d exces s i n ever y direction. Whil e differen t fro m Auschwitz , i t i s n o les s ope n t o mora l censure. Phenomenologica l disjunction s d o no t her e entai l an y differenc e o f moral response . 65. Stalin' s instinctive , neuroti c fea r o f th e peasantr y a s a whole i s described i n A. Ulam , Stalin, p . 205 . Stalin' s concer n wit h th e peasantr y wa s justifie d even if , a s som e distinguishe d student s o f th e Russia n peasantr y argue , th e peasantry generall y lacke d hostilit y toward s th e Sovie t regim e i n th e perio d 1917-28. Thi s non-hostil e vie w o f peasan t attitude s i s argue d b y Ott o Schiller, Die Landwirtschaft des Sowjetunions 1917-1953 (Tubingen , 1954) , pp. 19f . Alternatively , however , ther e i s considerabl e evidenc e tha t th e peasantry fro m 191 7 o n ha d n o grea t affectio n fo r th e Bolshevi k state , a s can b e seen in their respons e t o stat e need s in 1918—19 , as well as, and eve n more so , in th e sizeabl e peasant revolt s tha t occurre d a t th e en d o f th e Civi l War i n th e Ukrain e an d Tambov , o n whic h se e Olive r H . Radkey , The Unknown Civil War in Russia: A Study of the Green Movement in the Tambov Region 1920—21 (Stanford , 1976) . Ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t after th e crisi s o f 192 8 th e peasant s wer e increasingl y aligne d agains t th e Communist leadership . Th e "Procuremen t Crisi s o f 1928, " i s brilliantl y analysed by M. Lewin , Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, pp . 214-249 . 66. I borrow thi s expression fro m M . Lewin , "Th e Sovie t Background o f Stalin ism," i n The Making of the Soviet System (Ne w York , 1985) , p. 122 . 67. Vasil y Grossman' s remar k that : "Jus t a s th e German s proclaime d Jew s no t human beings , thu s di d Leni n an d Stali n proclaim , 'Kulak s ar e no t huma n beings,' " cite d with a t least implicit approval b y Robert Conquest , i s simply an error . Grossman' s remark s ar e fro m hi s Forever Flowering (Ne w York , 1972), p. 144 , cited b y Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow, p . 129 . 68. I.e. , whic h assumed , howeve r muc h ignore d i n practic e (thoug h fa r fro m completely ignore d i n practic e a s w e shal l see) , tha t on e coul d separat e a kulak's statu s fro m hi s person . 69. Consul t The Writings of Leon Trotsky, 1930-1931 (Ne w York, 1971) , Vol. IV, pp. 5 4 - 64 an d 299-308 . 70. O n th e divers e opinion s hel d i n thi s debat e se e A . Ehrlich , The Soviet Industrialization Debate (Cambridge , 1960) ; E . H . Carr , A History of Soviet Russia: Socialism in One Country, Vol . I (London, 1958) ; H. Ellison , "The Decisio n t o Collectiviz e Agriculture, " American, Slavic and East European Review, Vol . 21 (April , 1961) , pp. 189-202 ; an d M. Lewin , Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, pp . 132-17 1 an d 294-343 . The general Bolshe vik debat e regardin g th e peasantr y an d th e change s i t mus t b e require d t o undergo are described in T. Shanin, The Awkward Class. Political Sociology of Peasantry in a Developing Society: Russia 1910—1925 (Oxford , 1972) .

7 Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust: Preliminary Clarifications and Disclaimers

G

iven th e confusion , crosse d purposes , an d misunderstanding s tha t have accumulate d aroun d th e evidentl y contentiou s questio n o f the "uniqueness " o f th e Sho'ah I shoul d like , i n thi s chapter , t o clarif y six elemental issue s that mus t be understood arigh t if any real philosoph ical advance i s to b e made i n the analysi s o f thi s matter .

I In advancin g an d supportin g th e positio n tha t th e destructio n o f Euro pean Jewr y betwee n 193 3 an d 194 5 i s phenomenologically uniqu e I a m not proposin g o r endorsin g an y particular theologica l conclusion(s) . It is not a t al l clea r t o m e tha t ther e i s a direct , an d preferred , theologica l meaning t o b e draw n fro m th e exceptionalit y o f thi s event , a t leas t no t as I wil l describ e an d interpre t thi s singularity . A s I understan d th e multiple epistemologica l an d metaphysica l issue s bot h th e theologica l radicals 1 —e.g., Richar d Rubenstein , Arthu r Cohen , Emi l Fackenheim , Yitzchak Greenberg , an d o n th e Christia n side , e.g. , suc h Protestant s a s A. Ro y Eckard t an d Alic e Eckardt, 2 t o a degre e Jurge n Moltmann, 3 Franklin Littell, 4 Frankli n Sherman, 5 Pau l Va n Buren, 6 Harr y Jame s Cargas, 7 an d suc h Catholic s a s Kar l Thieme , Davi d Tracy , Clemen s Thoma, an d t o som e degre e Joh n Pawlikowski, 8 a s wel l a s th e theo logical conservatives—e.g. , Elieze r Berkovits, 9 Jacob Neusner, 10 an d th e Lubavitcher Rebbe, 11 an d o n th e Christia n side , e.g., th e Protestan t Kar l Reprinted b y permission o f Sheffiel d Academi c Press .

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Barth, 12 an d th e Catholi c theologian s D . Judant an d Charle s Journet, 13 have al l run ahea d o f th e availabl e evidenc e an d th e extant philosophi cal-theological argumentatio n t o posit conclusion s tha t ar e not epistem ically o r intellectuall y persuasive . Neithe r Rubenstein' s endorsemen t o f the "deat h o f God " nor the Lubavitcher' s Rebbe' s conservativ e kabbal istic pronouncements o n th e Sho'ah a s a tikkun 14 flo w necessaril y fro m the even t itself . Bot h these , an d othe r denominationa l expositions , ar e premature an d inconclusive . The y represent , i n essence, a priori imposi tions tha t ar e extrinsi c t o th e Deat h Camp s an d roote d i n deepl y hel d prior theologica l positions. 15 Any theological position, at present, is compatible with the singularity of th e Sho'ah. Religiou s conservative s wh o "intuitively " rejec t th e uniqueness o f th e Holocaust o n the, usually implicit , ground s tha t suc h an unequivoca l conclusio n woul d necessarily entai l ominou s alteration s in th e inherite d normativ e Weltanschauung ar e simpl y mistaken . Tha t is, one can, without self-contradiction , adop t a n unexceptional conserva tive theologica l postur e (eithe r Jewis h o r Christian ) while , a t th e sam e time, acceptin g th e discrete contentio n tha t th e destruction o f Europea n Jewry wa s a n historica l novum, give n th e discipline d understandin g o f the concep t o f historica l novum tha t I woul d wis h t o argu e fo r an d employ. 16 Conversely , th e theological radical s wh o hold tha t th e singu larity o f th e Sho'ah necessaril y entail s religiou s transformations , an d within Jewis h parameter s halachi c changes , hav e no t show n thi s t o b e the case . The y hav e merel y assume d i t t o b e so , positing th e "require d changes" the y tak e t o be obligatory withou t providin g eithe r halachic 17 or philosophica l justificatio n fo r suc h innovation . I t may be that on e or other o f thes e alternativ e position s i s true , bu t s o fa r non e ha s mad e a convincing case for itself. Therefore, I avoid all theologizing, and encourage other s t o avoi d suc h theologizing , a t thi s stil l preliminar y stag e o f enquiry. 18

2 In defendin g uniquenes s I a m not simultaneousl y endorsin g th e injudi cious clai m tha t th e Holocaust i s more evil tha n alternativ e occurrence s of extensiv e an d systemati c persecution , organize d violence , an d mas s death. Th e characte r o f tha t uniquenes s whic h I am prepare d t o cham pion i s not tie d t o a scale , a hierarchy , o f evil , i.e. , of a n even t X bein g more o r les s malevolen t tha n anothe r even t Y , or al l previous event s E\

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to E N . This , of course , is not t o den y th e compellin g fac t tha t th e Sho'ah was a monumenta l crime , a n astonishin g ac t o f cruelty , comprise d o f millions o f act s o f cruelty , a s grea t a s an y tha t ha s eve r take n place . Bu t in acknowledgin g thi s I a m no t assertin g tha t th e Sho'ah i s more evi l than certai n othe r specifi c events , e.g. , th e centuries-lon g brutalit y an d dehumanization represente d b y Greco-Roma n an d Ne w Worl d slavery , the mass-murde r o f Armenian s i n 1915-1917 , th e vas t depopulatio n o f the indigenou s people s o f Nort h an d Sout h America , th e monumenta l violation o f huma n dignity , th e million s o f dead , tha t i s th e Gulag , o r the monstrou s transgressio n tha t i s Cambodia . Thes e othe r happening s are also morally outrageous, and arguabl y a s outrageous a s the Sho'ah. 19 The insuperabl e epistemologica l dilemm a tha t confront s u s i s that ther e is no argument , n o method , tha t wil l allo w fo r th e quantificatio n o f evi l beyond th e simpl e mathematical . Bu t this , I take it , is not wha t i s mean t when th e Holocaus t i s said t o b e more evi l tha n othe r incidents , a t leas t not whe n thi s formidabl e propositio n i s defended b y competen t author s and speaker s possesse d o f eve n minima l philosophica l sophistication . Moreover, o n this measure of numbers alone , the Sho'ah, a s an empirica l matter, i s fa r fro m th e "mos t evil " even t i n history . In th e absenc e o f convincing criteri a fo r makin g suc h absolut e comparativ e judgments , al l such judgment s becom e indefensible. 20 Here I demur fro m Yehud a Bauer' s contentio n tha t ther e may be no differenc e betwee n Holocaus t an d genocid e fo r th e victim o f either . But there are gradations of evil, unfortunately. Holocaust was the policy of total, sacral Naz i ac t o f mas s murde r o f al l Jew s the y coul d la y thei r hand s on . Genocide was horrible enough, but it did not entail total murder.21 The categorica l distinctio n tha t Baue r draw s betwee n some an d all, between Holocaus t an d Genocide, 22 is not best , or eve n properly, under stood a s a mora l distinctio n bu t rathe r a s a phenomenologica l an d logical one . Seekin g t o kil l al l o f a grou p i s descriptively, eve n ontologi cally, different fro m seekin g to kill part o f a group, but i t is not necessarily, morall y worse . Fo r example , th e killin g o f som e X ma y b e a greate r evil, assumin g on e coul d measur e suc h things , tha n killin g al l Y , wher e there ar e mor e X tha n Y an d th e absolut e numbe r o f X kille d exceed s the tota l numbe r o f Y even thoug h th e killin g o f X i s not , usin g a for m of Bauer' s nomenclature , "Holocaustal. " T o repeat : thi s i s no t t o den y that non-Holocaust X is different fro m Holocaus t Y but, rather, to asser t that th e nature o f thi s differenc e i s logical an d structura l no t moral . T o

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impute les s evil , fo r example , t o Stali n tha n Hitle r becaus e o f th e cate gorical distinctio n betwee n Holocaus t an d Genocid e (Stalin , o n Bauer' s definition, bein g guilt y o f perpetratin g th e latte r bu t no t th e forme r crime, whil e Hitle r perpetrate d th e forme r crime ) appear s unwarrante d on it s fac e an d undecidable , excep t b y stipulation , i n bot h theor y an d practice. Again , t o judg e th e Youn g Turk s o r th e Khme r Roug e les s evil than Hitle r becaus e the y faile d t o wan t t o kil l al l Armenians o r Cambo dians respectively i s logically an d ethicall y unconvincing . Kenneth Seeskin , i n commentin g o n a n earlie r presentatio n o f m y view,23 ha s give n voice to th e elementary confusio n w e wish t o disclaim , as follows : To hi s credit , Kat z trie s t o avoi d ethica l o r theologica l conclusions . He admit s that number s alon e d o no t tel l th e full story . In his survey o f mas s murder, h e refrains fro m judgment s of better or worse. Unlike Maier and Aron, he does not get tangled i n distinctions betwee n a n ideology and its interpretation. Hi s thesis is simply tha t th e uniquenes s o f th e Holocaus t consist s in it s "genocida l inten t against th e Jewish people. " Th e questio n i s whether h e ca n emplo y a concep t like genocida l inten t withou t fallin g victi m t o mora l comparison s h e doe s no t want t o make . I f th e Naz i exterminatio n o f Jew s i s th e first and onl y cas e of genocidal inten t i n history , ho w ca n w e not conclud e tha t i t unleashe d a ne w and previously unimagined for m o f evil? One cannot refer to a term like genocidal intent withou t expectin g the audienc e t o draw mora l inference s fo r itself — particularly whe n writin g o n th e Holocaust . S o while Kat z i s anxiou s t o sta y clear of these inferences, his language gives him away. This is more than a verbal dispute. Even if Kat z were to replac e a charged wor d lik e intentionality wit h a neutral one like policy, the same problems would arise. 24 But thi s criticis m i s unpersuasiv e fo r i t rest s o n a logica l error . Ther e i s no logical reason no t to maintain th e distinction betwee n G , the presenc e of genocidal intent , i n event E, and ~ G , the absenc e of genocida l intent , in even t Ei , an d agai n i n ever y othe r even t E 2 t o E N , whil e a t th e sam e time insistin g tha t thi s phenomenologica l difference , betwee n G an d ~ G, doe s not necessaril y entai l an y hierarch y o f immora l act s or events . It is tru e tha t th e Sho'ah represent s a "ne w for m o f evil, " bu t thi s i s no t logically o r ontologicall y equivalen t t o th e clai m tha t th e Sho'ah repre sents a "ne w and higher leve l o f evil. " Th e separabl e notion s o f for m and degree , structur e an d quantity , inten t an d ethica l valence , ar e no t synonymous an d shoul d no t b e employe d a s i f the y were . Moreover , there i s n o incoherenc e o r contradictio n i n entertainin g th e possibilit y that on e coul d produc e th e sam e degre e o f evi l throug h tw o alternat e historic-systemic forms , assumin g w e coul d calibrat e degree s o f evil .

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Contra Seeskin , I see no authenti c reaso n why , give n th e carefu l disjunc tive condition s her e indicated , I canno t avoi d "fallin g victi m t o mora l comparisons I do no t wan t t o make, " indee d tha t I explicitl y repudiat e and encourag e m y reader s t o repudiate , an d wh y intelligen t readers , i f requested t o d o so , canno t distinguis h betwee n differen t forms o f evi l "without drawin g [incorrect ] mora l inferences. " In this connection i t is also necessary, especiall y given the prominenc e of hi s work, 25 t o rejec t th e criticis m o f Irvin g Loui s Horowitz , a t leas t insofar a s i t migh t b e misunderstood t o appl y t o my position . Horowit z writes: "Thos e wh o tak e a n exclusiv e positio n o n th e Holocaus t [an d argue fo r it s uniqueness ] ar e engagin g i n mora l bookkeeping , i n whic h only thos e wh o suffe r ver y larg e number s o f death s qualify." 26 M y understanding, however , i s tha t whil e th e Holocaus t i s unique , it s uniqueness i s no t relate d t o numbers . Whil e I a m concerne d t o defen d the "exclusiv e positio n o f th e Holocaust " I hav e n o interes t in , an d altogether reject , wha t Horowit z polemicall y label s "mora l bookkeep ing." Thi s dichotomou s respons e t o Horowitz' s ill-forme d critiqu e i s possible, an d necessary , becaus e th e tw o determinat e categorie s tha t h e erroneously equates , "mora l bookkeeping " an d "claim s fo r exclusive ness," ar e i n actualit y distinc t an d can , an d ought , t o b e separated . A n admirable, supportabl e desir e t o empathiz e wit h al l victim s o f oppres sion doe s not justif y a fallacious argument .

3. The phenomenologica l characte r I wil l associat e wit h th e notio n o f historical incommensurabilit y i s t o b e wholl y distinguishe d fro m mor e dramatic metaphysica l claim s sometime s associate d wit h th e concep t o f uniqueness. Thoug h sympatheti c t o claim s tha t "th e Holocaus t ha s mean t an ontologica l redirectin g o f th e cours e an d fat e o f history," 27 an d agreeing wit h Emi l Fackenhei m tha t "th e Holocaus t . . . wa s indee d a world, an d i t wa s dominate d b y th e 'logi c o f destruction ' tha t lef t untouched neithe r Go d no r man , neithe r hop e nor will , neither fait h no r thought," 28 n o one , i n m y view , ha s produce d arguments tha t demon strate th e transcendenta l uniquenes s o f th e Sho'ah. Therefore , I wil l resist th e stron g temptatio n t o emplo y suc h seductiv e meta-historica l criteria o f uniquenes s a s m y own . A . Ro y Eckard t i s righ t t o not e tha t the murde r o f Europea n Jewr y "raise s th e questio n o f Heilsgeschichte ('salvation history') , perhaps even the total eclipse of 'salvation history,' "

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and agai n tha t "i f i t is comparable a t all , [it ] can onl y b e compared wit h a ver y smal l numbe r o f othe r 'incomparable ' events , such a s the Exodu s and th e givin g o f th e Tora h o r th e Crucifixio n an d th e Resurrection." 29 However, i t is just the unsettling accurac y o f thi s observation tha t entail s caution, fo r th e Exodus , the giving of th e Torah, th e Crucifixio n an d th e Resurrection, insofa r a s one enter s int o an d reclaim s thei r theologica l o r metaphysical meaning , ar e not given s whose singularit y i s proven, incon trovertible, bu t rathe r realia whose overpowerin g mysteriou s presenc e i s assumed b y th e believe r an d affirme d b y th e transformin g experienc e o f faith. Th e immediat e significanc e o f thi s unremarkabl e observatio n i n the presen t context , however , i s exacting , fo r i t remind s u s that , fo r example, Jew s d o no t affir m th e transhistorica l realit y o f th e Resurrec tion, th e essentia l dogm a o f Christianity , an d n o appea l seem s abl e t o convince the m t o abando n thi s skepticism . Thoug h w e mus t b e ope n t o the philosophica l possibilit y tha t th e Sho'ah i s transcendentall y unique , that i t ma y transcen d al l inherite d an d establishe d philosophica l catego ries, categorie s tha t ar e unashamedl y constructe d t o den y uniquenes s b y the ver y fac t o f belongin g t o a group , I wil l not advanc e this , an d lik e claims a s my own . In particular , m y guarde d construa l o f th e characte r o f th e Holo caust's incomparabilit y i s no t t o b e equate d wit h Alic e an d A . Ro y Eckardt's intriguin g contentio n tha t amon g th e variou s meaning s o f th e term uniquenes s ther e i s on e beyon d others , "transcendin g unique ness," 30 tha t peculiarl y applie s t o an d individuate s th e Sho'ah. Thi s exceptional categor y the y defin e a s follows : The concep t o f transcendin g uniquenes s refer s t o event s tha t ar e hel d t o b e essentially differen t fro m no t only ordinary uniquenes s but even unique uniqueness. With transcendin g uniquenes s th e qualit y o f differenc e raise s itsel f t o th e level of absoluteness. 31 And the y g o on : One way to situate the qualitative shift t o transcending uniqueness is to speak of a radica l lea p fro m objectnes s t o subjectness , a tota l existentia l crisi s an d in volvement fo r th e party wh o makes one or anothe r affirmatio n o f transcendin g uniqueness. This extraordinary about face is accompanied by a marked transfor mation in modes of language. 32 One recognize s tha t i n this odd languag e th e Eckardts ar e wrestling wit h the limit s o f th e sayable , ar e strivin g t o identif y a distinctiv e onti c circumstance whos e conceptualizatio n ma y poin t t o somethin g philo -

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sophically fertile , bu t give n th e ambiguitie s o f thei r formulation , th e notion o f "transcendin g uniqueness " is unendorsable. To the degree tha t I understan d thei r meaning , th e shift s an d modification s the y introduc e apply t o man y collectiv e tragedie s an d d o no t provid e compellin g ground s for historica l an d metaphysica l individuation . Th e Eckardt s ar e correc t to not e that : Antisemitism, a s it has manifested itsel f withi n th e entire history of the West, is itself a markedly uniqu e phenomenon. This phenomenon i s radically discontin uous with ordinary forms of "prejudice," such as is race and religion, forms that have thei r occasion s an d thei r locale s an d the n atroph y o r ar e superseded . Antisemitism i s the on e perennia l malad y o f it s kin d withi n th e histor y o f th e Western World , an d i t i s spread universall y withi n th e entire geograph y o f th e West. Distinctively , i t i s pervasiv e i n tim e a s i n space . Thu s i s th e peculia r generality of antisemitism wedde d indissolubly t o the peculiar peculiarity of the Holocaust.33 But thi s penetratin g judgment , eve n whil e bein g unimpeachable , doe s not serv e t o mak e thei r large r historiosophica l an d interpretiv e clai m convincing. Th e authenti c anomalousnes s o f antisemitism , a s well a s it s disquieting enduranc e ove r plac e an d time , doe s no t necessaril y involv e any transcendenta l correlates . It is true tha t th e antisemitism o f th e Wes t is roote d primordiall y i n Christia n theology , tha t o n Christia n ground s Judaeophobia i s generate d an d warrante d b y meta-histori c oppositions , but thi s intra-Christia n dogm a i s not t o b e misunderstood, an d extrapo lated, per se, int o a genuin e transcendenta l reality , int o a legitimat e transcendental analysis . W e remain , therefore , satisfie d wit h a mor e modest phenomenological , contra transcendental , definitio n o f th e his torical novum tha t i s the Sho'ah.

4. In a recen t wor k tha t attracte d considerabl e scholarl y notice , Georg e Kren an d Leo n Rappapor t attemp t t o defin e th e uniquenes s o f th e Ho locaust i n term s o f th e notio n o f "historica l crisis. " Accordin g t o Kre n and Rappapor t a n "historica l crisis " occur s when event s mak e suc h a profoun d impac t o n th e wa y peopl e thin k abou t themselves an d th e worl d aroun d the m tha t th e apparen t continuit y o f thei r history seem s drasticall y an d permanentl y changed . I n th e live s o f individuals , such events are usually called life crisis; when they happen to whole societies or civilizations, they mus t b e recognized a s historical crisis . Moreover, lik e a personal lif e crisis , a historical crisi s is compounded b y events or situation s whic h

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render accumulate d pas t experienc e o r learnin g quit e irrelevant . I n man y re spects, the effec t o f historica l crisi s i s to tur n th e worl d upsid e down , a s Dwigh t Macdonald indicate d whe n h e suggeste d tha t i n post-Holocaus t society , i t wa s not thos e wh o brea k th e la w bu t thos e mos t obedien t t o th e la w wh o woul d b e the greatest threa t t o humanity . Societies facin g historica l crise s ar e usuall y throw n int o a perio d o f chao s until the y ca n replac e thei r traditiona l bu t no w ineffectiv e mode s o f conduc t with new , more appropriat e modes . It is, therefore, possibl e to defin e a historica l crisis as involving an y ne w situatio n o f sufficien t impac t o r magnitud e t o requir e serious, wide , an d comparativel y rapi d change s i n th e normativ e behavio r o f a society. I f thes e normativ e change s ar e a t leas t minimall y effective , the y ten d t o become institutionalize d a s relatively fixed pattern s o f though t an d actio n whic h resist serious change unti l anothe r crisi s situation occurs. 34 N o w whil e thi s proposa l i s suggestive , i t i s finally unsatisfactor y fo r rigorous purpose s o f definition . A s Kre n an d R a p p a p o r t themselve s note: Applied t o th e Holocaust , th e concep t o f historica l crisi s ca n a s ye t onl y b e suggested rathe r tha n demonstrated , althoug h th e mai n thrus t o f th e succeedin g chapters i s t o sho w ho w th e relevan t cultural , historical , an d psychosocia l di mensions converg e t o requir e a crisi s interpretation . Ou r thesi s i s tha t th e Holocaust ha s bee n th e majo r historica l crisi s o f th e twentiet h century— a crisi s of huma n behavio r an d values . I f thi s ha s no t ye t bee n widel y acknowledged , i t is becaus e th e consequence s o f suc h a crisis—unlik e economic , political , an d ecological crises—ten d t o b e impalpable , especiall y whe n the y ar e maske d b y a language tha t seem s unabl e t o expres s the m an d a publi c rhetori c tha t seem s unwilling to try. 35 And again : Yet th e Holocaus t ma y b e har d t o gras p a s a historica l crisi s becaus e th e breakdowns o f consensu s an d culturall y define d meaning s consequen t t o i t ar e not easil y perceived . Ther e wer e n o grea t change s i n idea s concernin g govern ment an d politica l power , fo r example , becaus e th e Holocaus t wa s no t a revolu tion. Economi c system s an d practice s wer e no t influenced , fo r i t wa s no t a financial o r economi c collapse . Furthermore , th e Holocaus t itsel f le d t o n o startling change s i n nationa l boundaries ; i t di d no t generat e an y sweepin g ne w religious form s o r view s o f huma n nature ; an d i t ha d n o discernibl e impac t o n modern science. 36 T h a t is , o n thei r criterio n th e Sho'ah i s not , excep t a s a n articl e o f fait h and i n contradistinctio n t o thei r o w n definition , a n "historica l crisis. " As a n empirica l matte r th e worl d appear s littl e change d morall y o r otherwise b y Auschwitz . A s Eli e Wiese l ha s complained : " N o t h i n g ha s been learned : Auschwit z ha s no t serve d a s a warning . Fo r detail s consul t your dail y n e w s p a p e r , " 3 7 viz . th e tragedie s o f Ethiopia , Nigeria , Sudan ,

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Cambodia, Vietnam , Botswana , Burundi , Indonesia , an d variou s part s of Sout h Americ a (t o name only a few o f the scores of deadl y happening s that hav e occurre d sinc e th e en d o f Worl d Wa r II). 38 Reflectin g upo n this abysma l aggregat e historica l evidence , ough t w e no t t o conclud e that th e notio n o f "historica l crisis " i s just a well-intentione d "wish, " a pious hop e tha t th e Sho'ah, give n it s monumenta l depravity , doe s mea n something afte r all . And thi s recognize d I will refrai n fro m includin g th e category o f "historica l crisis" 39 i n m y ow n effort s a t definin g th e partic ularity o f th e Endlosung der Judenfrage in Europa. 40

5 Ismar Schorsc h criticize s thos e wh o ar e "obsessed " wit h uniquenes s because suc h a claim i s politically downright counterproductive. It impedes genuine dialogue, because it introduces a n extraneous , contentiou s issu e tha t alienate s potentia l allie s fro m among othe r victim s o f organize d huma n depravity . Similarly , ou r fixation on uniqueness ha s prevented u s from reachin g out b y universalizing the lessons of the Holocaust. 41 But suc h apologetics , howeve r wel l intended , howeve r ecumenical , ar e misplaced. Th e questio n "I s th e Holocaus t unique? " i s a legitimat e question, a meaningfu l question , an d perhap s eve n a n importan t ques tion i n a variet y o f ways . T o rul e i t ou t becaus e o f som e extraneou s political, o r eve n ethica l agenda , n o matte r ho w virtuous, 42 is to confus e scholarship an d homiletics , th e ofte n lonel y searc h fo r trut h wit h th e altogether differen t effor t t o buil d practica l coalition s o r to win popular ity contests. 43 Eve n i f claim s o f incommensurabilit y mak e enemies , whic h if properl y understoo d the y shoul d not , thi s conclusio n i s neithe r t o b e avoided no r denied. 44 On e coul d kee p silen t o n thi s cardina l issue , exercising stric t self-censorship , o r eve n li e abou t one' s hard-wo n con clusions t o satisfy , a t wha t hig h cost , thos e wh o objec t t o th e implica tions o f th e defens e o f uniqueness , bu t suc h behavio r woul d hardl y negate th e trut h o f th e claim . Moreover , an d no t inconsequential , i t would introduc e undesirabl e element s o f "ba d faith " int o th e serious , already difficul t discussio n o f th e Sho'ah an d it s meaning , contravenin g thereby th e very effort t o create genuine dialogu e between Jews and non Jews tha t Schorsc h advocates. 45 Half-truth s an d purposefu l evasion s ar e bad foundation s fo r authenti c cross-cultural , inter-communa l encoun ters. Then , too , th e interpretiv e disjunctio n tha t Schorsc h makes , th e

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distinction tha t underwrite s hi s entir e polemic , betwee n concludin g fo r uniqueness an d "universalizin g th e lesson s o f th e Holocaust " i s neithe r necessary nor necessaril y correct. There is no logical or normative reaso n why th e maintenance o f th e notio n o f uniquenes s must "preven t u s fro m reaching ou t [t o othe r victims]." 46 Knowin g tha t X i s no t Y doe s no t entail tha t thos e wh o kno w phenomenologica l U abou t X canno t em pathize an d b e practically concerne d wit h th e victim s o f Y , eve n i f Y lacks U. 47 Ther e i s nothin g i n warrantin g phenomenologica l U tha t makes a universa l car e an d sympathy , a tran s X activis m an d involve ment, impossible . Conversely , knowin g X may mak e on e more , no t less , concerned wit h others , i f onl y s o a s to den y th e possibilit y o f th e repeti tion o f X. 48 Likewise, Schorsch' s concer n tha t advancin g a clai m fo r uniquenes s "is t o impl y o r eve n t o indulg e i n invidiou s comparison s wit h earlie r o r later instance s o f genocide" 49 doe s no t necessaril y follo w if , a s I insist , the distinctio n bein g argue d fo r i s phenomenologica l no t mora l an d entails n o diminutio n o f the impossible to quantif y existentia l dimensio n of eac h event . (Se e poin t 2 above. ) Again , Schorsch' s objection , unti l now essentially correct , that th e claim fo r uniquenes s "ma y b e a measur e of ou r pain , bu t i t is hardly th e conclusio n o f dispassionat e comparativ e research" is , I believe , n o longe r viable , give n th e large r historica l an d philosophical projec t o f which thi s essa y is a part . In thi s methodologica l contex t i t i s als o relevan t t o rejec t th e relate d claim o f Geof f Ele y that worrie s that : "t o insis t o n th e uniqueness o f th e event i s a shor t ste p t o insistin g o n th e exclusivenes s o f interpretatio n which assert s a n empatheti c privileg e an d eve n Jewish proprietorshi p i n the subject." 50 Thi s ma y b e a n appropriat e cautio n i n certai n specifi c interpretive circumstances , bu t i t shoul d no t b e take n a s mor e tha n thi s if on e avoid s th e "shor t step " o f "insistin g o n th e exclusivenes s o f interpretation." Tha t is , there is no necessary reaso n t o link the historica l and phenomenologica l clai m t o uniquenes s t o an y Jewis h interpretiv e privilege; and I categorically rejec t suc h a tie. My grounds fo r concludin g for uniquenes s ar e public , discussable , an d treatabl e b y an y schola r without regar d t o hi s o r he r ethni c o r religiou s affiliatio n o r communit y of origin . Ther e are , i n othe r words , n o necessar y ground s fo r requirin g the diminutio n o f th e universa l meanin g an d significanc e o f m y positio n because I argu e fo r uniqueness . Conversely , th e suspicio n o f a priori prejudice woul d appea r t o attac h itsel f t o an y methodologica l approac h to th e Holocaus t tha t di d no t a t leas t i n principl e admi t th e possibilit y

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that th e Sho'ah wa s unique , whethe r o r no t i t turned ou t t o b e s o a t th e conclusion o f one' s intensiv e investigation .

6. My versio n o f uniquenes s reject s th e mystificatio n o f th e Sho'ah, an d this in a t leas t fou r senses . First, I reject al l effort s a t linguistic mystificatio n accordin g t o whic h the Sho'ah i s sai d t o transcen d al l language . I f an y even t X i s describe d as being "unique " i n this absolute sense , i.e., in the strict for m that : "fo r X n o predicate s apply, " the n X effectivel y drop s ou t o f ou r languag e and wit h it s departur e an y coheren t discussio n o f o r referenc e t o X becomes logicall y impossible. 51 Entaile d b y such a self-sacrificing logica l scenario i s th e eliminatio n o f th e notio n o f "uniqueness " fo r wha t i s incomprehensible, "tha t X t o whic h n o predicate s apply, " cannot 52 b e said t o b e "unique. " Th e incomprehensible , th e unintelligible , i s no t "unique"—it i s merely incomprehensibl e an d unintelligible . Though thi s apophati c status , thi s numinou s bein g beyon d language , would appea r t o b e exactl y wha t proponent s o f suc h a radica l via negativa intend , upo n reflectio n eve n the y mus t rejec t thi s linguisti c gambit. An d thi s becaus e i t make s th e Naz i terro r unimaginabl e an d unintelligible a s wel l a s irrelevant : unimaginabl e an d unintelligibl e be cause thi s i s th e logica l consequenc e o f suc h obliterativ e negations , irrelevant becaus e wha t ca n post-Naz i generation s understan d of 53 an d learn from , no t leas t i n th e aren a o f morality , a n even t that , b y defini tion, transcend s al l language , al l appraisals , al l normativ e matrices , an d is thu s unavailabl e fo r transmissio n fro m on e generatio n t o th e next . Apophatic claim s den y effort s a t bot h historica l understandin g an d mora l evaluation and , o n thes e compellin g grounds , ar e unacceptable . In truth , rhetori c aside , n o on e really hold s t o th e non-predicativ e form o f th e ter m "uniqueness, " becaus e thi s sense of th e term i s actuall y meaningless. T o summariz e a highl y comple x philosophica l argument , one coul d no t eve n mak e sens e t o onesel f regardin g th e concep t o f uniqueness o r th e realit y o f th e Holocaus t i f on e actuall y employe d th e concepts "unique " an d "uniqueness " i n accordanc e wit h th e rul e "Fo r any predicat e Q , X i s no t Q." 54 Thi s i s becaus e th e presen t apophati c claim i s another , i f special , instanc e o f wha t Wittgenstei n labele d th e search fo r "th e beetl e i n th e box," 5 5 th e searc h fo r tha t elusiv e "privat e language" that retains its intelligibility even though, by definition, uncom -

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municable. 56 Bu t suc h a "language" 5 7 i s self-devouring ; th e absenc e o f public 58 communicabilit y negatin g private intelligibility. 59 Secondly, I rejec t th e metaphysical mystificatio n o f th e Sho'ah. Fo r this reaso n I oppose , fo r example , th e languag e (an d approach ) em ployed b y the Eckardt s tha t woul d dra w a n analog y betwee n th e Sho'ah and religiou s experience, as such experienc e i s described b y Rudolf Otto . They write : The respons e tha t finds in th e Holocaus t a transcendent , crushin g myster y incarnates th e dimension o f th e numinous, as described b y Rudolf Ott o i n Das Heilige. The menta l stat e calle d th e numinou s b y Ott o present s itsel f a s ganz andere, wholly other, a condition absolutely sui generis and incomparable whereby the human being finds himself utterly abashed. There is a feeling of terror befor e an awe-inspiring mystery, but a mystery that also fascinates infinitely. 60 But thi s i s t o confus e th e issu e no t t o clarif y it . I t mus t b e shown , no t merely asserted , tha t th e Sho'ah is , i n th e mystica l sense , ganz andere, and this , despit e thei r well-intentione d efforts , th e Eckardt s hav e no t been abl e t o do . The y hav e no t bee n abl e t o d o i t becaus e th e assume d analogy betwee n th e Sho'ah an d God , th e ganz andere, i s wholly miscon ceived. Whateve r els e th e Holocaus t i s o r isn't , i t i s not beyon d space time no r doe s i t stan d i n th e sam e obliqu e relatio n t o th e categorie s o f human understandin g an d meanin g a s doe s th e Eyn Sof, 61 the Ineffabl e One, of th e mystics . The Sho'ah i s not a n ontologica l realit y tha t i s necessarily incompre hensible, excep t whe n i t i s s o defined , a s i t ofte n is. 62 Bu t creatin g incomprehensibility b y stipulation doe s not make for a convincing philosophical argument . Conversely , thi s i s no t t o clai m tha t w e wh o wer e not ther e ca n "know " th e Sho'ah lik e those wh o were, 63 bu t thi s salien t epistemological disparit y obtain s wit h regar d t o al l historica l experi ences, indee d i t i s inheren t i n th e differenc e betwee n first- an d third person experienc e a s such . Th e epistemi c dilemm a is , o f course , i n it s actuality, mad e fa r mor e comple x whe n w e ar e dealin g wit h a multi dimensional, man y person , even t lik e th e Sho'ah, bu t th e philosophica l problem, ho w ca n w e kno w tha t pas t o f whic h w e were no t a part, i s in no way uniqu e to th e experienc e o f th e Sho'ah. Thirdly, I reject th e psychological mystificatio n o f th e Sho'ah accord ing t o whic h th e Holocaus t i s sai d t o b e irrational per se an d therefor e beyond discussio n an d analysis—excep t b y psychoanalysts 64 o r psycho historians 65 —and beyon d moralit y "b y virtu e o f insanity. " Whatever th e rea l contributio n o f th e irrational , th e pathological , th e

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insane, t o th e murde r o f Europea n Jewry , thes e psychologica l element s have t o b e placed withi n th e larger , encompassing , metaphysical , histor ical, an d socio-politica l contex t o f th e even t itself , les t th e Holocaus t b e understood a s littl e mor e tha n a Rorschac h test . In s o contextualizin g the psychologica l on e come s t o recogniz e tha t Nazis m ha d a logi c of it s own, it s ow n wa y o f organizin g th e world , that , onc e it s premise s wer e accepted, mos t especiall y it s racia l theory , mad e it s program , howeve r evil o n alternativ e mora l an d ontologica l criteria , "reasonable. " Thi s i s to acknowledg e tha t racial theory, per se, i s no t inherentl y irrational, 66 even i f i t i s false , an d eve n thoug h it s fallaciou s imperative s le d t o genocidal enactments . Similarly , Nazism's romanti c embrac e o f volkisc h "feeling" i s not deranged, 67 bu t rathe r a rational, i f unacceptabl e theor y of wha t i s fundamental an d decisiv e i n individua l an d grou p behavior. 68 One ma y disagre e o r despai r a t thi s conclusion , bu t i t doe s no t violat e any cano n o f reaso n per se. Saul Friedlander , a sophisticate d practitione r o f th e psychoanalyti c analysis o f Nazism , ha s mad e a n importan t methodologica l remar k about th e balanc e tha t mus t exis t betwee n th e psychoanalyti c an d othe r factors whos e consideratio n i s vital fo r understandin g Nazis m aright : During crise s i n whic h existin g interests , norm s an d certaintie s collapse d o r seemed threatened , th e emotiona l regressio n experience d b y masse s o f people , the weakenin g o f rationa l controls , offere d vas t opportunitie s t o th e extrem e antisemitic minority. In German society extreme antisemitism, including Hitler's own obsessions , expande d agains t suc h a backgroun d afte r Worl d Wa r I . Yet while this very general analysi s identifies condition s permitting th e rise of Nazi antisemitism, it leaves open the question of the specific relationship between the antisemitic obsession s o f th e Naz i leadershi p an d th e hug e bureaucrac y indus triously implementin g th e Fina l Solution . Her e ou r startin g poin t shoul d be , it seems to me , a re-examination o f th e myth o f th e Jew in the Nazi world view , and particularly in Hitler's world view. 69 This embeddin g o f th e psychologica l i n th e large r histori c an d ideologi cal contex t render s psychoanalyti c mystificatio n impossible . Fo r i t re minds u s tha t t o understan d wh y th e pathologica l wa s le t loos e canno t be explaine d b y recours e t o th e pathological . Her e i t mus t b e remem bered tha t Hitle r an d hi s circle were no t "insane " i n an y ordinar y sense . They threaten u s precisely because , while unique, thei r uniqueness come s from thei r merciles s willingnes s t o pursu e a logic , howeve r unconven tional, tha t i s recognizabl y intelligibl e t o others, 70 eve n thoug h other s dared no t drea m i t before the y mad e it real. Having been mad e manifest ,

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it is now conceivable . What make s Nazis m dreadfu l i s not it s contende d irrationality, bu t it s unlimited rationality , a rationality tha t devoure d al l opposition, al l morality , al l value s othe r tha n it s ow n an d which , be cause rational , ca n b e replicated . I t wa s a cas e i n whic h th e Idea wa s supreme an d woul d broo k n o exceptions , n o compromises , n o limit s a s a consequenc e o f existin g socia l norm s an d inherite d fello w feelings . Given th e incontrovertibl e assumptio n tha t Jew s ar e bacilli , Auschwit z was th e logica l conclusion : i f one' s hom e i s infected , on e call s th e exterminator. 71 Fourthly, I rejec t th e historiographica l mystificatio n o f th e Sho'ah according t o whic h th e confuse d an d erroneou s clai m i s mad e tha t because we cannot kno w everythin g abou t thi s event, and-o r becaus e w e cannot kno w i t lik e those wh o live d i t knew it , we ca n kno w nothin g a t all abou t it . Post-Holocaus t scholar s can , despit e thei r indirec t relation ship t o th e horrors , kno w abou t th e Sho'ah eve n whil e acknowledgin g the rea l epistemologica l an d existentia l limits , an d difficulties , involve d in thei r abilit y t o know . Conversely , give n thei r "distance " fro m th e event, suc h observer s ma y actuall y b e at a n advantag e a t leas t a s regard s certain non-existentia l type s o f historica l an d philosophica l knowl edge. 72 A similar , acute , epistemi c sensitivit y illuminate s th e discussion , th e search, fo r causes i n regar d t o th e Sho'ah. 73 Insofa r a s ther e wer e un doubtedly multipl e cause s a t work i n creating the Sho'ah, thei r complet e specification i s difficult , i n practic e eve n impossible . However , thi s fac t does no t justif y th e argumen t tha t becaus e w e ca n onl y suppl y a partia l and incomplet e causa l explanatio n w e shoul d resis t offerin g an y causa l explanation whatsoever . The often-made presumptio n underpinnin g thi s false contention , tha t causa l explanation s mus t b e complet e explana tions, i s merel y a prejudice . I f w e ca n offe r partia l an d incrementa l explanations tha t cumulativel y buil d a clearer an d cleare r accoun t o f th e Holocaust w e shoul d not , o n th e ground s o f som e dubiou s a priori principle, rejec t thes e explanation s o r thi s approac h t o explanations . I t may wel l b e tha t th e logica l confusio n tha t reign s i n thi s are a stems , a t least i n part, fro m th e erroneou s notio n tha t a unique even t E cannot b e subjected t o causa l decipherment , "Wh y i s i t th e cas e tha t P? " withou t reducing it s uniqueness . Bu t thi s assumption , fo r i t i s onl y that , i s indefensible an d unwarranted . The relate d misconception , tha t insofa r a s th e Sho'ah wa s no t predictable 74 i t transcend s causa l explanation , i s likewise t o b e rejected .

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Predictability an d causa l explanatio n ar e tw o distinc t conceptua l opera tions. So , fo r example , n o on e coul d predic t th e outbrea k o f AID S bu t no biologis t o r physicia n woul d constru e thi s a s entailin g tha t AID S i s not subjec t t o causalit y an d no t ope n t o causa l explanation. 75 All thes e subtl e way s o f obscurin g th e stud y o f th e Holocaust , thes e multiple method s an d form s o f mystification , mus t b e rejected. An d the y must b e rejecte d precisel y becaus e w e wan t t o maintain , an d retain , th e singularity o f th e Sho'ah a s a meaningfu l claim . Th e mystifier s b y con trast, an d contrar y t o their intentions , make thi s objective impossible .

CONCLUSION The avoidanc e o f th e philosophical , methodological , an d logica l error s here analyze d wil l no t ye t produce , i n itself , a convincin g argumen t fo r the incommensurabilit y o f th e Sho'ah. However , i f thes e confusion s ar e not repeate d i t wil l a t leas t mak e i t possibl e t o ope n u p th e conceptua l space in which a n exploratio n o f uniquenes s migh t reasonably tak e plac e —and eve n succeed .

NOTES 1. Richar d Rubenstein, After Auschwitz: Radical Theology and Contemporary Judaism (Indianapolis , 1966) ; idem , The Cunning of History: The Holocaust and American Future (New York , 1975) ; idem, The Age of Triage: Fear and Hope in an Overcrowded World (Boston, 1983); idem, along with John Roth , Approaches to Auschwitz: The Holocaust and Its Legacy (Atlanta, 1987) ; Arthur A . Cohen, The Tremendum; Emil Fackenheim, God's Presence in History: Jewish Affirmations and Philosophical Reflections (Ne w York, 1972) ; idem, The Jewish Return into History: Reflections in the Age of Auschwitz and a New Jerusalem (Ne w York, 1978) ; idem, To Mend the World; an d Yitzchak (Irving ) Greenberg , whose publications on this theme are mainl y i n th e for m o f articles , th e mos t importan t o f whic h are : (1 ) "Cloud of Smoke, Pillar of Fire: Judaism, Christianity, and Modernity afte r the Holocaust, " i n E . Fleischne r (ed.) , Auschwitz: Beginning of an Era? (New York, 1977) , pp. 1-55 ; (2 ) "Judais m an d History: Historical Event s and Religious Change," in Jerry V. Dillen (ed.), Ancient Roots and Modern Meanings (New York , 1978) , pp. 43-63; (3 ) "Ne w Revelation s an d Ne w Patterns in the Relationshi p o f Judaism an d Christianity, " Journal of Ecumenical Studies (Spring, 1979) , pp. 249-267; (4 ) "The Transformation o f the Covenant " (no t ye t published) ; an d (5 ) "Th e Thir d Grea t Cycl e o f

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 17 7 Jewish History, " printe d an d circulate d b y th e Nationa l Jewis h Resourc e Center (Ne w York , 1981) , 44 pages . 2. The y hav e gone s o far a s to write : The Crucifixion an d Resurrectio n ar e all decisively transfigured becaus e the absolute God-forsakenness o f Jewish childre n render s the ostensible absoluteness of the cross of Jesus nonabsolut e an d th e Resurrectio n i s transfigured becaus e i n th e Holocaus t the intrinsically triumphant nature of the dogma of the Resurrection of Jesus is finally revealed a s a n absolut e sea l o f hostilit y an d guaranto r o f th e destructio n o f Jew s ("The Holocaus t an d the Enigma of Uniqueness : A Philosophical Effor t a t Practica l Clarification," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 450 [July, 1980], p. 173). See als o A . Ro y Eckardt' s essays , "Christia n Response s t o th e Endlosung, " Religion in Life, Vol . 47 , No . 1 (Spring , 1978) , pp . 3 3 - 4 5 ; idem , "Chris tians an d Jews : Alon g a Theologica l Frontier, " Encounter, Vol . 40 , No . 2 (Spring, 1979) , pp . 89-127 ; idem , "I s ther e a Wa y ou t o f th e Christia n Crime? Th e Philosophi c Questio n o f th e Holocaust, " Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Vol . 1 , No. 1 (1986), pp. 121-126 ; an d hi s longer study , wit h Alice L . Eckardt , Long Night's Journey into Day: A Revised Retrospective on the Holocaust (Detroit , 1988 2 ). Fo r a n appreciatio n o f th e revisionis t efforts o f th e Eckardts, an d Pau l Va n Bure n (se e note 1 next page) , see B. A. Asbury, "Fou r Theologians : Revisio n o f Christia n Though t afte r Ausch witz," in Y . Bauer e t al. (eds.) , Remembering for the Future (Oxford , 1989) , Vol. 1 , pp. 562-570 . 3. Jurge n Moltmann , The Crucified God: The Cross of Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Christian Theology (Ne w York , 1974) . 4. Frankli n Littell , The Crucifixion of the Jews (Ne w York , 1985 2 ). 5. Frankli n Sherman , "Speakin g o f Go d afte r Auschwitz, " Worldview, Vol . 17, No. 9 (September , 1974) , pp. 2 6 - 3 0 . 6. Pau l Van Buren , A Christian Theology of the People of Israel, 3 Vols. (Ne w York, 1980-1988) . 7. Harr y James Cargas , A Christian Response to the Holocaust (Denver , 1981) ; and idem , When God and Man Failed: Non-Jewish Views of the Holocaust (New York , 1982) . An d o n thes e Christia n response s se e als o Ev a Fleis chner, Judaism in German Christian Theology since 1945 (Metuchen , 1975) ; idem, (ed.) , Auschwitz: Beginning of a New Era? (Ne w York , 1977) ; Joh n T. Pawlikowski , The Challenge of the Holocaust for Christian Theology (New York, 1978) ; Michael B . McGarry, Christology after Auschwitz (Ne w York, 1977) ; the highly unusua l an d provocativ e stud y o f Eugen e Borowitz , Contemporary Christologies: A Jewish Response (Ne w York , 1980) ; Ala n T. Davies , Antisemitism and the Christian Mind: The Crisis of Christian Conscience after Auschwitz (Ne w York , 1969) ; an d Charlott e Klein , AntiJudaism in Christian Theology (London , 1978) . I n addition , Volum e 1 o f Remembering for the Future i s largely devoted t o issue s relating to Christia n theology an d behavio r i n relationshi p t o th e Sho'ah. Th e dozen s o f essays , of varyin g quality , giv e a sens e o f th e man y question s th e Holocaus t raise s for Christia n lif e an d though t afte r Auschwitz .

1 7 8 Defining

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8. See , fo r example , Davi d Tracy' s essa y "Religiou s Value s afte r th e Holo caust: A Catholi c View, " i n Abraha m J . Pec k (ed.) , Jews and Christians after the Holocaust (Philadelphia , 1982) , pp . 87-107 ; Thoma' s ver y well intentioned A Christian Theology of Judaism (Mahwah , N.J. , 1980) ; Joh n Pawlikowski's, What Are They Saying about Christian-Jewish Relations? (New York , 1980) ; idem , Christ in the Light of the Christian-Jewish Dialogue (Ne w York , 1982) ; idem , The Challenge of the Holocaust for Christian Theology; an d Fran z Mussner , Tractate on the Jews: The Significance of Judaism for Christian Faith (Philadelphia , 1984) . 9. Elieze r Berkovits , Faith after the Holocaust (Ne w York , 1973) ; idem , With God in Hell: Judaism in the Ghettos and Death Camps (Ne w York , 1979) ; and idem , Crisis and Faith (Ne w York , 1976) . 10. Jaco b Neusner , Stranger at Home: The "Holocaust," Zionism, and American Judaism (Chicago , 1981) , pp. 6 - 8 . 11. Se e fo r mor e detail s th e printe d Sichot (talks ) o f th e presen t Lubavitche r distributed b y th e Lubavitc h movemen t centere d a t 77 0 Easter n Parkway , Brooklyn, New York . 12. Barth' s particula r Christia n understandin g o f th e destructio n o f Europea n Jewry an d it s doctrina l valenc e i s woven int o hi s very traditiona l reflection s on th e relationshi p betwee n th e "Ol d Israel " an d th e Church , i.e. , th e meaning o f th e Jewish people' s rejectio n o f Chris t an d th e consequence s o f this ac t o f apostasy , presente d primaril y i n Volume s 2 an d 3 o f hi s Church Dogmatics (Edinburgh , 1936-77); bu t se e als o hi s essay , "Di e Judenfrag e und ihr e christlich e Beantwortung, " Judaica, Vol . 6 (1952) , pp. 6 7 - 7 2 . Fo r more o n Barth' s positio n se e the highl y critica l appraisa l o f Ala n T . Davies , Antisemitism and the Christian Mind; Diete r Kraft , "Israe l i n de r Theologi e Karl Barths, " i n Communi Viatorum: A Theological Quarterly, Vol . 27 , Nos. 1 an d 2 (1984) , pp . 5 9 - 7 2 ; an d Han s Jansen , "Antisemitis m i n th e Amiable Guis e o f Theologica ; Philo-Semitis m i n Kar l Barth' s Israe l Theol ogy befor e an d afte r Auschwitz, " i n Y . Bauer e t al. (eds.) , Remembering for the Future, Vol . 1 , pp . 7 2 - 7 9 . Barth' s positio n regardin g th e theologica l significance o f th e rebor n Stat e o f Israel , however , di d continuall y develo p in a positiv e direction . Fo r mor e detail s o f hi s changin g attitud e se e H . Berkhof, "Israe l a s a Theological Problem, " Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Summer , 1969) , pp. 329-347 . 13. D . Judant , Les deux Israel, Essai sur le mystere du salut selon Veconomie des deux Testaments (Paris , 1960) ; an d Charle s Journet, Destinies dTsrael, A propos du Salut par les Juifs (Paris , 1945) . 14. Thi s term i s used i n kabbalistic though t t o refe r t o act s that hav e a unifying restorative effec t o n th e cosmi c order . Suc h act s hel p t o "mend " bot h th e world belo w an d th e world above . 15. Fo r furthe r analysi s of man y o f thes e recent Jewish theologica l view s see my Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought (Ne w York, 1983) . I , however , d o no t discus s th e argumen t o f R . Menache m Schneerson, th e Lubavitcher Rebbe , in this work . 16. Fo r mor e o n th e theologica l respons e in certai n traditiona l orthodo x Jewis h

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 17 9 circles, see William Helmreich , "Understandin g th e Holocaust : Th e Yeshiv a View," Transaction!Society, Vol . 1 8 (1980-81) , pp . 4 2 - 5 9 ; Rabb i Isaa c Hutner, "Holocaust, " The Jewish Observer, (October , 1977) , pp . 3—11 ; and thre e response s elicite d b y Ra v Hutner' s remarks , th e firs t a defens e o f Hutner b y R . Yaaco v Feitman , "Reviewin g a Shiur : Rabb i Hutner' s 'Holo caust' Seminar, " The Jewish Observer (January , 1978) , pp . 11-14 ; th e second a stron g critiqu e b y Lawrenc e Kaplan , "Rabb i Isaa c Hutner' s 'Dar k Torah Perspective ' o n th e Holocaust, " Tradition, Vol . 18 , No . 3 (Fall , 1980), pp . 235-248 , an d th e respons e t o thi s articl e b y Aaro n I . Reichel s "Communications," Tradition, Vol . 2 1 , No. 2 (Summer , 1983) , pp . 1 8 0 187; an d th e third b y Shubert Sper o i n the January 197 8 issu e of th e Jewish Observer. Anothe r mor e recent , tendentiou s effor t t o dea l wit h th e Sho'ah from a right-wing perspective i s Bernard Maza , With Fury Poured Out: The Power of the Powerless during the Holocaust (Ne w York , 1989) . 17. I n thi s connectio n on e immediatel y think s o f a numbe r o f Irvin g (Yitz ) Greenberg's challengin g "neo-halachic " claims , fo r mor e discussio n o f whic h see my essay o n hi s work i n th e present volume , pp. 225—250, and som e of the fallaciou s argument s tha t wer e offere d durin g th e debat e ove r "patrili neal descent, " i.e. , regardin g th e criteri a fo r Jewis h status , i n th e Refor m Movement. I n the latter cas e it was suggested tha t insofa r a s having a Jewish father, rathe r tha n a Jewish mother , a s th e halachah requires , wa s enoug h to condem n on e t o deat h i n Naz i German y w e ough t no w t o alte r th e traditional halachi c definitio n o f Jewishnes s t o includ e thos e wh o hav e a Jewish fathe r bu t no t a Jewish mother . Bu t thi s i s a non sequitur, fo r wha t halachic statu s d o Hitler' s racia l Nurember g Law s have? None . 18. Thi s shoul d no t b e misunderstoo d a s a general criticis m o f th e possibilit y o f doing theology i n the face o f th e Sho'ah a s such . 19. This , however, doe s not mean , a s for exampl e Pau l Robinson holds , that th e Holocaust doe s no t represen t a "distinc t category. " Th e distinctivenes s o f the Sho'ah, a s w e shal l argue , lie s elsewher e tha n i n th e fac t tha t Jews die d —as other s hav e died . An d i n fact , contra Robinson' s ple a tha t "w e shoul d resist th e temptatio n t o mak e th e distinctio n [betwee n th e Sho'ah an d prio r events o f mas s death ] categorical " thi s i s exactl y wha t w e mus t do . Not , I hasten t o add , i n orde r t o mystif y th e Holocaus t but , rather , t o c/e-mystif y it. Tha t is , a s a n historica l judgment , give n ou r criteria , th e destructio n o f European Jewr y represent s a distinctiv e even t i n huma n history . Robinson , a distinguishe d Stanfor d Universit y historian , ha s simpl y no t don e th e his torical researc h (represente d b y the detailed cas e studies i n Volumes 1 and 2 of m y forthcomin g study , The Holocaust in Historical Context) t o b e abl e to "categorically " den y tha t th e Sho'ah wa s unlike, fo r example , th e act s of "Alexander th e Great , Attil a th e Hun , th e Albigensia n Crusade , th e Thirt y Years War, Europea n Imperialis m o r black slavery " (p . 63) that he explicitly refers to . Base d o n th e cas e studie s o f eac h o f thes e events , excludin g th e Thirty Year s War , prepare d fo r thi s project , I , however , den y jus t suc h asserted commonality . No t o f cours e fo r th e dea d victims—th e poin t em phasized b y Robinson—bu t rathe r a s historical an d phenomenologica l events

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that involv e more than th e common facto r tha t th e dead i n all such tragedie s are equall y dead . Bu t t o reduc e th e qualitativ e debat e abou t uniquenes s t o this level is misconceived an d bypasse s the real an d importan t issue s at stak e in thi s dialogue . Robinso n i s correc t t o find faul t wit h thre e reason s ofte n given to justify claim s to uniqueness : First, unlike previous horrors, it was "systematic," meaning that it was pursued with all th e efficienc y accessibl e t o a moder n technologica l society . Second , i t ha d n o apparent economi c motive , indee d wa s economicall y counterproductive , an d there fore, unlike an abuse such as slavery, seems "senseless," .. . And finally,it meant not merely pain, humiliation and servitude, but death . .. s o do not categorically separate the holocaust from othe r historical acts of inhumanity." (p. 63) These contention s ar e not , a s Robinso n indicates , logicall y coercive . M y argument fo r uniqueness , however , whil e agreein g wit h Robinso n a s t o th e insufficiency o f thes e thre e argument s offer s a differen t reaso n turnin g o n the notio n o f genocid e a s define d b y m e an d connecte d t o m y definitio n o f uniqueness offere d i n thi s chapter . An d thi s criterio n i s not addresse d a t al l by Robinson' s position . Moreover , i n lin e with m y insistenc e i n this subsec tion (2 ) on rejectin g mora l criteri a a s criteria relevan t to establishing unique ness, i.e. , I d o no t asser t th e Holocaus t wa s more evil tha n othe r event s o f mass death , I explicitl y rejec t Robinson' s assertion , a t leas t fo r mysel f an d my ow n studies , tha t i n insistin g o n th e singularit y o f th e Sho'ah "w e dismiss a s relatively trivia l al l the sin s that mankin d ha s to answe r fo r u p t o 1933." Thi s conclusio n i s a non sequitur vis-a-vi s th e presen t work . Fo r Robinson's ful l remark s se e his review entitled "Apologis t fo r th e Superego " [Review o f Brun o Bettelheim' s Surviving and Other Essays], New York Times Book Review (Apri l 29, 1979) , pp. 7 and 63 . 20. I n ligh t o f thi s I want t o explicitl y distanc e m y positio n o n th e uniquenes s of th e Sho'ah, whic h I will defend , fro m Pierr e Papazian's charg e that : To claim tha t th e Holocaust wa s unique can only imply that attempt s t o annihilat e other national or cultural groups are not to be considered genocide, thus diminishing the gravity and moral implications of any genocide anywhere, any time. It also implies that th e Jews have a monopoly o n genocide, that n o matter what misfortun e befall s another people, it cannot be as serious or even in the same category as the Holocaust. ("A Unique Uniqueness?" Midstream, Vol. 30, No. 4 (April, 1984), p. 18) Papazian commit s th e logica l erro r w e ar e her e rejecting , i f i n a n inverte d way. H e hold s tha t Jews i n denyin g th e comparabilit y o f th e Holocaus t ar e advancing a mora l clai m an d diminishing , i f onl y b y indirection , th e "mis fortunes [that ] befal l anothe r people. " I.e. , h e to o equate s uniquenes s wit h morality an d agai n uniquenes s wit h "types " o r "degrees " o f evil . Th e Armenian traged y ca n onl y b e as evil a s th e Holocaus t i f th e Holocaus t i s not unique . Bu t i f w e d o no t commi t th e basi c error o f equatin g uniquenes s with level s o f mora l evil , the n w e ca n assert , withou t eithe r logica l contra diction o r offensiv e mora l chauvinism , th e uniquenes s o f th e Holocaus t while a t th e sam e tim e resistin g an y (unfavorabl e o r diminishing ) compari son (o r judgment ) a s t o th e amoun t o f evi l represente d by , i n thi s case , th e

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 18 1 Armenian massacre s an d th e destructio n o f Europea n Jewry . Thi s sam e form o f argument , i t should b e added, applie s t o th e notion o f genocide . T o identify A a s genocid e an d B as not-genocid e i s not necessaril y t o mak e a n ethical argument . A an d B ca n b e structurall y an d phenomenologicall y different, on e a cas e o f genocid e th e othe r no t a cas e o f genocide , an d ye t equally evil . As Papazian employ s th e unsatisfactor y an d ambiguou s notio n of "implication " ("implies" ) twic e in the fe w line s quoted abov e I here stat e my positio n directl y s o n o on e wil l tak e it , erroneously , a s "implying " it s converse. 21. Yehud a Bauer , The Holocaust in Historical Perspective (Seattle , 1978) , p . 36. 22. I also reject , o n othe r grounds , Bauer' s idiosyncrati c formulatio n o f "Holo caust" versu s genocide . M y ow n understandin g o f thes e terms , an d m y reasons fo r rejectin g Bauer' s proposals, are set out i n Vol. One , chapter 4 of my forthcoming The Holocaust in Historical Context. 23. H e i s referrin g t o th e essa y entitle d "Th e Uniqu e Intentionalit y o f th e Holocaust," i n my Post-Holocaust Dialogues, pp . 287-317 . 24. Kennet h Seeskin , "Wha t Philosoph y Ca n an d Canno t Sa y abou t Evil, " i n Alan Rosenber g an d Geral d Myer s (eds.) , Echoes from the Holocaust (Phil adelphia, 1989) , p. 98. 25. Se e especially hi s Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power (Ne w Brunswick , 1982). 26. Irvin g Loui s Horowitz , "Man y Genocides , On e Holocaust ? Th e Limit s o f the Right s o f State s an d th e Obligation s o f Individuals, " Modern Judaism, Vol. 1 , No. 1 (May, 1981) , p. 75. 27. A . Roy Eckardt, Long Night's Journey into Day, p . 54. 28. Emi l Fackenheim, To Mend the World, p . 24. 29. A . Ro y Eckardt , Long Night's Journey into Day, p . 54 . Her e Eckard t wa s anticipated b y Richar d Rubenstei n who , i n After Auschwitz, publishe d i n 1966, wrote : " I don' t compar e [Hiroshim a an d Auschwitz] , Auschwitz wa s a unique phenomenon, lik e the revelation a t Sinai " (p . 227). 30. Alic e Eckard t an d A . Ro y Eckardt , "Th e Holocaus t an d th e Enigm a o f Uniqueness," p. 168 . 31. Ibid. , p. 169 . 32. Ibid. , p. 168 . 33. Ibid. , pp. 170-171 . 34. Georg e Kre n and Leon Rappaport, The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior (Ne w York , 1980) , p. 13. 35. Georg e Kre n and Leon Rappaport , The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior, p . 15 . Importantly , Emi l Fackenheim , th e philosophe r wh o ha s thought abou t thi s even t mor e deepl y tha n almos t anyon e els e an d whos e work i s a cornerston e o f muc h theologica l an d philosophica l reflectio n about th e Holocaust , ha s als o t o admi t tha t despit e hi s assertio n tha t "th e world [afte r Auschwitz ] ca n neve r b e th e same " {Jewish Return into History, p . 279 ) "th e worl d ha s thu s fa r shie d awa y fro m i t [th e Holocaust] " (ibid., p . 107) . Likewis e Henr y Feingold , i n genera l a defende r o f th e clai m

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that th e Holocaust i s unique, has written i n revie w of Luc y S. Dawidowicz' s War against the Jews: "See n o n th e large r canva s o f Europea n history , th e holocaust doe s not hav e the importance an d uniquenes s i t has on th e canva s of Jewis h history " (Henr y Feingold , revie w o f Dawidowicz , Jewish Social Studies, Vol . 38, No. 1 [1976], p. 83) . Anson G . Rabinbac h an d Jack Zipe s have gone even further : "I t is not onl y true that th e lessons of th e Holocaus t have no t ye t bee n learned , i t i s doubtfu l tha t the y hav e bee n discovered " ("Lessons o f th e Holocaust, " New German Critique, No . 1 9 [1980] , p. 7). 36. Georg e Kre n and Leon Rappaport, The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior, p . 129 . More recentl y Georg e Kren ha s reconfirmed thi s appraisa l of th e negligibl e impac t tha t th e Holocaus t ha s ha d o n th e consciousnes s o f the post-Holocaus t age . Writing o f th e treatmen t o f th e Holocaus t b y con temporary historian s h e acknowledges : Histories o f Europ e i n th e twentiet h centur y assig n littl e spac e t o it , an d man y textbooks o f "Wester n civilization " al l bu t ignor e it . A t bes t i t stand s a s anothe r example that history has always produced victims, and Nazism is seen only as another example of a recurrent "inhumanity of man to man." Contemporary historians of the twentieth centur y have tended t o see the Holocaust as one of the many brutalities of Nazism, proof of the dangers of racism, but hardly as a focal point of modern history. Its consequence s wer e minimal , and , i n contras t t o othe r event s tha t hav e becom e significant component s in philosophical, historical, literary, or theological discourse, it is the subject o f fe w seriou s discussions. The argument o f it s centrality mus t then rest upo n reason s othe r tha n tha t i t produced visibl e consequences. Most historian s writing o n th e twentiet h centur y perceiv e th e killin g o f a substantia l portio n o f Europe's Jews and the destruction of Eastern Europe's Yiddish culture as events of no great significance . A n examination o f historica l account s document s th e thesi s tha t most historians d o not regard th e Holocaust a s particularly important . ("Th e Holo caust A s History, " i n Ala n Rosenber g an d Geral d Myer s (eds.) , Echoes from the Holocaust, p. 8) Supporting evidenc e fo r Kren' s conclusio n ca n b e foun d i n th e historio graphical investigation s o f Ger d Korman , "Th e Holocaus t i n Historica l Writing," Societas, Vol . 2 , No . 3 (Summer , 1972) , pp . 251-270 ; Henr y Friedlander, On the Holocaust: A Critique of the Treatment of the Holocaust in History Texts (Ne w York , 1972) ; and Luc y S. Dawidowicz's highl y polemical The Holocaust and Historians (Cambridge , 1981) . 37. Eli e Wiesel, One Generation After (Ne w York , 1970) , p. 15. 38. Ove r 10 0 wars hav e bee n fough t worldwid e sinc e 1945 . 39. Kre n an d Rappaport' s description , alread y quoted , o f th e Holocaus t a s a n "impalpable" crisi s raise s th e elementar y logica l question : ca n a crisi s tha t is impalpable b e a crisis , give n th e definitio n o f th e term s "crisis " an d "impalpable." Websters New World Dictionary of the American Language (Cleveland, 1956 ) define s th e latter term as : " 1 . no t perceptible to the touch , that canno t b e felt ; 2 . to o sligh t o r subtl e t o b e graspe d easil y b y th e mind ; inappreciable" (p . 727). 40. I t migh t b e argue d tha t Kre n an d Rappapor t produc e mor e suppor t tha n I here indicat e i n favo r o f thei r concep t o f "historica l crisis. " That is , while I

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 18 3 have concentrate d o n thei r openin g methodologica l stipulations , an d thei r weakness, their entir e monograph shoul d b e considered a s evidence for thei r view. Whil e ther e i s som e margina l trut h t o thi s suggestion , m y critica l judgment, i n it s totality , remain s unaffecte d b y thi s fac t for , i n th e end , a s they themselve s admit , a s quoted , n o rea l dat a i s availabl e t o suppor t thei r claim. W e hav e finally onl y thei r stipulate d definitio n an d undefende d con jectures. 41. Isma r Schorsch , "Th e Holocaus t an d Huma n Survival, " Midstream, Vol . 17, No. 1 (January, 1981) , p. 39. 42. Ala n Rosenber g als o fall s int o this trap whe n h e contends : We cannot accep t the simple situation o f the Jews and the special "intention" of the Nazis wit h respec t t o thei r tota l extinction . Thi s emphasi s . . . obscure s th e mor e universal implications for the future o f all mankind that the Holocaust raises. ("Was the Holocaust Unique ? A Peculiar Question? " in Isido r Walliman n an d Michae l N . Dobkowski (eds.) , Genocide and the Modern State (New York, 1987), p. 157) This argumen t i s misconceived. Th e universa l implication s fo r th e futur e o f all mankind tha t th e Holocaus t raise s ca n hav e n o logica l standin g a t al l i n deciding th e prio r question : I s what happene d t o th e Jews a n even t withou t precedent o r parallel ? Then , too , Rosenber g err s i n failin g t o recogniz e tha t particularity, eve n radica l particularity, ca n hav e universal significance . 43. A s Ma x Webe r recognized , trut h tellin g i s "inconvenient " fo r "part y opin ions," Han s Gert h an d C . Wrigh t Mill s (eds.) , From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (Ne w York , 1946) , p. 147 . 44. I woul d not e tha t eve n Schorsc h ha s nee d t o speak , i f no t o f uniqueness , then o f "centrality, " an d explicitl y endorse s th e claim tha t the unadorned truth is that the Jews were the only victims of genocide in World War II an d tha t grisl y fac t i s enoug h t o warran t attention . Th e mas s murde r o f Polis h intellectuals, Russia n prisoners-of-war , an d Gypsie s wa s equall y final , bu t no t th e implementation o f a policy o f genocide . ("Th e Holocaus t an d Huma n Survival, " p. 39) I wonde r alou d i f thos e critica l o f Jewis h claim s t o uniquenes s an d it s supposedly negativ e politica l implication s woul d find Schorsch' s assertion s of "centrality " (entailin g by definition th e "marginality" o r "non-centrality " of others ) an d th e above-cited limite d clai m to uniquenes s a t leas t within th e context o f World Wa r I I any mor e appealin g an d politicall y (an d otherwise ) useful tha n th e more genera l clai m Schorsc h i s critical of . 45. Schorsch' s additiona l contentio n tha t th e clai m fo r (o r against ) uniquenes s adds nothin g substantiv e t o th e larger decodin g o f th e Sho'ah i s mistaken . 46. Isma r Schorsch , "Th e Holocaus t an d Huma n Survival, " p. 39. 47. I woul d agre e wit h Schorsc h tha t i t i s importan t tha t "w e translat e ou r [Jewish] experience into existential an d political symbol s meaningful t o non Jews." Bu t I do no t se e that thi s necessaril y entail s th e denia l o f th e unique ness of tha t experienc e whic h is , in fact , essentia l t o it . O r pu t anothe r way , to den y th e uniquenes s o f th e experienc e i n orde r t o allo w u s t o "translat e our experienc e . . . t o non-Jews " woul d negat e th e ver y meanin g o f th e

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experience we wish t o translate, i.e., what w e would conve y to others woul d be a different experience . 48. Note : O n m y definitio n o f " uniqueness " th e notio n o f uniquenes s mean s not tha t X canno t happe n agai n bu t tha t t o thi s point i t has onl y happene d once. Alan Montefior e ha s observed that : the peculiar uniquenes s of the Holocaust may , if one so chooses (fo r ther e is always that important elemen t of choice involved in one's reading of symbols), be perceived as lying in significant part in the way in which it is indeed peculiarly fitted to stand as a uniqu e symbo l fo r al l huma n genocides , whether actua l o r "only " possible ; and , indeed, o f al l suc h abasemen t an d denia l o f ma n b y man—o f individual s whethe r because of their name or their anonymity, as of whole peoples or of man in the mass. It is thus right that the Holocaust should be felt, an d felt deeply, to be unique; for it is thus that it may stand also to remind us that everything which happens, happens to human beings who are each in their own particularity unique, and that only through the recognition o f that uniqueness, that untranscendable particularity, is human selfawareness, the awareness of what it is to be human, made possible. ("Jewish Identity: The Interpla y betwee n th e Universa l an d th e Particular, " Remembering for the Future, Vol. 2, p. 1933) This sensitiv e ye t unsophisticate d exegesi s o f th e notio n o f particularity , o f the universalit y o f particularity , i s on e amon g severa l possibl e route s tha t are ope n wit h regar d t o a nondisjunctiv e readin g o f uniqueness , i.e. , a reading that doe s no t creat e fals e dichotomie s fo r reason s of apologetic s bu t rather come s t o grip s wit h th e logica l an d ethica l issue s raise d b y th e issu e of singularit y i n a manne r tha t manifest s th e appropriat e sensibilit y an d seriousness t o th e scholarl y conversatio n o f whic h thi s narro w issu e i s a subset. Schorsch' s suggestio n tha t Luriani c kabbala h di d somethin g simila r in respons e t o th e Spanis h Expulsio n i s als o suggestive , thoug h I woul d caution tha t Schorsch' s exegesi s o f th e self-understandin g o f Luriani c kab balah, pp . 41—42, is somewhat inexac t an d underestimates , t o us e his term , the "centrality " o f th e Jew an d Tora h i n th e proces s o f Tikkun Olam, th e repair o f th e world an d cosmi c order . 49. I . Schorsch, "Th e Holocaus t an d Huma n Survival, " p. 39. 50. Geof f Eley , "Holocaus t History, " London Review of Books (Marc h 17 , 1982), p. 6 . 51. Thi s vie w ha s als o bee n wel l expresse d i n th e idio m o f th e historia n b y th e distinguished Englis h medievalis t G . Elton : No historian reall y treats all facts a s unique; he treats them as particular. He cannot —no on e can—dea l i n uniqu e fact , becaus e fact s an d event s requir e referenc e t o common experience , t o conventiona l frameworks , t o (i n short ) th e genera l befor e they acquir e meaning . Th e uniqu e even t i s a frea k an d a frustration ; i f i t i s really unique—can neve r recu r i n meanin g o r implication—i t lack s every measurabl e dimension an d canno t b e assessed. But to the historian, fact s an d event s (an d people) must b e individua l an d particular : lik e othe r entitie s o f a simila r kind , bu t neve r entirely identica l wit h them . Tha t i s t o say , the y ar e t o b e treate d a s peculia r t o themselves an d no t a s indistinguishable statistica l unit s o r element s i n a n equation ; but they are linked and rendered comprehensible by kinship, by common possessions,

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 18 5 by universal qualities present in differing proportion s and arrangements. (G. R. Elton, The Practice of History [New York, 1967], p. 11) The significanc e o f thi s recognitio n fo r sociologica l an d historica l investiga tions ha s bee n emphasize d b y Pitiri m A . Sorokin , Social and Cultural Dynamics (Ne w York , 1937) , Vol. 1 , pp. 167-173 . 52. Thi s is a logical "cannot. " 53. Loui s Gottschal k ha s wel l understoo d th e complexit y o f th e relationshi p between claim s to historica l uniquenes s an d generalization : The writers of the articles that precede and follow this one agree that adherents of the schoo l o f th e uniqu e ar e likel y t o b e beguile d i f the y thin k the y ca n avoi d generalization. The arguments in support of this agreement seem to run essentially as follows: (1 ) languag e consist s largel y o f verba l an d writte n symbol s which b y their very natur e mus t hav e genera l denotation s an d connotations ; (2 ) th e metho d b y which th e historia n examine s testimon y an d othe r evidenc e t o arriv e a t th e uniqu e historical fac t comprise s i n itsel f a se t o f rule s (i.e. , generalizations) ; (3 ) wha t i s special, segregate , o r uniqu e canno t b e understoo d excep t b y compariso n wit h th e average, the normal, the aggregate, or the general (an d vice versa). Even if a member of the school of the unique were to make a most strenuous effort t o avoid generalization, h e woul d first have t o tes t hi s evidenc e fo r it s authenticit y an d credibilit y b y some set of recognized general rules such as are set forth from time to time in manuals of historica l method . Then , t o avoi d usin g word s o r othe r symbol s freighte d wit h general meaning , he would b e obliged t o present only the duly tested evidence itself and in a strictly chronological orde r without comparisons, interrelations, reflections , or interpretations. (Loui s Gottschalk, [ed.] , Generalization in the Writing of History [Chicago, 1963] p. 114) Or a s Aristotl e alread y recognized , "i t i s necessar y t o discer n similaritie s even in the mos t differen t objects, " Rhetoric, III , XI, 5. 54. Th e logic of thi s absolut e sense , or rathe r it s incoherence, can b e exposed b y considering th e implication s o f Wittgenstein' s parabl e o f th e "beetl e i n th e box" i n hi s Philosophical Investigations, ed . G . E . M . Anscomb e an d R . Rhees (Oxfor d 1967) , section 293 , and hi s example o f "Th e Diary, " sectio n 258ff. Ther e i s als o muc h tha t bear s o n thi s issu e i n Wittgenstein' s Zettel, edited b y G. E. M. Anscomb e an d G . H . Von Wrigh t (Oxford , 1967) ; idem , "Notes fo r Lecture s o n 'Privat e Experience ' an d 'Sens e Data, ' " edite d b y Rush Rhees , Philosophical Review, Vol . 77 (1968) , pp. 275-320; an d idem , On Certainty, edite d b y G . E . M . Anscomb e an d G . H . Vo n Wrigh t (Ox ford, 1969) . I am indebte d t o Prof . G . E . M. Anscombe , on e o f th e supervi sors o f m y doctora l dissertation , wh o helpe d m e understan d th e ful l com plexity o f thes e issues . The y hav e bee n muc h discusse d i n th e secondar y literature unde r th e rubri c o f "privat e languages. " Se e G . Hallett , A Companion to Wittgenstein's "Philosophical Investigations" (Ithaca , N.Y., 1977) ; A. J . Ayer , "Ca n Ther e B e a Privat e Language? " reprinte d i n G . Pitche r (ed.), Wittgenstein, The Philosophical Investigations (Garde n City , N.Y. , 1966), a n unsuccessfu l attemp t t o defen d th e notio n o f "privat e language" ; R. Rhee s an d J. Coo k als o hav e article s o n thi s topic in th e Pitcher Wittgenstein collection , whic h als o contain s a bibliograph y fo r furthe r researc h u p

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to 1965 . See als o o n thi s topi c th e paper s collecte d togethe r i n O . R . Jone s (ed.), The Private Language Argument (London , 1971) . Fo r mor e recen t studies u p t o 197 7 se e th e bibliograph y i n G . Hallett , A Companion; an d for stil l mor e recen t discussion s se e S . Kripke , Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language (Oxford , 1982) ; C . Wright, "Doe s Philosophical Investigations I , 258-260, Sugges t a Cogent Argument agains t Privat e Language? " in P . Pettit an d J . McDowel l (eds.) , Subject Thought and Context (Oxford , 1986), pp . 209-266 ; Charle s Travis , The Uses of Sense: Wittgenstein's Philosophy of Language (Oxford , 1989) ; Davi d Pears , The False Prison: A Study of the Development of Wittgenstein's Philosophy (Oxford , 1988) , Vol. 2 , pp . 328-422 ; an d Coli n McGinn , Wittgenstein on Meaning (Ox ford, 1984) . 55. Source s listed in not e 54 . 56. I hav e explore d som e o f th e peculia r an d unintende d consequence s o f thi s linguistic claim i n the context o f mystica l report s an d th e study of mysticis m in m y essay , "Language , Epistemolog y an d Mystica l Pluralism, " i n Steve n T. Kat z (ed.) , Mysticism and Philosophical Analysis (Ne w York , 1978) , pp. 22—74; se e als o m y pape r entitle d "Utteranc e an d Ineffabilit y i n Jewis h Neoplatonism," i n Len n Goodma n (ed.) , Jewish Neoplatonism (Albany , 1991), pp . 279-298 ; an d idem , "Th e Varietie s o f Mystica l Language, " i n Steven T . Kat z (ed.) , Mysticism and Language (Ne w York , 1992) , pp . 3 50. 57. Th e extraordinaril y difficul t issu e o f th e accurac y o f linguisti c description s of experience , i.e. , o f ho w languag e an d experienc e "mak e a fit," i s raise d by this exploration, thoug h w e shall no t pursue it. However, w e are mindfu l of Eli e Wiesel' s warnin g tha t eve n i n th e cas e o f survivor s lik e himself , "Perhaps, wha t w e tel l abou t wha t happene d an d wha t reall y happene d have nothin g t o d o on e wit h th e other. " "Jewis h Value s i n th e Pos t Holo caust Future, " Judaism, Vol . 16 , No . 3 (Summer , 1967) , p . 283 . I n thi s profound hermeneutica l reflectio n Wiese l raise s elementa l issue s i n th e the ory o f languag e an d meanin g tha t bea r directl y upo n al l writin g an d speak ing abou t th e Holocaust , includin g narrative s an d report s o f th e survivor s no les s than upo n th e writings of thos e like myself wh o were fortunat e t o b e born i n a different plac e though no t a different time . 58. Wittgenstei n make s a brillian t commen t abou t thi s i n th e Philosophical Investigations. When on e says, "He gav e a name to his sensation," one forgets tha t a great deal of stage-setting in the language is presupposed [schon viel in der Sprache vorbereitet sein muss] if the mere act of naming is to make sense. And when we speak of someone' s having given a name to pain, what is presupposed i s the existence of the grammar of the word "pain"; it shows the post where the new word is stationed. (Section 257) In th e cas e o f th e Sho'ah, too , w e requir e thi s publi c grammar , eve n whe n we deny tha t w e require i t or attempt , a t our peril, to avoi d o r transcen d it . 59. Her e th e separate , bu t relate d issue , first raise d b y Theodo r Adorno , o f

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 18 7 whether th e Sho'ah ca n becom e th e prope r occasio n fo r literar y an d othe r "aesthetic" works, needs to b e evaluated. A s Adorno wrote : After Auschwit z t o writ e a poe m i s barbaric . . . . Throug h aestheti c principle s o r stylization . . . the unimaginable ordeal still appears as if it had some ulterior purpose. It is transfigured an d stripped of some of its horror, and with this, injustice is already done to the victims. (Gesammelte Schriften [Frankfur t a.M. , 1974] , p. 422) Like Adorno , othe r tha n fo r first-person reports , i.e. , survivo r testimony , including "fictionalized " form s o f suc h testimony , e.g. , an d mos t famously , Elie Wiesel' s Night, th e work s o f Prim o Levi , Charlott e Delbo , Tadeus z Borowski, and Andre Schwarz-Bart, o r in poetic form Yitzcha k Katznelson' s Song of the Murdered Jewish People, I am no t a t al l confiden t tha t thi s i s a proper subjec t fo r literature . And , i t shoul d b e adde d explicitly , fo r myself , and I believ e fo r mos t othe r readers , th e significanc e o f Wiesel' s o r Levi' s work doe s no t li e i n it s "literariness, " bu t i n it s significanc e a s reportag e and authenti c memoir . Compar e Piot r Rawicz' s powerful , eve n savag e com ment, regardin g Holocaus t literature : "Th e literar y manne r i s an obscenity . Literature i s th e art , occasionall y remunerativ e o f rummagin g i n vomit " (Blood from the Sky, [Ne w York , 1964]) . For mor e o n thi s difficul t norma tive-aesthetic question , se e th e importan t studie s b y suc h informe d literar y critics a s Lawrenc e Langer , The Holocaust and the Literary Imagination (New Haven , 1975) ; idem , The Age of Atrocity (Boston , 1978) ; idem , Versions of Survival: The Holocaust and the Human Spirit (Albany , 1982) ; Alvin Rosenfeld, A Double Dying: Reflections on Holocaust Literature (Bloomington, 1980) ; Sidr a Ezrahi , By Words Alone: The Holocaust in Literature (Chicago , 1980) ; Ala n Berger , Crisis and Covenant: The Holocaust in American Jewish Fiction (Albany , 1985) ; George Steiner , Language and Silence: Essays on Language, Literature and the Inhuman (Ne w York , 1972); idem , In Bluebeard's Castle: Some Notes on the Redefinition of Culture (Ne w Haven , 1971) ; Rut h Angress , "Discussin g Holocaus t Litera ture," Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual, Vol . 2 (1985) , pp. 179-192 ; James Young, Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust: Narrative of the Consequences of Interpretation (Bloomington , 1988) , contains a valuable bibliog raphy o f primar y an d secondar y sources ; an d th e recen t philosophicall y informed comment s o f Bere l Lan g i n hi s Act and Idea in the Nazi Genocide (Chicago, 1990) , pp . 103-164 . Lan g call s t o notic e i n thi s connectio n Adorno's late r reconsideratio n o f thi s issue : "Perennia l sufferin g ha s a s much righ t t o expressio n a s a torture d ma n ha s t o scream ; henc e i t ma y have bee n wron g t o sa y tha t afte r Auschwit z yo u coul d n o longe r writ e poems" (Theodo r Adorno , Negative Dialectics [Ne w York , 1973] , p. 362 , cited b y Lang, Act and Idea, p . 12 5 n . 8) . 60. "Th e Holocaus t an d th e Enigma o f Uniqueness, " p. 169 . 61. Th e ter m applie d b y Kabbalist s t o Go d a s H e i s i n Himsel f an d beyon d al l human comprehension . 62. Thoug h havin g reservation s abou t particula r argument s mad e b y Da n Ma -

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gurshak i n hi s essay , "Th e 'Incomprehensibility ' o f th e Holocaust : Tighten ing Up Som e Loos e Usage, " i n Ala n Rosenber g an d Geral d E . Myers (eds.) , Echoes from the Holocaust, pp . 4 2 1 - 4 3 1 , hi s sortin g an d critiqu e o f th e various meaning s o f th e ter m "incomprehensible " a s applie d t o th e Holo caust doe s help in the clarification o f th e issue. 63. Thi s epistemologica l dilemm a i s furthe r complicate d a s a consequenc e o f Emil Fackenheim' s salien t methodologica l cautio n regardin g survivo r re ports: It i s normall y assume d that , wit h al l du e allowanc e fo r bia s o f perceptio n an d memory, th e eyewitnes s i s th e mos t reliabl e sourc e o f "wha t actuall y happened. " When th e eyewitnes s i s caugh t i n a schem e o f thing s systematicall y calculate d t o deceive him, subsequent reflection i s necessary if truth is to be given to his testimony. (The Jewish Return into History, p. 58) Fackenheim's remar k i s cited fro m Ala n Rosenberg , "Th e Crisi s in Knowin g and Understandin g th e Holocaust," i n Alan Rosenber g an d Geral d E . Myers (eds.), Echoes from the Holocaust, p . 388 , wherei n Rosenber g offer s som e pertinent glosse s on thi s point . 64. See , fo r example , th e psychoanalytica l effort s t o explai n Nazis m o f W . Reich, Mass Psychology of Fascism (Ne w York , 1970) ; E . Fromm , Escape from Freedom (Ne w York , 1941) ; R . Loewenstein , Christians and Jews: A Psychoanalytic Study (Ne w York , 1952) ; B. Bettelheim, The Informed HeartAutonomy in a Mass Age (Glencoe , 111. , 1960) ; Natha n Ackerman n an d Marie Jahooda , Antisemitism and Emotional Disorder (Ne w York , 1950) ; T. Adorn o e t al. , The Authoritarian Personality (Ne w York , 1950) ; Nevit t Sanford an d Crai g Comstoc k (eds. ) Sanctions for Evil (Sa n Francisco , 1971) ; Frederic Wertham , A Sign of Cain: An Exploration of Human Violence (New York , 1966) ; Henr y V . Dicks , Licensed Mass Murder: A SocioPsychological Study of Some SS Killers (London , 1972) ; Eric h Fromm , The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness (Ne w York , 1973) ; Israe l Charny , How Can We Commit the Unthinkable? Genocide the Human Cancer (Boulder, 1982) ; Wend y Stella r Flory , "Th e Psycholog y o f Antisemitism, " in Michael Curti s (ed.) , Antisemitism in the Contemporary World (Boulder , 1986); John Sabin i and Maur y Silver , "Destroying the Innocent with a Clea r Conscience: A Sociopsychology o f th e Holocaust," i n Joel E. Dimsdale (ed.) , Survivors, Victims and Perpetrators: Essays on the Nazi Holocaust (Wash ington, 1980) , pp. 329-358 . Of rea l importanc e ar e th e sober , skeptica l conclusion s regardin g wha t the psychologica l dat a revea l offere d b y Geral d L . Borofsk y an d Do n J . Brand i n thei r paper , "Personalit y Organizatio n an d Psychologica l Func tioning o f th e Nurember g Wa r Criminals : Th e Rorschac h Data, " i n Joe l Dimsdale (ed.) , Survivors, Victims and Perpetrators, pp . 359-403 . Als o relevant, i f tha t i s th e correc t term , ar e th e mor e genera l psychohistorica l studies o f grou p behavio r an d socia l patholog y tha t hav e bee n writte n wit h a knowledg e o f th e Holocaus t i n mind , e.g. , Fre d Weinstei n an d Geral d Piatt, The Wish to Be Free (Berkeley , 1969) ; Harr y Levinson , Organiza-

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tional Diagnosis (Cambridge , 1972) ; Elliot t Jaquls , "Socia l System s a s a Defense agains t Persecutor y an d Depressiv e Anxiety, " i n M . Klei n (ed.) , New Directions in Psychoanalysis (Ne w York , 1955) ; S . Milgrom , Obedience to Authority: An Experimental View (Ne w York , 1974) ; R . A . Baron , Human Aggression (Ne w York , 1977) ; Lloy d d e Mause' s phantasy , "His torical Grou p Phantasies, " Journal of Psychohistory, Vol . 7 (1979) , pp. 1 70; an d mos t recently, Ervi n Staub' s ver y derivative , The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (Cambridg e [England] , 1989). See also R . Rubenstein's wor k connectin g the psychoanalytic an d th e theological, After Auschwitz. M y reservation s abou t thes e effort s wil l be se t out i n detai l i n Volume 3 of m y study , The Holocaust in Historical Context (forthcoming). 65. O n psycho-historica l effort s t o dea l wit h Nazism , se e R . Binion , Hitler among the Germans (Ne w York , 1976) ; an d Pete r Loewenberg' s revie w o f Binion's approac h i n the Journal of Modern History, Vol . 47, No. 2 (1975) , pp. 241-244 ; Rober t G . L . Waite's influentia l thoug h deepl y flawe d work , The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler (Ne w York , 1977) ; an d th e revie w o f Peter Loewenber g i n Central European History, No . 3 (September , 1974) , pp. 265-272 ; Georg e M . Kren , "Psychohistorica l Interpretation s o f Na tional Socialism, " German Studies Review, Vols . 1 & 2 (May , 1978) ; Pete r Loewenberg, "Nixon , Hitle r an d Power : A n Eg o Psychologica l Study, " Psychoanalytic Inquiry, Vol . 6 , No . 1 (1986) , pp . 2 7 - 4 8 ; idem , "Th e Psychohistorical Origin s o f th e Naz i Yout h Cohort, " American Historical Review, Vol . 7 6 (1971) , pp . 1457-1502 ; idem , "Psychohistorica l Perspec tives o n Moder n Germa n History, " Journal of Modern History, Vol . 4 7 (1975), pp. 229-279; an d idem , "Psychohistory," i n M. Kamme n (ed.) , The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States (Ithaca, 1980) . A bibliography o n th e subjec t i s provided b y Terry Mensch , "Psychohistory o f th e Thir d Reich, " Journal of Psychohistory, Vol . 7 , No . 3 (1979-1980) , pp . 331-354; an d se e also th e revie w essa y o f wor k i n thi s area b y Geoffre y Cocks , "Th e Hitle r Controversy, " Political Psychology, Vol. 1 , No. 2 (Autumn , 1979) , pp. 6 7 - 8 1 . George M . Kre n an d Leo n Rappaport , The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior, als o engage in psychohistory, wit h onl y margina l success , at various important junctures in their argument. They do, however, provid e a useful summar y o f som e of the psycho-historical literatur e in their "Biblio graphic Essay, " i n The Holocaust and the Crisis of Human Behavior, pp . 165—169. George Kre n has also made a more recent , equally margina l fora y into th e debate , "Psychohistory , Psychobiograph y an d th e Holocaust, " Psychohistory Review, Vol . 13 , No. 1 (1984) , pp . 4 0 - 4 5 . Thi s approac h ha s been reviewe d b y Sau l Friedlande r i n hi s History and Psychoanalysis (Ne w York, 1978) ; an d severel y criticize d b y Jacques Barzu n i n hi s Clio and the Doctors: Psycho-History, Quanto-History, and History (Chicago , 1974) . Barzun's "Seve n Regretfu l Objection s [t o psychohistory]" given o n pp . 3 9 41 ar e indeed, despit e thei r lac k o f development , an d thei r highl y aggressiv e tone, telling objections .

190 Defining

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More recentl y Gertrud e Himmelfar b ha s als o mad e a n undevelope d bu t significant critiqu e o f psychohistor y i n he r The New History and the Old (Cambridge, 1987) . Othe r critic s o f psychohistor y wh o hav e mad e impor tant analyse s o f th e subjec t are : D . E . Stannard , Shrinking History: On Freud and the Failure of Psychohistory (Ne w York , 1980) , the most radical , at time s excessive , critiqu e t o date ; Osca r Handlin , Truth in History (Cam bridge, 1979) , esp . pp . 1 4 - 1 5 ; A . Marwick , The Nature of History (Lon don, 1981 2 ), pp . 111-115 ; an d Lawrenc e Stone , The Past and the Present (Boston, 1981) , pp . 4 0 - 4 1 an d 220-229 . Tw o additiona l set s o f paper s that explor e th e methodological issue s raised b y psychohistory i n interestin g ways ar e R . J . Lifto n an d E . Olso n (eds.) , Explorations in Psychohistory: The Wellfleet Papers (Ne w York , 1974) ; an d th e recen t volum e edite d b y William McKenle y Runyan , Psychology and Historical Interpretation (Ne w York, 1988) . Th e essay s i n thi s latte r collectio n contai n ver y complet e an d up-to-date bibliographie s o n variou s aspect s o f th e subject . Fo r furthe r bibliographical assistanc e se e als o W . J. Gilmore , Psych oh istorical Inquiry: A Comprehensive Research Bibliography (Ne w York , 1984) . 66. A crude , erroneou s presentatio n o f th e contrar y vie w i s argue d b y Ronal d Aronson i n his essay, "Socia l Madness, " i n I . Walliman an d M . Dobkowsk i (eds.), Genocide in the Modern Age, pp . 125-141 , esp . pp . 129-132 . Aronson asks : "Wh y i s i t no t enoug h simpl y t o labe l a s mistakes th e ma n who see s the devi l o r th e Nazi wh o see s the Jew a s devil?" And h e replies a s follows: After all , w e ar e first o f al l talkin g abou t a mistake . Th e proble m i s tha t t o cal l misperception a mistak e locate s i t withi n th e real m o f reaso n an d evidenc e w e presume in all discourse and indeed perception. Within that realm a mistake may be corrected, fo r example , b y demonstratin g i t t o b e false . Bu t t o cal l i t madnes s underscores on the one hand its depth and seriousness, on the other its psychological roots and quality of being beyond reason and demonstration. If we regard a belief as mad we see it as being both willful and beyond reach, (p. 129) But Aronso n i s simpl y wron g here . Conside r th e actua l historica l cas e i n which entir e segment s o f Europea n societ y sa w th e devi l everywhere , espe cially in leagu e with ol d singl e women (fo r mor e detail s se e chapter 5 of th e present volum e o n th e witc h craze) . Thi s belie f wa s false and , i n time , counter-arguments demonstrate d it s incorrectness an d th e witch craz e cam e to a halt. Tha t i s to say , th e belie f i n th e devi l an d hi s putative involvemen t with humankin d wa s no t "beyon d reach. " Th e declin e o f theologically grounded antisemitis m sinc e th e seventeent h century , especiall y i n twen tieth-century libera l democracies , support s thi s argument , i.e. , antisemitis m is certainl y no t "beyon d reach. " I t onl y become s s o whe n i t become s th e prisoner o f a ba d Aronson-lik e theor y abou t madness . Her e on e recognize s that a t leas t on e o f th e ke y source s o f Aronson' s profoun d confusio n i s hi s failure t o distinguis h betwee n metaphysica l doctrine s (includin g myths ) an d beliefs an d madness , i.e. , metaphysica l doctrine s an d belief s an d madnes s may al l b e beyon d "demonstration, " tha t i s disconfirmation , bu t th e tw o

Defining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust 1 9

1

categories ar e no t t o b e conflate d an d reduce d t o th e psychologica l withou t remainder. Fo r example , th e execrabl e rol e assigne d t o th e " J e w " b y Chris tian theolog y i s no t ope n t o disconfirmatio n an d i n thi s lie s th e recurrin g tragedy o f Jewish-Christian relations , bu t Christians , wh o o n classica l Ne w Testament theologica l ground s ar e anti-Jewish , ar e no t mad, howeve r evil , in an y clinica l sens e o f madness . ( I remin d reader s agai n o f conservativ e Christian theologian s suc h a s Kar l Bart h wh o sa w th e Deat h Camp s a s a confirmation o f thei r classica l theologica l world-view , i.e. , wh o di d no t allow th e millio n slaughtere d Jewis h childre n t o alte r thei r theolog y a t all . Yet one would hardl y classif y Bart h a s "mad." ) Thi s sam e judgment applie s to Crusade r murderers , Blac k Deat h mobs , an d medieva l Inquisitors , al l o f whom hel d fals e view s o f Jew s an d Judais m bu t wh o i n pursuin g th e ofte n deadly logi c of thei r belief s wer e not insane . A fuller, equall y unsatisfactory , presentation o f Aronson' s view s i s t o b e foun d i n hi s The Dialectics of Disaster (London , 1983) , a boo k on e i s tempte d t o retitl e The Disaster of Dialectics. 67. Urie l Ta l ha s collecte d som e earl y citation s o n Nazis m a s irrational . Se e his "Political Theolog y an d Myt h Prio r t o th e Holocaust, " i n Y . Bauer an d N . Rotenstreich (eds.) , The Holocaust as Historical Experience (Ne w York , 1981), pp. 4 4 - 4 9. Unfortunately, Tal , a profound studen t o f th e intellectua l foundations o f Nazism , doe s no t analyz e th e us e of th e ter m "irrational " i n the sources h e reproduces . 68. Conside r here , fo r example , th e view s o f Richar d Wagne r a s expresse d i n his Das Judentum in der Musik, Gesammelte Schriften (Leipzig , 1869) . Hi s views are false bu t no t irrational. Wagner's view s on Jews an d Judaism hav e been studie d b y Jacob Katz , The Darker Side of Genius: Richard Wagner's Antisemitism (Hanover , 1986) . 69. S . Friedlander , "O n th e Possibilit y o f th e Holocaust, " i n Y . Baue r an d N . Rotenstreich (eds.) , The Holocaust as Historical Experience, p . 7 . 70. "Th e troubl e wit h Eichmann, " Hanna h Arend t suggeste d i n on e o f he r fe w correct observation s o n th e Eichman n trial , "wa s precisel y tha t s o man y were lik e hi m an d tha t th e man y wer e neithe r perverte d no r sadistic , tha t they wer e an d stil l ar e terribl y an d terrifyingl y normal . . . . This normalit y was much mor e terrifyin g tha n al l the atrocitie s pu t together " {Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil [Ne w York , 1964] , p. 276). M y serious, extensive reservations abou t Arendt' s analysis of the Eichmann trial , including he r much-discusse d non sequitur betwee n th e banalit y o f Eich mann th e ma n an d th e purporte d "banality " o f th e evi l he perpetrated, wil l be provided i n detai l i n Volum e 3 o f m y forthcomin g study , The Holocaust in Historical Context, i n th e context o f a fuller discussio n o f th e Judenrate. 71. Thi s microbial vie w is rooted i n a metaphysical thesi s that provides its fram e of reference . Sau l Friedlander , wh o see s thi s parasitologica l conceptio n o f "The Jews" a s th e mediatin g lin k betwee n th e pathological an d th e techno logical element s within Nazism , write s o f thi s inter-relationship : The fuzz y racia l ideolog y coul d no t hav e bee n th e "prim e mover, " bu t i t wa s th e "transmission belt, " th e mediating elemen t betwee n th e murderous pathologica l driv e

1 9 2 Defining

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Uniqueness of

the Holocaust

and th e bureaucratic an d technologica l organizatio n o f the extermination. ("O n th e Possibility of the Holocaust," p. 9) But this is a mistaken description , fo r th e "murderou s pathologica l drive " is itself grounde d i n a distinctiv e ideologica l foundation , a Weltanschauung. The "murderou s pathologica l drive " agains t Jews , despit e it s pervasivenes s in th e last 170 0 year s o f Wester n history , i s not a "natural " stat e o f nature ; it rest s upo n an d i s encourage d b y a complex , thoug h quit e definit e se t o f metaphysical ideas . Thu s th e "pathologica l drive " shoul d b e recognize d a s the "transmissio n belt " o f th e racia l (an d related ) metaphysi c rathe r tha n the reverse. As a consequence, it is again recognize d tha t the irrational i s not the decisive category, bu t on e of th e subordinate factor s i n a complex socio ideological mix . 72. Her e th e philosophica l distinctio n betwee n "knowledg e b y acquaintance " and "knowledg e b y description," i.e. , existential vs . propositional knowing , should b e recalled an d applied . 73. Joh n P . Fox, "Th e Holocaust : A 'Non-Unique' Even t fo r al l Humanity? " i n Y. Bauer e t al . (eds.) , Remembering for the Future, Vol . 2, pp. 1863-1878 , errs i n arguin g tha t th e nee d fo r historicizin g an d contextualizin g th e Sho'ah, including th e nee d fo r a n investigatio n o f it s causes , i s incompatible wit h a claim fo r uniqueness . H e hold s tha t suc h a clai m short-circuit s rea l an d ful l investigation. However , wh y i s it improper t o conclud e fo r uniquenes s after all suc h neede d historica l enquir y ha s take n plac e jus t a s on e reache s othe r apposite an d informe d conclusion s a t th e en d o f one' s labors ? Tha t is , "uniqueness" nee d no t be , an d i s no t employe d b y me , a s a n a priori stipulation, no r a s a "mystical " notion , bu t rathe r a s a legitimate phenome nological judgmen t arrive d a t a s a consequence o f standard , sharabl e histor ical research , th e ful l characte r o f whic h i s open t o scrutin y i n th e compara tive cas e studie s tha t compris e Volume s 1 an d 2 o f m y forthcomin g study , The Holocaust in Historical Context, an d i n th e mor e narro w investigatio n of moder n antisemitis m an d th e Sho'ah tha t constitute s Volum e 3 o f thi s work. 74. Jaco b Kat z ha s writte n ver y wisel y o n som e o f th e historiographica l an d moral issue s relate d t o thi s difficul t question , "Wa s th e Holocaus t Predict able?" i n Y . Bauer an d N . Rotenstreic h (eds.) , The Holocaust as Historical Experience, pp . 2 3 - 4 2 . 75. Thoug h C . Hempe l initiall y equate d prediction s wit h explanations , h e n o longer hold s thi s view a s a result o f th e work b y Wesley Salmo n an d others . For mor e detail s o f thi s importan t debat e se e Hempel' s pape r "Aspect s o f Scientific Explanation, " i n hi s Aspects of Scientific Explanation and Other Essays in the Philosophy of Science (Ne w York , 1965) , Ch . 12 ; idem , "Maximal Specificit y an d Lawlikenes s i n Probabilistic Explanation," Philosophy of Science, Vol . 3 5 (1968) , pp . 116-133 ; an d W . Salmon , Scientific Explanation and the Causal Structure of the World (Princeton , 1984) .

8 Technology and Genocide: Technology as a "Form of Life"

T

echnology i s a determinative , metaphysica l facto r requirin g consid eration i n an y analyti c prob e o f th e uniquenes s o f th e Sboah. Thoug h the technologica l elemen t ha s bee n recognize d a s salien t fro m th e incep tion o f th e debat e ove r Nazism , i t i s important fo r analyti c purpose s t o give i t heightene d prominenc e a s a "normative " category . Th e quintes sence o f thi s designatio n lie s i n th e recognitio n tha t th e dominatin g reality o f technolog y i s no t merel y a matte r o f a consumin g mechanics , but i s tie d t o a large r uncompromisin g cultural-ideologica l proces s tha t needs t o b e describe d throug h suc h modalitie s a s "dehumanization, " "rationalization," "disenchantment, " bureaucracy , an d totalitarianis m —all transformativ e categorie s tha t hav e a s on e o f thei r seemingl y nec essary corollarie s a growin g unconcer n wit h individuals . Tha t is , w e need t o lear n tha t th e rol e o f technolog y i n th e mas s killing s i s ontologi cally significant . In analyzin g th e machiner y o f killin g pe r se , w e nee d t o begi n b y making a distinction between : (1 ) a given technology pe r s e as represent ing a "unique " metho d o r techniqu e o f killing , an d (2 ) technolog y a s a servant of , a facilitato r of , a "unique " goal . Le t u s examin e thes e tw o possibilities, beginning with th e former; wa s the technology qu a technol ogy use d b y th e Nazi s t o annihilat e Jewr y unique ? Th e answe r i s "no. " That i s t o say , Jewish death s wer e cause d i n thre e mai n ways : (1 ) unti l 1941 throug h starvatio n an d th e disease s tha t cam e i n it s wak e i n th e ghettos. 1 Th e deat h rat e i n th e ghetto s wa s s o hig h tha t estimate s indi Reprinted b y permission o f Temple University Press.

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care tha t withou t an y furthe r specifi c killin g operation s al l Jew s woul d have disappeare d i n twenty-fiv e year s unde r thes e conditions . Th e ghett o inhabitants p u t i t thi s way : " W h e n w e ha d nothin g t o ea t the y gav e u s a turnip, the y gav e u s a b e e t — h e r e hav e som e grub , hav e som e fleas, hav e some typhus , di e o f disease. " (2 ) A t th e hand s o f th e Einsatzgruppen (murder squads ) tha t accompanie d th e Naz i invasio n int o Russi a fro m late 194 1 t o 1943. 2 Estimate s sugges t tha t thes e group s kille d betwee n 1.5 an d 2 millio n Jews . Thei r metho d o f executio n wa s simple . Th e Einsatzgruppen would ente r a villag e o r cit y an d orde r th e prominen t Jewis h citizen s t o cal l together al l Jew s fo r th e purpos e o f resettlement . The y wer e requeste d t o han d over thei r valuable s t o th e leader s o f th e unit , an d shortl y befor e th e executio n to surrende r thei r oute r clothing . Th e men , wome n an d childre n wer e le d t o a place o f executio n whic h i n mos t case s wa s locate d nex t t o a mor e deepl y excavated anti-tan k ditch . The n the y wer e shot , kneelin g o r standing , an d th e corpses throw n int o th e ditch. 3 N o grea t technologica l feat . (3 ) Throug h th e working s o f th e deat h camps, especiall y th e newest , mos t advance d camp , Auschwitz. 4 I n thes e camps, th e preferre d metho d o f murde r wa s gas . Th e proces s ha s bee n described b y a n eyewitnes s a s follows : Outside, say s Nyiszli , th e me n o n night-shif t wer e handlin g a convo y o f Jews , some 3,00 0 men , wome n an d children , wh o ha d bee n le d fro m thei r trai n int o the hal l 20 0 yard s lon g an d prominentl y labelle d i n variou s languages , "Bath s and Disinfectin g Room. " Her e the y had bee n tol d t o strip , supervised b y the S.S . and me n o f th e Sonderkommando . The y wer e the n le d int o a second hall , wher e the S.S . an d Sonderkommand o lef t them . Meanwhile , van s painte d wit h th e insignia o f th e Red Cros s had brough t u p supplie s of Cyclo n [Zyklon ] B crystals. The 3,00 0 wer e then seale d i n an d gassed . Twenty minute s late r th e patente d mechanica l ventilator s wer e turne d o n t o dispel th e remainin g fumes . Me n o f th e Sonderkommando , wearin g ga s mask s and rubbe r boots , entere d th e ga s chamber . The y foun d th e nake d bodie s pile d in a pyramid tha t reveale d th e las t collectiv e struggl e o f th e dyin g t o reac h clea n air nea r th e ceiling ; th e weakes t la y crushe d a t th e botto m whil e th e stronges t bestrode th e res t a t th e top . Th e strugglin g mass , stille d onl y b y death , la y no w inert lik e som e fearfu l monumen t t o th e memor y o f thei r suffering . Th e ga s ha d risen slowl y fro m th e floor , forcin g th e prisoners t o clim b o n eac h other' s bodie s in a ruthles s endeavo r t o snatc h th e las t remainin g lungful s o f clea n air . Th e corpses wer e fouled , an d th e maske d me n washe d the m dow n wit h hose s befor e the labou r o f separatin g an d transportin g th e entwine d bodie s coul d begin . They wer e dragge d t o th e elevators , lowere d t o th e crematoria , thei r gol d teet h removed wit h plier s an d throw n int o bucket s filled wit h acid , an d th e women' s hair shave d fro m thei r heads . Th e desecrate d dea d wer e the n loade d i n batche s

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of thre e o n cart s o f shee t meta l an d fe d automaticall y int o on e o f th e fiftee n ovens with whic h eac h crematoriu m wa s equipped . A single crematorium con sumed 4 5 bodie s ever y 2 0 minutes ; th e capacit y o f destructio n a t Auschwit z was little short of 200 bodies an hour. No wonder Hoess was proud. The ashes were remove d an d spille d int o th e swif t tid e o f th e rive r Vistula , a mil e or s o away. Th e valuables—clothes , jewels , gol d an d hair—wer e sen t t o Germany , less what the S.S. and the Sonderkommando manage d to steal. Nyiszli estimates each crematoriu m amasse d som e eightee n t o twent y pound s o f gol d a day . I t was melte d int o smal l ingot s an d sen t t o swel l th e resource s o f th e Reic h i n Berlin.5 While i t is true tha t th e Nazis refine d th e us e of th e ga s Zyklo n B , to d o the jo b mor e effectively , deat h b y ga s wa s no t a majo r technologica l advance a s compare d with , say , th e je t engine , radar , an d sonar , th e Nazis' ow n V I an d V 2 rockets , or , abov e al l els e as a qualitativ e break through, th e atomi c bomb . Thoug h th e German s wer e unprecedentedl y disciplined i n thei r applicatio n o f thes e method s o f mas s murder , th e technology o f deat h employe d b y th e Nazi s alread y existed , thoug h o f course i n a les s refine d state , b y th e en d o f th e Firs t Worl d War . Whil e Auschwitz ma y represen t a quantum lea p in the domain o f evil , it has n o corresponding significanc e i n th e real m o f technolog y i n th e narro w sense. Technolog y qu a technolog y doe s not see m a n essentia l mar k o f Nazi uniqueness . There is , however, anothe r mor e siniste r sid e t o th e consideratio n o f technology, technolog y i n it s broade r sens e a s a fundamenta l transfor mative category o f modern life . That is , though th e techniques o f murde r per s e wer e no t unique , th e genera l societa l functio n o f technolog y a s employed b y th e Nazi s ma y wel l hav e been . Fo r ha s ther e eve r bee n a comparable exampl e o f s o muc h discipline d plannin g an d moder n tech nological know-how , s o muc h specializatio n an d concer n wit h effi ciency, bein g harnesse d an d use d solel y t o murde r a noncombatan t civi l population, wher e a technolog y cam e int o bein g an d ha d a s it s sol e raison d'etr e th e murde r o f a segmen t o f one' s own , an d the n one' s subject (throug h conquest ) population ? A n entire , sophisticate d indus try, an d muc h o f th e energ y o f th e Germa n natio n an d it s allies , wa s devoted solel y to the production o f corpses. Everything, from th e makin g of train s t o carr y th e victims , t o th e makin g o f ga s chamber s t o ga s th e victims, t o oven s t o bur n th e victims , t o th e communication s tha t con trolled th e entir e process , wa s th e en d produc t o f a technologicall y advanced civilizatio n tha t decide d t o tur n it s economy , a s wel l a s it s inmost soul , over t o manufacturin g death .

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Still mor e fundamenta l i s the fac t tha t i t wa s advance s i n th e genera l state o f technolog y tha t mad e th e "Kingdo m o f Night " possible. 6 Th e sheer siz e o f th e Europea n Jewis h communit y an d th e enormou s geo graphical spa n o f it s place s o f habitatio n ha d unti l th e twentiet h cen tury bee n a sourc e o f protection , eve n bein g ofte n cite d i n theologica l discourses a s a blessin g tha t preserve d th e Jewis h peopl e "i n thei r so journ amon g th e nations." 7 Technology , includin g moder n communica tions, obviate d thi s prophylaxis , thoug h no t simply , an d no t withou t enormous bureaucrati c planning , technologica l organization , an d socia l manipulation. Th e larg e numbe r o f Jew s t o b e kille d require d a nove l plan (a s distinguishe d fro m th e actua l performanc e o f th e murderou s deeds discusse d above , whic h lacke d originality ) fo r i t require d th e efficient "processing " o f million s o f Jew s an d th e disposal , a s wel l a s exploitation, o f thei r remains . A n S S officer, i t wa s reporte d a t hi s trial , "stopped th e wil d shootin g o f th e Lithuania n auxiliar y police , bu t h e substituted fo r i t the routin e mechanica l slaughte r o f th e Chicag o stock yards a t the rate of 50 0 Jews ] a day." 8 Suc h behavior, i n turn, necessar ily involve d a technologica l an d bureaucrati c reconstructio n tha t impli cated al l segment s o f Germa n society , al l levels of th e military-industria l hierarchy. 9 Raul Hilberg's 10 classi c studie s o f th e collusio n o f Germa n railways , Benjamin Ferencz's 11 an d Josep h Borkin's 12 researche s int o th e appall ing behavior o f Germa n industry , Telfor d Taylor' s stud y o f th e complic ity o f th e lega l profession, 13 Richar d Rubenstein's 14 an d Rober t J . Lifton's 15 o f th e ghoulis h activitie s o f th e medica l profession , an d th e many studie s of the eager participation i n the slaughter o f the churches 16 and academics, 17 ar e al l salient cases that collectivel y represen t th e total ity o f th e bureaucratic-technologica l mosai c o f th e Naz i machin e o f destruction. Th e Final Solutio n require d a n arm y o f collaborators . The substantiv e impac t o f technolog y o n th e murderer s ca n serv e a s our startin g point. 18 T o understan d it , th e mos t significan t facto r t o grasp i s th e anesthetizin g propertie s o f moder n technology . Technolog y aims t o produc e mor e "things " mor e efficiently , tha t is , mor e cheapl y and i n les s time , tha n othe r form s o f production . I n th e immediac y o f the workplace , i t i s no t concerned , i n theory , wit h th e large r metapro ductive, ideologica l issue s wit h whic h i t interconnects , focusin g instea d on th e "object " an d it s manufacture . I n reality , o f course , technolog y i s never s o pure , neve r s o narrowl y situated , fo r th e "objects " produce d are, a s perceive d fro m th e to p down , subservien t t o a large r "good, "

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medical products , fo r example , t o healin g a s well a s profit, an d missile s for wa r an d politic s a s wel l a s profit , bu t thes e "ends " d o no t ofte n intrude int o th e prosai c element s o f th e proces s itsel f a s performe d b y the technocrats , certainl y no t th e functionin g technocrat s a t lowe r eche lons o f contro l an d authority . Thei r jo b i s meetin g schedules , maximiz ing tha t particula r productiv e stag e i n whic h the y ar e involved . More over, larger insidiou s question s o f value , private pieties, are irrelevant t o the actua l tas k a t hand . Murde r i s no t limite d b y th e parameter s o f passion, deat h define d b y self-interest . Adol f Eichman n coul d stil l pree n himself i n Jerusale m abou t th e smoot h operatio n o f hi s department. 19 Building " a bette r mousetrap, " o r ga s chamber , i s a technica l advanc e into whic h on e ca n pou r al l one' s energie s withou t eithe r makin g a moral statemen t o r reflectin g o n morality . Thu s Alber t Spee r write s t o Hitler: "Th e tas k whic h I hav e t o fulfil l i s a n unpolitica l one . I fel t comfortable i n m y wor k a s lon g a s m y perso n an d als o my wor k wer e valued solel y accordin g t o m y specialis t achievement." 20 Rudol f Hos s told hi s interrogators : "W e coul d onl y execut e order s withou t thinkin g about it." 2 1 Th e inherentl y alienate d process , an d th e continua l strivin g to improve the process an d it s end product, ar e carried o n autonomousl y and independentl y o f nontechnologica l normativ e categories. 22 A senio r S S officer , cite d i n hi s tria l fo r exceptiona l brutality , de scribed a meetin g h e ha d attende d tha t ha d bee n calle d t o discus s ho w best t o kil l severa l hundre d Russia n Arm y politica l commissars . A t th e meeting h e note d tha t "ther e wer e five S S general s an d on e civilian , whom h e took t o b e an Arm y genera l incognito . . . . The five SS generals vied wit h eac h othe r i n ingenuity . Onl y way s an d mean s wer e debated ; no on e expresse d an y misgiving s o n th e principl e o f preparin g thi s slaughter." 23 Likewise , Spee r defende d himsel f agains t charge s o f vio lence agains t slav e labo r no t o n mora l bu t utilitaria n grounds : I t woul d have bee n impruden t polic y counterproductiv e t o productivit y goals. 24 If moralit y mean s anythin g i n suc h a setting , i t i s no t a concer n wit h traditional ethica l categories , which involv e the abuse an d har m inflicte d on th e huma n victims , bu t rathe r issue s arisin g ou t o f th e categorie s o f fidelity an d obedience , function , an d hierarchy . A s such, virtue ha s bee n reconceptualized a s loyalty, loyalty t o th e system, to one's senio r officer s who entruste d yo u wit h a give n task , t o th e Fuhre r t o who m on e ha s sworn ultimat e fealty . In thi s reconstructe d environmen t a selectiv e ax iological schizophreni a allow s technocrat s t o kil l b y da y an d slee p b y night.

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Parenthetically, i t should b e recognized tha t thi s extreme alienatio n a t work create s intensifie d desire s fo r self-fulfillmen t an d "belongin g out side o f work " an d thereb y reinforces , fo r example , th e romantic , racia l group identit y incessantl y preache d b y th e Naz i state . Accordingly , th e pervasive anomi e o f on e aspec t o f dail y lif e unde r th e Reich , paradoxi cally, encourage d heightene d self-identificatio n wit h th e Reic h o n a sec ond, yet mor e fundamenta l level. 25 These man y participant s involve d themselve s i n varie d an d comple x ways. O n th e on e hand , ther e wer e thos e who , lik e Reinhar d Heydric h or Marti n Heidegger , thre w themselve s int o th e fray , whil e o n th e othe r hand many , i f no t most , o f th e participant s ar e bes t understoo d a s manifesting a mod e o f consciousnes s tha t ha s bee n instructivel y de scribed a s tha t o f "adaptation, " adaptatio n bein g understoo d a s " a process whos e advanc e i s onl y i n par t wille d an d controlled , an d t o a much large r exten t unconscious." 26 Thi s definitio n ha s th e virtu e o f reminding u s tha t th e objec t o f th e technologica l modality , o f th e ideo logical superstructure , i s a transformation o f behavior , i n th e case of th e Nazis, murderous , sadisti c behavior , suc h tha t specifi c act s ar e per formed "automatically, " withou t referenc e t o th e domain s o f moralit y and subjectiv e freedom . Wha t Nazism , lik e al l Weltanschauungen tha t aspire t o totalitaria n absoluteness , seek s to d o i s to reorient , reconceive , the form s o f knowin g an d actin g s o tha t th e materia l conten t o f knowl edge an d actio n i s "arbitrarily, " tha t is , ideologically, prearranged , thoug h the perceptio n o f suc h knowledg e an d suc h actio n i s receive d a s a "given," a s a natural phenomenon , whos e realit y an d authorit y i s un questioned. Technolog y creates , i n thi s broade r sense , a n a prior i for m of consciousnes s analogou s to , fo r example , language , whic h mediate s in fundamenta l way s ou r awarenes s o f reality . A s a formativ e epistemi c element, i t define s no t onl y wha t w e kno w bu t ho w w e know , wit h thi s mediating effec t also , dialectically , i n turn , definin g wha t w e know — that is , ho w somethin g i s know n create s th e what known . Technolog y is, i n thi s cognitive , epistemologica l manner , a n instanc e o f tha t sor t o f category tha t Kant , in his Transcendental Analytic , defined a s a "rule fo r the organization o f the manifold o f sensibility." 27 Consciousness , at leas t empirical consciousness , unde r th e for m o f technolog y organize s th e world int o a quit e specific , thoug h neithe r necessar y o r absolut e unit y governed b y it s ow n synthesizing , prioritizin g awareness , a synthesi s operative mos t elementall y o n th e leve l of "nea r instinctive " adaptation , that is , nonreflexively , a s a n unquestione d regularity . Suc h a category ,

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even i f contingen t an d alterabl e (a s against Kant' s claim s fo r hi s catego ries), posit s it s ow n rule s whic h establis h th e orde r o f realit y tha t gov erns, to th e degre e t o which one' s consciousnes s i s such a consciousness , one's individual life . As such, that is , operating under this sort of concep tual structure , it s entrepreneurs, includin g mos t assuredl y thos e wh o us e it fo r ideologica l purposes , inten d fro m th e outse t tha t it s employmen t should produc e effects , styl e o f behavior , a hierarch y o f value s an d perceptions, that ar e predictable, hence exploitable . "Specific brand s o f learning, " i t ha s bee n correctl y observed , i n on e application o f thi s epistemological insight , "originat e an d conditio n spe cific mode s o f thinking , develo p an d adher e t o categorie s throug h whic h they ca n bes t expres s thei r conten t an d b y mean s o f whic h the y ca n further progress." 28 Applie d t o technology , thi s logi c suggests tha t tech nocrats develo p thos e specific , formidabl e skill s relevan t t o thei r imme diate, ofte n recalcitran t technica l concern , narrowin g down , a s i t were , the wide r contex t o f an y issu e t o th e particula r projec t the y wis h t o improve. Surveyor s concentrat e o n perfectin g accuracy , an d civi l engi neers o n durability , an d mechanica l engineer s o n efficienc y (o r othe r related an d overlappin g utilitaria n value s tha t ar e conten t a s well a s jo b specific).29 Henc e technolog y a s suc h help s shap e consciousnes s int o a "semi-autonomous cognitiv e domain." 3 0 I t helps to redirect, to close off , the min d fro m larger , perennia l consideration s o f th e equatio n o f end s and means , o f object s an d thei r use . This , i n turn , produce s a recondi tioned mentalit y tha t i s conventionally amora l (no t necessarily immoral ) vis-a-vis th e compositio n o f th e workplace , it s operatin g "system, " an d its products . In suc h rite s o f labo r ther e i s a n operativ e rationalit y tha t has "goals " bu t no t "ends. " Ye t it i s a ritua l no t withou t attraction , fo r the power an d appea l o f th e "goals " are quite sufficien t i n their compen satory possibilitie s t o allo w th e syste m t o operate. 31 The idio m o f means , ends , an d "rewards " i s repercussive , fo r i t reminds u s tha t technolog y allow s a n individua l t o contro l singula r forms o f powe r (an d othe r huma n being s subjec t t o tha t power ) while , at th e sam e tim e being , i n turn , a n objec t o f manipulatio n b y other s elsewhere i n th e bureaucracy . Th e Naz i officia l use s technolog y t o de stroy Jew s whil e h e i s himsel f manipulate d b y th e mor e general , ofte n subliminal, thoug h alway s coerciv e technolog y o f Naz i propagand a an d fear.32 In a n odd , surprisin g way , th e S S man i s n o les s a n abstractio n for Nazis m tha n i s the Jew. 33 Technology thus , eve n paradigmatically , redefine s th e landscap e o f

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the technocrats ' realit y i n term s no t improperl y described , usin g Buber' s vocabulary, a s I-IT. 34 In thi s livin g spac e th e concer n i s wit h other s a s "things" no t persons , wit h a n impersona l an d utilitaria n calculu s tha t measures (an d sometime s murders! ) rathe r tha n relate s an d cares . Through technology th e Naz i vis-a-vi s Nazism , n o les s tha n th e Je w vis-a-vi s Nazism, i s i n hi s o r he r ow n concrete , inordinatel y alternativ e way s turned int o a n objec t i n relationshi p t o th e reignin g system . This anony mous, impersona l aspec t o f technolog y i s no t b y definitio n alway s an d everywhere undesirable, for ther e is much of humane significanc e accom plished b y thi s manne r o f organization . Bu t distorted , odiousl y manifes t in th e servic e o f a totalitaria n dictatorship , exploite d a s th e mean s o f a brutish presentnes s mad e int o th e stuf f o f dail y life , suc h mode s o f relationship, suc h collectiv e exercise s i n alienation , becom e th e environ ment i n which mas s murder, eve n genocide , becomes realizable . Technology, moreover , i n particula r a s a consequenc e o f it s driv e toward efficiency , embodie s a modalit y o f abstractio n an d a calculu s o f abstract entitie s tha t ar e a t varianc e wit h th e affirmatio n o f individual ized, existentiall y instantiate d huma n dignity . T o b e i s onl y t o b e a s a number—at it s mos t diabolical—tattooe d o n th e ar m o f a n Auschwit z inmate. Peopl e ar e translated int o units of production, value s into quan tities tha t ca n b e plotte d o n a graph . Th e technocrats ' tas k i s t o maxi mize production , no t mora l value , an d i n thi s metamorphosi s o f th e rules governing huma n intersubjectivity , whic h transform s mora l imper atives int o th e mathematic s o f quantity , th e humanit y o f bot h th e tech nocrat and the "other," no w passionlessly understoo d a s a reified "unit, " is lost . Viewin g th e remain s o f charre d Jewis h corpse s a t Treblinka , Christian Wirt h asked , "Wha t shal l w e d o wit h thi s garbage?" 35 Jew s were onl y a problem i n the logistics of refus e disposal . When technolog y i s grounde d i n a n ontologica l contex t o f freedom , the consequence s o f it s inherent , amoral , mathematica l natur e ar e con trolled an d tempere d in , and through , the dialectical mediatio n exercise d by th e ruling , constitutive , sociopolitica l arrangement . Ecologica l laws , child-labor laws , unio n legislatio n ar e al l example s o f suc h ethica l me diation b y th e bod y politic . When , however , suc h countervailin g mora l tendencies ar e consciousl y obliterate d an d al l dialogu e betwee n th e grammar o f compassio n an d tha t o f "productivity " vehementl y sun dered, whe n technology' s "unit " mentalit y i s no t onl y exploite d bu t unreservedly exacerbate d i n th e servic e o f a radica l totalitaria n state , a unique typ e o f huma n behavio r results . A n S S sergeant wh o murdere d

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many i n col d bloo d a s par t o f hi s "duty " a s a cam p sick-ba y "charg e nurse," tell s hi s jury : Th e murdere d "wer e o f n o furthe r use," "ther e were too man y useless mouths, " and, finally, "thos e aren' t people—the y have to b e handled quit e differently. " An d the y were . This meant merciless beating of people who were sick or had to be admitted into the over-filled hospita l barrack . A particularly crue l incident occurre d whe n 1 5 young Slovak Resistanc e fighters were brought to his camp by the Gestapo. All were wounded. GM had them thrown naked into a bare room without windows, their wound s no t dressed , an d starving . Her e h e bea t the m dail y unti l succes sively they died. He had admitted in court that he had helped a batch of inmates by giving them ropes with which to hang themselves. Eleven had done so, but in three cases he admitted "h e had helped a bit" (nachgeholfen), b y hanging them on bedposts. A young Russian tryin g to escape had been run down by a pursuit car, and his leg was broken. When sen t into the sick bay, GM had thrown hi m into a cellar among the already dead where the Russian expired. Some o f GM' s atrocities , verifie d i n th e court , wer e suc h tha t I hesitate t o record the m here . Essentiall y the y showe d tha t hi s greates t veno m wen t t o persons wh o suffere d fro m diarrhoe a an d wer e incontinent . Hi s favourit e sit e for beatings were mens' buttocks, but there was much evidence to show that his habitual metho d o f killin g was by manual throttling ; though h e would als o use his jack boots to trample prisoners, whom he had floored, to death. 36 After al l this , a s a final irony : " A Hungaria n physicia n survivo r de scribed i n cour t ho w th e S S 'nurse' ha d mad e hi m dra w u p th e officia l daily return s o f deaths . Th e docto r wa s force d t o ente r fanc y diagnose s and eve n appen d fake d temperatur e chart s tha t fitted. Th e monstrou s last colum n entr y wa s 'th e bod y ha d t o b e cremate d fo r reason s o f hygiene.'" 3 7 The sentimen t an d behavio r o f th e killer s wh o callousl y operate d th e Death Camp s i n thei r variou s phases , an d other s involve d i n relate d stages of the Endlosung, provid e invaluable evidenc e of this insistent, ye t removed mentality . Begi n wit h th e Reichsbahn (railway ) worker s wh o had to figure the schedules and als o the fee payment fo r Jews transporte d to "th e East" : group s o f 40 0 travele d a t 5 0 percen t o f third-clas s rai l fare wit h 5 0 percen t o f regula r far e fo r children. 38 Thi s quick , bruta l movement o f million s o f civilian s acros s Europ e i n the mids t o f wa r wa s a vas t undertakin g uniqu e t o moder n technologica l enterprise . In all , 1,400,000 peopl e worke d fo r th e Reichsbahn i n Germany , anothe r 400,000 i n Polan d an d Russia, 39 an d al l must hav e know n o f th e palpa ble cruelty , man y o f th e actua l stenc h o f death , inseparabl e fro m thes e journeys. Ye t no t on e Reichsbahn officia l resigne d o r protested . "Al l

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treated th e Jewis h cattle-ca r transport s a s a specia l busines s proble m that the y too k prid e i n solving so well." 40 Fo r the Reichsbahn thi s was a challenge o f logistics , no t a mora l dilemma . Hilber g ha s cynically , bu t accurately, summarize d th e reality : "Despit e difficultie s an d delays , n o Jew wa s lef t aliv e fo r lac k o f transport." 41 Ther e i s i n th e logi c o f th e transport authoritie s a consummat e utilitaria n resolution . I t wa s no t their task , a s assignment s an d role s wer e allocate d b y th e state , t o consider th e why o f th e projec t o f annihilatio n a s a whole , o r eve n th e why o f thei r segmen t o f it s implementation . In th e live d structur e i n which the y mad e judgments an d unde r whic h the y worked, th e concord ance betwee n value s an d facts ha d bee n altogethe r obliterated , an d i t was no t i n thei r self-interest , no r i n th e interes t o f th e system , no r par t of th e obligation s place d upo n the m b y th e publi c regim e i n orde r t o reap it s rewards , t o mak e suc h inquiries . Just th e reverse : On e di d one' s job bes t i f on e di d no t as k abou t overridin g policy , abou t wher e th e trains wer e goin g an d why ; on e wa s rewarded , praised , promoted , fo r allowing th e syste m t o ru n wit h one' s mut e collaboration , t o operat e b y making onesel f a n instrument , a tool , o f it s design , jus t a s i t mad e Jew s into corpse s b y decree . Th e profoundes t aspec t o f thi s relationshi p be tween Germa n an d Polis h worker s an d th e Naz i stat e i s therefor e onl y grasped whe n on e recognize s th e contour s o f th e compulsiv e contex t i n which the y operated . Th e line s o f powe r betwee n individual s an d th e systemic orde r nee d t o b e read , tha t is , a s flowin g fro m th e totalit y o f the politica l domai n downward : th e Naz i orde r run s th e Reichsbahn officers rathe r tha n th e reverse. 42 The bureaucrati c arrangement 43 o f th e totality i s conceive d wit h jus t thi s en d i n mind . Ther e wa s n o mora l collision betwee n individua l conscienc e an d stat e murde r becaus e th e state ha d alread y organize d itsel f throug h th e mediu m provide d b y a "rationalized" technologica l orde r i n jus t suc h a wa y a s t o usur p al l moral autonom y an d henc e censure , while a t th e sam e time ensurin g th e maximum, unobstructe d implementatio n o f it s grotesqu e Manichaea n prerogatives. Now mov e o n wit h th e "cargo " t o th e camp s themselves . A t leas t four technologica l factor s an d phase s o f cam p operatio n requir e deci phering. The y ar e (1 ) th e workin g o f th e industria l slave-labor s unit s operated b y I.G . Farbe n an d othe r industria l giant s a t severa l o f th e death camps ; (2 ) th e medica l experiment s o n cam p inmates ; (3 ) th e "efficiency" o f th e killin g operation s pe r se ; an d (4 ) th e technologica l exploitation o f th e dead .

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The employment o f Jewish labo r fo r industria l productio n i n the slav e empire allie d t o th e deat h camp s wa s predicate d o n unprecedented , though precis e calculation s o f a kin d possibl e onl y i n a technologica l domain operatin g unde r Naz i racia l principles . Conside r th e followin g situation regardin g the maltreatment o f Jewish slav e workers a s reporte d by a Farben agent : We have . . . drawn th e attentio n o f th e official s o f th e concentratio n cam p t o the fact tha t in the last few weeks the inmates are being severely flogged o n the construction sit e by the Capos in increasing measure, and this always applies to the weakest inmates who really cannot work harder. The exceedingly unpleasant scenes that occur on the construction sit e because of this are beginning to have a demoralizing effect o n the free worker s [Poles] , as well as on the Germans. We have therefore aske d that they should refrain fro m carryin g out this floggingon the construction site and transfer i t to . . . the concentration camp. 44 For the I.G. Farben executiv e in charge of camp production, th e dilemm a posed b y th e sadis m o f th e Capo s wa s no t a mora l one . Hi s assignmen t was t o guarante e tha t th e constructio n plan s agree d upo n b y hi s com pany an d th e SS be completed o n tim e and withi n cos t estimates. He ha d not mad e thes e plans , raise d th e capital , recruite d th e labor , chose n th e Capos, o r signe d an y agreement s o f principl e o r purpose . Hi s responsi bility was that of a good employee seeking to ensure the economic result s of hi s firm' s obligation s undertake n i n "goo d faith. " I f th e constructio n work wen t smoothly , h e di d hi s job an d wa s rewarded ; a t tha t poin t hi s role function s ceased . Th e atomizatio n o f hi s mora l consciousnes s pre cedes, a s i t were , hi s appointment ; i t i s a requisit e componen t o f hi s technical rol e t o whic h h e acquiesce s usuall y onl y tacitl y o r subcon sciously, whe n h e take s u p thi s employment . I n tim e thi s fragmentatio n becomes internalized , th e technocratic self-awarenes s i s reshaped t o con form t o th e arrangemen t o f hi s livin g externa l reality . Whe n h e intro spectively searche s hi s conscienc e fo r guidance , h e finds a s hi s primar y resource th e categorie s o f mora l responsibilit y h e ha d bee n taught , an d assumed, o f bein g a loyal , honest , hard-workin g employee ; o f "follow ing orders. " Hi s substantiv e moralit y ha s becom e a "product " o f hi s employment; h e has internalize d th e ethical contradiction s o f th e huma n tragedy, o f technologica l murder . Given I.G . Farben' s economi c interest s an d it s obligation t o it s share holders, it s imperativ e wa s t o protec t it s investment . Ye t "Auschwitz " was, i n Josep h Borkin' s phrase , "approachin g a financial an d technica l crisis" in 1942. 45 The reasons wer e obvious: "sickness , malnutrition, th e

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work temp o an d sadisti c S S guard s an d Capo s al l too k thei r toll." 4 6 What wa s t o b e done ? Th e conundrum , a s perceived b y Farben' s board , was technical : ho w t o expropriat e mor e effectiv e labo r unde r death camp conditions . The y ha d no t create d Nazism , no r Auschwitz ; the y only sough t t o serv e thei r Fuhre r an d mak e a profit , a s the y wer e obligated t o d o b y th e stat e an d encourage d t o d o b y thei r legal-eco nomic role . Petroleu m an d rubber , dividend s an d salarie s wer e thei r responsibility, no t compassion . The y therefor e solve d thi s proble m i n this mos t rationa l wa y ope n t o them : The y create d thei r ow n concentra tion cam p (calle d Monowitz) . In s o doing , th e boar d member s di d no t make what ca n b e described a s a personal decision , or individua l choice , nor wa s thei r judgmen t predicate d o n an y mora l passion . Rathe r thi s conclusion wa s a furthe r collective , necessaril y fragmented , structurall y directed ste p alon g th e prearrange d pat h create d b y th e employmen t o f technology i n th e servic e of Hitler' s phantasmagoria . Fro m within , fro m where the y sat , give n thei r problems—efficiency , productivity , profit — it was a n obviou s solution . Under the circumstances an I.G. concentration cam p had obvious advantages to recommend it . Inmates would no t be drained o f their alread y limited energy by the lon g marche s fro m th e mai n concentratio n cam p t o th e constructio n site . Security would improv e and fewe r o f th e scarce S.S. guards would b e required. Discipline an d punishmen t woul d b e more effective , an d I.G . would als o hav e greater an d mor e immediat e contro l ove r th e us e o f th e inmates . O f n o smal l consequence, costs would be reduced.47 A corporate-sponsore d slave-labo r cam p woul d mak e i t possibl e fo r Farben t o reac h it s limite d goals ; goals that, ab initio, systematicall y di d not include moral decisions , for al l their fateful ramifications . The ethica l equation ha d alread y bee n mad e a t a different , highe r level—th e tran scendental Fuhrerprinzip. Wha t remaine d wa s a n unreflexive , delimite d merciless, technocrati c decision . I t wa s no t a matte r o f wh o shoul d liv e and wh o shoul d die , but give n tha t Hitle r ha d decree d tha t al l mus t die , how thei r deat h coul d b e mos t usefull y arranged . Suc h a circumstanc e was not mean t t o entail agonizin g sou l searching , to involve questions of guilt an d innocence , eve n goo d an d evil ; it s onl y challeng e wa s cos t effectiveness withi n th e operatin g limit s permitte d b y th e genera l deat h sentence hangin g ove r ever y Jew. 48 A s Hitle r tol d Admira l Horthy : "[Jews] wh o coul d no t wor k ha d t o b e treate d lik e tuberculosi s ba cilli." 49 This attitude was nakedly i n evidence at Monowitz: R . E. Waitz, a Jewish physicia n imprisone d there , recalled a t Nuremberg: " I hear d a n

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SS office r i n M o n o w i t z sayin g t o th e prisoners : Yo u ar e al l condemne d to die , bu t th e executio n o f you r sentenc e wil l tak e a littl e w h i l e . " 5 0 I t was preordained , wit h al l th e theologica l implication s o f thi s term , tha t "in th e administratio n o f M o n o w i t z , I.G . adopte d th e principl e enun ciated b y Frit z Sauckel , plenipotentiar y fo r labo r allocatio n i n th e four year plan : 'Al l th e inmate s mus t b e fed , sheltere d an d treate d i n suc h a way a s t o exploi t the m t o th e highes t possibl e extent , a t th e lowes t conceivable degre e o f e x p e n d i t u r e . " 5 1 Th e results : Starvation wa s a permanen t gues t a t Auschwitz . Th e die t fe d t o I.G . Auschwit z inmates, whic h include d th e famou s "Bun a soup"— a nutritiona l ai d no t avail able t o othe r prisoners—resulte d i n a n averag e weigh t los s fo r eac h individua l of abou t si x and a half t o nine pounds a week. At the end of a month, the chang e in the prisoner's appearanc e wa s marked; a t the end of tw o months, the immate s were no t recognizabl e excep t a s caricature s forme d o f skin , bones , an d practi cally n o flesh ; afte r thre e month s the y wer e either dea d o r s o unfit fo r wor k tha t they wer e marke d fo r releas e t o th e ga s chamber s a t Birkenau . Tw o physician s who studie d th e effec t o f th e I.G . die t o n th e inmates notice d tha t "th e normall y nourished prisone r a t Bun a coul d mak e u p th e deficienc y b y hi s own bod y fo r a period o f thre e months. . . . The prisoners wer e condemned t o bur n u p their ow n body weigh t whil e workin g and , providin g n o infection s occurred , finally die d of exhaustion." 52 W h a t i s n ot simple , w h a t i s n ot apparent , i s the meanin g o f suc h tragedy . There was , i n addition , o f course , culpable , gratuitou s brutalit y i n th e dominion o f th e technocrats , a s ther e wa s i n tha t o f th e SS . No "justifi cation" o r "rationality " exist s fo r i t i n technolog y simpliciter. I t wa s unoriginal, pedestria n sadis m o n th e par t o f industria l employees : During th e thir d wee k o f Septembe r 1943 , a Directo r o f th e Krup p installatio n at Fuenfteichen, Germany , arrive d a the Birkenau quarantin e Lage r of Auschwit z to selec t able-bodie d inmate s o f th e K Z [concentratio n camp ] t o wor k a t hi s plant. Th e prisoners , completel y naked , wer e parade d befor e him . . . . I was on e of thos e chose n an d thu s becam e separate d fro m m y father . . . . I was 1 6 year s old. . . . I remembe r ver y distinctl y ho w . . . a t a motio n fro m th e Krup p representative th e S S man, standin g nearby , hi t m y fathe r acros s th e fac e wit h force tha t brok e hi s eye-glasses . Thi s i s ho w I lef t m y fathe r an d mad e m y acquaintance wit h th e Krup p enterprise s fo r whic h I wa s destine d t o wor k fo r 15 terribl e month s ..... I wa s alway s hungry , sleepy , filthy, tire d beyon d an y normal huma n comparison , an d mos t o f th e tim e b y an y norma l huma n stan dards, seriousl y ill . . . . Wheneve r a prisone r sneake d close r [t o th e oven ] t o warm hi s stif f hands , h e wa s chase d awa y an d usuall y beate n b y th e Krup p people. Beatin g an d tortur e administere d b y th e Krup p charges . . . . Hungry , cold, stif f fro m har d labor , lac k o f slee p and beating , an d i n constant fea r o f ou r

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masters we were forced t o exert all of ou r remainin g energies to make guns fo r our oppressors. We worked until we dropped. 53 Yet even fo r thes e acts , if they ar e to b e understood, no t exonerated , th e ideological norm s unde r whic h the y becam e possible need to b e recalled . The Nazi s taugh t other s tha t Jew s wer e nonpeopl e upo n who m an y degradation coul d b e inflicted , i n dealin g wit h who m n o restrain t nee d be exercised . Sadis m wa s acceptabl e whe n it s victim s wer e Jews . Th e camp industria l environment s wer e create d t o permit , eve n encourage , through th e "signals " emitte d i n ever y possibl e wa y b y th e rulin g appa ratus, suc h abuse. 54 Moreover , th e cam p structure s emphasize d tha t i n the dominan t calculu s unde r whic h th e slave-labo r industrie s operate d the onl y valu e wa s production ; thu s n o accoun t o f th e mean s take n t o achieve suc h industria l quota s nee d b e given , no r an y self-reflectio n o n the inherent , endemic , "spontaneous " brutalitie s entere d into . Th e lib erty o f Arya n self-awarenes s become s th e freedo m t o immediatel y disre gard, then ignore , the implications o f one' s behavior . I t is the freedo m t o act withou t guilt . Fo r th e conceptua l componen t tha t define s authentic , autonomous, mora l actio n an d it s abuse s ha s bee n removed ; Nazism , the Fuhrer , ha s though t throug h th e Judenfrage an d offere d its , his , devastating resolution , makin g furthe r critica l self-reflectio n no t onl y unnecessary bu t eve n treasonous (fo r suc h continue d scrutin y an d uncer tainty implie s tha t th e dominan t structur e ma y hav e limitations , eve n immoral foundations) . I n suc h a matrix, t o ac t aggressivel y agains t Jew s was no t a wholl y "individual, " tha t is , a fre e action , bu t th e livin g ou t of th e collectiv e wil l throug h a particula r agen t whos e ow n volitio n th e system hope d t o absor b int o it s collective self. The governing equatio n i s not th e identificatio n o f th e individua l sel f wit h a n autonomou s mora l conscience, bu t th e coalescenc e o f th e particula r agen t wit h th e aim s o f the state , or i n Naz i Europ e th e wil l o f th e Fuhre r mediate d throug h th e state apparatus . The technocrat's behavio r manifest s thre e criteria : (1 ) the negation o f inherited nontechnologica l values ; (2 ) a reductio n i n th e statu s o f act s that, unde r othe r circumstances , involv e autonom y an d th e requisit e ingredients o f ful l mora l deeds—would-b e mora l actions—t o th e statu s of technique ; an d (3 ) a n emphasi s o n th e acquisitio n o f hig h level s o f objective knowledg e while , simultaneously , eliminatin g a concer n wit h the effec t o f suc h a n acquisitio n o n oneself . Thi s i s th e equivalen t phe nomenon i n th e ethica l real m o f th e reductio n fro m polic y formulatio n to procedure i n the political-economic sphere . For i n both th e movemen t

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is radically delimited , exorcisin g th e requirement s o f authenti c freedom . In neither domai n doe s the acto r transcen d th e external limit s posited b y the empirical politica l gestalt ; he or sh e only reacts, and thi s in ways tha t are wholl y immanen t an d non-self-reflexive , way s tha t secur e thei r lif e and materia l politica l well-bein g a t th e cos t of thei r huma n essence . This is th e exac t inversio n o f th e goa l sough t b y classica l theisti c an d non theistic mora l system s alike . No r i s thi s tur n t o b e equate d wit h tha t privatization o f conscienc e tha t bega n wit h th e Reformatio n an d War s of Religion , an d tha t becam e suc h a nobl e virtu e i n libera l politica l traditions stemmin g fro m Grotiu s an d Locke . What i s being advanced i n this totalitaria n circumstanc e i s th e altogethe r differen t thesi s tha t ther e is n o vali d clai m t o b e mad e o n th e publi c politica l domai n b y th e individual conscience . Th e sel f nee d no t seek , no r th e stat e provide , th e means fo r bringin g persona l an d public , subjectiv e an d objective , int o line othe r tha n t o cu t throug h th e dilemm a b y effectivel y denyin g o r negating on e pol e o f it . Ideall y th e Nazi technocra t wil l sens e no tensio n between thes e alternative , competin g realms ; h e o r sh e wil l hav e abdi cated any sense of self-direction, self-valuation , self-criticism , conscience , before th e inexorable , uncompromising , objectiv e servitud e characteris tic of th e new order . After livel y competitio n th e contrac t fo r th e constructio n o f crematori a wa s finally give n t o J. A . Topf an d Sons , manufacturers o f heatin g equipment . O n February 12 , 1943 , Topf wrot e t o Auschwit z regardin g Crematoria s Tw o an d Three: "We acknowledge receipt of your order for five triple furnaces, includin g two electri c elevator s fo r raisin g th e corpse s an d on e emergenc y elevator. " Installations for stokin g coal and one for transportin g ashes were also on order. But other Germa n businessme n continue d t o compete for the business of corpse disposal. One of the oldest companies in that field offered it s drawing for othe r crematoria. The y suggeste d usin g a meta l for k movin g o n cylinder s t o ge t th e bodies int o th e furnace . Anothe r firm, Kori , seekin g th e Belgrad e business , emphasized it s grea t experienc e i n th e field; i t ha d constructe d furnace s a t Dachau and Majdanek, an d given "full satisfactio n i n practice."55 At the very highest level the collaboration betwee n th e SS and Germa n industry wa s mor e involve d an d les s "mechanical," with man y a n indus trial baro n a n enthusiasti c supporte r o f Naz i policy , som e eve n sincer e devotees o f it s racia l illusions . Ye t eve n a t thi s rarefie d remove , th e power relationshi p wa s wholl y asymmetrical , thoug h i t di d allo w a s al l bureaucracy allows , fo r individua l initiativ e t o improv e th e workin g o f that slice of the overall policy that fel l to one's lot, at times even strainin g to th e limi t th e meanin g o f suc h initiative. 56 A s reflectiv e o f th e funda -

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mental dynamic s involved , conside r Dr . Car l Krauch' s suggestio n t o Heinrich Himmler , i n a to p secre t mem o sen t i n July 1943 , to establis h another syntheti c rubbe r plan t "i n a simila r wa y a s was don e a t Ausch witz, b y makin g availabl e inmate s o f you r camps , i f necessary." 57 Krauc h is certainl y guilt y o f flagran t inhumanit y an d immorality , bu t i s h e no t still operatin g withi n th e bound s o f tha t technocrati c logi c presentl y o f concern, within , i n thi s case , th e overridin g polic y o f wa r productio n and genocide? 58 Certainl y ther e i s on e majo r differenc e betwee n th e situation o f thes e fe w to p Naz i technocrat s an d mos t others : They kne w the entir e pla n fo r th e annihilatio n o f Jews . Thu s the y coul d no t plea d ignorance, no r wer e the y i n a s totally schizophreni c a position t o rende r moral judgments . Bu t then , alternatively , thi s knowledg e wa s after th e fact; tha t is , it di d no t generat e policy , onl y procedur e i n th e executio n of policy. 59 Fo r th e elite , i t wa s stil l onl y a n elit e withi n a dynamic , operative, Weltanschauung i n whic h it s member s were , a s individuals , dispensable. Fo r example , the y ha d th e powe r t o "rationalize " Ausch witz's slav e labo r b y buildin g a mor e efficien t Monowit z camp , bu t Auschwitz a s suc h di d no t com e int o being , continu e t o operate , o r disappear a s a resul t o f an y intrinsi c powe r residin g i n I.G . Farbe n hands. 60 Conversely , an y attemp t t o hinder th e existence o r operatio n o f Auschwitz woul d hav e occasione d grea t persona l risk. 61 I n thi s contex t the "defens e o f necessity " ple a i s no t withou t som e truth. 62 Thi s i s not an exoneratio n o f th e behavio r o f leadin g Germa n industrialists—th e moral issue s ar e extraordinarily difficul t i n thes e and relate d cases—i t i s rather a n attemp t t o establis h a phenomenologica l deconstructio n o f their operatin g matrix , tha t is , th e natur e o f technocracy' s powe r t o influence, eve n transform , th e fiel d o f mora l visio n withi n th e live d reality o f a totalitaria n technocracy . A t a minimum , i t ca n b e sai d wit h confidence tha t th e characte r o f th e problem s concerned , thei r construc tion, perception , an d constellation , ar e dialectically altere d b y the powe r exerted b y the mediu m ou t o f which , i n which, an d throug h which , the y come to be . Nowhere i s this mor e eviden t tha n i n th e Naz i perversio n o f medica l science. Consider firs t th e questio n o f sterilizatio n o f Jewis h women . Th e issue, a s raise d b y Himmler , wa s ho w t o maximiz e th e process , how , that is , t o steriliz e th e greates t numbe r o f wome n i n th e shortes t pos sible time. 63 Himmler , i n presentin g th e proble m t o Arya n science , use d the arbitrary , no t inconsiderabl e figur e o f 1,00 0 Jewis h wome n a s th e

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sample case. 64 Afte r a year' s experimentation , Car l Clauberg , th e S S physician i n charg e o f th e project , reporte d tha t 1,00 0 wome n coul d b e sterilized b y on e docto r an d te n assistant s i n on e day. 65 Bu t Clauberg' s was no t th e onl y experimenta l attemp t t o "perfect " thi s process . In terest i n th e logi c o f th e situatio n create d a n escalato r effec t i n Naz i scientific circle s whic h drov e the m t o see k a progra m capabl e o f ever increasing utility. A competing X-ray sterilizatio n progra m wa s therefor e

begun:

The experiment s wer e carrie d ou t i n Auschwit z b y Dr . Hors t Schumann , o n women an d men . A s Schuman n move d int o Auschwitz , competitio n i n th e experimental block s wa s shifte d int o hig h gear . Schuman n an d Clauber g wer e joined by the chief camp doctor, Wirtz, who started his own experimental series, performing operation s o n girl s seventeen an d eightee n an d o n mother s i n thei r thirties. A Jewish inmate doctor from Germany , Dr. Samuel, was also impressed into th e experiments . Anothe r cam p doctor , Mengele , confine d hi s studie s t o twins, for i t was his ambition t o multiply th e German nation . All these experiments, which consume d man y hundred s o f victims , led to nothing. Not on e of the rivals succeeded. On e day Brack's deputy, Blankenburg, admitte d failur e of the experiments conducted on men: the X-rays were less reliable and less speedy than operativ e castration . I n othe r words , i t ha d take n thre e year s t o find out what was known in the beginning.66 This i s th e technologica l mentalit y unbridled , th e technologica l con sciousness a t it s purest : technolog y a t th e servic e o f a n obscen e racia l doctrine, technology withou t limit s an d withou t paralle l i n a situation i n which th e efficienc y o f murde r i s the onl y value . The intuitiv e sens e tha t technology mus t transcen d itsel f normatively , tha t i t must conside r righ t and wrong , stil l mor e goo d an d evil , whe n i n operatio n ha s itsel f bee n subscended i n these experiments . There i s no contrapositio n o f fact s an d values, of inquir y an d goals , of dat a an d ideals ; there is no juxtapositio n of performanc e an d truth . Facts , inquiry , data , performanc e hav e be come undialectical, supreme . It is also undialectical i n yet a second sense : Such act s ar e premise d o n th e belie f tha t th e physician' s final, inmost , self-consciousness i s no t a recognitio n o f huma n reciprocit y betwee n doctor an d patient . Wha t take s it s plac e i s a mutual , desolat e isolatio n of things. Eve n whil e alive , th e patient-experimente e i s dea d fo r th e German doctor , th e physician' s rol e i s alread y tha t o f coroner , o r actu arial interrogator . Technolog y ha s create d thi s fatefu l silenc e onl y s o i t can garne r tha t firm statistica l informatio n o f which , fo r n o human e reason, i t has a desire .

210 Defining

the Uniqueness of the Holocaut

Consider th e detail s o f thi s thir d experimen t relate d t o hig h altitud e research conducte d b y a Dr. Sigmun d Rascher . The third experimen t develope d i n such a n extraordinary wa y that, sinc e I was doing thes e experiment s o n m y own, I called i n a n S.S . doctor o f th e cam p t o witness it. This was a prolonged oxygen-les s experiment a t an altitude of seven and a hal f mile s o n a 37-year-ol d Je w whos e genera l conditio n wa s good . Respiration continue d fo r thirt y minutes . After 4 minutes th e subject bega n t o perspire an d wa g hi s head . Afte r 5 minutes , cram p se t in ; betwee n 6 an d 7 minutes, respiration quickened , th e subject los t consciousness ; between 1 1 and 30 minutes, respiration slowe d to 3 per minute and then stopped completely. In the meantim e a stron g cyanosi s se t i n an d th e subjec t bega n t o foa m a t th e mouth.67 Note th e clinica l tone , th e technica l precision , th e scientifi c objectivity , the detachment . Note , too , th e categorica l absenc e o f an y sens e o f ineradicable evil , th e absenc e o f an y nee d fo r denial . Th e event s wer e even preserved o n film and show n i n various quarters. 68 Again, liste n t o th e asepti c clinica l repor t o f th e laborator y result s o f the experiment s a t "supercooling " i n lo w temperatures : "generall y speaking (i n 6 cases ) deat h supervene s whe n th e temperatur e i s lowere d to betwee n 24. 2 deg . an d 25. 7 deg." 6 9 On e woul d neve r suspec t b y th e tone or language that what i s being described i s the murder o f six huma n beings. There i s no horror , n o remorse , not a hint o f th e outrag e agains t all decenc y tha t thes e statistic s "report. " Th e ver y pros e conjure s a n image of unfeelin g objects : " 6 cases, " "death supervenes, " "temperatur e is lowered, " "betwee n 24. 2 degree s an d 25. 7 degrees. " Th e vocabular y shields the inmost sel f o f the Nazi scientis t a s it reduces the Jewish victi m to a n abstraction . I t permit s th e murdere r t o forge t a t onc e tha t h e ha s murdered, t o hid e hi s degenerac y b y recastin g i t a s "science. " Techno cratese i s created no t leas t fo r jus t thi s reason . I t flatten s ou t th e contin gent, immediat e pai n o f th e victim ; i t allow s a macabr e sadis m t o b e called researc h an d thereb y legitimate s it . Thi s transferenc e fro m on e realm t o anothe r als o simultaneousl y shift s th e value schemat a operativ e in th e min d o f th e technician-murderer . Th e norm s tha t ar e apposit e t o scientific inquir y ar e th e universal , th e mathematical , th e dispassionate , the quantitative , al l o f whic h measur e an d describ e bu t d o no t judge . The Naz i technocra t i s require d onl y t o perfor m hi s studie s an d report , not t o betra y himsel f b y leapin g int o th e misplace d synta x o f existentia l communication. T o exaggerate , bu t no t t o distort , th e existenc e o f th e cooly disintereste d jargo n o f scienc e make s technologica l mas s murde r

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possible becaus e i t facilitate s th e creatio n o f technologica l mas s mur derers. With som e reason , therefore , physician s an d other "racial " scientist s felt betraye d afte r th e war when the y were accuse d o f war crimes. Rasse und Siedlungs Hauptamt (Mai n Offic e o f Rac e an d Settlement) officials , for example , whos e judgment s o n one' s racia l pedigre e actuall y wer e a death (o r life ) sentence , coul d nonetheles s clai m tha t the y wer e no t murderers bu t racia l expert s merel y offerin g a "scientific " judgmen t o n racial criteria; 70 wha t becam e o f thos e classifie d a s Untermenscben (in ferior races ) wa s neithe r thei r ide a no r thei r responsibility . Race , afte r all, wa s a biological , no t a mora l category. 71 Moreover , "th e logi c o f experimental procedur e entail s tha t exac t cognitio n alread y comprise s the master y o f effect s . . . th e cognitiv e proces s is , itself , a technica l process." 72 If thi s implacabl e instrumenta l indifferenc e ha s on e especia l monu ment, i t i s th e ga s chambers , thei r conception , creation , an d efficien t utilization. To begi n with , i t i s importan t t o recogniz e th e magnitud e o f th e enterprise. Lan d ha d t o b e acquired an d cleared, 73 communicatio n an d railroad connection s established , financing arranged , chain s of comman d formed, a cam p hierarch y selecte d an d pu t i n place , and , of course , a n efficient machiner y o f murde r an d disposa l created . A t Auschwitz , th e greatest of the killing centers, this process involved two "improvements " introduced fo r the sake of maximizin g th e facility's utility . The first was the origina l desig n o f th e "killin g area, " whic h concentrate d i n on e combined spac e a n anteroom , th e ga s chambers , an d th e ovens . Th e second wa s th e us e o f Zyklo n B gas becaus e i t was , in Commandan t Hoss's words , mor e "efficient." 74 Th e use of Zyklo n B , in turn, create d novel technica l problem s o f manufacture, shipment , an d storage becaus e its "useful life " was only three months. 75 These novelties in the manufacture o f corpse s als o se t of f fierce competitio n betwee n differen t cam p commanders, a confrontationa l attitud e tha t continue d t o exis t righ t through th e Nurember g trials , wit h eac h office r vyin g fo r th e dubiou s title of "most efficient " mas s murderer. 76 For thos e no t immediately sen t to "the showers," the camp manager s had mad e anothe r refine d calculation : starvation . According to the calculations o f the SS chiefs o f staff, a prisoner coul d surviv e on the daily portion of food h e received for about three months. After thi s time he wa s supposed t o wast e awa y an d perish . Th e calculations o f th e SS were

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correct, although i n my opinion applie d onl y to young or younger middle-age d prisoners, who arrived in camp well-nourished an d in good health. For others it was difficul t t o surviv e eve n th e thre e months , especiall y i n th e winte r an d a t hard labor. 77 The absolut e concretenes s o f thi s slow , terribl e deat h i s "raised " t o a n abstraction, t o categorie s tha t effectivel y an d affectivel y divid e th e ma cabre dee d fro m it s cognitiv e conceptualization . Th e pai n o f hunge r ha s become a substantivel y empty , tha t is , a formal , theoretica l determina tion. Th e matte r i s conceived i n term s o f lawlik e sequence s an d materia l causality rathe r tha n th e suffering o f people . Thi s i s no t murde r don e out o f passio n o r a s th e resul t o f hubris ; th e rhetori c o f emotio n an d commitment i s inapposite. What h e or sh e is doing is solving an intellec tual puzzl e rathe r tha n respondin g t o visceral , emotional , intuitive , o r other huma n feelings . Genocid e ha s becom e a logistical challenge ; i t ha s ceased bein g an overwhelmin g ethica l dilemma . This instrumental, amoral , technological , positivistic mind-set di d no t exhaust itsel f i n it s "suggestion " o f a "solution " t o th e challenge s pre sented b y gassin g an d induce d starvation . Fo r thes e "institutions " gen erated a further , majo r problem : Th e bodie s o f th e dea d ha d t o b e disposed of . A n inmat e eyewitnes s recount s th e followin g tal e o f ho w experts fro m Top f an d Sons , th e builder s o f th e crematoria , experi mented wit h differin g load s o f lifeles s bodie s i n orde r t o gaug e th e mos t efficient wa y t o us e the ovens : In the course o f thes e experiments corpse s wer e selecte d accordin g t o differen t criteria an d then cremated. Thus the corpses of two Mussulmans were cremated together wit h thos e o f tw o childre n o r th e bodie s o f tw o well-nourishe d me n together wit h tha t o f a n emaciate d woman , eac h loa d consistin g o f three , o r sometimes, fou r bodies . Members o f thes e group s wer e especiall y intereste d i n the amount o f cok e required t o burn corpse s of an y particular category , and in the tim e i t too k t o cremat e them . Durin g thes e macabr e experiment s differen t kinds of coke were used and the results carefully recorded . Afterwards, al l corpse s wer e divide d int o th e above-mentione d fou r catego ries, the criterio n bein g th e amoun t o f cok e require d t o reduc e the m t o ashes . Thus it was decreed that the most economical an d fuel-saving procedur e would be to burn the bodies of a well-nourished man and an emaciated woman, or vice versa, together with that of a child, because, as the experiments had established, in this combination, once they had caught fire, the dead would continue to burn without any further cok e being required.78 Mechanics is the issue. The physical laws of weight and force , freed fro m the immediat e materia l particularit y o f wha t i s bein g weighed , lifted ,

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burned, ar e th e focus . Ther e i s n o recognitio n o f an y specia l normativ e dimension, n o adaptatio n t o th e claim s o f huma n lif e an d death . Fo r th e engineers fro m Top f an d Son s th e problemati c i s divorce d fro m th e teleological, or rathe r wha t i s at issue is a self-contained empirica l realit y whose decodin g i s it s own , internall y justifying , nonreflexiv e finality. That suc h normativ e opacity , wit h it s wille d an d savag e schizophrenia , has becom e mor e tha n a n idiosyncrati c contingency , i s eviden t i n a description regardin g th e constructio n o f Treblinka, itsel f a repetition o f the Auschwitz account : In Treblinka , a s i n othe r suc h places , significan t advance s wer e mad e i n th e science of annihilation , suc h a s the highly origina l discover y tha t th e bodies of women burned better than those of men. "Men won't burn without women." This i s no t a n inelegan t joke , a ba d pu n wit h a macabr e theme . I t i s a n authentic quotatio n fro m conversation s actuall y conducte d a t Treblinka . Th e statement was based on fact . It is all very simple. In women th e layer o f subcutaneou s fa t i s better devel oped than in men. For this reason, the bodies of women were used to kindle, or, more accurately put, to build the fires among the piles of corpses, much as coals are utilize d t o ge t cok e t o burn . . . . Blood , too , wa s foun d t o b e first-class combustion material. Another discovery in this field: Young corpses burn up quicker than old ones. Obviously, their flesh is softer. Th e difference betwee n young humans and older ones is the same as that betwee n vea l and beef. But it took th e German corps e industry to make us aware of this fact. It took some time for the technology and terminology of this new industry to reach ful l development , an d fo r specialist s t o complet e thei r trainin g i n th e annihilation of humans, and in the destruction of the dead bodies. One Treblinka document stated : "Th e burnin g o f corpse s receive d th e prope r incentiv e onl y after a n instructor had come down from Auschwitz. " The specialists in this new profession were businesslike, practical and conscientious. The instructor in incineration a t Treblink a wa s nickname d b y th e Jews a s "Tadellos " (perfect) ; tha t was his favorite expression. "Thank God , now the fire's perfect," h e used to say when, with th e help of gasoline and the bodies of the fatter females , the pile of corpses finallyburst into flames. 79 Systematic negatio n o f huma n wort h arisin g no t fro m betraya l bu t fro m annihilatory indifferenc e t o th e claim s o f huma n particularit y ha s no w become encode d i n th e archetypica l gramma r o f th e totalitaria n techno cratic consciousness. The tragic fate o f Jewish childre n unde r the tyrann y of thi s imperiou s logi c reveals , abov e al l else , th e unforgiving , becaus e unconcerned, monstrousnes s o f thi s mechanistic environment .

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Children, too, were often liquidate d i n the lazaret rather than i n the gas chambers. These were the toddlers to o littl e to b e able to run , childre n wh o had n o mothers to undress them an d lead them by the hand o n their "trip to Heaven," or children o f large families whose mothers had their hands full. These children were separate d fro m thos e boun d fo r th e ga s chambers—i n orde r t o "mak e things easier o n the way to the bathhouses." All children o f thi s category were processed in the lazaret. I f the "caretaker" was kind, he would smash the child's head agains t th e wal l befor e throwin g hi m int o th e burnin g ditch ; i f not , h e would toss him straight in alive. There was no danger that small children would climb out of the ditch and would have to be dealt with all over again. Therefore, in Treblinka a s in other places, children were often throw n liv e into the fire, or into the regular mas s grave. The most important consideratio n wa s to conserve bullets or gas wherever possible. It was also believed that children did not die as easily an d quickl y fro m a bulle t o r fro m ga s a s adult s did . Doctor s ha d give n some thought t o this matter , an d the y ha d conclude d tha t childre n hav e better circulation because their blood vessels were not yet hardened. 80 And wha t o f th e dead ? Thei r "processing " wa s no t ye t over . Th e engi neers o f Hitler' s Reic h pushe d utilitarianis m t o it s obscen e limits , orga nizing on e final stag e i n thei r productiv e program . Thi s entaile d th e abysmal exploitatio n o f corpse s no w treate d a s "ra w materials. " Th e procedure wa s simple , unrestrained , simultaneousl y dispassionate , "ra tional," an d craven . Before wome n entere d th e "showers " their hai r wa s shaved of f fo r blanket s an d othe r wa r needs. 81 Twenty-fiv e carload s o f hair packe d i n ball s wer e sen t fro m Treblink a alone. 82 Hai r sol d a t 5 0 pfennig a kilogram. 83 Afte r "processing, " th e victims ' stil l war m bodie s were searche d fo r conceale d gem s an d valuables , the n thei r gol d teet h were extracted , an d thei r bod y fa t utilized—eve n thei r bones , skin , an d ashes wer e use d fo r variou s "ends. " Hilber g ha s give n a n appropriatel y distanced summar y o f th e whole chain : Let us examine how the system actually worked. We have said that the confiscations wer e a catchal l operation , bu t the y wer e mor e tha n that . The y wer e a model of conservation. Everything was collected, and nothing was wasted. How was it possible to be so thorough? The answer lies in the assembly line, a metho d whic h wa s foolproof. Inmat e work partie s picked u p the luggage lef t in the freight cars of the transports and on the platform. Other inmate Kommandos collected clothes and valuable in the dressing rooms. Women's hair was cut off i n the barber shop s near th e gas chambers. Gold teeth wer e extracted fro m the mouths of the corpses, and the human fat escaping from th e burning bodies was poured bac k into the flames to speed the cremations. Thus the two organic processes of the death camp, confiscations an d killings, were fused an d synchronized int o a singl e procedur e whic h guarantee d th e absolut e succes s o f bot h operations.

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A corollary t o th e thoroughnes s o f th e collection s wa s th e car e wit h whic h the inventor y wa s conducted . Ever y ite m o f foreig n currenc y wa s counted ; watches were sorted and valuable ones repaired; unusable clothes and rags were weighed. Receipt s wer e passe d bac k an d forth , an d everythin g wa s accounte d for. Al l thi s wa s don e i n accordanc e wit h Himmler' s wis h fo r "painstakin g exactness" (die grosste Genauigkeit). "W e cannot be accurate enough." 84 An intimat e participan t provide s a perhap s ye t mor e informativ e recol lection: " 'Cargo, ' [Stangl ] said tonelessly. They wer e cargo.' I think it started the day I first saw the Totenlager in Treblinka. I remember Wirth standin g there, next to the pit s ful l o f blue-blac k corpses . I t ha d nothin g t o d o wit h humanity—i t couldn't have ; it was a mass—a mas s of rottin g flesh. Wirth said , 'Wha t shal l we do with this garbage?' I think unconsciously that started me thinking of them w as cargo."85 All thes e instances , whil e the y leav e u s horro r struck , shoul d als o inform u s o f th e mod e o f consciousnes s operativ e throughou t th e Naz i technological universe . In ever y cas e we experienc e tha t mentalit y calle d by German technocrat s Machbarkeit, th e fluid possibilit y tha t nothin g i s given, al l i s open t o nove l form s o f arrangement , origina l constellation s of relationships, unprecedented usages . Nothing, including Jewish bodie s living o r dead , ha s innat e worth , onl y instrumental , extrinsi c value . Driven b y thi s origina l moder n technocrati c consciousness , th e physi cians, engineers , builders , scientist s see k t o discove r wha t i s possibl e when operatin g withou t mora l restraint s i n thei r area s o f expertise , t o push t o the limit their research unde r th e motive of discover y rathe r tha n virtue. The method ha s its own primordia l dynamism ; it s subject matter , its "content, " i s onl y a contingency . Wha t th e moder n planne r ask s is , Will i t work , i s i t efficient , wil l i t produc e th e desire d effect ? I f th e answer t o thes e querie s i s affirmative , the n th e procedur e i s justifie d i n the regnan t axiology . Quantifiable , abstract , measurable , th e "end " i s the whole . Th e Prinzip der Konzentration auf den Effekt (th e principl e of th e concentratio n o f th e effect) , a s Arnol d Gehle n notes , "exercise s a literally compulsiv e hol d upo n th e me n o f a technica l age." 8 6 Whe n asked coul d h e "no t hav e stoppe d th e nakedness , th e whips , th e horro r of th e cattl e pen s [area s leadin g t o ga s chambers], " Franz Stang l replie d with al l th e integrit y h e coul d muster : "No , n o no . This was th e system . Wirth ha d invente d it . I t worked. An d becaus e i t worked, i t was irrever sible." 87

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NOTES 1. Th e literature o n lif e an d conditions i n the ghettos is vast. Among the more accessible works , se e Rau l Hilberg , The Destruction of European Jewry (Chicago, 1961) ; Lucy Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews, 1933—1945 (New York , 1975) ; Jacob Apenszla k (ed. ) The Black Book of Polish Jewry (reprinted Ne w York , 1982) , produce d b y th e World Jewish Congres s an d other organization s i n 1946 , contain s importan t materia l o n thes e events ; G. Reitlinger , The Final Solution (London , 1968 2 ); Phili p Friedman , "Th e Jewish Ghetto s o f th e Naz i Era, " i n Friedma n (ed.) , Roads to Extinction (New York , 1980) , pp. 59-87 . Se e als o i n this sam e volume hi s interestin g essay i n socia l histor y relatin g t o lif e i n th e ghettos , "Socia l Conflic t i n th e Ghetto," pp. 131-152 . Se e als o Emi l Apfelbau m (ed.) , Maladie de famine: recherches cliniques sur la famine executee dans le ghetto de Varsovie en 1942 (Warsaw , 1946) ; Rau l Hilber g e t al . (eds.) , The Diary of Adam Czerniakow: Prelude to Doom (Ne w York , 1979) ; Emanue l Ringelblum , Notes from the Warsaw Ghetto (Ne w York , 1958) ; Yisrae l Gutman , The Jews of Warsaw: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt (Bloomington , 1982) ; Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (Ne w York , 1972) . Fo r discussion o f Trunk' s boo k an d the issue o f the Judenrat se e Yehud a Baue r an d Natha n Rotenstreic h (eds.) , The Holocaust as Historical Experience (Ne w York , 1981) , Par t III , pp . 155-272 . There ar e als o a considerabl e numbe r o f furthe r diaries . No w se e als o Lucjan Dobroszyck i (ed.) , The Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto, 1941-1944 (New Haven , 1984) . 2. Th e horrifi c detail s o f th e actio n o f th e Einsatzgruppen ar e describe d i n R . Hilberg, Destruction, pp . 182ff . 3. Cite d in L. Dawidowicz, War, p . 127 . 4. Th e literatur e o n th e concentratio n camp s i s b y no w extensive . Th e mos t recent an d wide-rangin g historica l revie w i s Konnily n G . Feig , Hitler's Death Camps: The Sanity of Madness (Ne w York , 1981) . Feig' s volum e also contain s 2 5 page s o f bibliograph y relatin g to al l aspect s o f th e histor y and running of th e camps, both in general an d for each camp individually. I would ad d onl y on e furthe r ite m to o recen t t o hav e bee n included i n Feig' s bibliography, th e essa y b y Henr y Friedlander , "Th e Naz i Concentratio n Camps," i n Michae l D . Rya n (ed.) , Human Responses to the Holocaust: Perpetrators and Victims, Bystanders and Resisters (Ne w York , 1981) , pp.

33-70.

5. Le o Kuper , Genocide (Ne w Haven , 1981) , pp . 133-134 , quotin g Miklo s Nyiszli, Auschwitz: A Doctor's Eyewitness Account (Ne w York , 1960) , Ch. 7 . 6. Man y importan t student s o f Nazism , sinc e a t least Fran z Neumann, fai l t o give du e weight t o thi s becaus e the y one-sidedl y overemphasiz e th e roman tic, reactionar y ideologica l conten t o f th e movement , failin g t o recogniz e that Hitler' s succes s la y i n hi s abilit y t o brin g togethe r th e mos t advance d

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technology an d the mos t reactionary , nostalgi c axiology . Thoug h fo r man y 19th an d eve n 20t h centur y me n o f th e right , technolog y wa s th e enem y responsible fo r th e ill s o f moder n society , Hitle r an d hi s coterie , e.g. , Frit z Todd an d especiall y Speer , adopte d a mor e dialectical , integrationis t ap proach base d o n th e correc t recognitio n tha t withou t th e powe r mad e available b y th e contro l an d adaptatio n o f technology , German y woul d remain forever a weak, second-rat e state. Recent German studies have made this fac t increasingl y evident . Se e Herber t Mehrten s an d Steffe n Richter , Naturwissenschaft, Technik und NS-Ideologie (Frankfurt , 1980) ; Karl-Hein z Ludwig, Technik und Ingenieure im Dritten Reich (Diisseldorf , 1979) ; Timothy Mason , "Zu r Entstehun g de s Gesetze s zu r Ordnun g de r nationale n Arbeit, vo m 20 . Januar 193 4 . . . , " i n Hans Mommse n e t al. (eds.) , Industrielles System und politische Entwicklung in der Weimarer Republik (Diis seldorf, 1974) , pp. 323—351. Especially central are the views of Ernst Junger which hav e bee n analyze d i n contex t an d dat a i n Karl-Hein z Bohrer' s distinguished study , Die Asthetik des Schreckens: Die pessimistische Romantik und Ernst Jungers Frubwerk (Vienna , 1978) . O n the political view s of Junge r se e als o Klaus-Friede r Bastian , Das Politische fur Ernst Junger: Non Konformismus und Kompromiss der Innerlichter (Freiburg , 1962) ; an d Hans-Peter Schwartz , Der konservative Anarchist: Politik und Zeitkritik Ernst Junger (Freiburg , 1962) . Ther e ar e thre e work s i n Englis h tha t ar e also of value: J. P. Stern, Ernst Junger: A Writer of Our Time (Ne w Haven , 1953); th e discussio n o f Junge r in Walter Struve , Elites against Democracy (Princeton, 1973) ; an d th e chapte r o n Junge r i n Jeffrey Herf , Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Ne w York , 1984) , pp. 70-108 . 7. Als o suggeste d b y scholars suc h a s Elias Bickerman, Ezra to the Last of the Maccabees (Ne w York , 1962) , p. 3. 8. Cite d in Henry V. Dicks, Licensed Mass Murder (Ne w York , 1972) , p. 206. 9. Goring' s order to Heydrich o f July 31, 1941 , issued in his role as Chairman of th e Ministeria l Committe e fo r Defens e o f th e Reich , make s this clear : "make al l necessar y organizational , technica l an d material preparation s fo r an overall solutio n o f th e Jewish Problem in Germany's spher e of influence . Other central authoritie s wil l co-operat e insofa r a s their responsibilitie s ar e affected." Thi s was , i n effect , th e beginnin g o f th e practica l translatio n o f the decisio n earlie r arrive d a t b y Hitle r an d share d wit h other s a t th e Wannsee Conferenc e o f January 1941 . 10. R . Hilberg , Destruction, Index ; an d hi s essa y "Germa n Railroads—Jewis h Souls," i n Transaction, Social Science and Modern Society, Vol . 1 4 (1976) , pp. 60-74 . 11. Benjami n Ferencz, Less Than Slaves (Cambridge , 1979) . 12. Josep h Borkin , The Crime and Punishment of I. G. Farben (Ne w York , 1978). 13. Telfor d Taylor , "Th e Lega l Profession, " i n Henr y Friedlande r an d Sybi l Milton (eds.) , The Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy and Genocide (Ne w York, 1980) , pp. 133-140 .

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14. Se e Richar d Rubenstein' s chapte r o n "Th e Healt h Profession s an d Corpo rate Enterprise a t Auschwitz," i n his Cunning of History (Ne w York, 1975) ; see also Alexander Mitscherlic h an d Fre d Mielke , The Death Doctors (Lon don, 1962) . 15. Rober t Jay Lifton , Nazi Doctors (Ne w York , 1986) . 16. O n thi s highly controversial issue , see Richard Gutteridge , Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb: The German Evangelical Church and the Jews 1879-1950 (New York , 1976) ; Fran k Littel l an d Huber t Lock e (eds.) , The German Church Struggle and the Holocaust (Detroit , 1974) ; Fran k Littell , The Crucifixion of the Jews (Ne w York , 1975) ; Guenthe r Lewy , The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (Ne w York , 1965) ; Sau l Friedlander , Pius XII and the Third Reich: A Documentation (Ne w York , 1966) ; Arthu r C . Cochrane, The Church's Confession under Hitler (Philadelphia , 1962) ; an d Gordon C . Zahn , German Catholics and Hitler's Wars: A Study in Social Control (Ne w York , 1962) . 17. On e o f th e mos t depressin g aspect s o f th e Naz i perio d i s th e nea r tota l capitulation o f Germa n (an d European ) academic s an d intellectuals . On thi s see Frit z K . Ringer , The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Communities, 1890-1933 (Cambridge , 1969) ; Edwar d Hart shorne, The German Universities and National Socialism (London , 1937) ; Karl Bracher et al., Die Nationalsozialistische Machtergreifung. Studien zur Errichtung der totalitdren Herrschaftssystems in Deutschland 1933/34 (Co logne, 1960) ; Ala n Beyerchen , Scientists under Hitler: Politics and Physics Community in the Third Reich (Ne w Haven , 1977) ; Julie n Benda , The Treason of the Intellectuals (Ne w York , 1969) ; Ma x Weinreich , Hitler's Professors: The Part of Scholarship in Germany's Crimes against the Jewish People (Ne w York , 1946) . Perhap s th e tw o mos t famou s incident s involv e the psychoanalys t Car l Gusta v Jun g an d Marti n Heidegger , Germany' s greatest philosopher , an d acclaimed , incorrectl y i n m y view , a s th e greates t philosopher o f th e century i n many quarters . On Heidegge r se e now especiall y Emi l Fackenheim' s penetratin g critiqu e in hi s To Mend the World (Ne w York , 1982) , p . 166 . Se e als o Christia n Graf vo n Krockow , Die Entscheidung: Eine Untersuchung uber Ernst Junger, Carl Schmitt, Martin Heidegger (Stuttgart , 1958) ; George Steiner, Martin Heidegger (Ne w York , 1978) ; A . Schwan , Politische Philosophic im Denken Heideggers (Cologne , 1965) ; th e serie s o f essay s b y F . F[dier]i n Critique, No . 23 4 (Paris , 1966) , No . 24 2 (Paris , 1967) , No . 25 1 (Paris , 1967); Davi d Novak , "Buber' s Critiqu e o f Heidegger, " Modern Judaism, Vol. 5 , No . 2 (1985) , pp. 125-140 ; Victo r Farias , Heidegger et le nazisme (Paris, 1987) , als o availabl e i n Englis h translatio n fro m Templ e Universit y Press (Philadelphia , 1989) ; Richar d Rubenstein , "Heidegge r an d th e Jews," Modern Judaism, Vol . 9 , No . 2 (1989) , pp . 179-196 ; an d Jea n Francoi s Lyotard, Heidegger et les juifs (Paris , 1988) . Fo r wha t thi s mean t i n th e sciences, se e th e "Introduction " t o Nobe l Priz e winne r (n o less ) Philip p Lenard's four-volum e stud y entitle d Deutsche Physik in vier Bdnden (Mun ich, 1938) , Vol . 1 , pp . ix-x . O n th e growt h o f antisemitis m i n Germa n

Technology and Genocide 21 9 universities in the pre-Hitler period see George Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology (New York, 1964) , pp. 190-203; and Peter G. J. Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (New York, 1964) , pp. 247—25$. Erns t Wa y mar's importan t stud y Das Selbstverstandnis der Deutschen. Ein Bericht uber den Geist des Geshichtsunterrichts der hoheren Schulen im 19. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1963) , is a valuable introduction t o still earlier German educational attitudes. 18. Wha t will be described in this chapter must, of necessity, be cast in the form of an "Ideal-type," a maximum account, of the technological consciousness. It will apply to different individuals , in varying circumstances, in variegated, uneven ways . Also , o f course , i t wil l b e contradicte d b y othe r factor s a t work in the Nazi state which mitigate its actualization. 19. Se e Eichmann's testimony in Jochen Von Lang (ed.), Eichmann Interrogated (New York, 1983). 20. Cite d by J. Fest, The Face of the Third Reich (New York, 1970), p. 198. 21. R . Hoss as cited in ibid., p. 280. 22. B y this I mean non-moral, non-philosophical, non-aestheti c values relevant particularly t o technology , e.g. , efficiency , economy , durability , reliability , etc. For mor e on thi s see T. Kotarbinski , Praxiology —An Introduction to the Science of Efficient Action (Oxford , 1965) ; H. Skolimowski, "Praxiol ogy—The Science of Accomplished Action," The Personalist (Summer, 1965); idem, "The Structure of Thinking in Technology," Technology and Culture, Vol. 7, No. 3 (Summer, 1966), pp. 371-383. 23. H . Dicks, Licensed Mass Murder, p. 102. 24. Se e Trials of Major War Criminals (Nuremberg, 1948), Vol. 16. 25. Thi s seem s a general characteristi c o f technologica l society . Katherin e Ar chibald's study of blue-collar workers in American shipyard s during World War II made the point that th e workers organized themselve s around, an d accentuated, ethni c factors . Wartime Shipyard: A Study in Social Disunity [Berkeley, 1947] . Thankfully th e meanin g o f ethnicit y i n 1940s ' Americ a was not that of 1940s ' Germany, i.e., a decision on life or death. 26. Arnol d Gehlen , Man in the Age of Technology (New York, 1980) , pp. 4 748. 27. I . Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, section II A. 28. Ibid. , p. 378. 29. I take these examples from H . Skolimowski, "Praxiology," pp. 380-381. 30. Ibid. , p. 382. 31. Studie s of industria l worker s sho w that the y ar e not dissatisfie d wit h thei r repetitive jobs , eve n thoug h the y ar e "self-estranged " throug h it s perfor mance. Rober t Blauner' s stud y o f thi s phenomeno n suggest s tha t betwee n 75 an d 9 0 percen t o f industria l worker s ar e "reasonabl y satisfied " wit h their work . Se e Robert Blauner , "Wor k Satisfactio n an d Industria l Trend s in Modern Society, " in Walter Galenso n an d Seymo r Marti n Lipse t (eds.), Labor and Trade Unionism (New York , 1960) . Se e als o Blauner' s Alienation and Freedom: The Factory Worker and His Industry (Chicago, 1964), pp. 24ff.

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32. I t i s not unimportan t tha t ther e wa s a hard cor e o f S S officers wh o manne d the Deat h Camp s throughou t th e war . Fo r a s Rober t Koeh l ha s correctl y observed, " a kin d o f commo n denominato r di d develo p i n th e wa r year s among a fe w hundre d officer s an d me n who staye d i n the cam p administra tion; sinc e preferenc e fo r remainin g implie d disinteres t i n th e front , ther e was a n additiona l ingredien t o f ruthlessnes s i n the determination t o becom e indispensable i n th e productiv e effort s o f th e camps. " Rober t Lewi s Koehl , The Black Corps: The Structure and Power Struggles of the Nazi SS (Madison, 1983) , p. 167 . 33. I t i s notabl e tha t Henr y Dick s conclude s hi s reflection s o n hi s serie s o f interviews wit h S S murderers wit h thi s significant judgment : The first thin g that need s to b e said, when we leave the individual predisposition t o murder an d tur n t o th e conditions o f it s release or instigation , i s to stres s the great difference i n this regard between the killers investigated b y the forensic psychologists cited an d m y S S men. With th e dubiou s exceptio n o f Captai n A and K W none of these S S men woul d hav e bee n likel y t o becom e "commo n murderers " i n norma l conditions. Their instigator y triggerin g was not a sudden, solitary experience , but a process extending over time, shared with team mates in a facilitating group setting. It was, as we saw in S2 and the relevant quotation from Hoess' s autobiography (Chap ter Five ) a conditioning process whic h i n thi s contex t w e ca n ter m brutalization. (Licensed Mass Murder, pp. 253-254) 34. Marti n Buber , J and Thou (E.T . [Ne w editio n b y Walte r Kaufmann] , Ne w York, 1970) . 35. G . Sereny , Into That Darkness: From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (Ne w York, 1974 ) p . 201. 36. H . Dicks, Licensed Mass Murder, p . 163. 37. Ibid. , p. 164 . 38. R . Hilberg , Destruction, pp . 297-298 ; an d K . Feig , Hitler's Camps, p . 37. See als o Hilberg' s pioneerin g article s "I n Searc h o f Specia l Trains, " Midstream (October , 1979) , pp. 3 2 - 3 8; and idem, "German Railroads—Jewis h Souls." See also Adalbert Ruckerl , NS-Prozesse (Karlsruhe , 1972) , pp. 112— 117. 39. Figur e given in K. Feig, Hitler's Camps, p . 36. 40. Ibid. , p. 37. 41. R . Hilberg, "I n Searc h o f Specia l Trains," pp. 3 7 - 3 8 . 42. I diffe r her e wit h Rau l Hilber g wh o emphasize s th e individua l role s o f th e Reichsbahn official s an d wh o stresses , accordin g t o his , I believe erroneous , understanding, tha t th e powe r flo w upwards , i.e. , th e individual s ru n th e system, n o mor e n o less . His contentio n appear s t o m e t o los e sigh t o f th e unique mechanics o f moder n technolog y an d bureaucracy . 43. Analyze d mor e full y b y m e i n a larger , three-volum e stud y o f th e Sho'ah t o be published b y Oxfor d Universit y Pres s beginnin g i n 1992 , The Holocaust in Historical Context. 44. J . Borkin, Crime, pp . 118-119 . 45. Ibid. , p. 120 . 46. Ibid .

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47. Name d Monowitz . 48. J . Borkin, Crime, p . 120 . 49. O n th e especially bruta l treatmen t o f Jews a t Monowit z se e B. Ferencz, Less Than Slaves, pp . 2 4 - 2 5 , an d Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8 , p . 58 3 an d again p . 618 . Th e Nurember g Tribuna l referre d t o Jew s a t Monowit z an d Buna a s "livin g an d laborin g unde r th e shado w o f experimentation. " Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8 , p. 1184 . 50. Cite d i n Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, (Washingto n D.C. , 1946), Vol . 7, p . 190 . Se e als o th e repor t o f th e Judenreferenten grou p meetin g hel d a t Krummhubel o n Apri l 3 - 4 , 1944 , a t whic h n o minute s wer e take n becaus e the Nazi goa l wa s stil l the total eliminatio n o f Jewry. Nazi Conspiracy, Vol . 6, pp. 4 - 3 8 . 51. NI-12373 , cited i n J. Borkin, Crime, p . 143. 52. Ibid. , p . 121 . SaukePs orde r i s found i n Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 1 , p. 197; an d Nazi Conspiracy, Vol . 3, p. 57. 53. J . Borkin , Crime, p . 125 . Quote o f physicia n fro m Trials of War Criminals, Preliminary Brief , Part III , p. 97, NI 4830 . 54. B . Ferencz, Less Than Slaves, pp . 2 4 - 2 5, 7 7 - 7 8 . 55. Rober t L . KoehP s observatio n regardin g S S sadism an d abuse s i n th e deat h camps applies , pari passu, t o th e industria l technocrat s a s well: "I t wa s no t the kin d o f S S man whic h wa s decisive ; i t wa s th e situatio n S S bureaucrat s had create d i n th e camp s whic h mad e thes e excesse s possible . Indee d th e excesses wer e mor e (normal ) tha n th e fact o f th e deat h factorie s itself. " Black Corps, p . 176 . See also R . Hilberg , Destruction, pp . 575ff . 56. Cite d fro m K . Feig, Hitler 3s Camps, p . 356. 57. Th e taking o f initiative i s a somewhat mor e "autonomous " act , though i t is, as a rule , stil l actio n take n withi n th e highl y circumscribe d limit s o f th e whole. However , o n rar e occasion s th e Nurember g Court , fo r example , found otherwise , a s whe n i t foun d Te r Mee r guilt y o f th e crim e o f mas s murder fo r "takin g th e initiative. " Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8 , pp . 1191-92. 58. Krauc h wa s chairma n o f I.G . Krup p a t this time . 59. Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8 , p. 532. 60. Th e Nurember g Cour t wa s certainl y correc t t o find Krauc h guilt y o f coun t three, "slaver y an d mas s murder, " i n hi s indictment . Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8, p. 1190 . 61. Krauch' s action s ar e still, in my sense, procedural, fo r th e war polic y requir ing syntheti c rubber , an d it s consequen t charg e t o Krup p t o produc e suc h rubber, wa s no t cause d b y Krauc h o r hi s industria l superiors . Bu t give n th e synthetic rubbe r mandate , Krauc h sough t t o maximiz e Krupp' s (an d hi s own) rol e in meeting the national need . 62. I.G . Farbe n an d othe r industria l giant s undoubtedl y supporte d Hitler' s ris e to power , bu t thi s i s not ye t a suppor t fo r hi s actua l murderou s activit y against Jewry . Fe w (German s o r Jews ) envisione d thi s woul d b e th e actua l end o f Hitler' s antisemiti c rhetoric . Thus , I.G . Boar d member s suc h a s Car l Bosch activel y sough t t o dete r Hitle r fro m hi s antisemiti c policies , thoug h

2 2 2 Technology

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Genocide

without success , while a Jew, Car l vo n Weinberg , Deput y Chairma n o f I.G . Farben's supervisor y board , was , at leas t publicly, a n enthusiasti c supporte r of Hitle r o n nationalis t an d economi c grounds . Fo r detail s o f thi s comple x story se e J. Borkin , Crime, pp . 5 3 - 7 5 ; th e fat e o f th e Weinberg s unde r th e Nazis i s describe d i n Borkin , Crime, pp . 145-46 . O n th e larger , comple x issue o f bi g busines s suppor t fo r Hitler , se e als o th e recen t importan t stud y by Henr y Ashb y Turner , Jr. , German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler (New York , 1985) . 63. Th e Nurember g Tribuna l accepte d th e defens e contentio n that , i n conform ing t o th e slave-labo r program , it s defendants ha d "n o othe r choic e tha n t o comply wit h th e mandat e o f th e Hitle r government. " An d th e Cour t wen t on, "Th e defian t refusa l o f a Farbe n executiv e t o carr y ou t th e Reic h production schedul e o r t o us e slav e labo r t o achiev e tha t en d woul d hav e been treate d a s treasonous sabotag e an d woul d hav e resulted i n prompt an d drastic retaliation." Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8, p. 1175 . 64. Se e Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 7 , pp. 414f., a s introduced b y th e defens e counsels fo r I.G . Farbe n official s a t Nuremberg . O n th e Court' s evaluatio n of thi s plea, Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 8 , pp. 1179ff . 65. K . Feig, Hitler's Camps, pp . 356-357 . 66. R . Hilberg , Destruction, p . 606. 67. Lette r o f Claube y t o Himmle r o f June 7 , 1943 , cited i n R . Hilberg, Destruction, p . 606 . 68. Hilberg , Destruction, p . 607. 69. P . Berben, Dachau 1933-1945 (London , 1975) , p. 128 . 70. Ibid. , pp. 129-130 . 71. Berben , Dachau, p . 131. 72. Mai n Offic e o f Rac e an d Settlemen t o f th e SS . One shoul d als o includ e her e the medical experts fro m th e Gemeinnutzige Stiftung fur Heil und Anstaltspflege (Th e General Foundatio n fo r Institutiona l Care) , which carrie d ou t th e earlier euthanasia program . 73. O n th e wor k o f th e RuSha (Rasse-und Siedlungs-Hauptamt [Rac e an d Settlement mai n offic e o f th e SS] ) se e Rober t L . Koehl , Black Corps, pp . 188-189; an d hi s mor e extende d stud y o f th e RFKD V (Reichs-Kommisar fur die Festigung Deutschen Volkstums [Reic h Commissione r fo r th e Strengthening o f Germandom] ) Syste m concerne d wit h Germa n settlemen t in th e East , RFKDV: German Resettlement and Population Policy 1939— 1945 (Cambridge , 1957) . 74. A . Gehlen, Age of Technology, p . 70. 75. Thi s proved t o b e considerably mor e complicate d tha n on e might think . Fo r details see R. Hilberg , Destruction, pp . 564f. 76. Thi s summar y follow s R . Hilberg' s description , Destruction, p . 565. Th e quote fro m Hoss' s affidavi t o f Apri l 5, 1946 , is also cited b y Hilberg, ibid . The gassing was a short process in Auschwitz. As soon a s the victims were trappe d in th e Badeanstal t o r Leichenkeller , the y recogniz e i n a flash th e whole patter n o f th e destruction process . Th e imitatio n showe r facilitie s di d no t work . Outside , a centra l

Technology and Genocide 22 3 switch wa s throw n t o tur n of f th e lights . A Red Cros s ca r drov e u p wit h th e Zyklon , and a maske d SS-ma n lifte d th e glas s shutte r ove r th e lattice , emptyin g on e ca n afte r another int o th e gas chamber . Untersturmfuhre r Grabner , politica l chie f o f th e camp , stood read y wit h sto p watc h i n hand . A s th e first pellet s sublimate d o n th e floo r o f the chamber , th e la w o f th e jungl e too k over . T o escap e fro m th e rapidl y risin g gas , the stronge r knocke d dow n th e weaker , steppin g o n th e prostrat e victim s i n orde r t o prolong thei r lif e b y reachin g th e gas-fre e layer s o f air . Th e agon y laste d fo r abou t two minutes ; the n th e shriekin g subsided , th e dyin g me n slumpin g over . Withi n fou r minutes everybod y i n the gas chamber wa s dead . The gas was now allowe d t o escape , and afte r abou t a half-hour th e door s wer e opened . Th e bodie s wer e foun d i n tower like heaps , som e i n sittin g o r half-sittin g positio n unde r th e doors . Th e corpse s wer e pink i n color , wit h gree n spots . Some had foa m o n thei r lips ; others ble d throug h th e nose. (P . 627) 77. L . Dawidowic z ha s describe d th e us e o f ga s i n earl y Naz i euthanasi a p r o grams i n detai l i n War, p p . 1 3 2 - 1 3 4 . 7 8 . O n th e issu e o f th e difficul t technica l aspect s concernin g th e productio n o f Z y k l o n B , se e J . Borkin , Crime, p p . 1 2 2 - 1 2 3 . Borkin' s revie w include s th e following detail , apposit e t o a clos e scrutin y o f th e technologica l (an d bureaucratic) characte r o f th e Naz i onslaught : There was stil l anothe r episod e tha t gav e the officials o f Degesc h mor e tha n a hin t of th e drea d purpos e t o whic h thei r Zyklo n B wa s bein g pu t b y th e S.S . Whe n manufactured a s a pesticide Zyklo n B contained a special odor , o r indicator , t o war n human being s o f it s letha l presence . Th e inclusio n o f suc h a warnin g odo r wa s required b y Germa n law . Whe n th e S.S . demande d tha t th e new , larg e orde r o f Zyklon B omit th e indicator, n o on e familiar wit h th e workings o f th e S.S. could hav e failed t o realiz e th e purpos e behin d th e strang e request . Th e Degesc h executive s a t first wer e unwillin g t o comply . Bu t compassio n wa s no t behin d thei r refusal . Wha t troubled the m wa s th e fac t tha t th e S.S . reques t endangere d Degesch' s monopol y position. Th e paten t o n Zyklo n B had lon g since expired. However , Degesc h retaine d its monopol y b y a paten t o n th e warnin g odor . T o remov e th e indicato r wa s ba d business, openin g u p th e possibilit y o f unwelcom e competition . Th e S.S . mad e shor t shrift o f thi s objection an d the company remove d th e warning odor. Now th e doome d would no t eve n kno w i t was Degesch' s Zyklo n B . (P. 123 ) 79. N o t e i n thi s context , Hoss' s c o m m e n t : " A n o t h e r improvemen t w e m a d e over Treblink a w a s tha t w e buil t ou r ga s chamber s t o a c c o m m o d a t e 2,00 0 people a t on e tim e wherea s a t Treblink a thei r te n ga s chamber s onl y accom m o d a t e d 2 0 0 peopl e e a c h . " Trials of War Criminals, Vol . 1 1 , p . 4 1 7 . Se e also th e accoun t o f th e acrimoniou s competitio n betwee n H o s s an d Wirt h recounted i n R . Hilberg , Destruction, p p . 5 7 1 - 5 7 2 . 80. Ann a Pawelczynska , Values and Violence in Auschwitz: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley , 1979) , p . 76. 81. Fili p Mueller , Auschwitz: Three Years in the Gas Chambers (Ne w York , 1979), p p . 9 9 - 1 0 0 . 82. A . D o n a t (ed.) , The Death Camp Treblinka (Ne w York , 1979) , p p . 3 8 - 3 9 . 8 3 . Ibid. , p p . 3 7 - 3 8 . 84. Ibid. , p p . 5Iff .

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85. Ibid. , p. 57. 86. K . Feig, Hitler's Camps, p. 351. Seven thousand kilo s o f hai r wer e stil l a t Auschwitz awaiting shipment when Auschwitz was liberated. 87. R . Hilberg, Destruction, pp. 611-612. See also J. Borkin, Crime, pp. 186f., for another description of the entire process.

9 "Voluntary Covenant": Irving Greenberg on Faith after the Holocaust

O

ne o f th e mos t widel y discusse d recen t theologica l response s t o th e Holocaust i s to b e foun d i n Irvin g (Yitz ) Greenberg' s challengin g and provocativ e writing s o n thi s theme . I n thi s chapte r I would lik e t o review an d critiqu e Greenberg' s analysi s o f thi s difficult matter . I. TH E HOLOCAUS T AN D IT S IMPLICATIONS : EXEGESI S OF GREENBERG'S POSITIO N In a serie s o f five articles 1 t o date , Greenber g ha s sketche d ( I us e thi s term i n its literal meaning ) hi s evolving view of the meaning of the Shoah and it s consequences . Hi s first 2 and , I believe , stil l mos t importan t statement o n th e subjec t wa s mad e i n th e 197 3 Symposiu m o n th e Holocaust hel d a t St . Joh n o f th e Divin e i n Ne w Yor k City . Her e h e began t o articulat e hi s belie f tha t th e Holocaus t radicall y challenge s th e essence o f th e existin g theologica l framework s o f both Judais m an d Christianity 3 —i.e., i t challenge s belie f i n th e Go d o f Sinai , th e Go d o f redemption. "Th e cruelt y an d killin g rais e th e questio n whethe r eve n those who believ e after suc h a n even t [a s the Holocaust ] dar e tal k abou t [a] Go d wh o love s an d care s withou t makin g a mocker y o f thos e wh o suffered." 4 Moreover , a s Greenber g acutel y intuits , no t onl y ar e th e traditional theologica l schemat a calle d t o answer , bu t eve n mor e s o i s modernity itself , tha t substitut e "God " i n whos e nam e Europ e marche d forward fro m th e Enlightenment t o the rise of Hitler. "Ther e is the shoc k of recognitio n tha t th e humanisti c revolt , celebrate d a s th e liberatio n o f 225

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humankind i n freein g ma n fro m centurie s o f dependenc e upo n Go d an d nature, i s now revealed—a t th e ver y hear t o f th e enterprise—t o sustai n a capacit y fo r deat h an d demoni c evil." 5 The multipl e consequence s o f thi s dua l recognitio n are , a s Greenber g contends: (1 ) that on e mus t respon d t o thi s ne w situatio n i n some direc t way fo r "no t t o respon d i s to collaborat e i n the repetition"; 6 (2 ) "Neve r Again!" 7 , i.e. , suc h a possibilit y mus t no t b e allowe d t o repea t itself . Every positio n an d grou p tha t "failed " th e tes t o f th e Shoah "mus t b e challenged, shake n up , rethought " i f the y wis h t o hav e an y righ t t o survive; (3 ) "Th e Holocaus t challenge s th e claim s o f al l th e standard s that compet e fo r moder n man' s loyalties. " Al l invente d orthodoxie s ar e suspect. "[Th e Holocaust ] doe s no t giv e simple , clea r answer s o r defini tive solutions . T o clai m tha t i t doe s i s no t t o tak e burnin g childre n seriously. This would—and should—undercu t th e ultimate adequac y o f any category , unles s there were one (religious , political, intellectual) tha t consistently produce d th e prope r respons e o f resistanc e an d horro r a t the Holocaust. N o suc h categor y exist s to my knowledge." Thus, Green berg, concludes , "t o us e th e catastroph e t o uphol d th e univoca l validit y of an y categor y i s t o tur n i t int o gris t fo r propagand a mills." 8 (4 ) "Th e Holocaust offer s u s onl y dialectica l move s an d understandings, " dialec tical her e bein g define d a s "move s tha t stretc h ou r capacit y t o th e limi t and tormen t u s wit h thei r irresolvabl e tensions." 9 Moreover , thi s "dia lectical response " i s no t on e optio n amon g others ; "i t is, " rather , "th e only morall y tenabl e wa y fo r survivor s an d thos e guilty o f bystandin g t o live." 10 Thi s dialectica l facto r issue s forth , accordingly , i n th e followin g stark principl e o f theologica l meanin g an d validity : "N o statement , theological o r otherwis e shoul d b e mad e tha t woul d no t b e credibl e i n the presence o f th e burnin g children." 11 Translated int o a specifi c theologica l program , Greenber g under stands thes e imperative s a s underminin g al l securit y an d al l dogmati c certitude. Eve n one' s "relationshi p t o th e Go d o f th e Covenan t canno t be unaffected." 12 Ou t o f thi s ambiguou s circumstanc e th e new , post Holocaust "response, " i f there i s to b e a "response " a t all , must arise . I t means that : after Auschwitz , faith mean s there are times when fait h i s overcome. Buber has spoken o f "momen t gods" : Go d i s known onl y a t th e momen t whe n Presenc e and awarenes s ar e fuse d i n vita l life . Thi s knowledg e i s interspersed wit h mo ments whe n onl y natural , self-contained , routin e existenc e i s present. W e now have t o spea k o f "momen t faiths, " moment s whe n Redeeme r an d visio n o f

"Voluntary Covenant" 22

7

redemption ar e present, intersperse d wit h time s when th e flame s an d smok e of burning children blot out faith—though i t flickersagain.13 And suc h "momen t faith " entail s that : the eas y dichotom y o f atheist/theist , th e confusio n o f fait h wit h doctrin e o r demonstration i s a t a n end . I t make s clea r tha t fait h i s a lif e respons e o f th e whole person to the Presence in life and history. Like life, this response ebbs and flows. Th e difference betwee n th e skeptic and the believer is frequency o f faith , and no t certitud e o f position . Th e rejectio n o f th e unbeliever b y the believe r is literally the denial or attempted suppression of what is within oneself. The ability to liv e with momen t fait h i s the abilit y t o liv e with pluralis m an d withou t th e self-flattering, ethnocentri c solutions which warp religion, or make it a source of hatred for the other. 14 Greenberg i s quic k t o recogniz e tha t give n th e horror s o f Auschwit z even t o spea k o f "momen t faiths " i s no t self-evident . Fo r wha t make s faith possibl e a t all , eve n flickering , wavering , uncertain , an d anguishe d faith? "Wh y i s i t no t a permanen t destructio n o f faith, " h e rhetoricall y asks, "t o b e i n th e presenc e o f th e murdere d children?" 15 Hi s repl y t o this all-importan t questio n i s give n i n a serie s o f fou r arguments . Th e substance o f eac h ca n b e summarized a s follows : (1) "Ther e ar e stil l moment s whe n th e realit y o f th e Exodu s i s reen acted an d present." 16 Tha t i s to sa y bot h tha t th e origina l Exodu s even t is stil l availabl e t o us , especiall y i n it s yearl y Passover 17 re-enactment , and tha t realit y i s no t one , uninterrupted , unmitigate d serie s o f tragi c occurrences. Th e evidenc e o f ou r life' s journe y reveal s moment s o f de spair a s well a s moments o f redemption . (2) Secondly , "th e Breakdow n o f th e Secula r Absolute," 18 a s Green berg call s th e dar k sid e o f moder n humanisti c relativism , demand s tha t we no t "jum p t o a conclusio n tha t retrospectivel y make s th e covenan t they [th e victims ] live d a n illusio n an d thei r death s a giganti c trav esty." 19 W e mus t b e ope n t o a t leas t th e possibilit y o f transcendence . Because "th e Secula r Absolute, " i.e. , modernity , denie d God , w e mus t obstinately explor e thi s alternative. 20 (3) The thir d argumen t i s a corollary an d extensio n o f th e second . "I t is enough, " Greenber g writes, " tha t thi s [Western ] civilizatio n i s th e locus o f th e Holocaust . Th e Holocaus t call s o n Jews , Christians , an d others to absolutel y resis t the total authorit y o f this cultural moment." 2 1 The Holocaus t destroye d th e belie f syste m o f modernity , thereb y open ing u p conceptua l spac e fo r othe r axiologica l an d normativ e claims , including "th e possibilitie s o f Exodu s an d Immortality." 22

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(4) Last , an d mos t important , i s "th e Revelatio n i n th e Redemptio n of Israel." 23 Greenber g i s her e willing , a s a corollar y o f hi s basi c an d deepest belie f tha t Judaism i s a religio n o f an d i n history , t o posi t direc t theological weigh t t o th e recreatio n o f a Jewis h State . H e wisel y pro poses that "i f th e experience o f Auschwit z symbolize s that w e are cut of f from Go d an d hope , an d th e covenan t ma y b e destroyed , the n th e experience o f Jerusalem symbolize s tha t God' s promise s ar e faithfu l an d His people liv e on." 2 4 If thes e argument s fo r belief , especiall y th e last , ar e convincing , wh y then onl y "momen t faith" ? Her e Greenberg' s commitmen t t o th e provi sional, uncertai n characte r o f ou r times , a s heirs o f both Auschwit z an d the Wester n Wall , come s agai n t o th e fore . "Fait h i s a momen t truth , but ther e ar e moments whe n i t is not true." 2 5 If thi s i s so , what exactl y i s to b e th e substanc e o f ou r faith-commit ment, afte r Auschwitz , afte r Jerusalem , whe n eac h o f thes e realia crie s out ove r agains t th e other ? Greenber g appeal s t o thre e classica l theo logical paradigm s fo r help : Job, th e "Sufferin g Servant " o f Isaiah , an d what Greenber g call s th e mode l o f Lamentation s III , i.e. , enterin g int o debate wit h th e Almighty . Fro m Jo b w e migh t lear n "th e rejectio n o f easy pieties or denial s an d th e dialectical respons e of looking for , expect ing, furthe r revelation s o f th e Presence." 26 For , a s Jo b o f old , "whe n suffering ha d al l bu t overwhelme d Jew s an d al l bu t blocke d ou t God' s Presence, a sig n ou t o f th e whirlwin d [e.g . th e rebirt h o f Israel ] gav e u s strength t o g o on, an d th e right t o spea k authenticall y o f God' s Presenc e still." 27 From Isaia h w e might lear n tha t th e "Sufferin g Servan t i s a kin d of earl y warnin g syste m o f th e sin s intrinsi c i n th e cultur e bu t ofte n no t seen unti l later. " A s such , "th e Holocaus t wa s a n advanc e warnin g system o f th e demoni c potentia l o f moder n cultur e . . . a kin d o f las t warning that if man wil l perceive and overcom e the demonism unleashe d in moder n culture , th e worl d ma y survive . Otherwise , th e nex t Holo caust will embrace the whole world." 2 8 Fro m Lamentation s II I we migh t learn "t o justif y huma n beings , no t God . I t suggest s a tota l an d thor oughgoing self-criticism tha t would purg e the emotional dependenc y an d self-abasement o f traditional religio n an d it s false crutc h o f certaint y an d security." 29 But thes e biblica l paradigm s provid e onl y partia l answer s i n ou r tim e and therefor e Greenber g climaxe s th e presentation o f hi s view b y assert ing:

"Voluntary Covenant"

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In th e silenc e o f Go d an d o f theology , ther e i s on e fundamenta l testimon y tha t can stil l b e given—th e testimon y o f huma n lif e itself . This wa s alway s th e basi c evidence, but afte r Auschwit z it s import i s incredibly heightened . I n fact, i t is the only testimony tha t ca n stil l be heard . The vas t numbe r o f dea d an d morall y destroye d i s th e phenomenolog y o f absurdity an d radica l evil , the continuing statemen t o f huma n worthlessnes s an d meaninglessness tha t shout s dow n al l tal k o f Go d an d huma n worth . Th e Holocaust i s even mode l an d pedagog y fo r futur e generation s tha t genocid e ca n be carried ou t wit h impunity—on e nee d fea r neithe r Go d no r man . There i s on e response t o suc h overwhelmin g tragedy : th e reaffirmatio n o f meaningfulness , worth, an d life—throug h act s o f lov e an d life-giving . Th e ac t o f creatin g a lif e or enhancin g it s dignit y i s th e counter-testimon y t o Auschwitz . T o tal k o f lov e and o f a Go d wh o care s i n th e presenc e o f th e burnin g childre n i s obscen e an d incredible, t o lea p i n an d pul l a chil d ou t o f a pit , t o clea n it s fac e an d hea l it s body, i s to mak e th e mos t powerfu l statement—th e onl y statemen t tha t counts . . . . Each ac t o f creatin g a life, each ac t of enhancin g o r holdin g people responsi ble fo r huma n life , become s multiplie d i n it s resonance , becaus e i t contradict s the mass graves of . . . Treblinka. 30 Greenberg her e intimate s a provocativ e thesis : w e ar e n o w responsibl e for ou r worl d a s wel l a s fo r G o d ' s " N a m e " i n history . " T h e religiou s enterprise afte r [th e Holocaust ] mus t se e itsel f a s a desperat e attemp t t o create, save , an d hea l th e imag e o f Go d whereve r i t stil l exists—les t further evidenc e o f meaninglessnes s finally fill th e scal e irreversibly . Before thi s calling , al l othe r 'religious ' activit y i s d w a r f e d . " 3 1 Fo r th e Jewish peopl e thi s ac t o f life , thi s ac t o f affirmation , i s first an d foremos t witnessed t o i n th e rebor n Stat e o f Israel . " T o fai l t o gras p tha t inextric able connectio n an d respons e i s t o utterl y fai l t o comprehen d th e theo logical significanc e o f Israel." 3 2 Bu t th e c o m m a n d t o a ne w life , eve n t o resurrection, i f on e likes , goe s beyon d th e fact s o f th e Stat e o f Israel , beyond th e narrowl y Jewis h context . I t require s that : We als o fac e th e urgen t cal l t o eliminat e ever y stereotyp e discriminatio n tha t reduces—and denies—thi s imag e i n th e other . I t wa s th e abilit y t o distinguis h some people a s human an d other s a s not tha t enable d th e Nazis t o segregat e an d then destro y th e 'subhumans . . . .' The indivisibilit y o f huma n dignit y an d equal ity become s a n essentia l bulwar k agains t th e repetitio n o f anothe r Holocaust . I t is the command risin g out o f Auschwitz . This mean s a vigorous self-criticism , an d revie w o f ever y cultura l o r religiou s framework tha t ma y sustai n som e devaluatio n o r denia l o f th e absolut e an d equal dignit y o f th e other . Thi s i s th e overridin g comman d an d th e essentia l criterion fo r religiou s existence , t o whoeve r walk s b y th e ligh t o f th e flames . Without thi s testimon y an d th e creatio n o f fact s tha t giv e i t persuasiveness , th e

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act o f th e religiou s enterpris e simpl y lack s credibility . T o th e exten t tha t religio n may extend o r justify th e evils of dignit y denied , it becomes the devil's testimony . Whoever join s i n the work o f creatio n an d rehabilitatio n o f th e image of Go d is , therefore, participatin g i n "restorin g t o Go d hi s scepte r an d crown. " Whoeve r does no t support—o r opposes—thi s proces s i s seekin g t o complet e th e attac k on God' s presenc e i n th e world. Thes e mus t b e seen a s the centra l religiou s acts . They she d a pitiles s ligh t o n pope s wh o den y birt h contro l t o starvin g million s because of a need t o uphold th e religious authorit y o f th e magisterium; o r rabbi s who den y women' s dignit y ou t o f loyalt y t o divinel y given traditions. 33 Three furthe r lesson s ar e als o t o b e learne d fro m th e Luciferia n realit y of th e Deat h camps . Th e first i s tha t th e olde r secular-religiou s dichot omy mus t b e transcended . "Illumine d b y th e ligh t o f th e crematoria , these categorie s ar e dissolve d an d n o t infrequentl y turne d insid e o u t . " 3 4 The secon d lesso n ha s t o d o wit h power . Greenber g put s i t succinctly : Out o f th e Holocaus t experienc e come s th e deman d fo r redistributio n o f power . The principl e i s simple . N o on e shoul d eve r hav e t o depen d agai n o n anyon e else's goodwil l o r respec t fo r thei r basi c securit y an d righ t t o exist . . . . No on e should eve r be equipped wit h les s power tha n i s necessary to assure one's dignity . To argu e dependenc e o n law , or huma n goodness , or universa l equalit y i s to joi n the rank s o f thos e wh o woul d lik e t o repea t th e Holocaust . Anyon e wh o want s to preven t a repetition mus t suppor t a redistribution o f power. 35 The thir d deal s wit h Jewish-Christia n relations. 3 6 Her e Greenber g as serts tha t " J e w s hav e no t appreciate d Christianit y e n o u g h . " 3 7 H e ex plains: There i s a genera l Jewis h tendenc y t o underestimat e Christianity' s redemptiv e contribution t o th e world , du e t o th e ba d experienc e Jew s hav e ha d wit h it . Anger a t Christia n mistreatmen t ha s obscure d th e ambivalenc e an d importanc e of Judaism i n Christianity, whic h mean t that Christian s persecuted, bu t als o kep t alive an d protected , Jews . Eve n persecutin g Christian s gav e Jew s th e optio n o f converting, rathe r tha n stylin g th e Jew a s intrinsicall y demoni c an d beyon d th e right t o exist . Rebukin g th e widespread, almos t stereotype d Jewish identificatio n with secular , libera l modernit y an d agains t Christianity , th e Holocaus t suggest s that moder n value s create d a milie u a s dangerou s as—mor e dangerou s than — Christianity a t it s worst . Indeed , Jew s hav e a veste d interes t i n Christianity' s existence. Russia , th e societ y o f secularis m triumphant , ha s demonstrate d agai n that secula r absolutis m i s just as dangerous to Judaism a s is an abusiv e Christian ity, unchecked. 38 This ne w appreciatio n o f Christianity , moreover , i s no t merel y base d on th e relativ e superiorit y o f Christianit y t o Nazis m an d Stalinism . Deeper theologica l revaluation s ar e n o w , i n ligh t o f Auschwitz , bot h

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possible an d necessary . Greenber g call s upo n Jews , a s h e call s upo n Christians, t o ope n a n unprecedente d dialogu e o n th e spiritua l meanin g of Christianit y (an d o f Christian s o n Judaism) . No t t o d o s o i s t o ris k indifference t o a futur e Holocaus t buil t upo n th e old , no w recycle d stereotypes. He goe s so far a s to propose that : Confirmed no w i n it s resume d redemptio n [Stat e o f Israel] , shake n b y th e Holocaust's challeng e no t t o pu t dow n others , Judais m ca n n o longe r giv e patronizing answers . I t mus t explor e th e possibilit y tha t th e covenan t grafte d onto it is a way whereby God has called Gentiles to God. 39 At the sam e tim e thi s Jewish respons e i s predicated o n a reconsideratio n of Christia n attitude s toward s Judaism. Hence , Greenberg adds : Of course , thi s invoke s th e principle , "b y thei r fruits , yo u shal l kno w them. " When Jesus ' Messianis m le d t o hatred , exclusion , pogrom , i t coul d onl y b e judged false. If it now leads to responsibility, mitgefuhl, sharing of risk and love, then it s phenomenology become s radicall y different . Suffic e i t to say—withou t irony—Christians have an extraordinary opportunity in this age: of showing the power o f lov e an d concer n fo r Jew s an d th e embattle d beginning s o f Jewis h redemption, the State of Israel. Such a demonstration would give new seriousness among Jew s t o Christianity' s ow n perceptio n tha t i t i s a vehicl e o f divin e presence and redemption in the world. 40 II. TH E DIALECTI C O F JEWISH HISTORY : O R HO W THE COVENAN T BECAM E "VOLUNTARY " Having begu n wit h thes e relativel y preliminar y an d unfinishe d remarks , Greenberg recognize s tha t h e has only initiate d th e necessar y theologica l task o f clarifyin g th e significanc e o f th e Holocaus t fo r contemporar y Jewish thought . T o procee d furthe r h e mus t retur n an d re-engage , no w in a mor e detaile d way , th e meanin g o f historica l experienc e i n Judais m —i.e., i n wha t sens e i s Judaism a "historica l religion " an d henc e wha t difference d o historica l event s (such a s th e Shoah an d re-creatio n o f th e State o f Israel ) mak e t o th e Jewis h vie w o f reality ? Al l o f Greenberg' s thought deals , eithe r directl y o r obliquely , no w i n on e way , no w i n another, wit h thi s question . Histor y i s hi s mai n concern . (An d on e perhaps ough t t o ad d that , fo r Greenberg , histor y i s neve r neutral . I t either challenge s o r confirm s covenanta l theology. ) The premis e o f hi s analysi s i s tha t Judais m i s a uniquel y historica l religion. Sinc e th e experienc e o f th e Patriarch s an d th e tim e o f th e Exodus, Judaism ha s bee n shape d b y God's action s i n history. Histor y i s

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the primar y milie u fo r th e Divine-huma n encounter , "a t onc e th e scen e of huma n activit y an d divin e redemption." 41 A s suc h i t i s als o th e laboratory o f verification , th e tes t o f al l theology . On e learn s o f God , His ways , an d wha t appear s t o b e Hi s absenc e throug h th e historica l experiences o f th e Jewish , an d other , peoples. 42 Greenber g eve n allow s for th e possibilit y o f th e "refutation" 43 o f God' s existenc e a s a conse quence o f historica l events . Bu t thi s affirmation , too , i s "dialectical. " That i s to say : Faith is not pure abstraction, unaffected o r unshaken by contradictory events; it is subject to "refutation." Ye t it is not simply empirical either. A purely empirical faith woul d b e subject t o immediat e refutation , bu t i n fac t th e people o f Israe l may continue to testify i n exile and after defeat . I t may see or hope beyond th e present momen t t o th e redemptio n whic h wil l inevitabl y follow . Thereby , i t continues t o testif y despit e th e contradictio n i n th e presen t moment . I n fact , when the redemption comes , it will b e all the greater proof o f th e assertions of faith an d of the reliability of God's promises because it will overcome the present hopeless reality . O n th e othe r hand , i f redemptio n neve r cam e or i f Israe l los t hope while waiting fo r redemption , the n th e statu s qu o would wi n an d Jewish testimony woul d com e t o a n end . Thus , fait h i s neithe r a simpl e produc t o f history no r insulate d fro m history . I t i s testimony anchore d i n history , i n constant tension with it, subject to revision and understanding as well as to fluctuation in credibility due to the unfolding events. 44 Israel's faith , however , i s not groundless . I t i s rooted i n Israel' s form ative nationa l experienc e o f Exodu s an d Covenant . Havin g know n God' s redemptive an d revelator y act s i n time s past , i t ha s ground s fo r hop e i n their continue d reality . An d this , Greenberg re-emphasizes , i s the partic ularly historica l thrus t o f Judaism . "God' s might y act s o f redemptio n are i n history . In takin g thi s stand , Jewis h traditio n promise s t o mov e history forwar d an d a t th e sam e tim e leave s itsel f vulnerabl e t o bein g shattered o n th e roc k o f tha t ver y history." 45 What follow s necessaril y fro m thi s emphasi s o n th e vulnerabilit y o f Judaism t o historica l disconfirmatio n i s th e theologica l significanc e o f national tragedie s that see m to be weighty counter-evidence t o the claim s of th e Exodus an d Sinai . For "unles s th e facts o f sufferin g an d defea t ar e reconciled wit h th e claims , i n fac t th e abilit y t o mak e them , i s over thrown." 4 6 Prio r t o th e Holocaust , suc h respons e t o nationa l traged y was t o b e found particularl y i n three classi c forms. First , the tradition o f mipnei chata'eynu —"for ou r sin s w e ar e punished, " i.e. , tha t suc h punishment i s proo f o f God' s continue d concer n wit h eve n a waywar d Israel. Thi s wa s th e primary , thoug h no t th e only , explanatio n o f th e

"Voluntary Covenant" 2 3

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Destruction o f th e Firs t Temple. And, o f course , it was connecte d wit h a doctrine o f th e redemptio n o f Israe l that wa s sur e becaus e i t was grounde d in God's promis e tha t th e Exil e was not forever . Secondly , in reaction t o national catastrophe , ther e wa s a transformatio n i n "th e understandin g of th e natur e o f God." 4 7 This , Greenber g contends , i s the majo r featur e of th e response to the destructio n o f th e Secon d Temple : God was no longer going to be as available, as directly or dramatically involved in history , a s H e ha d bee n unti l then . Rather , Go d ha d withdraw n an d th e human involvemen t i n history , bot h i n traged y an d redemption , wa s muc h greater than had been realized before. This is the dynamic behind the triumph of the Halakhic method an d th e conclusion tha t prophecy n o longer existed. This is th e validatio n o f th e rejectio n o f heavenl y voice s a s th e arbite r i n lega l disagreements.48 Thirdly, ther e hav e bee n thos e Jews lik e Elish a be n Abuy a wh o hav e taken Israel' s fateful negativ e experiences a s decisive proof tha t existenc e is meaningless, "let h di n v'let h dayan" 4 9 ("ther e i s no judgmen t an d n o judge"), life ha s n o transcenden t meaning . In Greenberg' s estimation , consisten t wit h mos t moder n rabbini c scholarship, th e secon d typ e o f respons e becam e normativ e fo r Judais m after 7 0 C.E . I t is "the on e give n b y Rabb i Yohana n Be n Zakka i an d th e rabbis. I t becam e th e dominan t post-Destructio n [7 0 C.E. ] for m o f Juda ism. . . . The crucia l developmen t i s the shif t fro m th e reveale d interven ing Go d o f th e biblica l perio d t o th e relativel y hidde n Deit y o f th e exili c period. Go d i s clos e no w a s Presence, a s Shechinah, no t a s automati c intervenor wh o bring s victory t o th e deserving." 50 Greenber g goe s on t o describe thi s re-interpretatio n o f God' s characte r i n a powerfu l way . Reflecting o n th e aggadic tex t i n th e talmudi c treatis e Yoma 60a , h e writes: Moses ha d spoke n o f Go d a s "great , mighty , an d awesome. " Jeremiah , th e prophet o f destruction , decline d t o spea k o f God' s might . I f Gentile s cavor t i n His sanctuary, where is His might? Daniel declined to speak of God as awesome. If Gentiles enslave and oppress his People, where is His awesomeness? The men of th e Grea t Assembl y restore d thi s praise b y reinterpretation. The y answered : This i s His might—tha t H e control s Hi s urges . When th e wicked flouris h (fo r example, th e Templ e i s destroyed) . H e i s patient wit h the m (tha t is , H e give s them time and freedom t o act; He does not intervene and stop them). And this is God's awesomeness—were i t not for aw e of God, how could this one people,— the Jewish people—exist amon g all the other nations that are out to destroy it? How i s it known tha t Go d is , in fact , presen t afte r th e Destruction? Onl y b y a radical reinterpretation o f His presence in the world: He controls Himself. He is

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the hidden presence, not the intervening presence. The only other way we know of His presence is that His people continue to exist in defiance of all logic and all force. This proves that behin d it all there is a God who keeps the Jewish people alive.51 But wha t o f th e Holocaust ? Ca n th e mode l o f R . Yohana n als o b e satisfactorily applie d t o it ? O r doe s i t brea k asunde r th e rabbini c refor mulation o f God' s Presence? Greenberg' s answe r t o thi s ha s undergon e a two-ste p development . In th e first stage , a s give n expressio n i n hi s essay o n "Judais m an d History, " publishe d i n 1978 , h e argue d fo r th e radicalizing 52 o f th e traditiona l rabbini c response . Wha t i s require d i s the deliberat e radicalizin g o f tendencie s alread y a t wor k withi n th e balacbic tradition . Fo r example , wha t i s characterized a s th e "seculariz ing" tendenc y need s encouragemen t a s well a s a ne w prominence , espe cially becaus e o f th e secular , thoug h profoundl y religiou s characte r o f the Stat e o f Israel . Secondly , an d a s a corollar y o f thi s secularizin g tendency, th e increasin g shif t fro m rabbini c t o la y leadershi p i n th e contemporary Jewis h communit y i s to b e welcomed. Thirdly , th e redefi nition o f God' s "self-control " i n th e fac e o f evil , alread y begu n a t Yavneh, need s furthe r accentuatio n i n th e ligh t o f God' s "silence " a t Auschwitz. Fourth , an d a s a corollar y o f God' s "silence, " w e nee d t o understand th e fac t "tha t th e huma n rol e i n redemptio n i s more centra l and dramati c tha n tha t emphasize d i n th e grandes t speculatio n o f rab binic tradition." 53 At thi s junctur e Greenber g know s th e righ t questio n t o ask : "Wh y i s this no t simpl y a suggestio n tha t Judaism i s entering a n atheis t o r purel y natural period? " T o hi s ow n interrogative , h e answer s a s follows . Th e Holocaust ha s bankrupte d humanism , jus t a s radicall y a s i t ha s chal lenged theism . Secondly , "Jewis h secularism " afte r Auschwit z i s theo logically "awesome " i n it s willingnes s t o continu e a s a n identifiabl y Jewish phenomenon . Thirdly , "th e rebirt h o f Israe l doe s spea k (a s Isaia h suggested) o f redemption , purpos e an d fulfillmen t i n history." 54 The second , mor e recent , mor e radica l stag e i n Greenberg' s theo logical visio n turn s no t o n a deepenin g o f th e Yavnea n response , bu t o n its dramati c extensio n (Greenber g himsel f woul d favo r mor e reciproca l terms her e that stil l retain certai n overtone s o f th e dialectic of continuit y and discontinuity) , which lead s to a transformation throug h th e creatio n of a ne w pattern . Thi s ne w metaphysica l configuratio n speak s explicitl y not onl y o f continuit y wit h th e pas t bu t o f a uniqu e beginning , a ne w era o f Jewis h covenanta l history . Greenber g explicate s hi s meanin g i n

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this way . Ther e ar e thre e majo r period s i n th e covenanta l histor y o f Israel. The first i s the biblica l era . Wha t characterize s thi s first covenan tal stag e i s th e asymmetr y o f th e relationshi p betwee n Go d an d Israel . The biblica l encounte r ma y b e a covenan t bu t i t i s clearly a covenan t i n which "Go d i s th e initiator , th e senio r partner , wh o punishes , reward s and enforce s th e partnershi p i f th e Jew s slacken." 55 Thi s typ e o f rela tionship culminate d i n th e crisi s engendere d b y th e destructio n o f th e First Templ e i n 58 6 B.C.E . T O thi s traged y Israel , throug h th e Prophets , in keepin g wit h th e "logic " o f thi s position , responde d primaril y wit h and throug h th e doctrin e o f self-chastisement . Th e destructio n indicate d Divine punishmen t rathe r tha n God' s rejectio n o f Israe l o r proo f o f God's non-existence. 56 Th e secon d phas e i n th e transformatio n o f th e covenant ide a i s marke d b y th e destructio n o f th e Secon d Temple . Th e "meaning" adduce d fro m thi s event , th e respons e o f th e Rabbis , wa s that no w Jew s mus t tak e a mor e equa l rol e i n th e covenant , becomin g true partner s wit h th e Almighty. 57 "Th e manifes t divin e presenc e an d activity wa s bein g reduce d bu t th e covenan t wa s actuall y bein g re newed." 58 Fo r th e destructio n signalle d th e initiatio n o f a n ag e in whic h God woul d b e les s manifes t thoug h stil l present . "Th e Divin e Presenc e becomes mor e shielde d an d mor e present . Th e Jewis h rol e mor e ac tive." 59 Moreover , afte r 7 0 C.E. , th e Sage s bega n t o thin k agai n abou t the meanin g o f th e destruction an d God' s rol e in it. According to Green berg, they no w bega n t o recogniz e that explaining the Destruction a s divine punishment fo r sin s is not as adequate an explanation a s before. Althoug h thi s remain s the dominant explanation—i t is also an important defens e agains t the claim that the Destruction i s a rejection of Israe l a s covenan t partner . Ther e i s significan t expansio n o f a n alternat e interpretation. Th e Divin e Presenc e doe s no t s o muc h punis h Israe l i n th e Destruction a s it suffers alongsid e Israel. "Since the Temple was destroyed, there is no laughte r befor e th e Hol y On e Blesse d B e He. " (Yalkut Shimoni, Sectio n

454)60

And again , an d seminally , "tha t God' s migh t i s expresse d i n allowin g human freedo m instea d o f punishin g th e wicked." 61 Th e essentia l thesi s that Greenber g i s concerne d t o develo p vis-a-vis th e rabbi s o f th e Mish nah i s tha t the y wer e consciou s o f both thei r continuit y wit h th e inher ited traditio n a s well a s of thei r ow n innovativ e rol e in furthe r interpret ing th e meanin g o f th e covenant. 62 A s a consequenc e th e ver y statu s o f the covenanta l relationshi p wa s re-oriented . Previousl y i t had com e int o being essentiall y becaus e o f God' s wil l an d power ; no w i t wa s recon -

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firmed "o n 'new ' terms , knowin g tha t destructio n ca n tak e place , tha t the Se a wil l no t b e spli t fo r them , tha t th e Divin e ha s self-limite d an d they (Israel ) hav e additiona l responsibilities." 63 Thi s furthe r "hiding " of the Divin e i s describe d b y Greenber g a s a proces s o f th e increasin g secularization 64 o f history . In suc h a n er a i t become s bot h appropriat e and necessar y fo r huma n being s t o tak e a mor e activ e rol e i n history , t o fill the ga p lef t b y th e absentin g God . In a strikingl y suggestiv e analysi s of th e ne w post-7 0 C.E . situation , Greenber g note s tha t fo r th e mishnai c sages Puri m rathe r tha n Passove r become s th e "redemptiv e para digm." 65 Onl y throug h thi s transformatio n ca n covenanta l existenc e continue afte r 7 0 C.E. 6 6 This bring s u s t o wha t i s decisiv e an d nove l i n Greenberg' s mor e recent ruminations , wha t h e ha s terme d th e "Thir d Grea t Cycl e i n Jewish History, " tha t ha s com e abou t a s a consequenc e o f th e Holo caust. Wher e previousl y h e sa w ou r contemporar y for m o f covenanta l relationship a s a continuous, if extreme stage in the rabbinic understand ing o f covenanta l partnership , no w h e present s i t i n a ne w light. 67 Th e Shoah mark s a ne w er a i n whic h th e Sinaiti c covenan t wa s shattered . Thus, i f ther e i s t o b e an y covenanta l relationshi p a t al l toda y i t mus t assume ne w an d unprecedente d forms. 68 I n thi s contex t Greenber g in sists tha t th e covenan t alway s implie d furthe r huma n development . Th e natural outcom e o f th e covenan t i s ful l huma n responsibility . "I n retro spect," h e argues, paraphrasing A . Roy Eckardt , it i s no w clea r tha t th e divin e assignmen t t o th e Jew s wa s untenable . I n th e Covenant, Jew s wer e calle d t o witnes s t o th e worl d fo r Go d an d fo r a final perfection. Afte r th e Holocaust, it is obvious that this role opened the Jews to a total murderou s fur y fro m whic h there was no escape. Yet the divine could no t or would not save them from thi s fate. Therefore, morally speaking, God must repent of the covenant, i.e., do Teshuvah for having given his chosen people a task that was unbearably cruel and dangerous without havin g provided fo r thei r protection. Morally speaking , then, God can have no claims on the Jews by dint of the Covenant. 69 What thi s means i s that th e covenan t can n o longe r b e commanded an d subjec t t o a serious external enforcement . I t can not be commanded because morally speaking—covenantally speaking—on e cannot order another t o ste p forward t o die. One can give an order lik e this to an enemy , bu t i n a mora l relationship , I cannot deman d givin g up one's life . I can ask fo r i t or plead fo r it—bu t I cannot order it. To put it again in Wiesel's

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words: when God gave us a mission, that was all right. But God failed t o tell us that it was suicide mission. 70 Moreover, havin g witnesse d th e horror s o f th e Endlosung nothin g Go d could threate n fo r breac h o f th e covenan t woul d b e frightening , henc e the covenant cannot b e enforced b y the threat of punishment an y longer. 71 Out o f thi s comple x o f considerations , Greenber g pronounce s th e fateful judgment : The Covenant is now voluntary! Afte r Auschwit z Jew s have, quit e miraculously , chose n t o continu e t o liv e Jewis h live s an d collectively t o buil d a Jewish State , the ultimat e symbo l o f Jewish conti nuity, bu t thes e act s are , now , th e resul t o f th e fre e choic e o f th e Jewis h people. " I submi t tha t th e covenan t wa s broke n bu t th e Jewis h people , released fro m it s obligations , chos e voluntaril y t o tak e i t o n agai n an d renew it . Go d wa s i n n o positio n t o comman d anymor e bu t th e Jewis h people wa s s o i n lov e wit h th e drea m o f redemptio n tha t i t volunteere d to carry on with it s mission." 72 Th e consequence of this voluntary actio n transforms th e existin g covenanta l order . Firs t Israe l wa s a junio r part ner, tha n a n equa l partner , no w afte r Auschwit z i t become s "th e senio r partner i n action . In effect , Go d wa s sayin g t o humans : yo u sto p th e Holocaust. Yo u brin g th e redemption . Yo u ac t t o insure : neve r again . I will b e with yo u totall y i n whateve r yo u do , wherever yo u go , whateve r happens bu t you mus t d o it." 7 3 In turn , Israel' s voluntar y acceptanc e o f th e covenan t an d continue d will t o surviv e sugges t thre e corollaries . First , the y point , i f obliquely , t o the continue d existenc e o f th e Go d o f Israel . B y creatin g th e Stat e o f Israel, b y havin g Jewis h children , Israe l show s tha t "covenanta l hop e i s not i n vain." 7 4 Secondly , an d ver y importantly , i n a n ag e o f autonom y rather tha n coercion , livin g Jewishl y unde r th e covenan t ca n n o longe r be interprete d monolithically , i.e. , onl y i n stric t halacbic fashion . A genuine Jewish pluralism, 75 a Judaism o f differin g option s an d interpre tations, is the only legitimate foundatio n i n the age of Auschwitz. Ortho dox observance , n o les s tha n Reform , Conservative , o r "secular " prac tices ar e freel y adopted—non e ca n clai m eithe r automati c authorit y o r exclusive priorit y i n th e contemporar y Jewis h world. 76 Thirdly , an d repeating a them e sounde d severa l time s i n earlie r essays , Greenber g offers that : the urgenc y o f closin g an y ga p betwee n th e covenanta l method s an d goal s i s greater in light of the overwhelming countertestimony o f evil in this generation. The credibility of the Covenant is so troubled and so hanging in the balance that

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any internal element that disrupts or contravenes its affirmations mus t be eliminated. So savage was the attack on the image of God that any models or behavior patterns withi n th e tradition tha t demea n th e image of Go d o f peopl e mus t be cleansed and corrected at once.77 A note o f cautio n i n pushin g thi s dramati c statemen t o f a "voluntar y covenant" to o fa r is , however , no w require d becaus e o f Greenberg' s further, mediatin g remark s o n thi s provocativ e thesis . H e writes : "W e are a t th e openin g o f a majo r ne w transformatio n o f th e covenan t i n which Jewis h loyalt y an d commitmen t manifest s itsel f b y Jew s takin g action an d responsibilit y fo r th e achievemen t o f it s goals . Thi s i s no t a radical brea k wit h th e past . I n retrospect , thi s mov e i s intrinsi c i n th e very concep t o f covenant." 78 An d Greenber g goe s on : "Th e Rabbi s [o f the Talmud] pu t fort h Purim , wit h it s hidden, huma n agenc y an d flawe d redemption, a s the ne w redemptiv e mode l t o which th e Jews gav e assen t in upholding th e covenant. Today we can say that the covenant validated at Purim is also coercive, for then the genocide was foiled, and it is less binding in a world that saw Hitler's murder of six millions Jews." III. TH E HALACHAH AS A THEOLOGY O F HISTOR Y Here a brief , focuse d descriptio n o f Greenberg' s recen t book-lengt h study o f th e yearl y cycl e o f Jewis h festival s entitle d The Jewish Way 79 will hel p clarif y hi s understandin g o f th e historicit y o f Judaism. Thoug h the over t them e o f thi s boo k i s the characte r o f th e Jewish holidays , th e real meanin g o f th e book , i f I ma y pu t i t thi s way , i s t o vindicat e it s author's vie w tha t Judaism see s redemption a s occurring withi n history . In thi s connectio n th e tw o stage s i n th e overal l patter n o f redemptio n are, first, th e Exodu s and , secondly , mankind' s subsequen t effort s t o perfect historica l existence . I n this comple x dram a humankin d i s seen a s playing a n essentia l role , re-enforcin g Greenberg' s mor e genera l thesi s regarding th e dominan t rol e tha t humankin d mus t no w assum e i n th e post-Holocaust age . "Th e ultimat e goal, " Greenber g writes , "wil l b e achieved throug h huma n participation . Th e whol e proces s o f transfor mation wil l tak e plac e o n a huma n scale . Huma n models , no t supernat ural being s wil l instruc t an d inspir e mankin d a s i t work s towar d th e final redemption." 80 An d thi s redemption , th e messiani c completion , will include , an d effect , al l peoples . Th e Jewis h tas k i s therefor e th e universal task , an d Israel' s redemptio n i s th e world' s perfection . Th e cycle of th e Jewish year , expressiv e a s it is of th e larger halachic Weltan-

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schauung, incarnate s thes e repercussiv e theme s an d give s them tempora l and spatia l reality . I t provide s substanc e t o Jewis h theolog y an d th e rhythm o f Jewish existence . Still more, it offers a perennial histor y lesso n teaching eac h Je w th e recor d o f Israel' s pas t an d "i n a n annua l cycle , every Je w live s throug h al l o f Jewis h histor y an d make s i t hi s o r he r personal experience . Th e holiday s generat e th e sens e o f communit y b y making th e stor y o f all , the possession o f eac h one." 8 1 The holiday s ar e o f tw o types , thos e o f biblica l origin , Passover , Shavuot, Sukkot , Sabbath , an d th e Day s o f Awe , "presen t a stationar y model o f Judais m coherent , revealed , structured." 82 Ove r agains t thes e are a serie s o f festival s an d remembrances , Purim , Chanukah , Tish a B'av, tha t emerge d fro m th e fac t tha t "Judais m open s itsel f t o furthe r historical event s tha t ca n challeng e o r confir m it s message." 83 Toda y again Judaism i s challenged b y the Shoah an d th e re-creation o f the Stat e of Israe l an d a s i n th e pas t th e Jewish peopl e ar e attemptin g t o fin d th e means throug h whic h t o confron t th e meanin g o f thes e extraordinar y events without permitting them to destroy the overall character o f Jewish faith. Yom Ha Atzmaut, Israel i Independenc e Day , an d Yom Ha Shoah, Holocaust Remembranc e Day , reflec t thes e struggle s i n concret e forms . Indeed, i t migh t fairl y b e sai d tha t Greenberg' s discussio n o f thes e tw o contemporary event s form s th e cor e o f The Jewish Way fo r her e suc h elemental Greenbergia n theme s a s th e meaningfulnes s o f lif e afte r th e Holocaust, th e renewa l o f th e covenan t essentiall y throug h huma n en ergy, an d th e redemptio n o f histor y microcosmicall y represente d b y th e "resurrection an d redemption" 84 tha t i s th e Stat e o f Israe l fin d expres sion. O f th e latte r h e asserts : "th e creatio n o f th e Stat e wa s a n ac t o f redemption o f biblica l statur e . . . i n th e 1940' s afte r Auschwitz . Th e redemption the n wa s nothin g les s tha n renewe d witnes s i n a worl d where al l transcendenc e seeme d t o hav e collapsed." 85 Fo r Greenberg , this even t i s th e sourc e an d confirmatio n o f hi s mor e genera l thesi s regarding th e meanin g o f a "Thir d Er a i n Jewish History, " o f th e now voluntary covenan t an d th e heroi c statur e o f th e Jewish Peopl e i n carry ing on with th e work o f redemption . H e tells us: "In th e case of the Stat e of Israe l . . . the huma n rol e i s dominant an d self-assertive . Thi s secular ism shoul d no t b e confuse d wit h atheis m o r celebratio n o f th e deat h o f God. . . . Rather, . . . the creatio n o f th e Stat e of Israe l take s plac e i n th e context o f a ne w er a i n Jewis h history . I n thi s ne w era , Go d become s even mor e hidden , th e circumstance s eve n mor e ambiguous . Thi s ambi guity serve s a twofol d function : I t allow s thos e wh o prefe r t o interpre t

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the activit y a s purel y secula r t o d o so , i t permit s th e religiou s sou l t o recognize th e divin e rol e ou t o f matur e understandin g an d fre8e wil l rather tha n ou t o f 'coerced ' yieldin g t o divin e force majeure"* 6 Thu s Yom Ha Atzmaut i s the perfect paradig m fo r Greenberg' s new/ol d visio n of Jewish existence . IV. CRITIQU E As th e critica l remark s tha t I a m no w abou t t o offe r ar e mean t t o b e suggestive rather tha n exhaustiv e I shall present the m seriatim. (1) In responding t o th e many genuinel y interestin g philosophical an d theological position s Greenber g has advanced ther e is, to begin, a certain unease tha t on e ha s no t quit e capture d hi s meanin g completely . Th e source of this disquiet lies not only in the limits of one's own understand ing bu t als o i n Greenberg' s imprecis e us e o f essentia l term s an d ideas . Such elementa l term s a s "revelation, " "messianic, " "messianism, " "his tory," "redemption, " "real, " "secular, " "religious, " ar e al l use d i n a multiplicity o f ways , aime d a t a spectru m o f differentl y informe d lis teners, an d al l ar e employe d (perhap s i n par t intentionally ) withou t an y precising definition s bein g offered . The n again , hi s wor k suffer s fro m a certain lac k o f logica l rigor . Thi s i s eviden t bot h i n th e constructio n o f particular argument s a s wel l a s i n certai n underlyin g architectoni c fea tures o f Greenberg' s though t a s a whole . Th e mos t notabl e o f thes e lapses, whic h i s presen t s o consistentl y tha t i t shoul d b e see n a s a structural flaw, i s locate d i n hi s hermeneutica l overemploymen t o f th e notions "dialectic " an d "dialectical " an d i n hi s unsatisfactor y usag e o f the interrelate d notio n o f "paradox. " Merel y holding , o r claimin g t o believe, tw o contradictor y proposition s simultaneousl y i s not a fruitfu l theological procedure . (2) Greenber g offer s tw o semina l criteri a o f verificatio n fo r theo logical discours e i n ou r time . The firs t criterio n i s strikingly powerfu l i n its directnes s an d simplicity . I t states : "N o statement , theologica l o r otherwise, shoul d b e made tha t woul d no t b e credible in th e presence o f burning children." 87 The second criterion , more philosophically sculpte d and n o doub t shape d i n respons e t o th e Positivis t verificationis t chal lenge, reads a s follows : Faith is not pure abstraction, unaffected o r unshaken b y contradictory events; it is subject to "refutation." Ye t it is not simply empirical either. A purely empirical faith woul d b e subject t o immediat e refutation , bu t i n fact th e people of Israe l

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may continue to testify i n exile and afte r defeat . I t may see or hope beyond th e present momen t t o th e redemptio n whic h wil l inevitabl y follow . Thereby , i t continues t o testif y despit e th e contradictio n i n th e presen t moment . I n fact , when the redemption comes , it will be all the greater proof o f th e assertions of faith and of the reliability of God's promises because it will overcome the present hopeless reality . O n th e othe r hand , i f redemptio n neve r cam e o r i f Israe l los t hope while waiting fo r redemption , the n th e status qu o would wi n an d Jewish testimony woul d com e t o a n end . Thus , fait h i s neithe r a simpl e produc t o f history no r insulate d fro m history . I t i s a testimon y anchore d i n history , i n constant tensio n wit h it , subjec t t o revisio n an d understandin g a s wel l a s t o fluctuation i n credibility due to the unfolding events. 88 While moder n Jewis h philosopher s hav e tende d t o ignor e th e all important challeng e raise d b y request s fo r verification , her e Greenberg , astutely a s wel l a s courageously , meet s i t head-on . Th e questio n t o b e put t o him , however , i s whethe r hi s tw o formulation s ar e adequat e a s principles o f verification . Begi n with th e firs t formulation . I t does no t se t out a straightforward empirica l criterion . Empirica l evidenc e will neithe r simply confir m it , no r a s i t i s phrased i n th e negative , simpl y disconfir m it. There i s no empirica l statemen t E with whic h i t is incompatible. Tha t is, i t i s not , finally , a statemen t o f a n empirica l sort . Bu t thi s nee d no t matter decisively, fo r i t i s no t pu t a s a n empirica l criterion ; rather , it s appeal i s t o th e broade r categor y o f "credibility " an d man y thing s ar e credible that ar e not empirical . In this way, the task befor e u s transform s itself int o showin g tha t "credible " i s no t use d trivially , bu t thi s i s a fa r more ambiguou s an d uncertai n tas k tha n a t firs t appear s t o b e th e case . Consider, fo r example , th e remark s o f th e Germa n Protestan t Pasto r Dean Griibe r tha t had suc h a profound impac t o n Richar d Rubenstein. 89 The Dean honestl y held tha t Jewish childre n die d fo r th e crime of deicid e committed b y thei r Firs t Centur y ancestors . Suc h "good " Christia n the ology was obviousl y "credible " to th e Dean i n the face o f th e Holocaust . Likewise, Satma r Hasidi m an d othe r right-win g orthodo x Jew s wh o continue t o accoun t fo r th e Holocaus t throug h recours e t o th e doctrin e of "fo r ou r sin s we are punished" (mipnei chata'eynu), remembering , fo r example, th e terribl e fat e o f th e childre n o f Jerusale m o f ol d recounte d in Lamentation s whic h i s credite d t o "ou r sins, " als o believ e tha t thei r propositions ar e "credible. " I t thu s become s eviden t tha t credible i s no t a self-explanator y categor y o f judgment . Wha t i s credible t o Dea n Griibe r and th e Satma r Rebb e i s incredible t o Greenberg—an d th e disput e between the m i s no t resolve d b y appea l t o th e criterio n Greenber g ha s established, a s i t woul d b e wer e i t a viabl e criterion . I t turn s ou t tha t

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what i s "credible " depend s o n one' s prio r theologica l commitments , th e very issue at stake . Accordingly, th e argumen t become s circular . Consider no w th e second , mor e formal , criterion . I t i s atteste d t o b e falsifiable, "subjec t t o refutation, " ye t i t i s not , a t th e sam e time , a "simply empirical " proposition . Th e tw o condition s o f "refutation " established are : (a ) "Redemptio n neve r comes" ; o r (b ) "i f Israe l los t hope while waiting for redemption , then th e status quo would win. " Th e first criterio n appears , a t leas t i n wha t ha s bee n calle d a "weak " sense , to b e empiricall y verifiable—i.e. , i t state s a specifi c empirica l conditio n under whic h i t would, i n principle, be disconfirmed. However , th e established thesi s i s inadequate a s a criterion becaus e i t turns o n th e tempora l notion "neve r comes. " Logically , w e coul d no t mak e an y us e o f thi s norm unti l world histor y ended , in redemption o r otherwise . At any tim e prior t o th e en d o f histor y a n appea l coul d b e mad e t o "wai t a minut e more," henc e puttin g of f th e empirica l disconfirmatio n indefinitely . I t certainly i s not, contra Greenberg , a "testimony anchore d i n history . . . " in an y stron g sense , a s immediate an d availabl e historica l evidence , e.g. , the obscene realit y o f th e Death Camps , is deflected b y appeal t o the en d that neve r is. The secon d conditio n offere d i s o f mor e interest . Bu t it , too , i s no t sufficient fo r tw o reasons . First , th e continue d an d continuin g statu s o f Israel's fait h qua subjectiv e affirmatio n i s no t a logica l o r ontologica l warrant fo r an y propositio n regardin g "God' s might y Act s i n History, " Greenberg's clai m t o th e contrar y notwithstanding . Wha t i s discon firmed "i f Israe l loses hope" is, of course, Israel's faith—i.e., th e strengt h of it s commitment—bu t th e ontologica l conten t o f th e commitmen t i s unaffected. Proposition s suc h a s "ther e i s a God, " o r "Go d Redeems, " or "Histor y reveal s a lovin g Providence, " ar e neithe r confirme d b y Is rael's fait h no r disconfirme d b y Israel's apostasy . Given th e wea k verificatio n procedure s propose d b y Greenberg , hi s advocacy o f fait h i n Go d afte r th e Shoah woul d see m compatibl e wit h any empirica l se t o f conditions . Tha t is , ther e seem s n o empirica l stat e of affair s tha t i s actuall y incompatibl e wit h theism , especiall y Green berg's particular expositio n o f theism . (3) What i s the relationship , i f any , betwee n th e Shoah an d halachah? Does th e Shoah justif y halachic transvaluations ? Her e on e need s t o g o slowly. A s a preliminar y conclusio n subjec t t o revisio n i t appear s t o m e that th e Shoah doe s not legitimat e eithe r wholesal e halachic chang e o r a transformation i n th e fundamenta l structure s o f th e halachic Weltan-

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schauung.90 Greenberg' s extremel y well-intentione d cal l fo r widesprea d and dramati c halacbic innovation , fo r a voluntary covenant an d th e rest , even i f mad e wit h enormou s ahavat Yisroel, "lov e o f Israel, " ma y wel l be misguided . In an y case , ther e seem s n o certai n methodologica l o r metaphysical bridg e betwee n Auschwit z an d halachah, betwee n Nazi s killing Jews an d th e need fo r a Jewish-re-definition o f halachah. To avoi d an y misunderstandin g le t m e repea t tha t thi s conclusio n i s not base d o n th e denial o f th e 'uniqueness ' o f th e Holocaust a s is usually the cas e wit h mor e halachic orientations . Indee d I a m convince d o f th e historical uniqueness , bot h i n Jewis h an d i n world-historica l terms , o f the Shoah. 91 However , havin g com e t o thi s conclusion , whic h I share , for variou s reasons , wit h Greenber g an d th e othe r post-Holocaus t theo logians suc h a s Richar d Rubenstei n an d Emi l Fackenheim , I d o no t se e any compellin g logica l o r theologica l reaso n fo r equatin g thi s historica l judgment wit h a mandat e fo r halachic change . Historica l uniquenes s i s one thing , th e legitimatin g criteri a fo r halachic chang e ar e somethin g else an d I am ye t t o see , or t o hav e bee n shown , th e bridg e fro m on e t o the other . (4) Revelation i s a technical an d awe/fu l term . A term no t hear d ofte n enough toda y eve n in theological circle s yet, ironically, a t times overuse d and almos t alway s employe d to o loosel y an d imprecisel y i n contempo rary discourse . These severa l thoughts ar e sparked b y Greenberg's recur ring, ofte n imprecis e o r ambiguou s theologica l employmen t o f thi s theme , especially a s i t become s decisiv e i n relatio n t o claim s mad e b y hi m fo r the putativ e revelator y characte r o f th e Shoah an d th e rebor n Stat e o f Israel. Fro m a narrowl y Jewis h theologica l perspectiv e nothin g rival s these assertion s i n importance , fo r n o categor y i s as elemental a s revela tion. Al l that Judaism i s flows fro m revelator y claims , is predicated o n a specific understandin g o f wha t revelatio n i s an d i s not . Th e structur e a s well a s th e conten t o f Judaism presume s a delimite d an d define d herme neutic o f th e revelator y even t a s wel l a s o f th e wa y th e conten t o f revelation i s unfolded , expounded , applied . Becaus e th e stake s ar e s o high, insisting , contra Greenberg , o n a carefu l employmen t o f thi s ter m is required les t th e possibilit y aris e tha t an y clai m migh t b e advance d a s a revelator y one . (5) Th e structur e o f Greenberg' s thre e covenanta l eras , hi s man y propositions abou t a "savin g God, " hi s tal k o f revelatio n an d redemp tion, an d hi s radica l propositio n tha t th e Almight y i s increasingl y a "silent partner " i n Jewis h an d worl d history , al l thes e idea s canno t b e

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advanced withou t ponderin g thei r consequence s fo r th e "Go d o f Abra ham, Isaa c and Jacob. " To put i t directly, what happens t o the God of Judaism i n Greenberg' s theology? Prima facie th e God o f al l the traditional omni-predicate s doe s not fit easil y wit h a "God " wh o i s a "silen t partner. " Thi s ma y no t b e a telling criticism, though I think i t is, because Greenberg is free t o redefin e "God" fo r th e purpose s o f theologica l reflection . Bu t havin g redefine d "God" howeve r h e feel s i t appropriate , Greenber g mus t atten d t o th e myriad metaphysica l an d theologica l consequence s o f suc h a n action . I t is therefore incumben t to require that whatever Greenberg' s "God-idea, " its characte r an d implication s b e explaine d full y an d carefully . O n th e one hand , thi s mean s tha t th e ontologica l entailment s o f treatin g Go d a s a "silen t partner " hav e t o b e spelle d out . O n th e othe r hand , th e impli cation o f suc h a metaphysica l principl e (Go d a s a "silen t partner" ) fo r such traditiona l an d essentia l Jewis h concern s a s covenant , rewar d an d punishment, morality , Torah , Mitzvot , redemption , an d othe r eschato logical matters , hav e t o b e attende d to . Fo r example , i s a Go d wh o i s a "silent partner " capabl e o f bein g th e autho r an d guaranto r o f mora l value bot h i n huma n relation s a s wel l a s i n histor y an d natur e mor e generally? O r i s the axiologica l rol e traditionall y occupie d b y Go d largel y evacuated? 92 Likewise , i s there a possibilit y o f sin , i n a substantiv e an d not merel y a metaphorica l sense , in thi s perspective? Again , i s God a s a "silent partner" capabl e of bein g the God o f salvatio n bot h persona l an d historic? An d lastly , i s Go d a s a "silen t partner " th e Go d t o who m w e pray o n Yo m Kippu r an d t o who m w e confes s ou r sin s an d as k forgive ness? I f my skepticis m regardin g th e abilit y o f Greenberg' s "God-idea " to answe r t o thes e challenge s i s misplaced, thi s ha s t o b e demonstrated . For i t woul d appea r tha t whil e thi s revise d "God-idea " allow s hi m t o unfold th e logi c o f th e "Thir d Era " a s h e desires , i t i n tur n generate s more theologica l problem s tha n i t solves. (6) This brings us to the most dramatic, most consequential, o f Green berg's affirmations—hi s espousal , i n ou r post-Holocaus t era , o f a "vol untary covenant. " Accordin g t o Greenberg , a s alread y explicate d i n detail above , th e Sinaiti c covenan t wa s shattere d i n th e Shoah. A s a consequence h e pronounce s th e fatefu l judgment : the Covenant is now voluntary! Jew s have , quit e miraculously , chose n afte r Auschwit z t o continue t o liv e Jewish live s an d collectivel y t o buil d a Jewish State , th e ultimate symbo l o f Jewish continuity , bu t thes e acts are , post-Shoah, th e result o f th e fre e choic e of th e Jewish people .

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Logically an d theologicall y th e ke y issu e tha t arise s a t thi s centra l juncture, give n Greenberg' s reconstruction , i s this : i f ther e wa s eve r a valid covenant 93 , i.e. , there is a God who entered into such a relationshi p with Israel , the n ca n thi s covenan t b e "shattered " b y a Hitler ? O r pu t the othe r wa y round , i f Hitle r ca n b e sai d t o hav e "shattered " th e covenant, wa s ther e eve r suc h a covenant , despit e traditiona l Jewis h pieties, i n th e first place ? Th e reason s fo r raisin g thes e repercussiv e questions ar e metaphysica l i n kin d an d ar e relate d t o th e natur e o f th e biblical Go d an d th e meanin g o f Hi s attribute s an d activities , includin g His revelation s an d promises , whic h ar e immune , b y definition , fro m destruction b y th e like s o f a Hitler . I f Hitle r coul d brea k God' s coven antal promises , Go d woul d no t b e Go d an d Hitle r woul d indee d b e central t o Jewish belief . V. CONCLUSIO N The natur e o f thi s chapter , an d th e characte r o f m y critique , reflec t th e seriousness wit h whic h I believ e on e mus t tak e Greenberg' s theologica l position. It s sensitivit y t o th e righ t issues , it s commitmen t t o th e Jewis h people, it s learnin g an d intelligence , it s concern s wit h th e interfacin g o f halachah an d history , it s profoun d affirmatio n o f th e meanin g o f th e State o f Israel , ar e al l attribute s tha t recommen d i t t o thos e trul y con cerned wit h th e presen t conditio n o f th e peopl e Israe l an d th e viabilit y of Jewish belie f i n the post-Holocaust age . Alternatively, however , muc h of it s argumentation i s unconvincing, it s use of source s open to question , and it s "method " ofte n lackin g i n method . Paradoxe s ar e admitte d to o easily, an d th e notion s o f dialecti c an d dialectica l ar e fa r to o casuall y employed, ofte n t o avoi d facin g rea l an d pressin g logica l contradictions . For thes e reasons , Greenberg' s wor k mus t b e judge d unfinished , stil l i n the stage of development an d completion. A judgment Greenber g himsel f would agre e with . Thi s conclusion , however , shoul d no t b e misunder stood. I t doe s no t negat e th e valu e o f Greenberg' s provocativ e concep tual efforts , bu t rathe r challenge s al l o f u s to re-engag e stil l mor e deepl y the rudimentary theologica l matter s tha t h e has the courag e to address . NOTES 1. Th e five articles b y Greenberg I will b e concerned wit h i n this section are : (1) "Clou d o f Smoke , Pillar o f Fire : Judaism, Christianity , an d Modernit y

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after th e Holocaust, " i n E . Fleischner (ed.) , Auschwitz: Beginning of a New Era? (Ne w York , 1977) , pp. 1-5 5 (hereafte r cite d a s Cloud); (2 ) "Judais m and History : Historica l Event s an d Religiou s Change, " i n Jerr y V . Dille n (ed.), Ancient Roots and Modern Meanings (Ne w York , 1978) , pp . 4 3 - 6 3 (hereafter cite d a s JH); (3 ) "Ne w Revelation s an d Ne w Pattern s i n th e Relationship o f Judais m an d Christianity, " Journal of Ecumenical Studies (Spring, 1979) , pp . 249-267 (hereafte r cite d a s New Revelations); (4 ) "th e Transformation o f th e Covenant " (no t ye t published ) (hereafte r Transformation); an d (5 ) "Th e Thir d Grea t Cycl e i n Jewis h History, " printe d an d circulated b y th e Nationa l Jewis h Resourc e Cente r (Ne w York , 1981) , 4 4 pages (hereafte r TGC). 2. I t i s importan t t o ad d her e bot h fo r purpose s o f chronolog y a s wel l a s conceptual clarit y tha t Greenberg' s essa y "Clou d o f Smoke , Pilla r o f Fire, " while th e first essa y w e wil l b e concerne d with , wa s no t hi s first effor t t o articulate th e meanin g o f histor y fo r Judaism , i.e. , th e relevanc e o f seein g Judaism a s an historical religion . This is clear from hi s very early publicatio n entitled "Yavneh : Lookin g Ahead , Value s an d Goals, " tha t appeare d i n Yavneh Studies, Vol . 1 , No. 1 (Fall, 1962) , pp. 4 6 - 5 5. 3. I wil l no t discus s Greenberg' s understandin g o f th e significanc e an d chal lenge o f th e Holocaus t fo r Christia n theology , mos t o f whic h I agree with , as ou r concer n her e i s hi s accoun t o f th e wa y th e Holocaus t ha s impacte d on post-1945 Jewish lif e an d thought . 4. Cloud y p . 11 . It shoul d b e note d here , however , s o a s no t t o distor t Green berg's positio n b y over-concentratio n o n it s radica l o r nove l elements , tha t he begins thi s powerfu l essa y with th e traditional affirmatio n tha t "Judais m and Christianit y ar e religion s o f redemption " (p . 1) . Moreover, thi s elemen t of continuit y i s mor e eviden t i n hi s late r essay "Judais m an d History " tha t was, unlik e "Cloud, " addresse d t o a n interna l Jewis h audienc e an d which , in thi s context , concern s itsel f mor e wit h Jewis h historica l link s betwee n past an d present . 5. Ibid. , p. 15 . 6. Cloudy p. 20.1 have reversed the order of Greenberg's presentation—i.e., m y second "consequence " i s actually state d first i n th e tex t o f Greenberg' s paper . 7. Ibid. , p. 20. 8. Ibid. , p. 23. 9. Ibid. , p. 22. 10. Ibid. , p. 22. 11. Ibid. , p . 23. Here i t migh t clarif y th e picture Greenber g wa s portraying, th e argument h e wa s making , i f w e sugges t tha t alread y i n thi s earl y essa y h e was proposing , howeve r obliquely , tha t ther e i s somethin g essentiall y reve latory abou t th e Holocaus t an d tha t therefor e ne w theologica l understand ings, b y al l groups , wil l b e require d t o deciphe r i t an d t o respon d t o i t appropriately. 12. Cloud, p . 27. 13. Ibid. , p. 27. 14. Ibid. , p. 27.

"Voluntary Covenant" 24 15. Ibid. , p. 27. 16. Ibid. , p. 28.

7

17. Spelle d ou t no w muc h mor e full y i n hi s The Jewish Way: Living the Holidays (Ne w York , 1988) . 18. Cloud, p . 28ff . 19. Ibid. , p. 29. 20. Greenberg' s ful l statemen t o f thi s argumen t i s foun d i n th e botto m para graph o n pp . 29f . 21. Ibid. , p. 31. 22. Ibid . T o b e exac t o n wha t Greenber g hold s thi s post-modernis t mov e t o entail I quote him : "Thi s ne w er a wil l no t tur n it s back o n man y aspect s o f modernity bu t clearl y wil l b e fre e t o rejec t som e o f it s elements, an d t o tak e from th e past (an d future ) muc h mor e fully " (p . 31). 23. Ibid. , p. 32. 24. Ibid . 25. Ibid. , p. 33. 26. Ibid. , p. 35. 27. Ibid . 28. Ibid. , p. 37. 29. Ibid. , p. 40. 30. Ibid. , pp. 41f . 31. Ibid. , p . 42 . I n Cloud, Greenber g wa s mor e concerne d wit h peopl e takin g political an d militar y powe r tha n revisin g th e meanin g o f powe r vis-a-vis the covenant . Thi s latte r theologica l notio n onl y become s reall y importan t in hi s later work . Se e now, also , his furthe r thought s o n thi s centra l issu e i n The Jewish Way, pp . 18ff. , 127ff . an d 370ff . 32. Cloud, p . 43. 33. Ibid. , p. 44. 34. Ibid. , p. 45. 35. Ibid. , p. 50. 36. New Revelations. 37. Ibid. , p. 259. 38. Ibid . 39. Ibid. , p. 265. 40. Ibid . 41. JH, p . 47 . Se e als o sectio n I o f Greenberg' s "Thir d Grea t Cycl e i n Jewis h History." 42. Se e the discussion i n JH, p . 47. 43. JH, p . 47. 44. Ibid . 45. Ibid. , p. 48. 46. Ibid. , p. 49. 47. Ibid. , p. 50. 48. Ibid. , p. 51. 49. Thi s i s the declaratio n o f Elish a be n Abuya , th e mos t famou s hereti c o f th e Talmudic tradition .

2 4 8 "Voluntary

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50. Ibid. , p. 55. 51. Ibid. , p. 57. 52. Se e ibid. , pp . 61ff . Greenber g use s th e wor d "projection " fo r thi s project . He entitle s this sectio n o f hi s paper: "Th e Mode l Projected : Th e Cas e of th e Holocaust." 53. JH, p . 62. 54. Ibid . 55. TGC, p . 6 . Greenber g correctl y cite s th e tellin g propheti c wor d o f Ezekie l 20:32-33 i n suppor t o f thi s exegesis, with whic h I concur. 56. Transformation, pp . 7ff. i n typescript. Se e also TGC, pp . 3 - 6 . 57. TGC, p . 7 . 58. Ibid. , pp . 9ff . i n typescript . Greenberg' s detaile d discussio n o f th e Rabbini c responses i s full o f interest . Fo r ou r presen t purposes , however, w e nee d no t review al l th e element s sketche d an d analyze d b y hi m a s corollarie s o f thi s greater equalit y o f Israe l i n th e covenanta l relationship . Se e als o TGC, pp . 6—12, which present s additiona l exegesi s o f thi s view . 59. Ibid. , p. 12 . See also p. 8 . 60. Transformation, \>. 11 . 61. TGC, p . 8 . Here Greenber g touche s o n th e them e tha t Elieze r Berkovit s ha s particularly emphasize d i n hi s reflection s o n th e Holocaust . Consul t hi s Faith after the Holocaust (Ne w York , 1973) . For a discussion o f Berkovits' s position see my paper "Elieze r Berkovits's Post-Holocaust Jewish Theodicy, " in my Post-Holocaust Dialogues: Critical Studies in Modern Jewish Thought (New York , 1983) , pp. 268-286 . 62. I n th e nam e o f Ra v Soloveitchi k h e states : "Th e schola r i s the co-creato r o f the Tora h (cf . Ish Hahalacha [b y Ra v Soloveitchik]), " ibid. , p . 14 . Whethe r Rav Soloveitchi k woul d concu r wit h th e us e o f hi s argumen t a s employe d by Greenberg i s open t o conjecture . 63. Ibid. , p. 17 . In TGC Greenber g recall s a teaching o f R . Joshua be n Lev i tha t he paraphrase s a s follows : "R . Joshu a be n Lev i sai d tha t God' s might , shown i n Biblica l time s b y destroyin g th e wicked , i s no w manifes t i n sel f control" (p . 8). 64. Se e TGC, p . 8 . In this connectio n h e correctly call s attention t o th e fact tha t "Rabbis wer e a more secula r leadershi p tha n priest s an d prophets" (ibid. , p. 9). I would , however , prefe r a differen t adjectiv e t o "secular. " But , i n an y case, it must b e understood tha t Greenberg' s us e of th e term "secularism " i s not equivalen t t o atheism . H e explicitl y tell s us : "I n th e Temple , Go d wa s manifest. Visibl e holines s wa s concentrate d i n on e place . A mor e hidde n God ca n b e encountered everywhere . Bu t one mus t loo k an d find " (ibid. , p . 5). An d again , an d ver y explicitly , "Thi s secularis m mus t no t b e confuse d with atheis m o r th e celebration o f th e deat h o f God " (ibid. , p. 10) . 65. Ibid. , p. 10 . 66. Not e her e hi s ful l explanatio n o f thi s shif t t o Puri m a s th e "redemptiv e paradigm" i n ibid., p. 10 . 67. I n TGC, Greenber g make s i t clea r tha t h e doe s no t wan t thi s ne w positio n of hi s t o b e understoo d a s representin g a wholl y discontinuou s vie w o f th e

"Voluntary Covenant" 24 9 covenant afte r Auschwitz . I n fac t h e explicitl y state s tha t hi s ne w vie w i s "not a radical brea k fro m th e past. I n retrospect thi s move is intrinsic in th e very concep t o f th e covenant " (p . 18) . Thi s claim , however , i s subjec t t o doubt, thoug h th e issu e i s a ver y comple x one . Greenber g continue s t o wrestle wit h th e meanin g o f "voluntary " a s i n "voluntar y covenant " i n hi s ongoing theologica l wor k an d is , a s fa r a s on e ca n tell , no t happ y wit h either hi s original formulatio n o f thi s idea o r an y ne w readin g of it . 68. W e must , Greenber g recognizes , eve n tak e seriousl y th e possibilit y tha t th e covenant i s at a n end . Ibid., p. 23. 69. Ibid. , p . 23 . Her e i t i s t o b e noted , a s alread y indicated , tha t i n thi s para graph Greenber g i s paraphrasin g a remar k b y A . Ro y Eckard t an d ther e may b e som e difference s betwee n Eckardt' s positio n an d Greenberg' s ove r the final understanding o f thi s seminal issue . 70. Ibid. , p. 23. 71. Ibid. , pp. 2 3 - 2 4 . 72. Ibid. , p. 25. 73. Ibid. , p . 27 . Becaus e o f th e importanc e o f thi s doctrin e an d it s apparen t radicalness, i t i s importan t tha t w e understan d Greenberg' s positio n cor rectly. In further correspondenc e wit h thi s author h e has given the followin g explication tha t I quote i n full : It is true that I go on to describe "the shattering of the Covenant" and "the Assumption o f th e Covenant. " However , i n the light o f thi s whole essay the human takin g charge, i.e. , ful l responsibilit y fo r th e covenan t i s God' s callin g t o them . "I f th e message o f th e destructio n o f th e Templ e wa s tha t th e Jews were calle d t o greate r partnership an d responsibilit y i n th e covenant , the n th e Holocaus t i s an eve n mor e drastic call for total Jewish responsibility for the covenant" (ibid. , p. 36). The more I reflected upo n this insight, I grew more and more convinced that this third stage was an inevitable and necessary stage of the covenant. The covenant always intended that humans ultimatel y mus t becom e fully responsible . In retrospect, th e voluntary stag e is implicit in the covenantal model from th e very beginning. Once God self-limits out of respect for human dignity, once human free will is accepted, the ultimate logic is a voluntary covenant . (Persona l correspondenc e fro m Dr . Greenber g t o th e author , January 3, 1989) 74. TGC , p. 30. 75. Se e ibid., p . 33. For furthe r adumbratio n o f Greenberg' s positio n o n plural ism an d it s man y implications , cf . als o hi s mor e recen t essay "Towar d a Principled Pluralism, " Perspectives (Nationa l Jewis h Cente r fo r Learnin g and Leadership , New York , March , 1986) . 76. Thes e idea s ar e mor e full y describe d i n TGC f pp . 37ff . Fo r Greenber g thi s means tha t i t i s God' s wil l tha t human s tak e ful l responsibilit y fo r th e outcome o f th e covenant . Suc h a gran t o f autonom y entail s tha t eve n i f th e actual polic y decision s reache d an d acte d upo n ar e erroneous , th e erro r is , in som e rea l sense , a legitimat e erro r withi n th e broade r confine s o f th e covenant rathe r tha n a wholly illegitimat e for m o f religiou s behavior . 77. Ibid. , pp. 3 7 - 3 8. Se e also p. 16ff . 78. TGC, p . 18 .

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79. The Jewish Way: Living the Holidays (Ne w York , 1988) . 80. Ibid. , p. 18 . 81. Ibid. , p. 22. 82. Ibid. , p. 28. 83. Ibid. , p. 29. 84. Greenberg' s titl e for hi s treatment o f Yom Ha-Atzmaut, p . 385. 85. The Jewish Way, p . 393. 86. Ibid. , pp. 393-439 . 87. Cloud, p . 23. 88. JH, p . 47. 89. O n th e detail s o f thi s encounte r se e R . Rubenstein' s articl e i n After Auschwitz (Indianapolis , 1966) , pp. 4 7 - 5 8 . 90. Her e a clarificatio n mad e b y Dr . Greenberg , i n respons e t o thi s criticism , deserves citing . He replie s to m y argumen t a s follows : It is not that Holocaus t validates halachic change but that it makes more urgent the accomplishment o f th e redemptive goals ; it calls for a "messianic" breakthrough i n this generation . Thi s expresse s itsel f i n comin g close r t o th e idea l norm s o f th e tradition i n suc h area s a s women , Gentiles , etc . . . . Thi s i s no t t o b e confused , however, with faddishness o r trying to be on the right side of currently trendy values and issues. (Private communication fro m Dr . Greenberg, January 3, 1989) 91. I have mad e a detaile d stud y o f thi s centra l issu e i n m y forthcomin g three volume study , The Holocaust in Historical Context, t o b e publishe d b y Oxford Universit y Pres s beginning i n 1992 . 92. Her e a furthe r nuanc e mus t b e noted . Greenber g insist s tha t thoug h Go d i s intentionally mor e self-limite d i n th e "Thir d Era, " thi s shoul d no t b e mis understood a s positing either God' s absenc e o r weakness . God i s still active , though H e i s mor e hidden . I n a privat e correspondenc e Greenber g argue d that i n hi s vie w Go d i s stil l see n a s possessing , a t least , th e followin g fou r classical attribute s o f "calling, " "accompanying, " "judging, " an d "sustain ing" me n an d women , a s wel l a s o f th e worl d a s a whole . Whethe r Green berg ha s a righ t t o maintai n thes e attribute s fo r hi s "God-idea, " give n th e other characteristic s o f hi s theology, is open t o question . 93. A n ope n questio n o n independen t philosophica l grounds .

10 "The Tremendum": Arthur Cohen s Understanding of Faith after the Holocaust

J l m o n g th e mos t sustaine d recen t Jewish theologica l discussion s o f th e #•% Sho'ah i s Arthur A . Cohen's The Tremendum: A Theological Interpretation of the Holocaust. 1 Thoug h a relativel y shor t book , 11 0 page s in all , i t attack s thi s immens e conceptua l issu e wit h al l o f Cohen' s customary verv e an d intelligence . N o schoo l theologian , eithe r i n th e dogmatic o r systemati c sense , Cohe n her e make s a prodigiou s effor t t o strike ou t i n a new , mor e radica l metaphysica l directio n a s a necessar y response t o the Event with whic h h e deals.

I Four highl y ramifie d these s li e a t th e roo t o f Cohen' s philosophica l reflections. The y are : (1 ) th e Holocaus t i s uniqu e an d thi s uniquenes s entails particula r theologica l concomitants ; (2 ) though t i s unabl e t o grasp th e realit y o f Auschwitz ; (3 ) n o "meaning " i s t o b e foun d i n thi s genocidal carnage ; an d (4 ) evi l i s mor e real , mor e consequential , tha n Cohen ha d heretofor e allowed . Thes e fou r intellectuall y radica l pre suppositions lea d Cohe n t o recogniz e th e nee d t o return , wit h a ne w uncertainty, t o th e traditiona l question s o f theology . T o as k agai n con cerning "th e realit y o f evi l an d th e existenc e o f God , th e extremit y o f evil an d th e freedo m o f man , th e presentnes s o f evi l an d th e powe r o f God." 2 T o as k stil l more concretel y i f "lik e our ancestor s we are oblige d 251

2 5 2 "The

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to decid e whethe r (national ) catastrophie s ar e compatibl e wit h ou r tra ditional notion s o f a beneficen t an d providentia l God . Th e pas t genera tions o f Israe l decide d tha t the y were . Th e questio n toda y i s whethe r th e 3 same conclusio n ma y b e w r u n g fro m th e dat a o f th e tremendum." If thi s is , an d I agre e tha t i t is , th e essentia l question , w h a t i s Cohen' s answer? I f "ther e i s n o en d unti l th e en d i s final. Unti l tha t moment , i t i s only caesur a an d ne w beginning," 4 w h a t i s th e substanc e o f th e new , post-tremendum beginning ? Cohe n present s th e followin g schemati c for mulation o f it s definin g an d necessar y characteristics : "Any constructiv e theolog y afte r th e tremendum mus t b e marked b y th e follow ing characteristics: first , th e Go d wh o i s affirmed mus t abid e i n a universe whos e human histor y i s scarre d b y genuin e evi l withou t makin g th e evi l empt y o r illusory no r disallowin g th e rea l presenc e o f Go d before , eve n i f no t within , history; second , th e relatio n o f Go d t o creatio n an d it s creatures , including , a s both no w include , demoni c structur e an d unredeemabl e events , mus t b e seen , nonetheless, a s meaningfu l an d valuabl e despit e th e fac t tha t th e justificatio n that God' s presenc e render s t o th e worthwhilenes s o f lif e an d struggl e i s no w intensified an d anguishe d b y the contrast an d opposition tha t evil supplies; third , the realit y o f Go d i n hi s selfhoo d an d perso n ca n n o longe r b e isolated , othe r than a s a strateg y o f clarification , fro m God' s rea l involvemen t wit h th e lif e o f creation. Were an y o f thes e characteristics t o b e denied or , worse, proved untru e and unneeded , a s stric t an d unyieldin g orthodo x theis m appear s t o require , creation disappear s a s fac t int o mer e metapho r or , i n th e fac e o f a n obdurat e and ineffaceabl e realit y suc h a s th e tremendum, Go d cease s t o b e mor e tha n a metaphor fo r th e inexplicable." 5 W h a t thes e thre e theologica l requirement s entai l fo r Cohe n i s th e bringing togethe r o f t w o seemingl y opposit e traditiona l theologica l strat egies. O n e i s tha t "o f th e kabbalisti c counte r histor y o f J u d a i s m " 6 b y reference t o whic h Cohe n intend s t o cal l attentio n t o th e kabbalisti c doctrine o f th e Eyn Sof an d th e relate d doctrin e o f creatio n i n which : "God, i n th e immensit y o f hi s being , wa s trappe d b y bot h it s absolutenes s an d necessity int o a constrictio n o f utte r passivit y whic h woul d hav e exclude d bot h the mean s i n wil l an d th e realit y i n ac t o f th e creation . Onl y b y th e spar k o f nonbeing (th e interior appositio n o f being , the contradictio n o f being , the prem ise o f otherhood , th e voi d tha t i s no t vacuous ) wa s th e bein g o f Go d enlivene d and vivified." 7 And thi s cosmogoni c speculatio n ha s n o w t o b e linke d t o a secon d cosmological tradition , tha t associate d wit h Schellin g an d Rosenzweig . This Cohe n describe s a s follows :

"The Tremendum" 2 5

3

" 'Wha t is necessary in God,' Schelling argues, 'is God's nature,' his 'own-ness.' Love—that antitheti c energ y of th e universe—negates 'own-ness ' fo r lov e cannot exist without the other, indeed, according to its nature as love, it must deny itself tha t th e other migh t be (contractin g itsel f tha t th e other migh t be , setting limits to itself). However, since the divine nature as esse cannot have personality without the outpouring, the self-giving o f lov e to define thos e limits, it must be postulated that within God are two directions (not principles, as Schelling says): one which is necessary selfhood, interiority , self-containment an d another, vital, electric, spontaneous tha t i s divine posse, the abundant an d overflowing. Ther e arises fro m al l thi s th e dialecti c o f necessit y an d freedom , th e enmeshmen t o f divine egoity and person, divine self-love and free love, divine narcissism and the created image, the sufficient nothin g of the world and the creation of being. The human affec t i s towar d th e overflowing , th e lovin g i n God ; hi s containment , however, the abyss of his nature, is as crucial as is his abundance and plenitude. These ar e th e fundamenta l antithesi s o f th e divin e essenc e withou t whic h th e abyss woul d b e unknow n o r al l els e woul d b e regarde d a s plenitude . . . . th e quiet Go d i s a s indispensabl e a s th e revealin g God , th e abys s a s muc h a s th e plenitude, the constrained, self-contained, dee p divinity as the the plenteous and generous."8 What th e synthesi s o f thes e kabbalisti c an d Schellingia n conception s means fo r Cohe n i s that : (a ) ther e i s a n elementa l sid e o f Go d tha t i s necessarily hidden , bu t stil l necessary , i n th e proces s o f creatio n an d relation; (b ) conversely , reciprocally , creation , whic h i s continuou s an d ongoing, is a necessary outcom e o f God' s loving nature; (c ) God's natur e requires ou r freedom ; an d lastly , (d ) we require a "dipolar" 9 theologica l vision whic h admit s tha t thing s an d event s loo k differen t fro m God' s perspective, an d t o Go d a s H e i s i n Himself , tha n the y d o fro m ou r vantage point an d vis-a-vi s our relatio n t o th e transcendent . On th e basi s of thes e complex theologica l foundation s Cohe n goe s o n to fashio n wha t i n fairnes s ca n b e calle d a new , i f dramatic , versio n o f the "Free-Wil l defense, " i.e. , a n articulate d theodic y tha t turn s o n th e necessity for , a s wel l a s o n th e abus e of , huma n freedo m i n creation . Framed i n Cohen' s uniqu e idiom , thi s ambitiou s defens e i s describe d a s "an endurin g strif e an d tensio n (i n man), enlarged an d mad e threatenin g by ou r finitude, i n whic h freedo m enhance s whe n i t i s marke d an d contained b y reason , bu t whe n reaso n fail s t o find language , freedo m i s destructively cu t loos e o r bend s towar d untrut h o r succumb s t o shee r willfulness." 10 What thi s mean s a s specificall y applie d t o th e Sho'ah is , Cohe n ar gues, tha t w e requir e a ne w understandin g o f God' s wor k i n th e worl d that insistently differ s elementall y fro m tha t taught by traditional theism .

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The understandin g o f th e traditionalist s issue s fort h i n th e putativel y "unanswerable" question : "Ho w coul d i t b e tha t Go d witnesse d th e holocaust an d remaine d silent?" 11 Alternatively , Cohen' s recommenda tion woul d fre e u s o f thi s causa l understandin g o f th e nee d fo r direc t Divine interventio n an d allo w u s t o see : "tha t whic h i s take n a s God' s speech i s reall y alway s man' s hearing , tha t Go d i s no t th e strategis t o f our particularitie s o r o f ou r historica l condition , bu t rathe r th e myster y of ou r futurity , alway s ou r posse, neve r ou r acts." 1 2 If we ca n acquir e thi s alternativ e understandin g o f wha t divin e actio n allows—as wel l a s o f wha t i t doe s no t allow—w e wil l "hav e wo n a sense o f Go d who m w e ma y lov e an d honor , bu t who m w e n o longe r fear an d fro m who m w e n o longe r demand." 13 Thi s argument , wit h it s redefinition o f Go d an d it s emphasi s o n huma n freedom , emerge s a s th e center-piece o f Cohen' s revisionis t "response " to the tremendum. Exegesis o f Cohen' s position , however , woul d no t b e complet e with out brie f commen t o n on e furthe r aspec t o f hi s argument , hi s critique o f Zionism. Wherea s mos t o f th e othe r majo r thinkers 14 wh o hav e dis cussed th e Sho'ah i n theologica l term s hav e embrace d th e re-creatio n o f the Stat e o f Israe l a s a positive event , eve n whil e understandin g it s valu e in a variety o f ways, e.g., in terms of Richar d Rubenstein' s naturalis m o r Yitzchak Greenberg' s incipien t messianism , Cohe n remain s wedde d t o a non-Zionist (whic h mus t b e scrupulousl y distinguishe d fro m a n anti Zionist) theologica l outlook . Cohen' s reservatio n stem s fro m hi s contin uing understanding , indebte d a s i t i s t o Rosenzweig , o f th e Jewish peo ple's "peculiar " rol e i n history , o r rather , a s Cohe n describe s it , "t o th e side of history." 15 "It may well be the case that the full entranc e of the Jewish people into the lists of the historical is more threatening even than genocide has been, for i n no way is the Jew allowed any longer to retire to the wings of history, to repeat his exile amid th e nations , t o dispers e himsel f onc e agai n i n orde r t o survive . On e perceives tha t whe n histor y endanger s i t canno t b e mitigated. Thi s w e kno w cer tainly from th e tremendum, but we know it no less from th e auguries of nationhood, that ever y structure o f histor y i n which a n eternal peopl e takes refuge i s ominous."16 This reserve , thi s moote d pessimis m a s regard s th e Stat e o f Israe l i s th e product o f Cohen' s transcendenta l theolog y coupled , i t mus t b e said , with a no t inconsiderabl e degre e o f historica l realism . Whil e I d o no t agree wit h hi s formulatio n o f th e meanin g o f Israe l amon g th e nations , nor hi s explicatio n o f Israel' s mission , no r agai n hi s reserv e abou t th e

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return t o Zio n a s positiv e theologica l fact , I d o recogniz e a certai n rea l wisdom i n hi s caution , fo r th e Jewish peopl e an d th e Jewis h Stat e hav e not ye t arrive d a t th e escbaton. A t most, w e ar e a t "th e beginnin g o f th e dawn o f ou r redemption, " a s the prayer fo r th e Stat e of Israe l compose d by th e Israel i Chie f Rabbinat e ha s phrase d it . Perhap s eve n mor e accu rately, i f sceptically , on e ough t t o refe r t o "th e hop e tha t thi s i s th e beginning o f th e daw n o f ou r redemption, " an d reserv e furthe r judg ment. In any case, however, Cohen' s a-Zionis t dogmatic s raise an impor tant, i f unfashionable , issu e fo r consideration . W e ignor e hi s challeng e at great cos t to ourselves .

II There i s muc h t o agre e wit h i n Cohen' s nove l formulatio n o f th e theo logical implication s o f th e tremendum. On e i s impresse d b y hi s bol d attempt t o shif t th e angl e o f visio n fo r th e discussio n a s a whole, a s well as o f individua l element s withi n th e whole . An d on e i s eve n mor e im pressed b y his willingness, even passion, to d o theology—a rar e passion flower i n thi s a-theologica l era . Cohe n i s correct i n his belie f tha t Jewis h thinkers cannot , ultimately , esche w theology. Then again , his willingnes s to strik e unpopula r positions , e.g. , hi s stanc e o n th e theological , o r on e might mor e accuratel y sa y th e non-theological , significanc e o f th e Stat e of Israel , i s commendable , eve n i f on e seriousl y disagree s wit h it , fo r theologians shoul d no t theologiz e t o wi n friend s bu t fo r th e sak e o f Truth. Lastly , on e recognize s i n Cohen' s difficul t style , fo r al l it s obscu rity, authenti c theologica l seriousnes s tha t i s being stretche d o n th e rac k of the most intractable, the most basic, theological issues . Having onesel f experienced th e need t o see k out new , more elasti c resources i n languag e in orde r t o addres s thes e matters , on e recognize s tha t Cohe n i s trying t o say wha t seem s a fortiori unsayable . In short , ther e i s a goo d dea l t o b e learnt, i f most notabl y o f a deconstructive sort , fro m Cohen . Acknowledging al l this , an d muc h els e o f valu e i n Cohen' s work , I remain unpersuade d b y hi s mai n theologica l claims , hi s mos t essentia l doctrinal affirmations . Indeed , wher e theologica l fundamentals , o r rathe r the theologica l fundamental—namel y God—i s a t issue , I a m i n basi c disagreement wit h wha t Cohe n ha s describe d a s "dipolar " theis m an d its implication s fo r thinkin g about , an d respondin g to , th e Sbo'ab. I n what remain s o f thi s chapte r I woul d lik e t o se t ou t my particula r reservations an d th e reasons tha t li e behind them .

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(1) Le t u s begi n ou r critiqu e wher e Cohe n begin s hi s constructiv e theological endeavor , i.e. , wit h hi s invokin g an d employmen t o f th e theological system s o f th e Kabbala h an d Schelling . Cohe n argue s fo r th e need to rediscover th e value of each o f these "counter-history" tradition s and the n t o brin g the m togethe r i n a larger , origina l theologica l synthe sis. However, eve n befor e proceedin g to Cohen' s exegesi s of the substan tive conten t o f thes e respectiv e system s a seminal fac t need s t o b e recog nized abou t thei r structur e an d contex t an d i t i s this : neithe r accoun t stands independentl y o f a broade r intellectua l environment . Fo r Kabba lah thi s large r environmen t i s th e Jewis h halachi c traditio n i n al l it s breadth an d diversit y a s wel l a s certai n gnosti c trend s whic h i t adapte d and re-worke d accordin g t o it s own genius . For example , it s doctrin e o f tzimtzum, Divin e Contraction , t o whic h Cohe n appeal s fo r th e initia l half o f hi s dipolar theism , i s inseparabl y par t an d parce l o f a large r "mythos" (no t myt h i n th e pejorativ e sense ) tha t wa s grounded , i n particular, i n th e the n (medieval ) share d traditiona l Jewis h dogm a re garding th e absolutenes s an d literalnes s o f th e Sinaitic revelation. Adde d to thi s wer e a wid e rang e o f metaphysica l an d theologica l concept s an d beliefs, fo r example , th e belie f i n th e onti c statu s o f th e Hebre w alpha bet, o r again , ver y specifi c theorie s o f emanatio n draw n fro m neo Platonism, an d a hos t o f notion s regardin g creation . I t was onl y ou t of , and o n th e ground s of , thes e semina l proposition s tha t th e Kabbalist s could offe r thei r celebrate d cosmogoni c speculations—an d believ e them. 17 But Cohen , especiall y a s become s clea r i n hi s technica l discussio n o f miracles,18 an d hi s shar p critiqu e o f wha t h e call s fundamentalism 19 — something whic h al l th e classica l Kabbalist s wer e i n tha t sens e o f th e term whic h h e criticizes—does no t shar e an y o f thes e primal belief s an d therefore i t is hard t o se e how h e can recommen d an d defen d th e theor y of tzimtzum tor n ou t o f it s origina l context . Gersho m Scholem' s work , and hi s deserve d prestige , referre d t o b y Cohe n i n thi s connectio n doe s not alte r thi s fac t fo r Schole m i s a historia n o f Kabbala h no t it s advo cate. 20 On e simpl y canno t bas e a contemporar y theologica l reconstruc tion o n Scholem' s wor k withou t additiona l argumen t tha t move s th e creative discussio n fro m th e historica l an d descriptiv e t o th e theologica l and prescriptive—bu t thi s additional , independen t lin k ha s no t bee n supplied. While th e theor y o f Divin e Contractio n sound s plausibl e i n it s kab balistic context , th e ground s o f it s plausibilit y i n a moder n non-kabbal istic philosophica l settin g nee d t o b e worke d throug h an d argue d for .

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Here i t i s explicitl y t o b e recognize d tha t Cohe n woul d certainl y no t subscribe t o th e traditiona l kabbalisti c gnosis , interlace d wit h neopla tonic metaphysica l premises , cu m halacbab, tha t give s th e origina l doc trine it conceptual foundatio n an d hence one would think tha t fo r Cohe n the doctrin e shoul d los e it s coherenc e eve n i n it s uniquel y kabbalisti c modality. Cohe n ignore s altogethe r th e fac t tha t th e kabbalisti c accoun t also seek s t o assur e th e continue d an d direc t interactio n betwee n abov e and below , betwee n Go d a s Eyn Sof afte r th e ac t o f tzimtzum an d th e emanated world , throug h th e actio n o f th e sefirot (divin e pleroma). Thi s is a necessary, unbreakable , causa l connectio n roote d i n the metaphysic s and logi c o f emanation . Thi s lin k i s o f th e essenc e fo r th e mekubbalim (the mystics) , fo r i t i s thi s relationshi p tha t allow s th e entir e dialectica l process of th e syste m t o function , includin g the ultimate aim s of devekut (personal adhesio n t o God in mystical relation), and tikkun olam (repair ing th e world ) b y th e messiani c actio n o f reversin g th e downwar d an d negative flow o f reality , i.e. , raisin g th e nitzozot (th e spark s o f holiness ) in thing s an d thereb y restorin g th e broke n primordia l harmon y i n th e upper realm . I t is this ontic reciprocity tha t als o gives Torah an d mitzvot their cosmologica l statu s an d power— mitzvot ar e th e leve r b y whic h the Je w move s th e world , unitin g eve n Go d Himsel f i n th e proces s ("kivyachol," a s i f w e ca n sa y this) . Cohen' s metaphysics , buil t puta tively on this kabbalistic (an d Schellingian) tradition , an d on which mor e below, explicitl y denies , an d i s designe d s o a s t o deny , jus t suc h causa l ontological relationships . Alternatively , i f Cohe n wishe s t o esche w thi s claimed kabbalisti c inheritanc e an d t o argu e instea d fo r th e mor e open ended thesi s tha t creatio n require s som e limitatio n o f God , h e ca n d o s o just a s well, probably eve n better , withou t invokin g technical kabbalisti c notions whos e meanin g ha s bee n negate d b y th e negatio n o f thei r con text. Suc h a non-kabbalisti c doctrin e o f Divin e limitatio n would , o f course, stil l requir e justificatio n bu t i t woul d no w com e t o u s o n inde pendent ground s fo r assessmen t an d verification . An d i t would no t rais e all sort s o f histori c an d ideologica l association s an d meaning s Cohe n wishes t o hav e n o par t of . I n suc h revise d circumstance s i t woul d cer tainly lack the prestige of Kabbalah, that emotional an d exotic seductiveness tha t Kabbala h ha s com e t o acquir e i n ou r tim e thank s i n larg e par t to Scholem' s work, 21 bu t i t woul d als o com e t o u s i n a mor e accurat e way. A simila r demurra l mus t als o b e voice d agains t Cohen' s recours e t o Schelling as the ground s fo r hi s argument fo r th e di-polarit y o f God . Fo r

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again, Schelling' s though t come s t o u s fro m a contex t tha t i s a murk y admixture o f misunderstoo d Enlightenmen t natura l science , dose s o f gnosticism an d mythology , an d overwhelmin g quantitie s o f Germa n Idealism, even if an Idealis m i n tension wit h th e reigning Idealist concep tion o f Hege l an d earlie r o f Fichte . Henc e i t means i n a ver y particula r context—but ca n thi s idealist-cum-gnosti c contex t b e defende d today ? Or rather , ha s i t no t bee n thoroughl y discredited , makin g appea l t o i t less tha n convincing . Whil e Schelling , fo r al l hi s contradictorines s an d tendency t o th e obscure , i s a thinke r o f genius , an d Cohen' s us e o f hi m is, i n places , theologicall y intriguing , on e i s har d presse d t o credi t th e introduction o f hi s theis m per se a s providin g an y substantiv e par t o f a contemporary theology . Certainl y on e canno t merel y adop t segments , fragments, o f hi s world-view withou t finding convincin g ways t o defen d them on more secure and independent philosophical ground s than Schellin g himself provided . However , Cohe n doe s not ente r int o suc h a protracte d and technica l transcendenta l discussion , nor doe s he provide suc h auton omous legitimatin g grounds . Rather , h e naivel y assumes , an d I choos e this characterizatio n wit h grea t care , th e usefulnes s o f Schelling' s ac count an d employ s i t accordingly . Bu t al l thi s i s to o direct , to o uncon vincing a procedure unde r th e intellectual circumstances . There i s als o a second , eve n mor e telling , hermeneutica l difficult y connected wit h Cohen' s relianc e o n Kabbalah , Schellin g an d Rosen zweig, an d i t i s this . Th e caesura marke d b y th e tremendum has , o n Cohen's ow n definition s o f caesura an d tremendum, broke n th e conti nuity o f Jewish an d worl d histor y int o pre-tremendum an d post-tremendum epochs . Th e philosophica l an d theologica l system s tha t serve d t o make sens e o f th e worl d befor e Auschwitz—understandin g "system " here i n it s broades t sense—ar e n o longe r viabl e afte r Auschwitz . Th e Holocaust ha s change d everything . Thi s bein g so , indeed i t is the prima l assumption o f Cohen' s whole mode of reflection , ho w ca n either the pretremendum mytho s o f th e Kabbala h o r th e pre-tremendum idealism , o r anti-idealism i f you wish, 22 o f Schellin g or Rosenzweig , b e retrievable a s the appropriat e structura l base s fo r the.post-S ho'ah moment . I t i s tru e that thes e exemplar y intellectua l an d spiritua l tradition s ca n b e classe d as subterranea n an d proclaimed , wit h som e justification , a s "counter history," bu t b y wha t inventiv e logi c d o w e sa y tha t th e tremendum invalidated onl y th e orthodoxie s o f th e pre-tremendum era . Surely , i f Cohen's explici t roo t premis e i s correct, the n i t force s drasti c revision , if not outrigh t rejection , o f al l pre-tremendum thinking , whethe r suc h

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thought i s diagnose d a s mainlin e o r underground , acclaime d o r sup pressed, histor y o r "counter-history. " On e woul d think , give n wha t ha s here been assume d a priori, tha t Kabbala h an d Schelling-Rosenzwei g ar e outdistanced n o les s s o tha n othe r pre-tremendum theologies . Alterna tively, i f thi s i s no t th e case , then a convincin g argumen t fo r th e uniqu e retrievability o f jus t this specific materia l mus t b e provided . David Trac y i n his Foreword t o the work befor e u s described Cohen' s intended procedur e a s follows : "—To understan d an y traditio n afte r th e tremendum i s t o retriev e it s geniu s through a retrieval tha t i s also a suspicion. Through tha t kind of hermeneutics, we may find hidden, forgotten, eve n repressed aspects of the tradition fo r though t now. A hermeneutica l enterpris e lik e thi s occur s i n th e powerfu l theologica l reflections o f th e final chapter o f thi s work . Ther e th e reade r wil l find Arthur Cohen's own constructive rethinkin g of the reality of God in a post-tremendum age. Unles s I misrea d him , Arthu r Cohe n move s i n thi s sectio n throug h a powerful hermeneutic s o f suspicio n t o a n equall y powerfu l hermeneutic s o f retrieval. B y tha t dangerou s rout e h e retrieve s fo r though t th e deconstructiv e mode o f thinkin g o f th e Jewis h kabbalisti c traditio n historicall y retrieve d b y Scholem, the negative theology in the gnostic-kabbalistic tradition from Boehm e through Schelling , and , abov e all , the unthough t tha t mus t no w b e thought i n the mystic epistemology and ontology of the incomparable Franz Rosenzweig. Cohen doe s not allo w himself simpl y to "repeat" the solutions of his chosen classics, thos e defamiliarizin g trajectorie s o f th e tradition . Th e choic e o f thes e particular classic s i s both liberatin g an d courageous . Fo r precisely thes e classic modes of deconstructiv e thought , le t us recall, were and ar e still often despise d when no t altogethe r forgotte n o r represse d b y both Jewish an d Christia n theo logians in favor o f some "clearer" or "mor e orthodox" aspect of the traditions. As Cohen' s creativ e rethinkin g o f th e positio n o f Fran z Rosenzwei g make s especially clear , h e understand s thi s subterranea n traditio n o f negativ e decon structive theologica l reflectio n o n Go d only b y understanding i t differently. H e must s o understan d i t fo r Cohe n understand s i t post-tremendum. Traditiona l deconstruction mus t itsel f no w b e deconstructe d i n orde r t o b e retrieve d a t all."23 Here Trac y indicate s hi s theologica l an d methodologica l sophistication . He know s tha t al l pre-tremendum theology , eve n tha t o f a "negativ e deconstructive" sort , ca n onl y b e retrieved , i f retrievabl e a t all , differently tha n i n th e pas t becaus e i t i s no w retrieve d post-tremendum. I f Cohen ha d accomplishe d throug h hi s analysi s wha t Trac y attribute s t o it, i t would indee d b e of th e greates t importanc e an d ou r presen t critica l remarks woul d b e in error . However , whil e th e consciou s desig n behin d the wor k migh t b e a s Tracy describe s it , i t is difficult t o discer n an y rea l "deconstruction" o f Kabbala h an d ver y littl e o f Schellin g i n th e actua l

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working ou t o f it s argument . Ther e i s som e i n respec t o f Rosenzweig , though no t o f Rosenzweig' s accoun t o f creatio n bu t rather , i n a modes t way, o f hi s vie w o f histor y an d th e Jewis h presenc e in , o r i n Cohen' s phrase "o n th e sid e of " history . A t th e sam e time , th e explicatio n o f a radical hermeneutic s o f suspicio n i s no t provide d beyon d th e bana l assertion o f traditiona l theology' s inadequac y i n th e fac e o f th e Deat h Camps whil e th e deeper , mor e substantiv e retrieva l desire d throug h th e deconstruction o f th e deconstructiv e traditio n i s ver y littl e advanced . There are , a t best , onl y intimation s o f wha t coul d b e adjudge d a thor ough deconstructiv e exploratio n prio r t o an y matur e theologica l re trieval. Therefore , w e ough t t o characteriz e Cohen' s presentatio n a s a stipulated hermeneutic s o f suspicio n followe d b y a stipulated retrieva l for, i n it s generality, th e "unthough t tha t no w mus t b e thought" ha s no t been thought . A s a consequence , Cohen' s conclusion s neve r progres s beyond th e level of assertions . (2) Thi s first preliminar y observatio n concernin g metho d bring s int o focus a relate d epistemologica l questio n tha t Cohe n doe s no t address . What i s the status o f hi s radical theologica l remarks ? Ar e his theologica l recommendations, draw n fro m Kabbalah , Schellin g an d Fran z Rosen zweig, t o b e understoo d a s hypotheses, an d i f so , ho w ar e the y t o b e tested an d agains t wha t an d how ? Ar e the y proofs a la Ansel m o r Aquinas? Ar e the y tautologies ? Ar e the y necessar y a priori syntheti c propositions? Ar e the y first principle s a s i n a mathematical-deductiv e system? I f so , wha t govern s thei r confirmatio n an d possibl e revision ? These ar e questions t o which Cohe n supplie s no answers . (3) Le t u s no w mov e t o th e ver y cente r o f Cohen' s respons e t o th e tremendum, hi s dipola r accoun t o f God . Th e subtl e intentio n tha t lie s behind thi s transformative re-descriptio n o f Go d i s two-fold. O n th e on e hand i t seek s t o assur e th e realit y o f huma n freedo m an d henc e t o facilitate a simultaneou s re-employmen t o f a sophisticate d versio n o f a "Free-Will" theodicy . O n th e othe r hand , an d reciprocally , i t redefine s the transcenden t natur e o f God' s bein g suc h tha t H e i s no t directl y responsible fo r th e discret e events of huma n histor y an d henc e cannot b e held responsibl e fo r th e Sho'ah o r othe r act s o f huma n evil . Thi s i s a very intriguin g two-side d ontologica l strategy . Ou r questio n therefor e must be : doe s Cohe n defen d i t adequately ? I f so , a t wha t theologica l price? Let u s explor e thes e question s b y decipherin g first Cohen' s secon d thesis a s t o God' s re-define d rol e i n history . Th e cleares t statemen t o f

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Cohen's revise d God-ide a i n respec t o f Divin e accountabilit y fo r th e Sho'ah come s i n hi s discussio n o f God' s putativ e silenc e an d w h a t Cohe n takes t o b e th e mistake n tradition-base d expectatio n o f miraculou s inter vention. "The mos t penetratin g o f post-tremendum assault s upo n Go d ha s bee n th e attack upo n divin e silence . Silenc e i s surel y i n suc h a usag e a metapho r fo r inaction: passivity, affectlessness , indeed , a t its worst an d mos t extreme, indiffer ence an d ultimat e malignity . Onl y a malig n Go d woul d b e silen t whe n speec h would terrif y an d sta y th e fal l o f th e uplifte d arm . An d i f Go d spok e onc e (o r many time s a s scriptur e avers) , wh y ha s h e no t spoke n since ? Wha t i s i t wit h a God wh o speak s onl y t o th e ear s o f th e earlies t an d th e oldes t an d fo r millenni a thereafter keep s silenc e an d speak s not . I n al l thi s ther e i s concealed a variety o f assumptions abou t th e natur e an d efficac y o f divin e speec h tha t need s t o b e examined. Th e firs t i s tha t th e divin e speec h o f ol d i s t o b e construe d literally , that is , God actuall y spok e i n th e languag e o f man , adaptin g speec h t o th e style s of th e Patriarchs an d th e Prophets , an d wa s hear d speakin g an d wa s transmitte d as havin g spoken . God' s speec h wa s accompanie d b y th e racke t o f th e heaven s so tha t eve n i f th e speec h wa s no t hear d b y mor e tha n th e propheti c ear , th e marks an d signal s o f divin e immensit y wer e observed . A s well , ther e i s th e interpretive convictio n tha t God' s speec h i s action, tha t God' s word s act . Lastly , and mos t relevantl y t o th e matte r befor e us , God' s speec h enact s an d therefor e confutes th e project s o f murderer s an d tyrants—h e save s Israel , h e ransom s Jews, h e i s forbearin g an d loving . God' s speec h i s thu s consequentia l t o th e historical caus e o f justic e an d mercy . Evidently , then , divin e silenc e i s reproo f and punishment , th e reversa l o f hi s work s o f speech , an d henc e God' s silenc e i s divine acquiescence i n the work o f murde r an d destruction." 24 As oppose d t o thi s olde r vie w Cohe n recommend s a n alternative : "Can i t no t b e argue d n o les s persuasively tha t wha t i s taken a s God' s speec h i s really alway s man' s hearing , tha t Go d i s no t th e strategis t o f ou r particularitie s or o f ou r historica l condition , bu t rathe r th e myster y o f ou r futurity , alway s ou r posse, neve r ou r acts . I f w e ca n begi n t o se e Go d les s a s th e interfere r whos e insertion i s welcome (whe n it accords with ou r needs ) an d more as the immensit y whose realit y i s ou r prefiguration , whos e speec h an d silenc e ar e metaphor s fo r our languag e an d distortion , whos e plenitud e an d unfoldin g ar e th e hop e o f ou r futurity, w e shal l hav e wo n a sens e o f Go d who m w e ma y lov e an d honor , bu t whom w e no longer fea r an d fro m who m w e no longe r demand." 25 In respons e t o thi s reconstructio n o f th e God-ide a fou r critica l obser vations ar e i n order . First , i t nee d no t b e belabore d tha t ther e i s trut h i n the propositio n tha t " w h a t i s take n a s God' s speec h i s reall y alway s man's h e a r i n g . " 2 6 Bu t a t th e sam e time , i t i s onl y a half-trut h a s stated . For ou r hearin g th e w o r d o f revelatio n doe s no t creat e " G o d ' s speech "

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—this woul d b e illusio n an d self-projection . Certainl y w e ca n mishear God, o r no t hea r wha t ther e i s t o hea r a t all—bu t thes e qualification s do no t eras e the dialogica l natur e o f Divin e speech , i.e. , the requiremen t that ther e b e a Speake r a s wel l a s a Hearer . An d i f revelatio n require s this two-sidedness , then w e have to reject Cohen' s revisionis m becaus e i t fails t o addres s th e ful l circumstanc e o f th e realit y o f revelatio n an d God's rol e i n it . Alternatively , i f Cohen' s descriptio n i s take n a t fac e value, revelatio n a s suc h disappears , i n an y meaningfu l sense , fro m th e theological vocabulary , fo r wha t conten t ca n w e ultimatel y giv e to "man' s hearing" a s revelation ? An d specificall y fro m a Jewis h poin t o f view , anything recognizabl e a s Torah an d mitzvot woul d b e negate d alto gether. Secondly, thi s deconstructio n o f classica l theis m an d it s substitutio n by theologica l di-polarit y fail s t o dea l wit h th e proble m o f Divin e attri butes. I s Go d stil l Go d i f H e i s n o longe r th e providentia l agenc y i n history? I s God stil l Go d i f He lack s the power t o ente r histor y verticall y to perfor m th e miraculous ? I s suc h a dipola r Absolut e stil l th e Go d t o whom on e prays , th e Go d o f salvation ? Pu t th e othe r wa y round , Coh en's divinit y i s certainl y no t th e Go d o f th e covenant, 27 no r agai n th e God o f Exodus-Sinai , no r ye t agai n th e Go d o f th e Prophet s an d th e Churban Bayit Rishon (Destructio n o f th e Firs t Temple ) an d th e Churban Bayit Sheni (Destructio n o f th e Second Temple). Now, non e of thes e objections, th e failur e t o accoun t fo r th e ver y buildin g block s o f Jewis h theology, coun t logically agains t Cohen' s theis m a s an independent spec ulative exercise . However , the y d o sugges t tha t Cohen' s Go d i s not th e God o f th e Bibl e and Jewish traditio n an d tha t i f Cohe n i s right, indeed , particularly i f Cohe n i s right , ther e i s n o rea l meanin g lef t t o Judais m and t o th e God-ide a o f Jewish tradition . Cohen' s deconstructio n i n thi s particular are a i s so radical tha t i t sweeps away th e biblical an d rabbini c ground o f Jewis h fait h an d allow s th e biblica l an d othe r classica l evi dence t o coun t no t a t al l agains t hi s ow n speculativ e metaphysica l hy potheses. The dipola r ontologica l schem a i s certainly logicall y neate r an d sharpe r than it s "normative " biblica l an d rabbini c predecessor , bu t on e ques tions whethe r thi s precisio n ha s no t bee n purchase d a t th e pric e o f adequacy, i.e. , a n inadequat e grapplin g wit h th e multipl e evidence s an d variegated problem s tha t nee d t o b e addresse d i n an y attempt , howeve r bold, t o fashio n a defensibl e definitio n an d descriptio n o f Go d an d Hi s relations t o humankind. Logica l precision mus t no t b e achieved her e to o

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easily, no r give n to o hig h a priority , i n th e siftin g an d sorting , th e phenomenological deciphermen t an d re-arranging , o f God' s realit y an d our own . Third, i s th e dipolar , non-interferin g Go d "who m w e n o longe r fea r and fro m who m w e n o longe r demand " ye t worth y o f ou r "lov e an d honor?" 2 8 Thi s Go d seem s closer , say , t o Plato' s Demiurgos o r perhap s closer stil l t o th e innocuou s an d irrelevan t Go d o f th e Deists . Suc h a God doe s no t coun t i n ho w w e act , no r i n ho w histor y devolve s o r transpires. Afte r al l "Go d i s not, " Cohe n asserts , "th e strategis t o f ou r particularities o r o f ou r historica l condition. " Bu t i f thi s i s so , if Go d i s indeed s o absen t fro m ou r lif e an d th e historica l record , wha t differenc e for u s betwee n thi s Go d an d n o Go d a t all ? Again , i s suc h a Go d wh o remains uninvolve d whil e Auschwit z i s generatin g it s corpse s an y mor e worthy o f bein g calle d a "Go d who m w e ma y love, " especially i f thi s i s His metaphysica l essence , tha n th e Go d o f tradition? 29 A Go d wh o w e can onl y se e as the "immensit y whos e realit y i s our prefiguration " whil e rhetorically provocative , wil l no t advanc e th e theologica l discussio n fo r it provide s negation s an d evasion s jus t wher e substantiv e analysi s i s required. In thi s connectio n le t m e ad d a relevan t historica l observation . I n th e medieval er a Jewish theologian s an d philosopher s conducte d a constan t and ongoin g debat e with Platonist s an d Aristotelian s regardin g creation . The "dee p structure " o f th e debat e turne d o n th e desir e o f Jewis h thinkers t o defen d God' s will , i.e., t o defen d creatio n a s a n ac t o f God' s will rathe r tha n a s a resul t o f th e necessit y o f Hi s nature , whic h the y recognized wa s essentia l t o th e maintenanc e o f Judaism, fo r onl y a Go d with a will could mak e covenants an d give the Torah. The locus classicus of thi s vie w i s foun d i n Maimonides ' Guide 11:25 . Her e Maimonide s argues a s follows : "Know tha t wit h a belie f i n th e creatio n o f th e world i n time , all th e miracle s become possible an d th e La w become s possible, and al l question s tha t ma y be asked on this subject, vanish. Thus it might be said: Why did God give prophetic revelation t o thi s on e an d no t t o that ? Wh y di d Go d giv e thi s La w t o thi s particular nation , an d wh y di d H e no t legislat e t o th e others ? Wh y di d H e legislate at this particular time , and why did He not legislate before i t or after ? Why did He impose these commandments an d these prohibitions? Why did He privilege th e prophe t wit h th e miracle s mentione d i n relatio n t o hi m an d no t with som e others? What was God's aim in giving this Law? Why did He not, if such wa s Hi s purpose, put th e accomplishmen t o f th e commandment s an d th e nontransgression o f th e prohibition s int o ou r nature ? I f thi s wer e said , th e

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answer to al l these questions would b e that i t would b e said: H e wanted i t this way; or His wisdom required it this way. And just as He brought the world into existence, having the form i t has, when He wanted to, without our knowing His will with regard to this or in what respect there was wisdom in His particularizing the forms of the world and the time of its creation—in th e same way we do not kno w Hi s will o r th e exigenc y o f Hi s wisdom tha t cause d al l th e matters, about which questions have been posed above, to be particularized. If, however , someone say s tha t th e worl d i s a s i t i s i n virtu e o f necessity , i t woul d b e a necessary obligatio n t o as k all those questions; and there would b e no way out of them except through a recourse to unseemly answers in which there would be combined th e giving the lie to, and the annulment of , al l the external meaning s of the Law with regard to which no intelligent man has any doubt that they are to be taken in their external meanings. It is then because of this that this opinion is shunne d an d tha t th e live s o f virtuou s me n hav e bee n an d wil l b e spen t i n investigating thi s question . Fo r i f creatio n i n tim e were demonstrated—i f onl y as Plato understands creation—all the overhasty claims made to us on this point by th e philosopher s woul d becom e void . I n th e sam e way, if th e philosopher s would succeed in demonstrating eternit y as Aristotle understands it, the Law as a whole would becom e void, an d a shift t o other opinion s would tak e place. I have thus explained to you that everything is bound up with this problem. Know this."30 Ironically, Cohen' s presen t metaphysica l suggestio n fo r redescribin g th e nature o f Go d agai n raise s this sam e issu e of Divin e volition . That is , its determinate accoun t o f creatio n a s a necessit y o f God' s natur e a la Schelling, rathe r tha n a s a n ac t o f God' s fre e will , make s i t impossible , now fo r ye t anothe r reason , t o sustai n Tora h an d Covenant , i.e. , Ju daism. Lastly, thi s propose d metaphysica l reconstructio n i s no t founde d upo n any direc t phenomenologica l procedur e per se. Thoug h fashione d i n response to the Sho'ah, belie f i n such a dipolar Go d require s just as great a "lea p o f faith"—mayb e eve n greate r a s i t lack s th e suppor t o f th e Jewish past—a s d o th e theisti c affirmation s o f th e tradition . Phenome nologically, i t is difficult t o discer n wh y on e would mov e in the directio n of dipola r theism , give n th e negativit y o f th e Sho'ah, unles s on e wer e committed a t a minimu m t o theism , i f no t dipola r theism , t o star t with . Cohen i s correct that bot h Schellin g and Rosenzwei g begi n "b y assuming that huma n nature s ar e create d an d therefor e dependen t upo n th e oper ative analogu e o f divin e nature." 3 1 Bu t wh y shoul d we , o r he , begi n with thi s assumption ? Especiall y give n hi s negatio n o f muc h o f th e theistic inheritanc e tha t bot h Schellin g an d Rosenzwei g retained , eve n if not alway s consciously . I t i s surel y no t enoug h t o introduc e thi s a s a n

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argument fro m authority , i.e. , to hol d thi s view on th e claimed authorit y of Schellin g an d Rosenzweig ; som e bette r reason(s ) fo r eve n introducin g the dipola r Go d int o th e presen t conversatio n i s required—but remain s always absent . (4) The secon d majo r aspec t o f Cohen' s accoun t turn s o n wha t I have called hi s revise d "Free-Will " theodicy . H e advance s th e familia r thesi s that Go d gav e mankin d freedo m a s a n integra l par t o f creatio n and , o f necessity, this freedo m ca n b e variously misused , ergo the tremendum. "The bridg e tha t I have , no t casuall y bu t I fea r insubstantially , cas t ove r th e abyss i s on e tha t sink s it s pylon s int o th e dee p soi l o f huma n freedo m an d rationality, recognizin g n o less candidly no w than befor e tha t freedo m withou t the containment of reason returns to caprice and reason without the imagination of freedom i s supineness and passivity." 32 In respons e t o thi s proposa l tw o reservation s mus t b e entered . Th e firs t is evoked b y the particular for m tha t th e reconstructed Cohenia n versio n of thi s classi c theodicy takes . The secon d concern s itsel f wit h th e "Free Will" defense i n its generality . (a) I t i s no t clea r wh y w e nee d dipola r theis m t o produc e th e "Free Will" defense ; o r tha t th e "defense " i s an y mor e o r an y les s soun d i n a dipolar tha n a traditiona l theisti c context . Tha t is , given Cohen' s meta physical dependenc e o n Kabbala h an d Schellin g i t i s hard t o se e why o r how thei r thinkin g make s an y effectiv e differenc e t o th e correctness , o r otherwise, of th e "Free-Will " position . Cohen, i n attemptin g t o justif y recours e t o thes e source s i n thi s con text, i.e. , in relatio n t o th e realit y o f authenti c huma n freedom , criticize s traditional theism , wha t h e choose s t o cal l "fundamenta l theism, " fo r holding that : "God (is ) responden t t o extremity , th e greate r th e human nee d th e greater th e certainty o f hi s assistance , wit h th e resul t tha t huma n lif e denie s it s essentia l freedom returnin g to ethical passivity an d quietism i n which everything is compelled to be God's direct work." 33 But thi s criticis m i s inaccurat e an d establishe s a "stra w man " t o b e demolished b y Cohenian di-polarity . "Fundamentalist " theologian s hav e championed th e "Free-Will " defens e a s vigorously an d a s "successfully " as Cohen ; see , fo r example , Elieze r Berkovits ' recen t theologica l re sponse t o th e Holocaust. 34 Contra Cohen , th e pressing , gnawin g prob lematic fo r th e "fundamentalist " doe s no t aris e fro m th e sid e o f huma n freedom bu t rathe r fro m th e belie f i n a Savin g God , a belie f radicall y

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challenged b y the Holocaust. Tha t i s to say, the "fundamentalist" know s the evi l o f humankin d t o b e a strikin g challeng e t o it s elementa l doc trine^) regardin g th e characte r o f th e Creator . In comparison , Cohen' s position i s specificall y structure d i n suc h a wa y s o a s no t t o hav e t o grapple wit h thi s extrem e difficulty . Indeed , thi s i s th e ver y reaso n fo r his particula r theologica l reconstruction , i.e. , th e world' s evi l doe s not , cannot, imping e i n a dipola r syste m upo n God' s bein g o r status . Bu t while thi s metaphysica l redescriptio n succeed s i n solving , o r dissolving , certain tensions—no t allowin g th e evi l o f th e worl d t o coun t agains t God—it raise s other s o f equa l o r greate r force , especiall y regardin g th e Divine attributes , i n particular , thos e relatin g t o th e categorie s o f omni potence an d omniscience . O f course , Cohe n want s t o redefin e thes e cardinal attributes , thi s is , i f I understan d hi s cal l fo r a renewa l o f a kabbalistic-Schelling mode l o f Creation-Revelatio n aright , exactl y wha t he intends . Bu t i n s o doin g doe s hi s dipola r Go d stil l remai n God-like ? Or ha s Cohe n actuall y capitulate d t o thos e critic s wh o den y God' s meaningful reality , by whatever name , while attempting t o make a virtue of thi s cover t capitulation . Then, too , th e mora l dimensio n o f theodic y remain s t o b e deal t wit h even after Cohen' s ontologica l reconstructions , if for somethin g of a new reason. Fo r th e moral , o r rather , amora l corollar y o f th e dipola r sche matization o f Go d i s deepl y disquieting . Cohen' s dipola r Go d appears , of necessity , morall y indifferen t t o huma n suffering an d historica l act s of evil, 35 factor s o f n o smal l consequenc e for , i n th e end , th e mos t sensitive a s well a s the mos t tellin g objections t o theodic y aris e fro m th e side of th e ethical . (b) Elsewhere (i n my Post-Holocaust Dialogues, pp . 270—283) I have analyzed th e logica l weaknesses inheren t i n attemptin g t o mee t the theo logical problem s raise d b y th e Sho'ah throug h recours e t o th e "Free Will" argument . Thoug h thi s analysi s need s t o b e modifie d i n certai n specific respect s give n th e tota l constructio n o f Cohen' s theodicy , th e general negativ e conclusio n ther e argued—tha t thi s defens e i s inade quate t o th e immens e tas k a t hand—applie s i n th e cas e o f The Tremendum a s well . Rathe r tha n settin g ou t m y view s agai n i n ful l her e le t m e add jus t on e additiona l summar y comment . O f al l the "moves " mad e i n the theodic y debate , th e "Free-Will " gambi t i s a s sober , intelligen t an d persuasive a s an y propose d alternative . However , i t is, on th e on e hand , altogether to o emaciate d a n "explanation " o f th e experienc e o f th e victims, whil e o n th e othe r hand , i t vindicate s God' s morality , i n Coh -

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en's syste m God' s indifference , to o easily . Insofa r a s thi s argumen t ha s real strengths , an d i t doe s hav e suc h strengths , I think Cohen' s employ ment o f i t share s i n thes e residua l virtues, 36 whil e insofa r a s i t remain s incomplete, Cohen' s versio n o f th e argumen t doe s no t materiall y im prove i t or remed y it s incompleteness . (5) Cohe n recognize s tha t hi s programmati c reconstructio n impact s upon th e fundamenta l questio n o f God' s relatio n t o history . In explicat ing his understanding o f thi s vexing relationship h e writes: "God an d the life of God exist neither in conjunction wit h nor disjunction fro m the historical, but rather i n continuous communit y an d nexus. God i s neither a function no r a caus e o f th e historica l no r wholl y othe r an d indifferen t t o th e historical."37 If Go d the n i s unrelate d t o th e historica l i n an y o f thes e mor e usua l ways, a s "neithe r a functio n no r a cause, " ho w the n i s H e present , i.e. , not "wholl y othe r an d indifferent, " an d wha t differenc e doe s H e mak e in this redefined an d no t wholl y unambiguou s role : "I understan d divin e life, " Cohe n tell s us , "t o b e rather a filament within th e historical, but never the filament that we can identify an d ignite according to our requirements, fo r i n thi s an d al l othe r respect s Go d remain s God . A s filament, the divine element of th e historical i s a precarious conducto r alway s intimately linked t o th e historical—it s presenc e securin g th e implicativ e an d exponentia l significance of the historical—and alway s separate from it , since the historical is the domain of human freedom." 38 But this advocac y o f a n "implicit " bu t non-causa l nexu s will not do . In the final reckoning , thi s impressionisti c articulatio n o f th e proble m must collaps e i n upo n itsel f fo r a t som e leve l o f analysi s th e reciproca l notions o f "causality " an d "function " canno t b e avoided . On e ca n tal k lyrically o f Go d a s a "filament " an d a "conductor " i n histor y a s if thes e were no t causa l o r connectiv e concept s bu t upo n deepe r probin g i t wil l be revealed tha t they are. For talk of Go d a s "filament" an d "conductor " to retai n it s coherence , fo r i t no t t o evaporat e int o empt y metaphor , w e have t o kno w wha t i t mean s t o refe r t o Go d a s a "filament, " a s a "conductor," n o matte r ho w precarious . T o rescu e thes e instrumenta l concepts fro m complet e intellectua l dissolutio n w e nee d als o t o kno w something o f ho w Go d i s presen t i n th e worl d i n thes e ways—wha t evidence ca n w e point t o i n defens e o f thes e images. 39 Fo r example , an d deserving o f a concret e answer , i s th e question : Wha t o f Go d i s con ducted? Hi s love ? Grace ? Salvation ? An d i f so , how ? Wherein , agains t

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the darknes s o f th e tremendum, d o w e experienc e Hi s love , Hi s grace , His salvation? T o anticipat e this objection a s well as to attempt to deflec t it b y arguin g tha t Go d i s a "filament " bu t "neve r th e filamen t tha t w e can identif y . . ." 4 0 i s a recours e t o "mystery" 41 i n th e obfuscator y rather tha n th e explanator y sense . Fo r a s explanatio n i t mean s simply : "I clai m Go d i s somehow presen t o r relate d t o histor y bu t don' t as k m e how." Alternatively , t o com e a t thi s thesi s fro m th e othe r side , th e analogies o f "filament " an d "conductor " ar e disquietin g a s analog s o f the relation o f God an d history becaus e they so strongly sugges t passivity and inertness . I f the y ar e th e prope r analog s fo r God' s activit y o r Pres ence i n history , al l ou r earlie r concret e concern s abou t maintainin g th e integral vitalit y o f Judais m re-surface . Fo r th e Go d o f creation , cove nants, Sina i an d redemptio n i s altogethe r different , i.e. , qualitatively , metaphysically an d morall y other , tha n a "conductor" o r "filament. " Given th e dispassionate , disinterested , amora l natur e o f Cohen' s de ity, i t i s no t surprisin g tha t th e conclusio n draw n fro m thi s descriptiv e recasting o f God' s rol e i n "communit y an d nexus " is , vis-a-vi s th e Sho'ah, finally, trivia l (i n the technical sense) . "Given thes e assumptions , i t woul d follo w tha t th e tremendum does no t alte r the relatio n o f Go d t o himself , no r th e relatio n i n whic h Go d exist s t o th e historical, nor th e reality of creatio n t o th e process of eternal beginnin g within God, but it does mean that man—no t God—render s th e filament o f the divine incandescent o r burn s i t out . Ther e is , in th e dialecti c o f ma n an d Go d ami d history, th e indispensabl e recognitio n tha t ma n ca n obscure , eclipse , bur n ou t the divin e filament, groundin g it s natura l movemen t o f transcendenc e b y a sufficient an d oppositor y chthoni c subscension . I t is this which i s meant b y an abyss of the historical, the demonic, the tremendum"* 1 That th e Holocaus t make s n o differenc e t o God' s relatio n t o Himsel f w e can gran t in principle fo r th e purpose s o f thi s analysis . And , logicall y and structurally , i.e. , ontologically , w e ca n allo w fo r th e purpose s o f argument Cohen' s conclusio n tha t "th e tremendum doe s no t alte r th e relation i n which Go d exist s to th e historical." But , having granted bot h these premises it is necessary t o conclude, contra Cohen , that the tremendum i s not , an d in principle coul d no t be , a theologica l problem . I t is , on it s ow n premises , irrelevan t t o God' s existence , irrelevan t t o God' s relation t o histor y and , o n thes e criteria , irrelevan t t o God' s relatio n t o mankind—whatever mankind' s relatio n t o God . The tremendum i s see n b y Cohe n t o b e cruciall y relevan t t o man' s

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recognition o f a Creator , bu t thi s i s anthropolog y fo r i t perceive s th e tremendum onl y a s huma n even t wit h no consequence s fo r Go d othe r than ou r indifferenc e t o Him . An d ou r indifferenc e doe s no t appea r t o matter i n an y transcendenta l sense , fo r Go d apparentl y doe s no t mak e any respons e t o it . This i s the logi c of th e 'Tree-Will " positio n drive n t o its "nth " degree . T o a degre e tha t make s Go d al l bu t irrelevant . Thi s remarkable implicatio n flows , ironically , fro m Cohen' s consummat e at tempt t o redefin e an d reconstruc t th e theologica l landscap e i n orde r t o protect the viability of some (no t the traditional) God-idea i n the fac e o f the tremendum. A n en d i t accomplishe s throug h th e tota l disconnectio n of Go d an d th e tremendum. Talk o f God' s involvemen t i n histor y i n term s o f "community" 43 after th e manne r o f Cohe n become s unintelligibl e a t thi s juncture. Whe n God join s i n th e classi c covenanta l communit y o f Israe l H e speak s o f being togethe r wit h Hi s people , Emo anochi B'tzarah (" I wil l b e wit h them i n their troubles"), 44 i.e. , Go d share s i n the sufferin g o f Israel . This doctrine i s the roo t o f th e haunting midrashi c imag e of th e "Exil e o f th e Shechinah" (Galut ha-Shechinah) tha t expresse s the ide a tha t th e Divin e Presence wander s alon g wit h exile d Israel. 45 However , i n Cohen' s pro jected "community " suc h a n imag e o f God' s participation , a s any repre sentation o f activ e participatio n o n Hi s part , i s disallowe d an d unavail able. But then wha t sor t o f communit y ca n b e said to exis t betwee n Go d and Israel , especiall y i n ligh t o f th e Deat h Camps—whe n si x millio n o f one's communit y ar e murdered , an d i t make s n o differenc e t o one' s essential self , "God' s relatio n t o Himself, " o r t o one' s relation s wit h th e decimated community , "God' s relatio n t o th e historical. " Communit y i s not a n ap t analog y o r descriptio n o f suc h unrelatedness . (6) Th e a-Zionism 46 whic h i s th e complemen t o f thi s ontolog y i s logically consistent . I f Go d i s no t th e causa l agen t o f Auschwit z H e i s not the causal agen t o f th e Retur n t o the Land. Hence Zionis m becomes , if no t theologicall y problematic , the n certainl y theologicall y irrelevant . And ye t Cohen' s formulatio n o f hi s vie w i s so gnomic , s o sibylline , tha t I think, i n fairness, i t should b e quoted rathe r tha n paraphrased . "Earlier in this discussion I expressed a provisional pessimism. I spoke darkly in the language of history about the Jewish people taking up the arms of history to come before it . For those who caught my gloom, it may well have sounded like the trop e o f on e who stoo d outsid e no t onl y th e Jewish Stat e bu t als o propter hoc outsid e th e Jewis h people . No t a t all . I n fact , a t thi s juncture , quit e th e

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contrary. Outsid e th e Jewish State , any stat e fo r tha t matter , bu t neve r outsid e the Jewish people . Indeed , i t i s precisely becaus e th e Jewish peopl e constitute s the eternal speakin g of revelatio n t o the Jew of history, the turn o f that people into the winds of history, its taking up of the arms of the nations, is a turning of its guardianshi p o f th e wor d toward s th e nations , rathe r tha n it s traditiona l posture as merely concerned observer . The being of the Jewish people is always behind th e becomin g o f th e nations , it s reformulatio n a s Stat e comin g a t a moment whe n th e state s of th e nations ar e weary an d declining , but thi s is the way of Being—imponderabl e slowness , because its renewals and conservation s are outside life and death, but always changes rung on eternal scales." 47 In thes e crypti c remark s abou t th e relatio n o f Israel' s Bein g t o th e "becoming" o f th e nations , Cohe n seem s t o wan t t o sa y somethin g positive abou t th e importance , theologicall y rendered , o f th e Stat e o f Israel, bu t doe s no t kno w ho w an d s o fall s bac k o n a Rosenzweigian like vocabulary an d ideology . Yet , this will no t do . Neither it s obscurit y nor it s espousal s recommen d it . Indeed , it s positiv e ideolog y claim s to o much give n Cohen' s stringen t earlie r ontologica l commitment s while , on the othe r hand , i t clearl y doe s no t dar e enough , fro m a Jewis h theo logical perspective , wher e th e Stat e o f Israe l i s concerned . An d thi s no t least becaus e afte r Auschwitz , an d afte r mor e tha n fort y year s o f th e existence o f th e Stat e of Israel , one canno t s o easily dissociat e the natur e and fat e o f th e Jewis h peopl e fro m tha t o f th e Jewis h Stat e i n whic h about thirt y percen t o f th e Jewis h peopl e no w live , a n ever-increasin g percentage, an d i n whic h mor e tha n fort y percen t o f Jewis h infant s world wid e ar e born . A theolog y i n whic h thi s doe s no t matter , a s th e Sho'ah doe s no t matte r theologically , canno t spea k meaningfull y t o th e Jewish conditio n afte r Auschwitz. 48

Ill The Tremendum i s an importan t work , thoug h a t time s stylisticall y an d theologically infuriating . Importan t becaus e i t force s u s t o d o theology , a rar e occurrenc e i n moder n Jewis h circles ; importan t becaus e i t i s saturated wit h an d grow s ou t o f a n intens e concer n wit h th e peopl e o f Israel; importan t becaus e i t knows , despit e it s intellectua l roots , it s conceptual dogmatics , tha t somethin g ha s happene d i n th e tremendum (and i n the State of Israel ) tha t stretche s u s to the limits a s human being s as wel l a s theologians . W e therefor e nee d t o lear n thos e thing s tha t Cohen ca n teac h us . And then havin g learnt them, we need to g o beyon d them, beyon d Cohen'; : deepl y problematica l dipola r theis m an d it s pro -

"The Tremendum" 27

1

foundly unsatisfactor y corollaries , i n searc h o f a mor e comprehensive , more Jewishly satisfyin g respons e t o th e problematic s o f Jewish lif e an d thought after , an d i n the fac e of , th e tremendum.

NOTES 1. Publishe d i n New Yor k i n 1981. 2. Ibid. , p. 38. 3. Ibid. , p. 50. 4. Ibid. , p. 58. 5. Ibid. , p . 86 . I t shoul d b e note d tha t Cohe n i s very , an d rightly , critica l o f liberal theolog y afte r th e tremendum, se e pp. 4 5 an d 46 . H e i s als o correc t in hi s critica l judgmen t o f wha t h e term s "th e varietie s o f neo-orthodoxy " (p. 55) whic h h e score s a s follows : "Neo-orthodox y doe s no t cop e ade quately sinc e its situates th e tremendum a s the dialectic counter o f a n absen t or hidde n God , enablin g th e immensity o f th e one to pass the mystery o f th e other i n th e dar k nigh t o f thi s centur y withou t compellin g the m t o thei r dreadful confrontation " (Ibid. , pp. 85-86) . 6. Ibid. , p. 86 . 7. Ibid.,pp86f . 8. Ibid. , pp 89f . 9. Cohen' s term , ibid. , p. 91. 10. Ibid. , p. 92. 11. Ibid.,p.95f . 12. Ibid. , p. 97. 13. Ibid. , p. 97. 14. Igna z Maybau m trie d haltingl y t o dea l positivel y wit h th e Stat e o f Israe l though h e was unable t o do much with i t theologically becaus e of th e natur e of hi s thought a s a whole. 15. Ibid. , p. 103 . This is Cohen's phrase . 16. Ibid. , p. 101. 17. O n th e significanc e o f thes e issue s se e Steve n T . Katz , "Th e Conservativ e Character o f Mystica l Experience, " i n Steve n T . Kat z (ed.) , Mysticism and Religious Traditions (Ne w York , 1983) ; an d m y mor e recen t essa y "Mysti cal Speec h an d Mystica l Meaning, " i n Steve n T . Kat z (ed.) , Mysticism and Language (abou t t o b e published b y Oxfor d Universit y Press , New York) . 18. Se e The Tremendum, p . 95ff . 19. Se e ibid., p. 96f . 20. Davi d Biale' s suggestio n tha t Schole m i s als o somethin g o f a Kabbalis t himself i s har d t o accept ; se e Biale' s comment s i n hi s Gershom Scholem (Cambridge, 1979) . 21. Th e influenc e o f Marti n Buber' s hasidi c wor k i s als o a seminal , i f mor e oblique factor , her e tie d u p a s i t i s wit h th e widesprea d interes t i n "mysti cism" i n ou r time . I n fact , Gersho m Schole m credit s Bube r wit h bein g th e

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first moder n Jewis h thinke r t o tak e mysticis m seriousl y a s a n integra l par t of Judais m an d henc e openin g th e kabbalisti c traditio n a s a legitimat e resource fo r others , includin g himself . Se e G . Scholem , "Marti n Buber s Auffassung de s Judentums," i n Eranos-Jahrbuch XX V (Zurich , 1967) , pp . 9 - 5 5 . Availabl e i n an Englis h translatio n a s "Martin Buber' s Conceptio n o f Judaism," in G. Scholem, On Jews and Judaism in Crisis (New York, 1976) , pp. 126-171 . 22. Debate s abou t th e historica l an d philosophica l natur e o f Schelling' s an d Rosenzweig's relatio n t o idealis m nee d not detai n u s here. 23. The Tremendum, "Foreward " (b y David Tracy), pp. x-xi . 24. Ibid. , p. 96f . 25. Ibid. , p. 97. 26. Ibid. , p. 97. 27. Cf . her e m y comment s o n Yitzcha k Greenberg' s redefinitio n o f Go d an d hi s notion o f a "voluntary covenant " i n Chapte r 9 of thi s volume. 28. Ibid. , p. 97. 29. I t is worth comparin g Cohen' s presen t descriptio n an d understandin g o f th e Divine a s dipola r wit h hi s comment s mad e i n conversatio n wit h Mordeca i Kaplan ove r th e ide a o f Go d i n Kaplan' s reconstructionis m an d printe d i n the volum e entitle d If Not Now, When? (Ne w York , 1973) . Ther e Cohe n offered: "I think it also implies a rather fundamental distinctio n within the tradition between God a s creato r an d Go d a s revealer . On e o f th e thing s tha t I particularly lov e in Rosenzweig's discussio n o f th e realit y o f Go d i n hi s The Star of Redemption is the recognition tha t th e distinctio n betwee n Go d th e creato r an d Go d th e reveale r i s rather too sharp in traditional theology. The assumption that the creating God is not also a revealing God and that the revealing God is not also a creating God at one and the same time is mistaken. The God who brought the people of Israel out of the land of Egypt to be their God was not only revealing himself to the people and calling the people to himself, convoking the people as the object of the act, but at the same time was exhibitin g a n undisclose d aspec t o f himself . Th e notio n i n classica l theolog y (which I dislike as much as you do) that God is being alone, ens entissimus, an d that history i s someho w oppositiv e t o th e divin e nature ; tha t Go d concede s t o history , condescends himself to it, seems to me meaningless and defeating. God needs history. God needs his creatures. God as creator requires as much the thing that he creates as does the capacity to create. The creatio n o f th e univers e an d th e givin g o f th e Tora h ar e par t o f th e sam e continuum of self-expression. God' s nature demands self-expression a s profoundly as his creatures demand it." Cohen's presentatio n her e seem s mor e satisfyin g an d close r t o th e realit y o f Jewish view s o f Go d tha n hi s statemen t i n hi s new work . I t i s instructive t o follow th e whol e o f Cohen' s debat e wit h Kaplan . Als o o f interes t i s a comparison o f hi s presen t view s a s t o th e natur e o f Go d wit h thos e voice d in his earlier, The Natural and the Supernatural Jew (Ne w York , 1962) . 30. Maimonides , Guide of the Perplexed, Englis h translatio n b y S . Pine s (Chi cago, 1963) , II, 25.

"The Tremendum" 213 31. The Tremendum, p . 90. The emphasis o f "assumed " i s supplied b y me . 32. Ibid. , p. 94. 33. Ibid. , p. 96. 34. Compar e i n particula r Elieza r Berkovits , Faith after the Holocaust (Ne w York, 1973) , an d With God in Hell (Ne w York , 1978) . See also m y critica l discussion o f Berkovits ' view s i n Post-Holocaust Dialogues (Ne w York , 1983), pp. 268-286 . 35. Fo r mor e o n th e issu e o f th e relatio n o f Go d an d Histor y se e sectio n (5 ) below. 36. Cohen' s relianc e on thi s argumen t attest s t o his theological sensibilities . 37. Cohen , The Tremendum, p . 97. 38. Ibid. , p. 9 7 - 9 8 . 39. Here , tha t is , w e rais e issue s a s t o meanin g an d related , bu t separate , questions a s t o verification , i.e. , no t conflatin g th e tw o bu t askin g abou t both. 40. Ibid.,p.97f . 41. Se e m y pape r o n th e "Logi c an d Languag e o f Mystery, " i n S . Syke s an d J . Clayton (eds.) , Christ, Faith and History (Cambridge , England , 1972) , pp . 239-262, fo r a fuller criticis m o f thi s common theologica l gambit . 42. Cohen , The Tremendum, p . 98. 43. Thi s i s th e ter m Cohe n use s t o describ e th e relatio n o f Go d t o history , se e ibid., p. 97.1 have quote d thi s passage above . 44. Ra v Josep h Soloveitchi k ha s emphasize d thi s tex t an d it s meanin g fo r a n understanding o f covenanta l existenc e an d relationshi p i n hi s classi c article , "The Lonel y Ma n o f Faith, " i n Tradition, Vol . 7 , No . 2 (Summer , 1965) , pp. 5-67. 45. Elieze r Berkovits ha s als o expanded upo n an d utilize d thi s notion i n connection wit h th e Sho'ah; see , for example , his With God in Hell, final chapter . 46. State d i n Cohen , The Tremendum, p . lOlff . 47. Ibid. , p. 109 . 48. Th e single exception t o this generalization i s to b e found i n right-wing ultra orthodox circles , e.g. , Satma r Hasidis m an d amon g th e Naturei Karta o f Jerusalem, wh o ca n carr y o n a meaningfu l Jewis h existenc e becaus e o f thei r profound commitmen t t o traditiona l Tora h observanc e an d study . Outsid e of these very small, very specially constituted groups , however, my judgmen t stands.

11 Criteria for a Contemporary Zionist Ideology

i

E

xile an d return , th e twi n premise s o f Zionism , ar e co-extensiv e o n one fundamental , substantiv e leve l with classica l rabbinic Judaism. Both ar e roote d i n th e negative , empirica l odysse y o f th e Jewish peopl e inside an d outsid e th e lan d o f Israe l afte r th e Churban Bayit Sheni (th e destruction o f th e Secon d Templ e i n 7 0 C.E.) ; bot h perceiv e th e histori c status qu o a s a temporar y estrangemen t (i f fo r ho w long?) , tha t mus t necessarily b e opposed , finally t o b e negate d an d overcome . Moreover , the influenc e o f th e latte r upo n th e former , o f millennia l ol d Jewis h hopes upo n moder n Zionism , canno t a la , e.g. , Amo s Elon , b e ignore d or denie d withou t radica l historical , conceptua l an d psychologica l dis tortion. Th e passionate , inherite d yearnin g fo r Zio n a s Eretz Yisroel, rather than , fo r exampl e Uganda , mad e itsel f fel t wit h a palpabl e pre sentness firs t i n Zionis t ideology , viz . the 190 3 Zionis t Congres s a s wel l as th e struggl e wit h th e Bundist s an d Autonoments , an d the n i n muc h that i s concretely embodie d i n th e Medinab (th e State) . It i s this authen tic-symbiosis tha t i s seize d upo n b y many , fro m Harol d Fisc h t o seg ments o f Gush Emunim (Bloc k o f th e Faithful ) an d eve n element s o f th e Agudah community , i n orde r t o reduc e moder n Zionism , i n it s essence , to som e varian t o f classica l theology , t o som e 're-experiencing ' o f th e primal facticit y o f covenanta l intimacy . And, let us not be impatient wit h This chapte r wa s firs t prepare d fo r a conferenc e o n "Zionis t Ideology " hel d i n Jerusale m in 1985 .

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those who , withi n th e parameter s o f th e Zionis t achievement , sense , even share , this metaphysica l exaltation . Yet , a t th e sam e time le t us no t make th e consequentia l erro r o f conceivin g thi s sharin g a s a statemen t of phenomenological identity . Zionism i s t o b e differentiate d fro m theology , fro m messianism , fo r all it s indebtednes s t o thes e generativ e an d sustainin g conceptua l cate gories, throug h it s dissociatio n fro m thei r a-historical , a-politica l teleol ogy. Zionism affirm s tha t th e tragic curren t o f Israel' s exilic condition i s not t o b e overcom e b y th e interventio n o f meta-historica l agencies , a t least no t i n th e guis e o f meta-histori c synthese s tha t abor t th e historica l process, but rathe r tha t th e required solutio n lie s in and throug h history , and stil l mor e particularl y throug h th e spatio-tempora l agenc y o f a corporate politica l body , a state . T o thi s exten t Zionis m i s a uniquel y modern phenomeno n insofa r a s i t insist s o n th e necessar y reciprocit y o f the persona l an d collective , o n th e necessar y linkag e o f privat e an d historical existence , o n th e unavoidabl e presenc e o f th e politica l domai n in all areas of human an d grou p relations . The intellectua l founder s o f moder n Zionis m understoo d tha t th e category o f a stat e creates , literally , uniqu e an d particula r epistemologi cal, moral an d socia l realities . Indeed th e bod y politi c creates, in varyin g degrees, th e integra l huma n personalit y an d al l attempt s t o find unit y and authenticit y independentl y o f th e politica l fabri c ar e illusions , dan gerous an d costl y illusions . Certainl y th e Jewis h peopl e can , an d have , constructed lesse r politica l instrumentalities , othe r form s o f community , but non e ca n riva l th e stat e a s a mediu m fo r collectiv e organizatio n an d transformation, no t leas t becaus e al l othe r arrangement s ar e predicate d on th e relative , i n varyin g degrees , absenc e o f power . Insofa r a s th e negative condition s o f Jewis h lif e ste m directly , i f no t only , fro m th e absence o f suc h publi c power , th e onl y remed y tha t begin s t o manifes t the require d potenc y i s that o f statehood . B y definition—on th e Zionis t reading—only a state can "cure " the alienation, division an d vulnerabil ity o f th e Jewis h people . Thi s i s th e center , a s wel l a s th e challenge , o f Zionism. Thos e wh o den y thi s perception , whethe r fo r autisti c o r apoc alyptic reasons , ar e no t Zionists . Conversely , t o identif y wit h Zionism , to b e a Zionist , i s t o conceiv e th e 'aloneness ' o f th e Jewis h peopl e an d its overcoming in rigorously statis t terms . Yet thi s specifi c decodin g o f th e moder n Jewis h situatio n shoul d no t be mis-understoo d a s entailin g tha t onc e th e Stat e o f Israe l wa s create d Zionism ceased , especiall y i n Israel , t o b e relevant . Fo r th e Jewish Stat e

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makes referenc e t o a n ideal , a s wel l a s t o a n empirical , construct , cer tainly a s lon g a s th e Jewis h peopl e remai n "unhealed, " a s manifestl y they are . Perceive d i n thi s way , Zionis m afte r 194 8 i s th e Ombudsman of th e normativ e conditio n o f th e Stat e o f Israel , a s i t was o f th e Yishuv before 1948 . I t is , arrogan t a s thi s ma y sound , th e judg e o f it s ow n success—the concret e socio-politica l arrangement s tha t ar e th e Stat e o f Israel. The embodie d Stat e i s not yet , an d shor t o f th e ecstasie s o f yemei mashiach wil l no t be , th e perfec t cur e fo r th e interna l an d externa l maladies tha t confron t worl d Jewry . A t ever y interva l th e Stat e o f Israe l requires th e matchin g o f it s presentnes s wit h it s ow n aspirations . Zion ism i s charge d wit h th e actualizatio n o f thi s didactic , constantl y self revising, radica l obligation . Th e seemingl y paradoxical , thoug h onl y seemingly paradoxical , consequenc e o f thi s broa d an d encompassin g reflection ca n b e stated so : Zionism insist s bot h tha t th e Stat e of Israe l is absolutely necessar y fo r th e meaningfu l reconstitutio n o f th e Jewis h people, an d simultaneously , tha t th e Stat e a s existen t realit y i s no t ultimate per se. Or put in a converse way, the State is not per se ultimate, though i t i s onl y throug h i t tha t ou r ultimat e object , th e maintenanc e and health y growt h o f th e Jewish people , ca n b e realized . T o g o a ste p further, Zionis m i s predicate d o n th e premis e tha t th e Stat e belong s t o and i s an instrument , a necessar y instrument , o f th e Jewish people . Thi s is the definin g differenc e betwee n Zionis m an d al l other moder n nation alist movements. Zionism doe s not culminat e merel y i n Statehood . This last , elementa l remar k shoul d mak e i t pellucid tha t whe n I raise the idio m o f critique , o f Zionis t critique , I am no t advocatin g th e tense , exterior postur e tha t on e might equat e with th e situation o f America n o r more broadl y galut Jewr y criticizin g Israel , alway s a n unpleasant , i f a t times legitimat e prospect , bu t rathe r a subtler , i f mor e comprehensiv e dissent fro m withi n th e Zionis t movemen t itself , i.e. , th e Zionis t move ment centered i n Jerusalem a s the nerve center o f world Jewry, critiquin g its own "firs t bor n an d belove d child. " What thi s entails is that Zionis m mus t have a vision o f the State, must constantly monito r th e rea l agains t th e ideal , an d mus t ac t t o brin g th e two int o ever-close r harmony .

II Amidst the many versions, often incoheren t an d opaque , of Zionism tha t would clai m ou r loyalt y toda y I woul d conten d tha t a n authentic , a s

Criteria for a Contemporary Zionist Ideology 211 well a s viable Zionis t ideolog y mus t include , an d b e in harmony with , a set of proposition s no w t o b e specified. A t th e outset, however , i f paren thetically, le t m e suggest tha t m y formulatio n ma y no t b e full y adequat e not onl y a s a result o f subjectiv e factor s bu t a s a consequence o f th e fac t that th e conditio n o f th e Jewish peopl e toda y i s so comple x an d revolu tionary tha t w e lack th e ful l vocabulary , th e adequat e syntax , t o expres s the ideological need s of the moment. Nonetheless , and al l countervailin g difficulties dul y acknowledged , le t m e sugges t eigh t criteri a o n th e basi s of which t o begi n t o mak e th e Zionis t critiqu e s o urgently required . (1) The Politics o f Idiosyncras y One mus t gran t th e 'mystery ' o f Israel , a t leas t a s a n unprecedente d historical realit y that gav e rise to uniqu e circumstances , if one is to com e to grip s wit h Zionism , i.e. , politica l Zionism . Th e sens e o f th e Jewis h 'problematic,' th e notio n o f kibbutz ha-Galuyot, th e 'ingatherin g o f th e exiles,' specific detail s o f th e Israel i Constitution , th e La w o f Return , th e need fo r thi s lan d an d n o other , al l emanat e fro m thi s historico-theo logical legacy. For Jewry al l these elements point to quite specific existen tial factor s i n th e Jewis h pas t an d present . Yet , precisel y becaus e the y press s o forcefull y upo n us , we mus t counterpos e the m qua stat e moral ity an d politica l consciousness , wit h a n alternative , dialectica l logic . Under the imperative of political equilibriu m we , as Zionists, must asser t that Zionism , roote d thoug h i t i s i n th e 'uniqueness ' o f fel t Jewis h consciousness, canno t b e conceived , i.e. , translate d int o forma l an d structural compulsions , throug h rudimentar y categorie s tha t are , i n es sence, appeal s t o idiosyncrasy . Thoug h Zionis m i s no t equivalent , no r reducible withou t remainder , t o moder n nationalism , insofa r a s i t seek s to provid e a contemporar y national-statis t solutio n t o th e problemati c of Israel' s homewar d journey , th e overcomin g o f existentia l an d collec tive inauthenticit y an d distortion , i t mus t striv e t o d o s o withi n th e contours o f th e contemporar y democratic , legal-politica l consensus . Eve n if on e concede d in extremis that , t o us e th e vocabular y o f Agudat Yisroel, "Torah-tru e Judaism " i s th e primordia l stasi s o f th e Jewis h people, suc h a positivit y canno t b e o f servic e politically , fo r onc e adopte d it wil l destroy , bot h internall y an d externally , th e Stat e o f Israel . Suc h Agudist-like sentiments enacte d a s national polic y will have at least thre e dire consequences : A) The y will produce a coercive internal milie u predicated o n a world

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of religiou s value s an d image s tha t wil l pulveriz e th e pragmati c bas e o f the state . Her e on e mus t recogniz e tha t th e issu e i s not primaril y on e o f halachic ma n vs . non-halachi c man , o f halachi c communit y vs . non halachic community , thoug h thi s i s th e wa y th e collisio n i s usuall y presented b y secularist s o n th e on e han d an d haredim (ultra-orthodox ) on th e other . Rathe r th e dilemm a i s base d o n a philosophica l contro versy a s much withi n th e orthodo x communit y a s between th e orthodo x and secula r segment s o f th e population . Th e roo t issu e i s whethe r on e conceives o f th e halachah a s implicate d i n historica l experienc e an d responsive t o it ; an d again , an d related , whethe r on e perceive s th e demands o f th e halachah a s intensive o r extensive , that i s recognizing o r denying the legitimacy of , eve n the need for , alternativ e an d complemen tary form s o f understanding . Th e conflictin g Weltanschauungen collid e most intensivel y an d meaningfully , no t surprisingly , i n th e broa d area s of education , i.e. , ove r th e legitimac y of , an d th e requisit e valu e of , modern educatio n an d it s man y ramifications , an d politics , i.e. , th e recognition o f authorit y othe r tha n tha t exercise d b y th e Gedolei haDor, th e rabbinica l elit e of th e haredi quarte r o f th e traditiona l commu nity. Th e politic s o f idiosyncras y i s therefor e t o b e understoo d a s th e outgrowth o f a specifi c an d limite d halachi c orientation , on e no t neces sarily co-extensive , excep t t o it s advocates , wit h halachi c Judais m a s such. The position shoul d als o be recognized a s a pre-eminently politica l position, tha t is , one concernin g authorit y an d power . B) The y wil l jeopardiz e th e standing , dir e an d unde r constan t threa t as it is, of th e Stat e qua stat e i n the internationa l forum . Suc h pragmati c considerations ar e no t t o b e lightl y dismisse d withi n th e aren a o f inter national politics . C) The y wil l legitimiz e th e politic s o f idiosyncras y a s th e modalit y of th e Jewis h State' s relation s t o othe r states . O r mor e precisely , the y will justif y th e authenticit y o f alternativ e claim s t o idiosyncras y a s th e basis o f internationa l actionability , e.g. , tha t o f Khomeini' s Iran , Ghad dafi's Libya , an d mor e recently , Sadda m Hussein' s Iraq . T o Khomein i and Ghaddafi , a s Hitle r a generation ago , the existenc e o f Israel , amon g many othe r things , i s incompatible , irreconcilable , wit h wha t the y af firm t o b e th e metaphysica l impartialit y o f thei r Korani c (o r Aryan ) canonic gloss , an d this , the y claim , i s sufficien t warran t fo r thei r anti Israel behavior . In Nazis m th e elementa l appea l wa s t o a n idiosyncrati c antimodernism tha t triumphe d i n a n "hou r o f authoritaria n biology. "

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In Ira n an d Liby a th e idiosyncrati c antimodernis m ha s triumphe d i n an "er a o f authoritaria n theology. " T o appea l fo r alliance s t o resis t these motives , t o affir m a n altogethe r differen t destiny , require s a shared, mutuall y constraining , mutuall y activating , internationa l nor mative ethic . A furthe r clarifyin g remar k i s require d i n respec t o f thi s contentio n for I do no t wan t t o b e misunderstood regardin g it . Sovereign state s an d diverse culture s co-exis t an d transac t affair s i n th e internationa l arena , this pluralis m bein g mos t clearl y manifes t i n communist-capitalis t stat e relations. However , th e poin t t o b e emphasize d i s that , vis-a-vi s thei r relationships the y appea l to , an d withi n broa d (eve n very broad) param eters respect , a n establishe d internationa l cod e o f politica l behavior . Neither sid e appeal s t o God , muc h a s America n President s favo r suc h rhetoric, no r alternatively , th e "necessities " o f history , muc h a s suc h "necessities" for m th e fait h o f Communis t Commissars , a s th e basi s fo r international discussion , negotiatio n an d compromise . Fo r th e Jewis h State t o mak e metaphysica l doctrine s o f "specia l providence " th e basi s of its international polic y is to court disaster. The Talmudic counsel "no t to rel y on miracles " is sound advic e in the world o f realpolitik. (2) The Primacy o f Politic s The Zionis t movemen t mus t advocate , suppor t an d provid e criteri a o f worth fo r hig h Jewish politics—politic s i n th e Aristotelian no t th e part y sense. It must possess, and encourag e th e State of Israe l an d worl d Jewr y to possess, a strateg y tha t transcend s class , ethnic an d part y divisions ; i t must als o resis t a to o narro w interpretatio n o f nationa l self-interes t a t the expens e o f th e large r worl d Jewis h polity . Zionis t politic s ough t t o be rooted , idealisti c thoug h i t sounds , i n a n explici t commitmen t t o national actio n tha t embodie s collectiv e values . Pu t anothe r way , Zion ism must intend nationa l politic s a s being different fro m nationa l admin istration. I t mus t als o hol d politic s abov e economics , an d further , no t allow politica l actio n t o b e th e consequenc e o f a semi-autonomou s sphere o f economi c competitio n (an d thi s independentl y o f question s o f which economi c syste m i s in place) . In a stron g sense , thi s entail s Zion ism's critique o f th e bourgeoisificatio n o f th e state polity (whethe r base d on a socialist or capitalis t model) . The events leading up to the 197 3 wa r are on e exampl e o f th e danger s o f suc h contrar y economi c supremacy ,

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the natur e o f muc h Wes t Ban k settlemen t anothe r (independentl y o f issues arisin g fro m th e debat e ove r th e correctnes s o f thi s settlemen t an d development). Again , thi s mean s holdin g th e autonom y o f th e collectiv e above party politic s an d self-intereste d sub-section s o f the populace. In a generalization, Zionis t politics must conten d fo r nationa l actualit y a s the measure o f value abov e other realms . (A s a practical firs t ste p this woul d mean th e radica l re-organizatio n o f th e World Zionis t Organization ; th e re-consideration o f th e procedure s use d i n orde r t o discer n th e mandat e under whic h th e WZ O operates ; an d no t leas t th e re-evaluatio n o f th e norms use d b y the WZO t o measur e it s performance. ) Four curren t area s wher e th e nee d fo r suc h a parallelis m betwee n politicized consciousness , "th e primac y o f politics, " an d nationa l dee d are uncompromisingly calle d fo r are : A) Th e Wes t Ban k an d th e so-calle d "Territories, " or , i n a differen t idiom, Judea an d Samaria . Her e the Government o f Israel , unflinchingly , relentlessly, must dictat e policy—whatever polic y that will be in practice —and no t capitulat e t o segment s o f it s ow n populatio n wh o usur p th e prerogatives o f th e state . Zionis t politics , a s presentl y bein g advocated , entails a postur e o f non-negotiatio n unde r suc h circumstances ; a stat e does no t negotiat e it s boundarie s wit h it s ow n citizenry , whateve r thos e boundaries ar e or ma y become . I remind yo u o f th e Begin Government' s structurally an d conceptuall y correc t stan d o n thi s issu e i n it s negotia tions wit h Egypt . That is , the governmen t acte d properly , independentl y of one' s judgmen t o n th e term s o f th e Egyptia n peac e treaty . No r agai n does a stat e negotiat e securit y wit h an y segmen t o f it s people . Citizen s have channel s fo r expressin g thei r suppor t o r dissen t o f governmenta l policies, bu t extra-parliamentar y tactic s ar e no t t o b e countenanced , certainly no t capitulate d t o o r th e entire civil fabric begin s to fray . B) Th e stat e doe s not divid e an d delimi t it s elemental politica l auton omy throug h a welter of fiercely competitive extra-parliamentar y minor ities. Thi s mean s i t doe s no t trea t th e Moetzei Gedolei Hatorah (th e rabbinic leader s o f Agudah), fo r example , a s a n independen t "govern ment i n exile. " Th e daat Torah, th e earlies t mentio n o f whic h I kno w being a n 188 3 essa y o f R . Israe l Salanter, 1 i s not , fo r al l it s authorit y among its own gemeinschaft community , a national-political, o r Zionist political category . In explainin g th e discourtes y o f no t extendin g a n invitation t o th e Presiden t o f Israe l t o addres s it s Kenessiah Gedolah th e Agudah pres s wrote : "Th e Aguda h possesse s th e Crow n o f th e Tora h and ha s n o nee d fo r th e Crow n o f th e State. " S o b e it : le t th e Zionis t

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leadership togethe r wit h th e Nationa l leadershi p full y exercis e th e Keter Malchut, th e 'Crow n o f th e State. ' I n an y case , an d programmatically , let th e Zionis t constituenc y understan d it s ow n imperative s an d ac t accordingly, eve n t o th e poin t o f censorin g th e governmen t o f Israe l when i t fail s t o d o less . Wha t th e Zionis t politica l dialogu e mus t insis t upon, wha t i t mus t trea t wit h sacerdota l reverence , i s th e axiologica l requirement o f parliamentar y politica l structure s an d procedure s (recog nizing th e differin g form s suc h parliamentar y arrangement s ca n tak e within logicall y coheren t an d sociologicall y require d limits) . C) Th e stat e mus t contro l th e economy . Jus t a s i t mus t resis t th e mendacity o f the Agudah s o it must have independence fro m th e Histadrut a s wel l a s master y ove r it s free-capitalis t elements . I t mus t d o thi s not leas t becaus e earlie r theoretica l presumption s abou t th e causa l con nection betwee n economi c developmen t an d politica l transformation s rooted i n Marxis t doctrine s o f th e relationshi p betwee n politica l struc tures an d th e econom y an d the n broadl y adapte d an d adopte d b y all th e functionalist theorie s o f modernizatio n an d stat e developmen t ar e un proved, o r rathe r disconfirme d b y a wid e variet y o f har d contemporar y political evidence . Then , too , eve n i f mindfu l onl y o f th e leve l o f eco nomic efficiency , recognizin g th e significanc e o f economi c matter s fo r the larger policies of the Zionist state , e.g., aliyah, (an d today specificall y the vast Russia n aliyah), i t is sad to note that sinc e the days of the Yishuv the state apparatu s ha s neve r full y mastere d th e economy. The result ha s been th e nation' s continua l vulnerability , an d mixe d legac y o f accom plishment an d ruin . In concret e term s thi s mean s tha t w e requir e a Zionist analysi s of : taxation , an d margina l rate s o f taxation , exchang e rates, dolla r an d othe r foreig n currenc y control s (o r thei r absence) , th e balance o f payments , lan d policy , cola' s (cos t o f livin g adjustmen t wag e arrangements), an d muc h more . Yet , despit e th e foundationa l natur e o f this issue , ther e i s almos t n o Zionis t analysi s o f thi s matte r t o b e foun d in the extensive contemporar y literature . Certainl y n o Zionis t critiqu e of state fisca l an d economi c policies. D) Th e Zionis t leadershi p mus t insis t tha t th e national politica l lead ership obstinatel y an d unreservedl y contro l th e policy , th e decisions , regarding wa r an d peace . Thi s entail s tha t i t no t b e th e prisone r o f on e of it s minister s (o r factions ) o n th e on e hand , no r capitulat e t o contrar y factions a t th e othe r en d o f th e politica l spectrum . Th e debacl e o f Lebanon incarnate s bot h thes e failure s o f politica l contro l (o r it s ab sence). Alternatively , th e recen t behavio r o f th e Israel i governmen t i n

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response t o th e Ira q crisi s i s a brillian t exampl e o f ho w Israel i nationa l policy shoul d b e conducted . (3) Zionis m as Anti-Romanticis m Romantic longing s a s wel l a s romanti c rhetori c fill the page s o f Zionis t ideological history . An d bot h th e longing s an d th e rhetori c mad e a rea l contribution t o Zionism' s dynami c evolution , fo r ther e i s somethin g authentically romanti c abou t th e cr y fo r nationa l renewal , abou t th e Dionysian cal l fo r th e transcendenc e o f Israel' s tragi c exili c existenc e through th e radian t autonom y o f self-realization , o f vital , energizin g actions emergin g fro m one' s deepest , undamaged , individua l an d collec tive intuitions . Ye t i n th e er a o f th e Zionis t Stat e suc h intense , sincerel y felt conviction s mus t no t b e allowe d t o serv e a s th e sol e basi s o f th e national politica l ethic . Fo r suc h self-authenticatin g energies , asserte d most ofte n i n th e nam e o f th e myster y o f kinship , produce a morality o f immediacy, a moralit y o f conviction , tha t i f unrestraine d mus t consum e all ethical balance , al l notions o f other-directe d ethica l responsibility , al l possibility o f rationa l debate , checks an d balances , limits an d repair . 'Organic' i s th e ter m tha t repeatedl y appear s i n th e classica l Zionis t sources t o describ e th e desire d en d o f th e rebirt h o f Jewr y i n it s ow n land. Th e reason s fo r thi s choic e ar e easil y recognized : th e alienatio n attendant upo n an d throug h th e galut conditio n ha s eviscerated , s o th e recurrent chorus , th e Jewis h neshamah (soul ) bot h individuall y an d collectively. Ye t th e mor e I reflec t upo n th e need s o f thi s hour , o f th e post-state moment , th e mor e I a m fearfu l o f usin g thi s metapho r a s th e reigning symbolism o f Zionis t an d Israel i political life . And thi s not leas t because i t ha s bee n th e rallyin g thesi s fo r fascis m an d reactio n every where. In opposition , i.e. , no t onl y over-agains t romanticis m per se, bu t in orde r t o b e in a position t o legitimately oppos e ideologie s o f "blood, " Zionism mus t b e a politic s o r rationality , o f recbt, o f law , o f accounta bility, o f reconciliatio n betwee n mean s an d ends , a n advocat e o f th e imposed sophistication s o f th e civilizing process. There ca n b e n o denia l o f th e powe r o f feeling s i n th e origi n an d continuation o f th e Zionis t enterprise . Ye t Zionis m i s no t primaril y about feeling s bu t abou t justice . It s prima l generativ e an d sustainin g context i s the criminalit y o f th e majority populatio n (bot h Christia n an d Muslim) amon g who m th e Jewish sojourne d fo r th e past tw o millennia .

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Justice demanded a n en d to that excessiv e Jewish powerlessnes s tha t wa s at th e roo t o f thi s barbarism , thi s continua l terrorizatio n o f th e Jewis h people. Zionis m instantiate d thi s hig h aspiration . Zionis m mus t con tinue t o d o so , an d i n m y view , ha s continue d t o d o so , mos t recentl y with regar d t o th e Ethiopia n an d Russia n aliyah. Bu t i t ca n continu e t o do so , give n th e visibl e powe r o f romanti c sensibilitie s an d th e politic s established upo n them , onl y i f i t i s willin g t o counterpos e contractua l and rationa l juridica l an d ethica l norm s ove r agains t th e excesse s o f thi s romanticism, i f it is prepared t o asser t the legal an d mora l foundatio n o f its enterprise o n non-romanti c grounds . The collision with, and rejectio n of, Kahanais m i s a particularl y significan t exampl e o f jus t wha t i s a t stake here . (4) Fo r an d Against Normalizatio n Classical Zionis t ideologue s o f th e non-religiou s cam p mad e th e value , the condition , o f normality supreme . Nata n Rotenstreic h ha s correctl y summarized thi s positio n an d calle d ou r attentio n t o a n importan t nu ance i n th e usag e o f thi s term , b y notin g tha t th e expressio n ha s a t leas t two meanings . (1 ) Th e first entail s "bringin g Jewis h existenc e close r t o what wa s norma l i n th e lif e o f othe r nations . Thi s was , first an d fore most, territoria l existence. " (2 ) Th e secon d indicate s "normalizatio n a s the fulfillmen t o f a 'norm. ' " Henc e "th e lif e o f othe r people s i s taken a s a yardstic k wit h whic h t o measur e th e progres s o f th e Stat e o f Israel." 2 Because world histor y organize s it s space, shapes i t contours an d distrib utes power accordin g t o th e calculu s o f nationa l units , the first interpre tation o f normalizatio n propose d b y Rotenstreich , "bringin g Jewish ex istence close r t o tha t o f th e nations, " ha s dominate d th e histor y o f Zionism. Zionis m has , however , also , a t variou s time s an d i n variou s ways, attempte d t o normaliz e itsel f i n th e secon d sens e outline d above . And her e i t mus t exercis e suprem e caution . Tha t is , i t shoul d resis t Jewish assimilatio n no w unde r th e guis e o f nationa l reconstruction . Fo r even thoug h th e nationa l politica l form s tha t Zionis m an d th e Stat e o f Israel hav e replicate d an d mad e thei r ow n ar e share d product s o f th e post-Enlightenment landscape , th e inne r cultural-spiritua l immediacie s of th e Zionis t Stat e nee d no t be , ough t no t t o be , clone s o f gentil e European, post-Enlightenmen t cultur e per se. Fo r i f the y are , the n th e inner cor e o f th e Zionis t revolutio n ha s bee n a failure , a n illusor y self -

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reconciliation, a mer e transpositio n o f alienatio n fro m on e geographica l locus, galut, t o anothe r Eretz Yisroel. The expansio n an d re-weightin g o f th e significan t occasion s o n th e Hebrew calendar , th e remarkabl e renaissanc e o f th e Hebre w language , aspects o f educatio n bot h religiou s an d secular , th e recover y o f hidde n or obscure d dimension s o f ou r history , th e contro l o f ou r publi c space , have all been revivifying element s in a varied progra m o f renewed Jewis h cultural creativit y an d sensibility ; but , a s yet , thi s progra m i s fragmen tary an d inchoate . Ye t even a s we fumble fo r suitabl e expressio n o f suc h a re-imaginin g of a contemporary Zionis t cano n w e can asser t this muc h with confidence : onl y th e Stat e o f Israe l provide s th e circumstanc e fo r the collective , comprehensiv e reconstitutio n o f a specifi c Jewis h herme neutic i n al l sphere s o f persona l an d grou p activity . Insofa r a s socia l context, i n it s broadest sense , is epistemologically formativ e eve n fo r th e most intimat e o f endeavors , a regnan t Jewish-Hebre w collectiv e is , o f necessity, boun d t o b e transformative ; i t ma y eve n b e profoundl y con structive—and thi s must b e encouraged, thoug h th e verdict i s still out . (5) Zionis t Moralit y a s a Morality o f Relation s no t Reification s The tw o precedin g reflection s ar e inseparabl e fro m a third : Zionis t morality canno t remai n i n th e real m o f lifeles s abstractions , reification s that exis t platonicall y abov e an d separat e fro m socia l relations . A dis tinctive Zionis t ethi c ough t no t t o b e conceive d o f a s th e exchang e relationship betwee n things , no r agai n betwee n independent , idealize d types o r classes . Rathe r politica l morality , Zionis t politica l morality , must emerg e from , an d appl y concretel y to , th e embodied , contingent , diverse, pluralisti c relatio n betwee n group s an d classe s an d cruciall y between peoples . (6) Th e Manipulatio n o f Violence a s an Ideological Weapon I isolat e thi s a s a separat e rubric , thoug h i t i s a direc t corollar y o f th e theme o f th e primac y o f politics , a s a consequenc e o f it s seminal , an d temporally apposite , importance . Zionis m must , a s one o f it s dominant , unambiguous imperative s contro l violenc e withi n th e Jewis h State , a s well a s withi n thos e othe r territoria l loc i i t governs . Recognizin g th e distinction betwee n forc e an d violence , th e State , wit h Zionis t endorse -

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ment, must , i f necessary , us e al l th e forc e a t it s disposa l t o eliminat e violence withi n it s operational parameters , co-inciden t wit h a principle d declaration agains t th e recognitio n o f violenc e a s an instrumen t o f polit ical dialogue . Whateve r ambiguit y migh t exis t i n th e conflic t a t hand , the existenc e o f a Stat e mean s tha t la w mus t prevai l ove r barbari c innocence, ove r passion s n o matte r ho w wel l intended , ove r self-justify ing bias, over extra-lega l normativ e mechanism s o f inspiratio n an d legit imacy. It i s no t appropriat e fo r me , i n thi s context , t o ente r int o a n analysi s of th e detaile d politica l division s withi n th e curren t Israel i circumstance . On on e topi c only I am compelle d t o spea k i n som e specificity . Workin g as I have bee n fo r man y year s o n th e issu e o f comparativ e mas s murde r in relation t o the Sho'ab, i t would b e intellectually an d morall y irrespon sible o f m e no t t o cal l t o attentio n on e overridin g fact : evi l o f al l form s can b e perpetrate d b y th e mos t "selfless, " "idealistic, " "committed " individuals. The "idealism " o f the terrorist, however, excep t in the rares t of instances , doe s no t justif y hi s terror . Certainl y terroris m carrie d ou t by thos e wit h powe r an d influenc e agains t thos e withou t i t i s neve r justified. This profound ethica l issue , this comple x dilemm a regardin g th e rela tionship o f powe r an d th e prope r us e o f force , provide s a quintessentia l example o f th e Ombudsman role , tha t squarin g o f idea l visio n an d ambiguous reality , that Zionis t ideolog y canno t avoid . 17) On Destiny an d Decision The Jewis h peopl e i s a tin y people , a wea k people , a n expose d people . Zionism sough t t o provide som e protection fro m thi s powerlessness, an d has succeeded , i f not completely . A s a consequence, thre e reflection s ca n be justified. Th e first i s the obviou s banalit y tha t we , th e Jewish people , are i n th e gras p o f powerfu l historica l force s stronge r tha n ourselves . The secon d i s tha t wha t w e d o doe s affec t ho w thes e externa l force s relate to , an d dominate , us . Thi s latte r trut h i s no t onl y a confessiona l mark o f Zionis t faith , bu t a n evident , exact , histori c disclosure , i f no t one totall y devoi d o f tha t dar k humorou s iron y tha t mark s Jewis h history. Th e third , followin g upo n th e second , i s that Zionis m mus t be : (a) activist, i.e., a manifestation o f th e inherent resonance s o f the notion s of 'autoemancipation ' an d 'halutziut' ; (b ) ope n t o th e futur e an d futur e

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directed; (c ) unafrai d o f actio n tha t i s no t wholl y pure , i.e. , willin g "t o move," a s Weizmann argue d befor e th e Anglo-America n Enquir y Com mission, "o n th e lin e o f leas t injustice, " bu t obligate d a t th e sam e tim e to reach fo r th e highest ethica l standard s availabl e within th e confines o f the dialectica l ambiguitie s o f rea l life ; (d ) no t paralyze d b y tha t specia l form o f self-hat e an d egocentricit y tha t hold s th e Jewis h peopl e t o a n illusory standar d o f mora l perfectio n i f a deed i s to b e undertaken i n th e name o f Jewry. Zionis m aim s a t idea l realit y bu t i t does no t insis t that if we canno t liv e unadulterate d live s w e mus t continu e t o b e korbanot (sacrifices) o n th e altar s o f th e nations . Zionis m i s not a for m o f utopi anism; (e ) oppose d i n logi c t o determinis m o f al l sorts—economic , historical o r metaphysical ; (f ) an d anti-eschatological . Eve n i f on e con curred i n the metaphysical presumptio n tha t histor y were the veil behin d which suprahistorica l force s existed , tha t th e externa l worl d wer e th e incarnation o f genuinel y transcendenta l powers , a s a Zionis t on e mus t insist tha t thes e ontologica l agencie s ar e ope n t o persuasio n b y huma n behavior. Zionis m grow s fro m th e belie f tha t th e hermeneuti c o f histor y opposes closure . Fo r thos e o f differen t opinio n le t i t b e recalle d tha t according t o the Tanach (th e Hebrew Bible ) even God change s His min d as a consequenc e of , an d i n respons e to , huma n intercession , whil e th e logic o f Teshuvah (Repentance , Return) , s o fundamenta l t o Jewis h lif e and theology , means , remarkably , tha t no t onl y th e future , but , a s i t were, even th e past i s not fixed. (81 The Gola h To thi s poin t m y analysi s ha s centere d o n th e relationshi p o f Zionis m and Zion , bu t Zionis m hold s a self-imposed responsibilit y fo r th e Jewish people bot h insid e th e Stat e o f Israe l a s wel l a s i n th e Golab. Th e peculiar originalit y o f Zionis m a s a nationalis t movemen t lie s i n it s wholly instrumenta l character : th e Stat e is only the mean s o f healin g th e Jewish people . In Usshiskin' s phrase , "I f th e Jewis h peopl e wil l redee m the land the land will redeem the Jewish people." It is always Klal Yisroel that ha s priority ; an y alternativ e renderin g o f Zionis m i s not consonan t with mainstrea m classica l Zionis m acros s th e spectrum . I n ligh t o f thi s larger responsibilit y fo r th e Jewis h people , an d give n th e alread y ex tended natur e of this essay, let me raise for consideratio n onl y two point s relative to the statu s o f th e Golah, an d the n onl y schematically . (A) Th e ultimat e parado x o f th e presen t Zionis t circumstanc e i s tha t

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the creatio n o f th e Stat e o f Israe l ha s partl y solve d th e "J u denfrage" while a t th e sam e tim e recreatin g it , i.e. , i t ha s engendere d ne w an d intense form s o f antisemitism . Thi s i s a fac t no t face d frontall y b y Zionist theoreticians , yet it is an issu e that call s for urgen t analysis . (B) America n Jewry , an d othe r wester n Jewrie s t o lesse r extents , ar e not th e classica l galut Jewrie s o f Zionis t understanding . Th e Zionis t "solution" therefor e n o longe r exactl y o r self-evidentl y fits th e "prob lem." In a nutshell , fo r thes e post-Holocaus t wester n Jewis h communitie s the proble m i s no t antisemitis m bu t assimilation—no t oppressio n bu t success—the inne r unconcer n o f Jews with thei r Jewishness t o th e poin t of th e uncoerced , casua l extinctio n o f tha t Jewishness. I t i s this malaise , this emptiness , tha t make s th e corporate , th e collectiv e embodimen t o f Jewry i n the State all the more urgen t an d significant . In thi s unprecedente d histori c situatio n Zionism , an d th e Zionis t State, must loo k t o worl d Jewry wit h hel p tha t i s adequate t o it s curren t crisis. The y mus t see k t o bolste r Jewis h lif e i n th e Golah, no t merel y lament it s "inevitable " demise . Thus , a s muc h a s money , energ y an d support mus t flow fro m peripher y t o center , fro m galut t o Zion , fro m secondary t o primar y Jewries, so there mus t b e a reconsideration o f tha t flow an d o f th e possibilit y o f a complementar y syste m o f suppor t i n th e opposite direction . Le t thi s brie f mentio n o f a ver y larg e an d comple x problem suffic e fo r th e moment . This ideologica l inventor y centerin g o n th e Zionis m o f Zio n make s no pretens e a s t o descriptiv e completenes s o r analytica l refinement . Ye t the element s her e adumbrate d are , I believe , centra l t o an y an d al l serious discussio n o f contemporary , relevant , Zionis t ideology . M y in tention i s t o ope n u p th e conceptua l conversatio n s o urgently require d rather tha n t o immobiliz e o r anesthetiz e it . I sa y urgently becaus e ulti mately on e canno t separat e a stat e fro m it s "firs t principles" ; i n th e biography o f it s citizens the values o f a state ar e encoded. Fo r those wh o would voluntaril y conjoi n thei r destinie s wit h th e destin y o f th e Stat e of Israel what kin d o f stat e it is matters intensely—thi s i s just a s true toda y for Russia n Jew s a s Frenc h an d America n Jews . Fo r thos e wh o pa y th e highest price fo r th e maintenanc e o f th e Stat e o f Israel—youn g an d not so-young Israeli s who serv e the Stat e an d th e whole Jewish peopl e i n th e army—the normativ e issue s are still more consequential, fo r i n resolvin g them t o thei r satisfactio n they , an d the y alone , wil l decid e whethe r Zionism i s a reality wort h fighting, an d dying , for o r whethe r th e drea m

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for a Contemporary Zionist Ideology

is empt y an d lif e i n Lo s Angele s o r Toront o i s equall y defensible , an d much les s immediately anxiou s an d difficult .

NOTES 1. R . Israel Salanter, Or Yisrael (Vilnius, 1900), No. 62, 1883. 2. Nata n Rotenstreich , Essays on Zionism and the Contemporary Jewish Condition (New York, 1980), p. 24.

12 Zionism as an Expression of Jewish Freedom

Z

ionism i s th e momentou s Jewis h respons e t o modernity . Ami d al l the diverse and alternatin g reaction s to the unprecedented situatio n of th e Jewis h peopl e afte r 1750 , Zionis m an d Zionis m alon e insisted , and rightly , tha t th e unresolve d an d tragicall y unresolvabl e tensions , th e painful ambiguities , an d th e dar k ironie s o f th e post-Enlightenmen t landscape require d bot h a politica l an d a full y nationa l response . In th e context o f 20t h centur y Europea n history , wher e th e optimis m o f th e Haskalah an d The Enlightenment, wher e th e nationalis t loyaltie s o f assimilated an d Refor m Jews , wher e th e insurrectiona l naivet e o f th e socialists, Bundists , an d Marxists , wer e al l devoure d i n th e ritua l immo lation o f th e Jewish peopl e a t Auschwit z an d Treblinka , thi s contentio n needs littl e defending . Eve n i f understoo d onl y i n th e mos t skeleta l Herzlian modality , i n the barest defensiv e political-emigrator y terms , the luminous correctnes s o f HerzP s dialectica l prognosi s i s now unarguable . Even fo r thos e whos e ideologica l commitment s ru n i n othe r directions , who woul d prefe r a Kantia n teleolog y o r a non-nationalis t universalis m predicated upo n a n aversio n t o ethnicit y an d religiou s particularism , th e brute, barbarou s realitie s o f th e murderou s Einsatzgruppen an d th e genocidal imperative s o f Himmler' s S S silences thei r conceptual , princi pled, bu t abstrac t representations . I f les s tha n a n ideal , i f shor t o f a Utopian solution , i f no t a tota l panacea , i f mire d i n th e weaknesse s o f human behavior , i n the crosscurrent s o f huma n volition , i n the unavoid This essa y wa s firs t delivere d a s th e 1986-8 7 So l Feinstei n Memoria l Lectur e o n th e Meaning o f Freedo m a t Grat z College , Philadelphia. Reprinte d b y permission .

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290 Zionism able complexitie s o f historica l existence , Zionism , i n th e 20t h centur y context, tha t i s fo r thos e wh o coul d realiz e it s promise , mean t lif e no t death: dignit y rathe r tha n despoliation ; a n ope n futur e brimmin g wit h possibilities rathe r tha n a funerea l en d t o al l hop e an d t o al l meaning . On th e collective , th e nationa l level , i t mean t tha t th e sepulche r tha t Hitler ha d planne d fo r th e Jewish peopl e woul d ye t remai n empty ; tha t they would surviv e to continu e thei r struggl e with seemingl y recalcitran t reality i n orde r t o brin g ou t o f i t a perfecte d creation . Thos e fe w wh o have continue d t o demu r fro m th e Zionis t projec t eve n i n the fac e o f th e crematoria, o n th e putativ e metaphysica l ground s tha t Zionis m wa s falsifying th e messianic , tha t i t wa s guilt y o f th e si n o f Dehikat ba-ketz, of "forcin g th e end, " throug h it s overturning , i n hubris , o f Israel' s divinely ordaine d exili c status , hav e sinne d agains t bot h Go d an d ma n in wha t ca n onl y b e construe d a s th e arrogan t blindnes s o f thei r ow n confused self-righteousness . Against America n Jewry to o thi s savage history exert s a claim. By one or tw o generation s w e o r ou r parent s an d grandparent s escape d th e inferno. I f no t fo r ourselve s the n fo r th e "remnant, " th e Zionis t actual ity, whatever ou r ideologica l constructio n o f it s obligation s an d charac ter, mus t b e defended, encouraged , supported . An d s o it has been, to th e eternal credi t o f ou r America n community , sinc e a t leas t th e 1940's . I f American Jewr y befor e th e wa r failed , i n it s generality , t o gras p th e demand o f th e hou r it s fault , thoug h real , i s understandable . In mor e recent decades , b y contrast , almos t al l America n Jew s hav e been , i n th e minimalist sens e o f financial an d politica l support , i f no t Zionists , the n at leas t pro-Israel. The y hav e no t faile d t o grasp , despite thei r privilege d situation, th e meaning , the obligation, o f providing a refuge . To thi s elementa l degre e then , Zionis m a s embodie d i n th e Yisbuv and thereafte r i n th e Stat e o f Israe l i s th e ultimat e expressio n o f Jewis h freedom, definin g freedo m her e i n it s mos t rudimentar y for m a s th e ability t o survive . A s on e woul d b e har d presse d t o find anothe r peopl e whose ver y physica l existenc e ha s bee n marke d ou t fo r annihilation , whose enemie s activel y sough t nothin g les s tha n it s ful l extermination , who stoo d alone , targete d fo r nothin g shor t o f genocid e i n it s technica l sense o f th e utte r physica l eradicatio n o f ever y man , woman , an d chil d who belonge d t o it s rank , thi s rejoinder—survival—i s n o smal l matter . After Auschwit z Jewis h existenc e i s never "mer e existence, " an d thu s t o the considerabl e degre e tha t Zionis m facilitate s Jewis h continuit y i t incarnates freedom . Fo r what freedo m transcend s th e freedo m t o be ?

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But Zionis m ha s alway s wille d t o b e mor e tha n haven , thoug h i f i t were onl y this , given ou r recen t blood-staine d past , w e ough t stil l to sa y dayenu. Fo r Zionis m ha s a fuller , deepe r gras p o f th e resonance s o f freedom. An d i t i s wit h thes e tha t w e mus t occup y ourselves , howeve r schematically, fo r th e remainder o f thi s chapter . Ten elements , n o kabbalisti c gematria o r notarikon intended , requir e elucidation. Al l te n dea l wit h what , i n th e vocabular y o f classica l Zion ism, are known a s the twin problem s o f th e "statu s o f th e Jews" an d th e "condition o f th e Jews." 1. Zionism i s rooted i n the repercussive recognitio n tha t rea l freedom , both individualisticall y an d communally , i s not onl y freedo m o f though t but freedo m o f th e will . "I f yo u wil l it, " Herz l argued , "i t i s no t a dream." Th e ful l expressio n o f suc h freedom , tha t whic h substantivel y makes i t mor e tha n a mer e wish, 1 i s th e purposiv e activit y tha t intend s its realization , tha t structure d proces s tha t mus t b e empirically , existen tially exemplifie d i n all o f life's concret e situations . I t mus t b e perfor mance no t onl y pronouncement . A s suc h Zionis m insists , requires , tha t it make a real differenc e t o th e way Jews, and others , live out thei r dail y lives. B y controllin g th e politica l domain , an d onl y b y controllin g th e political domain , doe s thi s axio m becom e actionable . Thi s i s especiall y true insofa r a s Zionis m understand s tha t th e persona l an d collectiv e cannot b e fully divide d int o sealed compartments . Rathe r th e two realm s intermingle, wit h th e politica l domai n exertin g a ubiquitou s presenc e i n all th e cover t an d over t sphere s o f huma n an d grou p relations . Pu t another complementar y way , the activis m o f Zionis m will s tha t ther e b e no divisio n betwee n ideal s an d reality . Volition , guide d b y principles , translates th e ought int o th e is. The publi c arena , throug h wille d behav ior, become s the embodied loci of th e normative , the prescriptive . A wor d o f furthe r explanatio n i s her e require d i n ligh t o f th e degen erate histor y tha t th e notio n o f nationa l wil l ha s ha d i n ou r time . Sinc e Nazism exalte d it s diaboli c racia l violenc e a s "th e triump h o f th e will, " morally sensitiv e individual s hav e recognize d th e danger s inheren t i n extreme nationa l manifestation s o f thi s notion . Therefore , i t i s require d to dra w a clea r divisio n betwee n Zionis m a s th e incarnatio n o f nationa l will, an d thos e movement s tha t dra w upon , bu t thoroughl y debase , thi s fecund idea . In Zionis m th e nationa l wil l is , in consonanc e wit h it s ow n deepest principles , neve r self-sufficient , neve r a n en d i n itself , neve r th e autonomous beare r o f valu e t o th e degre e tha t i t ca n trampl e moralit y underfoot. Th e nationa l wil l a s expresse d i n Zionism , tha t i s consciou s

2 9 2 Zionism of itsel f a s a movemen t o f liberation , entail s openness , accessibility , malleability, an d accountability . Th e nationa l will , contra fascis m or , and especially , Nazism , i s no t conceive d o f a s a blind , destructive , ulti mately suicida l reality . Committe d irrevocably , i n principle , t o libertar ian an d democrati c norms , i t doe s no t see k t o usur p individua l auton omy bu t t o encourag e it , i t doe s no t desir e t o manipulat e it s peopl e bu t to unshackl e them , i t does not inten d t o delimi t thei r acces s to idea s an d information bu t t o encourag e th e free an d livel y interchange o f informa tion. It s raison d'etre i s to justly open u p the political process , to encour age acces s t o th e source s o f power , t o distribut e th e realit y o f powe r t o its people , rathe r tha n t o narro w dow n thes e politica l opportunitie s t o the few , o r i n the extrem e cas e of Nazism, th e Fuhrer alone . 2. Zionis m perceive d tha t th e moral equatio n require s tha t th e Jewish People becom e subject, becom e th e autho r o f thei r ow n destiny . Moral ity, bot h individua l an d eve n mor e collective , national , require s tha t subjectivity, tha t self-determinatio n shape d b y subject s i n dialogu e tha t no a-symmetrica l utilitaria n exchang e ca n possess . Moralit y canno t maintain itsel f whe n th e "other " i s perceive d a s object only . Jew s had , the Zionist s intuited , t o transfor m fat e int o destiny ; t o rais e thei r la mentable statu s b y initiatin g actio n rathe r tha n merel y reactin g t o th e initiative o f others . 3. A s such , i n it s deepes t inspiration , Zionism' s prima l energ y i s derived fro m it s desire to actualize a profound mora l vision. For Zionis m freedom i s no t only , an d minimally , th e powe r t o execut e one' s inten tions, th e capacit y t o satisf y one' s desire, 2 however worth y o r otherwis e one's intention s an d desire s are . Rather , i n contradistinctio n t o thi s classical libera l renderin g o f th e notio n o f freedom , Zionis m necessaril y associates freedo m wit h goodness , th e absenc e o f coercio n wit h th e attainment o f nobl e purposes , th e capacit y t o wil l wit h th e compassion ate desir e t o wil l th e ennobling , eve n th e sublime . See n i n thi s way , Zionism i s a dynamic attemp t t o correlat e th e ethica l with th e actual . A t its hear t i t i s a mora l crusad e tha t addresse s Jew s an d non-Jew s wit h a moral demand . 4. The expressio n o f thi s ethica l valence , this normative design , in th e requirement tha t th e Jewish Peopl e have a state o f thei r ow n i s therefor e not intende d t o b e th e expressio n o f a naturalisti c chauvinism . Rather , this imperative flow s fro m th e transcendent recognitio n tha t onl y suc h a reconstructed politica l arrangemen t ca n assur e tha t bot h Jew s an d non Jews wil l ac t toward s eac h othe r wit h th e requisite , minima l decency .

Zionism 2 9

3

Jewish powerlessnes s create s th e immoral relationshi p tha t ha s governe d Jewish lif e i n th e Diaspora . T o en d thi s asymmetr y an d it s evi l conse quences a stat e i s needed. I t is, however, simultaneously , th e recognitio n of this meta-political normativity , this attempt to create a moral dialogu e between Jew s an d other s a s th e vital , rudimentar y fac t o f Jewis h exis tence, tha t result s i n th e dialectica l judgmen t tha t whil e ther e mus t b e a Jewish stat e thi s stat e ca n b e allowe d alway s an d onl y t o posses s instru mental value ; that i s the Jewish stat e i s subordinate t o bot h th e need s of the Jewis h Peopl e a s wel l as , o r eve n mor e so , t o thos e axiologica l stringencies tha t conditio n an d defin e th e existence o f thi s people Israel . This definin g instrumenta l circumstanc e i s wha t decisivel y indivi duates Zionis m fro m th e broa d ru n o f moder n nationalis t movements . Insofar a s Zionis m i s neve r a n end , contra al l fascis t an d statis t move ments, bu t alway s a servant , i n tha t th e Zionis t movemen t cam e int o being onl y t o serv e th e Jewish People , i t know s tha t th e correc t expres sion o f freedo m i n thi s contex t mus t b e consisten t wit h Israel' s non negotiable ethica l center . Accordingly Zionis t freedom , a s Jewis h freedo m mor e generall y a s experienced i n th e Exodu s whic h culminate d i n th e revelator y momen t of Sinai , is never merel y negativ e freedom , freedo m fro m x o r y where x or y ar e prescription s o r principle s o f juridica l o r normativ e behavior . Zionist freedo m i s no t anarchi c bu t disciplined , no t onl y freedo m fro m but, necessarily , freedo m for , no t onl y th e absenc e o f coercio n o r re straint bu t als o th e recognitio n o f obligation s an d responsibilities , th e acknowledgment no t onl y o f mean s bu t als o o f ends , th e us e o f powe r as well a s the contro l o f it s misuse. 5. Power , fo r Zionism , thoug h elemental , indee d th e fundamenta l factor i n its analysis of th e Jewish people' s concret e situation , is , accordingly never intende d t o b y tyrannical . Th e commo n threa d tha t run s from Callicles ' argumen t i n Plato' s Gorgias (484a) , to Nietzsche' s Ubermensch, allowin g fo r qualification s tha t ar e necessar y here , to th e Ftihrerprinzip tha t claim s a transcendenta l immunit y fro m positiv e law , ar e the antithesi s o f Zionis t self-definition . Accordingly , whil e on e cannot , and shoul d not , ignor e o r den y th e passionat e romanti c longing s an d inspirations activ e i n th e milie u ou t o f whic h Zionis m emerged , th e freedom tha t Zionis m envision s shoul d no t b e deciphere d a s bein g ele mentally abou t feeling s bu t abou t justic e unde r law . Justic e demande d an en d t o Jewis h powerlessness , an d Zionis m instantiate d thi s ethica l demand. Freedo m i n th e Stat e o f Israel , fo r bot h Je w an d non-Jew ,

294 Zionism means adhering to these rational juridica l an d ethica l imperatives. What ever th e specifi c ambiguitie s tha t migh t an d d o exis t i n th e variou s competitive an d conflict-lade n circumstance s o f th e Stat e o f Israel , th e Zionist cred o require s tha t la w mus t prevai l ove r al l barbarism , eve n when emergin g fro m innocenc e o r passion . Th e "commitment " o f th e dogmatist, n o les s tha n th e "idealism " o f th e terrorist , whethe r Arab , European, o r Jewish , mus t b e oppose d precisel y becaus e o f th e founda tional principle s upo n whic h Zionis m i s predicated . Again , an d a s a corollary, violenc e i n it s myria d forms , a s a mod e o f Jewis h politic s within th e state, is unacceptable. In reflectin g o n th e ethic s o f politics , o n th e responsibilitie s tha t national freedo m entails , a furthe r corollar y i s t o b e highlighted . Jews , the Jewis h People , ar e no w a majorit y somewher e and , a s such , th e "minority mentality " ha s begun , t o wha t degre e we coul d argue , to giv e way t o a ne w for m o f collectiv e consciousness . Integra l t o thi s transfor mation i s the significan t inescapabl e challenge , unknown fo r tw o millen nia, o f ho w t o exercis e th e freedo m o f th e majorit y whil e protectin g th e rights an d dignit y o f "minorities." 3 Sinc e 194 8 a whol e ne w extraordi nary experienc e ha s unfolded . No t sinc e 7 0 C.E . hav e we , th e Jewis h People, bee n teste d b y th e contro l o f power ; no w w e are . Th e semina l debates ove r th e Wes t Bank , th e Ara b minorit y i n Israel , th e Druze , th e Palestinians, a s well a s the intra-Jewish dialogu e ove r th e non-Orthodo x rabbinate, th e rol e o f women , th e State' s relation s wit h th e non-Zionis t Jewish Orthodo x right , ar e al l par t an d parce l o f thi s comple x discus sion. S o to o ar e interna l matter s o f socia l an d economi c justice , o f th e edot mizrach, o f th e Falasha's . Ou r profoundes t activit y a s a free peopl e is now inseparabl e fro m th e exercise o f political power . 6. Zionis t freedo m envisione d a s wel l a secon d complementar y typ e of transformation . A transmogrificatio n o f th e Jewis h condition. Thi s was t o b e a n inner mutatio n o f th e Jewis h circumstance , fo r whic h a state was th e pre-eminent facilitator , give n its unrivaled possibilitie s a s a channel, a structure , fo r collectiv e actio n an d reform . A s Aha d Ha'A m wrote i n reflectin g o n th e first Zionis t Congres s i n Ha-Shilo'ah i n Sep tember 1897 : "Th e Congres s [was ] a grea t publi c statemen t befor e al l the worl d tha t th e Jewis h peopl e wa s stil l aliv e an d wishe d t o g o o n living . . . [i t was importan t not ] s o tha t othe r nation s hea r i t an d gran t us ou r desir e b u t . . . s o tha t we ourselves hea r th e ech o o f ou r voic e i n the depth s o f ou r ow n sou l whic h migh t the n awak e an d shak e of f it s degradation." 4 Pu t differently, Zionis m recognize d tha t exile , galut, wa s

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5

not onl y a state o f externa l pressure , of publi c and juridica l debasement , but tha t i t also necessaril y involve d th e mirrorin g o f thi s political distor tion i n th e inne r lif e o f th e Jew an d Judaism. Exile , then, wa s no t onl y a territorial an d politica l relationshi p bu t als o a psychologica l an d spiri tual one . Exile meant a crippling psychological dependence , a n absolute , suicidal inauthenticity . In its minimalist renderin g then , Zionis m a s interior catharsi s mean t overcomin g th e abilit y t o b e shame d b y non-Jew s merely becaus e o f one' s Jewishness . Thi s shame , s o widesprea d a phe nomenon i n moder n times , th e extrem e expressio n o f whic h i s th e per vasive phenomenon o f Jewish self-hatre d foun d i n violent form s i n indi viduals suc h a s Kar l Mar x an d Ott o Weininger , an d i n stil l potent , loathsome, subtl e form s i n Jews suc h a s Phili p Rot h an d Norma n Mailer , is th e resul t o f th e internalizatio n o f tha t hatre d whic h th e anamalou s situation o f th e Je w create s an d whic h Zionis m intend s t o decisivel y overcome. In it s maxima l expressio n Zionis t freedo m mean s th e recrea tion o f autonomou s Jewis h creativit y ou t o f th e source s o f Judaism . I n between thes e tw o extreme s i t aim s t o hea l th e schizophreni a tha t char acterizes th e Jewish sou l i n exil e even , o r especially , th e exili c sou l tha t benefits s o markedl y fro m freedo m i n th e wester n democracies , espe cially America . T o thi s degre e i t share s i n th e wisdo m o f th e Hasidi c Rebbe wh o taugh t tha t th e deepes t exil e occur s whe n on e i s n o longe r aware tha t on e i s i n exile . Roote d i n a judiciou s deciphermen t o f th e very rea l succes s o f wester n Jewry , Zionis m recognize s tha t individua l economic an d materia l success , howeve r considerable , doe s no t full y alleviate the inner tension s o f th e Jewish psyche . This psychi c burde n nee d no t manifes t itsel f a s fear , i t i s enough tha t it manifest itsel f a s felt difference . Fo r i n this awarenes s o f differenc e lie s the radica l recognitio n tha t th e individua l i s mor e tha n a self-creatin g being, tha t h e i s th e residu e o f a millennial-old , nationa l histor y fro m which, howeve r devoutl y h e ma y wis h it , h e canno t b e completel y free . Just a s psychoanalysi s discover s tha t th e chil d i s th e fathe r o f th e ma n and throug h thi s discover y make s th e healin g o f th e adul t possible , s o Zionism contend s tha t th e nation i s the father o f the individual, howeve r much mos t Jews fee l orphans , and , b y analogy , tha t onl y thi s structura l diagnosis ca n provid e th e cur e fo r tha t divisiv e self-identit y whic h i s s o prevalent, an d s o potent a reality i n the post-emancipation Jew . Seen thus , eve n fo r thos e wh o ti e thei r destin y t o th e Golah, a s fo r example, th e grea t majorit y o f America n Jews , Zionis m provide s a cre ative operativ e principl e tha t free s the m fro m bot h indignit y an d passiv -

296 Zionism ity. A s a n empirica l observation , th e manifes t prid e o f th e America n Jewish communit y i n it s Jewishness, an d it s political activis m o n behal f of worl d Jewry , a s wel l a s othe r oppresse d people s i s n o accident ; i t i s rather, i n larg e measure , th e practical consequenc e o f th e Zionizatio n o f the America n Jewis h community . Her e I tal k no t o f achievements , rea l as they are , bu t rathe r o f attitudes , of a regnant sensibilit y regardin g th e unashamed mora l wholenes s o f unite d Jewis h activism . Th e dominan t anxiety o f th e previou s er a no t "t o appea r to o Jewish, " t o suppor t Jewish cause s onl y furtivel y o r anonymously , t o falsel y juxtapos e Jewis h and huma n ends , to labo r unde r th e dichotomou s typolog y o f particula r versus universal , al l transparent expression s o f th e corrosive schizophre nia tha t Zionis m wa s sensitiv e to , t o whic h i t wille d t o b e a n antidote , are now , i f no t wholly , bein g transcende d b y a new , Zionist-inspired , i f not full y Zionist , Jewis h self-awarenes s tha t ha s n o bette r nam e tha n true freedom . There i s a profound , necessar y corollar y o f thi s visio n whic h i s inte gral to it , though ver y little understood. Th e realization o f freedo m fro m this perspectiv e mean s transformin g no t onl y th e Jewis h bu t als o th e non-Jewish situation . Insofa r a s th e oppressio n o f Jewr y i s th e conse quence o f non-Jewis h attitudes , Zionism's aim , in one primal sense , is to radically alte r thes e causativ e attitudes ; t o i f yo u like , liberat e th e non Jew fro m hi s anti-semitism . A s such , Zionis m i s therefor e a s equall y dedicated, i n principle , t o th e liberatio n o f th e oppresso r a s i t i s t o th e liberation o f th e Jew whos e ruinousl y disadvantage d pligh t i s the dialec tical consequenc e o f th e alienated , negativ e consciousnes s unde r whic h he is subordinated. In self-interest th e Zionist i s committed t o the ethica l reconstruction o f hi s enemy . Squarin g self-interes t an d altruis m h e doe s not wan t merel y t o inver t role s wit h hi s victimize r an d becom e th e oppressor. 7. A chil d doe s no t choos e th e languag e h e wil l speak . Ye t hi s lan guage, which hold s hi m prisoner , i s the mediu m fo r hi s discover y o f th e world, fo r whateve r freedo m o f though t an d experienc e h e will com e t o know. Whe n th e chil d learn s t o orde r hi s world , t o expres s himsel f through th e mysterie s o f th e inbuil t syntacti c an d grammatica l structur e of language , he comes to construct hi s speech b y rules not o f his making , yet whe n h e conform s t o the m w e d o no t cal l hi m slav e an d whe n h e breaks the m w e d o no t cal l hi m free . Th e rea l challenge , th e authenti c test o f freedom , i s to lear n t o us e th e rule s t o creat e ne w possibilitie s a s did a Shakespear e o r Agnon . So , b y analogy , ar e th e circumstance s o f

Zionism 29

7

national belonging . W e d o no t choos e ou r nationa l identit y no r b y moving within it s parameters, b y exercising the options therei n open , d o we becom e slaves . Rather , i n th e naturalnes s o f identity , th e individua l expresses the deepest unit y o f hi s or he r personality . As a furthe r expressio n o f suc h natura l contextua l an d familia l free dom, Mordecai Kaplan' s insigh t into the rights of parents an d o f discret e cultural communitie s i s t o b e recalled . H e remind s u s that : "i f w e den y to an y group, " i n thi s cas e specificall y th e Jewis h people , "th e righ t t o transmit it s language , it s experiences , it s sancta, it s belief s an d it s desi derata, w e ro b al l it s member s o f th e elementar y righ t t o exercis e thei r most human , a s distinct fro m subhuman , function—tha t o f elicitin g th e humanity inheren t i n th e child," 5 tha t i s thei r children . Justic e require s that Jew s hav e th e freedo m t o teac h thei r childre n t o b e Jews . T o surrender thi s right , a s modernity ha s demande d o f th e Jewish peopl e a s the pric e o f it s admissio n t o citizenship , i s immoral . O r pu t differently , assimilation t o th e majoritaria n cultur e i s a n extrem e for m o f unfree dom. T o th e degre e the n tha t Zionis m ha s reverse d thi s patter n o f cultural, axiologica l surrender ; t o th e exten t tha t i t ha s facilitate d th e renewal o f "natural " Jewis h identity , i t ha s bee n a liberatin g force . Consider, t o mak e thi s poin t mor e clearly , a number o f actua l example s of th e change s i t ha s wrough t i n contemporar y Jewis h lif e eve n i n th e golah. First , reflec t upo n th e revaluatio n o f ou r calendar , a decisiv e element i n an y group' s self-identity , whic h Zionis m ha s caused . Chanu kah ha s emerged a s more importan t tha n eve r before, while Tish'a BeAv and Lag Ba'Omer, tw o ver y differen t sort s o f occasions , hav e bee n transformed, al l becaus e the y ar e subjec t t o a Zionis t revisioning . Com pare this to the "decline " of the importance o f Purim i n all but orthodo x circles. Again, new festivals suc h as Yom Ha-Atzmaut an d Yom Yerusbalayim hav e bee n adde d t o th e calendar . Secondly , th e rol e o f Hebre w i n our communa l an d educationa l concern s a t al l level s ha s agai n become , in bot h ol d an d especiall y ne w ways , a n essentia l par t o f ou r sens e o f self an d community . Thirdly , conside r th e psychological , social , an d historic meanin g o f th e ne w us e o f Hebre w name s a s one' s primar y name. Remember tha t th e midrash attribute s th e redemption fro m Egyp t to th e fac t tha t Jewish mother s continue d t o giv e their childre n Hebre w names. Such attributions ar e a sign of Jewish pride and o f Jewish cultura l freedom. 8. In decodin g the meaning o f freedo m one , as a rule, as in Locke an d Montesquieu, an d agai n i n Herz l an d Jabotinsky , tend s t o defin e free -

298 Zionism dom, bot h persona l an d civil , i n term s o f security . In a succinc t an d weighty definition , Montesquie u describe s freedo m i n thes e words: "th e political libert y o f a subjec t i s th e tranquilit y o f min d arisin g fro m th e opinion eac h perso n ha s o f hi s safety . In orde r t o hav e thi s liberty , i t i s requisite the government b e so constituted a s one man nee d not be afrai d of another." 6 S o th e repercussiv e matte r o f civi l statu s an d equalit y before th e law . Bu t Zionism , throug h it s intuitiv e colloqu y wit h value s intends agai n t o transmut e th e conditio n o f Jewry b y posing th e system atic problemati c o f freedo m no t onl y a s on e o f juridica l an d constitu tional structur e bu t als o a s on e o f metaphysica l possibility , o f un bounded horizons , i n a word perceivin g freedo m a s bold adventure . Th e Zionist imperativ e require s tha t th e Jewis h Peopl e mus t b e open , a s a people, to the present . It i s o n thi s fundamenta l normativ e leve l tha t Zionis m came , an d continues t o come , into profoundes t conflic t wit h element s o f th e classi cal halachi c Weltanschauung. Th e orthodo x wh o oppose d Zionis m sense d rightly, its revolutionary implication s jus t here in the realm o f aspiratio n and correctl y graspe d it s transcendenc e o f tha t exalte d a-historicit y en couraged b y traditional piety . Aside from thos e fe w wh o lik e Rav Kook , armed wit h hi s evolutionar y kabbalisti c cosmology , coul d find way s o f reconciling thi s polemica l tension , thi s collisio n lie s a t th e ver y hear t o f both th e ideologica l relatio n o f Zionis m t o Jewis h tradition , a s wel l a s the practical , threatening , tragic , unresolve d dialogu e betwee n variou s factions withi n th e Jewis h Peopl e i n ou r time . Ther e ar e n o eas y solu tions here . Thi s ver y fact , mor e tha n an y other , witnesse s t o th e radica l novelty o f Zionism' s conceptualizatio n o f freedom . Alternatively, th e magneti c attractio n tha t th e Zionis t enterpris e con cretely realize d in , bu t ha s no t ye t exhauste d through , th e actualit y o f the Stat e o f Israe l i s grounded , i n larg e measure , i n it s futurity . We , th e entire Jewis h People , ar e seduce d b y ou r desir e t o participat e i n th e shaping o f Israel' s futur e destiny , t o b e a partne r i n th e momentou s adventure whic h i s the Stat e of Israel . 9. Zionis m creates , a s a concret e corollar y o f thi s implicatio n o f freedom, novelty . As a consequence o f th e possibilities i t engenders, ne w forms o f Jewis h life , ne w spiritua l centers , an d ne w mode s o f Jewis h expression hav e com e into being . Not onl y th e Kibbut z bu t Tsahal an d th e Knesset hav e a profoun d spiritual dimensio n tha t affect s al l Jews in terms of who we are and wha t

Zionism 29

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we drea m w e migh t become . The ver y possibilitie s tha t w e migh t retur n to th e lan d afte r th e fashio n o f th e kibbutzni k o r fly a phantom , o r b e Prime Minister o f a Jewish Commonwealt h ar e onl y thre e o f th e myria d possibilities fo r self-realizatio n tha t Zionis m ha s made possible . The horizons o f al l our imagination s ar e that muc h broade r tha n eve r before. Ol d ideal s hav e bee n refurbishe d an d revived , ne w one s created . Another wa y o f summin g thi s u p i s t o sa y tha t ther e ar e no w ne w an d unprecedented type s o f Jewis h heroes . Eve n th e ide a o f ne w Jewis h heroes i s itself, in the modern world , a striking novelty : "The old will become new/ And the new will be consecrated Old and new together/ Will be torches of light over Zion." 7 10. Tent h an d last , Zionis m i s the assertio n tha t rea l freedo m entail s the freedo m t o b e different . Zionis m make s i t possibl e fo r th e Jewis h people t o liv e a life , t o creat e a civilization , tha t i s no t onl y a n alter native t o th e pattern s o f socia l lif e dominan t i n non-Jewis h societ y a t large, bu t als o on e tha t i s differen t a s wel l fro m th e histori c patter n o f Jewish lif e i n th e golab. I t provides th e opportunit y t o remov e ourselve s from exil e an d t o remov e th e exil e that i s within ourselves . I t challenge s us, a s nothin g els e can , t o exercis e ou r existentia l freedo m an d t o mak e aliyah; or , conversely , i f w e choos e t o remai n i n th e golab t o d o s o a s a matter o f authenti c choic e rathe r tha n a s a resul t o f othe r people' s necessity. In sum , i t offer s a suprem e tes t o f ou r Jewish substanc e an d a quintessential engagemen t o f ou r huma n potentialities . Zionis m set s u s free.

NOTES 1. A s Kant sai d i n The Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysics of Morals, "[The good will is not] . . . a mere wish, but the summoning of all means in our power." (Indianapolis, 1948), Section 1. 2. Se e J. S. Mills' definition: "freedo m . . . is . . . pursuing our own good in our own way . . . . Libert y consist s i n doin g wha t on e desire s . . ." On Liberty (New York, 1910), pp. 75 and 152. 3. A s th e Kin g i n Juda h Halevi' s Juzari already point s out , i t i s eas y t o b e "moral" when on e lacks the power t o effect th e outcome of events. Would, he asks , th e Jews d o bette r i n thi s respec t tha n othe r communitie s i f the y controlled the state? Let us hope so!

300 Zionism 4. Cite d fro m Davi d Vital , Zionism: The Formative Years (Oxford, 1982) , p. 24. 5. Judaism as a Civilization (Philadelphia , 1934 ; I cite this quote from th e 1981 edition), p. 246. 6. Montesquieu , Spirit of the Laws (Cambridge [England], 1989). 7. Ra v Kook, Letters (Jerusalem, 1961 ) [in Hebrew].

Index

Abel, Theodore (Abe l Interviews) , 94nn.9, 10 , 1 0 3 n . l l 5 Aborigines, 11 7 Academy o f Jewis h Philosophy , 2 7 Adorno, Theodor , o n Holocaus t an d liter ature, 186-8 7 n.5 9 Aggadah, a s a sourc e fo r an d o f Jewis h philosophy, 46 ; Maimonides ' vie w of , 46; Ma x Kadushin' s interpretatio n of , 46; Emi l Fackenheim' s us e of , 46 ; limit s of fo r philosophy , 4 6 Agnon, Shmuel , 29 6 Agudah (Agudat Yisroel), 274 , 277 , 280 , 281, 29 4 Ahad Ha-Am , 29 4 Ahaseurus, 8 7 Albigensian Crusade , 114 ; no t comparabl e to Holocaust , 11 4 Aliyah, 281 , 299; Russia n aliyah 281 , 283; Ethopia n aliyah 28 3 America, 29 5 American Jewry , 276 , 290 , 2 9 5 - 9 6 ; a s galut, 28 7 American Presidents , 27 9 Anglo-American Enquir y Commission , 286 Angress, Werner, 10 0 n.6 7 Anselm, an d proof s fo r th e existenc e o f God, 26 0 Anstey, Roger , 12 2 Anti-eschatalogical, Zionis m as , 28 6 Antimodernism, 278 , 27 9 Antisemitism, 74—104 ; Polis h antisemi tism, 82 ; sprea d of , 168 ; i n Christia n theology, 168 ; Stat e o f Israe l and , 28 7

Aquinas, Thomas , an d proof s fo r th e exis tence o f God , 26 0 Arendt, Hannah , 2 4 n.14 , 138 , 15 2 nn.l , 3, 15 5 n.18 ; o n Eichmann , 19 1 n.7 0 Aristotelians, 26 3 Aristotle, 4 9 n . l ; o n similarit y an d differ ence, 18 5 n.53; on creation , 26 4 Armenians, 137 ; slaughte r o f (1915 1917), 164 , 165 ; end o f Youn g Turks , 165 Aronson, Ronald , o n Holocaus t an d in sanity, 190-9 1 n.6 6 Aryan, 126 , 127 , 12 8 Assimilation, 283 , 287, 29 7 Auschwitz, 6 , 47 , 129 , 130 , 131 , 138 , 139, 142 , 144 , 146 , 226 , 251 , 258, 263, 289 , 290 ; an d God , 269 ; an d Stat e of Israel , 239 , 270 ; an d Naz i theor y o f race, 175 ; an d historica l crisis , 169 , 170; an d Gree k Jews , 129 ; Gypsie s at , 129-31; compare d t o Gulag , 1 3 8 - 6 1 ; industry at , 144 ; death s pe r day , 146 ; God's silenc e at , 234 ; Irvin g Green berg's respons e to , 229 ; Irvin g Green berg o n Covenan t afte r Auschwitz , 236-38; an d halachah, 24 3 Authority, an d halachah, 4 5 Autoemancipation, 28 5 Autonomists, 27 4 Arab minority , 29 4 Ayatollah Khomeini , 27 8 Baal She m To v (th e BeSHT) , 55, 58 , 61, 62, 63 , 64, 69 , 70 , 7 2 n . l 6 ; compariso n with Kotzke r Rebbe , 5 8 - 5 9

301

302 Index Bader, Guido , 11 2 Baeck, Leo , 35 , 49 n. l Baird, Robert , 5 0 n.l 5 Baron, Salo , 2 5 n.3 8 Barth, Karl , 17 , Christia n theolog y afte r Holocaust, 162-63 , 17 8 n.12; Christia n anti-Judaism, 19 1 n.6 6 Bayit Sheni. See Secon d Templ e Bauer, Yehuda , o n Holocaus t versu s geno cide, 164-65 , 18 1 n.2 2 Baur, F . C , 2 "Beetle i n th e Box, " 17 2 Begin, Menachem , 28 0 Benjamin, Walter , 10 3 n.l 11 Bennathan, Esra , 9 7 n.5 0 Bent, 13 2 Berkovits, Eliezer , 35 ; theolog y afte r Ho locaust, 162 ; o n "Fre e Will " defense , 265, 27 3 n.34 ; o n "Exil e o f th e Shecbinah," 27 3 n.4 5 Besdin, Rabb i A. , 5 1 n . l 7 Biale, David, Gershom Scbolem, 27 1 n.2 0 Bible, 45; views of , 29 ; "highe r criticism " of, 29 , 3 9 Birkenau, ga s chambers , 20 5 Black Death , 116 , 12 4 Black Slavery , 105 , 120-26 , 164 ; numbe r of, 120 ; importanc e o f economi c con siderations, 120-22 , 123-24 ; innocula tion o f slaves , 123 ; compared t o Ausch witz, 126 ; natura l increase , 124-25 ; mortality rates , 125 ; an d blac k women , 125. See also Slavery ; Slav e trad e Bodin, Jean, 10 9 Boehme, Jacob, 25 9 Bolshevik Revolution , 8 3 Book of Beliefs and Opinions, 4 2 Borah, Woodrow , 114 , 11 8 Borkin, Joseph, Germa n industr y an d Ho locaust, 196 ; o n Auschwit z an d technol ogy, 204 ; o n productio n o f zyklo n B gas, 22 3 n.7 8 Bormann, Martin , 12 8 Borowitz, Eugene , 35 Botswana, 17 0 Bradten, Car l E. , 2 3 n. 8 Buber, Martin , 14 , 25 n.31 , 27, 2 9 - 3 3 , 35, 36 , 37 , 38 , 49 n . l , 5 0 nn.7 , 13 , 51 n.23, 52 n.28 , 54, 67 , 71 , 71 n.3, 226, compariso n wit h Heschel , 54 , 56-

57; I-IT, 200 ; interpretatio n o f Hasi dism, 27 1 n.21 ; pronominal approac h to language , 37 ; epistemology , 38 ; de bate wit h Rosenzwei g o n "Law, " 25 n.3 1 Buddhist, 4 3 Bultmann, Rudolf , 2 , 8 , 29 , 4 7 Bundists, 274 , 28 9 Buna Camp , an d food , 205 ; an d work , 205 Burke, Edmund , 11 7 Burr, Georg e L. , 11 2 Burundi, 17 0 Callicles, 29 3 Cambodia, 164 , 170 ; an d evi l o f Khme r Rouge, 16 5 Camus, Albert , 11 , 65 Cargas, Harr y James , o n Christia n theol ogy afte r Holocaust , 16 2 Chanukab, 13 , 19 , 239, 29 7 Chazal, 14 , 19 , 20, 2 4 n.26 , 43 ; an d sta tus o f Torah , 4 3 Checka, 13 9 Christian, 43 , 28 2 Christian anti-Judaism , 19 1 n.6 6 Civil jurisprudenc e (rabbinic) , Baba Metzia, 2 1 ; Baba Kamma, 2 1 Clauberg, Car l (Dr.) , an d sterilizatio n o f Jewish women , 20 9 Cohen, Arthur , A. , 35 ; The Tremendum: A Theological Interpretation, 251—73 ; critique o f Cohen' s "dipola r theism, " 255 ff ; o n theolog y afte r Holocaust , 162; us e o f tzimtzum, 256 ; Holocaus t as caesura , 258—59 ; kabbalah an d hal achic tradition , 256 ; kabbalisti c gnosis , 256-57; o n miracles , 256 , 261 ; on fun damentalism, 256 ; an d Gersho m Scho lem, 256 ; halachah, 257 ; an d Torah , 257; o n Auschwitz , 251 , 258, 263; Death Camps , 260 ; o n genocide , 254 ; on neo-orthodoxy , 27 1 n.5 ; an d history , 254, 267-69 , 27 2 n.29 ; o n libera l the ology, 27 1 n.5 ; Jewish people , 255 , 269-70; o n eschaton , 255 ; an d theol ogy, 255 , 270 ; o n kabbalisti c theology , 252, 253 , 256-57, 258 , 259 , 260 , 265 , 266, 27 2 n.29 ; o n fundamentalism ,

Index 30 3 265-66; o n Rosenzweig , 2 5 2 - 5 3 , 254 , 258, 259 , 260 , 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 266 , 270 ; o n Schelling, 2 5 2 - 5 3 , 2 5 6 - 5 8 , 259 , 260 , 264-65, 266 ; an d dipola r theism , 253 , 255, 257-58 , 2 6 0 - 6 5 , 266 , 2 7 0 - 7 1 ; dipolar theis m an d ethics , 266 ; o n "Free-Will" defens e o f evil , 253, 2 6 6 67, 269 ; o n Zion , 255 , 260 , 265-67; on Go d an d history , 263 ; on divin e speech, 261-62 ; o n divin e silence , 261; on divin e action , 261 ; on lov e an d fea r of God , 261 , 263, 2 6 7 - 6 8; an d Revela tion, 2 6 1 - 6 2 ; Go d o f Jewish tradition , 262; o n Divin e Attributes , 262 , 266 ; and rabbini c tradition , 262 ; o n Go d o f Sinai an d Covenant , 262 , 268 ; o n prayer, 262 ; o n salvation , 262 ; o n sav ing God , 266 , 2 6 7 - 6 8 ; o n creation , 252, 253 , 260, 263-64 , 268 , 27 9 n.29 ; on huma n freedom , 253 , 254, 267 , 268; a-Zionis m of , 2 5 4 - 5 5 , 269 ; cri tique o f Zionism , 2 5 4 - 5 5 , 269 ; o n uniqueness o f Holocaust , 251 ; Holocaust an d thought , 251 ; Holocaust an d meaning, 251 ; Holocaust an d evil , 251, 266; o n God , 251 , 252, 253 , 254 , 257 , 259, 2 6 0 - 6 5 , 267 , 27 2 n.29 ; o n Israel , 252, 2 5 4 - 5 5 ; o n Stat e o f Israel , 2 6 9 70; o n Eyn Sof, 252 , 257 ; o n "kabbal istic counter-history, " 252 , 256-57, 258, 259 ; th e tremendum, 252, 254 , 255, 258 , 259 , 260 , 265 , 268 , 269 , 270, 27 1 Cohen, Hermann , 6 , 36 , 4 9 n . l , 9 9 n.6 0 Cohn, Norman , 9 8 n.5 5 Communist Commissars , 27 9 Communist Party , powe r of , 148-49 , 159 n.58; legitimat e us e o f force , 1 4 8 49; compare d t o Naz i Party , 15 6 n.5 8 "Condition o f th e Jews," 29 1 Conquest, Robert , 14 5 Conquistador, 118 , 11 9 Conservative Judaism , 3 , 29, 23 7 Gonstantine, conversio n of , 1 9 Constitution o f Israel , 27 7 Cook, Sherburne , 114 , 11 8 Corpus Christi , 106 , 10 7 Cortes, Hernando , 11 5 Covenant, 5 , 9 , 16 , 17 , 20, 35 , 42, 227 , 264, 268 ; Abrahamic , 18 ; propositiona l

model of , 34 ; man' s responsibilit y fo r God, 6 8 - 6 9 ; A . J. Hesche l on , 6 9 Craig, Gordon , 78 , 9 8 n.5 5 Creation, 268 ; medieva l philosophica l de bate over , 2 6 3 - 6 4 ; Arthu r Cohe n on , 252, 253 , 260, 264 ; an d God' s will , 263-64; Plato' s vie w of , 264 ; Aris totle's vie w of , 264 ; Schillin g on , 26 4 Croce, Benedetto , 9 , 1 0 Crucifixion, compare d t o Holocaust , 167 ; disconfirmed b y Holocaust , 17 7 n. 2 Curtin, Philip , 12 3 Daat Torah, 28 0 Darcy, M. , 2 5 n.3 4 Das Prinzip der Konzentration auf der Effekt, 21 5 Dasein, Heidegger' s us e of , 1 2 Dawes Plan , 76 Days o f Awe , 23 9 Death Camps , 260 ; an d God , 269 ; defini tion of , 15 6 n.2 8 Deconstructionism, an d th e Bible , 25 n.30 ; an d revelation , 2 5 n.3 2 Dehikat ha-ketz ("forcin g th e end") , 29 0 Deicide, Jewish guil t for , 241 ; and Chris tian theology , 24 1 Demiurgos, o f Plato , 26 3 Depression, 90 , 91 , 10 2 n.107, 10 3 n.108 , 139 Descartes, Rene , 4 9 n . 1 Determinism, 28 6 Deutscher, Isaac , 14 1 Deutschnationale Volkspartei, 76 Devekut (adhesio n t o God) , 25 7 Diaspora, 29 3 Dilthey, Wilhelm , 2 , 10 , 2 3 n. l Dinter, Arthur , 8 4 Druze, 29 4 Dostoevsky, Fyodor , 139 , 14 3 Durkheim, Emile , 39 , 4 5 Eastern Europea n peoples , Naz i persecu tion of , 105 , 134-36 ; number s los t i n W.W.II, 134 , 135 ; a s slaves , 134 ; Poles , 134, 135 ; Ukrainians , 134 , 136 ; Rus sians, 134 , 136 ; destructio n o f elites , 135-36

304 Index Ebert, Friedrich , Presiden t (o f Weima r Re public), 7 6 Eckardt, Alice , o n theolog y afte r Holo caust, 16 2 Eckardt, A . Roy , o n theolog y afte r Holo caust, 162 , 17 7 n.2 ; o n Heilsgescbichte, 166-67; o n "transcendin g uniqueness, " 167-68; o n Sbo'ab a s numinou s reality , 173 Eckart, Dietrich , 83 , 10 0 n.7 0 Edot mizrach, 29 4 Education, 27 8 Egypt, 280 , 29 7 Ebyeh asher Ehyeb, Bube r on, 3 1 Eichmann, Adolf , an d murde r o f Jews , 197 Einsatzgruppen, 122 , 129 , 138 , 142 , 289 ; and murde r o f Jew s an d Gypsies , 129 ; and technology , 194 , 19 6 Eisner, Kurt , 74 , 83 , 10 0 n.6 7 Elisha be n Abuya , 233 , 247 n.4 9 Eley, Geoff , critiqu e o f "uniqueness " o f Holocaust, 17 1 Eliot, T . S. , 6 3 Elton, Geoffrey , o n histor y an d unique ness, 18 4 n.5 1 Emancipation, 49 ; Naz i desir e t o tur n back Jewish , 87 ; o n Jew s a s 'outsiders, ' 111 Endlosung, 170 , 20 1 Enlightenment, 225 , 289; natura l scienc e of, 25 8 Epistemology, an d moder n Jewis h philoso phy, 36 , 3 8 Eretz Yisroel (Lan d o f Israel) , 274 , 284 . See also Israel , Lan d o f Eschatology, 2 0 Eskimo, 11 8 Eve, 108 , 10 9 Evil, proble m of , i n Hasidism , 6 4 - 6 5 ; i n Job, 6 4 - 6 5 , 6 7 - 7 0 ; man' s responsibil ity for , 69 ; HescheP s attemp t a t theod icy, 6 8 - 6 9 ; an d huma n freedom , 6 8 Existentialism, an d metaphysics , 34 , 36 ; and Hasidism , 56; an d interpretatio n o f Judaism, 56; an d Buber' s interpretatio n of Hasidism , 56—57; importanc e o f balacbab an d mitzvot, 57; negativ e impac t on moder n Jewis h thought , 3 7 Exodus, 9 , 13 , 17 , 83 , 293; Hitler' s vie w

of, 83 ; compared t o Holocaust , 167 ; Irving Greenberg' s interpretations , 227 , 228, 23 8 Eyck, E. , 9 8 n.5 5 Eyn Sof, 252 Ezekial, 24 8 n.5 5 Fackenheim, Emil , 2 4 n.14 , 35 , 46 , 52 n.31 , 243; on theolog y afte r Holo caust, 162 ; on "ontologica l redirection, " 166; o n lac k o f historica l impac t o f Ho locaust, 18 1 n.35; on limit s o f survivo r reports, 18 8 n.6 3 Falashas, 29 4 Farben, I . G. , an d Holocaust , 2 0 2 - 5 , 208 ; and Monowit z Camp , 204 , 208 ; sup port o f Hitler , 22 1 n.62 ; o n productio n of zyklo n B gas, 223 n.7 8 Farias, Victor, 2 4 n.1 4 Fascism, 282 , 29 3 Ferencz, Benjamin , o n Germa n industr y and Holocaust , 19 6 Fichte, Johann Gottlieb , 4 9 n . l ; idealism , 258 Finley, Moses , 18 , 25 n.3 5 First Temple , 2 6 n.40 , 235 , 26 2 Five-Year Plan , 14 4 Ford, Henry , 80 , 9 7 n.4 4 Fox, John P. , o n Holocaus t an d historica l contextualizing, 19 2 n.7 3 French Revolution , Naz i desir e t o revoke , 87 French War s o f Religion , no t comparabl e to Holocaust , 11 4 Freud, Sigmund , 38 , 3 9 Freytag, Gustav , 84 , 10 0 n.7 3 Friedlander, Saul , o n Holocaus t an d psy cho-history, 174 ; psychologica l ap proach t o Holocaust , 191-9 2 n.7 1 Fritsch, Theodore , 8 4 Frondizi, R. , 2 4 n.2 1 Fuhrer, wil l o f an d technology , 206 ; an d technocrats, 204 , 206 , 29 2 Fuhrerprinzipy 147 , 204, 293 ; compare d to Stalin , 15 9 n.59; an d ethics , 204 ; and technology , 20 4 Functionalism, 3 8 - 3 9 ; C . Hempel' s cri tique of , 39 ; an d Sigmun d Freud , 39 ; and Emil e Durkheim , 39 ; an d Mordeca i Kaplan, 3 9

Index 30 5 Gadamer, Han s G. , 2 4 n.2 1 Gage, Matild a Joslyn , 11 3 Galut (exile) , 13 , 19 , 274, 276 , 282 , 284 , 287, 29 4 Garanin, Major , 14 5 Gas chambers , 12 9 Gay, Peter , 9 3 n.3, 10 1 n.7 4 Gedolei ha-dor, 27 8 Gehlen, Arnold , o n Prinzip der Konzentration auf den Effekt, 21 5 Gematria, 29 1 Genocide, 126 , 136 , 137 , 290 ; U.N . Con vention on , 106 ; versu s Holocaust , 164 ; Yehuda Bauer' s definitio n of , 164 ; phe nomenological no t mora l definitio n of , 180 nn.19 , 20 ; an d technology , 200 , 208, 212 ; vs . Holocaust , 164 ; polic y toward Gypsies , 126 , 127 , 129 , 131 ; and kulaks , 151 ; and Russia n peas antry, 151 ; and Armenia n massacres , 180 n.20; polic y towar d Easter n Euro pean peoples , 134-36 ; vs . anti-Jewis h policy, 131-32 ; compariso n o f anti-ho mosexual vs . Jewish policy , 133-3 4 German communists , 83 , 94 n.12 ; defea t in 1919 , 8 3 Germany, 7 5 German industr y an d Holocaust , 196 , 2 0 2 - 5 , 206-20 , 22 1 n.55 ; suppor t o f Hitler, 221-2 2 n.6 2 German intellectual s an d Holocaust , 218 , 219n.l7 German natio n an d Holocaust , 19 5 German railway s an d Holocaust , 196 , 2 0 1 - 2 ; Rau l Hilber g on , 22 0 nn.38 , 4 2 Ghettos (Worl d Wa r II) , 216 n. l R. Gersho n o f Kuty , 55 Ghaddafi, M. , 27 8 Glatzer, Nahum , 2 3 n.12 , 2 5 nn.27 , 3 1 Gliksman, Jerzy, o n Stalinis t slav e labor , 158 n.4 2 Gnosticism, Schelling' s deb t to , 25 8 God, 5 , 6 , 7 , 12 , 16 , 28, 35 , 36 , 43 , 6 7 68, 235 , 237 , 279 , 285 ; an d mitzvot, 42, 43 , 44; an d revelation , 28 , 29 ; self control of , 234 ; silenc e of , 234 , 261; and Israel , 235 ; hidin g of , 236 ; an d covenant wit h Israel , 245 , 24 9 n.73 , 262, 268 ; breakin g o f covenant , 236 ; a s Eternal Thou, 29 , 30 , 3 1 , 32, 33 ; Bube r

on, 30 ; Divin e Attribute s of , 245 , 262 , 266; tesbuvah of , 236 ; attac k o n imag e of, 238 ; wil l o f 6 6 - 6 7 , 235 ; an d Holo caust, 47 , 173 ; promises of , 18 , 19 , 245; an d Bible , 262 ; an d Sinai , 262 ; and history , 263 , 267-69; an d Jewis h tradition, 262 ; an d prayer , 262 ; an d grace, 2 6 7 - 6 8 ; an d salvation , 262 , 267-68; an d Prophets , 261 , 262; an d destruction o f Firs t an d Secon d Tem ples, 262 ; savin g wor k of , 244 , 265 — 66; lov e o f man , 2 6 7 - 6 8 ; man' s re sponsibility for , 6 8 - 6 9 ; protes t agains t 6 4 - 6 5 ; differen t wa y toward , 63 ; in Abraham J . Heschel' s thought , 64 ; re veals Himsel f t o Job, 67 ; an d evil , 64 ; and community , 269 ; an d exile , 269 ; and Torah , 27 2 n.29 ; Arthu r A . Cohe n on, 261 ; and 'omni ' predicates , 66; a s ganz andere, 173 ; as Eyn Sof, 17 3 God in Search of Man, 64 , 6 8 Goebbels, Joseph, 1 0 2 n . l 0 5 , 12 8 Golah, 2 8 6 - 8 8 , 295 , 297 , 29 9 Gorgias, 29 3 Goring, Hermann , 9 7 n.40; orde r fo r "Fi nal Solution, " 21 7 n. 9 Gottschalk, Louis , o n historica l generali zation an d uniqueness , 18 5 n.5 3 Goulart, Mauricio , 12 1 Government o f Israel , 280 , 28 1 Greenberg, Irving , 225-50 ; o n theolog y after Holocaust , 162 ; o n Holocaus t an d halachic chang e 17 9 n . l 7 ; o n voluntar y covenant, 231 , 232, 2 3 6 - 3 8 , 239 , 243 , 244-45, 24 7 n.31 , 248 n.58 , 2 4 8 49 nn.67 , 73, 76, 25 0 n.92 ; o n breakin g of covenant , 236 ; o n halachah, 245 , 250 n.90; o n wome n an d halachah, 250 n.90 ; o n halachah an d history , 231, 238-40, 245 ; o n messiani c perfectio n of history , 238 ; o n secularizatio n o f his tory, 234-36 , 237 ; o n Jewis h people , 232, 245 ; o n Stat e o f Israel , 234 , 237 , 244, 245 , 254 ; o n theologica l signifi cance o f Israel , 228 , 229 , 230 ; o n Christians an d Israel , 231 ; on secular ism i n Stat e o f Israel , 227 , 239-40 ; sec ularism an d God , 24 8 n.64 ; Go d an d the State , 239 ; an d verification , 2 4 0 42; o n God' s Presence, 233-34 , 235 ;

306 Index Greenburg, Irvin g (Continued) on Go d a s partner , 241 , 242, 243 ; o n halachic tradition , 234 ; o n destructio n of Firs t Temple , 233 , 235 ; o n destruc tion o f Secon d Temple , 233 , 24 8 n.58 , 249 n.73 ; on pluralism , 237 , 24 9 nn.75 , 76; o n Hitler , 245 ; The Jewish Way, 238-40; covenanta l history , thre e stages of , 235 , 243-44 ; "Thir d Er a i n Jewish History, " 239 ; us e o f 'paradox' , 240; o n rewar d an d punishment , 244 ; on Go d afte r Holocaust , 225 , 226 , 228 , 229, 236—38 ; on "momen t faith, " 226—27, 228 ; regardin g Auschwitz , 226, 227 , 228 , 229 , 230 , 2 3 6 - 3 8 ; o n Jewish-Christian relations , 230—31 ; o n Job an d "Sufferin g Servant, " 228 ; o n Russia an d Stalin , 230 ; Galut, 233 ; o n nature o f faith , 241 ; on Revelatio n 243 ; God an d morality , 244 ; an d sin , 244 ; and redemption , 241 , 243, 24 4 Gridnauer, George , 10 0 n.6 7 Grotius, Hugo , o n privat e conscience , 20 7 Griiber, Dea n Heinrich , 24 1 Guide of the Perplexed, 40 , 263-6 4 Gulag, 137 , 138 , 139 , 142 , 143 , 144 , 145, 146 , 164 ; an d intentiona l murder , 158 nn.47 , 49, 50 ; an d slavery , 1 4 3 45; an d pena l institutions , 143 ; slave la bor vs . murder , 14 5 Gush Emunim, 27 4 Gutmann, Hugo , 9 5 n.1 3 Gypsies, 105 , 126-32 , 134 ; difference s i n treatment fro m Jews , 128-30 ; differin g treatment i n Auschwitz , 1 2 9 - 3 1 ; an d Nuremberg Tribunal , 126 ; servic e i n army o f Thir d Reich , 128-29 ; genocid e of, 126 , 128 ; racia l classificatio n of , 126—27; anti-socia l classificatio n of , 127-28, 129 ; fat e o f wome n an d chil dren, 130 ; Arya n vs . non-Aryan Gyp sies, 127 , 128 ; Sint i Tribe , 128 ; Laller i Tribe, 12 8 Haas, Ludwig , 10 0 n.6 7 Haber, H. , 76 Halachah, 4 4 - 4 7 , 57 , 278 ; an d history , 21, 22 ; an d Jewis h philosophy , 4 4 - 4 5 ; methodology of , 4 6 - 4 7 Halachic community , 27 8

Halachic man , 27 8 Halachic tradition , 23 4 Hallo, W . W. , 2 3 n. 5 Haredim (ultr a orthodox) , 27 8 Ha-Shiloah, 29 4 Hasidim, 53—73 ; an d devekuth, 56 ; an d otherworldliness, 56; bittul ha-yesh, 56; A. J. Heschel' s interpretatio n of , 5 3 - 7 3 ; Heschel's vs . Buber's interpretatio n of , 54, 5 6 - 5 7 , 7 1 ; kavvanah, 57 ; an d depth theology , 5 9 Haskalah, 28 9 Haluziut, 28 5 Hebrew calendar , 284 , 294 , 297 ; Shabbath, 20 , 2 1 ; Rosh Chodesh, 20 ; festi vals, 20 , 2 1 ; Succot, 2 1 ; High Hol y Days, 2 1 ; Yom Kippur, 2 5 n.2 7 Hebrew language , 284 , 29 7 Hebrew names , 29 7 Hegel, G . W . F. , 1 , 2, 3 , 9 , 10 , 16 , 17 , 22, 2 4 nn.15 , 16 , 38 , 4 9 n . l ; an d phi losophy o f history , 47 ; idealis m of , 25 8 Heidegger, Martin , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12, 24 nn.14, 25 , 49 n . l ; relationshi p t o Nazism, 24 , 198 , 21 8 n.1 7 Hempel, Carl , 39 , 5 0 n.15 ; o n scientifi c and historica l explanation , 19 2 n.7 5 "Hermeneutics o f suspicion, " 259—60 ; David Trac y on , 259 ; Arthu r A . Cohe n on, 259-6 0 Herenvolk, 14 7 Herzl, Theodore , 289 , 291 , 29 8 Heschel, Abraha m Joshua , 27 , 35 , 50 nn.9 , 14 , 5 3 - 7 1 , 7 2 nn.20, 36 ; hi s companion o f Kotzke r Rebb e an d Baa l Shem Tov , 5 8 - 5 9 ; hi s compariso n o f Kotzker an d Kierkegaard , 5 9 - 6 1 , 62 ; reflections o n th e Kotzke r Rebbe , 6 2 Heydrich, Reinhard , 198 ; orde r fro m Gor ing regardin g Fina l Solution , 21 7 n. 9 Hiegel, Henri , 11 2 Hilberg, Raul , o n technolog y an d Holo caust, 2 1 4 - 1 5 ; o n railways , 196 , 2 0 12, 22 0 nn.38 , 4 2 Himmler, Heinrich , 10 1 n.80, 128 , 132 , 133, 134 , 144 , 146 , 289 ; an d rubbe r production, 208 ; an d sterilizatio n o f Jewish women , 2 0 8 - 9 ; S S industria l complex, 15 8 n.4 1 Hindu, 4 3

Index 30 7 Hirsch, Paul , 10 0 n.6 7 Hirsch, R . Samso n Raphael , 2 Historical crisis , definitio n o f b y Georg e Kren an d Leo n Rappaport , 168-6 9 Historicism, definitio n of , 2 - 3 ; employ ment o f notion s o f caus e an d effect , 8 , 17; metaphysica l statu s of , 9 ; subjectiv ism of , 9 - 1 1 ; Nietzsche' s rejectio n of , 10; an d morality , 1 0 - 1 1 ; an d totality , 12-13; an d huma n nature , 1 3 Historikerstreit, 13 8 Historiography, Jewis h an d Greek , 1 8 History, an d metaphysica l forces , 28 6 Histadrut, 28 1 Hitler, Adolf , 9 , 2 4 n.14 , 74 , 75 , 77 , 80 , 83, 84 , 85 , 86 , 87 , 88 , 90 , 92 , 9 4 n.7 , 95 nn.13 , 18 , 26, 96 n.31 , 99 n.57 , 100 n.67, 10 1 nn.79, 88 , 10 2 nn.95, 96 , 101, 10 3 nn.114 , 115 , 116 , 108 , 115 , 132, 140 , 144 , 146 , 147 , 225 , 278 , 290; argument s agains t th e Jews, 77— 78; an d breakin g o f covenant , 245 ; fat e of Jew s under , 108 , 140 , 151 , 204; o n role o f Naz i Party , 149 ; a s "warfare " personality, 15 5 n.20; a s cul t personal ity, 15 9 n.59 ; a s incarnatio n o f th e Spirit, 147 ; an d lebensraum, 140 ; an d slave labor , 144 ; racia l metaphysic s an d Jews, 146 ; racia l phantasmagoria , 204 ; evil of , 165 ; psychoanalysis of , 174 ; Fuhrerprinzip, 204 , 206 ; an d Admira l Horthy, 2 0 4 - 5 Holocaust (Shoah), 2 5 n.39 , 28 , 35 , 4 1, 4 7 - 4 8 ; an d God , 47 ; comparativ e analysis o f 105-36 ; uniquenes s of , 47 , 162-92, 18 3 nn.42, 44 , 47 , 18 4 n.48, 192 n.73, 243; uniquenes s an d th e question o f numbers , 115 , 166 ; unique ness an d metaphysica l claims , 166-68; search fo r cause s of , 175-76 ; explana tion of , 175-76 ; an d "patrilinea l de scent," 17 9 n.17; an d halachi c change , 179 n.17; an d technology , 193-224 ; and psychohistory , 173-74 ; a s a tikkun, 163 ; and theology , 1 6 2 - 6 3 ; Jew ish interpretatio n of , 171 ; universalizin g lessons of , 1 7 0 - 7 1 ; rejec t mystificatio n of 172-76 ; an d degree s o f evil , 1 6 3 66; an d halachi c change , 163 ; an d modern Jewis h philosophy , 28 , 4 7 - 4 8 ;

and rationality , 4 1 ; and Jewis h history , 47; an d literature , 186-8 7 n.5 9 Homosexuals, Naz i persecutio n of , 105 , 132-34; numbe r o f conviction s fo r i n Nazi Germany , 132 ; historica l develop ment o f Naz i persecutio n of , 132 ; num ber kille d i n W.W.II , 133-3 4 Hoss, Rudolf , o n murde r o f Jews , 197 ; o n efficiency o f zyklo n B gas, 211 ; on gass ing proces s a t Auschwitz , 222-2 3 n.76 ; improvements t o ga s chamber s a t Auschwitz, 22 3 n.7 9 Horowitz, Irvin g Louis , o n Holocaus t an d statistics, 16 6 Horthy, Admiral , 20 4 Hugenberg, Alfred , 9 7 n.5 0 Huguenots, 11 4 Hukkim, 4 3 Hume, David , 7 Hussein, Saddam , 27 8 / and Thou, 3 0 Idealism, 3 6 Indigenous peoples , Nort h America , 164 ; South America , 16 4 Indonesia, 17 0 Inquisition, 10 7 Iran, 278 , 27 9 Isaiah, 23 4 Israel, Lan d of , 64 , 274 , 28 4 Israel, Peopl e o f (Jewis h community) , 5 6, 16 , 28, 33 , 51 n.17 , 58 , 69 , 89 ; an d God, 43 ; an d nationa l calamity , 19 ; (see also entries under Jewish People ) Iraq, 278 , 28 2 Jabotinsky, Vladimi r Ze'ev , 29 8 Jackal, Eberhard , 9 5 n.2 5 Jacobs, Louis , 5 0 n. 9 Jaspers, Karl , 1 1 Jerusalem, 276 ; destructio n o f children , 241 Jesus, 1 9 Jewish History , 16 , 17 , 33, 4 7 Jewish mothers , 29 7 Jewish People , 239 , 276 , 285-86 , 289 , 293; an d God , 234 ; responsibilitie s of , 236; an d voluntar y covenan t afte r Auschwitz, 2 3 6 - 3 8 ; vulnerabilit y of , 275; conditio n of , 277 ; responsibilit y

308 Index Jewish Peopl e (Continued) for, 286 ; immolatio n of , 289 ; healin g of, 286 , 295 ; a s subject , 292 ; an d a Jewish state , 292 ; participatio n i n fu ture o f Stat e o f Israel , 298 ; division s within, 29 8 Jewish philosophy , 37 , 39 , 44 , 5 3 Jewish self-hatred , 29 5 Jewish tradition , 29 8 Jewish Way, The, (b y Irvin g Greenberg) , 238-40 Job, 64 , 67 , 68 , 7 0 R. Joshua be n Levi , 24 8 n.6 3 Journer, Charles , Catholi c theolog y afte r Holocaust, 16 3 Judah Halevi , 29 9 n. 3 Judaism (journal) , 4 6 Judaism (religion) , a s a n historica l reli gion, 3 - 4 Judaism an d Christianity , Rosenzweig' s reading of , 1 7 - 1 8 ; Vo n Balthasar , Ha n Urs's readin g of , 17-1 8 Judant, D. , Catholi c theolog y afte r Holo caust, 16 3 Judea an d Samaria , 28 0 Judenfrage, 206 ; Naz i solutio n to , 146 ; Zionism and , 28 7 Jung, Car l Gustav , 3 8 Justice, Zionis m as , 2 8 2 - 8 3 , 293 ; an d Jewish identity , 29 7 Kabbalah, 5 3 Kadushin, Max , 46 , 5 2 n.3 0 Kahanaism (Mei r Kahane) , 28 3 Kant, Immanuel , 1 , 11 , 13, 24 n.18 , 3 6 37, 39 , 4 1 , 49 n.l , 66, 67 , 29 9 n . l ; o n transcendental unit y o f apperception , 13; o n categories , 198-99 ; an d techno logical consciousness , 198-9 9 Kantianism, 16 , 36 , 37 , 4 1 ; and moder n Jewish philosophy , 36—37 ; epistemol ogy, 36 , 38 ; critiqu e o f heteronomy , 39 ; and Torah , 45 ; an d nee d fo r belie f i n God, 66; an d ethica l imperative , 6 7 Kaplan, Mordecai , 35 , 36, 39 , 5 0 n.9 , 297; o n God-Idea , 27 2 n.2 9 Karaites, 4 5 Katz, Jacob, o n predictin g th e Holocaust , 192 n.7 4 Katz, Steve n T. , 2 5 n.31 , 50 n.7, 5 1 n.25 ,

71 nn.l, 3 , 10 2 n.94, 266 , 27 1 n.17 , 273 nn.34 , 4 1 ; on apophati c claims , 185 n.5 6 Kautsky, Karl , 8 3 Kavvanah, importanc e i n Hasidism , 5 7 Kenessiah gedolah, 28 0 Keter malchut (th e "Crow n o f th e State") , 281 Keynes, John Maynard , 4 9 n. l Khmer Rouge , evi l of , 16 5 Kibbutz, 29 8 Kibbutz ha-galuyot (ingatherin g o f th e ex iles), 27 7 Kieckhefer, Richard , 11 2 Kierkegaard, Soren , 59 , 60 , 61,62 , 65, 66, 70 King, Marti n Luther , 6 4 Kinsey, Alfre d C , 13 4 Klein, Herbert , 12 4 Knesset, 29 8 Kohn, Eugene , 5 0 n. 9 Kolyma, distric t of , 145 , 14 6 Kook, R . Abraha m I. , 298 , 30 0 n. 7 Kornhauser, William , 10 2 n.10 2 Krauch, Carl , an d rubbe r production , 208; action s of , 22 1 n.6 1 Kren, George , o n Holocaus t a s "historica l crisis," 168-69 ; o n lac k o f historica l impact o f Holocaust , 18 2 n.36 ; o n defi nition o f "historica l crisis, " 18 2 n.3 9 Krochmal, Nahman , 36 , 4 7 Kronstadt uprising , 13 9 Krupp industries , 2 0 5 - 6 , 22 1 n.6 1 Lamentations, 24 1 Landauer, Gustav , 8 3 Laqueur, Walter , 91 , 94 n.1 0 Law Agains t Crim e 1937 , 127 , 13 2 Law o f Return , 27 7 League o f Nations , 8 2 "Leap o f faith, " i n A . J. Heschel , S . Kier kegaard, an d th e Kotzke r Rebbe , 65—66 Lebanon, wa r in , 28 1 Lehrhaus, 1 4 Leibnitz, Gottfrie d Wilhel m von , 4 9 n. l Leibowitz, Yeshayahu , 4 8 Lenin, Vladimi r L , 83 , 84 , 139 , 140 , 141 , 142, 146 , 147 ; o n communis t violence , 148; o n communis t legality , 148-49 ; on Communis t Part y leadership , 14 9

Index 30 9 Leviticus, 4 3 Libya, 278 , 27 9 Liebknecht, Wilhelm , 83 , 10 0 n.6 7 Lifton, Rober t J. , o n physician s an d Holo caust, 19 6 Littell, Frank , Christia n theolog y afte r Holocaust, 16 2 Locke, John, 297 ; o n privat e conscience , 207 Los Angeles , 28 8 Ludendorff, Eric h F . W., 7 6 Lukacs, Georg , 10 3 n . l l l Lukas, Richar d C , 13 5 Lurianic Kabbalah , 18 4 n.4 8 Luxemburg, Rosa , 83 , 10 0 n.6 7 Lyotard, Jea n Francois , 2 4 n.1 4 Maccabean Revolt , 1 9 Machbarkeit, 21 5 MacDonald, Dwight , 16 9 Magnus Hirschfeld Institute of Sexual Science, 13 2 Magurshak, Dan , on "incomprehensibility " of Holocaust , 187-8 8 n.6 2 Maimonides, 36 , 40 , 4 1 , 42, 46 , 50 nn.10 , 16 , 5 1 nn.18 , 19 , 27 , 28 , 52 nn.29, 32 ; fait h i n Aristotelianism , 41; vie w o f mitzvot, 4 0 - 4 1 ; criticis m o f his vie w o f mitzvot, 4 1 - 4 2 ; Guide, 263-64; o n centralit y o f metaphysics , 50 n.10; an d rationalit y o f Torah , 51 n.19; an d rationalit y o f mitzvot, 51 n.19; interpretatio n of , 5 1 nn.27 , 2 8 Man Is Not Alone (b y A . J. Heschel) , 64 , 68 Manichean ideology , 14 7 Manicheanism, Naz i varian t of , 140 , 147 , 149, 1 5 0 - 5 1 ; Stalinis t versio n of , 1 4 7 49; an d racism , 1 5 0 - 5 1 ; an d technol ogy, 20 2 Martin, Gaston , 12 2 Marum, Ludwig , 10 0 n.6 7 Marx, Karl , 3 , 147 , 29 5 Marxism, 3 , 16 ; an d Jews , accordin g t o Hitler, 82-8 6 Marxists, 43 , 83 , 85 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 289 ; marxist doctrine , 281 ; marxist theory , 147-48, 1 5 0 - 5 1 ; an d Russia n revolu tion, 13 9

Maybaum, Ignaz , an d Stat e o f Israel , 271 n.1 4 Medicine, an d Holocaust , 196 , 2 0 8 - 1 1 , 222 n.7 2 Mem Kampf, 76 , 80 , 85 , 88-89 , 9 5 n.25, 96 n.28 , 10 2 n.9 6 Meinecke, F. , 2, 3 Mekubbalim (mystics) , 25 7 R. Menache m Mende l o f Kotz k (th e Kotz ker), 54 , 55, 58 ; compariso n wit h Baa l Shem Tov , 5 8 - 5 9 , 60 , 61 , 62, 63 , 64 , 65, 66, 67, 68 , 69 , 70 , 7 2 n.2 2 Mendelssohn, Moses , 2 3 n.1 0 Merkl, Peter , 81 , 94 nn.9, 10 , 11, 100 n.6 8 Messianism, 15 , 29, 274 , 276 ; Han s Ur s von Balthasa r o n Jewis h vs . Christian , 18; an d destructio n o f Temple , 2 5 n.3 6 Mexican Indians , 117 , 11 8 Meyer, Michael , 2 5 n.3 8 Middle Passag e (se a crossing) , 121-24 ; mortality rate s during , 121-22 ; an d disease, 122—23 ; compared t o Europea n emigration, 12 3 Midelfort, H . C.Erik , 11 2 Midrash, 29 7 Mill, John Stuart , 29 9 n. 2 Mipnei chata'eynu, 24 1 Miracle(s), 4 - 5 , 1 7 Mishnah, 14 , 15 , 45; structur e of , 45 ; an d purity, 4 5 - 4 6 Mitzvahlmitzvot, 19 , 20, 33 , 3 9 - 4 4, 57 , 257, 262 ; a s vehicle s o f transcendence , 43; kabbalisti c vie w of , 43 ; create s rela tionship t o God , 4 3 - 4 4 ; mitzvot ma'asiyot, 44 ; ethica l vs . ritual , 42 ; proposi tional vie w of , 3 3 - 3 4 ; ta'amei hamitzvot, 39 , 42 ; mitzvot shimmiyot, 42 ; and moder n Jewis h philosophy , 39—44 ; kashruth, 20 , 2 1 ; kedusha, 20 ; tashlich, 20; mezuzah, 20 ; tzedakah, 2 1 ; fasting , 21; viddui, 2 1 ; tesbuvah, 19 , 20 , 2 1 ; lulav, 20 , 2 1 ; esrog, 20 , 2 1 ; kapparot, 21; sbofar, 2 1 ; tefillah, 2 1 ; kiddush, 2 1 ; brit milah, 2 1 ; mikvah, 2 1 ; taharot hamisbpachah, 2 1 ; mamzerutb, 2 1 ; kiddushin, 2 1 ; avelut, 2 1 ; tefillin, 2 1 ; shomer, 2 1 ; cbazakab, 2 1 ; Maimonides ' view of , 4 0 - 4 2 ; rationalit y of , 4 1 ; pragmatic valu e of , 4 2

310 Index Modern nationalism , 27 7 Moetzei gedolei hatorah (th e rabbini c leaders o f Aguda t Visroel) , 28 0 Moltmann, Jurgen , Christia n theolog y after Holocaust , 16 2 Monowitz concentratio n camp , an d I . G . Farben, 204 , 205 , 208 ; treatmen t o f Jews at , 22 1 n.4 9 Montefiore, Alan , o n meanin g o f "unique ness" o f Holocaust , 18 4 n.4 8 Monter, E . William, 11 2 Montesquieu, Charle s Louis , 298 , 30 0 n. 6 Moore, G . E. , 4 9 n. l Morality, 284 , 286 ; an d Zionism , 291 , 292, 293 , 29 4 Moses, 1 3 Mount Sinai , 18 , 29 3 Muslim, 28 2 Murphey, M. , 2 3 n. 9 "Mystery" o f Israel , 27 7 R. Nahma n o f Kossov , 55 Naturei Karta, non-recognitio n o f Stat e o f Israel, 27 3 n.48 ; o n Tora h observance , 273 n.4 8 Nazi Party , 149 ; powe r of , 15 9 n.58 ; compared t o Communis t Party , 156 n.5 8 Nazism, 10 , 2 4 n.14 , 74-104 , 105 , 140 , 243, 278 ; backgroun d of , 139-40 ; ide ology of , 147 ; an d technology , 1 9 3 224, 215-1 6 n.6 ; an d racia l theory , 174; logi c of , 174 ; an d rationality , 174-75; an d Marti n Heidegger , 10 , 291, 29 2 Neo-Kantian, 6 , 4 9 n. l Neo-orthodoxy, 1 2 Neo-Platonism, 25 6 Neusner, Jacob , theolog y afte r Holocaust , 162 Nietzsche, Friedrich , 3 , 10 , 2 4 n.l7 , 29 3 Niewyk, Donald , 89 , 10 1 nn.74, 7 5 Nigeria, 17 0 Nisbet, Rober t A. , 2 3 n. 3 Nitzozot (spark s o f holiness) , 25 7 Nolte, Ernest , 13 8 North America n Indians , 105 , 114-20 ; demographic estimate s o f losses , 1 1 4 15; destructio n o f compare d t o Holo caust, 115 ; an d disease , 115-1 9

Notarikon, 29 1 Novak, David , 2 4 n.l 4 November criminals/Novembe r revolu tionaries, 8 2 - 8 3 , 9 6 n.28, 10 0 n.6 7 NSDAP, 74 , 87 , 90 , 92 , 10 3 n.l 15 Nuremberg Trials , 126 , 205 , 211, 221 nn.57 , 60 , 22 2 nn.63 , 6 4 Ombudsman, Zionism' s rol e as , 276 , 28 5 Ontology, an d moder n Jewis h philosophy , 34 ff . Origins of Totalitarianism (b y Hanna h Arendt), 13 8 Orthodox Judaism , 27 8 Pachter, Henry , 9 8 n.5 5 Palestinians, 29 4 Pannenberg, Walter , 2 Papazian, Pierre , critiqu e o f "uniqueness " of Holocaust , 180n.2 0 Paradox, 37 ; Irvin g Greenberg' s us e of , 245; Sore n Kierkegaard' s us e of , 6 2 Parliamentary politica l structures , 28 1 Passion For Truth, A, 54 , 55, 56, 57 , 62 , 69,70 Passover, 13 , 227, 236 , 23 9 Passover seder, 1 3 Patriarchs, 26 1 "Patrilineal descent, " Refor m Movemen t regarding, 17 9 n . l 7 Pawlikowski, John , Catholi c theolog y after Holocaust , 16 2 Penner, Hans , 5 0 n.l 5 Pezas d e India , 12 0 Philo, 3 5 Philosophy o f history , 47 ; Fran z Rosen zweig and , 47 ; Nahma n Krochma l and , 47 R. Phineha s o f Koretz , 55 Pinson, Koppel , 9 4 n.l 0 Plato, 4 9 n.l , 263 , 264, 293 ; on creation , 264; neo-Platonism , 25 6 Pluralism, 4 8 - 4 9 ; i n Secon d Templ e pe riod, 48 ; Christia n account s of , 48 ; Ju daism an d othe r religions , 4 9 Poles, losse s durin g W.W.II , 134-3 5 "Politics o f idiosyncracy, " 277-7 9 Popper, Karl , 2 , 2 3 nn.2 , 4 Post-Enlightenment culture , 283 , 28 9 Post-Holocaust Dialogues (b y Steve n T .

Index 31 1 Katz), 266 ; criticis m o f "Fre e Will " de fense, 26 6 Post-Holocaust theology , 14 ; orthodo x view of , 2 5 n.3 9 Power, us e o f an d Zionism , 29 3 Prayer (tefillah), 14 , 5 0 n.9 ; fo r Stat e o f Israel, 25 5 President o f Israel , 28 0 Preuss, Hugo , 9 5 n.1 9 Private language , 172-73 ; Wittgenstei n on, 172 ; an d mystificatio n o f Holo caust, 172-7 3 Prophets, 235 , 261 , 26 2 Protestant theology , 3 8 Protocols of the Elders of Zion y 83 , 98 n.55, 10 0 nn.69, 7 2 Prozbul, 4 6 Psychohistory an d Holocaust , 173-74 , 188-89 n.64 , 189-9 0 n.6 5 Psychologism, an d moder n Jewis h thought, 3 8 - 3 9 Purim, 13 , 236, 238 , 239 , 24 8 n.66 , 29 7 Rabbinic Judaism , 27 4 Rabenau, Genera l von , 8 1 "Racial" scientists , 211 ; and technology , 211; an d murder , 21 1 Racial theory , i n post-191 8 Europe , 74 ; Nazism and , 74-104 ; an d antisemitism , 74-104; an d caus e o f Germa n defea t i n W.W.I., 75-78 Ranke, Leopol d von , 2 Rappaport, Leon , o n Holocaus t a s "his torical crisis, " 16S-69 Rascher, Dr . Sigmund , hig h altitud e re search o n Jewis h prisoner s durin g Holo caust, 21 0 Rationality, meanin g of , 4 1 Realpolitik, 27 9 Rasse und Siedlungs Hauptamt (Mai n of fice o f Rac e an d Settlement) , 211, 222 n.7 3 Rathenau, Walter , 75 , 81 , 82, 9 7 n.49 , 98 nn.53 , 55 Reconstructionist Judaism , 2 9 Reconstructionism, 3 Reform Judaism , 2 , 3 , 11 , 14 , 15 , 29, 38 , 289; theolog y of , 3 8 Reform movement , Irvin g Greenber g on , 237

Reformation, 20 7 Repentance (teshuvah), 19 , 20, 2 1 Resurrection (o f Jesus) , compare d t o Ho locaust, 167 ; disconfirme d b y Holo caust, 17 7 n. 2 Revelation, 4 - 5 , 15 , 16 , 19 , 2 3 n.10 ; modern philosophica l view s of , 28—34 ; Rudolf Bultman n on , 29 ; Marti n Bube r on, 2 9 - 3 4 ; dialogica l vie w of , 29 ; an d biblical criticism , 28 , 29 ; an d histori cism, 28 ; an d anthropomorphism , 28 ; Humean criticis m of , 28 ; Refor m vie w of, 29 ; Conservativ e vie w of , 29 ; Re constructionist vie w of , 29 ; Rosenzwei gian vie w of , 29 ; existentialis t view s of , 29; propositiona l vie w of , 3 3 - 3 4 ; an d Kantian critiqu e o f heteronomy , 39 ; Moses Mendelssoh n on , 2 3 n.10 ; Solo mon L . Steinhei m on , 2 3 n.10 ; Irvin g Greenberg's interpretatio n of , 243 ; an d State o f Israel , 243 ; Arthur A . Cohe n on, 261-6 2 Revolution o f 1848 , an d Jews , 8 2 Rhodes, James, 10 2 n. 101 Richardson, W . J., 2 4 n . 14 Ritschl, Albrecht , 3 8 Ritter, Dr . Robert , 12 7 Robbins, Russel l Hope , 111 , 11 2 Robinson, Paul , th e Holocaus t an d histor ical distinctiveness , 17 9 n . 19 Rohling, August , 8 4 Rohm, Ernst , 13 2 Romanticism, 282 , 29 3 Rosefielde, Steven , o n Sovie t demographi c losses, 15 4 n.17 , o n Gula g labo r force , 157n.34 Rosenberg, Alan , critiqu e o f "uniqueness " of Holocaust , 18 3 n.4 2 Rosenberg, Alfred , 83 , 98 n.5 3 Rosenstock-Huessy, Eugen , 10 , 15 , 23 n.1 2 Rosenzweig, Franz , 1—23 , 2 3 n.5 , 24 n.19 , 25 nn.27 , 29 , 3 1 , 26 n.41 , 27, 35 , 36 , 39, 47 , 4 9 n.l , 5 0 n.14 , 2 5 2 - 5 3 , 254 , 258, 259 , 260 , 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 266 ; Arthu r A . Cohen's reworkin g of , 260 , 2 6 4 - 6 5 ; re lation t o idealism , 27 2 n.22 ; o n Chris tianity, 1 7 - 1 8 ; o n miracles , 4 - 5 ; o n immortality, 5 ; o n histor y a s metaphys ics, 19 , 22, 47 ; o n peopl e o f Israel , 5—

312 Index Rosenzweig, Fran z (Continued) 6; o n Jewis h theology , 2 1 ; on eternit y of Israel , 6 ; o n Zionism , 6 ; G . Scho lem's criticis m of , 6 ; debat e wit h M . Buber o n "Law, " 2 5 n.31 ; on Torah , 18-19; o n radica l empiricism , 36 ; o n transcendence, 6 ; o n Judaism , 13 ; o n Jewish calendar , 13 ; on Jewis h festivals , 13—14; o n Jewis h liturgy , 13—14 ; on kedusbah (holiness) , 14 ; o n Bible , 14 , 15 Rosh HaShanah, 14 , 2 1 Rotenstreich, Natan , 283 , 288 n. 2 Roth, Philip , 29 5 Rubenstein, Richard , 2 4 n.14 , 35 , 50 n . l l , 241 , 243; on Stat e o f Israel , 254; o n medica l experiment s an d Holo caust, 196 ; o n theolog y afte r Holocaust , 162, 163 ; on compariso n o f Holocaus t and Hiroshima , 18 1 n.2 9 Russell, Josiah, 16 , 49 n. l Russia, 6 4 Russian Jews , 28 7 Saadia Gaon , 36 , 4 2 Salanter, R . Israel , 280 , 28 8 n. l Salem (Mass.) , 11 3 Sartre, Jean Paul , 11 , 24 n.2 0 Satan, 5 1 n.22 , 65 , 106 , 11 0 Satmar (Hasidism) , non-recognitio n o f State o f Israel , 27 3 n.48 ; o n Tora h ob servance, 27 3 n.48 ; an d Holocaust , 24 1 Sauckel, Fritz , o n treatmen t o f deat h cam p prisoners, 20 5 Schelling, Friedrich , W . J. , 4 9 n.l , 2 5 2 53, 256 , 2 5 7 - 5 8 , 259 , 260 , 266 ; gnos ticism of , 258 ; an d natura l science , 258 ; and mythology , 258 ; an d idealism , 258 ; and creation , 26 4 Schleunes, Karl , 9 7 n.5 0 Schneerson, R . Menache m Mende l (Lu bavitcher Rebbe) , theolog y afte r Holo caust, 162 , 16 3 Scholem, Gershom , 6 , 5 1 n.25 , 7 1 n.3, 73 n.53, 99 n.60 , 256 , 257 ; Davi d Biale's vie w of , 27 1 n.20 ; an d Hasi dism, 27 1 n.21 ; on M . Bube r an d Hasi dism, 27 1 n.2 1 Schorsch, Ismar , 2 5 n. 3 8; critica l o f

"uniqueness" o f Holocaust , 170-71 , 183 nn.44, 45 , 4 6 Schwarzschild, Steven , 3 5 Schweid, Eliezer , 3 5 SDP, 79 , 85 , 9 0 Second Temple , 48 ; an d pluralism , 48 ; de struction of , 235 , 262 , 274 ; response s to destructio n of : Christian , 19 ; Ro man, 19 ; Rabbinic , 19 , 20, 2 5 n.36 , 26 n.40 ; moder n scholarl y treatmen t of , 19, 22 , 2 6 n.42 ; I . Greenber g on , 248 n.58 , 24 9 n.7 3 Secularism, a s a philosophica l issue , 49 ; historical proces s of , 234-3 6 Seder, 1 3 Seeskin, Kenneth , critiqu e o f Steve n T . Katz, 165-66 Sefirot (divin e pleroma) , 25 7 Sein (Being) , M. Heidegger' s us e of , 11— 12 Sbabbat, 1 3 Shakespeare, William , 29 6 Shatz-Uffenheimer, Rivka , 7 1 n. 3 Sbavuot, 13 , 23 9 Shechinah (galut ba-sbechinah) , exil e of , 233, 269 ; an d Israel , 26 9 Sherman, Franklin , Christia n theolog y after Holocaust , 16 2 Sbo'ab, 28 5 Sin, 2 0 Sinai, mountai n of , 18 , 29 3 Slavery, Blac k Slavery , 120-26 ; mortalit y rates i n se a crossing , 121 ; scarcity o f slave women , 125 ; an d labo r camp s i n Russia, 142 , 143 , 144 ; slav e labo r un der Stalin , 15 8 n.4 2 Slave trade , 120 ; Dutch , 120 , 121 ; British, 120, 121 , 122 , 123 , 124 ; French , 120 , 121; Portuguese , 120 , 121 , 124 ; Nantes, 121 , 122 , 12 3 Social Darwinism , 14 7 Socrates, 4 9 n. l Soloveitchik, R . Joseph, 35 , 36, 5 1 n.l7 , 248 n.62 ; "Lonel y Ma n o f Faith, " 273 n.44 ; covenanta l relationshi p wit h God, 27 3 n.4 4 South America , 17 0 Soviet demographi c losses , 15 3 n . l 7; un der J. Stalin , 15 7 n.3 4

Index 31 3 Speer, Albert , 144 ; o n slav e labor , 19 7 Spinoza, Baruch , 28 , 4 9 n . l , 67 ; o n reve lation, 28 ; Tractatus, 2 8 SS, 130 , 146 , 194 , 197 , 200, 201 , 203, 204, 205 , 207, 209 , 210 , 289 , an d Death Camps , 219-2 0 nn.32 , 33 , 221 n.55; psychology of , 22 0 n.33 ; an d murder o f Gypsies , 1 3 0 - 3 1 ; an d homo sexuals, 133 ; slave empir e of , 14 6 Stalin, Joseph, 115 , 139-40 , 141 , 142 , 143, 144 , 145,147 ; clas s polic y of , 149 ; on 'reduction ' o f clas s enemies , 150 ; and purges , 140 , 16 0 n.63 ; vs. peasants , 140, 151 , 161 n.65; an d Gulag , 151 ; and kulaks , 140 , 145 , 150 , 151 , 161 nn.67, 68 ; an d collectivizatio n o f agriculture, 140 , 143 , 151 ; and indus trialization, 140 , 141 , 143 ; and force d labor, 143-45 ; psycholog y of , 140 ; an d cult o f personality , 15 9 n.59 ; an d evil , 165; a s "warfar e personality " type , 155 n.20; an d Jews , 14 5 Stalinism, 139 ; backgroun d of , 140-42 ; and excess , 143—44 ; an d slav e empir e in Gulag , 143-45 ; ideolog y of , 147 ; and confessions , 150 ; an d kulaks , 15 1 Stangl, Franz , o n Jew s a s cargo , 21 5 Star of Redemption (b y Fran z Rosen zweig), 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 17 , 24 n.24 , 2 6 n.4 4 State o f Israel , 275 , 276 , 277 , 283 , 284 ; and moder n Jewis h philosophy , 28 , 48 ; philosophical issue s raise d by , 48 ; an d antisemitism, 287 ; futur e of , 298 ; sig n of redemption , 239 ; freedo m in , 2 9 3 94; oppose d t o violence , 2 8 4 - 8 5 , 294 ; as Jewish freedom , 290 ; instrumenta l value of , 275-76 , 293 ; subordinat e t o Jewish people , 293 ; an d mora l impera tives, 2 9 2 - 9 3 ; Irvin g Greenber g on , 228,229,231,232,234,237 "Status o f th e Jews," 29 1 Steiner, George , 2 4 n.l 4 Steinheim, Solomo n Ludwig , 2 3 n.1 0 Sterilization (o f Jewis h women) , 2 0 8 - 9 Stern, A. , 2 4 n . 15 Strauss, Leo , 11 , 24 n.2 1 Succot, 13 , 2 1, 239 Sudan, 17 0

Takkanot, 4 6 Talmud, 19 , 26 n.43 ; and historica l infor mation, 19 ; view of "righteou s gentiles, " 43 Talmudjude, 8 4 Tanach (Hebre w Bible) , 28 6 Tannenberg, 7 6 Taoist, 4 3 Taylor, Talford , Germa n lega l professio n and Holocaust , 19 6 Technology, an d th e Holocaust , 193-224 ; and grou p identity , 198 ; Auschwit z and, 194 , 195 , 200, 204 , 207 , 208 , 211, 213 , 214; an d genocide , 200 ; zyk lon B . gas, 195 , 211; and Treblinka , 200, 213 ; compare d t o atomi c bomb , 195; an d uniqueness , 193 , 195 ; ga s chambers, 195 , 197 , 211 ; and loyalt y t o Fiihrer, 197 ; crematoria , 195 , an d Kant , 198; an d bureaucracy , 196 ; an d aca demics, 196 ; an d railroads , 196 , 2 0 1 2; an d industry , 196 , 208 ; an d th e lega l profession, 196 ; an d th e churches , 196 ; and th e medica l profession , 196 ; an d Manichean ideolog y o f Nazism , 202 ; and slav e labor , 202 , 208 ; an d medica l experiments, 203 , 2 0 8 - 1 1 ; an d effi ciency o f killin g operations , 203 , 2 1 114; an d exploitatio n o f th e dead , 203 , 2 1 4 - 2 1 ; an d racia l theory , 209 ; an d good an d evil , 209 ; an d language , 2 1 0 11; an d persecutio n o f Jews , 206 ; an d individual conscience , 207 ; an d sterili zaiton, 2 0 8 - 9 Tefillah (prayer) , 5 0 n. 9 Temple (o f Jerusalem), 19 , 20, 2 5 n.36 ; First Temple , destructio n of , 2 6 n.40 , 235, 262 ; Secon d Temple , destructio n of, 235 , 262 ; Irvin g Greenber g on , 233 . See also entries under Firs t Temple ; Sec ond Templ e Tennyson, Alfred , 65 Teshuvah (repentance) , 62 , 28 6 The Earth Is the Lord's (b y Abraha m Joshua Heschel) , 55, 56 The House of the Dead (b y Fyodo r Dos toevsky), 14 3 The Secret Book (b y Adol f Hitler) , 80 , 85 , 101 n.7 9

314 Index The Struggle for Truth (b y Abraha m Joshua Hesche l [i n Yiddish]) , 55, 70 , 72 n.2 2 Thieme, Karl , Catholi c theolog y afte r Ho locaust, 16 2 Theodicy, an d Holocaust , 4 7 Thoma, Clemens , Catholi c theolog y afte r Holocaust, 16 2 Tikkun olam (repairin g th e world) , 184n.48, 25 7 Tisha B'Av, 239 , 29 7 Tishby, Isaiah , 7 3 n.5 3 Topf, J . A. , an d sons , manufactur e o f cre matoria, 207 ; experiment s i n cremation , 212-13 Torah, 8 , 13 , 14 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 28 , 29, 33 , 35, 3 9 - 4 4 , 45 , 5 1 nn.17 , 19 , 23, 25 , 53, 58, 66, 257, 262 ; Marti n Buber's vie w o f revelatio n an d Torah , 33; interpretation s i n moder n Jewis h philosophy, 3 9 - 4 4 ; an d ethics , 40 , 4 2 43; rabbini c interpretatio n of , 45 ; im portance i n Hasidism , 57 ; absolutenes s of, 66; a s dialectica l nexu s t o God , 43 , 44; kabbalisti c vie w of , 43 , 51 n.25 ; meaningfulness of , 44 ; 'Tora h mi-Sinai' , 28; an d Kantia n critiqu e o f heteron omy, 39 ; an d God' s will , 263 ; an d problem o f creation , 263-64 ; Maimoni dean vie w of , 4 0 - 4 2 ; compare d t o Ho locaust, 16 7 Torah observance , 20 , 2 1 Toronto, 28 8 Totalitarianism, us e o f concep t b y Han nah Arend t an d others , 15 5 n.1 8 'Triumph o f th e will, " i n Nazism , 29 1 Tracy, David , 259 ; Catholi c theolog y afte r Holocaust, 16 2 Transzendenz, Kar l Jaspers's us e of , 1 1 Treblinka, 200 , 289 ; constructio n of , 213 ; experiments i n cremation , 213 ; an d hu man hair , 214 ; Jewish death s therein , 215; an d ga s chambers , 22 3 n.7 9 Troeltsch, Ernst , 10 , 23 n . 11, 3 8 Trotsky, Le v (Leon) , 83 , 141 ; on peas antry, 15 1 Tzahal (Israe l Defens e Forces) , 29 8 Tucker, Robert , o n Hitler' s an d Stalin' s personalities, 15 5 n.20, 16 0 n.5 9 Twersky, Isadore , 5 2 n.2 9

Tzimtzum (divin e contraction) , 2 5 6 - 5 7 ; and Sinaiti c revelation , 256 ; an d theor y of emanation , 256 , 257 ; an d halachah, 257; an d sefirot, 257; an d nitzozot, 257; an d tikkun olam, 257 Ubermensch, 29 3 Uganda, 27 4 Ukraine, 134 , 13 6 Untermenschen, Jew s as , 21 1 Usshiskin, Menachem , 28 6 Van Buren , Paul , Christia n theolog y afte r Holocaust, 16 2 Versailles, Treat y of , 75 , 76 , 7 8 - 8 2 , 94 n.12 , 9 6 nn.33 , 34 , 35 , 9 7 n.40 , 9 8 n . 5 1 , 13 9 Vietnam, 64 , 7 2 n.36, 137 , 17 0 Virgin Mary , 10 9 Vital, David , 30 0 n. 4 Von Balthasar , Han s Urs , 17-18 , 2 5 n.3 3 Wagner, Richard , an d antisemitism , 100n.73, 191n.6 8 Waite, Robert , 95 n.1 3 Waitz, R . E. , testimon y a t Nuremberg , 205 Wars o f Religio n (16t h an d 17t h centu ries), 20 7 Wasserstein, Bernard , 10 2 n.9 6 Weimar Republic , 74-104 , 139 ; rol e o f German defea t i n W.W. I and , 7 5 - 7 8 ; role o f Versaille s Treat y in , 75 , 7 8 - 8 2 ; stereotype o f th e Jew a s revolutionar y in, 75, 82—86 ; caricature o f Jew a s in ternational capitalis t in , 75 , 86—91 ; Jews a s destroyer s o f culture , 9 1 - 9 2 ; "stab i n th e back, " 75 ; "Dawe s Plan, " 76; Jewis h demographic s in , 9 7 n.50 , 98 n.55, 9 9 n.56 ; Weima r courts , 101 nn.74, 75 , 10 3 n . l l l; educatio n in , 94n.l0 West Ban k (o f Jordan River) , 294; settle ments in , 28 0 Weininger, Otto , 29 5 Weizmann, Chaim , 28 6 Wheatcroft, S . G. , o n Sovie t demographi c losses, 15 4 n.17; o n Gula g labo r force , 157n.34 Whitehead, Alfre d North , 4 9 n . l , 5 0 n.1 2

Index 31 5 Wiesel, Elie , 2 3 6 - 3 7 ; o n impac t o f Holo caust, 169—70 ; on survivors ' descrip tions o f Holocaust , 18 6 n.5 7 Wirth, Christian , o n Jew s a t Treblinka , 200 Wissenschaft des Judentums, 1 9 Witches/witchcraft, 106-14 , 13 4 Witch trials , 105 , 106-14 ; versu s Corpus Christi, 106 , 107 ; an d us e o f torture , 107; demographi c evidenc e of , 111-14 ; male witches , 109 ; an d socia l change s of women , 110—11 ; rol e o f th e Inquisi tion in , 1 0 7 - 8 ; mistakenl y compare d t o Holocaust, 113-14 ; an d women , 1 0 8 14; an d misogynism , 1 0 8 - 1 1 ; an d th e devil, 108 ; compare d t o medieva l anti semitism, 110-11 , 11 3 Wittgenstein, Ludwig , 4 9 n . l ; o n privat e languages, 172-73 , 18 5 n.54; 18 6 n.5 8 Women, an d witchcraft , 108-14 ; positiv e medieval view s of , 109-10 , 111 ; in State o f Israel , 294 ; religiou s rol e of , 45; a s witches , 1 0 6 - 1 1 ; slaves , scarcit y of women , 125 ; treatment o f Gyps y women durin g W.W.II , 130 ; statistic s o f witchhunts, 111-1 3 World Wa r I , 14 3

World Zionis t Organization , 28 0 Wyschograd, Michael , 2 4 n.l 4 Yavneh, 2 6 n.40 , 23 4 Yishuv, 276 , 281 , 29 0 R. Yitzcha k o f Drohobitsch , 55 R. Yohana n be n Zakkai , Irvin g Greenber g on, 233-3 4 Yom Ha-Atzmaut (Israel i Independenc e Day), 239 , 240 , 29 7 Yom Ha-Shoah (Holocaus t Remembranc e Day), 23 9 Yom Kippur, 14 , 2 1 , 24 4 Young Turks , evi l of , 16 5 Yom Yerushalayim, 29 7 Zalman, R . Shneu r o f Liadi , 5 1 n.2 1 Zimmerman, Michael , 2 4 n.2 2 Zinoviev, Grigori , 83 , 14 1 Zion, 274 , 28 6 Zionism, Rosenzweig' s understandin g of , 6, 47 , 48 ; an d philosoph y o f history , 4 7 - 4 8 ; an d Jewis h philosophy , 4 8 Zionist Congress , 274 ; Firs t Zionis t Con gress (1897) , 29 4 Zionism Movement , 276 , 27 9